Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia 9781623564803, 9781472593474, 9781623564339

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Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia

Available and Forthcoming Titles in the Education Around the Word Series Series Editor: Colin Brock Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, Colin Brock and Nafsika Alexiadou Education in East Asia, edited by Pei-tseng Jenny Hsieh Education in East and Central Africa, edited by Charl Wolhuter Education in Southern Africa, edited by Clive Harber Education in South-East Asia, edited by Lorraine Pe Symaco Education in West Central Asia, edited by Mah-E-Rukh Ahmed Education in North America, edited by D. E Mulcahy, D. G. Mulcahy and Roger Saul Education in the Commonwealth Caribbean and Netherlands Antilles, edited by Emel Thomas Forthcoming titles: Education in Australia, New Zealand and the Pacific, edited by Michael Crossley, Greg Hancock and Terra Sprague Education in the European Union: Volumes 1 and 2, edited by Trevor Corner Education in the United Kingdom, edited by Colin Brock Education in West Africa, edited by Emefa Takyi-Amoako

Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia Edited by Nadiya Ivanenko

Education Around the World

L ON DON • N E W DE L H I • N E W Y OR K • SY DN EY

Bloomsbury Academic

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www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury is a registered trade mark of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2014 © Nadiya Ivanenko and Contributors, 2014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Nadiya Ivanenko and Contributors have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury Academic or the author. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.



ISBN: HB: 978-1-6235-6480-3 ePDF: 978-1-6235-6433-9 ePub: 978-1-6235-6129-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. Typeset by Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd.

Contents Series Editor’s Preface The Contributors Introduction: Educational Change, Transformation, Reforms – a Regional Overview, Nadiya Ivanenko

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Part One  Eastern Europe

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Belarus: Music Education, Vadzim Yakaniuk Moldova: Challenges and Opportunities, Elizabeth A. Worden Russia: The Governance of Education, Mikhail Lyamzin Russia: Distance Learning, Aleksandr Andreev Russia: Music Education, Vladimir Orlov Turkey: Education and Social Change – Inquiries into Curriculum Reform, Arnd-Michael Nohl and Nazlı R. Ö. Somel 7 Turkey: A Critical Perspective on Educational Leadership and Reform, Ozgur Bolat 8 Turkey: An In-Depth Exploration of ‘FATIH’ Project, Ayse Kok 9 Ukraine: Issues in Educational History and Development, Margaryta Danilko 10 Ukraine: Pedagogy of Freedom as an Alternative to Traditional Education, Alla Rastrygina

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1 2 3 4 5 6

Part Two  Eurasia 11 Armenia: Changes, Challenges and Priorities, Terra Sprague and Christina Sargsyan 12 Azerbaijan: The Role of Teachers in Curriculum Reform, Yuliya Karimova, Elmina Kazimzade and Iveta Silova 13 Georgia: Marketization and Education Post-1991, Maia Chankseliani 14 Israel: Socio-Historical Context and Current Issues, Yaacov Iram 15 Israel: Holocaust Education, Nitza Davidovitch Index

47 65 83 103 127 149 163 185 205 225

227 259 277 303 317 336

Series Editor’s Preface This series will comprise nineteen volumes, between them looking at education in virtually every territory in the world. The initial volume, Education Around the World: A Comparative Introduction, aimed to provide an insight to the field of international and comparative education. It looked at its history and development and then examined a number of major themes at scales from local to regional to global. It is important to bear such scales of observation in mind because the remainder of the series is inevitably regionally and nationally based. The identification of the eighteen regions within which to group countries has sometimes been a very simple task, elsewhere less so. Europe, for example, has four volumes and more than 50 countries. National statistics vary considerably in their availability and accuracy, and in any case date rapidly. Consequently the editors of each volume point the reader towards access to regional and international datasets, available online, that are regularly updated. A key purpose of the series is to give some visibility to a large number of countries that, for various reasons rarely, if ever, have coverage in the literature of this field. This volume, Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia, is additional to the four European volumes mentioned above because it extends to embrace the concept of Eurasia. It largely comprises the former republics of the then USSR. All former Soviet satellite states to the west have joined the European Union, while these were by contrast integral parts of the USSR itself. As such they all retain legacies of the long period of Soviet education, but to different degrees and in different ways as illustrated in the various contributions. Two other countries have been included because they have both European and Asian dimensions. Israel’s Asian qualification is purely geographical, being located as it is in the Middle East. The vast majority of its population is European derived, so it cannot be included in the volume on the Arab World any more than in Europe itself. Turkey shares with Israel a non-Arab identity and is geographically in both Europe and Asia. So both Israel and Turkey are Eurasian. The editor, Dr Nadiya Ivanenko, has completed the extremely difficult task of gathering together writers and contributions from locations where in most cases

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English is not the prime language of education. Traditions of authorship and of publishing are also very different from the West in many cases and this has involved her in much more editorial detail than obtains for many of the other volumes in the series. I am most grateful to her for the very time-consuming task that she has completed so well. Colin Brock Series Editor

The Contributors Aleksandr Andreev is a Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences, Candidate of Technical Sciences, Professor. He is the author of more than 200 published scientific works. He has the certificate ‘The teacher on-line’ Open University (California, USA). Aleksandr is the author and developer of the course ‘Fundamentals of Teaching on the Internet’. He teaches at the Faculty of Pedagogical Education of the Moscow State University after Lomonosov, Sinergiya University, Institute of Qualification Improvement and Vocational Retraining (MIPK). The area of scientific interests includes studying of problems of application of the Internet in education. Ozgur Bolat works as a researcher and faculty member at Bahcesehir University, a researcher at the Leadership for Learning Center at the University of Cambridge, a columnist at the Hurriyet Newspaper and a project coordinator at the Turkish Education Foundation. His main area of research is teacher leadership, educational leadership and school reform. He is also project coordinator at Turkish Education Foundation, where he implements qualityenhancing school reforms. Maia Chankseliani is a researcher based at the Department of Education at Oxford University. Her research encompasses various aspects of equitable and effective provision of education internationally. Maia’s primary areas of expertise are higher education access, vocational excellence and workforce development/ employability. She is currently working on a comparative study looking at marketization of education systems in post-Soviet countries. Maia Chankseliani has a doctorate from the University of Cambridge and a master’s from Harvard University. Margaryta Danilko is Professor of Translation and General Linguistics Department, Kirovograd State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. Dr Danilko has broad research interests: linguistics, educational response to vulnerable children, teaching for critical thinking, public speaking and debate skills teaching and English Language Teaching (ELT) methods. She took part in the Joint UNESCO

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Chair – UNITWIN Project ‘Education as a Humanitarian Response’ at the University of Oxford in 2005–2008 and participated in BECA joint project ‘Education for Democracy’ between Montclair State University (the USA) and Kirovograd State Pedagogical University (Ukraine) 2000–2003. Nitza Davidovich currently serves in teaching and administrative positions at Ariel University. She is a Director of Academic Development & Evaluation. Areas of interest include academic curriculum development; development of academic instruction; Holocaust awareness and Jewish identity; director of student exchange programmes with Germany and Poland; preservation of the heritage of Jewish sects; and moral education. Academic administration: leader of academic assessment process at the Ariel University on behalf of the CHE; initiation and development of national and international academic collaboration; and curriculum development and development of curricula for special-needs populations. Yaacov Iram is the Chairholder of the UNESCO Chair on Human Rights, Democracy, Peace and International Education and the Josef Burg Chair in Education for Human Values, Tolerance and Peace, at the School of Education of Bar-Ilan University, Israel. He is Professor of History and Comparative/ International Education. His research interests, teaching and publication are in comparative education and social history of education, educational policy, higher education, multiculturalism and peace education. He has been a Visiting Fulbright Scholar in Residence and Visiting Professor in American and European Universities. Nadiya Ivanenko is Professor, Vice Dean of the Faculty of Foreign Languages, Kirovograd State Pedagogical University, Ukraine. Postgraduate research at the Department of Educational Studies, University of Oxford (2003–2004). Participation in the joint UNESCO Chair/UNITWIN project ‘Education as a Humanitarian Response’ (2005–2008). Member of the BECA joint project ‘Education for Democracy’ between Montclair State University, USA and Kirovograd State Pedagogical University, Ukraine (2000–2003). Yuliya Karimova works as Curriculum and Teaching Center Head in European Azerbaijan School in Baku and teaches Fundamentals of Education and Education Policy courses at Baku State University. She worked as a manager for Teachers Professional Development programme at the Center for Innovations

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in Education and led various projects, including baseline and mid-term observational studies as the research team leader and co-author of the final analytical reports. Yuliya received a Master of Education (M.Ed.) degree in curriculum and teaching studies from Kent State University, OH. She holds a Master of Arts (M.A.) degree in modern Russian literature from Baku State University and she is currently pursuing doctoral studies at the Department of Pedagogy at Baku State University. Elmina Kazimzade has graduated from the Department of Psychology at Moscow State University and holds a Ph.D. from the Psychology Research Institute of Ukraine. She teaches at the Department of Psychology and Social Sciences at Baku State University and acts as the Director of the Center for Innovations in Education in Baku, Azerbaijan. Elmina worked as Education Director and Deputy Director of OSIAF for eight years, implementing various education projects in cooperation with the state institutions (e.g., Ministry of Education, Ministry of Youth and Sport, Parliament of Azerbaijan) and international organizations (e.g., the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, Council of Europe, etc.). Ayse Kok completed her MSc degree in University of Oxford. She worked as a consultant for various international digital learning projects held in partnership with EU, UN and NATO. Currently, Ayse is a part-time lecturer in Bogazici University in Istanbul, Turkey. She is also the manager of the e-learning department of an international bank in Istanbul, Turkey. Ayse participated as a presenter at several international conferences and published over 20 articles in international journals. Michael Lyamzin is Professor of the Moscow State Linguistic University (Russia). He holds the Doctor of Education (1998) and Professor of Education (2000) degrees. His work experience in higher education is for more than 25 years. Main research interests include the development of the education system of the Russian Federation, the theory and technology of instruction (didactics) in higher education, history of education and teaching. He has more than 120 publications. He is an expert on the state accreditation of educational institutions of the Federal Service for Supervision in the sphere of science and education. Arnd-Michael Nohl is Professor and chair in education science at Helmut Schmidt University/University of the Federal Armed Forces, Hamburg, Germany.

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Previously he worked at Freie Universität Berlin, Magdeburg University, and as an independent consultant. Among his publications are Work in Transition (co-authored, 2013), Education in Turkey (co-edited, 2008) and, in German, Pedagogy of Things (2011), Interview and Documentary Method (2012), Concepts of Intercultural Education (2010) and Education and Spontaneity (2006). His main areas of research include the philosophy of education, intercultural and comparative education, as well as qualitative methodology. Alla Rastrygina is Professor, Doctor of Pedagogics, Head of the Department of Vocal-Choral Studies and Methods of Musical Education at Kirovograd State Pedagogical Volodymyr Vynnychenko University. She successfully works to create her own scientific school. Alla is a scientific advisor to PhD students, who become the candidates of pedagogical sciences and associate professors and they work in various universities of Ukraine. She has over 150 scientific publications, including monographs, research papers, manuals, scientific and methodological articles on modernization theory and practice of music education and pedagogy of Ukraine and implementation of pedagogy of freedom in the domestic educational space. Currently Professor Rastrigina is a member of two specialized scientific councils on doctoral theses. Christina Sargsyan is a Research Officer at the International Center for Human Development (www.ichd.org). Her expertise includes analysis of education policies with special interest in secondary and higher education, policy transfer, lifelong learning and civics. Christina has extensive experience as a trainer in topics such as learning theories and teaching methodologies, mentoring, effective communication skills and construction of public narratives. Iveta Silova, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor and Program Director of Comparative and International Education in the College of Education, Lehigh University, Pennsylvania, USA. Her research and publications cover a range of issues critical to understanding globalization and post-socialist education transformation processes, including professional development of teachers and teacher educators, gender equity in Eastern/Central Europe and Central Asia, minority/multicultural education in the former Soviet Union, as well as the scope, nature and implications of private tutoring in a cross-national perspective. Her last two edited volumes include Globalization on the Margins: Education and Post-Socialist Transformations in Central Asia (2011) and PostSocialism Is Not Dead: (Re) reading the Global in Comparative Education

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(2010). She is the editor of European Education: Issues and Studies (a quarterly peer-reviewed journal). R. Nazlı Somel is a PhD student and project assistant at Helmut Schmidt University, Hamburg, Germany. Her dissertation is on the inequality of education, in which she is working on the translation of social inequalities into the educational inequalities by analyzing inequality mechanisms in an Istanbul primary school. Within the project titled ‘Education and Social Change’, she conducted interviews and group discussions in five public primary schools in Turkey, in order to understand the effects of social and educational differences on the curriculum practices. She is interested in politics of education, multidimensionality of educational inequality, school organization and the documentary method. Terra Sprague is a Research Fellow at the Research Centre for International and Comparative Studies (ICS) and member of the Education in Small States research group (www.smallstates.net) at the University of Bristol Graduate School of Education, UK. She has worked as an educational consultant and has professional experience in teacher training and special education in the Republic of Armenia. Her research is in the areas of education development, policy in small states and educational assessment. Terra is Convenor of the UKFIET International Conference on Education and Development and Managing Editor of the UKFIET Community of Practice (www.ukfiet.org/cop). Elizabeth Anderson Worden is Assistant Professor of International Education at American University in Washington, DC. Her primary research examines how governments foster identities and belonging through formal education during social and political transition. Dr. Worden’s book National Identity and Education Reform: Contested Classrooms (2014) examines the role of social memory and teaching history in the development of national identity in post-Soviet Moldova. She has published articles in Compare: A Journal of Comparative Education, Journal of European Education and Comparative Education Review. Dr. Worden’s larger research interests include history teaching, history textbooks, memory, citizenship education, nationalism and national identity and international exchange. Vadzim Yakaniuk is a Doctor of Sciences, Head of the Division of Musical Pedagogics, History and Theory of Performance Arts (The Belarusian State

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Academy of Music), Academician of the International High Education Academy of Science, Moscow, and Belarusian National Academy of Education; President of Belarusian Piano Teachers Association, Head of the Council for defending master theses in the Belarusian Academy of Music (Music Arts) and Head of The Нigher Сertifying Commission of Belarus (Pedagogics). The main directions of scientific research are musical education (theory, genesis, contents, didactics), psychology of musical activities (motivation, needs, interests) and methods of piano teaching. V. Yakonyuk is the author of more than 300 scientific works. He delivered lectures and participated in international conferences in the universities of the USA, Germany, Spain, China, Slavonia, Poland, Lithuania, Georgia, Russia, etc.

Introduction: Educational Change, Transformation, Reforms – a Regional Overview Nadiya Ivanenko

Introduction After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, a transition process began in Eastern Europe. The collapse of communism and the adoption of parliamentary democracy dramatically influenced educational systems in the countries formerly under the control of the Soviet Union. Social transformation led to rapid and dramatic educational change in the region. Most reforms were undertaken to adapt educational systems to the new requirements of the labour market. Market economies demand new abilities of students such as management skills and high flexibility. In the transition period to the global market economy education is identified as a key element of political and economic change. Today’s post-communist reformers see education as an important vehicle for the revival of civil society, according to Charles Glenn, author of Educational Freedom in Eastern Europe (Glenn 1995). The countries acknowledged the need to redevelop educational systems during the rebuilding process and embraced this transformation in a short period of time. The process of this so-called ‘transition’ is characterized by three main components: (a) a move from a totalitarian political system to a democratic system; (b) overcoming deep economic crises by moving to a free market economy; and (c) modernization and adjustment to global changes (Rado 2001). It is important to note that even structural changes in educational policy, and in the educational system itself, do not automatically result in higher quality and increased external efficiency. As a consequence of this transition, educational policies are usually fragmented. For example, decentralization of the governance of education is a part of overall changes

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in the public administration system, whereas the new system of financing of education is part of the treasury reform. The direction and the structural characteristics of the transition in education can be described as combining old and new approaches in these educational systems. All the countries except Israel and Turkey faced the need to end the ideological control of the system. Furthermore, educational change led to decentralization and liberalization in educational management by breaking down the state monopoly. Another issue of the reforms was to improve the quality of education. The new reforms focus on the quality of curricula and examinations, on the specific learning interests of pupils and on the improvement of the in-service training of the teachers (Botezat and Seiberlich 2011:13). Despite that the researched countries share to some extent a common political past (except Israel and Turkey): they are very diverse nations with their own unique characteristics that have shaped the process of their educational transformation. The countries of the region are at different stages in this systemic transformation process. In general, systems of education in the countries at the beginning of the transformation were quite developed at all levels, securing high access to primary and secondary education. The reforms in secondary education included decentralization of the administration of schools, providing multiple authorities a chance to speak on education. Additionally, national schools were established to promote national culture and language. Moreover, the variety of types of schools increased, changing from only one basic school to more specialized institutions like gymnasiums, lyceums, technical or vocational schools, all in addition to private schools. However, the most essential achievements are rather notable successes in higher education. Political liberalization and decentralization increased university autonomy, giving them more flexibility in developing curricula and other education programmes. To sum it all up, we might say that the real meaning of the reform during the transition period above all is managing systemic transformation. Owing to the transformation of the constitutional and political superstructure, the liberalization of media, the fast-growing NGO sector, the increasing role of market forces and other significant changes, it is not possible to run educational reforms in the same way as in the communist period. In all the regions reform efforts aim mainly at transforming the systemic environment of schools. In addition, they are driven by new ideological, political and social considerations. Creation of conditions of policymaking and implementation is an inherent component of the reform.

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Education for all Providing education for all has been a core objective of many governments since the launch of the Millennium Development Goals a decade ago. The past decade has seen some advances towards education for all in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. As a result, enrolment in basic and secondary education has increased significantly in all the countries of the regions involved. Many countries have made remarkable progress on access to basic education, and now have achieved almost universal primary education. Literacy rates are high, and gender gaps in primary and secondary education are small. In Central Asia, many more children are moving from primary school to secondary education. Yet major challenges remain. Some countries are still registering increasing numbers of children not enrolled in school. Levels of learning achievement are low in some countries and the learning needs of young people and adults suffer from neglect. While Eastern Europe has stepped up its investment in education, the share of national income devoted to education in Central Asia has declined to a lower level. On the other hand, external aid to basic education has increased in recent years, particularly in Central Asia (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011).

Early childhood care and education Early childhood education is a concept of intervention for supporting physical and intellectual growth of children in their early years of life. This is, of course, within the broader notion of early childhood development. The latter provides significant long-term benefits for future learning and it helps ensure that children begin school with talents required for successful learning. Early childhood development interventions include several strategies and are aimed at mental development in the early years of childhood (Young and Richardson 2007; Almond and Currie 2011). For early childhood development to be the most effective it is crucial to provide for both children and their families, to be targeted to the most disadvantaged, to be of adequate duration, intensity and quality and to integrate educational services with family support, health and nutrition components (Engle et al. 2007). Indicators of child well-being are high for Eastern Europe, but still comparatively low for Central Asia. Large disparities exist between and within the countries in both regions. Child mortality is a characteristic indicator of progress towards early childhood care and education. Child mortality rates

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continue to decline. Over the past decade, these rates have fallen in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. On average, 52 of every 1000 children born in Central Asia will not reach age five, compared with 19 of every 1000 in Eastern Europe. There are also large differences in under-five mortality rates across countries (e.g. from 53 in Azerbaijan and 36 in Georgia to 12 in Belarus and 15 in Ukraine) (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 13). The risk of childhood death is closely connected with household wealth and maternal education. In Azerbaijan, the under-five mortality rate is 68 per 1000 among children of mothers with no education but 58 for mothers having some secondary education. More educated women have better access to reproductive health information and are more likely to have fewer children and to provide them with better nutrition, all of which reduce the risk of child mortality. Malnutrition is one of the major barriers for achieving successful results in involving all citizens in the process of education. Poor nutrition prevents children from developing healthy bodies and minds. Sharp increases in food prices in 2008 and beyond, combined with the global recession, continue to undermine efforts to combat healthy nutrition in several countries in the region. On average, 19 per cent of children under age five in three countries of Central Asia are affected by moderate or severe stunting (e.g. short of stature for their age) whereas the corresponding figure for the researched countries of Eastern Europe is 8 per cent. The prevalence is particularly high in Azerbaijan: 25 per cent of children suffer from stunting (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 13). Pre-primary education participation has increased significantly in many countries of the region. However, the regional gross enrolment ratios of 29 per cent in Central Asia and 66 per cent in Eastern Europe (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 13) indicate that many children in both regions are still excluded from pre-primary education. The rate of progress in increasing enrolment in pre-primary education has been uneven: from 98 per cent in Ukraine to 18 per cent in Turkey, though coming from different base figures. This problem is caused by significant differences in access across various socioeconomic backgrounds: the poorest families have, on average, four more children than the richest. The latter have at least one child enrolled in kindergarten (Aran et al. 2009). It means that children who are enrolled in early child development institutions do not come from the high-risk groups who would especially benefit from early education. As a result, children from poor families begin primary school without any preparation and therefore begun their educational life lagging behind their peers. Some countries made initial advances in the first half of the

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2000s whereas others began to progress more recently. For example, pre-primary gross enrolment ratios grew faster in the first half of the decade in Georgia and Ukraine whereas progress has been more rapid after 2004 in Turkey.

Reaching universal primary education Over the past decade, progress towards universal primary education has been uneven across the countries of Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Although many countries have relatively high primary enrolment rates, in some the numbers of children not enrolled are increasing, for example, in Moldova. Despite demographic changes due to declining fertility rates, the regional primary adjusted net enrolment ratios (ANERs) remained about the same over the decade to stand in both regions at an average of 94 per cent in 2008. However, primary ANERs increased between 1999 and 2008 in all but one of the nine countries with sufficient data, whereas Moldova has data decreases. Progress towards universal primary education was particularly strong in Azerbaijan, whose primary ANERs increased by more than seven percentage points each between 1999 and 2008 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 13). Parents have more freedom than before to choose the schools their children will attend. Not only can they freely choose non-government schools, but they can also work with others to create new independent schools. Being able to attend any such schools tends to secure the entrance to a high-quality higher education establishment, which may result in a much favourable position when the individual joins the labour market. Attendance at high-quality schools is associated with the differences in socio-economic and family backgrounds of individuals. Access to such institutions depends on successful results in the secondary education entrance exams; hence, some pupils begin taking private tutorials at the age of ten. But because access to private tutoring depends on the family income, enrolment in the top secondary schools is highly correlated with family income and wealth. This increases inequality and disparity as to which pupils enter the education system and what they achieve when in it. Numbers of children out of school are declining, but at varying speeds. Many children are still remaining out of school. Turkey faces a decline of the number of children out of school, but still had 340,000 children out of school in 2011. A continuation to 2015 of the shorter 2004–2009 trend for Turkey, however, would mean a decrease of about two-thirds in the out-of-school number to just over 130,000 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 3). Beginning school at the optimum age is still a challenge in some countries. Getting

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children into primary school then, ensuring that they progress smoothly and facilitating completion are all key elements in advancing towards universal primary education. Some countries in Central Asia are struggling to get children into primary school at the official starting age. In 2008, only three-quarters of children beginning school in Central Asia were of official primary school age, and the rate went as low as 54 per cent in Armenia (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 3). However, rapid change is possible. In Georgia, the share of children starting school at the official age increased from 66 per cent in 1999 to 97 per cent in 2008 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 3). The expansion of the primary education system ran alongside a simultaneous step-up of urbanization. It resulted in a significant increase in class sizes across the urban schools. Once children are enrolled at the right age, the challenge is to retain them and get them through school. High rates of survival to the last grade of primary school are observed in all the researched countries. On average in 2007, 97 per cent of children beginning primary school in the researched countries reached the top grade, though Georgia saw a decline in the survival rate for both regions, from 99 per cent in 1999 to 95 per cent in 2007 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 3). Prospects for entry, progression and completion of primary school are closely linked to household circumstances. Children who are poor, are from rural or from ethnic or linguistic minorities face a higher risk of dropping out. Having achieved close to universal participation in primary education, many countries need to improve the quality of education. To address this issue they begin with basic education, as the quality of student learning in the initial years of education has a major impact on quality in later years. The numerous steps include increasing preschool enrolment, lowering the number of students per class, increasing the number of qualified teachers by subject area and introducing a concept of quality through lifelong learning and improved institutional capacity and efficiency. Basic education is the foundation of education and learning and, as such, is the point where Turkey commenced its push for education for all. As a result, Turkey has made remarkable progress on access to basic education and now has almost universal primary school enrolment – a 98.4 per cent net enrolment rate as of 2010–2011. The gap in access across regions has also narrowed significantly over time, although enrolment continues to vary significantly across regions (Improving the Quality and Equity of Basic Education in Turkey; Challenges and Options. Executive Summary 2011).

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Secondary school attendance The skills developed through education are vital not just for the wellbeing of young people and adults, but also for employment and economic prosperity. The level of students’ knowledge and skills is strongly associated with economic growth. Attending school has a substantial impact on the future economic development of the country, but only if students acquire the high-quality knowledge and skills needed to access the labour market. The quality of education provided by the system is what really matters to achieve long-term gains in economic growth (Hanushek and Wößmann 2007). Notwithstanding an increase in secondary school enrolment in recent years, many countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia struggle to expand appropriate learning and life-skills programmes. Secondary school participation has stagnated in Eastern Europe, but continues to expand in Central Asia. Despite a significant decline in the size of the secondary school-age population in Eastern Europe, the region’s secondary GER has increased by only 1 per cent since 1999, to reach 88 per cent in 2008 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 3). Nearly 1.7 million adolescents were still outside the education system in 2008 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 3). Participation levels remained relatively low in some countries in Eastern Europe, with GERs of 85 per cent in the Russian Federation, 88 per cent in Moldova and 82 per cent in Turkey. In sharp contrast, Central Asia saw a rapid expansion in secondary education, with the regional GER increasing from 83 per cent in 1999 to 95 per cent in 2008. Progress was most marked in oil-rich Azerbaijan, where the secondary GER rose from 78 per cent in 1999 to 106 per cent in 2008 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 3). Secondary school attendance and completion are strongly influenced by poverty, location and gender. Among 23–27-year-olds in Armenia, those from the wealthiest 20 per cent of households have a secondary completion rate of 34 per cent, compared with 8 per cent for the poorest 20 per cent. In Ukraine, for example, the urban poor are 1.7 times more likely to complete secondary school as are the rural poor (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011). Large proportions of young people from rich households are able to attain foundation skills regardless of whether they are male or female. Gender discrimination occurs among the poorest households. In Turkey, almost all young people from rich households, both male and female, achieve foundation skills, whereas only

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30 per cent of poor young women in this country do so (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2012).

Higher education Life-long learning and adult education and training are of growing significance, as there exist increasing demands for skilled labour related to accelerating technological change in modern societies. Although building adult learning systems is critically important, their overall priorities in individual countries depend on economic conditions and their most pressing education challenges. Second-chance programmes can provide a skills development lifeline to youth and adults who missed out on earlier opportunities, but such programmes are rare in some countries in this region. Moreover, their results are mixed. In some cases, graduates gain few employable skills. Experience shows, however, that when courses are properly resourced and designed to generate skills that employers need, much can be achieved. Successful adult education and training systems are based on policy coordination and partnership of government agencies and the private sector. Both regions made strong progress in participation in higher education. In an increasingly knowledge-based global economy, higher education systems play a vital role in skills development. The region’s GER in Eastern Europe rose from 38 per cent in 1999 to 64 per cent in 2008. Total enrolment in tertiary education in Central Asia increased by around two-thirds over the period, to 2.1 million, with the region’s GER climbing from 19 per cent to 25 per cent (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 4). Structural reform of higher education in Eastern and Central Europe since 1989 has been driven by the conviction that the university and academic research institutions inherited from the Soviet system are both economically inefficient and out of touch with society’s needs. University admissions reform was the most significant contribution to the changing system of higher education. The Soviet model of university admissions was based on written and oral examinations conducted and graded by separate institutions. Students often demonstrated not necessarily knowledge, but learning by heart, reproduction of prepared essays and the retelling of memorized texts. Furthermore, because institutional testing centres were generally located only in the institution to which the student was applying, the old Soviet model was not appropriate for students from geographically remote regions wishing to apply to prestigious and other universities in major cities.

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To some degree, the Russian Federation was a leading force in implementing university admissions reform initiatives. In 1999, the Russian Ministry of Education established the National Testing Center. The objectives of the centre included the promotion of democratic conditions for university admissions, the reduction of costs for high-school graduates from remote corners of the country wishing to apply to prestigious universities and the timely disclosure of results to the mass media. After the signing of the Bologna Accords in 2003, not only new curricula but new processes of pedagogy, including student-centred methods, were presented (Johnson 2010). A new unified state examination was introduced in 2004 in Russia. Other countries of the former Soviet Union followed Russia’s lead in introducing centralized admissions procedures and implementing unified testing. In May 2005, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine signed onto the Bologna Process. Russia joined the process in 2003, Belarus was the exception. The legislation of the countries introduced a two-tier (bachelor’s and master’s) system, which was to be gradually implemented across all countries. The system also provided for the integration of transfer and accumulation credits to promote student and faculty mobility, and promote cooperation in ensuring quality standards. Nearly every post-Soviet republic has maintained and built upon new degree structures, which currently exists in parallel with the traditional five-year diploma. However, while structural reform is one of the main goals of the Bologna Process, little progress has been made with regard to curriculum reform, which is a central aspect of the harmonization process.

Adult literacy Literacy enables people with better livelihoods, improved health and expanded opportunity to succeed. It provides an opportunity to take an active role in their communities and to build more secure futures for their families. Overall adult literacy rates are high in both regions, although disparities exist across and within countries. Over the past two decades, the average adult literacy rates have increased slightly in both regions, reaching 98 per cent in Eastern Europe and 99 per cent in Central Asia for 2005–2008. The absolute numbers of adults lacking basic literacy and numeracy skills fell by more than one-third in Eastern Europe and by more than three-fifths in Central Asia. Yet there are countries where adults were still illiterate in 2008, almost 6000 of them in Turkey. Countries of Central Asia had just over 53,000 illiterate adults, with 33,000 of them in Azerbaijan (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 4).

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Disparities in literacy rates exist within countries. On average, the two regions have achieved gender parity in adult literacy, but disparities between women and men still exist in some countries. In particular, women’s literacy rate in Turkey was 81 per cent in 2007 – fifteen percentage points lower than that of men (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 4). Patterns of literacy are also strongly related to wealth and household location, with poor rural women being the most marginalized. In some countries, literacy rates among ethnic and language minority groups can fall far behind those of larger population groups. Rural youth are among the most disadvantaged groups of the society in terms of education and especially work-related education. National policies and development strategies of the countries still lack initiatives that focus on rural areas (Engel 2012). In many countries, there are large numbers of workers in low-skilled and low-paid jobs. Labour market information systems are needed in rural areas to assess and respond to changing skills needs, but in many countries they are inadequate or do not exist at all (Sparreboom and Powell 2009). Distance learning can be one of the successful means to access secondary or higher education, taking into account how many people lack it. Effective and affordable policies and programmes exist. Turkey is among the countries that have established innovative learning approaches operating parallel to the formal education system. These distance learning programmes offer greatly reduced tuition fees, free textbooks and online training materials. They aim to reach the youth with physical disabilities, prisoners, children in rural areas and young people who drop out to work. Indeed, Turkey’s recent experience shows that literacy policy can be effective: although its adult literacy rate is still relatively low for the two regions, it has risen by more than nine percentage points in the past 15–20 years. Effective literacy programmes tend to combine strong leadership with clear targets backed by financial commitments, and teach relevant skills using appropriate methods and language of instruction.

Gender parity and equality A large majority of countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia have achieved gender parity in primary and secondary school enrolment, though gender disparities in higher education remain widespread in both regions. Gender parity in primary education has been achieved in both regions. In 2008, the ratio of girls to boys – that is, the gender parity index (GPI) – in primary education was 0.99 in Eastern Europe and 0.98 in Central Asia (Education For

Introduction

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All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 4). Gender parity had been achieved at the primary school level in all countries. Levels of gender parity in secondary education are high. In secondary education, both regions have moved slightly farther away from gender parity but still register high levels: the secondary GPI of GER was 0.96 in Eastern Europe and 0.98 in Central Asia in 2008 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 4). All the researched countries in Eastern Europe have achieved gender parity at the secondary level. Gender disparity to the advantage of boys is most marked in Turkey, where the secondary GPI was 0.89 in 2008. The researched countries in Central Asia with data have uneven achievements in gender parity in secondary education. For the four countries not yet at parity, the pattern of disparities is mixed: in Armenia girls are more likely than boys to be enrolled in secondary education, while the opposite holds in Georgia.

Teacher quality Teachers are the most important school factor influencing pupils’ achievement. Having effective teachers can substantially close the achievement gap between low-income and high-income students, and low-performing students benefit more from more effective teachers. Improving teacher quality leads to vital results in student performance (Hanushek 2008). Teacher quality works through two channels, both as an input to the educational system and as part of the process that generates student learning (Goe 2007). Teachers’ qualifications and characteristics are crucial input factors: the type of education and certification, the teachers’ knowledge in a given area of expertise, experience in the field and, of course, teachers’ personality traits. The quality of teachers depends much on state-of-the-art teaching practices. In other words, teachers’ degree of planning, instruction delivery, classroom management and interaction with students play a fundamental role in learning achievement. A critical issue for the researched countries to sustain an education system that is internationally competitive relies in recruiting, retaining, developing and maintaining high-quality teachers. For many countries the demand for, supply and quality of teachers are significant points of concern. A comparatively low socio-economic status of teachers prevents highly qualified students from opting for the teaching profession. To increase the quality of education and teaching, schools need to attract good teachers and retain the best and effective ones. As a result of this increasing demand for teachers, in Turkey, for example, teachers

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Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia

tend to be, on average, much younger, less experienced and of much lower quality. According to the results of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 50 per cent of Turkish teachers are less than 30 years old, which compares poorly with other countries where the number is barely higher than 15 per cent. Insufficient quality of teachers is partially related to the lack of a strong professional approach to teaching careers. This is the result of a combination of poor pre-service training, lack of access to learning resources while teaching and the lack of professional development opportunities to improve the quality of their interactive teaching skills. In-service training differs greatly across the countries of the two regions. For example, the average Turkish teacher gets in-service training only once a lifetime, whereas a Ukrainian teacher gets inservice training every five years. As a result of all these factors, many teachers are not sufficiently equipped to engage students’ interest and enthusiasm, teach interactively or offer stimulating learning experiences that help students construct their own knowledge and skills. It is important to mention that educational policymakers around the world have begun to see teaching careers in terms of lifelong learning, in which experienced teachers attend ongoing professional development programmes. An important factor of low teacher quality is related to pay and conditions. But the issue is not so straightforward. On the one hand, the level of teachers’ salaries in almost all the countries seems to be lower than in the other developed countries of the world. An average teacher gets two times less than his/her counterpart in the western European countries, for example. On the other hand, teacher salaries are comparable with the average country when they are measured as a proportion of per capita.

Quality assurance Levels of learning achievement vary widely across countries in the region. Progress in education quality depends on having sufficient teachers and ensuring that they are properly trained and supported. In 2008, Eastern Europe had experienced a 17 per cent decline in primary school teachers since 1999. Declining primary school populations lowered the pupil/teacher ratios to 18:1. Teacher recruitment at the secondary level showed an 11 per cent decrease. The average pupil/teacher ratio in secondary education was 11:1 in 2008 (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 5).

Introduction

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International learning assessments have highlighted large differences in learning achievements between some countries and deep inequalities within countries. The 2006 Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) assessed the reading skills of grade 4 students in 40 countries across the world against four international benchmarks. In middle-income countries such as Georgia, a majority of students had not acquired basic reading skills even after four years of primary school. In contrast, the Russian Federation was among the top performers among the 40 countries, with a majority of students scoring at the two highest benchmarks. School selection processes often influence variations in performance. Highperforming schools often draw students from more advantaged catchment areas. In many cases, they also apply selection criteria that have the effect of excluding children from disadvantaged homes. One recent study in Turkey showed that school admission procedures led to clustering of students from similar socio-economic backgrounds in particular schools. This resulted in wide learning disparities between rich and poor students, and to peer-group effects that re-enforced initial disadvantages. Managing school selection processes to achieve a more diverse social mix can help counteract sources of inequality in learning achievement (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011).

Financing education Education is one of the most profitable investments from both an individual and social point of view. Public spending on education is a vital investment in national prosperity and has a crucial bearing on progress towards the Education for All (EFA) goals. Several countries in both regions backed up stronger economic growth between 1999 and 2008 with increased commitments to education, but the recent financial crisis had an adverse impact on government spending in education in some other countries. Plans to reduce fiscal deficits among donor and national governments in the coming years also threaten future increases in education spending. Financial commitment to education has risen in Eastern Europe, with education spending rising from 4.6 per cent in 1999 to 5.1 per cent in 2008. Half the ten countries with data increased their education financing effort over the period, and in the Republic of Moldova it grew by nearly three percentage points to 7.5 per cent (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 5).

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Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia

Central Asia as a whole registered a large decrease in its financial commitment: the share of national income invested in education fell from 4.0 per cent in 1999 to 3.2 per cent in 2008 – well below the world median value of 5 per cent. The decline was highest in Azerbaijan, with a drop from 4.3 per cent to 2.1 per cent (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 5). Some governments are investing more in education. The period from 1999 to 2008 was marked by high economic growth. The rate at which growth is converted into increased education spending depends on wider public spending decisions. In more than half of the countries in the region, real growth in education spending was higher than economic growth rates. However, the remaining countries converted a smaller share of their growth premium into education financing. In Azerbaijan, for example, the economy grew at 16.3 per cent a year on average, yet real spending on education rose by only 7.8 per cent a year (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 6). Although the impact of the financial crisis and higher food prices on education financing varies across the countries, some have been badly damaged. A recent survey of 2009–2010 shows some clear warning signs for a deepening crisis in education financing. However, some countries from the two regions included in the survey increased education spending in 2009 – Moldova by 2.9 per cent and Ukraine by 1.7 per cent (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 6). Turkey, for example, is characterized by a very large proportion of expenditure covered by private investment. A sizeable portion of private funding goes to the private tutoring system. This system was born as a studentdriven response to the institutionalization of the two national exams and has developed since into one of the biggest industries in the Turkish economy. The bulk of the private tutoring system takes the form of private tutoring centres. The private tutoring system provides formal employment to more than 50,000 teachers. The significant disparities in private financing of education of the researched countries of the region are reinforced by significant differences in the distribution of money resources from public funding across a country. As a matter of fact, the bulk of the financing of public education, especially for pre-university levels, highly centralized and very rigidly based on a fully norm-based scheme by which per school allocations are determined on the basis of a few inputs like the number of classes, pupils and teachers, but not on the basis of real needs driven by demand factors. International aid to education continued expanding in both regions. National policies and financing have been the main sources of progress

Introduction

15

towards the EFA goals in the two regions. Yet international aid plays a key supplementary role in the regions’ poorest countries. Averaged over 2007 and 2008, aid disbursements for education in Eastern Europe amounted to 69 per cent increase from the 2002–2003 level. Aid to education to Central Asia increased even more sharply, by 102 per cent, in 2007–2008. The largest aid recipients were Turkey in Eastern Europe at US$177 million in 2007–2008 and Georgia in Central Asia at US$59 million (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 6). Basic education has low priority in aid allocations: in 2007– 2008, only 17 per cent of all aid to education in Eastern Europe and 28 per cent in Central Asia was allocated to this level. Aid allocations for basic education to individual countries varied considerably, ranging in Eastern Europe from US$2 per primary school age child in Ukraine to US$49 in Moldova, and in Central Asia from US$5 per child in Azerbaijan to US$101 in Georgia. The allocation of aid to basic education across countries often appears arbitrary and does not always benefit the countries with the largest financing requirements (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011: 5).

Education Reforms The majority of education reforms in the region can be described with four main characteristics: (a) depolarization of education; (b) breaking down the state monopoly in education by allowing private schools to be established; (c) increased choices in schooling options; and (d) decentralization in the management and administration of the education system. Remarkable progress has been made in reforming areas such as curriculum, textbooks and pedagogy: curricula have been updated; a private textbook industry has emerged; and significant changes were made in teacher training and evaluation practices. Other areas are overloaded with many problems, and are accordingly more difficult to improve. They include: rationalizing the number of institutions, establishing coherent education legislation, redistributing educational property and redefining local finance and administrative control. In addition to budgetary restraints, issues related to equity, equality of opportunity, quality and efficiency, accommodation of demographic changes and the growing social and economic inequalities among students pose constant challenges to the reforms. In many countries still the reforms are largely supported by international programmes such as World Bank projects, as well as from bilateral schemes sponsored by

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Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia

Western European and North American governments and/or private foundations such as the Soros Foundation and Open Society Foundation.

Armed conflict and education The impact of armed conflict on education has been often disregarded. The hidden crisis is enhancing poverty, disrupting economic growth and retaining back the progress of nations. Armed conflict is a major barrier to education. Countries affected by conflict hardly focus on the goals of education. Violent conflict also aggravates/intensifies/sharpens disparities within countries linked to wealth and gender. As a result, conflict-affected areas often fall far behind the rest of a country. Conflicts in the countries of the former Soviet Union have been characterized by scenes of intense violence. Many of the conflicts have induced large-scale displacement, social disturbance and physical injury. Moreover they have caused losses in opportunities for education for some vulnerable populations. In several countries, including Georgia, displacement often lasts for many years. Many refugees live in urban areas and in poor environment. Often refugees do not have access to public education and basic services. The conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh between Azerbaijan and Armenia has been still remaining unsolved. Thousands of people remain displaced, and many children face severe difficulties in access to good-quality education, in some cases because of the limited training available to teachers. It results in poverty and unemployment (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011). In several armed conflicts, education has been actively used to reinforce political domination, the subordination of marginalized groups and ethnic and linguistic segregation. Tensions between Georgia and the autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia resulted in fighting in the early 1990s and in large-scale displacement. About 300,000 Georgians fled, mostly from Abkhazia. Renewed combat between the Russian Federation and Georgia over South Ossetia adducted to another wave of displacement in 2008 (Emergence Operation in Georgia 2008; International Crisis Group 2011). Education has been actively used to reinforce political domination, the subordination of marginalized groups and for ethnic and linguistic segregation. At present, ethnic Georgians who have returned to their homes in Abkhazia report difficulties in many aspects of their lives, including education. The quality of education is often poor. Lack of qualified teachers, half-destroyed

Introduction

17

buildings and textbook and transport costs are among the main problems. Around 4000 internally displaced children within Georgia attend separate schools (International Crisis Group 2010: 6). Georgian children in Abkhazia face problems in being educated in their mother tongue. Many children die from malnutrition and various diseases. Thus conflict-related sickness and hunger have direct and indirect effects on education (Human Rights Report 2009). In some cases attending schools becomes a life-threatening experience as pupils, teachers and classrooms are viewed as legal targets. Such violence aims to break down community life and force ethnic displacement. Children, who are affected by war, have lasting disadvantage in education, as they face the need for mental health and psychosocial support. Psychosocial school programmes and rehabilitation centres in Chechnya have been initiated by UNICEF; there are shortages of trained advisors/consultants. (Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011; Kharitonova 2007).

Israel Israel has to be introduced separately. It is in Asia and therefore Eurasia because of its geographic location and the fact that the majority of its inhabitants are of European origin, many indeed from the former Soviet Union. It is the second most educated country in the world, according to a report released by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). According to the OECD’s Education at a Glance 2011 report, 78 per cent of the money invested in education in Israel is taken directly from public funds, while 45 per cent of Israel’s population has a university or college diploma. Israel also had the largest increase in overall population, approximately 19.02 per cent from 2000 to 2009. The Ofek Hadash (New Horizon) education reform, which was initially implemented in Israeli schools in 2008, has improved the wages of teachers and quality of students’ education by changing employment conditions and the current structure of studies. The report showed that Israel is ranked in the second place among the OECD member states due to the improvement in elementary school teachers’ salaries between the years 2005–2010. The wages of teachers increased by 32 per cent during those years compared with the OECD average of 5 per cent. The salary of high school teachers also increased by 8 per cent compared with the OECD average of 4 per cent. However, despite the increase, the salary of teachers in Israel is still significantly lower than other OECD member countries.

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Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia

The report further indicated that the percentage of students that graduate from high school has increased from 89 per cent in 2003 to 92 per cent in 2010. The Israeli percentage of high school graduates is one of the highest among OCED member countries. Besides every eighth Israel worker is master or doctor of science. Israel keeps one of the leading positions in the world according to the number of high-qualified workers in the sphere of high technologies and young scientists.

Historical roots of the education system Education in Israel has been characterized historically by the same social and cultural cleavages separating the Orthodox from the secular, and Arabs from Jews. In addition, because of residential patterns and concentrations of Orientals in development towns, for example, or because of ‘tracking’ of one sort or another, education has been functionally divided by an Ashkenazi–Oriental distinction, as well. Before 1948 there were alone four different, recognized educational systems or trends in the Jewish sector. Each of them was supported and used by political parties and movements or interest groups. As part of the pre-state status quo agreements between Prime Minister Ben-Gurion and the Orthodox, this educational segregation, favoured by the Orthodox, was to be protected and supported by the state. This system was the source of intense conflict and competition, especially as large numbers of immigrants arrived between 1948 and 1953. The different parties fought over the immigrants for their votes and over the immigrants’ children for the chance to socialize them and thus secure their own political future. This conflict precipitated several parliamentary crises, and in 1953 resulted in reform legislation – the State Education Law. It reduced the number of trends to two: a state-supported religious trend and a state-supported secular trend. In reality, however, there were still a few systems outside the two trends that nevertheless enjoyed state subsidies.

Contemporary Israel Increasing concern with pre-primary education was prompted by strong interest in the developmental problems of early childhood, as well as the social dilemmas faced by Israeli society. In this regard, the education system has assumed that education must begin as early as possible in order to ensure that all children

Introduction

19

are provided with the necessary conditions and opportunities for effective functioning and personal achievement. As part of the policy of the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports to improve students’ achievements and narrow gaps caused by economic, social and sectoral factors, it was decided to implement changes in planning kindergarten instruction. A required core curriculum for the kindergartens was developed in four clusters: language, mathematics, arts and life skills. Its integration was completed by 2010. One of the most prioritized goals of the Israeli education system is to extinguish gaps between sub-populations (Lochery 2005). Schools are divided according to their language of instruction into Hebrew-speaking and Arabicspeaking. Gross enrolment of primary-school-age children was 100 per cent in 1999, whereas 88 per cent of those eligible attended secondary school. Student performance differences were observed for each group of schools between 1999 and 2007. The distinction of students at a high level is observed more in Hebrewspeaking schools than in Arabic-speaking schools. High perceptions of safety in Hebrew-speaking schools were reported, whereas a decreasing number of teachers reported that their Arabic-speaking school is located in a safe neighbourhood. However, a school’s security policies and practices are reported to be sufficient in Hebrew-speaking schools and largely sufficient in Arabic-speaking schools. Despite physical violence tending to decrease in Israel, still students in Arabic-speaking schools reported they were hit or hurt by other students of their school. We can observe inequality of the war between pupils: while one group appears to be highly protected against violence, pupils from another group feel themselves less safe. Though there was a slight decline of working children in Israel between 2003 and 2007 in general, in contrast, however, the proportion of working children increased in Arabic-speaking schools. The gap between a student who works at least one hour per day in an Arabic-speaking school and a student who does not work for a paid job in a Hebrew-speaking school increases from 68 points to 114 points for these years (Altinok 2010).

Conclusion The two last decades in the researched countries were marked by formation, implementation and development of national policies in the field of education. These processes took place unevenly between and across the countries. Very

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Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia

often success was followed by losses, and fast reforms by slow progress. However, the major output /result of today is functional national systems of education, which in most cases keep best achievements and traditions of the past and at the same time accumulate the potential of modernization in the context of European integration, world globalization and national self-identification (Kremen 2011: 8). Society is constantly searching for effective ways of solving global problems, in particular ecological, technological and social. Education plays a leading role in this process as it acquires new forms, creates new methods and technologies to conform to civilization processes. At the same time lack of social perception of a lifelong learning is observed. Systemic approach to the issue of adult education should be introduced and precise/clear national strategy in this sphere should be accepted (Desyatov 2006). At present the development of society and economy determines the necessity of problem solving in the field of education in the way of implementing a new, progressive model of education policy. Such a model should be grounded on an education legislative basis, should meet the evolutional processes in the society and provide the key role for education in the social economic development of the countries. It should change the countries into the states where constitutional right for equal access to quality education is provided. The process of active searching of their own educational development directions/models is very difficult and controversial, especially while the globalized impact is intensifying. The processes of economical, political and cultural globalization and development of IT technologies have become leading tendencies of the modern society development that influence all spheres of life. They are becoming increasingly indispensable in the modern society because of the strengthening of intellect, knowledge and qualifications in economic development and in the competitiveness of separate industries, fields and countries in the whole. Such tendencies are urgent because of fast scientific and technical progress and rapid spread of IT technologies in all spheres of life. Such endeavours/efforts/ attempts are also caused by lasting socio-economical crisis in the researched countries, growth of the market economy and intensifying concept/role of the labour market in the countries. Hence, integration to the European and world education space/expanse needs to take into account the peculiarities of each country. They are connected both with global processes and with specific development of social, economical, political, cultural and educational life of every country in the region.

Introduction

21

References Almond, D. and Currie, J. (2011), ‘Human capital development before age of 5’, in Ashenfelter, O. and Card, D. (eds), Handbook of Labour Economics, Vol.4B, Elsevier: North Holland, pp.1316–1486. Altinok, N. (2010), ‘An analysis of schooling quality differences in Isarel and Palestinian National Authority during the Second Intifada’. Background Paper for the Education for all Global Monitoring Report 2011, UNESCO Publishing. Aran, M., Llanos, M., Can, R. and Uraz, A. (2009), ‘Inequality of opportunities and early childhood development policy in turkey’, in Open Knowledge Repository (ed.) Turkey Welfare and Social Policy Analitical Work Program, World Bank: Ankara. Botezat, A. and Seiberlich, R. (2011), ‘Educational performance in Eastern Europe’. University of Konstanz Economics Working Paper No. 2011–2015. Available from http://www.wiwi.uni-konstanz.de/workingpaperseries; http://ssrn.com/ abstract=1849647 Desyatov, T. (2006), Tendencies in the Development of the Life Long Learning in the Eastern European Countries (Second Part of the XX century). Kyiv. Education For All Global Monitoring Report 2011, available at http://unesdoc.unesco. org/images/0019/001917/191765e.pdf ——— 2012, available at http://www.unesco.org/new/en/education/themes/leading-theinternational-agenda/efareport/reports/2012-skills/ Emergence Operation in Georgia, 2008, available at http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/ texis/vtx/home/opendocPDFViewer.html?docid=48ca83734&query=emergency operations in Georgia Engel, J. (2012) ‘Review of policies to strengthen skills-employment linkages for marginalized young people’. Background Paper for the Education for all Global Monitoring Report 2012, UNESCO Publishing. Engle, P., Black, M. and Behrman, J. (2007), ‘Strategies to avoid the loss of developmental potential in more than 200 million children in the developing world’, The Lancet 369 (9557): pp. 229–242. Glenn, Ch. (1995), Educational Freedom in Eastern Europe, Washington, DC: Cato Institute. Goe, L. (2007), The Link Between Teacher Quality and Students Outcomes: A Research Synthesis, Washington, D.C.: National Comprehensive Center for Teacher Quality. Hanushek, E. (2008), ‘The economic benefits of improved teacher quality’ in Soguel, N. and Jaccard, P. (eds), Governance and Performance of Education Systems, the Hetherlads: Springer Verlag, pp. 107–135. ———. and Wößmann, L. (2007), ‘The role of education quality in education growth’, World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 4122, Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. Human Rights Report 2009, available at http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2009/01/22/ flames

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Improving the Quality and Equity of Basic Education in Turkey: Challenges and Options. (2011), Executive Summary. World Bank, Human Development Department, Europe and Central Asia Region. International Crisis Group (ICG), South Ossetia: The Burden of Recognition, 7 June 2010, Europe Report N205, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/ docid/4c11f5452.html [accessed 11 March 2013] International Crisis Group (ICG), Georgia-Russia: Learn to Live like Neighbours, 8 August 2011, Europe Briefing N°65, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/ docid/4e40d3c02.html [accessed 11 March 2013] Johnson, D. (ed.) (2010), Politics, Modernisation and Educational Reform in Russia: From Past to Present. Oxford Studies in Comparative Education Series. Oxford: Symposium Books. Kharitonova, E. (2007), Chechen Republic: Slowly the Psychological Scars are Beginning to Heal available at http://www.unicef.org/ceecis/media_6083.html) Kremen, V. (ed.) (2011), National Report on the State and Perspectives of the Development of Education in Ukraine/ National Academy of Pedagogical Sciences. Kyiv: Pedagogical Science. Lochery, N. (2005), The View from the Fence: the Arab-Israeli Conflict from the Present to its Roots. London: Continuum International. Rado, P. (2001), Transition in Education. Budapest: Open Society Institute. Sparreboom, T. and Powell, M. (2009), ‘Labour market information and analysis for skills development’. Employment Sector Working Paper, 27. Geneva, Switzerland, International Labour Office. Young, M. and Richardson, L. (eds) (2007), Early Child Development from Measurement to Action: A Priority for Growth and Equity. Washington D.C.: The World Bank. http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/tempus/tools/documents/issue_4_eastern_europe.pdf http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0019/001917/191765e.pdf http://www.ieq.org/pdf/2nd_Ed_Casestudy_paper.pdf http://ec.europa.eu/information_society/events/cf/bud11/document.cfm?doc_id=8292 http://web.undp.sk/uploads/Gender%20and%20ICT%20reg_rep_eng.pdf http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/home/opendocPDFViewer.html?docid=48ca83 734&query=emergency%20operations%20in%20georgia https://www.google.com.ua

Part One

Eastern Europe

1

Belarus: Music Education Vadzim Yakaniuk

General information: History On the borderline of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries the European community proved to be a witness of a remarkable historical phenomenon: on the territory of the former USSR there emerged a series of independent countries. The Republic of Belarus is one of the above-mentioned states. The independence of the Republic of Belarus was proclaimed on 27 July 1990. The Constitution of the Republic of Belarus was adopted on 15 March 1994. Then it was revised by the people’s referendum on 24 November 1996. Belarus has been identified as a state for many centuries, has its own history, including prolific humanistic and enlightenment traditions as well as its own cultural background. The city of Minsk is the capital of the state. It has been known since 1061 and granted with Magdeburg rights since 1499. The population of Minsk is now about 2 million inhabitants. Belarus is geographically situated at the very centre of Europe. The territory of current Belarus was assimilated and superseded more ancient inhabitants of Baits. That was the initial pulse to the formation of Belarusian ethnos. In the ninth century the ancient state formations named Polotsk and Turovo-Pinscoe Principalities appeared in the river basins of Western Dvina and Dnieper. At the end of the tenth century, the Christianity was accepted, that strictly affected further cultural development of the Belarusian lands. Belarusian Ponemanie (North-West part of the contemporary Belarus) in thirteenth century became an important political and cultural centre of Europe. Here, Great Principality Lithuanian, Russian and Zemajtijskoe came into being and soon appeared among the largest feudal monarchies of Europe. In the middle of the sixteenth century, Great Principality Lithuanian and Polish Kingdom were united on a

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federal basis into the Reclv Pospolitaya. At the end of the eighteenth century the territory where the Belarusians lived was integrated into the Russian Empire. After the October Revolution in Russia and Lenin’s decree on independence of nations on 25 March 1918, Belaruskaya Narodnaya Respublika (Belarusian National Republic) was proclaimed. This state was not vital enough, and on 1 January 1919 Bolsheviks changed it for the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic. Belarus, Russian Federation and Ukraine became the founders or the Soviet Union in the winter of 1920. The independence of the Republic of Belarus was created due to disintegration of the Soviet Union by the decision adopted in 1990 in Belarusian Viskuli by the leaders of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus. That was the end of the Soviet empire and the epoch of communism.

State policy and general principals Development of the educational system in the Republic of Belarus is based on national traditions and global tendencies in the education field. It guarantees equal access to all education stages, unity of its elements and requirements and continuity of all training stages. The national education system is regulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, Laws ‘On Education in the Republic of Belarus’, ‘On Languages’, ‘On National Minority’, ‘On Child’s Rights’ and on other provisions adopted for the last few years. The Law ‘On Education in the Republic of Belarus’ announces the right to receive complimentary education at every stage of the national structure. According to Article 14 of the law on education all state and non-state educational establishments on the territory of the Republic are included in the national education system of the Republic of Belarus (Education in Belarus 2001). There are the following main components in its structure: (a) preschool education; (b) general secondary education; (c) out-of-school education; (d) vocational education; (e) secondary professional education; (f) higher education; (g) research education; (h) adult education and staff retraining (lifelong education); (i) self-education of citizens; (j) education for people with disabilities. The system of education of the Republic of Belarus includes different types of educational establishments: (a) children’s preschool (kindergartens, nurseries) and out-of-school establishments; (b) general education (primary, basic and secondary schools, gymnasiums, lyceums) establishments; (c) special and boarding establishments (child’s home, boarding school, reformatory for minor

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offenders, etc.); (d) vocational and high vocational schools and technical lyceums; (e) secondary professional schools (technicums, uchilishche and colleges); (f) higher education establishments (universities, academies, institutes and higher colleges); and (g) institutes of adult education and staff retraining.

Management in the system of education According to the Law ‘On Education in the Republic of Belarus’ the Ministry of Education is responsible for the state and development of the system of education. The main tasks of the Ministry of Education are: (a) development and realization of the state policy and state control in the field of education; (b) maintenance of functioning and development of the national system of education in the Republic of Belarus; (c) coordination of activity of other republican authority, subdivisions for education management of regional and Minsk City executive committees in the education field; and (d) coordination of activity of various establishments, organizations and enterprises for the system of education issues. The Republic Inspection for Educational Establishment is the core of the national system of quality assurance in the Republic of Belarus. It organizes and executes attestation and accreditation of the educational establishment (Basic Education in Belarus 2000).

National education system The current reform of the Belarusian education system aims to develop each of its elements based on the common education policy. In accordance with this intention, special objectives for these elements are stated in the «Main Directions of the National System of Education Development (The Basic Directions of Development a National Education System of Belarus 1999). The document proclaims providing children with the optimal conditions for physical and psychological development with due consideration to age and individual features in the system of preschool education. At the level of secondary education, efforts should be focused on the preparedness of the young generation for life in the changing world. Special education systems attend to children with disabilities who cannot attend a conventional school. The system provides them with equal opportunities to study and to have a profession. Out-of-school education promotes all-round fulfilment of the educational requirements of children

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and their parents. No one talent can be missed. This system also offers some additional healthcare abilities, enhancing life skills, handicraft, music, sports, etc. Vocational education should meet the requirements of young people in profession and the demands of the labour market. It is possible in Belarus to start vocational study just after graduating from basic or secondary school. This system has to provide more effective service so that the young generation can face the needs of new social and economic conditions. The Republic of Belarus saves the system of secondary vocational education that provides graduates with qualification of ‘technic’, that is qualifications between those of workers and engineers. The system includes technicums and college establishments with two or three years training programme for secondary school graduates. The main problem of this system concerns outdated equipment and weak cooperation with higher education establishments. To overcome these difficulties a new system of educational standards will be established and some courses and periods of education will be adapted to university ones and recognized. The system of higher education needs transformation as well, which will come through legislation and regulation enhancement. For example, acts of regulation on the system of university ranks, structure of the higher education levels, academic freedoms and university autonomy will be established. The establishments of higher education will become the mitres for lifelong education in accordance with the decision of the UNESCO World Conference in Hamburg in 1997. A new spirit must be instilled into the postgraduate education system to make it more effective and attractive. Particularly, the problem could be solved through intensification of international scientific cooperation and academic mobility. Lifelong education system in Belarus is the most diverse among different parts of the national system of education. It covers all the levels of education and informal education.

Current reform of the national education system The reform includes three stages that cover the period till 2010. Stage 1. Programmes for the reform of educational management (1999–2001) First of all during this stage, a revised draft of the Law ‘On Education in the Republic of Belarus’ should be elaborated and adopted. The draft presupposes the inclusion in educational legislation of the following new elements: (a) correction

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of basic state policy principles in the area of education; (b) better conditions of the rights of citizens to ensure education; (c) declaration of equality of two basic languages of instruction: Belarusian and Russian; (d) state standards on the content of education; (e) setting up a new educational system structure (family and special education are added); (f) introducing the multilevel system of higher education; (g) sharing the state bodies, public organizations and educational institutions competence; (h) setting up common and equal requirements to the participants of the educational process and regulation of state-controlled system of quality assurance; (i) structuring of financing, material and technical supply of educational institutions. Stage 2. Implementation (2001–2005) On the basis of the revised Law ‘On Education in the Republic of Belarus’ a list of special legislative acts will be prepared. There are the laws ‘On Higher Education’, ‘On Vocational Education’, ‘On Books for Educations’, ‘On Toys and Games for Children’ as well as the revised Law ‘On Children Rights’ on the list. New forms and methods of management in the system of vocational and higher education should be implemented. Educational establishments will focus on recent achievements including computer-based technologies. The system of education staff training will be revised to meet new requirements of the reformed school system. State and branch programmes as well as special projects of the reform should be fulfilled. The creation of the materials and educational resources that meet national requirements will ensure successive educational process on the basis of advanced educational technologies. Stage 3. Final actions in completion period (2005–2010). It includes monitoring and a generalized review of the results of the former two stages to correct the aims and methods of the reform. The appearance of a new system of management in education is expected. The system should be more flexible to provide adequate actions to meet the demands of the changing world (The Basic Directions of Development a National Education System of Belarus 1999).

Higher education structure Sovereignty, acquired by the Republic of Belarus in 1990, initiated revolution reforms in social and economic structures of the society, turned over to market

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economy and changed the political orientation of the society. These reforms proved to be a potential threat on the development of the higher education system. New conditions demanded developing a different education model, to revise the higher education structure and to match higher education content with the quest for national revival. An approach of step-by-step evaluation reforms on the platform of the existed system was chosen. These resulted in quantitative and qualitative changes (Vetokhin 2001). Admission to all the higher education establishments (HEI) began to increase. This was followed by the significant growth of the citizens’ interest in higher education and shaping their self-conscience as persons who need to be educated in the best way for a better future. The regulation in the area of higher education was significantly revised. The content of education was dramatically renewed. The attempt to introduce a multilevel system of higher education was undertaken. Nonpublic HEIs appeared as a new phenomenon in the national life (Vetokhin et al. 1999). Belarusian HEIs can apply to change their structure or the list of study programmes to the Ministry of Education that adopts the proposal after evaluation of the applicant ability to operate in the new conditions. The proposal cannot be refused if it meets the actual regulation and does not exceed the current state budget allocation. They establish the procedures of enrolment and staff benefits. The HEIs can participate in any multilateral domestic or international organizations, projects, networks or contracts. They can also establish university newspapers, magazines, TV or radio channels or hold conferences and exhibitions. Public HEIs are free of political or clerical activity but they can support public professional or trade union organizations for faculty and students. The HEI community uses academic freedoms of teaching, research and study. Every university teacher has the right to offer any course for delivering within a field of the programme or any topic for investigation. He/she is able to participate in officially announced research topic for the department or apply for a new project. The methods of teaching are also the responsibility of the teacher. The results of the individual or group research are protected by the legislation on intellectual property and could be published or reported by the authors in homeland or abroad. Academic staff has also the right for personal development, which is realized through free information received by libraries or computer networks. The students are free to choose any programme of education when they apply to enter. Then, they can change the programme if it is possible. Students

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can apply for participation of any lesson in their HEI or set forth an individual educational plan. They are free to choose their research topic within facilities of the HEI. Nowadays, the Belarusian system of higher education includes a wide network of educational, staff retraining and research institutions that use unified official standards and rules in the processes of study, governance and research. It provides the needs of the population with background updating as well as the national economy with highly qualified personnel. The system includes 42 public HEIs with 228,600 students. So, ‘density’ of students is over 460 persons per 10,000s of population, which is close to the average European level. Study in public institutions is free of charge as a rule. However, since 1993 there appeared a cohort of students who pay for their study in public HEI due to government permission to increase enrolment over state-granted abilities if the conditions of HEI allow one to do this. There exists a possibility for a ‘payable’ student to change the status and to occupy a free-of-charge student place if it becomes vacant for any reason. HEI administration must fill such vacant positions with applied applicants on the basis of academic success competition. HEI of Belarus concentrates on scientific and engineering power. It is comparable with a potential of all academic and industrial research institutes. The teaching process is ensured by 15.4 thousand teachers here. Over half of them (54 per cent) have a Candidate’s or Doctor’s scientific degree. Almost every HEI runs postgraduate courses (aspirantura). The same ability could be given to research or staff retraining institutions that have appropriate learning and investigation conditions. The total number of postgraduate students is over 2.5 thousand. Aspirantura in Belarus is not recognized as a level of higher education but a special level for scientific and pedagogical staff training. A graduate person is not awarded any certificate of background. Awarding diploma of scientific degree of Candidate of Science – in a definite research field – is available after public defence of a dissertation in front of a specialized council. Positive evaluation of the state expert body is necessary. Degree of Candidate of Science is equal to a Ph.D. degree. The second level of scientific degree, called Doctor of Science, in the field of a concrete discipline could be awarded to a person who has already the first one. As a rule, applicants complete their doctor degree dissertations in their own time and at their own risk. However, one can apply to the Academic Council of the HEI for a special fellowship for doctorantura. The right to run for a doctorate degree can be given by the state to the institutions with common recognized scientific schools. A doctorate degree dissertation is

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to be defended in front of a specialized council. The state expert body should approve the council’s decision (Strazhev 2001).

Higher education institution diversification There are four different kinds of HEIs in Belarus: classical universities, branch universities or academies, institutes and higher colleges. Classical universities are mostly oriented to basic science and humanities. Branch universities and academies cover the programmes for industry, economy, medicine, defence, secondary school system, art, music, sports, etc. Institutes mainly execute a limited number of programmes in narrow fields of disciplines. Currently, a few existing higher-education colleges run a couple of higher-education programmes working basically as a two-year college affiliated and supported by the real HEI. Development of the new educational model is closely linked with renewing the structure of higher education programmes and the multilevel system of higher education (Zhuk 2001). Late in 1998 the Council of Ministries approved five-year Concept of the Development of Higher Education System in the Republic of Belarus, which was elaborated by the Ministry of Education. Among the issues of this Concept there are preparation of the above-mentioned draft of the Law ‘On Higher Education’, renewal of the existing regulation, creation of nation-wide standards of programme content, development of diversification, support of peripheries HEI, development of research in HEI, development of laboratories and librarian facilities and so on. Actually, there are other national programmes only for higher education in Belarus. The most important among them are the Programme on Higher Education Guidebooks and the Programme for Standards in Higher Education. Currently, there are some new approaches to quality assurance in higher education. These standards would become a basis for the elaboration of documents enabling certification and accreditation of education institutions, defining the status of diploma and its equivalence outside the Republic of Belarus. It also allows for easier academic mobility of students within the country and abroad. Nowadays some positions of the adopted Concept are already met (Vetokhin et al. 1999). More than 200 standards of education were created by the academic society and approved by the Council of Ministries. National Institute for Higher Education prepared the draft of the Law ‘On Higher Education’ and it is now

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under consideration in the Ministry of Education. The draft of the National Programme for University Research Development was recently represented to the Council of Ministries after adoption by the Ministry of Education.

Research HEIs and research institutes of the Ministry of Education worked under stringent conditions of reduced budgetary allocations for research and unfavourable economic situation. Diversification of the sources of finance and more active negotiations with manufacturers allowed protecting the core of staff by dismissing only part of researchers who were not involved in teaching. In this case, attention was focused on projects of greater practical value and fundamental research. The major lines were optics and optical instrument making, computer sciences, electronics, synthesizing new substances and materials and environmental control. Pedagogical problems, humanism and humanities have received much consideration. International relations of HEIs became more active. Budget funding of HEIs is on a stable level, which allows fulfilling some republic-wide research programmes and projects just for HEI in basic and applied science fields. Conference activity could be also supported (Education in Belarus 2001). There are some other sources of research support in Belarus. Belarusian Fund for Fundamental Research supports mostly institutes of Belarusian Academy of Science and HEIs, including private ones. It is possible to get an allowance from this Fund for monograph or textbook edition and printing. Some conferences annually receive a share of financing from the Fund. Applied research and design are the subjects of State Committee for Science and Technology support. The participation of HEIs is the most important in the following programmes: (a) ‘Education and Personnel’ is a branch programme that has been running since 1999 and is focused on the secondary school reform support. In 2001, 236.9 million roubles was allocated among the participants of the programme; (b) ‘Children of Belarus’ is a presidential programme that has been running since 1998 and includes subprogrammes ‘Children of Chernobyl’, ‘Disabled Children’, ‘Orphans’ and ‘Development of the Social Service for Family and Children’; (c) ‘Culture of Belarus (2011–2015)’. Participation of HEIs student in research is considered as a very important component of their training as specialists for the future. To develop this activity the Special Fund of the President of the Republic of Belarus on the Social Support

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of Advanced Student was established a few years back. The Fund annually announces 100 top scholarships/grants.

University teacher staff promotion and evaluation There are university teacher staff (UTS) and researchers in the academic staff of a HEI. UTS includes professors, docents, senior lecturers, lecturers and assistants. A researcher could occupy a position among the following: main researcher, leading researcher, senior researcher, researcher or junior researcher. The practice of university teacher staff evaluation has been in existence in Belarus since the late twentieth century. Nowadays this concerns the system of employment of the personnel that is realized through five-year contracts for everybody who belongs to a full-time personnel or who opts for a scientific degree or title. The description of the system of positions, degrees and titles including the main criteria for receiving it is considered below. The docent position requires a scientific degree of a Candidate of Science or a Doctor of Science and at least five years higher education institution teaching experience by rules. A docent position could be temporarily occupied by an advanced or promising person who has no scientific degree. A professor position requires a Doctor of Science degree and also at least five years of teaching experience in a higher education institution or achievement of great results in supervising of doctorate students in a research institute. A candidate is requested to issue a guidebook for students and provide a work with doctorate students. A professor’s obligations and work features are similar to a docent’s ones but, usually, a professor is a leader of a research area and has a recognized formal and informal research or teaching ‘school’. As mentioned above, there is a system of two levels of scientific degrees and two levels of scientific titles in Belarus. According to the state-adopted Provision on Scientific Degrees and Titles, it is possible to receive a degree of Candidate of Science or Doctor of Science for a definite area of knowledge. The degrees might be awarded after successful defence of the dissertation, followed by state evaluation. The contract is limited by some years only and it cannot be prolonged automatically. The position becomes free in terms of the contract validation and the university opens a public competition for its occupation. Outsiders do not apply for a formerly occupied position as a rule. Nevertheless, this tradition is too far from to be an absolute one and at least a quarter of such positions are occupied after the real competition. Positions

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of the chair’s head, dean and sometimes the rector are also occupied through open competition in a similar way. Hence, there is an advanced system of UTS employment and evaluation in Belarus. A period of five years of guaranteed position for faculty members is considered sufficient to realize their ideas and skill abilities and to contribute to university development. Nevertheless, terminated position period and a ‘secret’ voting procedure are sometimes criticized and are considered undemocratic and as violating human rights. On the contrary, it is necessary to outline the real existing situation and traditions in Belarusian higher education as well as an encouraging role of the five-year period. The procedure of competition and election requires everybody to develop the requisite background, skills and competence. Every position demands a certificate of upgrading or retraining course, excluding junior candidates who try to obtain a teaching position for the first time. A list of publications, inventions and conference participation is to be represented obviously besides a report on professional skill in teaching. Hence, every pretender must work hard as a teacher and a researcher. The staff members have the right to publish their research results in domestic media or abroad and to participate in all the available conferences. Universities try to support the conference activity of academicians and postgraduate students. Domestic publications and conferences are mostly free. Funding abilities of university research support have been discussed above in the Research section.

Qualifications, degrees, diplomas Mainly, the programmes of Belarusian HEIs include 4500–5700 hours of lessons and training that corresponds to 4–5 years of study for full-time students. Study in medical programmes lasts for six years usually. After completing training, graduates pass the state examinations and defend their degree project (work). The state examination commission awards a professional qualification to every graduate according to the elected programme of study. The title of the fulfilled programme (spetsialnost) and received professional qualification are indicated in the Diploma of higher education. The owner of such a diploma has the right to apply for any position that requires higher education of the requisite professional qualification. More popular are masters (magister) degree courses that could be established in university-type HEI. This educational activity is the subject of special licensing by the Ministry of Education. A licensed HEI announces admission

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to Magistratura, which is the second (graduate) level of higher education. It is aimed to train specialists for research and pedagogical activity in a higher school and work for public authority. It also provides access to continue training at a stage of scientific education. Magistratura provides training only in the accredited programmes according to the authorized provision in the Master preparation for every higher education establishment. The precondition of access to studying at the graduate stage is the diploma of higher education. Enrolment is on a competitive basis. Training at the second stage lasts for 1–2 years and includes profound preparation in the elected field of study. The plan of study demands conducting some research, preparation and public defence of the masters’ dissertation. After graduating from the magistratura a student receives an academic masters degree with indication of the field of study (e.g. master of economic sciences), which is proved to be true by the Masters Diploma. The state examination commission awards the masters degree after the defence of the dissertation. The number of higher education establishments awarding bachelor and master diplomas has increased in recent years.

International relations The Belarusian higher school is aiming to accelerate its integration into the world education system. The Republic of Belarus joined hands with the European Cultural Convention, which enables it to participate in European projects concerning higher and secondary education, academic mobility and recognition of qualification. The Lisbon Convention on Recognition of Qualifications of Higher Education in European Region of 1997 is now under consideration. The Belarusian system of higher education is informally involved in the processes organized by the European Union and Council of Europe for members only. Hence, some recommendations and decisions of these bodies are used in Belarusian regulation. These concern development and qualification recognition. The most important in the last years was the Bologna Declaration of 28 European ministers of education (1999) that proclaims a prospective way of European higher education development. Now this has become a Bolognan process that involves every country in its domestic system reform to make it more open, have a clearer understanding and accessible to everybody in common Europe without borders.

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The Republic of Belarus and its HEIs have a number of signed intergovernmental and interdepartmental agreements on cooperation in the sphere of education and science with the corresponding entities of Bulgaria, China, Germany, Lithuania, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Slovakia, Poland and Yugoslavia. Belarusian HEIs actively cooperate with foreign educational establishments, programmes, organizations and funds, for example, TEMPUS/ TACIS, INTAS, COPERNICUS, UNESCO, UNDP and CEPES. The following are the main lines of international activity of HEIs: (a) mutual preparation of a specialist through partial or complete training courses for undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate students; (b) on-the-job training of specialists and teacher trainees; (c) academic staff exchange; (d) participation in international conferences, symposia and exhibitions; (e) scientific and technical cooperation through participation in international programmes and projects; (f) exchange of scientific and technical information; (g) student cultural and sports exchanges; and (h) foreign students training. Belarusian HEIs have over 200 contracts on cooperation with higher educational establishments, enterprises and companies of 36 countries of Europe, Asia, Africa, and North and Latin America. Every year about 2000 research and educational workers and students visit their partners abroad. About a 1000 foreign researchers, professors and students visit Belarusian HEIs annually, too. The Republic of Belarus is open to international cooperation. It strives to diversify its forms. The expansion of international relations is regarded as one of the most important factors of the development of Belarusian high school. Now Belarusian HEIs have become more effective, more democratic and more open for this cooperation (Education in Belarus 2001).

Foreign students in Belarusian HEIs Teaching of foreign students in Belarus started in 1944 when Belarusian State University resumed its activity after the liberation of Minsk. Owing to these measures and the Belarusian Ministry of Education, HEIs and the activity of establishments situated abroad, the cohort of foreign students is 2.5–3 thousands, besides students from Russia and Belarusians from abroad. In 2000–2001 there were 2667 foreign students in 28 HEIs and one college. The most representative groups are from China, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, Vietnam, Poland, Jordan and India. The most popular are the following Belarusian HEIs: Minsk State Medical Institute, Vitebsk State Medical Institute, Belarusian State University,

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Belarusian State Polytechnical Academy, Grodno State Medical Institute, Minsk State Linguistic University and Belarusian State Academy of Music. During the 39 years of its history of foreigners teaching the Belarusian educational establishments, over 20,000 students enrolled for 102 countries. At the same time three foreigners were awarded Doctor of Science degree. The joining of the Lisbon Convention by the Republic of Belarus will open new abilities for foreigners enrolling in Belarusian higher education establishments.

Higher education institutions A few HEIs are awarded honourable titles of leading HEI by the Council of Ministries. The title provides prestige and some financial privileges. In the national system of education of the Republic of Belarus, there are five leading higher education establishments: (a) leading higher education establishment in the national system of education – Belarusian State University; (b) leading higher engineering-technical educational establishment in the national system of education – Belarusian State Polytechnical Academy; (c) leading higher education establishment in the national system of education in the field of economic staff preparation – Belarusian State Economic University; (d) leading higher pedagogical establishment in the national system of education – Belarusian State Pedagogical University named after Maxim Tank; (e) leading higher education establishment in the national system of agrarian education – Belarusian State Agricultural Academy; and (f) leading higher pedagogical establishment in the national system of arts education – Belarusian State Academy of Music.

State policy and quality assurance in higher education The state policy in higher education concerns the problems of content and duality, financing, governance, autonomy, academic freedoms, status and working conditions of students and staff, diversification, research, accreditation, etc. These problems are the subject of the state and public control by legislation, regulation and governmental executive bodies activity (The Policy Role of the State in Higher Education 1999). It is quite clear that it is impossible to switch such conservative systems from the former utterly administrative domain to the democratic methods of

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management and self-governance within only ten years of independence and democratic reforms. Some of the reasons are related to the limited financial resource for the reconstruction and successful action in the previous period. Nevertheless, Belarus has already passed a long period of study and change that has resulted in new legislation and regulation. It is possible to say now that Belarus has started contributing to the general processes of higher education development in Europe. The national cultural features and traditions look quite promising within the context of enriching the higher school of Europe with new approaches and ideas. There exists a system of state standards and state regulation among the main features of any Commonwealth of Independent States’ (CIS) higher education system. This system is an important part of the state policy in education. Hence, an educational standard is a state instrument. And the state focuses on the universities’ mission and by means of this instrument a certain goal is achieved, which combines administrative governance and labour market. Undoubtedly, the government strives to reach the very important goal of making the national system of education better, to provide the industry with perfect specialists, to avoid lowering the level of knowledge, to guarantee quality education to the population, etc. Hence, the state plays its role during the current period in steering the national higher education system within the framework of democracy and market economy development. Now the State standards are considered to be a necessity and they serve as: (a) the essential steering instrument of the state; (b) a means to ensure the principle of equality between students, between academics and between institutions; (c) a safeguard against abuses of all kinds in higher education; and (d) an objective guarantee of quality. At the same time the standards should (a) provide a flexible response to market forces; (b) provide enough freedom for the teachers to stoke the creative, bottom-up renewal of educational programmes and curricula; (c) assist a drive to greater efficiency in teaching; and (d) focus both government and institutions to the true strategic issues facing them. According to this mission, higher education has the following aims (the list below indicates the summarized position of different countries where the issue is included and if it does not contradict the position of each country): (a) satisfaction of the educational requirements of the population; (b) preparation of the population to act in changeable situation at the labor market and supply the economy with specialists; (c) research and design; (d) dissemination and popularization of knowledge; and (e) support of economic, cultural and social development of a local region.

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It is possible to list some current features of higher education governance in Belarus that reflect the political role of the state. First of all, the system of governance is strongly centralized with the powerful Ministry of Education that acts by legislation, developed state regulation and funding. The state regulation, including the state system of educational standards, is the main tool that uses resources of higher education organizations effectively. It concerns financial as well as human resources and activities. The state implements its education policy through this regulation, which also refers to procedures, documents and decision making. The current problem of bilateral process efficiency is dealt with an environment of rapid and sustainable growth of the system. Strong governance includes tough rules of fund allocation. This concerns current expenditures, salaries, research and scholarships. It is clear that very strong rules govern the principles of university autonomy and the rules will be changed in the nearest future in accordance with the general process of democratization in the country and university staff development for action within the market economy. The excessive state regulation will be cancelled, too. The important step along this way seems to be the new text of the Law on Education that is currently under consideration in the parliament.

System of musical education in Belarus The system of musical education in Belarus has a long-lasting historical path closely related with all the complex musical traditions of this region. Because of its location – situated in-between Europe and Russia – Belarusian musical culture (including musical education as an integral part of it) has been influenced by a wide scope of different cultural elements: beginning with musical teaching in Orthodox monasteries and Jesuit Collegiums through the traditions of court musicianship of famous Belarusian-Polish noble families and up to the present with civil music education in regional cities of the country. The modern history of music education in Belarus commenced at the very beginning of the twentieth century, when the first professional music institutions of a new type (public conservatories and music colleges) were founded in Minsk, Mogilyev, Vityebsk, Gomel and Bobruisk. The first public elementary music schools were opened at the same time. In 1932, based on a reorganized Minsk Music Technicum, the Belarusian State Conservatory was opened. In 1935, under the auspices of the Conservatory, a special Department for talented children was arranged – a prototype of

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today’s Republic Gymnasium-College of Music, a true cradle of hundreds of professionals in the realm of music. Today, Belarus has in place an effective system for the professional training of musicians, which could be considered one of the most efficient in the world. We fortunately have managed to keep it intact after the breakup of the USSR, in contrast to other elements of our social and economic structure. The keystone of this system is its three-level constitution: (a) PRELIMINARY: approximately 500 children in music schools; (b) SECONDARY: approximately 30 specialized secondary institutions (music colleges, lyceums, gymnasiums); and (c) HIGHER: Belarus State Academy of Music (Branch in Mogilyev). This type of tiered system of musical education instils in the student as early as possible a professional orientation leading towards a high level of musical knowledge, abilities and skills at the final stage. The vitality of this multilevel system is guaranteed by a sufficient number of highly qualified teachers for each level. Each level plays a specific role in the growth of young musicians: preliminary (general) (which lasts usually from age 7 to age 14) is open to all children who would like to study music. Because in many music schools there exists a two-year preliminary group, studies on this level sometimes begin even earlier than at age seven. In public music schools children have lessons on a specific instrument combined with other musical subjects (solfeggio, music literature, choir participation, ensemble/orchestra playing, etc.). The pupils who, after successfully completing their public music school studies, are recommended for and decide to continue their studies are placed into the first level of professionalization, which is secondary (special) level (14– 17 years of age). This is also the first level at which it is possible to obtain a professional qualification. After graduating from a music college young musicians are certified to work as teachers in public music schools and kindergartens, as accompanists, choir conductors, etc. On this level, students opt for a complete ‘package’ of special music disciplines (including solfeggio, music theory, harmony, polyphony, music history) that are combined in programmes of study with subjects of general secondary education. Pupils of some specialties are able to enrol straight into a music college without a public music school education. This level covers a number of specialized music lyceums and gymnasiums, where the total period of study lasts for 12 years. The highest (specialized) stage is represented by one institution, standing on the very top of this educational ‘pyramid’, the Belarus State Academy of Music (formerly the Belarus State Conservatory). This is not the only institution that

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prepares professional musicians and music teachers in Belarus; it has been appointed the chief institution for professional music education by the state. In the Academy students, in addition to intensive studies in special subjects, are provided with fundamental training in humanities, psychology and pedagogic, and theoretical and practical knowledge in the area of teaching methods of music disciplines. Moreover, most of the students are involved in various kinds of creative and scientific work. It is widely known that our traditional academic structure focuses not only on aspects of performance, but also on musicology as an integral part of our programmes of general study. This in particular permits students of performing specialties, after completing the graduate level, to proceed directly to pursue an M.A. thesis or even a PhD dissertation. The general structure of education in Belarus State Academy of Music: (a) preparatory course (one year): for all foreign students and preparatory level (two years): for vocalists and composers only; (b) graduate level (five years): for all specialties, diploma for all specialties; (c) MA degree (one year); (d) postgraduate (three to four years): PhD degree. The Belarusian musical education tradition embodies the best traits of the Moscow and St. Petersburg conservatories. It is worth mentioning that a number of professors of the first generation of the former Belarusian State Conservatory (V. Zolotaryov, N. Aladov (composition), Y. Dreizin, M. Matison (musicology), A. Klumov, G. Petrov (piano), A. Amiton and A. Bessmertny (violin) among many others) were pupils and representatives of the great Russian music school. We continue to nourish these traditions in the development and strengthening of creative activity that links us with Russian institutions and musicians. At the same time, the Belarusian musical art and education reflects national traits. They are characterized by profound national originality and genetic ties with the West-European musical culture, despite the fact that processes of national self-identification in modern Belarusian culture have become increasingly complicated and sensitive. We have not forgotten, however, our rich historical heritage and make a number of attempts, especially in the course of the last several years, to study and reconstruct the best of our cultural past. One must take into consideration that while in Russia, the involvement of the European cultural process dates back to Peter the Great’s reforms (eighteenth century); only on the site of modern Belarus it was felt much earlier. This helps explain why the principal characteristics of Belarusian culture, with all its variety, are undoubtedly deeply incorporated into the course of European

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music tradition (Yakoniuk 2001; 2002; 2006). This idea leads to many important conclusions, one of it being that the regularities of formation and recent development of Belarusian professional music are typologically much closer to similar phenomena in the European region than in the case of some of our Eastern neighbours. This is why today, when we feel much more independent in creating and proving our own national ideas of modern education in the sphere of music, we appeal to both the best of Russian and European experience. Belarusian professional musical education rests upon the best traditions of Russian and West-European musical art. At the same time it carries on all the contradictory characteristics of the educational system of the former USSR with its total centralization and unification of educational process, which leads in its turn towards a certain ignorance of personality factors. All the above-mentioned ideas and factors influenced, to a great extent, a core of music educators concentrated in the Academy of Music (Yakoniuk 2000). This group of musicians, teachers and administrators has been busy recently with the elaboration of a solid scientific background for reforming the whole system of music education in the Republic. Some years back the Concept of Professional Education in the Field of Arts was created within the framework of functioning the ‘CULTURE’ state scientific and technical programme (scientific management – V. Yakoniuk), which became one of the most important programme documents for all the people involved in this work (Yakoniuk 2002). One of the main goals of this Concept is the idea of national revival, actualization of historical and cultural heritage as a kernel of sovereignization of Belarus and the building up of a national system of artistic education within it (Yakoniuk 1999). In accordance with this programme, we try to solve a number of problems that not only have international significance, but also are specific to our region. The reform of the musical education system in Belarus thus affects the following levels: Content. This level is determined by the interaction of the artistic education and the art itself, which determines, in turn, the optimum ratio of general and special education, theoretical and practical professional training, stages (‘steps’) of training, the essence of life-long teaching, etc. Overcoming the negative trends in our system of music education, of which we are very much aware, is possible acting on the principles of the priority of general human values; national tradition of education, humanism as a form of implementing an individual approach to the creative development of a person; democratization

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of the teaching-upbringing process; and, in general, dialogue between the content of the national educational system and the modern stage of world music art. Didactics. The imperative nature is a specific feature of a model of our modern artistic education. It is a didactic principle that stems from the socalled ‘production’ (industrial) method of musical training, according to which an educational institution was viewed as one of the ‘industries’ of the age of total planning. The failure of such an approach is obvious since the imperative is levelling the main prerequisite of professional artistic education: an individual approach to the development of a creative personality. Thus, a transition is necessary to the principle of the development of a personality of an artist on the basis of creativity as the method of teaching and upbringing. Structure. As the European experience proves, democratization of education inevitably leads to its diversification – increase of types, volumes and formats of education. The main difference of the state system of artistic education is in its slim structural integrity. The unique problem of reform today is implementation of factors of a multi-level and multi-model system of higher music education. Management (organization). The main target of this level is the determination of competence limits of the bodies of state management of educational institutions. The function of the state management is executed through the system of state attestation of specialists. The difference in the types of educational institutions is compensated for by means of accrediting them on the basis of the standards of education. Law. The legal basis of the reform of artistic education is formed by the laws of the Republic of Belarus on culture, education and languages. At the same time further legislative acts are necessary for aesthetic education, higher artistic school, certification of arts experts, accreditation of educational institutions of arts, etc. Nevertheless, recent achievements of the Belarusian school are considerable. The Belarusian piano school in particular is internationally recognized today as testifying to a high level of professional training. A number of young Belarusian pianists became the laureates of prestigious international competitions in Germany, France, Italy, USA, Poland, Belgium, Japan, etc. An excellent level of virtuosic skills of young Belarusian pianists goes together with the highest quality of pianistic intonation, which consists not only of the attainment of ideal acoustic results in the process of performing, but also of solving a variety of complicated semantic tasks of musical interpretation, this idea based on the adaptation of

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theoretical ideas of famous piano teachers of Russia and Europe and on a longlasting performance tradition, which many of our piano professors inherited straight from their hands. The modern system of musical education in Belarus is forming a unique model. Studying it could enable one to penetrate into the core of musical education of the whole East-European region. The latter, in its turn, could be considered necessary for successfully integrating the European space of professional music education (Yakoniuk 2002b; Yakoniuk 2008).

References Basic Education in Belarus (2000), National Report of the Republic of Belarus: Ministry of Education. Minsk: National Institute for Higher Education. Education in Belarus (2001),The Statistical Collection. Minsk: The Ministry of Statistics and the Analysis of Belarus. Strazhev, V. I. (2001), ‘Education for 21 century – forecasts and prospects’, Sociology 1: pp. 54–56. The Basic Directions of Development a National Education System of Belarus (1999), Education for All (National Report of the Republic of Belarus). Minsk: The Ministry of Education of Belarus. The Policy Role of the State in Higher Education: Quality Assurance, Accreditation and Educational Standards (1999), Regional Seminar, Tbilisi, 20–22 December. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Vetokhin S. S. (2001), Higher Education in Belarus. Minsk: National Institute for Higher Education. ———, Dobrjansky, V. M., Lis, N. I., and Stepanov, V.A. (1999), ‘About the concept of development of higher education in Belarus’, Higher School 2: pp. 3–6. Yakoniuk, V. (1999), ‘Conceptual problems of perform of the higher musical education’, The Bulletin of the International Academy of Sciences of the Higher School 1 (7): pp. 116–129. ——— (2000), The higher music education in the conditions of system transformations of a society. Methodological, Organizational Innovations and Music Education and Education Problems in Modern Conditions: Materials of the International Scientifically-practical Conference (on 22–24 May, 2000, Brest, Belarus). Brest: BSU, pp. 177–181. ——— (2001), ‘The higher music school in a context of reform of education: Questions of methodology’, The Bulletin of Belarusian State Academy of Music 1 (1): pp. 8–12. ——— (2002a), ‘Problems of globalisation and music education: A sight in XXI century’, Musical and Theatrical Art: Teaching Problems 1: pp. 22–27.

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——— (2002b), ‘Musical education of the XXI century in a context of globalisation of culture’ Music of 21 Centuries and Theatre: Realities and Forecasts, Yu. Gustaite and others (eds), Vilnius: The Lithuanian Academy of Music, pp. 203–206. ——— (2004), ‘About the state scientific and technical program “Culture” ’, The Bulletin of Belarusian State Academy of Music 5: pp. 82–85. ——— (2006), ‘The music education of the 21st century: Traditions and innivations’, Teacher Education (Reasearch Works), Shauliai University 6: pp. 157–167. ——— (2008), ‘The higher music school: to a new paradigm of formation for ХХI of century’, The Bulletin of Belarusian State Academy of Music 12: pp. 4–10. Zhuk, А. I. (2001), ‘System of multilevel preparation of experts at the Belarus State University: a condition and development prospects’, Higher School 1: pp. 3–8.

2

Moldova: Challenges and Opportunities Elizabeth A. Worden1

Just over twenty years since independence from the Soviet Union, the Republic of Moldova is a place of continuing change: the EU symbol of a ring of yellow stars has replaced the Soviet symbol of a hammer and sickle; and students might travel to Paris rather than to Moscow to study. This change has also brought about increased inequality and contradiction. Despite the dramatic political, economic and social changes that have occurred in the past two decades, public schooling has remained a constant in Moldovan society. A schoolhouse – which looks remarkably similar throughout the country with blue painted window frames, white curtains and a flag in the foyer – can be found in almost every Moldovan village.2 These schoolhouses, which are part of the Moldovan educational system, have the potential to bring about continued change. However, the current school system is marred by challenges that are a result of larger social issues, such as poverty and migration. These challenges have begun to erode the quality of education nationwide. Although there have been substantial initiatives and reforms (many of which have been funded by the international donor community) to improve education in Moldova, there is still a need for further development. In particular, there is great opportunity to enhance student learning through strengthening the teaching force. To understand the Moldovan case, I begin this chapter with a discussion of the historical and social context. An overview of the Moldovan education system and a discussion of major reforms since independence follow the historical context. I conclude the chapter with an analysis of current challenges and opportunities. This chapter draws from publically available data and statistics about the Moldovan education system found in both publications by the Moldovan government and international organizations, such as the World Bank. In addition, I draw from my own larger study on history textbook reform and

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national identity in Moldova (Worden forthcoming 2014). During eight months of field work in 2003, 2004 and 2008, I collected 77 unique interviews and conducted extensive school observation in four sites in northern, central and southern Moldova and in the capital city, Chisinau.3 Over half of the participants were interviewed multiple times. This chapter focuses on the following key informants: 36 high-school history teachers (two of whom were also textbook authors), four former Ministry of Education officials (who were politically appointed) and three civil servants from the Ministry. I also conducted focus groups with 28 Moldovan youths (aged 16–21 years). Although my study does not represent all Moldovans, it does provide a more nuanced picture of Moldovan education because there are often differences between government documents and policies, and what actually happens in schools and in classrooms.

Historical overview and contemporary context Public schools are a part and parcel of society and are historically situated. As such, it is critical to have some understanding of the Moldovan context before discussing Moldovan education. This overview seeks only to convey some sense of the broad outlines of Moldovan history in order to set the stage for the later discussion of current social and education issues. Moldova is a landlocked state, situated between Romania and Ukraine, with a long history of shifting borders and little experience as an independent state prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union. It was a Romanian principality from 1359 until 1538, when it became a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire (King 2000). Medieval Moldova was twice the size of the present-day state, with its borders extending from the Dniester River in the east to the Carpathian Mountains in the west (King 2000). In 1812 the Russian Empire annexed the eastern part of Moldova from the Ottoman Empire. Russian authorities renamed the region ‘Bessarabia,’4 and reshaped its demographics by resettling tens of thousands of Russians and Ukrainians from the other parts of the Empire (Skvortsova 2002). In the wake of the Russian revolution, the Bessarabian parliament voted to establish the Moldovan Democratic Republic in December 1917. Independence was brief; March 1918 saw the Romanian-leaning government vote to unify with Romania. The German-Russian non-aggression pact of Ribbentrop-Molotov allowed the Soviet Union to occupy Bessarabia in 1940, and it became an official Soviet state in 1944. The Soviets incorporated the southern and northern areas of Bessarabia into Ukraine and consolidated the central part of the territory

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with the present-day Transnistria,5 and called it the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR). In addition to reconfiguring the demographic landscape of the MSSR, the Soviets sought to reshape the identity of the republic’s remaining population through the creation of a distinct national Moldovan identity. This national identity included a distinctive language: the Soviet authorities displaced Romanian as the local language by replacing the Latin alphabet with the Cyrillic alphabet. Citizens were also obligated to learn Russian. This was part of the much larger Soviet identity project of ‘Sovietization’ that was taking place across the Union.6 The Soviets denationalized the ethnically Romanian population (or attempted to) and incorporated them into the larger Soviet people through a rapid expansion of mass schooling and the demolition of traditional power structures (the latter achieved by the Soviet state seizing all institutions, industries and land) (Simon 1991: 178–179). With the dissolution of the USSR, the Republic of Moldova became independent in 1991, retaining the Soviet-defined borders. The national language is Moldovan, which replaced Russian as the national language in 1989 as part of the Soviet restructuring programme known as ‘perestroika’. Many consider it to be the same language as Romanian. Similarly, the dominant ethnic group is also Moldovan (78 per cent) and many also consider it to be synonymous with Romanian.7 The largest minority group is Ukrainian (8.4 per cent), followed by Russian (5.8 per cent) (CIA 2013). Today Moldova is a parliamentary republic. The parliament elects the president, who appoints the prime minister. The current population is just over 3.5 million (CIA 2013). Moldovan politics have been tumultuous in the past decade. In February 2001, just ten years after independence, the Moldovan population democratically elected the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) to government. From 2001 until late 2004, the PCRM and its supporters turned away from Western-influenced democratization and reforms. After 2004, the PCRM turned its attention towards Europe and EU integration and won another parliamentary election. A political change began, however, with the next elections in April 2009. The PCRM won the country’s parliamentary elections with 50 per cent of the vote. Although political analysts and international observers had anticipated the PCRM’s victory at the polls, Moldovan youth protested violently in response to what they perceived as an unfair election. Images and stories of the 10,000 protestors appeared in newspapers around the world. It was reported that protest leaders used Twitter social networking technology to organize and mobilize the protesters. Journalists quickly dubbed the events as ‘the Twitter Revolution’.

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The protests not only garnered international attention but also prompted the government to call for new elections in the summer of 2009. This time, the PCRM lost the majority of seats but the parliament was gridlocked and could not garner enough votes to elect a president from 2009 until 2012. Three interim presidents served during this time. Finally, in March 2012 the political instability ended when a bloc of political parties was able to muster enough votes needed to elect Nicolae Timofti to the presidency. The new government is committed to pro-European reforms and to further the development of Moldova. Moldova’s economic development has also been tumultuous since independence. In 2000, the Economist described impoverished Moldova as the ‘land that time forgot’ (Economist 2000: 27). With the introduction of mobile phones throughout the country and the Internet in the larger cities, it is difficult to make the case that Moldova has been completely forgotten, but the World Bank reports that Moldova continues to be the ‘poorest country in Europe’ (2012: 1). Remittances from Moldovans working abroad, which made up 45 per cent of the GDP in 2009, have alleviated some poverty, especially in the rural areas, but have also created a set of social problems such as absentee parents. Children and the elderly are most affected by poverty; two-thirds of poor households have children, it is estimated that one-fifth of the children live in absolute poverty, and that over a quarter of the elderly are poor (Panitru et al. 2007: 7). In addition to more traditional measures of poverty, in the United Nations Development Programme’s human development index,8 Moldova ranks in the level of ‘medium human development’ (UNDP 2010: 144). The country’s health, as measured in terms of life expectancy (73 years for women and 65 years for men) and infant mortality, has improved considerably in the past ten years, but low education achievement and slow economic growth continue to mire the country’s human development (UNDP 2009: 27–29). Last, the economic disparity between urban and rural populations is growing, with half the population living in the economically stagnant rural areas and a third of the population employed in the agricultural industry (UNDP 2009: 27).

Overview of Moldovan education system There are multiple layers in the Moldovan education system – from the national to the local level – that work together to achieve the national educational policies ‘based on the principles of humanism, accessibility, adaptability, creativity

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and diversity’ (UNESCO 2011: 2). This section overviews these layers, school enrolment data and language of instruction. Taking on the task of implementing educational goals and principles at the national level is the Ministry of Education. This government body handles the development of strategies, promotion of educational policies and supervision of the educational process at all levels (UNESCO 2011: 3). Within Moldova’s Ministry of Education, the highest positions, such as minister and vice ministers, are always held by political appointees. The lower levels in the ministry are staffed mainly by career civil servants (project coordinators, school inspectors, curriculum specialists and so forth), many of whom have been with the ministry since independence. The civil servants are the hands-on component of the reform initiatives in the country. Among other responsibilities, they co-author curriculum, supervise budgets and manage professional development training. The Ministry of Education also approves the National Curriculum, which is the ‘normative framework’ that organizes all the teaching and learning processes for every level of schooling (UNESCO 2011: 6). The curriculum also outlines the general objectives for each school subject, learning activities, recommended content, methodical recommendations and suggestions for assessment and evaluation among other concerns (UNESCO 2011: 6). Below the Ministry are the Directorates of Education, acting as local administrative bodies. Each region or municipality’s Directorate is in charge of school inspection and local issues. Outside of these two bodies, there are several other councils and institutions responsible for various aspects of education for the citizens of Moldova, including the Institute of Educational Sciences that coordinates in-service training for teachers, the National Council for Curriculum and Evaluation and the Licensing Chamber that licenses private higher education institutions (UNESCO 2011: 3). Teachers are a critical part of the educational structure. In 2010, there were 36,394 teachers in primary and secondary schools (National Bureau of Statistics). Over 80 per cent of teachers have a university degree (UNESCO 2011: 17). However, only about 50 per cent of graduates from education or pedagogical programmes enter the profession (UNESCO 2011: 17). In part, this is because of the low salaries associated with the teaching profession. However, those in the profession do enjoy relatively small classrooms: primary school teachers have an average of 16 students each in a classroom, whereas secondary teachers have an average of 12 students (National Bureau of Statistics 2012: 14). Moldovan teachers are required to have pre-service training, which exists for varying levels: graduates of lyceum or secondary school as well as those from

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gymnasium, in addition to tertiary programmes that award degrees in education (UNESCO 2011: 16). They are also required to participate in in-service training programmes at least every five years. Together, these layers work to achieve the government’s commitment to guarantee ‘the right to education, regardless of nationality, gender, age, origin and social status, political affiliation or religious beliefs’ (UNESCO 2011: 2). This right to education begins with nine years of compulsory education, starting at age five with a year of preschool education (UNESCO 2011: 4). Following preschool, students attend four years of primary school and five years of gymnasium (lower secondary school). At the end of these nine years students are required to sit for an exam that earns them the certificate of gymnasium studies. To gain admittance to upper secondary education, students take an entrance exam to attend either general upper secondary school or lyceum. Students participate in upper secondary education for three years, and then they will attain either the ‘atestat de maturitate’ after two years of study for those in general secondary school or the baccalaureate diploma for students who have passed the national examination at the end of lyceum grade twelve (UNESCO 2011: 4). These two types of secondary schools serve different purposes: lyceums for students who will enter universities and comprehensive general education schools for those students who will attend a vocational college or enter the workforce. For the 2011–2012 school year, there were 3012 educational institutions in Moldova, ‘including 1400 pre-school institutions, 1460 primary and secondary schools, 70 secondary vocational institutions, 48 colleges and 34 higher educational institutions’ (National Bureau of Statistics 2012: 12). There are also 29 special education institutions, organized by physical or mental handicap, and 2500 students were enrolled in these institutions for the 2011–2012 school year (National Bureau of Statistics 2012: 12). For the same school year, the Moldovan Department of Statistics reported that the gross enrolment rate in primary education was 93.8 per cent and 87.5 per cent for the lower secondary education (2012: 13). Of those student in 2011 who finished lower secondary education (just over 40,000 pupils), ‘practically, every second (46.9 per cent) continues studying at the lyceums, 21.7 per cent study in secondary vocational institutions, and 16.6 per cent – in secondary specialized education institutions’ (National Bureau of Statistics 2012: 14). There are disparities with gross enrolments in urban and rural areas ‘with 105 per cent in the urban area compared to 87.5 per cent in the rural area, with 96.0 per cent and 83.2 per cent respectively in the lower secondary education’ (National Bureau of Statistics 2012: 13).

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Finally, language is also an important element of the education landscape in Moldova. Schools offer instruction in both Romanian and minority languages: there are Moldovan schools for Romanian speakers, Russian schools for Russian speakers and Gagauz schools in the Gagauz region. The schools that offer instruction in minority languages represent a small percentage, however. For 2006, official statistics reported that 79.5 per cent of students attend Moldovan schools, 20.3 per cent attend Russian schools and the remaining 0.5 per cent attend minority language schools (Ciscel 2008). Moldovan educational reform has been ongoing since independence. The 1990s were dominated by a ‘re-conceputalization’ of the education system and the beginning of an extensive World Bank project that aimed to overhaul curricula and teacher training. The World Bank reforms continued into the first decade of 2000 and were accompanied by education projects from a range of other international organizations. The World Bank has recently authorized another extensive education reform project to begin in 2013. All these initiatives are discussed below.

Early initiatives The roots of today’s educational initiatives began during Perestroika in 1989. During this period of ‘openness’ across the Soviet Union, education was ‘democratized’ – meaning that the locus of control shifted from Moscow to the individual states – and educational officials engaged in a ‘re-conceptualization process’ of their national education systems (Paslaru 2003: 28). In Moldova, this re-conceptualization included a discussion among education officials about what should be the underlying principles of the education system – in short, it was a move away from the communist political ideology that underpinned Soviet education. Just as this re-conceptualization process was under way, Moldova declared independence in 1991. In the following years, the Institute for Education Sciences developed ‘a concept’ for post-Soviet Moldovan education that laid the groundwork for the national education law passed in 1995. This law declared that education was a ‘national state priority’ and that the state was obligated to finance education ‘at [no] less than seven percent’ of the Gross National Product (Paslaru 2003: 29). The law also established the main education objective as ‘the free and harmonious individual development, in the formation of creative persons which can adapt to the changing condition of life (Article 5 (1), Education Law of the Republic of Moldova)’ (Girnet 2003: 37). With

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an emphasis on the ‘individual’ development in the education law, Moldovan policymakers signalled the abandonment of the highly ideological and controlled Soviet education that was considered to be instrumental in forming a collective Soviet identity (Avis 1987; Grant 1979; Holmes et al. 1995). In addition to the Education Law, Moldovan policymakers also developed ‘the National Programme for Education Development (1995–2000)’. The following are the main components of this plan: (a) reform of the education system structure as described in UNESCO in para. 1.7; (b) a major overhaul of the education programme (curricula, teaching materials, textbooks and teaching methodology) at all levels to adjust the approach to teaching and its contents to new demands on the education system, with particular focus on formative education; (c) reform of teacher training and retraining to equip teachers with the necessary skills to implement new approaches to learning and teaching and to expose them to modern methodologies used around the world; introduction of new education standards and modem mechanisms to assess student learning; (d) development of a modern educational management system, allowing for increased flexibility and more efficient use of resources – increased role of private educational establishments; and (e) an increase in the resources allocated to education to improve conditions of service for teachers and raise sectoral investments needed to implement the reforms (World Bank 1997: 14). World Bank analysts commended the Moldovan government for having formulated a ‘good basis’ for educational development but also noted that a ‘detailed formulation and actual implementation of the reforms still lie ahead in many areas’ (World Bank 1997: 14). The World Bank project, which is discussed below, was a step towards the implementation of the Programme for Education Development. The National Education Law and the National Programme for Education Development are tangible outcomes of the re-conceptualization of education. A less tangible but equally important outcome was the support from the Moldovan educators who saw themselves as playing an important role in the development of a new social order. This was salient in my interviews with Ministry of Education officials. One former high-ranking official recalled the development of the education law with great enthusiasm:

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We created the concept for educational development [in Moldova], we created a legal framework for education and it became the first law adopted by parliament. The first law in the Republic of Moldova! The very first law! … And the [educational] changes that followed were … a global, total reform from the overall educational structure down to the specific attention placed on each individual child, focusing on forming his personality and development.

Other ministry officials and educators talked about ridding the education system of ‘communist ideology’ or ‘Soviet brainwashing’ and using education to create democratic citizens who would belong to a larger Europe. Textbook authors talked with excitement about creating textbooks for the very first time in Moldova. One write-up of a history textbook remarked, ‘Moldova is an independent state and needs its own textbooks!’ The support and enthusiasm from these educators should not be underestimated when considering the opportunities for further reform.

The World Bank projects While many Moldovan educators focused on a re-conceptualization of the education system, the World Bank focused on the link between the Moldovan school system and economic development: At the time of [the World Bank] Project preparation (1996–1998), although being traditionally declared a national priority, after four decades of central planning, the education system was largely inadequate to respond to the demands of a market economy and prepare the needed future labor force. The curriculum, teaching and learning approaches, and didactic materials needed substantial changes to meet the demands of a new social and economic reality. (World Bank 2005: 5)

In 1997, the World Bank funded a $16.8 million project with the following objectives: The overall objective of the Moldova General Education Project (MGEP) was to support the first phase of Moldova’s education sector reforms, focusing on mandatory general education. The project’s key objective was to modernize and improve the quality of primary and lower secondary education through improved curricula, new textbooks, in-service teacher training and a modern assessment system. (World Bank 2005: 5)

The MGEP lasted for six years and the World Bank deemed that the outcomes ‘satisfactorily achieved the major objective to support the first phase of Moldova’s

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education sector reforms, focusing on mandatory general education’ (World Bank 2005: 8). The Bank further reported: The project’s key objective to modernize and improve the quality of primary and lower secondary education through improved curricula, new textbooks, inservice teacher training and a modern assessment system was achieved. Despite delayed effectiveness and some implementation difficulties, the MGEP was successful in implementing a series of activities that are showing a positive impact in the quality of education and the teaching and learning process. The main project achievement consists in a major shift from a centralized education system based on rigid curriculum and textbooks, inefficient assessment system measuring the students’ memorizing capacity to a flexible curriculum framework, new modern textbooks, an innovative approach to teaching and learning processes, modern assessment tools promoting a formative education system … . In addition, one of the project’s most important legacies is the development of a cadre of competent and dedicated professionals, real assets for Moldova’s education system. (World Bank 2005: 8)

The World Bank analysts concluded, however, that the reforms had been made from ‘top to bottom’ – meaning that the activities were determined by officials at the Ministry of Education and the World Bank, which left little room for local voices and initiatives and neglected the special needs of many schools (World Bank 2005: 48). They concluded that ‘A new initiative for reforms must ensure a balance between the “top to bottom” and “bottom to top” approaches, making local initiatives possible and making the teacher and the school manager responsible for the quality of the taught education’ (The World Bank 2005: 48). In 2012, the World Bank and Moldovan officials agreed to another education reform project. Building on the last reform, this new initiative has three primary components: (1) strengthening the quality of education; (2) improving efficiency of education; and (3) improving the Ministry of Education’s capacity to monitor reform. The project began in April 2013 and is expected to be completed in 2018 (World Bank 2012).

Other international projects and reform efforts Although Moldova is the recipient of various sources of development funding, many of these projects are directed at sectors separate from the education system. These projects do, however, often involve education in a non-formal context.

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Organizations like USAID, Council of Europe, The Open Society Institute and others have put extensive funding forward to promote the strengthening of civil society – issues such as voting rights, democratic values, an open media and rule of law have been reoccurring themes. UNICEF, Liechtenstein Development Service (LED) and the United States Peace Corps are among some of the organizations that have been directly involved in aiding both formal and non-formal education efforts for children. Last, ProDidiactica, which is a Moldova-based non-governmental organization, partners with international organizations like LED and the Soros Foundation to implement a wide range of educational reform projects. This is just a small sample of some of the many organizations working in Moldova. UNICEF has implemented a range of programmes in Moldova. The organization’s Child-Friendly Schools programme in Moldovan has sought to improve school facilities and train teachers. The programme began in 2010 and emphasizes ‘child-centered, gender-sensitive, inclusive, community-involved, protective and healthy approaches to schooling and out-of-school education’.9 UNICEF has also sponsored projects ranging from providing cognitive toys to improve child development in kindergartens to lobbying the government to support inclusive education for children with disabilities. LED, from the years 2007 to 2012, funded several education projects in Moldova. ‘A Future for our Children’ trained teaching staff to deal with the ‘growing problem of abandoned children’, and was implemented by ProDidactica. Additionally, ‘A Good Start in Life for Rural Children in Moldova’ supported community centres throughout the country in their efforts to assist ‘parents and caregivers in their educational efforts for young children’. Other projects through LED focused on various types of vocational training, as well as projects to train and support those responsible for facilitating educational opportunity.10 Moreover, the United State Peace Corps has been in Moldova since 1993. Although, Peace Corps’ mission is cultural exchange and not international development, Peace Corps volunteers have worked as English language teachers in 104 Moldovan communities, taught in 208 Moldovan schools, taught approximately 14,900 students and worked with some 450 Moldovan educators.11 Last, ProDidactica works with international funders to provide Moldovan teachers with pedagogical training, materials and other support. Some of their more recent projects include working on achieving good governance and accountability in schools with the Open Society Institute, strengthening vocational training with LED and improving educational quality in rural areas with the World Bank.12

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Challenges to Moldovan education The Republic of Moldova boasts of a high youth literacy rate of 98.5 per cent (CIA 2013). However, recent data paints a less rosy picture. In 2012, the World Bank reported that: Moldova’s performance in PISA 2009 Plus is a substantive illustration of the symptoms of quality challenges the system currently faces. The results on PISA 2009 Plus show that the performance of the country’s 15-year-olds in reading, math, and science is among the lowest in Europe. The performance gap with the Russian Federation is about 70 points, equivalent to a little more than two years of schooling. In short, around 60 per cent of Moldova’s 15-year-olds lack the basic levels of proficiency in reading and math literacy needed to participate effectively and productively in the society. These results show the need to continue, consolidate and extend reforms in curriculum, student assessments, teacher training and textbook design. (2012: 2)

Other areas identified by the World Bank for improvement include teacher quality, resource allocation and the creation of education data collection system from which the Ministry of Education can form evidence-based policy (2012: 2–4). In addition, the school-age population is shrinking and many schools are now under-enrolled. The school system could be reorganized to make better use of the government’s limited resources (World Bank 2012). Two of the most pressing challenges, however, mirror larger social issues: poverty and emigration.

Poverty: Effects on teaching and learning Poverty has affected the quality of education in Moldova in two ways. First, poverty at home affects how children learn in school, which is a subject that has been well researched across academic disciplines and is too broad for the scope of this chapter. However, drawing from my school observations, some of the issues that poor children face in Moldovan schools are hunger, lack of money for school supplies or warm coats (which are essential for poorly heated schools) and electricity at home (scarce electricity makes it difficult for students to do homework in the evenings). Second, a government with fewer resources has less to spend on education, which has consequences for both teaching and learning. In general, public schools do not have adequate funding to maintain many aspects of daily school life such as building upkeep, heating systems and libraries. It is common to

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find classrooms without usable chalkboards. Rural schools are often without running water and are victims of unreliable electricity and heating. The UNDP reported that ‘in spite of the ongoing reform effort, the Republic of Moldova has not developed yet a coherent education policy’ and that ‘the share of public expenditures earmarked for education had been declining in the Republic of Moldova’, resulting in worsening conditions for both students and teachers (UNDP 2003: 65). Inadequate funding for the education sector is manifested in the physical school spaces as well in the teaching profession. Teachers are underpaid (an average teacher earns about 170 Euros per month), and have to struggle to make ends meet financially – their salary is only 77.7 per cent of the national average (UNESCO 2011: 17). Because of this low financial investment in education, in this case into the teacher’s salaries, the teachers often have a sense of being underappreciated. Teachers from my study reported that their low salary was a pressing concern for all and they discussed the issue frequently throughout the interviews. The teachers – both young and old – compared their current salary to those from communist times. A teacher in southern Moldova noted that after independence ‘[teachers’] salaries increased by 10 per cent, but prices went up 100 per cent. It seems like the entire society has transitioned to market economy prices, but schools are still stuck in a communist era. No resources are invested into schools, not even simple repairs’. Another teacher remarked that the salaries for teachers were once ‘normal’, but now they were so low that there is an expression: ‘If your mother is a teacher, you have a calamity, and if your father is a teacher, you have a double calamity!’ The teachers felt that their social status had diminished because of their salaries. The diminishing social status also makes it difficult to recruit new teachers as discussed above.

Emigration: Effects on teaching and learning Poverty and lack of opportunity have spurred massive labour migration from Moldova since independence in 1991. Currently, an indeterminate number of Moldovans work, both legally and illegally, outside of Moldova; estimates range from 250,000 to 500,000 Moldovans working abroad at any given time (Pantiru et al. 2007: 8–9). This has affected school enrolment rates; the World Bank reports that Moldovan schools serve half the number that they did in 1991 (2012: 61). The UNDP attributes this decline to economic factors (students dropping out of school to find employment) and emigration – either lack of

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parental supervision leading to dropouts or undocumented migration with parents. Emigration has affected school experiences, students’ perceptions and the teaching profession. It is difficult to quantify how emigration has impacted school experiences; still the effects are real and detrimental. Domestic and international organizations report that it is difficult to establish how many Moldovans have emigrated because of illegal migration (Institute for Public Policy 2005). Irrespective of the numbers, nearly every Moldovan that I encountered during my fieldwork knows someone who is working abroad. Teachers discussed how many children are left to the care of grandparents and relatives because their parents have gone abroad to work. In some cases, young teenagers are left home alone for months or years at a time and had to care for younger siblings. The teachers stressed that this impacted students’ learning because of the impact on their emotional life. These teachers felt that their role had expanded and they had to become surrogate parents. The teachers in my study were not alone in voicing these concerns. An extensive qualitative study, commissioned by the International Office for Migration in Moldova, found that parental migration has had negative consequences on children’s social and emotional well-being that affect their school experiences (Cheianu-Andrei et al. 2011). The researchers recommended that the Ministry and teachers work together to stay in contact with migrant parents and make schools a friendlier place for children whose parents are abroad (Cheianu-Andrei et al. 2011: 9). The young people from my focus groups were also acutely aware of the impact of emigration. Every single student who participated in my focus groups had a relative who was working or studying outside of Moldova. One high school student lived with her grandmother while her mother worked in Greece. Another’s mother was in Italy and another student’s father was working for construction for an Austrian company. A university student’s sister was studying in the United States and yet another had a cousin in England. The university students felt that although this was unfortunate, leaving Moldova was necessary and most believed that they would have to leave Moldova to find work after they graduated from university. The lack of opportunity and consequence of migration impacted these students’ educational aspirations. If these students emigrated, they would be in good company – significant portions of Moldovan migrants are well educated. Over 50 per cent had completed university, college or professional school; and a third had previously worked in the public sector, such as education or health care (Pantriu et al. 2007: 11). Yet when they migrate, Moldovans generally work in domestic care or construction.

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Last, emigration has affected the teaching profession. Andrei, the youngest teacher in my study, openly expressed his frustration about not being able to earn enough money to move out of his parents’ house. He was considering emigrating to work legally, if possible, or illegally, if necessary. Andrei represents a growing problem in Moldovan schools: the flight of teachers who emigrate for overseas work. When I returned in 2008, Andrei had left. The Institute of Public Policy in Chisinau reported that because of low salaries and emigration abroad, ‘the teaching staff is massively abandoning the educational system. During the period of 1998–2000, almost 4,200 teaching staff ha[d] abandoned schools and 2,700 in 2002’ (Institute for Public Policy 2005). This was apparent when I returned to Moldova in 2008 and had trouble locating several of the teachers that I had interviewed in 2004 because they had left to work or study abroad.

Opportunities In its most recent appraisal report of Moldovan education, The World Bank emphasized strengthening teacher quality as a pathway to improving education: Teacher quality is considered to be one of the most important contributing factors to improving student achievement … . The resources for teacher training are thus spread too thin across a large number of under-qualified teachers, leading to under-investment in the current and future workforce. Clearly, the system of recruitment, training, accreditation, quality assurance, and incentives for both teachers and school directors is a key area where alternative, modern systems need to be promoted. (World Bank 2012: 2)

Improving teacher quality presents a great opportunity for Moldovan educational change. Teachers from my study demonstrated that they have a strong professional identity and are serious professionals. Part of this professional identity was a commitment to improving their teaching practice. This was exemplified by the way in which they talked about their teaching and emphasized their training and expertise. For example, a teacher in southern Moldova said with confidence: ‘I am a teacher. I know how I do my lessons’. These teachers also desired more professional development opportunities; they wanted to improve their practice. A positive outcome of the first World Bank Reform was the development of ‘a cadre of competent and dedicated professionals, real assets for Moldova’s education system’ (World Bank 2005: 8). If Moldovan policymakers harness the dedication of these professionals and teachers, there is a real opportunity for sustained and meaningful education reform in Moldova.

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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Moldovans have witnessed two tumultuous decades from the global economic crisis to mass migration to a ‘Twitter Revolution’. Yet, not all is lost. Political stability is on horizon with the new government. And more important, Moldovan policymakers and the international community have reaffirmed their commitment to the improvement of Moldovan education.

Notes 1 2 3

4 5

6 7

The author wishes to thank Kelsey Anderson for her research assistance. The World Bank reports that there are 1.1 schools per Moldovan village (2012: 2). In 2003 and 2004, I observed Moldovan language schools because I was concerned with the majority ethnic group, Moldovans, whose cultural identity is contested. In 2008, I included four teachers from Russian schools to begin to explore how these teachers differed from their colleagues at Romanian-language schools. For the sites outside of Chisinau, I selected urban centres with a comparable population (ranging from 32,000 to 40,000) and economic level. At these schools, I conducted 70 hours of formal school observation and countless hours of informal observation in the teachers’ lounge, at faculty meetings, school ceremonies and parties, after-school events, conferences and professional development workshops. The interviewees were selected through purposeful sampling and were approved by the Institutional Review Boards at New York University and American University. For origins of name Bessarabia, see King (2000: 18–21). Transnistria is a small region between the Dniester River and Ukraine. It was not part of medieval or Ottoman Moldova. Today, the region is controlled by a separatist group that broke off from Moldova in 1992 (see Ciobanu 2009). For scholarship on national identities and Sovietization, see, for example: Brubaker (1996); Suny (1993; 1998); and Suny and Kennedy (2001). It should be noted that the ethnic category ‘Moldovan’ is contested and involves a political debate both inside and outside of the country. Some claim that Moldovans are ethnically tied to neighbouring Romania, and ‘Moldovan’ is a political category of citizenship. Others contend that Moldovans are a distinct ethnic group. Language is also a political issue, and those who refer to the language as Romanian may reflect the former claim, whereas those who refer to it as Moldovan may reflect the latter (for more on language, see Ciscel 2007). In citing the 2004 census, the CIA World Fact Book (2013) collapses the ethnic categories of Moldovan and Romanian: Moldovan/Romanian 78.2 per cent, Ukrainian 8.4 per cent, Russian 5.8 per cent, Gagauz 4.4 per cent (a Turkic-speaking people), Bulgarian 1.9 per cent and others 1.3 per cent. However, the National Bureau of Statistics of the Republic

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of Moldova (2004) distinguishes between ‘Moldovan’ and ‘Romanian’ with the former comprising 75.8 per cent and the latter 2.2 per cent. 8 This measures the ‘enhancement of the capabilities and freedoms that members of a community enjoy’ (UNDP 2003: 15) and was developed as an alternative measure of development to supplement economic figures. It measures three dimensions: longevity (life expectancy, health), knowledge (literacy rates, school enrolment and higher education statistics) and living standards (income, purchasing power) (UNDP 2003: 15–16). 9 For an overview of UNICEF’s programs, see: http://www.unicef.org/moldova/ index.html. For information on the Friendly schools program, see: http://www. unicef.org/education/index_focus_schools.html 10 For more information, see: http://led.md/led-moldova/ 11 For more information, see: http://moldova.peacecorps.gov/projects-ee.php 12 For more information, see: http://www.prodidactica.md/en/current_projects.php3

References Avis, George. (1987), The Making of the Soviet Citizen. New York: Croom Helm. Brubaker, R. (1996), Nationalism Reframed. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Cheianu-Andrei, D., Gramma, R., Milicenco, S., Pritcan, V., Rusnac, V., and Vaculovschi, D. (2011), Specific Needs of Children and Elderly Left Behind as a Consequence of Migration. Chisinau: International Office of Migration. CIA. (2013), The World Factbook – Moldova. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/ the-world-factbook/geos/md.html. Ciobanu, C. (2009), Frozen and Forgotten Conflicts in the Post-Soviet States: Genesis, Political Economy and Prospects for Solution. Boulder: East European Monographs. Ciscel, M. H. (2007), The Language of the Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and Identity in an Ex-Soviet Republic. Lanham: Lexington Books. ———. (2008). ‘Uneasy compromise: Language and education in Moldova’, International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 11(3-4): 373–395. Girnet, G. (2003), ‘The current state of general education in Moldova’ in Institute for Public Policy (ed.), Reforming the Education System, Chisinau: Epigraf, pp. 35–67. Grant, N. (1979), Soviet Education, 4th ed. New York: Penguin Books. Holmes, B., Read, G. and Voskresenskaya, N. (1995), Russian Education, Tradition and Transition. New York: Garland. Institute for Public Policy. (2005), Immigration Policies in the Republic of Moldova. Chisinau: Epigraf. King, C. (2000), The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press.

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National Bureau of Statistics of the Republic of Moldova. (2004), Population by Main Nationalities. http://www.statistica.md/public/files/Recensamint/Recensamintul_ populatiei/vol_1/6_Nationalitati_de_baza_ro.xls ———. (2012), Education in Republic of Moldova: Statistical Publication. Chisinau: National Bureau of Statistics of the Republic of Moldova. Panitru, M. C., Black, R. and Sabates-Wheeler, R. (2007), ”Migration and Poverty Reduction in Moldov”. University of Sussex, England: Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty. Paslaru, V. (2003), ‘Education system reform in the context of European integration’, in Institute for Public Policy (ed.), Reforming the Education System. Chisinau: Epigraf, pp. 9–34. Simon, G. (1991), Nationalism and Policy Toward the Nationalities in the Soviet Union. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Skvortsova, A. (2002), ‘The cultural and social makeup of Moldova: A bipolar or dispersed society?’, in Kolsto, P. (ed.), National Integration and Violent Conflict in Post-Soviet Societies: The Cases of Estonia and Moldova. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, pp.159–196. Suny, R. G. (1993), The Revenge of the Past: Nationalism, Revolution, and the Collapse of the Soviet Union. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. ——— (1998), The Soviet Experiment: Russia, the USSR, and the Successor States. New York: Oxford University Press. ——— and Kennedy, M.D. (2001), Intellectuals and the Articulation of the Nation. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. The Economist. (2000), ‘Poverty in Eastern Europe: The land that time forgot’.The Economist 23 September: 27–30. The World Bank. (1997), Staff Appraisal Report: Republic of Moldova, General Education Project, 15967 MD. Washington D.C.: The World Bank. ———. (2005), Implementation Completion Report in a Loan and Credit in the Amount of US $16.8 Million to the Republic of Moldova for a General Education Project, 31309-MD. Washington D.C.: World Bank. ———. (2012), Project Appraisal Document on a Proposed Credit in the Amount of SDR 26.1 Million (US $40.0 Million Equivalent) to the Republic of Moldova for the Moldova Education Reform Project, 67994-MD. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. UNESCO/ International Bureau of Education. (2011), World Data on Education, Seventh Edition 1010/11: Moldova. Paris: UNESCO. United Nations Development Program. (2003), Good Governance and Human Development 2003: Republic of Moldova. Chisinau: UNDP. ———. (2009), 2009/2010 Human Development Report: Climate Change in Moldova, Socio-Economic Impact and Policy Options for Adaptation. Chisinau: UNDP. ———. (2010), Human Development Report 2010 20th Anniversary Edition: The Real Wealth of Nations: Pathways to Human Development. New York: UNDP. Worden, E.A. (forthcoming 2014), National Identity and Educational Reform: Contested Classrooms. New York: Routledge.

3

Russia: The Governance of Education Mikhail Lyamzin

Introduction Each society, at certain stages of development, constructs a specific system of education that is designed to the demands of the public. This formal educational process is aimed at securing an efficient transfer of social and cultural experience from the older generation to the younger, preparing the young people for fullfledged socialization and participation within their own society and helping individuals fulfil their personal potential and ambitions. The history of Russia’s modern education dates back to the early 1990s. After the collapse of the USSR it was shaped, and has functioned, as a specific system of education typical of Russia. It should be noted that by the term ‘system’ (from Old Greek σύστημα – ‘total’, ‘crowd’ or ‘union’) hereinafter is meant a set of interacting or interdependent elements forming a complex or unitary whole (System: Russian Encyclopedic Dictionary 2003: 1437). There are two main factors particularly important for the observation of Russia’s system of education. First, owing to the acquisition of new merging qualities, that each component (taken separately) lacks, the system has a cumulative effect seen as reinforcing the positive tendency for the educational industry in Russia (Sadovsky and Gubkin 2001: 1231). Second, at the core of any system lies the unity of its elements, its unique culture. A collapse of any component will entail an overall collapse. Hence the invariable criterion of a system is the integrity and interaction of its elements. The above-stated definition of the term ‘system’ prompts further discussion of the further term – ‘system of education’. The pedagogical dictionary published in 1960 in the USSR gives a brief definition of this term: ‘ … educational system is a national framework of educational institutions’ (Pedagogical

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Dictionary 1960: 343). In the Russian Pedagogical Encyclopedia published in the post-Soviet period, a more detailed definition is given: ‘ … educational system is one of the basic social institutions, an essential sphere of moulding an individual’s personality, an historically established national system of educational institutions and supervising authorities aimed at meeting the needs of the young generation, preparing them to live in civil society, practice their profession and be fully responsible for their actions’ (Russian Pedagogical Encyclopedia 1999: 330). There is another definition of ‘educational system’. Bordovskaja and Rean (2001), members of the Russian Academy of Education, view a system of education as ‘an advancing network of institutions varying in type and level’ (Bordovskaja and Rean 2001: 68). This treatment of the phenomenon seems to belittle its complex nature, confining it to criteria of type, form and level. The more comprehensive definition, featured in the Russian Pedagogical Encyclopedia, is preferred. Particular attention should be focused on the interpretation of ‘educational system’ in the legislation of the Russian Federation. Thus the Law of the Russian Federation ‘On education’ (which came into effect on 10 July 1992 revised and amended) states: educational system in the Russian Federation is a set of interacting components: successive educational programmes varying in level and application/direction; Federal State Educational Standards and Federal State requirements; a network of educational and scientific institutions abiding by and exercising the standards; regulatory authorities engaged in managing education and their affiliates, corporate body unions and non-profit organizations functioning in the sphere of education. (The Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Education’ 2012)

Here, the lawmakers enlist the four cornerstones of Russia’s educational system emphasizing their interacting nature. The first paragraph of Article 1 of the drafted federal law ‘on Education in the Russian Federation’ (3.0.3 version) goes on to say that ‘ … educational system of the Russian Federation is a set of interacting elements and subjects aimed at fulfilling educational objectives’. Apart from components typical of any system, the lawmakers introduce a notion of ‘subject’ with an apparent intention of stressing the importance of diverse ties and interrelations between individuals within the framework of education. Further in the second paragraph of article ten the lawmakers point at five elements and subjects of educational system. Submitted for consideration to the State Duma on 21 December 2012, endorsed by the Council of the Federation

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on 26 December 2012, and signed off by the President on 29 December 2012 the federal law ‘on Education in the Russian Federation’ (hereinafter the ‘New Law’) has taken effect on 1 September 2013. It is clear that the law does not exactly contain the same formulation, as an additional element is added, making the total number of five basic elements and subjects of the educational system as follows, with regard to administrative bodies: 1.

2. 3.

4. 5.

Federal state educational standards and federal state requirements, educational standards elaborated by University boards, educational programmes varying in type, level and application. Organizations functioning in the sphere of education, teaching staff, students and their parents (legal representatives of underage students). Federal state authorities and bodies of state power of the subjects of the Russian Federation managing education at the national level, bodies of local self-government involved in administrative activities at the local level and non-profit advisory bodies mandated by the state authorities. Organizations overseeing the development of educational activities and responsible for objective assessment of Russian education. Unions of corporate bodies, employers’ associations and public organizations engaged in the system of education (Federal Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Education in the Russian Federation’).

To provide a clearer view into the difference of the two interpretations, it is worthwhile studying a table to compare the elements and subjects as they are featured in the Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Education’ and the ‘New Law’ (Table 3.1). The following discourse is a detailed description of each element and subject of the educational system of the Russian Federation given in accordance with the ‘New Law’. The first element represents the basis of the educational system: federal state educational standards and federal state requirements, educational standards elaborated by university boards, and educational programmes varying in type, level and application. The basic element of the system is its content. It should be specifically mentioned that within the framework of Russia’s educational system up to 1 January 2011 educational programmes were implemented by the State Educational Standards. However, there is a discrepancy as in Article 43 of the Constitution (ratified on 12 December 1993), where it is stated that ‘ … the Russian Federation establishes the Federal State Educational

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Table 3.1  Two interpretations of the law of Russian education Elements of education system featured in the Law of Russian Federation ‘On education’

Elements and subjects of education system featured the federal law ‘On education in the Russian Federation’

1) Successive educational programmes varying in level and application/direction; federal state educational standards and federal state requirements

1) Federal state educational standards and federal state requirements, educational standards elaborated by university boards, educational programmes varying in type, level and 2) Networks of educational and scientific application; institutions abiding by and exercising this standard; 2) Organizations functioning in the sphere of education, teaching staff, 3) Regulatory authorities engaged in students and their parents (their legal managing education and their affiliates; representatives of underage students); 4) Corporate body unions and non-profit 3) Federal state authorities and bodies organizations functioning in the sphere of of state power of the subjects of the education. Russian Federation managing education at the national level, bodies of local selfgovernment involved in administrative activities at the local level and nonprofit advisory bodies mandated by the state authorities; 4) Organizations overseeing the development of educational activities and responsible for objective assessment of Russian education; 5) Unions of corporate bodies, employers’ associations and public organizations engaged in the system of education.

Standards … ’ (The Constitution of the Russian Federation, available at: http:// www.constitution.ru/10003000/10003000–4.htm). Only recently was the name brought to compliance with the one given in the Constitution. As Article 11 of the ‘New Law’ states, the federal state educational standards and federal state requirements prescribe: (a) accessibility and continuity of education over the whole territory of the country; (b) successive character of principle educational programmes; (c) diversity of educational content corresponding with educational level; and (d) the possibility of elaborating educational programmes varying in level and application in accordance with public demand and learners’ capabilities. Likewise, the ‘New Law’ guarantees high quality of education achieved through imposing unified compulsory requirements regulating educational programmes and assessing the level of knowledge assimilation.

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For a clearer understanding of the terminology here it is necessary to define the terms ‘federal state educational standards’ (hereinafter FSES), ‘federal state requirements’ (FSRs), ‘educational standards’ (ESs) and ‘educational programme’ (EP). The FSES is a regulatory legal act embracing a range of compulsory requirements for education of a certain level or profession, and qualification. The FSES is ratified by the Ministry of Education and Science engaged in working out educational policies and legal regulations in the sphere of education. The FSES comprises three groups of requirements stipulating for: (a) structuring principle educational programmes; the extent to which an EP covers educational content, and the correlation between the compulsory part of the programmes regulated by the Ministry of Education and the part contributed to by the direct subjects of an educational process; (b) conditions for implementation of the principal educational programmes, including personnel and financial conditions, logistical support and other conditions; and (c) results of knowledge assimilation in conformity with the educational guidelines. One of the main components of the FSES is an educational level indicating a degree obtained by a learner if they successfully completed a prescribed course of study. Each educational level is characterized by a certain range of uniform requirements. The Current Law ‘On education’ determines the following educational levels: (a) basic general education; (b) secondary (complete) general education; (c) primary vocational education; (d) secondary vocational education; (e) higher education – Bachelor’s degree; (f) higher education – Master’s degree, which is equal to ‘specialist’ degree (complete higher education); and (g) postgraduate education (Table 3.2). The ‘New Law’ prescribes orders stages (levels) of secondary education: Apart from differentiation of secondary and professional educational levels the classification showcases the introduction of new educational levels such as preschool education and higher education level providing training of highly qualified personnel (PhDs, D.Scs and Dr. Hab.s). We now move to the definition of ‘federal state requirements’ (FSRs). Under the FSR a legal act prescribing compulsory requirements for the minimal educational content, structure, conditions of implementation and course duration (particularly on the level of secondary education) is clarified and set out. An endorsement of these programmes lies within the prerogative of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation.

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Table 3.2  Education levels in the Russian Federation 1) preschool education

children’s day nursery, kindergarten, house education

2) primary general education

comprehensive school, 1–4 class

3) basic general education

comprehensive school, 5–9 class

4) secondary general education

comprehensive school, 10–11 class

5) vocational education

college, technical school, training of 2–3 years

6) higher education (1st degree) – Bachelor’s universities, academies, institutes, degree training of four years 7) higher education (2nd degree) – Master’s universities, academies, institutes, degree (equal to ‘specialist degree’ in training of five years, training of conformity with the Law ‘on Education’) two years 8) higher (postgraduate) education – training postgraduate study, training of 3–4 of highly qualified personnel years

The definition of Educational standards (ESs) refers to local normative acts imposing certain requirements on the educational programmes. Noteworthy is the fact that ESs are sanctioned by university boards. However the opportunity is available solely to the institutions of higher education-awarded ‘university’ status. A list of them is provided in the ‘New Law’. It should be noted that universities cannot impose lower requirements for knowledge assimilation than those required by the FSES. At present the country’s two leading universities exercising this right are Lomonosov Moscow State University and Saint Petersburg State University. The same right is granted to educational institutions designated as ‘federal universities’ and ‘national research universities’. The key component of the educational system in modern Russia is ‘content’, which lies at the core of any EP. EPs, being an aggregate of educational documentation, provide guidelines on receiving education varying in type, level and application, on the extent to which a programme covers educational information, proposed results, staffing and organizational environment, and forms of assessing academic progress. The complex of such documentation embraces a curriculum and a curriculum schedule, basic teaching programmes on subjects, courses and disciplines, as well as teaching guidelines and knowledge assessment methodology. Interestingly, Article 12 of the New Law states that ‘educational content must be conducive to mutual understanding and cooperation between people

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irrespectively of their race, nationality, ethnic origin, religion and social status; must take into account the diversity of world-views; observe rights to freedom of opinion and expression; pave for any individual’s personal and moral growth in accordance with accepted family values and socio-cultural values’. Apparently, educational content is to reflect basic human values such as freedom, humanity, tolerance and morality and presupposes their transference into everyday life. EPs are independently elaborated and approved by the institution involved in the educational process. EPs are divided into principal EPs mapped out within the framework of the FSES, FSRs and ESs, and additional EPs, which are not stipulated by the FSES, FSRs and ESs. Both principal and additional EPs can be applied for comprehensive education (implemented in preschool education) and professional education (implemented in professional education). Thus, for instance, principal EPs may refer to comprehensive programmes: preschool EPs; primary general, basic general and secondary general EPs; principal EPs on Bachelor’s course and Master’s course, as well as principal EPs on the training of highly qualified staff. Additional EPs feature additional comprehensive programmes such as additional EPs on general developing courses, pre-professional EPs, additional courses on professional development and professional retraining. Thus, the FSES, FSRs, ESs and a wide range of EPs vary in level and application, form some of the key components of Russia’s educational system and determine its content element. In accordance with the New Law another component of the education system includes the subjects of Russia’s modern education: institutions carrying out education activities, teaching staff, students and their parents (legal representatives) of underage students. Evidently this component needs a more detailed description. Under ‘institutions carrying out education activities’ educational institutions as well as institutions providing education activities need to be understood. To avoid ambiguity it is necessary to provide a definition of both terms. An educational institution is a non-commercial organization licensed to provide education activities as its principal/main field of occupation in accordance with the objectives that the institution is to adhere to. An institution providing education activities is a corporate body licensed to provide additional education activities alongside its leading occupation. As an example to illustrate this notion: the skating-rink named ‘Light Snow’ welcomes all those eager to skate. But alongside the usual service it features a figure skating school teaching children

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the basics of figure skating. In this case the skating rink acquires the status of an institution providing education activities. The peculiarity of the New Law is that it relates individual entrepreneurs, engaged in the sphere of education, to institutions providing education activities. General regulations on individual educational enterprises are observed in Article 32, which states that an individual entrepreneur is allowed to provide education activities (paid education services) either directly or through the teaching staff. Individual entrepreneurs may provide education activities based on principle EPs as well as on additional EPs, and EPs on professional education. Before the classes begin an individual entrepreneur must give the students and the parents (legal representatives) of underage students information concerning their state registration status, their level of professional education, length of teaching experience and individual teaching experience. If employing teaching staff, an entrepreneur must account for their qualifications, the duration of teaching experience and teaching licenses. We now consider a more profound characteristic of the educational institutions active within the framework of Russia’s education. Depending on the founder, educational establishments can be state, municipal or private. State educational institutions are set up by the Russian Federation or one of the 83 federal subjects (constituent entities) of the Russian Federation. Municipal educational organizations are the ones founded by a municipal body (by a metropolitan area or an urban district). Private educational institutions are referred to as organizations set up by an individual or individuals and/ or corporate body, or their unions, with the exception of foreign religious organizations. Educational institutions adhering to the principal EPs are divided into the following four types: (a) Preschool educational organizations that aim at prompting preschool EPs, see to their fulfilment and provide care for children. (b) Comprehensive educational institutions providing education activities in accordance with EPs on Primary general level, Basic and/or Secondary (complete) general education. (c) Professional educational institutions aimed at acquisition of knowledge presupposed by vocational EPs. (d) Higher education institutions carrying out educational activities based on Higher Education EPs and scientific research.

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The New Law (paragraph 3, Article 23) enlists two types of educational organizations employing additional EPs: educational institutions providing educational activities based on additional EPs as their priority; and educational institutions providing educational activities based on additional Higher Education EPs. It should be observed that the educational institutions of modern Russia are found within the jurisdiction of the following authoritative bodies: the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Healthcare, the Ministry of Culture, Ministry of Education and Science, Ministry of Sport, Ministry of Civil Defence, Emergencies and Disaster Relief, Federal Air Transport Agency, Federal Maritime and River Transport Agency, Russian Federal Service for Intellectual Property, Federal Customs Service of Russia and others. Noteworthy is the fact that the government is empowered to assign an institution of Higher Education to one of the two categories: ‘federal university’ and ‘national research university’. The category of ‘federal university’ is conferred on institutions set up by the government as autonomous establishments. The definition of the term states that an autonomous establishment is a non-profit organization set up by the Russian Federation, a constituent entity of the Russian Federation or a municipal formation to render services contributing to the fulfilment of rights and obligations of public authorities and local governments in the spheres of science, education, healthcare, culture, mass media, civil defence, rate of employment, physical culture and sport, and other spheres in cases provided for by law (including the arrangement of activities and events involving children and youth) (Federal Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Autonomous Institutions’ 2006, available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base= LAW;n=138618).

An institution of higher education with the status of ‘federal university’ often is based on educational organizations of higher education (under the jurisdiction of the Russian Federation) and scientific institutions (under the jurisdiction of federal bodies of executive power, state academies of science and their regional affiliates), with due account taken of the suggestions elaborated by Legislative and Executive Bodies of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, in accordance with their own socio-economic development programmes. The development of federal universities aims to train personnel for comprehensive socio-economic development of the constituent entities within

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the boundaries of education and scientific research integration, modernization and advancement of resources, logistics and sociocultural infrastructure, integration in the global educational space and cross-border cooperation. They are thus recognizing and embracing the phenomenon of globalization. By 1 January 2013 there were nine higher education institutions with the status ‘federal university’ functioning in the RF (Table 3.3). The status of ‘National Research University’ is granted for ten years to those higher educational organizations whose programmes won the competition for being nominated. This careful selection is carried out among the programmes having as their objective staff provision for top-priority domains in the spheres of science, technology, technical equipment, economic sectors, social domains, developing high technology and applying it to boost the industry. In case an organization, having been granted the status, proves inefficient and does not implement the requirements, it may be divested of the status by the government. Presently, there are 29 National Research Universities in Russia. Among them are: Federal State Autonomous Educational Institution of Higher Education, National Research University, Higher School of Economics, Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education ‘Moscow State University of Civil Engineering’, (national research university), Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education ‘The Bauman Moscow State Technical University’ (national research university) and more. Table 3.3  ‘Federal universities’ in Russia and the cities of their placement ‘Federal university’ in the Russian Federation

City

1) Immanuel Kant Baltic Federal University

Kaliningrad

2) Far Eastern Federal University

Vladivostok

3) Kazan (Volga region) Federal University

Kazan

4) Northern (Arctic) Federal University

Arkhangelsk

5) North-Eastern Federal University

Yakutsk

6) North Caucasian Federal University

Stavropol

7) Siberian Federal University

Krasnoyarsk

8) Southern Federal University

Rostov-on-Don

9) Ural Federal University

Ekaterinburg

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Along with these educational organizations the ‘New Law’ features their teaching staff and personnel. Teaching staff are usual persons working for an educational organization, providing education and care, and mapping out and orchestrating the educational process. Teaching staff are represented by school teachers, teachers, principals and rectors of educational institutions. It should be specially mentioned that in Russia the government and other public authorities seek to enhance teachers’ status in the society. For that purpose they create conducive environments for them to carry out and facilitate the learning process. Teaching staff are provided with additional social welfare (social housing, financial backing and others), which is guaranteed by the government. Today high on the agenda are the following issues: by the end of 2013 to set the average salary for teaching staff of comprehensive educational institutions, which is to be no lower than 100 per cent of the average salary in accordance with the economy of the constituent entity. The social esteem and prestige of the teaching profession will be further enhanced. Apart from the teaching staff, learners are active participants of the educational process too. In the ‘New Law’ they are referred to as neutral persons who assimilate knowledge while conducting courses of various types, levels and application. Enrolled in the educational organization in accordance with its rules they can sign off on the educational contract to receive education, through homeschooling and self-education as well. ‘Learner’ in the context of Russia’s education is an umbrella term for such categories as foster children, school students, undergraduate students, students of a military schools (kursants), postgraduate students, postgraduate students of military academies (adjuncts), postgraduate students of medical academies and universities (ordinators), probation assistants (working and doing a special course), auditors (someone who goes regularly to class for a college course without asking for or receiving credit for taking the course), external students and applicants (a candidate seeking to receive a degree doing a self-education course). Article 43 of the Constitution states that parents (legal representatives), adoptive parents or any other representatives respectable and liable for children, as participants of the educational system, ‘are to provide them with basic general education’ (Federal Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Autonomous Institutions’ 2006, available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online.cgi?req=doc;base= LAW;n=138618),_that is including nine forms. Still paragraph 4 Article 44 of the ‘New Law’ says: parents (legal representatives) of underage students are to provide children with secondary general education (which implies 11 forms). The two documents are apparently at odds over this particular question.

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The same article of the ‘New Law’ introduces another important abstract parents are responsible for. Parents are to mould children’s physical, moral and intellectual development, as being is drastically important for them in childhood. To shape their children’s personalities they cannot confine themselves to parental attachment, but should also be competent in psychology and pedagogy, conceive and realize a wish, and possess certain skills, to be children’s first teachers. In accordance with the new legislative act, parents (legal representatives) of underage students acquire a number of extensive rights in the educational domain. They are entitled to choose a form of education and types of education, educational organizations, the language(s) in which a course is taught, and provide the child with preschool, primary general, basic general and secondary general education at home. They may also consider their child’s resuming education in an educational institution at any moment. Parents (legal representatives) have the right to familiarize themselves with: documents, the content of education and the learning process; to be informed on the subject of their child’s progress; to defend his or her legitimate rights and interests; to receive information on their child’s psychological and pedagogical examinations; to allow or forbid such examinations from being carried out on their child; to be present at the psychological, medical and pedagogical examination of their child; to be present at the discussion of the results and medical opinion; to express their own viewpoint on the way education is arranged and the way it should be. They may also take part in managing the institution in accordance with its regulations. Naturally, parents (legal representatives) of underage students have certain responsibilities and obligations too. They may be liable for dodging the responsibilities with which they are supposed to comply or implement, according to the ‘New Law’ or other federal laws. The third element of the educational system is represented by the federal government bodies and the government bodies of constituent entities of the RF, which affect public management in the sphere of education, local governments managing education on a local basis and advisory bodies set up by local governments and other bodies. The ‘New Law’ lays out a clear view on this element in its Chapter 12 entitled ‘Management of the Educational System. State Regulations on Educational Activities’. It outlines the main principles according to which the educational system should be managed. Among the basic ones are the principles of legality, democracy and autonomy of educational organizations, and open information sources and principles of respecting and heeding public opinion. Managing the educational system presupposes both governmental and public involvement,

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which means that alongside the federal government bodies, social non-profit organizations and individuals may and should take active part in running the educational system. It follows from such a governmental educational strategy that the importance of public active involvement shall further increase. In particular, management of the education system in Russia is realized through a set of the following measures: (a) arranging a net of cooperating authoritative bodies (federal bodies of executive power, bodies of executive power in constituent entities and local government bodies) exercising control in the sphere of education; (b) mapping out strategies for further development of the educational system; (c) elaborating and implementing programmes aimed at boosting the educational system in the country (e.g. Russia’s state-run programme ‘Advancement of Education’ for 2013–2020); (d) monitoring the educational process; (e) supplying informational and methodological resources to government bodies of executive power, managing the educational system; (f) state regulation of educational activities; (g) independent assessment of the education quality, public and professional accreditation of educational activity; and (h) providing personnel training and advanced training courses for those working in the sphere of education. Education policy is shaped by federal government bodies and the government bodies of constituent entities at the level of public administration, and by local governments in municipal areas and urban districts. At present, among the federal government bodies managing the education system there are the following: (a) Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. This is a federal body of executive power. Its function consists in forming policy and normative legal regulations in the sphere of education. It coordinates the work of federal government bodies, government bodies of constituent entities and other elements of the education system. On 21 March 2012 the president officially appointed Dmitry Viktorovich Livanov (Dr Hab. of Physics, professor) to be Minister of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. (b) the Federal Service of Supervision in the Sphere of Education and Science (Rosoobrnadzor) is a federal body of executive power exercising control and supervision in the sphere of education, and is headed by Ivan Aleksandrovich Muravjov (Doctor of Legal Science). Apart from the bodies mentioned above, state management of the education system is realized by other federal bodies of executive power that have educational

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institutions within their jurisdiction, government bodies of constituent entities of the RF and local governments. For example, in Moscow as a constituent entity, the education system is managed by the Education Department of the City of Moscow. Another constituent entity is the Moscow Region, whose functions are performed by the Ministry of Education of the Moscow region. As for local governments, they embrace other bodies exercising government control in the sphere of education. Thus, in each of the 11 administrative divisions of Moscow there are county offices of education, and, for instance, in the administration of Krasnogorsky municipal district of the Moscow Region the Department of Education has been set up for the same purposes. It should be pointed out that government bodies and local governments managing the education system set up advisory bodies and other committees, councils, working parties and other frameworks aimed at facilitating and guiding the efforts of departments and offices engaged in the sphere of education. For example, under the administration of Yaroslavl Oblast, there is the Council on implementation of the priority national project and federal target programmes in the sphere of education, the Coordination Council for promotion of implementation of the state strategies catering for gifted children, the Governor of the Yaroslavl region Award Committee, awarding for service in the sphere of education and so on (The List of Consultative and Advisory Bodies under the Governor of Yaroslavl Region, available at: http://www.yarregion.ru/ pages/kollegial_gouvernment.aspx). Hence in the RF there exists an efficient, well-coordinated network of federal government bodies and local governments, providing for and managing the education system. However, still another element of the education system should be considered, namely organizations providing educational activities and quality assessment of education. Organizations providing educational activities can be referred to scientific research and project organizations, design departments, experimental agriculture enterprises and experimental stations. Among them can also be found scientific and methodological organizations, institutions providing informational and ‘High-Tech’ learning aids, managing the education system and assessing the quality of education. Scientific and methodological background may be provided by educational-methodological associations (EMA). They are established by federal bodies of executive power and bodies of executive power of constituent entities of the RF exercising control and management in the sphere of higher education within professional specialization. EMA are mainly targeted at getting teaching and research staff, and employers involved into elaborating the FSES and EP drafts, coordinating the efforts of educational

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organizations and creating high-quality and learning content advancements. For example, EMA of Linguistic Science embraces 200 institutions of higher education in Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The programmes for specialists it deals with are Linguistics and Intercultural Communication, Linguistics and Information Technology and the course of Linguistics for Bachelors of Arts and Masters of Arts. Russia’s basic EMA is a federal state-run educational institution of higher professional education, the Moscow State Linguistic University. The function of providing scientific and methodological, information and technology background, exercising control and quality assessment of the educational process, is performed by other organizations too, such as the following: (a) Federal State Autonomous Organization ‘Federal University of Education Development’ (FUED) under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. Within the domain and responsibility of the FUED are the drafting projects and carrying out scientific research, supporting educational and expert activities, providing system integration and scientific and methodological backing of the innovation policy in the sphere of education (http://www.firo.ru). (b) Another example is the activity of another federal state-run budgetary scientific organization, the Federal Institution of Pedagogical Measurement (FIPM). This is set up to relate to Rosoobrnadzor’s control and supervision functions, the FIPM elaborates highly effective techniques and methods of pedagogical measurements and quality assessment of education, provides methodological and scientific background for the Unified State Exam (USE) and other forms of control over levels of learners’ knowledge attainment assessed with the help of measuring technologies and facilities (http://www.fipi.ru). Under learners’ knowledge attainment is understood a complex characteristic of learners’ education activities and learning curve compared to the ones required by FSES, ES and FSR and (or) natural persons and corporate bodies. Education quality also shows the level of achieved results on learners completing the EP compared to expectancy. The function of another federal state-run budgetary organization, the Federal Testing Centre (FTC), established within the framework of Rosoobrnadzor, is to arrange and provide technological background for the Unified State Examination, as well as to ensure logistical provisions for setting up and managing

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the federal information system of the USE and to facilitate the enrolment of people into educational institutions of vocational training and higher education organizations (http://www.rustest.ru). Finally, there is a fifth element of Russia’s educational system presented by associations of corporate bodies, employers and their unions, public associations and those engaged in education. Under associations of corporate bodies there are non-profit organizations set up by a number of corporate bodies for undertaking certain activities for the sake of their interest (The civil code of the RF 1994, available  at:  http://www.consultant.ru/popular/ gkrf1/5_17.html#p1372). Examples of such associations are represented by the Association of the Classical Universities of Russia (http://www.acur.msu.ru), the Association of Law Schools (http://www.jurvuz.ru/index.php), Association of Non-governmental Higher Educational Establishments of Russia (http:// www.anvuz.ru) and many others. A ‘Public association’ is seen as a self-governed non-profit union initiated by civilians pursuing and attaining the same objectives, enlisted in the regulation act of the association. The right for setting up public associations is exercised directly both through creating groups of neutral persons or unions of corporate bodies – public associations (The Federal Law ‘On Public Associations’ 1995, available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/ online.cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=57722. Such types of organizations may be illustrated by Russia’s national public association the Russian Students Union linking undergraduate and postgraduate students engaged in active society structuring (http://russiansu.ru). One of the most influential unions in the sphere of Russia’s education is the ‘Russian Rectors Union’, initiated by the heads of Russia’s higher education institutions. This national association was founded on a presidential act of 25 November 1992 to preserve their interests and facilitate the attainment of educational goals and objectives, stipulated for by the Union’s regulations (http://rsr-online.ru/index.php). Active involvement of public associations has clearly been reflected in hot debates over the drafted federal law ‘On Education in the Russian Federation’, which reverberated across the Internet for two years. Public constructive criticism induced the lawmakers to introduce significant amendments into the initial draft. It follows that associations of corporate bodies, unions of employers and public associations are deeply interested in Russia’s education and engaged in its mediation related to contributions to the economy, culture, sport and other spheres of life.

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Conclusion Thus still gradually developing, the RF’s education system comes to include (in accordance with the New Law of 1 September 2013) five pivotal elements: the one of Content in the form of FSES, FSR, ES and EP varying in type, level and application; organizations and neutral persons functioning within the system of education and included in it; government bodies and local governments in the educational domain; organizations providing background for education activity and assessment; and personnel engaged in the sphere of education. To ensure successful functioning of the Russian educational system it is important that each of the five elements has very clear and accurate objectives, and that they feature proper content of education and yield good results. Apart from that, the system of education needs strong bonds interconnecting its elements. There is always a possibility of new elements appearing in the course of further development of Russia’s society and education. Such new components are likely to amplify and diversify the educational system.

References Bordovskaja N. and Rean A. (2001), Pedagogy – Undergraduate Course. St. Petersburgh: Peter. Federal Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Autonomous Institutions’ of 3 November 2006. N°174-FL. Chapter 2,available at: http://www.rg.ru/2012/01/17/obrazovaniesite-dok.html. Federal Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Education in the Russian Federation’ of 29 December 2012. N°273-FL,available at: http://www.rg.ru/2012/01/17/ obrazovanie-site-dok.html. Pedagogical Dictionary, 2 volumes (1960), Moscow: Academy of Pedagogical Science. Russian Pedagogical Encyclopedia, 2 volumes (1999), Moscow: Great Russian Encyclopedia. Sadovsky M. and Gubkin K. (2001), Great Soviet Encyclopedia. Moscow: Great Russian Encyclopedia. System: Russian Encyclopedic Dictionary (2003), Moscow: Great Russian Encyclopedia. The Civil Code of the RF (the CC of the RF) of 30.11.1994 N°51-FL. Part 1. Article 121, available at: http://www.consultant.ru/popular/gkrf1/5_17.html#p1372. The Constitution of the Russian Federation, available at: http://www.constitution. ru/10003000/10003000–4.htm.

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The Federal Law ‘On Public Associations’ of 19 May 1995. No 82-FL. Chapter.5, available at: http://base.consultant.ru/cons/cgi/online. cgi?req=doc;base=LAW;n=57722. The Law of the Russian Federation ‘On Education’ (2012), Moscow: Eksmo. The List of Consultative and Advisory Bodies under the Governor of Yaroslavl Region/ The Government of the Yaroslavl Region, available at: http://www.yarregion.ru/ pages/kollegial_gouvernment.aspx. The Official Website of Association of Non-governmental Higher Education Establishments of Russia, available at: http://www.anvuz.ru. The Official Website of the Association of Law Schools, available at: http://www.jurvuz. ru/index.php. The Official Website of the Association of the Classical Universities of Russia, available at: http://www.acur.msu.ru The Official Website of the FIED, available at: http://www.firo.ru. The Official Website of the FIPM, available at: http://www.fipi.ru. The Official Website of the FTC, available at: http://www.rustest.ru. The Official Website of the Russian Rectors Union, available at: http://rsr-online.ru/ index.php. The Official Website of the Russian Students Union, available at: http://russiansu.ru.

4

Russia: Distance Learning Aleksandr Andreev

Definition of distance learning We begin with a definition of the key term – distance learning (DL). Today there are many definitions of the DL concept. From the simple definition such as: ‘DL is a distantly received education with the use predominantly of ICT (Information and Communication Technologies)’ to the author’s preferred definition taking into account the essential singularities of the process: In general, distance learning is the purposeful and specially organized process of interaction between the students and the teacher, the information and communication technology facilities and between the students themselves. This process isn’t limited by the region, time and particular educational institution, and it proceeds in the specific educational system consisting of the goal, content, tools, methods and forms, the teacher and the students (Andreev 2002)

Different scientific schools and particular scientists stand up for their views of the definition of this category of electronic pedagogy. In all fairness, it has to be noted than the more definitions of DL become available, the closer we approach to a true understanding of this phenomenon.

Context and causes of DL in Russia The year 1995 is considered to be the date of DL foundation in Russia, when the DL concept was approved in the Russian Federation, though there are some other points of view on this subject, for example, the date of the beginning of the DL experiment (1997, Order No. 1050 of the Ministry of Education) or the date of the first pilot distance education of the Russian students in the USA.

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We can mark several causes of the DL origin in Russia. The first cause is the formation of a critical mass of potential DL users, the vast territory, the progress in education computerization and the desire to keep up with education in other countries. The traditional group of distance educational service users in the DL formative years includes: (a) people who live in the little-developed or remote regions of the country and abroad; (b) people who combine study and work (such as sportspeople, rotation workers and sailors); (c) people with medical constraints (such as the disabled); and (d) the military and penal system participants. In recent years the list has been broadened by students, pupils and mothers on childcare leave, a result of the baby boom in Russia. Mothers can study distantly at the website http://mamaznaetvse.ru. The second cause is the vast territory of Russia, and the third is the progress of the ICT systems’ development, which forms the practical resource base for the real DL.

Historical and personal factors From a historical point of view we can mark the significant dates of the evolution, educational institutions and the personalia of Russian DL. In 1990 the DL system was established for educating fishers at the Far East, organized by the now-deceased rector of the Russian Institute of Management ‘Tantal’ Chernov V.P. (www.tantal.ru). This was followed in 1991 by the International Institute of Management LINK (www.link.ru), and in 1992 by the Modern University for the Humanities (www.muh.ru). Then in 1996 came the Moscow State University of Economics, Statistics and Informatics (www.mesi.ru), and in 2000 the Federal State Scientific Institution ‘Russian State Institute of Open Education’. At the same time the learning process was developing in the DL departments of such institutions as the Moscow Institute of Electronics and Mathematics, the Moscow State Industrial University, the Institute of Content and Methods of Teaching of the Russian Academy of Education, the Institute of Distance Education Tomsk State University (http://ido.tsu.ru) and the International Centre of Business Education. There have been others, there were pioneer examples.

An approach to classification In 1992 only 6–8 educational institutions delivered DL programmes, but now you will hardly find any educational institution that does not employ

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DL to some extent. Now the great number of such institutions allowed us to make a primary classification of the educational institutions delivering DL programmes by the following four criteria: (a) legal status: state, non-state, municipal, corporate; (b) promotion of educational services: local market, export, import; (c) the levels and areas of the educational provision delivery: general (basic and advanced) and professional (basic and advanced); (d) the areas of the educational provision delivery: education in the humanities; natural-science, engineering, socioeconomic, agricultural, medical education and so on. It is in non-formal education that DL is the main model of education provision. In the early stages, DL was delivered mainly in response to the humanitarian need, but now it is widely used to train engineers, medical and agricultural workers and others. The reason for this is that improvements of information and communication technology facilities and levels of sophistication allow for carrying out ‘distance laboratory’ work. Such distance practical work is successfully delivered by providing the student with remote access (via the Internet) to the real laboratory facility and by simulating the process of carrying out the practical work at the computational model directly at the student’s workplace (virtual laboratories). An example of the distance laboratory practical work designed on the basis of the second principle can be found at the websites of the Bauman Moscow State Technical University (www.lud.bmstu.ru) and the National Research University. The regulatory foundation for the Russian DL is Order No. 137 on the ‘Procedure for usage of DL’ and the Federal Law of 29 December 2012 N 273FZ, ‘About education in the Russian Federation’.

Distance education technologies Studying DL problems allows one to mark out some types of distance education technologies in Russia, which are used in the educational institutions to any extent at all levels of DL development. They are correspondence, case, television, rotation, Internet, mobile and telepresence. The correspondence technology is characterized by the fact that the delivery of the learning materials and interaction between the teacher and the student is carried out through traditional mail. This technology has a 200-year-old history and it is available till now (e.g. the European correspondence school in Belgorod).

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For the purposes of case technology a student distantly receives the learning materials package including the paper study guides, audio and video cassettes, various instructions on the independent work organization and so on. In this case the delivery is carried out through different means of transport. The television technology is characterized by the fact that the whole range of educational activities carried out in the central educational institution is ‘cloned’ in the numerous branch offices through the satellite channels. In Russia this technology is exclusively used by the Modern University for the Humanities (www.muh.ru). In case of rotation technology, the team of teachers with the appropriate teaching materials goes to the group of students concentrated in one geographical point. The telepresence technology can be described by the situation when a distance student somewhat participates in onsite teaching through the mobile technical device remotely controlled by a student and equipped with a video camera and an audio system (rbot.ru) (http://www.ntv.ru/novosti/295198/). The other variants of telepresence through the different avatars in the Internet will be discussed later.

The Internet technology The most future-oriented and commonly used distance education technology among the above-mentioned ones is Internet technology. It was not for nothing that Bill Gates once said that if you were not in the Internet you did not exist, though this is of course an exaggeration. In 2012 the Russian Internet will reach the age of 18 years. It is quite a small period for the scientific understanding and social and pedagogical learning of such an integrated electronic global system. The distance education technology is understood as the education technology implemented mainly with the use of the information and telecommunication networks in the process of the indirect (distantly) interaction between the students and the teachers. There are a number of tasks that should be completed by any educational institution to implement Internet learning: (a) to provide material support (such as the appropriate problem-solving environment, computers, channels); (b) to develop (or purchase) the academic provision; (c) to develop the structure responsible for the Internet technologies implementation; to train staff (teachers and others); (d) to train students; (e) to plan and organize Internet learning; (f) to adjust the records system; (g) to motivate the staff; and (h) to enlist the

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support of the executive management. The last item is essential not just in the Russian educational system; it can be a problem in any country. If we evaluate the scales and efficiency of Internet technology-focused DL implementation, the educational systems of different levels and agencies will range as follows: corporate, institutional and school. Hence, corporate training, providing training and professional development of the industrial companies and firms’ staff, is worth studying and generalizing to use it in the academic sector. The integrated interaction between corporate and academic DL will surely produce a synergistic effect. Today you will hardly find any educational institution that does not employ Internet technologies to some extent. The study of the learning models (or the schemes, methods of management or scenarios) has shown that they belong to a very wide range. One common practice involves publication of teaching materials in the text-graphical form and the follow-up control of achievements in the form of tests. An example of this scheme is the website www.businesslearning.ru for free business education in the small and medium business range. Another scheme (used, for example, by the Institute of Modern Journalism at the MSU (www.newjourn.ru)) involves the extended set of the syllabus presentation forms (video lectures, webinars, multimedia texts of the training aids and numerous variants of communications between a student and a teacher and between students themselves (various forums, chats, video services) and a number of controllable individual tasks). We now consider in detail the training options at Russian universities and educational institutions of additional education. 1. National Open University INTUIT (www.intuit.ru): After registration, students gain access to the lectures, which are made in the form of academic texts with graphs and figures. Students study independently and take self-control with the help of tests at the end of each lecture. After completion of all the modules, students receive a certificate of completion. It is also possible to study using video courses. 2. Moscow Institute of Economics, Management and Law (www.miemp.ru): After registration, and studying the educational material, in accordance with the curriculum, students study independently using e-learning courses, placed in special programmes for online learning. In the learning process students may consult with the instructor. The basis of a discipline is the e-learning course, which consists of the topics studied, methodical chapter (study guide course), self-control chapter (tests and other control

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tasks) and an additional chapter (materials for students’ independent work: electronic readers, pointers, glossary, etc.). The sequence of e-learning course is described in the manual for the study of the course, which includes training and thematic plan of the course and schedule control. 3. Educational Organization Training centre ‘Stars and C’ (www.e-learn. ru): It is an educational institution for further education. After paying the tuition fee and registering, a complete set of didactic teaching materials is available: (a) a brief summary of lectures, followed by illustrations; (b) instructions for laboratory works; (c) a set of CD-ROM drives; (d) demo version of the product under study (evaluation copy of software); and (e) training materials in electronic form: presentation and text. In addition, students receive a broad range of opportunities for learning activities, such as: (a) repeatedly listening to the lectures, which are accompanied by a demonstration of teaching slides and video presentations; (b) discussion work issues with the coach and his/her colleagues in the ‘chat’, besides taking part in a special ‘conference’; (c) consulting certified Microsoft trainers by email; (d) getting branded educational tools of Microsoft, similar to those full-time students receive; (e) testing the knowledge and skills with the help of online tests after each training module; and (f) performing ‘live’ laboratory works by connecting to the installed and configured hardware training centre in terminal mode. 4. Educational organization of distance education business of small and medium-sized businesses (www.businesslearning.ru): For training students choose online courses on the website and register on it. Educational material is divided into modules. Choice of modules, consequence of the study material and time are defined by students themselves. They may consult with the tutor of the course and see the statistics of the results. Control of knowledge takes place through online testing. Successful completion of all tests of the module results in admission to full-time certification, after which students can obtain certificates. 5. Moscow Financial-Industrial University ‘Synergy’ (www.megacampus. ru): Registered students get access to learning materials, which include course syllabus, guidance on the study subjects, a training manual for the course, an exercise book, case workshops, laboratory courses and other assignments for training. The training provides the following types

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of training activities independently and mixed learning: counselling, workshops on problem solving, practical assignments, training, work in a training company, in the form of interactive audio lessons, lectures and webinars. The virtual campus has all the necessary pedagogical and technological tools for communication of teachers and students, including class virtual consultations. They are the e-library, containing all the necessary additional literature, video presentations, research papers, links to Internet resources on the subject area, as well as educational books for teachers. 6. Moscow State Industrial University (www.msiu.ru): With online training typical functions of the organization and conduct of the educational process are implemented: access to educational materials, the ability to communicate with the teacher online in accordance with the scheduled classes or at any convenient time for students. All tests and assignments can be performed by students independently. The electronic register allows controlling the process of studying. 7. International Institute of Management LINK, System OpenLearning (www. ou-link.ru): After payment and registration training activities for students include study of educational material, testing and tutoring. The system of webinars is introduced. 8. Lomonosov Moscow State University/Institute of modern journalism (www. newjourn.ru): During training at a convenient time, students study materials for homework, communicate with teachers, participate in online discussions on professional journalistic themes, are present online for workshops and webinars, take exams and get grades. Thus, we can say that almost all modern Russian educational institutions use Internet technologies with varying degrees of involvement and intensity. The various options for organizing the learning process require classification and formalization, the simplest of which are divided into full-time and mixed learning. The last option is the most common and can implement the evolution of Internet technologies. It is important to note that while in the past century training was used in the humanities and economic sciences, the progress in the development of ICT will enable DL for engineers, since it is possible to conduct independent laboratory works. Great success in making and using the independent laboratory practices was achieved at the Bauman Moscow State Technical University (http://lud. bmstu.ru/).

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Software tools for Internet learning in the Russian higher school The use of Internet technologies in Russian educational activities either in blended learning or in pure DL (without any face-to-face contact) is based on software that can be (a) store-bought, (b) designed with the use of special website construction kits (c) self-engineered through ‘direct’ programming, or (d) a combination of the said variants. All these variants are used, but the most popular one is the store-bought software, especially in the process of Internet technologies implementation in large institutions where store-bought branded software (often referred to as the Distance Learning System/DLS or the Learning Management System/LMS) is commonly installed. If you keep a sharp lookout for the Russian software market dynamic you will notice that from time to time the new home-produced and foreign shell programmes for Internet learning appear. The foreign firms especially keep offering their services, which are rather expensive. Below is a list of the popular shell programmes used mainly in the Russian institutional activities and corporate (in-company) training. The Russian ones: PROMETEUS (www.prometeus.ru), eLEARNING 3000 (www.learnware.ru), DOCENT (www.uniar.ru), WEBTUTUR (www.distancelearning.ru), COMPETENTUM (www.competentum.ru), DLS REDCLASS (www.redcenter.ru) and others. The foreign ones: Black Board (http://www. blackboard.com), Oracle iLearning (www.oracle.com), IBM Workplace Collaborative Learning (www.lotus.com), Microsoft ClassServer (www. microsoft.com/Rus/Education/ClassServer/Default.mspx) and others. The study of the technical and didactical characteristics of the abovementioned products allows us to mark out the following generalized functional components: (a) development and publication of academic information in various formats – from the text to the hypermedia material; (b) online and offline pedagogical communication between the educational process participants; (c) organizational and administrative tasks; and (d) control via the testing system. In general, we can say that these components complete the basic tasks that are inherent in any current shell programme regardless of its developer. We can say that the situation at the market of such software products for Internet-based DL figuratively reminds of the situation at the Russian car market, and the selection of one or another shell programme reminds us of the selection and purchase of a car. Much depends on the available financial resources and personal preferences of potential users. Note that having learned the skills of working with a certain shell programme you can study and teach in the Internet using any other home-

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produced or foreign shell programmes. We think that in this context the following analogy is an appropriate one: if you know the road regulations, driving technique and the principles of car design you can easily reach your destination either by Russian cars or by foreign-made cars (of course, with different levels of comfort). In this case the car model is the metaphor of the shell programme. As mentioned above from the pedagogical point of view, the shell programmes provide the teacher with similar possibilities; in other words, each of the shell programmes provides the publication of and access to the teaching materials and organization of pedagogical communication through chat, forum, message boards and testing system. All these services are delivered to the user with one or other level of the components’ development, guaranteeing educational comfort. The social networks and services of the Internet web 2.0 with their numerous didactic features have become the arch-rivals of the traditional problem-solving environments, and insomuch that Learning Management System (LMS) producers began to integrate the social networks with typical features such as photo publishing, communities, modes of communication and so on, in their LMS. An example of such solutions can serve as a platform ‘MegaCampus’ (www. megacampus.ru), which has been developed at the University of Synergy (www.mfpa.ru). This online platform allowed the university to increase the number of users by several times in addition to broadening the range of educational provision and adding web 2.0 tools such as the inner educational social network, the animated interactive classes, knowledge maps, webinars, interactive tests and so on. MegaCampus is the open educational space that allows everyone to become the author of a distance course and deliver teaching using the portal’s tools.

Peculiarities of Internet-based DL Participating in e-Learning-related conferences, studying of its materials and analyzing the available information of the other DL providers and the appropriate literature allowed us to mark out the distinctive features of Russian Internet-based learning, including the usage of (a) virtual reality; (b) Internet web 2.0 services; (c) open educational resources; and (d) video services. We may clarify the essence of these distinctive features. The ‘virtual reality’ concept is usually applied to the developed computer ‘worlds’, which look and are felt like the real world. According to the publications on electronic education the use of virtual reality determines the progress of

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educational institution in e-Learning, although the efficiency and didactic characteristics have not yet been studied in detail. In Russia the problem-solving environment of virtual learning was developed under the guidance of Morozov M.N. (vacademia.com).

The Internet web 2.0 services in the learning process Web 2.0 is the web-based services (problem-solving environments, engines, shell programmes) that are used to organize easy-to-understand and at the same time comfortable online activities. The main web 2.0 services in Russian education are as follows: (a) the blog service (synonyms are the problem-solving environment, shell programme, engine) is used for posting materials in the Internet, which can be read and commented upon by registered users; (b) the WikiWiki service is used for posting materials in the Internet, which can be read and edited by registered users; (c) the Delicios service is used for web pages bookmarks storage (searchable and with descriptions); (d) the YouTube service is used for storage, viewing and discussion of video clips, where users can add, view and comment upon some or other video clips; (e) the Flickr service is used for storage, viewing and discussion of photos; (f) twitter is a microblog; and (g) social networks (myworld, vkontakte). According to the definition the web 2.0 services may include the websites construction kits, which allow the general user (not programmer), – and most of the teachers are general users – to design the website for individual use investing minimum effort. There are some free services for designing the teachers’ individual websites, for example, narod.ru, ucoz.ru, googlesite.com, taba.ru and others. The free web 2.0 services can obviously be a significant addition to the LMS, increasing (or fully replacing) their didactic possibilities.

The open educational resources (OERs) OERs provide open access to the use and development of both the educational resources themselves and the different purpose software. This is a kind of a new interpretation of the communistic principle ‘everything is in the name of a man, everything is for the benefit of a man’, and the free encyclopaedia wikipedia.org is a good example of its successful implementation. The area of OERs is actively supported by UNESCO. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) announced in 1999 that it was going to offer its programmes to anyone interested

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in it through the Internet (http://ocw.mit.edu), and hence it is considered to be the father of OER. It is interesting that the OER movement in Russia began almost concurrently with the MIT. Hence, the national open institute ‘Intuit’ www.intuit.ru (the rector is Shkred A.) published the educational resources for free use. In general the Russian Open Educational Resources are represented in the Internet by several portals including: (a) the information system ‘The single window of access to the educational resources’ (IS ‘The single window’ http:// window.edu.ru); (b) the Federal Center of the Information and Educational Resources (FCIER, http://eor.edu.ru) and others. For example, you can see lectures of the leading Russian teachers at the website www.lektorium.tv and compare them with the methodical and informative level of the Berkley University lecturers. More than a year ago the open virtual university (diductio.ru) was founded in Russia and this was a milestone event in the area of OER. In this university everybody can study and share his/her knowledge.

Using of video services Video services in general are the telecommunication systems providing for the online exchange of text and audio/video information between the two and more users spread over a distance and connected to the Internet. There are many video service providers at the Russian educational market, such as www.comdi. com, www.webinar.ru, www.websoft.ru, www.imind.com and others. The Mind (www.imind.com) videoconferencing can be a good example of the efficient implementation of video service in the practice of DL and full-time education at the Education Sciences Department of Lomonosov, MSU. The ease of use, availability of afterhours support, the video and text educational materials for individual learning of service by the teachers, students and participants of the professional development courses as well as the quality and reliability of transmission even with the poor carrier channels allow using it both for translating the onsite classes for distance students and for delivering the webinars by the teachers. The video service skype.com is commonly used for consultations and communications between the students and the teachers and between the students themselves. Thus, the use of video services in the learning process allows us to bring the educational communication to the familiar face-to-face mode. For example, today webinars are becoming the same conventional mode of class delivery as

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onsite lectures and seminars. The practice of their delivery shows that distance classes in that case can prove to be even more efficient than the face-to-face ones.

The teaching materials for Internet learning It is clear that the topic under consideration is only one of the items in a list of tasks regarding Internet learning implementation; in its turn it faces a range of problems that can be studied for quality evaluation of teaching materials development problems in e-Learning. Such problems that have to be solved for the quality working of teaching materials include rather correlated components such as: (a) the concepts, peculiarities and principles of educational electronic publications and resources, for instance the teaching materials and design; (b) components’ structure and content; (c) development phases and team; (d) unification and standardization; (e) quality evaluation; and (f) copyright law and intellectual property regulations. The first two points are further discussed here.

The concept, peculiarities and principles of design As long as all the listed components are basically contained on the electronic media we can generally say that they are all electronic educational publications and resources (EER). This term covers both the electronic publications on the removable media and information resources in computer networks. An electronic publication is an electronic document (or a group of electronic documents) that has passed the editorial and publishing adaptation, is intended for straight extension and has the publisher’s imprint according to the ‘GOST 7.83–2001, Electronic publication. The main types and publisher’s imprint’. The peculiarities of such teaching materials compared with the familiar paper textbook are well-known and include in general the following possibilities: (a) customization and optimization of the user interface according to the individual wants of the student; (b) development of a simple and convenient navigation engine; (c) advanced search engine; (d) built-in computerized testing of the knowledge gained; (e) adaptation of the material under study according to the student’s knowledge; (f) interactive interaction between the students and the complex elements; (g) involvement of the special segments modelling the development of the processes under study; (h) involvement of the audio files and video segments; and (i) the full-scale multimedia format.

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Let us now discuss some principles of the development of teaching materials. According to the principle of pedagogy priority we shall begin with the principles that are considered traditional pedagogical ones. Note that the priority principle is the leading and authoritative rule of electronic pedagogy that serves the e-Learning processes scientifically and methodically. So, as is well-known the canonic basic pedagogical principles include the following: scientific character; availability; consciousness and activity; visual expression; consistency and continuity; stability; and combining theory with practice. These principles are studied in detail in any Russian pedagogy textbook, but unfortunately without proof. The requirements that should be followed when developing teaching materials result from the common sense and accumulated experience of the designing practice. For example, on the basis of personal educational experience and generalization of national developments we can make a list not of the principles and requirements but of the recommendations that should be taken into account by the teacher while developing the teaching materials and find their place among our educational activities. Hence, developers of teaching materials should try to provide and take into account: (a) a pragmatist approach (had read – have done); (b) interactivity in the process of study; (c) psychophysical peculiarities of the students; (d) the interface ergonomics when presenting the useful part of all the teaching materials components to the students; (e) the possibility of introducing changes in the structure and useful part of the teaching materials, in other words to provide for the openness and flexibility; (f) the motivational and activity component; (g) commitment to possibility of using it both by students and by teachers; (h) modularity of structure (each part at least includes the purposeful, educational and information, and control part); (i) customization according to the student’s starting knowledge level; (j) personal identification and regulation of access to the teaching materials system; (k) starting knowledge of students, which can be revealed by preliminary questioning; and (l) adherence to the copyright law. If you analyze the meaning of such recommendations (or, in other words, ‘light’ requirements) you will realize that the list’s boundaries are vague and correlated in the meaning content. Of course as time passes and as new ideas and technical possibilities appear, the list can be supplemented and improved. Now having equipped yourselves with the list of recommendations we can set out the development of teaching materials. Studying the national and foreign teaching materials allowed us to make a list of the basic and additional elements that are part of the teaching materials.

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The basic structure of the teaching materials: (a) introduction to the course (the author, annotation); (b) the educational subject syllabus; (c) teaching information; (d) teaching materials study guide; (e) reading book (the course e-library); (f) academic calendar (timing); (g) check unit (the tests, topics of seminars, practical assignments, projects, cases, test questions); (h) glossary and the list of acronyms and abbreviations; and (i) conclusion. The additional structure of the teaching materials (some didactic accessories that improve the quality and make the teaching materials look presentable) is as follows: (a) collection of the students works (projects, reports); (b) frequently asked questions with the appropriate answers; (c) resumes package (to teach the potential students and the starting point of knowledge in the subject, the summary enquiry form to evaluate the course and the teacher); (d) epigraphs to the teaching materials’ modules; (e) psychological make-up texts for effective studying; (f) case study with examples of solutions; and (g) the labour input required to learn the sections and topics.

The DL teacher Demands and activities of the traditional university lecturer have already been discussed in detail in the book (Resnick and Vdovina 2010). In this section we shall discuss the roles and competences of university teachers in the educational environment imbued with the information and communication technology facilities. Perhaps it would be more useful to title this section more provocatively, for example: ‘Is there any need for a teacher in the e-Learning environment?’ This question is not so baseless if you consider the following thoughts on this subject. Peter Drucker (2006) states that: ‘The need in the traditional full-time higher education shall fall off during the next thirty years’. He is the ideologue of the modern management, the internationally recognized academic authority and we can trust him. So, if higher education in its present format falls away, there will be no need for higher education teachers (at least, in their present format). Then one of the main features of modern education is the offset of the educational activities vector to the individual work and the third-generation federal state educational standards give attention to that fact. 1. This trend in the international education was noticed by Dryden and Vos (2003): ‘Education will be quickly changing to the self-education: individually directed and individually performed by the students’. Jim Rohn, the world-known business philosopher who has developed the work strategies of such companies as Coca Cola, IBM, Xerox, General Motors

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and others, made the following statement in his book ‘Seven Strategies to Achieve Wealth and Happiness’: ‘Formal education will help you to survive. But the self-education will bring you to success’ (http://www.victoria.lviv. ua/html/interesno/ron.htm). All these provide testament to the fact that the teacher’s role is growing smaller and in the extreme can be discussed. Enhancement of the informal education role in the information society is observed, where by a number of measures we stay and successfully move to the knowledge society. This education occurs on impulse by means of the individual activities of persons in the cultural and educational environment: communication, reading, visiting cultural institutions, travelling, mass media and so on. It develops especially notably in the Internet social networks (such as vk.com) where the population with access to the Internet and especially Russian schoolchildren spend a lot of time. This fact again excludes the presence of a teacher in principle, though some teachers use the didactic possibilities of social networks to support the learning process. In the development of open educational sources of ideology, the open educational sources efficiently support lifelong learning in terms of selfeducation realization, and provide infinite possibilities for self-education, which again exclude the presence of a teacher. On the other hand the inertial out-of-date view of the teacher’s role in the information and communication environment results in the fact that the teacher is replaced by a cybernetic model, which simulates the actions of a traditional teacher and looks like a real person. There are many reports on the development and testing of robot teachers, for example http://spb.kp.ru/daily/24316.4/509685. We think they made the obvious crucial typical error of implementing the dead roles of the teacher inherent to the traditional face-to-face class-lesson model with the use of the latest information and communication technology facilities. In our opinion we have mentioned enough to review teachers’ functions in the information and communication educational environment. We see the teacher rather as the learning process manager. And here the knowledge of the subject takes a back seat. Nobody actually is surprised at the fact that the person with good management skills can successfully manage different enterprises such as, for example, the aviation-, railway-, medicine-related companies, and so on. The same is also true for education – the teacher does not need to know his subject in detail, but he should be able to organize the learning process with the use of the information and communication technology facilities based on the recent developments of electronic pedagogy (pedagogic design).

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It has become clear even at the intuitive level that the twenty-first century teacher must assist in selection of the individual learning curve, be able to be involved and integrate the spontaneous awareness and practical experience in the learning process, employ the individual approach, encourage the informal setting at classes, the group work of students and so on. This list does not include the knowledge of the subject; all these items are the pure components of educational management. In other words the teacher should train the students in self-organization according to the quickly changing tasks of life. The well-known statement of the founder of the national scientific pedagogy К. D. Ushinskiy on the main requirement to the teacher ‘You must know your subject … ’ can be restated in the following manner: ‘You must know the basis of the educational activities management in the information and communication technology-intensive environment … ’ (http://az.lib.ru/u/ushinskij_k_d/). The number of university professors in Russia is more than 300,000. Unfortunately, the life and problems of a university professor seldom appear as the subject of description in fiction. They are only described in the story ‘Department’ by I. Grekova (1965) (which is the pen name of Elena Sergeevna Ventzel, Doctor of Engineering, professor, the author of the perfect textbooks on the operation research and the probability theory) http://lib.ru/PROZA/ GREKOWA/kafedra.txt

The university professor It makes sense to determine the subject of our study. Who is the Russian university professor? Here are the two definitions – the national and the foreign one. The university professor is an academic teacher of the higher education institution performing his/her professional educational activity within the limits of his/her specialization and qualification and also doing research work. The recommendations on the status of the teaching staff of higher education institutions (Paris, 11 November 1997, the General UNESCO Conference. Preamble.) say that … ‘the definition of the “teaching staff of higher education institutions” includes all the persons at the higher education institutions or the higher education programmes who deal with teaching and/or research and/or those who provide the educational services to the students or the society as a whole in a full-time or part-time capacity’. But which of them are training of the teachers. The traditional ways of training of university professors include

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two areas: (a) to train teachers on purpose, for example, the teachers for the secondary schools who gain their higher degree in the pedagogical universities in the area of ‘Education and pedagogy’; (b) professionally develop or retrain the employees who have already gained a higher degree. In the Russian higher school they prefer the second area, and its implementation involves the development of requirements to the teacher as the first step. From our point of view and according to the common practice in the case of the university professor it makes sense to bring the requirements together in the following blocks. (a) Professional competence provides for the deep knowledge and broad scholarship in the subject field, the non-traditional creative thinking, good knowledge of the innovative strategy and tactics as well as the creative tasks solution methods; (b) Pedagogical competence includes the knowledge of the basis of pedagogy and psychology, the medico-biologic aspects of intellectual activity as well as good knowledge of the modern teaching forms, methods, tools and technologies; (c) Communication competence includes the well-developed literary oral and written speech, knowledge of foreign languages, modern technologies and efficient methods and techniques of interpersonal communication; (d) Social and economic competence involves the knowledge of the global processes of civilization development and the functioning of modern society as well as the basis of sociology, economy, management and law; (e) Mental and moral qualities that make the strong system of the mental, cultural, moral and other values in their national and universal meaning. These principles allow us to formulate the minimum practice-oriented requirements of the university professor in the Russian context: (a) to be able to formulate the objectives of the educational subject and lesson; (b) to know the structure and be able to develop the educational subject curriculum; (c) to know the didactic and organizational characteristics as well as to be able to integrate the typical categories of the traditional and electronic classes in the learning process; (d) to choose and use the didactically relevant information and communication technology facilities including the computer and Internet in the learning process in all modes of the programmes’ delivery; (e) to know and use various educational forms of the learning process control including different tests; (f) to know the characteristics of and be able to search for and use in the learning process the educational resources including those of the Internet; (g) to

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be able to develop the methodical recommendations and guides to deliver the classes; (h) to know the basis of the regulatory support of the learning process and the copyright law; (i) to have good physical, mental and moral health; and (j) to know the elements of coaching. It is clear that a university professor is considered to have enough professional competence, but then this must include the mastering of e-Learning techniques. This set of requirements consisting of the first nine points was taken as a basis for the author’s course ‘The Basis of the Teaching in the Internet’ (moodle.fpo. msu.ru), which will allow for meeting these requirements. The structure of the educational course consists of the following topics: (a) peculiarities of modern education; (b) theoretical basis of the higher school pedagogy; (c) academic support of electronic learning; (d) planning and implementation of the learning process; (e) software tools for preparation and delivery of e-Learning; (f) the quality of e-Learning; (g) the teacher of e-Learning; and (h) the regulatory support (the copyright law). This shows clearly the importance of training of the teachers using the Internet web 2.0 services in the learning process. Education in Russia will quickly be changing to self-education: individually directed and individually carried out by the students. We can suggest that the quality of a person’s education as well as his/her health broadly depends on: (a) inheritable characteristics – by 15 per cent; (b) formal education – by 35 per cent; and (c) self-education – by 50 per cent. That is why the development and updating of the university professor competences significantly depend on the teacher himself/herself.

Conclusion DL is the most relevant process of the lifelong learning principle implementation. Collection and documentation of the information on the history of Russian DL will allow us to use the accumulated experience and remember those who contributed to its establishment and development. Among the well-known Russian distance education technologies such as the correspondent, case, television, rotation, Internet, mobile and telepresence technology, the Internet technologies are the most preferable ones. The corporate educational systems include the most advanced Internet-based learning. The study of the educational provision, organizational forms of education and some other organizational points of Internet-based learning in various educational institutions allows us to identify that there is a broad range of educational activities categories. The

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set of educational activities may be the simplest one when a student studies the teaching material and sits for tests, and be the didactically intense one when we also use the interactive types of classes, the distance laboratory practical works and so on. The peculiarities of real Internet-based education in Russian educational institutions include the usage of (a) the virtual reality; (b) the Internet 2.0 services; (c) the open educational resources; and (d) the video services. The structure of teaching materials for e-Learning, which is recommended as the ‘light’ didactical standard, consists of the basic and the additional part. The basic structure includes such components as introduction to the course, the educational subject curriculum, the educational information, the study guide, the reading book, the academic calendar, the check unit, glossary and the list of acronyms and abbreviations and conclusion. The role of the teacher in the information and communication educational environment will possibly decrease the direct delivery of the e-Learning process but will increase the process of designing of electronic teaching materials. To keep the professional, information, communication and legal competences up to date the high school teachers have to constantly develop their skills, and such professional development courses shall be delivered with the use of distance education technologies. The communities, for examples elearningpro.ru, which was founded by E.V. Nikhomirova, play a big role in this process.

Acknowledgements The author extends appreciation to Rubin Yu.B., Semkina T. A. and Ozhgihina A. A. for assistance in the content formation and to the team of translators of Synergy University for the English translation.

References Andreev, A. A. (2002). Pedagogy of Higher Education. New Course. Moscow: Moscow University of Industry and Finance. Drucker, P. (2006). Encyclopedia of Management. Williams Drydent, G. and Vos, J. (2003). The Revolution in Education. Moscow: Parvin. Grekova, I. (1965) available at: http://lib.ru/PROZA/GREKOWA/kafedra.txt_Contents Reznik, S. D. and Vdovinа, O. A. (2010), University Teacher: Technology and Business Operations, (ed.) S. Reznik. Moscow: INFRA,

5

Russia: Music Education Vladimir Orlov

There is hardly any music scholar or artist from the West who has not remained deeply impressed upon visiting music educational institutions in Russia. The friendliness and responsiveness of Russian students are most frequently noted, and then their high technical skills and hardworking abilities are usually mentioned. Having encountered dozens of visitors to Russia over the years, the author does not recall that these assurances of high appreciation would be ever addressed directly to Russian education. Although it is shrouded in myth all over the world – glorified with great names and recognized schools – this system of music education has always evoked a mixed reception by critics, receiving both highest praise and harsh criticism. Nowadays, it is passing through one of the most difficult periods of its life, undergoing reforms that are aimed at its radical change. The current state of Russian education in music is only briefly discussed in Russian scholarship, and only in some aspects. At the same time, media and Internet sources are overflowing with different debates on this subject. The views of Russian intelligentsia, presented in the media, are mostly passionate in style and dogmatic in their anti-governmental position, stigmatizing every initiative from above as detrimental by definition. Thus, in order to create a complete and balanced picture, we will have to rely both on published materials – governmental reports, scholarship and media – and on the strong oral element in Russia – private discussions and talks in the corridors – which probably constitute the most indispensable part of Russia’s public opinion. The author’s own background – as a practicing musician, musicologist and a music teacher in the third generation of his family, having lived, studied and worked in academic environment in different parts of Russia, such as the capitals (in Moscow, Saint-Petersburg), provincial cities (Kirov, Nizhny Novgorod) and centres of Russian emigration abroad (Washington D.C. in

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the USA, Cambridge in the United Kingdom) – also constitutes a useful contextual source for this paper. Western scholars are aware of the difficulties that Russian education undergoes. For instance, Frances Larimer, a professor from Northwestern University, visited Russia twice with a lecture and a seminar shortly after the collapse of the USSR, in the early 1990s. In his article written upon his experience, he pointed out the fact of positive change that took place between his visits in 1991 and 1993. He noticed numerous institutional reforms, including a ‘strong desire to explore better teaching and teaching training’ in music (Larimer 1993: 64). However, this positive attitude, along with the recently obtained freedom, was greatly undermined by fundamental cuts of governmental funding that had come together with the abolition of strict control over cultural study programmes. Above all, however, Russian people demonstrated ‘a strong dedication to preserving the best of their nation’s cultural traditions’ in music education, as he noted (ILarimer 1993: 68). Today, it looks as if only the last tendency noticed by him remains strong – music in the Russian educational system still retains its Soviet shape, reacting with suspicion against any shifts towards reformation and Westernization such as the Bologna process, or governmental reform of education. Notwithstanding that, some successful pursuits towards absorbing novel educational principles in music have actually taken place – as will be discussed towards the end of the chapter.

Where does Russian education in music come from? In Russia one could frequently hear the opinion that ‘our education – is free of charge, and is the best in the world’. This slogan is widely reproduced on political levels, but is also sincerely shared by the educators, as one of the conservatory professors once demonstrated to her students (which included the author). However, she also argued that ‘our system teaches things that will be of no use in the future’ (statement by Vera Val’kova, the early 2000s, Nizhny Novgorod Glinka Conservatory, Russia). This statement was justified shortly after the graduation, when all of these students became job seekers. Thus one of the graduates ironically commented on the way how teachers see their mission in today’s Russia in her article entitled ‘I bless your way wherever you may head’ (Antonova 2003). In the West, Russian diplomas and degrees are perceived with caution, as is well known to all Russian musicians or musicologists wending their ways in

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Europe. For example, when the author was offered to teach at the University of Cambridge (United Kingdom), the director of studies in the college gave him the following introduction to his new students: ‘Vladimir is from Russia, where the education is based on a principle of dogmatism.’ Nothing more was added, which shows the needs for wider exposure to comparative and international education! Despite a wide range of opinions, verdicts and gossip, the high quality of Russian education is recognized and advocated by many renowned musicians all over the world. These include Evgeny Kissin, Maxim Vengerov, Vladimir Yurovsky and others. Professor of piano at Royal Academy of Music, Rustem Hayroudinoff even asserted that it is ‘the same education[al] system that was used to teach the likes of Rachmaninoff, Scriabin, Prokofiev and other great Russian musicians’ (Hayroudinoff 2013, available at http://www.gramophone. co.uk/features/focus/the-agony-and-the-ecstasy-my-musical-training-insoviet-russia). The fact of continuity of Russian traditions of music education, with a significant number of traditions that have remained unchanged, has always been an important argument in different discussions on the matter before and after the collapse of the USSR. Thus we begin our examination of Russian education in music with the following excursion into its history. Although the origins of Russian education stretch far back in the Greek tradition of Orthodox singing, its current shape was mostly determined by the mid-nineteenth century. That time conservatories were founded in two Russian capitols, Moscow and Saint-Petersburg. These institutions, like the entire Russian education and science, followed the Germanic model in many respects (Rapatskaya 2007: 63–67). These also included numerous principles and academic degrees – such as the highest qualification of Doctor habilitatis, which does not exist in the AngloAmerican model. Indeed, the development of Russia’s own achievements in music education quickly followed. The openness and the breadth of academic background of teaching personnel – their ability to grasp the oldest along with the newest knowledge of music history and theory – were especially remarkable features of these conservatories. For instance, ultra-conservative pedagogues and composers such as Anton Arensky and Sergey Taneev, whose teaching subjects included European Renaissance and baroque music, alternated with supporters of the latest achievements of avant-garde, such as Alexander Scriabin and Nikolai Tcherepnin, in the same two conservatories. The plethora of well-known composers and concert musicians raised there in the early twentieth century is an eloquent example of the excellence of Russian secular education in music by that time.

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Another trend of music education in Russia – a tradition of choral singing – was epitomized by the Imperial Capella in Saint-Petersburg formed in the sixteenth century and the Synodal School of Church Singing in Moscow that existed from the eighteenth century. Its members included the same key figures of Russian music. Pyotr Tchaikovsky, Sergei Taneev and Vassily Safonov were prominent among many others. Notwithstanding its fame, all institutions of church music fell as early victims of the Soviet regime that came to power in 1917 (Fairclough 2012: 67–111). The Soviets took an ambiguous view on the music culture of the Russian Empire. Orthodox choral singing, Russia’s unique asset, was almost eliminated during 77 years of Soviet history. In contrast, institutions of secular music were strongly supported and expanded in their numbers and functions. For instance, in already the second year after the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, another conservatory was opened (in Turkestan), to be followed by many others in different decades. During the 1920s and then during the regimes of Joseph Stalin, Nikita Khrushev and Leonid Brezhnev, the authorities never underestimated the importance of conservatories and corresponding music institutions, generously supporting them and offering the highest state rewards (Stalin Prize, or the USSR State Prize) to the eminent performers and music teachers, glorifying them through the massive power of Soviet media. Higher education was only the top of the three-stage system of music education, as it was established in the USSR from the 1920s to the 1940s. The other two are the thousands of music schools, and the network of colleges of specialized secondary education in music. Additionally, there have been many other different artistic colleges, music faculties in universities and training courses, which we will discuss below in greater detail. From its first years, Soviet power made significant efforts to ease access to music education for different social strata by establishing so-called folk conservatories, as well as studios and music schools for children. Distribution of music education among people, and especially among children, was one of the most highly prioritized tasks of successive Soviet regimes. The children, declared as the ‘only privileged class in the USSR’, were given extraordinary conditions for music education at that time. From the 1920s the Soviet government introduced the new system of music schools with dual funding – from the state and from parents, who paid for their studies differentially depending on their income. In the course of later decades, these schools were diversified in their types and multiplied in number. Thus, in the 1950s, choral studios, artistic and choreographic schools appeared (Music Education in the USSR 1986). Studies in all these schools were organized

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in parallel with an elementary school. Additionally, the elementary school also included one hour class of music per week. For those interested to continue their music education, the second stage was offered, colleges of arts (uchilishche), to which students could apply either instead of, or after, studying in secondary school. These colleges offered fouryear courses, their graduates receiving a diploma of higher education and a pedagogical degree. This second stage, however, could be cancelled for those who studied in prestigious ten-year music schools, located in regional centres, usually nearby conservatories. Graduates of these music schools could apply directly to conservatories or institutes for cultural studies – that is, the third stage of the Soviet educational system. Studies lasted for five years there, and a Specialist degree was awarded upon graduation. Some ‘Specialist degrees’ are sometimes considered beyond Master’s degree level, but usually are equated to a bachelor’s degree. After that they were either given a job position without choice, or privileged to apply to the graduate school. The latter usually had to be decided by the degree committee on the final exam. In 1973, according to the Soviet encyclopaedia, there were 7000 music schools, 242 music colleges, 36 specialized secondary schools and 30 higher educational institutions involving music in the entire Soviet Union (the Russian Republic plus some 14 other republics). There were more than 1 (one) million children studying in music schools, and more than 105,000 in colleges. Approximately 14,000 studied in secondary specialized music colleges, and over 22,000 in higher educational institutions (Great Soviet Encyclopaedia viewed 5 August 2013 http://www.litmir.net/br/?b=106160&p=19). In the Russian Republic, according to the available statistics and documents, the number of music schools grew no less than 1000 during every decade. In 1970, there were 2756 schools; in 1980 there were already 4574; and by 1991 their number had expanded to 5740 (Russian Statistical Annual Report 2012: 232). All these numbers, however, never reached the level desired by the creators of the system, since they envisaged the network of music schools would eventually educate the children of the entire population. As, for instance, the famous pedagogue of piano for children Anna Artobolevskaya declared, ‘it is necessary to teach music for all young children regardless of whether the music gift would be revealed by the age of four or five or not … . my answer to the question “do [we] need to teach music for a child” is always positive’ (Artobolevskaya 1992: 6, 8). Although her opinion was confronted by a few other pedagogues, her advice was the most popular, and widely followed during the Soviet times. Indeed, this

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attitude posed a serious problem of distinguishing between professional and general spheres of education in music – which, in the author’s view, has never been solved by Soviet culture with full success.

The ‘Ideology’ of music education in the USSR According to numerous statements, the major goal of music education in the Soviet Union was vospitaniye and obrazovaniye, where the first word would be best known as Bildung (Bruford 1975) in the West (although it is sometimes translated from Russian as ‘upbringing’)1, and only the second meant professional education as such. The implication of the word vospitaniye always contained the notion of people’s spiritual and intellectual development, suggesting the vital importance of a humanitarian aspect in general education, even for nonhumanitarians. Thus, the educational model in the USSR entrusted music schools with the tremendously broad mission of raising the general cultural level of the people – as seen in many high-regarded educational doctrines in the USSR, for example, by Olga Apraksina (Abdullin 2006) or by Dmitri Kabalevsky (Becker et al. 1993: 39–58). This mission also included some broader humanistic tasks. For example, the concept of teaching music for children by Kabalevsky, elaborated during his lifetime, was interpreted by another scholar as installing a ‘system of human values’ in child consciousness (Agadilova 2007: 87–88). As will be shown below, this task was not easily refutable after the fall of the USSR. For instance, already in the early 1990s, one of the teaching aids instructed music schools to keep the same ‘humanistic objectives’ in their work as they did earlier in Soviet times. These ‘objectives’ were specified as the list of the following qualities that had to be cultivated in pupils: ‘human decency (dobroporyadochnost’), honesty, civil responsibility and responsiveness (otzyvchivost’)’ (Terent’eva 1994: 136). Notably, also in the early 1990s, the author of this study, Natalia Terentieva, raised the following question: ‘what kind of person do American teachers aim to form?’ Her presumptive answers were again: ‘a civilian, a valid member of the society’, or ‘a person with developed self-respect’ (Terent’eva 1994: 109). The Soviet educational model certainly served a room for political propaganda, as seen in many teaching aids or textbooks of the Soviet era. The author remembers the lectures on the subject of music psychology, which always bore political messages; for instance, lectures on human perception contained passages like ‘feelings of joy might be evoked by the successes of

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Soviet cosmonauts’, or ‘feelings of hatred can be caused by the petty group of calumniators spreading lies about our social system’. Even Apraksina in her article on music pedagogy had openly linked the ideology and music education (Apraksina 1989: 3). As will be shown later, the indoctrinating style of Soviet music education, namely, the ‘authoritarian’ methods in teaching, and overloading of the school curriculum with unnecessary and superfluous disciplines (such as psychological, political and ideological subjects), together with the system’s ignorance of the actual needs of society, had become one of the most important accusations against Soviet music education already by the late 1980s (Gorlinskiy 1999). On the contrary, the education (obrazovaniye), the second entity in Soviet educational slogan, has brought the most laurels to the system. Also guided by governmental directives, Soviet music (including ballet) was obliged to glorify the state abroad. In this pursuit, violinists, pianists, ballet dances or opera singers were placed in the same line as industrial workers, collective farmers or sportsmen. They were expected to achieve heroic feats of labour, to excel foreign stars at concerts and competitions and to demonstrate their skills at important holidays of the state. The result was indeed successful. Soviet music schools had become famous in the West through numerous well-known instrumentalists, vocalists and composers such as pianist Svyatoslav Richter, or the compositional school of Dmitri Shostakovich. Notwithstanding that, scholars and critics had acknowledged already before the end of the Soviet era several tendencies that were considered as harmful and which also continued in post-Soviet Russia. To begin with, the official call for victories on international competitions caused the growth of so-called laureatomania in music educational institutions (Yakovleva 2011 viewed 6 August 2013 http://www.art-education.ru/AEmagazine/). The governmental commission for exceptional musicians created an immense pressure on pupils and students, who were training on their instruments for no less than five hours a day, and sometimes up to 15 hours. Maintaining these conditions was absolutely indispensible for music students on all the stages of education. Hayroudinoff ’s story given in his article quoted above, which tells how the students stood in a line to access the class with a piano from 5am, is entirely correct. The author had similar experience during his studies in the conservatory. Similar norms were applied to the elite tenyear music schools (located in Moscow, Leningrad, Kazan and other central cities), which produced so-called Wonderkinds (child prodigies), who created

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a well-known Soviet label. The situation was not much different from many other artistic disciplines. To give another example of the recent perception of the professional demands in post-Soviet schools: Rebecca Davis, an American ballerina who studied in Russia as a Fulbright student after graduating from Temple University (USA), bravely cites the instructor’s question as to whether she actually was a professional ballet dancer or not, after she showed her first exercise at The Mussorgsky Ballet in Saint-Petersburg (Davis 2005). Indeed, it is hard to blame the educational system in music for high professional standards that had actually brought a legendary status to Soviet musicians and ballet dancers all over the world. The overall intention to raise stars, however, did not leave much for other educational needs than pursuing competitions and the narrow path to the very top of the music Olympus. Numerous graduates of music schools and conservatories in Russia in different decades complained of the strictness and severity of teaching principles, which expected students to ‘spill the blood onstage’, as many respondents put it2 Besides, even though it brought sublime results, the system worked inefficiently, producing a great number of outcasts – people with unsuccessful careers in terms of Soviet understanding. In contrast to Western universities, Russian conservatories, as well as prestigious music schools and basically all colleges and institutes, made a very competitive selection during entrance exams, discarding the vast majority of applicants. During the later stages, the greater part of accepted musicians would also be filtered out, whereas only a few would be glorified and privileged to perform widely on the national and international scale. For all musicians considered as ‘average’ the opportunities for concert performances, their primary formative training, were very limited, and the opportunities for public recognition were also scarce. In the Soviet Union there were no analogous institutions for promoting concert musicians, such as concert agents, or advertising facilities, as in the West. Besides, Soviet educational institutions had a poor connection with music venues in contrast to English or American music schools. Thus, even high-calibre musicians usually suffered from their inability to find appropriate outlets for their skills, while most of the Soviet territory represented a cultural desert, the high music culture being clustered in provincial capitals and regional centres. The choice of all musicians who were not to become legends was therefore a teaching job or playing in an orchestra. Both of these were usually perceived as a career failure, even though this destiny awaited the vast majority of music graduates. As renowned British-Russian cellist and musicologist Alexander Ivashkin, whose interview opened this chapter, indicated, the lack of consideration

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to any other needs than concert performance was one of the weakest points of music education in the Soviet Union (see note 1). The immense polarization and misbalance between educational background and future job prospects is one of the most well-known misfortunes in numerous careers of Soviet musicians, and determined the frequently poor quality of many provincial orchestras and educational institutions. In addition to the high demands of professionalism, the Soviet approach in teaching was very scholastic and outdated, overburdened with many subjects, the relevance of which still evokes disputes and doubts. In addition to the overload of political propaganda, which was openly hated by the entire strata of musicians, there were many other disciplines with no clear purpose, such as ‘music psychology’ or the subjects aimed at the development of music hearing and music memory. At this point the author, who also received his music training within the essentially Soviet system, can again rely on his own experience. He was once was sitting for a music examination at the University of Cambridge that included different tasks, such as memorizing melodic patterns and defining harmonic structures. The author was struck by the fact that the performance of the students was inferior to the level of the average pupils in Russian music schools. The point of this extensive training, prescribed in Russian schools, however, remains unclear – especially in the light of the poor university rankings Russia has nowadays in the global arena. Even today things generally stay the same in Russia, as is demonstrated by the researcher Tatiana Bukina. For instance, the entrance exams to the graduate school in Moscow conservatory still include writing a fugue without a piano during a period of 5–6 hours. Discussing this, Bukina invited a comparison with the Philharmonic Academy of Bologna in Mozart’s time (Bukina 2010: 100–106). Although opinions on this problem differed even within the respondents3 for this paper, the fact of excessive pressure of study plans by subjects such as ‘harmony’ or ‘solfeggio’ (up to six academic hours a week, not including individual training) has been evoking a significant number of complaints and protests for many years. Some of the musicians and musicologists (including the author) find the role of these subjects overvalued both for professional development and for general education in music. In many cases, excessive prevalence of music theory and scholastic music training forced students and pupils to abandon music education entirely. As one of my interviewees state: ‘I came to music school in order to see pianoforte and to learn how to play it, but they started showing me music keys, signatures, etc, and kept indoctrinating me with some other similar rubbish. I understood that this would continue for long

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and that I would not see the piano again in the near future, so I quit’. 4 Contrarily to this view, many others argue for the inclusion of theoretical disciplines in the course programme, seeing this as a distinctive feature of national music education. At the same time, it is hardly beyond doubt that the whole educational outlook became to a great extent invalid by the end of the Soviet times. Owing to the inertness and high conservatism of Soviet authorities, academic curricula (endorsed on the level of ministries for culture and education), in no small part, followed the spirit of the early twentieth century. This was seen in many aspects of music education, such as the range of subjects, material, teaching methods and philosophy. To begin with, there is the ‘ideology’ of music. As already shown by several scholars, Soviet ideology has elaborated its own view on music and on music history. On the one hand, Soviet musicologists did not abandon the music heritage that was not easily compatible with a Marxist-Leninist outlook. The works by J. S. Bach, Handel and other sacred music repertoires were included in concert programmes and course curricula. On the other hand, Soviet musicologists and theorists made significant efforts to reinterpret these works, actively employing falsifications of facts, or erroneous and abridged publications of the scores. Numerous examples include the Soviet edition of Bach’s cantatas, in which all religious references were replaced with ‘birds’, ‘flowers’ and other benign images of nature (Ivashkin 2003: 7). In the same vein, the Soviet worldview established its own restricted vision of music culture with particular emphasis on the epochs of Classicism and Romanticism (the eighteenth–early twentieth centuries). There was little or no reference given to the music above or beyond of this period, such as the Middle Ages, Avant-garde, twentieth century, the World Music or popular music such as jazz and rock. Somewhat similar restrictions were seen in the performing arts, as was evidenced by the dominance of the only one performing style (that extended to the late Romanticist period), and in a carefully selected repertoire with its hallmarks popularized by the Soviet media, such as the First Tchaikovsky’s piano concerto or Beethoven’s Fifth. As seen from the words of one of my respondents, random attempts to choose an unusual composition to perform, or to provide any shift in performing manner, could have been blocked by the academic board in educational institutions (a conservatory) or in music venues (philharmonics). The way music history was taught again highlights the problem of the inefficiency of Soviet educational system in music. As already shown, the educational pathway in the USSR took no less than 15 years in total; usually it was 16, not counting graduate school or preparatory classes before entering

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music school. Almost during this entire time the subject music history has been taught; but just as is shown, this did not help remove the blank spots or include unwanted composers and ignored and obscure pages. Instead, educational programmes were approved on the level of ministry for culture and education, and demonstrated unprecedented levels of redundancy and reaction. During all these years, the same names and even the same compositions were reiterated twice, thrice or even more times on different educational stages. As witnessed by many respondents since many decades ago until now, the general overview of the life and work of Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven, Prokofiev, Shostakovich and others is at first provided at music school; then it is repeated in the college and then in the conservatory. Even the list of their works, Haydn’s ‘Farewell Symphony’, Beethoven’s 9th Symphony and so forth, generally remains the same though diluted with variations and additions. In the author’s view, Soviet musicology is among the disciplines that suffered the most from ideological dictatorship. Having received primary music education in music school or in college, musicologists even on higher stages of their education were (and still are) extensively occupied with piano training and exercising their music memory and music hearing. In the author’s opinion, by providing such an emphasis on these old-fashioned disciplines, Soviet and Russian students have become inferior in comparison to those in the West with regard to critical thinking and academic writing – their main specialty. Moreover, the relocation of musicologists from universities to conservatories (which was initiated by renowned Soviet theorist and ideologist Boris Asafiev in the 1940s), and thus putting them into the same environment as musicians, in no small part, confused and disorientated musicologists. Even nowadays, musicologists and composers in Russia identify themselves as a part of artistic, rather than scholarly, discipline. They have comparatively little understanding of research specifics and methods. The deficiencies of Soviet and post-Soviet musicology are discussed in recent research publications. Among these are the neglect of rigorous scholarly methods and approaches, little understanding of academic writing, poor knowledge of foreign languages and Western scholarship, cultural bias and so forth (Bukina 2010: 100–106; Numenko 2005). This overview may be summarized as follows. The Soviet educational system in music provided numerous achievements, mostly in performing arts and in ballet. At the same time, it did not succeed much in its major concept of Bildung the way it was desired – as is evidenced by the fact of the enthusiastic rejection of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine in 1991. Notwithstanding that, the key concepts

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of music theoreticians of Soviet times are still remembered and discussed in Russia. The intention of universal distribution of music education, however, was significantly compromised by the governmental aspiration to raise Olympic champions in music and by the ignorance of societal needs from music education. Instead, a subculture of musicians was generated, fully regulated by the state, which had very restricted academic mobility and very little recognition of the tastes and needs of the population at large. Naturally, the fall of the Soviet system in 1991 constituted a tremendous shock for the system of education and culture. The field of music, with its diverse network of schools and conservatories, was forced to reshape itself by seeking justification and support from the population, and also to align itself with the European educational model. In the next sections post-Soviet challenges of music education in Russia will be explored.

The time of troubles and its consequences ‘The Hard 90s’ – as this period is usually called in Russia – is often compared with the Time of Troubles in Russian history, the cross between the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, when somewhat similar catastrophes had befallen the country. During that decade of deprivation and bloody ethnical conflicts, the ruling elite boldly declared the irrelevance of supporting culture and education on a number of occasions. Massive impoverishment of the people, not to mention the deep ‘demographic hole’ in the Russian population that will still have its unfortunate consequences for the nation, constituted the other side of the disaster that befell music education. The above-mentioned problems with governmental funding, along with the infamous ‘shock therapy’ undertaken by the authorities, when salaries were not provided for months and even years, caused a dramatic decrease of the prestige of the music profession. This affected both the quality and quantity of students in music educational institutions. For instance, as testified by one of the writer’s respondents from the provincial college (Kirov), music schools and colleges there could attract only the worst applicants, who would not be accepted anywhere else. These included many professionally incapable and disabled students who would not have been accepted for music education in the Soviet times. In the course of the post-Soviet years, musical instruments and equipment in music educational institutions were finally brought to a critical condition. An emigration and an ageing of teaching personnel also adversely affected music education. Some provincial schools and concert venues were levelled to

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zero. The criminalization of the country, whereby leaders openly despised the Soviet intelligentsia, underlies an already extremely difficult situation for music teachers. Many lost their hope that life would eventually improve, especially in many small districts in Kirov region, Perm region and many other provincial areas. Notwithstanding this pessimistic perception of the situation by the author’s Russian respondents, available statistical data does not show a system collapse despite substantial cuts that came after the expansion of the network of music schools that was seen every decade of Soviet times. So whereas the number of artistic and music schools in Russia in 1991 was almost 6000, it dropped only to 5,328 by 2011 (The Server for Field Statistics of the Russian Ministry for Culture, viewed 6 August 2013, http://www.mkstat.ru/indicators/cat15/ item89/). In contrast, the number of conservatories and other educational institutions in music actually grew over the same years, from 8000 to 11,000, with the number of students rising from 6,028 to 7,153, respectively (The Server for Field Statistics of the Russian Ministry for Culture viewed 6 August 2013, http://www. mkstat.ru/indicators/cat15/item89/). Indeed, the hardest blow was laid not against the budget or fame of the system of music education in Russia but against its conception: the ‘ideology’, with both its constituents: Bildung and professional development. The demolition of Soviet ideology has taken away the cornerstone of the entire educational system as such, which was the goal of creating a Soviet worker, culturally educated and fully formed by state ideology. Even though the dismissal of direct ideological dictatorship from music educational institutions was perceived as a long-awaited relief by the entire personnel and all students, the dictatorial principles and authority of Russian teachers and educationalists were significantly weakened and repudiated. Let us begin with performance standards. All pedagogues,5 whom the author interviewed, admitted a dramatic decline of quality level among students from the 1990s, and which is still continuing. Even Russian ballet, despite the huge regard for it worldwide, has lost some of its most distinguished qualities, as declared by many critics including the famous dancer Nikolai Tsiskaridze (Tsiskaridze 2013, viewed 6 August 2013, http://vmdaily.ru/news/2013/07/04/ na-muzejnih-gryadkah-s-nikolaem-tsiskaridze-203518.html). He pointed out an exclusion of subjects that enrich artists’ educational background (such as piano, or music history) from the study curricula in today’s ballet schools, as well as the loss of some of the core principles of

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Russian ballet by the new generation of dancers. Another example again comes from the author’s experience. When he was a chair of the International Department in one of the conservatories in Russia in the early 2000s, he witnessed the discounted, below-average limit of teaching on commercial courses of music education (for instance, the courses for foreign students, or other paid courses). This is undoubtedly characteristic of many other educational institutions in Russia. This and many other examples show that the process of Macdonaldization, along with some other destructive trends, have already penetrated Russian educational institutions. The second part of the Soviet educational goal – the Bildung – looked like being an even more vulnerable target for dismissal in the cynical time of Russia’s so-called primitive accumulation of capital in the 1990s. Contrary to expectations, the concept of Bildung was not abandoned – as seen even in the Law on Education that has been constantly updated since 1992 when it was passed (Grebnev 2011: 13–25). According to the law, the couple of familiar terms ‘vospitanie’ and ‘obrazovanie’ (one after the other or sometimes in different order) have still been declared as primary objectives of education in Russia. This is despite the fact that significant attempts to commercialize education and destroy its status as a public benefit were attempted. As is well known in the scholarly literature, Russia’s educational model was originally constructed in a different way from the Atlanticist model. In the words of Paul Monroe, it maintains governmental function, which ‘is primarily the maintenance of the national culture and the development of a national ideal’ (Monroe 2012: 65). Thus, the inspiration for many decisions and moves undertaken by the government could be taken from the tradition of Russian education as it was before the Soviet period. The idea of Bildung still occupied the minds of postSoviet theorists and music pedagogues, who continued to try to visualize music as the important method of humanization of society (Petrov 1999). Even the absence of governmental ideology in academic curricula has provoked different approaches to creating a new one. The scholar and pedagogue Galina Kolomiets, for instance, organized polls among music students in order to investigate their values. According to her article, this would help superimpose these humanitarian values over the students on the next stage of her mission. These values included ‘the good’, ‘truth’, ‘God’, ‘beauty’, ‘Motherland’, ‘labour’, ‘life’ and so on (Kolomiets 1998: 39–42). There are many analogical examples. The problem of an ideological vacuum, however, is not only the concern of music education. Many influential critics currently blame the governments for its unawareness of educational goals and objectives to which national education

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should aspire and lead. Actually, this very fact of ‘the search for the goal’ – as suggested by the researcher Georgy Ilyin – might have formed a reason for introducing educational reforms, initiated in the early 2000s (Ilyin 2009: 40–46). One of the main points of these reforms is to accomplish a transition to the Bologna process, which Russia officially joined in 2003. Additionally, in 2012 new regulations on music schools were issued that in no small part aimed at reducing the number of music teachers and the number of music schools at the same time. Post-Soviet music intelligentsia, however, having already recharged after the traumatic shock of the first post-Soviet years, formed an active resistance against these decisions. For the first time in post-Soviet history music teachers and performers entered the foreground of current struggles, appearing to be the loudest opponents of the Bologna reforms in today’s Russia.

Struggling for the Remnants of Soviet music education The idea of Europeanization of the country – including its intellectual reserves – has been one of the crucial projects, though very unpopular, by postSoviet governments in Russia. Indeed, from the first glance the requirements that Russia was obliged to fulfil in order to conform to Bologna concords are highly incompatible with the three-staged system of education inherited from the Soviet times, not to mention the standards of ECTS and appropriating different educational methods. Thus, only in 2011 Russia made a substantial move towards implementing a two-tier system of bachelor’s + master’s degree (Kochetkova et al. 2012: 126). According to one of the most recent observations, by 2013 more than 40 per cent of Russian education remains attached to the old system of specialist + graduate school – as described above. This included the system of music education almost entirely. The driving forces for the governments were disclosed by Andrei Fursenko, the minister for education and science from 2004 until 2012 in a series of statements and interviews. He advocated fundamental reconstruction of the educational system, including music education. In particular he pointed out the wrongness of the ‘ideology of education that currently remained the same – Soviet’ (Komlev 2007, viewed 6 August 2013, http://wobla.ru/news/1071056. aspx). In the same article, he pronounced another statement that became especially known and infamous: ‘the disadvantage of the Soviet education system was an attempt to form a human creator, but now the challenge is to nurture a skilled

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user, able to skilfully use the results of other works’ (http://www.pravda-tv. ru/2012/04/19/14237). In the course of years there were a large number of scandalous petitions to the authorities for his dismissal from Russian scientists and educationalists, even including musicians. He has become the most unpopular figure in the government, according to different polls, and was turned into a symbol of postSoviet decline of culture and education. At the same time, unified hostility of the vast majority of Russian educators against Fursenko and his agenda has reinforced the positions of old cultural and educational institutions, whose authoritative figures began manifesting their views more bravely and openly. Since 2004, successive governments organized a series of ‘behind-thedoor’ meetings at the ministry for education, to which the rectors and other authoritative figures were invited. The response was unprecedented in recent history. The most respected musicians, composers and professors from Russia, and even from some former Soviet republics, stood up against the reforms and arranged their own public meetings and international conferences producing their own memorandums and declarations, all castigating governmental propositions. Let us cite some extracts from one such meeting held in 2005 covered by the newspaper Rissiyskaa gazeta, giving a subtitle ‘Ruins will remain at the place of music education’ (Zvyagin 2005, viewed 7 August 2013 http:// www.rg.ru/2005/04/26/vuzi-reforma.html). This phrase was taken from the speech of Alexander Tchaikovsky, rector of Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov conservatory in Saint-Petersburg. Taking the floor on several occasions, he extensively argued that the system of music education will not survive these reforms. Young people come to vocal faculties sometimes without a music background. During their first three years they study [music] basics. [Are we] supposed to confer on them a bachelor’s degree? This is the same as to give a degree of higher education to a third-year schoolboy. […] And what is needed to turn them into masters? If a ballerina will perform twenty fouetté, she is a bachelor, and if thirty two – is she a master?

He also pointed out that conservatories in Russia have become a model for Juilliard School in New York, as well as for educational systems in other countries, such as China, Japan and even Germany. Important objections against establishing the Bologna principles were originally raised by Lithuanian Gintautas Zhyalvis. He noted that the Baltic states undertook this reform, but as a result he did not find a better option for

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his daughter than to send her to Saint-Petersburg. Doubts and disagreements with the officially imposed requirement to introduce paid master’s programmes, to cut short the number of years of studies and to break down the educational system in music – ‘the best in the world’ – were reiterated by almost all the speakers, which included professors from different conservatories in Russia. On a finishing note, Tchaikovsky even proposed his resignation as a protest in the event of the law passing, because he ‘does not want to be occupied with profanation’ (Zvyagin 2005). Another final proposition made at that meeting, however, articulated an even more distant goal, that of reviving the aforementioned dream of Soviet educators in music of expanding the existing educational system. The soloist of Bolshoi Theatre in Moscow, Nikolai Vasilyev, for instance, expressed a concern that the number of years in the programme for singers and theatrical artists has not to be shortened, but to be extended for a few years. Notably, the memorandum of another assembly – The Second International Conference ‘European PreCollege Music Education’ held in 2006 – also included the analogical call for the reinforcement of the three-tier educational system in music (http://www. amkmgk.ru/main/novosti/conf_edu2006_resolution/). Summing up different statements and resolutions against Bologna process, the researcher Lyubov Kupets suggested the following: a) Our three-tier music educational model is historically formed system that has no analogies in the world and gives outstanding results; b) our performing school is one of (or actually is) the best, as well as our pedagogues; c) therefore it has to remain intact, but only superficial steps can be made in order to produce analogues of diplomas that correspond to European music education. (Kupets 2007: 230–231)

In addition to this, music educational institutions declared their already-existing cooperation with foreign educational institutions. The report by the rector of Gnessin Russian Academy of Music Galina Mayarovskaya, for instance, displayed the panorama of different mutual agreements, links and collaborative projects between leading Russian music schools and renowned European educational institutions in the West such as The Royal Academy and Royal College of Music in London, and the Hanns Eisler Academy of Music in Berlin, and many other distinguished schools in Austria, Spain, The Netherlands and elsewhere (Mayarovskaya unpublished). Even though Alexander Tchaikovsky actually left his post in 2008 – but for a completely different reason, being accused of large embezzlement of funds

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in the conservatory – the system of conservatories and music schools so far remain mostly untouched by Bologna reforms. As shown by several scholars, much of these clashes and debates were stemmed by insufficient understanding of the Bologna process, which, according to the wishes of its crucial figures, has always been essentially interpretative, accepting modifications and adjustments (Baydenko 2009: 120–132). Notably, according to several scholars cited above, Germanic educational institutions are currently facing many analogical difficulties (Kochetkova et al. 2012: 127) and similarly resisting restructuring of some branches of education. In the meanwhile, the history of scandals and resentful petitions of musicians to Russian officialdom has continued. For example, in March 2010 many famous musicians put their signature under a public letter in support of music schools. Amongst its addressees were the then Russian President Dmitri Medvedev and the then Prime Minister – now President – Vladimir Putin, The Prosecutor General’s Office, Ministry for Culture and others. The letter, written in indignant tone, accused the Ministry for Education and Science for its incompetence and in destroying the network of music schools, as shown above. Among the range of rebukes, the ‘fearful’ implementation of Bologna system in the near future was also mentioned, along with the miserable salaries and many other claims (The Open Letter 2011, viewed 7 August 2013, http://argumenti.ru/education/ n279/96471/). In response to this, prime minister of the day, Vladimir Putin, had negotiated a certain increase in the average salary of teachers in music schools (it was promised that it would grow approximately from 6000 to 12,000 roubles per month – which was not fulfilled, as testified by several respondents). Then after the new regulations for music schools were imposed, according to which teachers’ salaries and status will result from an attestation they pass (Kuzbasskiy 2012, viewed 7 August 2013, http://netreforme.org/news/novyie-polozheniyaob-attestatsii-prepodavateley-muzyikalnyih-shkol-ili-razval-detskogomuzyikalnogo-obrazovaniya-v-rossii/). Although all these procedures are officially aimed at increasing teachers’ salaries, it was acknowledged soon after that the level of attestation is actually unattainable for the vast majority of average teachers. Thus, in the view of all the respondents to the author of this paper, it is just another attempt of officialdom to destroy music schools. All this provoked another wave of resistance that is currently growing (Kuzbasskiy 2012). Fursenko’s dismissal, long awaited by many, was followed by the no less disappointing appointment of Dmitri Livanov, whose policy appeared to be no different from Fursenko’s. His well-known

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endeavour, the fundamental reconstruction of another respected institution from Soviet history – an Academy of Sciences – caused a mammoth scandal, solved only with the personal intervention of Vladimir Putin, Russian President since 2012. The clear fact of anti-Soviet inspiration, still characteristic of today’s Russian governments, puts many fields like music education in a very insecure position, obliging their eminent members to fight constantly for survival. The pressure of officialdom, even though the criticism against post-Soviet education in music is sometimes well justified, hardly facilitates any improvements or renovations of the system of education, which still exists in a situation of immense deprivation and financial constraint. Nonetheless, the process of educational changes – aimed both at its Westernization and at ridding of its Soviet heritage from obsolete and harmful burdens – is slowly taking place in today’s Russia, as will be shown in the last section.

The old versus the new in Russian music education: Quo Vadis? As discussed above, the array of problems inherited from the Soviet educational system increased to a great extent from the early 1990s, when new problems joined the old ones. In addition to its Macdonaldization, especially evident in private music studios, there is its commercialization, loss of academic standards and impoverishment. These trends were enhanced by the interests of local national regions, as happened, for example, in Bashkortostan or Tatarstan. In these countries music education was seen as a powerful means to claiming their original national identity. Thus, the political interests, along with the tendencies to promote poor unprofessional teaching and musicianship (such as the graduate school on quay in several local colleges and universities), had intervened to cause a decline in music education both qualitatively and quantitatively. The most substantial problem of music education in Russia, however, still is the persistent devotion to old academic methods and curricula, inability to comprehend modern challenges and needs for music education, low academic mobility, categorical – almost fatal – reluctance to implement any changes and even to rotate teaching personnel and so on. Among the many musicians who received their doctoral education in the West, only the author was granted with an academic job position back in Russia. In contrast, one of the respondents for this paper, a well-known violinist, graduate and junior fellow of the Royal College of Music in London, was able to find a job only in a fast food chain.

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The well-known ultra-conservatism and introspection of the Russian academic world is sometimes hailed as an idiosyncratic feature of Russian education. One could hear arguments like ‘why should we employ someone who is not a graduate of Rimsky-Korsakov conservatory’. The picture is very similar in the Moscow conservatory, as Bukina’s research shows, where more than 90 per cent of its teaching personnel is formed from its own doctoral or specialist graduates (Bukina 2010: 100–106). Likewise, study books that are currently used in Russian educational institutions sometimes include those written in the 1950s and given numerous re-editions. Unlike Western schemes of education, teaching personnel in many Russian conservatories or institutes are not required to demonstrate publishing activity in distinguished sources, or to constantly update their study curricula. Academic appointments are not normally made on a competitive basis. Russian educational system in music today could be likened to an old crumbling museum displaying its own former glory. In the meanwhile, the government impatiently awaits its collapse. The case for renovation and reform has become visible only since the early 2000s. Currently, there are a number of institutions that demonstrate their divergence from the old Soviet system. These are the first liberal arts college that includes music, The Faculty of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Saint-Petersburg State University, founded with the participation of Bard College, NY, and several departments that now fill blank spots in the Soviet curriculum. These are found in both capital and regional educational institutions – such as Nizhny Novgorod Glinka Conservatory and Gnessin Music Academy in Moscow. Their programmes there include music criticism, arts journalism and music management. In turn, conservatories, even though these organizations appear to be among the most reluctant to reform, have also taken significant efforts in enriching their curricula with previously untried subjects, such as: modern music; the music of the late twentieth and the twenty-first centuries; and different compositional techniques. Nowadays, the faculty of organ and ancient music are built into almost every conservatory and programmes of sacred music (including the tradition of church singing) are also being revived. Additionally, numerous music schools and colleges in Russia teach jazz and popular music, both only recently permitted. Even though these tendencies are seen a signals of a long-awaited modernization of the educational system in music, they are still only a minute element within the whole entity of music education in Russia. Consequently the author cannot share the optimism of several scholars, for example, Bukina or Kupets (Bukina 2010: 100–106; Kupets 2007: 230–234), who envisage the

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rebirth of the system even if it would take about 20 or 30 years. In the author’s opinion the Russian educational system will remain a unique and distinguished achievement, the status of which would become even more legendary while it distances itself further and further back into the past. Its size and extent, however, will dramatically shrink – unless the ruling elite take significant interest in its reanimation. At the same time, the Bologna process, loathed by the music intelligentsia, might possibly open another door for music programmes in the universities, thus giving rise to a different historic phase of music education in Russia.

Notes 1 (the announcement of the programme at Norwegian University of Science and Technology, viewed 5 August 2013 http://www.ntnu.edu/studies/mutdannop) 2 The examples include the interview of Yulia Vorontsova – a graduate of Moscow Conservatory and of the Royal College of Music (London) – to the author. 3 These include more than a dozen of musicians, most of whom have received mixed background in music education: Vladimir Tselebrovsky (tenor, Saint-Petersburg), Sergei Semishkur (tenor, Saint-Petersburg), Alissa Firsova (piano, London), Carlos del Cueto (conducter, Manchester), etc. 4 Anonymous, the interview to the author. 5 These include Lyudmila Orlova (piano, Kirov), Tamara Levaya (musicology, Nizhny Novgorod), Margarita Katunyan (musicology, Moscow), etc.

References Abdullin, Ae. (ed.) (2006), Naslediye O. A. Apraksinoy i muzïkal’noye obrazovaniye v 21 veke: Materialï mezhregional’noy nzuchno-prkticheskoy konferentsii s mezhdunarodnïm uchastiyem [Olga Apraksina’s Heritage and Music Education in the Twenty-first Century: the Materials of Multi-Regional Conference with International Participation], Moscow: Moscow State Pedagogical University. Agadilova, G. (2007), ‘O vospitanii tsennostnogo otnosheniya k klassicheskoy muzïke u mladshikh shkol’nikov na urokakh muzïki po programme D. B. Kabalevskogo’ [On the Development of an Attitude [Based on] Values Regarding Classical Music for Young Pupils at Music Classes, according to Dmitri Kabalevsky’s Programme], in Abdullin, Ae (ed.), Pedagogika muzïkal’nogo obrazovaniya. Problemï i perspektivï razvitiya: Materialï ochno-zaochnoy prakticheskoy konferentsii [A Pedagogy of Music Education, Problems and Perspectives of Development: the Materials of Internal and

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Extramural Practical Conference], Nizhnevartovsk: Izdatsl’stvo Nizhnevartovskogo universiteta, pp. 87–88. Antonova, S. (2003), Blagoslovlyayu vas na vse chetyre storony … [I Bless Your Way Wherever You May Head]. Apraksina, O. (1989), ‘Osnovnïye napravleniya issledovaniy v oblasti muzïkal’nogo vospitaniya i podgotovki sootvetstvuyushchikh kadrov uchiteley muzïki’ [Major Directions of Research in the Field of Music Bildung and of Preparation of Appropriate Personnel of Music Teachers], in Moscow City Pedagogical Institute (eds), Muzïkal’noye vospitaniye shkol’nikov i professional’naya napravlennost’ podgotovki uchitelya muzïki. Mezhvuzovskiy sbornik nauchnïkh trudov [Music Bilding of pupils and a direction of professional development of music teacher, volume of scholarly works in higher education], Moscow: Izdatel’stvo ‘Prometey,’ Lenin MGPI, p. 3. Artobolevskaya, A. (1992), Pervaya vstrecha s muzykoy, uchebnoe posobiye, izdanie 6 [First Meeting with Music: a Teaching Aid; 6th Edition], Moscow: Sovetskiy kompozitor, pp. 6, 8. Baydenko, V. (2009), ‘Mnogoplanovïy i sistemnïy kharakter Bolonskogo protsessa (statya vtoraya)’ [Multilateral and Systematic Characteristics of Bologna Process (the Second Article)], Vysheye obrazovaniye v Rossii 9: pp. 120–132. Becker, J., Goldin, M. and Leibman, L. (1993), ‘From Tsars to Whales: Dmitry Kabalevsky and Russian Music Education’ The Quarterly 4(3): pp. 39–58 (Reprinted with permission in Visions of Research in Music Education, 16(4), Autumn, 2010), accessed 6 August 2013, available at: http://www-­usr.rider.edu/~vrme/. Bolshaya Sovetskaya Aentsiklopediya [Great Soviet Encyclopaedia], viewed 5 August 2013, available at: http://www.litmir.net/br/?b=106160&p=19 Bruford, W. (1975), The German Tradition of Self-Cultivation: Bildung from Humboldt to Thomas Mann. London: Cambridge University Press. Bukina, T. (2010), ‘Mezhdu naukoy i iskusstvom: rossiyskoye muzïkovedeniye kak institutsional’nïy fenomen’ [Between the Science and the Art: Russian Musicology as an Institutional Phenomenon], Observatoriya kul’turï 3: pp. 100–106. Davis, R. (2005), ‘The Russian ballet world’, The Russian Fulbright Newsletter 4. Fairclough, P. (2012), ‘Don’t sing it on a feast day: The reception and performance of western sacred music in Soviet Russia, 1917–1953,’ Journal of the American Musicological Society 65(1) (Spring 2012): pp. 67–111. Gorlinskiy, V. (1999), Modernizatskya sistemï muzïkal’nogo obrazovaniya i vospitaniya v sovremennoy Rossii; avtoreferat na soiskaniye uzhyonoy stepeni doktor pedagogicheskikh nauk [A Modernization of a System of Music Education and Bildung in Today’s Russia: Author’s Abstract of a Dissertation for Dr Habilitatus in Pedagogy]. Moscow: MGPU. Grebnev, L. (2011), ‘Vïshaya shkola v novom zakone “Ob obrazovanii:” khotim kak luchshe?’ [Higher Education in a New ‘Law of Education:’ Do We Want to Make Things Better?], Vïsheye obrazovaniye v Rossii 1: pp. 13–25.

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Hayroudinoff, R. ‘The Agony and the Ecstasy: My musical training in Soviet Russia,’ Gramophone, viewed 5 August 2013, available at: http://www.gramophone.co.uk/ features/focus/the-agony-and-the-ecstasy-my-musical-training-in-soviet-russia, pp. 68, 109. Ilyin, G. (2009), ‘Izmemeniya v otechestvennom obrazovanii v svete Bolonskogo protsessa (subyektivnïye zametki)’ [Changes in the National Education in the Light of Bologna Process (Subjective Notes)], Vïsheye obrazovaniye v Rossii 8: pp. 40–46. Ivashkin, A. (2003) Annotation on the CD 2003 ‘Sergey Prokofiev, On the Dnieper, Songs of Our Days,’ Chandos: p. 7. Kochetkova T., Noskov M. and Shershneva V. (2012) ‘Vïsheye obrazovaniye v Rossi i Germanii: bolonskiye reformï prodolzhayutsya’ [Higher Education in Russia and in Germany: Bologna Reforms Continue], Vïsheye obrazovaniye v Rossii 12: pp. 126–127. Kolomiets, G. (1998), ‘Tsennostnïe orientatsii studentov v sisteme muzïkal’nogo obrazovaniya’ [The Orientation of Students on Values in a System of Music Education] in Muzïkal’noye obrazovaniye na poroge 21 veka v kontekste evolyutsii otechestvennogo muzïkal’nogo iskusstva [Music Education on a Threshold of the 21st Century in a Context of the Evolution of Russian Art of Music], Orenburg, Izdatel’stvo OGPU, pp. 39–42. Komlev, S. (2007), ‘Vuzï: iz pozavchera – v zavtra,’ published on a website, viewed 6 August 2013, available at: http://wobla.ru/news/1071056.aspx. Kupets, L. (2007), ‘ Muzïkal’noye obrazovaniye v sovremennoy Rossii: mezhdu globalizatsiyey i natsional’noy identichnostyu’ [Music Education in Today’s Russia: between Globalization and National Identity], in K.E. Razlogov (ed.), Chelovek, kul’tura i obshchestvo v kontekste globalizatsii: Materialï mechdunarodnoy nauchnoy konferentsii [Human, Culture, and Society in the Context of Globalization: Materials of International Research Conference], Moscow: RIK, pp. 230–234. Kuzbasskiy, S. (2012), ‘Novye polozheniya ob attestatsii prepodavateley muzïkal’nïkh shkol ili razval detskogo muzïkal’nogo obrazovaniya v Rossii?’ [New Regulations on Attestation of Teachers of Music School, or the Destruction of Children’s Music Education in Russia?], published on a website Grazhdanskaya initsiativa za besplatnoye obrazovaniye [Civil Initiative for the Free Education], viewed 7 August 2013, available at: http://netreforme.org/ news/novyie-polozheniya-ob-attestatsii-prepodavateley-muzyikalnyih-shkol-ilirazval-detskogo-muzyikalnogo-obrazovaniya-v-rossii/. Larimer, F. (1993), ‘Music education in Russia: A recent perspective’, The Quarterly 4(3): p. 4 (Reprinted with permission in Visions of Research in Music Education, 16(4), Autumn, 2010), viewed 5 August 2013, available at: http://www--usr.rider. edu/~vrme/). Mayarovskaya, G. ‘O vzaimodeystvii khudozhestvennïh uchebnïkh zavedeniy Rossi ii Evrosoyuza’ [On an Interaction of Artistic Educational institutions of Russia and European Union], unpublished.

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Monroe, P. (2012), ‘ Relationship of community, state, government, church, and school in the United States’ in Clarke, F., Zenkovsky, W., Monroe, P., Morris, Ch., Smith, J. and Kohnstamm, Ph. (eds) Church, Community and State in Relation to Education, Routledge Library Edition: Education, p. 65. Muzïkal’noe obrazovanie v SSSR [Music Education in the USSR] 1986, Moscow: Tchaikovsky Conservatory. Numenko, T. (2005), ‘Muzïkovedenie: stil’ nauchnogo proizvedeniya’ [A Musicology: A Style of Scientific Composition], Dr. Hab. Dissertation in Musicology, Moscow: Russian Gnessin Academy of Music, 305 p. Petrov, N. (1999), ‘Formirovaniye lichnosti muzïkanta-ispolnitelya v protsesse vzaimodeystviya prepodavatelya i studenta v muzïkal’nom uchilishe’[A Formation of Personality of Musician-Performer in a Process of Interaction of a Teacher and a Student in Music College]. PhD Dissertation, Moscow. Rapatskaya, L. (2007), ‘Muzïkal’noe obrazovanie v Rossii v kontekste kul’turnïkh traditsiy’ [Music Education in Russia in the Context of Cultural Traditions], Vestnik Mezhdunarodnoy Akademii Nauk (Russkaya Sektsiya) [Bulletin of the International Academy of Sciences (Russian Version)] 1: pp. 63–67. Rossiyaskiy statisticheskiy yezhegodnik, Statisticheskiy sbornik, (2012) [Russian Statistical Annual Report, Statistics Volume], Moscow: Rosstat, p. 232. Terent’eva, N. (1994), Istoriya i teoriya muzïkal’noy pedagogiki i obrazovaniya, uchebnoye posobiye. Chast’ 2 [History and Theory of Music Pedagogy and Education, Teaching Aid, Part 2]. St. Petersburg: ‘Obrazovaniye,’ p. 136. The Open Letter 2011, Argumentï nedeli, Vol. 9 (250), 10 March, published online, viewed 7 August 2013, available at: http://argumenti.ru/education/n279/96471/. The Server for Field Statistics of the Russian Ministry for Culture, viewed 6 August 2013, available at: http://www.mkstat.ru/indicators/cat15/item89/. Tsiskaridze, N. (2013), ‘Ne mogu smotret’, kak talatlivïkh lyudey unichtozhayut,’ Vechernyaya Moskva, 4 July, viewed 6 August 2013, available at: http://vmdaily.ru/ news/2013/07/04/na-muzejnih-gryadkah-s-nikolaem-tsiskaridze-203518.html Yakovleva, Ye. (2011), ‘Metodologicheskiye napravleniya i metodï uchebnovospitatel’noy rabotï s uchashcnimisya v uchrezhdeniyakh kul’turï i iskusstva’ [Methodological Directions and Methods of Educational Work and Bildung with Students in Educational and Cultural Institutions], Pedagogika iskusstva 2, viewed 6 August 2013, available at: http://www.art-education.ru/AE-magazine/ Zvyagin, Yu. (2005), ‘Ekstern dlya fabriki zvyozd’ [Examination without Attending Classes for Star Factory], Rossiyskaya gazeta 3755, 26 April, published online, viewed 7 August 2013, available at: http://www.rg.ru/2005/04/26/vuzi-reforma.html http://www.pravda-tv.ru/2012/04/19/14237 http://www.amkmgk.ru/main/novosti/conf_edu2006_resolution/).

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Turkey: Education and Social Change – Inquiries into Curriculum Reform Arnd-Michael Nohl and Nazlı R. Ö. Somel

Without doubt one of the basic aims of national education policies is to bring the society and contemporary norms and standards together and to prepare the society for the contemporary realities. The society which makes progress toward the target pointed out by our Great Leader Atatürk, i.e. to surpass the level of a modern civilization, is, without doubt, in need of qualitative, productive and efficient national education policies. Or it is required that the education system of the Turkish society, proceeding to the target indicated by Atatürk, has the quality and equipment to bring the society to this target.1 These words from the speech by Erkan Mumcu of the Justice and Development Party (JDP), delivered when he took over the post as the minister for national education after the landslide victory of his party in November 2002, point to the ambiguous relation of education and society from a political point of view. Social change in Turkey is seen both as being pushed by and as pushing education. In scientific inquiry, these interrelations between education and social change are vividly discussed. It is not surprising, however, that there is not any consensus or shared view as to how this interrelation is to be defined. In our contribution to this volume we wish to scrutinize the complex interrelations between social change and education by empirically inquiring into a major curriculum reform started in Turkey after 2002. We begin with a discussion of the heterogeneous dynamics in Turkish society before the landslide victory of the JDP, which we consider important for the ensuing curriculum reform. This multifaceted social change, however, only constitutes the legitimizing background upon which political actors voiced the urge for education reform and, in so doing, provided an opportunity that a group of educationalists used

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for what they described as a comprehensive paradigm change in the teaching approach. While the introduction of the new curriculum was only indirectly linked to social change, the practices of the curriculum we investigated in five schools were deeply impaired by the heterogeneous dynamics of their respective social, geographical and economic setting. As it is already implied in this overview, the design of our empirical inquiry rather serves to scrutinize the consequences of social change for education than vice versa.2 In this regard we inquire into change without ascribing any positive or negative value to it. Hence, in this contribution we scrutinize what the preconditions of change in education are, how it has come about and how it is interwoven with other social dynamics.3

Turkey between 1980 and 2002: Heterogeneous dynamics of society As history is in a constant state of flux, any attempt to periodize and thus find a suitable point of entry into Turkish history seems arbitrary. There is, however, a consensus that the year 1980 marks far-reaching shifts in the political and economic system of Turkey, which altered the society (cf. Ahmad 2003; Tanör 2004; Zürcher 2004: 278–298). When on 12 September 1980 the military seized power in Turkey, it not only brought a period of political instability, unrest and violence to an abrupt end, but also annihilated the democratic system and enforced economic measures with considerable short- and medium-term effects on society. The military seized power all the way down to the level of the municipalities. Military commanders ‘were put in charge of education, the press, chambers of commerce and trade unions, and they did not hesitate to use their powers’ (Zürcher 2004: 279). Then, in 1982, the people were asked to give their consent to a constitution, which would change and restrict the political system on a sustained basis (Tanör 2004: 43–54).

Major economic and social consequences of the coup d’état Together with the political order, the coup d’état aimed at changing the economy. The military had appointed Turgut Özal, an economic consultant and influential bureaucrat, to implement a package of economic measures inspired by the IMF and put together (but not materialized) already on 24 January 1980. In the following years the state-controlled import-substituted industrialization strategy was replaced by an open market economic policy. When the first elections in

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1983 were won by the Motherland Party led by Turgut Özal (cf. Ahmad 2003: 190–202), this resulted in an economic policy in accordance with the will of the generals. While the inflation dropped from 107.6 per cent in 1980 to rates between 20 per cent and 50 per cent in the years until 1987 (only to rise again to well over 70 per cent afterwards, cf. Kepenek and Yentürk 2007: 574), inflationadjusted incomes of workers, civil servants and farmers declined by around 50 per cent between 1979 and 1988 (cf. Kepenek and Yentürk 2007; Boratav 2005: 49 and 56). Given the heavy restrictions imposed on trade unions, the workers’ bargaining position was considerably weak vis-à-vis the private sector employers who were able to increase their corporate profits from 26.5 per cent in the 1970s to 35.6 per cent between 1984 and 1988 (cf. Boratav 2005: 43). The government sold – though with varying successes – state-owned companies, opened the country to foreign capital and stimulated exports in order to reduce the large foreign trade deficit (cf. Kepenek and Yentürk 2007: 205–213). As Buğra (Buğra 2002: 120) asserts, the military and the successive Motherland Party governments (which stayed in power until 1991) were successful in generating an undeniable economic vitality. By the end of the decade, the Turkish economy had gone a long way toward integration with the world economy through trade and foreign investment. These developments had served the enrichment of new groups of businessmen, which significantly included smaller Anatolian ones but by no means only them, and contributed to the emergence of a new group of professionals now able to find highly lucrative employment opportunities especially in the service sector.

These economic transformations lead to ‘ever-widening income disparities’ (Buğra 2002). Parallel to these economic developments after 1980, the quest for a better life, which since the 1950s had already carried millions of Turkish citizens into the cities, brought more and more people to the metropolises. Although in 1980 only 43.91 per cent of the population had lived in cities, their share came up to 64.9 per cent in 2000. Given that the population rose from 44.737m in 1980 to 67.804m in 2000 (cf. State Institute of Statistics n.y.: 45–46), major cities grew accordingly between 1980 and 2000, e.g. Ankara from 2.85m to 4m, Izmir from 1.98m to 3.37m and Istanbul from 4.74m to 10m (cf. Kocaman 2008: 8).

Transitions in education Despite the migration from rural to urban areas and of the enormous population growth the education system succeeded in catering for an everincreasing portion of children. Whereas in 1980–1981 7.9m pupils were

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enrolled, in 1994–1995 11.2m pupils were educated, and their number rose to 13.4m in 2002–2003 (cf. MoNE 2006, 2010: 11–12; our own calculations). Although the gross enrolment rates for primary education had been high since 1970, secondary and high school enrolment grew considerably. Since 1997, primary and lower secondary schools have been merged and became compulsory. High school enrolment (grades 9–12) went up from 28.4 per cent in 1980 to 64 per cent in 2000 (DTP 2013). This massive extension of the education system went along with increasing expectations of employers towards employees’ educational attainments, manifested in the sectoral distribution of educational degrees: Between 1980 and 2000, the rate of illiterates in, for example, agriculture declined from 46.5 per cent to 23.1 per cent. In the productive sector the illiterate rate fell from 9.3 per cent to 1.5 per cent while between 1980 and 2000 the rate of high school graduates rose from 7.6 per cent to 21.3 per cent. During the same period in the financial sector the rate of high school graduates rose from 35.6 per cent to 39.5 per cent and of university graduates from 25.5 per cent to 42.1 per cent (Kepenek and Yentürk 2007: 492–493). On the one hand these figures show that the qualification of the workforce in Turkey has continually and (in some sectors) considerably improved since 1980. These figures, on the other hand, also imply that the respective educational degrees became a necessary qualification for obtaining job positions in these sectors. The growing demand for qualified staff and the deteriorating income of blue-collar workers, low-rank employees and civil servants became an important background for the widespread conviction that education is an important means to maintain or foster one’s social position. As inquiries into the return to education in Turkey reveal, educational degrees had a significant effect on wages, ‘monetary returns to a year of university education’ being ‘higher than that at other levels of education by a large margin’ (Tansel and Bircan 2008: 8).4 Since 1980, the state answered the growing importance of education for social positioning by diversifying and part-privatizing the education system rather than by endeavours for equality. Access to one of the rising but chronically insufficient number of universities was subjected to a centralized exam; in the beginning of the 1980s, only 15 per cent of all applicants become eligible for a university (Özoğlu 2011: 5), for which students prepared in private tutoring courses. The number of course participants grew from 45,000 in 1975 over 334,000 in 1995 to 1.174,000 in 2009 (Özoğlu 2011: 7; u. Tansel and Bircan 2008: 29). There was an informal hierarchy of public high schools (Ercan

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1999: 33), which significantly varied in their focus (including a large variety of vocational high schools), in their equipment and teaching staff as well as in their prestige prepared pupils for university. In addition, tuition in private high schools grew to 4.8 per cent in 2001, with high variations between provinces (ERG 2011: 113–114). Since the 1990s, centralized exams for which pupils, again, prepared in private courses regulated access to high schools. As a result, access to high schools and universities (MoNE 2012a) as well as to educational performance (MoNE 2005) varied considerably between different types of high schools as well as regions. Hence the education system itself, beginning even with primary school (Ünal 2010, Somel 2013), reproduced and even intensified social inequalities. As regards school syllabi, the ideological mission of the military coup of 1980 had its effects on education. Conservative ideologies were used to foster social cohesion (İnal 2004) and an eclectic synthesis of Turkish nationalism and Islam (Taşkın 2001) – though having been elaborated since the 1950s – was turned into a semi-official ideology, entering school instruction and school books (Copeaux 2000). A concrete example of the ideological changes was a report by the State Planning Organization, issued in 1983, in which religion was regarded as an element ensuring national security (DPT 1983). In schools, accordingly, all subjects were to be taught in harmony with religious views. One of the most obvious effects of the growing conservative outlook on education was manifest in science subjects, for example, in the teaching of the evolution theory (Öztürkler 2005). Moreover, religious education in primary and secondary schools was made compulsory (Gökaçtı 2005).

Political instability in the 1990s and electoral success of the JDP Despite this military-inspired ideological climate (and the restrictive constitution), towards the end of the 1980s most of the pre-coup politicians and their parties were able to enter the political arena again. ‘Given Özal’s failure to curb inflation or to ameliorate the country’s ailing economy as he had promised’ (Ahmad 2003: 198), his Motherland Party rapidly lost voters’ confidence, and, in the 1991 elections, its majority of seats in parliament. From 1991 to 1996, several successive coalition governments were formed between conservative and social democrat parties. Their instability went along with a failure to successfully pursue the liberalization of markets, to attract foreign capital and pacify the violent conflict with the Kurdish movement. In the long run, this failure in interior and

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economic policy delegitimized both nationalist and social democrat parties, pushing voters to the Islamist ‘Welfare Party’ (Gülalp 1999: 31). There were, however, more reasons for the Welfare Party’s success. Political economists point to a middle class newly emerging in Anatolia after 1980. While the traditional middle class of the Turkish Republic had ‘lost its economic standing because of the new policies’, that is, the liberalization of the markets, ‘provincial artisans and traders’, ‘small- and midrange enterprisers who live mostly in midsize cities’ as well as ‘young executives’ with ‘university education, especially in technical fields’ built the ‘nucleus’ (Insel 2003: 297–298) of a ‘new Islamic bourgeoisie’ (Yankaya 2013). Many of the small- and medium-sized companies established in Turkey after 1980 organized themselves around the newly founded business association ‘MÜSİAD’. For them ‘Islamic identity has proven to be a very useful basis of trust and solidarity’ (Buğra 2002: 133). In contrast to its predecessor party of the 1970s, the Welfare Party did not emphasize state initiative in the economic realm, but ‘private initiative’ (Gülalp 1999: 27), referring to Islam as a bond across classes and propagating the Islamic concept of the so-called ‘Just Order’ (‘Adil Düzen’). The rise of the Islamist Welfare Party and the milieus in its background, as well as the subsequently growing demands for changes in society (e.g., to allow wearing the Islamic hijab in public services, in the university and the parliament), the Kurdish conflict and the neoliberal economic transformation led to political crises flaring up throughout the second part of the 1990s: a government party was illegalized, many short-lived coalition governments were founded and severe economic crises arised (Akşin 2004; Cizre 2003: 215). When in the beginning of the 2000s former members of the Islamic Welfare Party founded the ‘Justice and Development Party’ (JDP), its leaders promised to stabilize the economy by using neoliberal policies. In addition, although they had emerged from the Islamic milieus described above, they propagated a centre-right policy (Uzgel 2010). In November 2002, the JDP won approximately 34 per cent of votes in the general elections and, due to a 10 per cent barrier, obtained an absolute majority in the parliament. Since then this party has continued and even expanded its electoral success, ruling the country for more than a decade by now. Our brief overview of Turkish history between 1980 and 20025 makes clear that even if political rulers aim at social change it should not be conceived of as only an intentional, linear process. The political and economic dynamics initiated or accelerated by the coup d’état in 1980 took their course in different ways, leading to social changes varying between different systems of society and between its milieus. They brought about – to name only a few important

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points – more conservative lifestyles, expanding social classes (e.g., the Islamic bourgeoisie), new political powers (the JDP), a growing importance of education for the reproduction of social positions and a widening income gap, adding to the continuous importance of social injustice and internal migration. While in the next section we analyze how the new curriculum came into being as a consequence of a peculiar link between the political and the education system, in the ensuing section we will ask how specific social dynamics influenced the practicing of the new curriculum.

The introduction of a new curriculum In the run-up to the general elections in 2002, the JDP, like other parties, promised reforms in education, advocating to leave the existing ‘approach based on memorizing’ in favour of a ‘democratic and contemporary approach which takes the human being into its center’ (AKP 2002: 31). With these statements the JDP translated its voters’ discontent with the education system into political demands. Such political demands remained, however, rather vague and general, especially as far as specific curricular questions were concerned. Indeed, the newly appointed minister of national education, Erkan Mumcu, admitted in our interview that neither the JDP nor he himself had had a comprehensive education policy. For the post as the president of the Board of Education (BoE), the central authority for curricular issues, the minister, however, interviewed several candidates with a background in education science or education bureaucracy. While others asked for their future plans, pointed to an increase in this or that education budget, one candidate outlined a comprehensive ‘transformation’ of the curriculum. This professor, Ziya Selçuk, with whose educational ideas the minister was well-pleased, was then immediately appointed.6 While in society and political parties there had been widespread discontent with public education due to its undemocratic, sexist and nationally prejudiced contents as well as its authoritarian character (Çotuksöken et al. 2003; Gürkaynak et al. 2003), education scientists had criticized the curriculum, to a large extent operative since 1968, for its ineffective teaching approach (see, among others, Arslan and Erarslan 2003). Since the 1990s a variety of alternative curricular approaches had been proposed, but none of them met unanimous acclaim. In this situation the appointment as president of the BoE enabled Prof. Selçuk to promote his own teaching method, which he claimed to be ‘constructivist’, ‘learner-centered’, ‘activity-based’ and backed by the ‘multiple intelligence’

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theorem. In fact, since the end of the 1990s Ziya Selçuk had already developed and tested such a curriculum in two private primary schools and could count on a range of colleagues who shared his educational perspectives. As regards the relation of social change and education, it is evident that first some social dynamics (the emergence of new milieus, the new importance of education, economic liberalization, etc.) were translated into the political system and became the background for new political actors, that is, the JDP, who turned specific social dynamics into policies. The JDP, however, could not develop an educational policy on its own but commissioned education scientists willing to cooperate with them. With the only political assignment to create new curricula, these educationalists then, secondly, translated some aspects of the social change of post-1980 Turkey (most importantly those also emphasized by the JDP, that is the focus on the individual and on behaviour important for free market economies) into new curricula.7 Similar to other fields, education policy, however, does not immediately and swiftly translate into practice. On the contrary, a policy change in the curriculum involves many actors with partly different or even antagonist attitudes (cf., among others, Ball 2006: 43–53). As far as Ziya Selçuk was concerned, he soon discovered that, although the education minister supported his endeavours, the ministerial bureaucracy and the universities he approached to commission experts for actually writing the different primary school curricula either directly refused his requests or displayed what our interview partners (except for the bureaucrats) univocally called ‘passive resistance’. As our interviews with bureaucrats as well as the discussions in teachers’ unions8 show, despite the widespread consensus on the necessity of educational reform the JDP government was suspected of having its own tacit agenda besides the curriculum reform.9 It was only by coincidence that the president of the BoE could convince a large programme of the European Commission, which originally had not been designed for a curriculum change, to make its incidentals budget available to financing the necessary input of curriculum experts (T.C. 2007: 17).10 The fact that the curriculum then was largely financed by this programme rather than by the ministry of national education (MoNE), however, enabled Prof. Selçuk to circumvent the usual bureaucratic procedures and to appoint those colleagues with whom ‘our perspectives matched most’, as he told us. Our inquiry into curriculum development revealed that indeed a common understanding of the task, but not necessarily seniority or expertise, was the most important selection criterion for leaders of curriculum commissions. Hence Mr. Selçuk succeeded in committing his colleagues on his favourite

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curricular approach. Five commissions for different primary education subjects then started their work in summer 2003. The minister11 then allowed only for a one-year piloting during the school year 2004–2005. Full of enthusiasm – a point conveyed to us by all actors interviewed – but also under high time pressure, the commissions finalized the curricula until July 2005, only to immediately start with the preparation of sets of pupils’ textbooks and teacher’s manuals. Although these manuals gave detailed information on the possible didactical design of each lesson, the 389,859 Turkish primary teachers (MoNE 2010: 11) only received superficial in-house training, if at all. Beginning from summer 2005, the new curricula were introduced to primary school gradually, that is, from grade 1 upwards. In a power point presentation used during in-house training the BoE presented the new curricula as following a ‘constructivist approach’ focused on learning rather than teaching. The BoE claimed that the curricula promoted a democratic consciousness and perceived the pupils as ‘individuals’ whom they tried to activate. Among the key competencies to be acquired the BoE mentioned ‘critical thinking’, ‘problem solving’, ‘inquiring’ and ‘decision making’ (TTK 2004a). The new curricula, however, were not left without criticism, arising from different standpoints. More fundamentally their underlying constructivist paradigm was criticized for neglecting knowledge transfer (Erdoğan 2005). Besides it was argued that the learner-centred education encumbers an unbearable responsibility on the student, which aggravates social inequalities in education (Gür 2006). The constructivist paradigm leads, according to another criticism, possibly to an indistinguishableness of knowledge and truth on the one hand and faith on the other (Aydın 2007). Other points of the criticism refer to the images of gender (Tan 2005) and economy, which are expressed in the curriculum. The BoE speaks of the fact that the new curriculum ‘is important for a stable, productive and lasting economy and would like to raise students who are completely familiar with the economic life’ and have, in this manner, an ‘entrepreneurial mind’ (TTK 2004b: 11 and 22). This aim is criticized as inadequate to child development (Eğitim Sen 2004) and as closely connected to the ‘neoliberal model of an individual’ (İnal 2008: 158), much in line with the economic policies after 1980. Indeed, the curriculum developers, and first of all Ziya Selçuk, faced criticism and resistance from inside the MoNE too. While Mr. Selçuk, with the political support of the minister and the financial sponsorship of the EC programme, had succeeded in pushing the new curricula for grades 1–8 through and in initiating their implementation in schools (including the

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provision of tuition material), he admitted himself to have failed to organize a more comprehensive transformation of the education system. When he understood that the MoNE and other bureaucratic and political institutions would not allow him to change teacher education and the funding system for schools, he resigned as president of the BoE in May 2006, only to be followed by a professor who had previously not hidden his discontent with the new curriculum (see Erdoğan 2005). The commission leaders, too, stepped back because, as one of them told us, ‘we weren’t convinced that what we had achieved would be appreciated and continued’. The close of this period of educational reform12 coincided with a slowingdown of political reforms in the country. Whereas the JDP, until 2006, had, against the resistance of the military, bureaucracy and judiciary, pushed some important laws towards democratization (e.g., according some rights to minorities) through, with ever-improving election results it began to install its own authoritarian rule. The acclaim the party had, in its early years in power, received from liberals and even leftists turned into disappointment and criticism.13 The window of opportunity that had been opened widely to a certain community of education scientists was closed again.

Varieties of curricular practices When the new curricula were gradually introduced in all Turkey starting in 2005, other parts of the education system (most importantly, teacher training and the equipment of schools) had not been adapted to them. As we have remarked above, the president of the BoE had not been able to initiate a parallel structural reform of schools and teacher education. Even when we did our fieldwork in five schools in two provinces of the country in 2011–2012, only very few parts of the education system were adapted to the new curriculum, for example, the content of the central entrance exams for high schools had been changed, but – as we will show later – the respective problems still continued to exist. This means that the new curricula and their teaching approach stood singular in the old school system. Each single school therefore had to somehow come to grips with the new curricula on its own. Our empirical fieldwork included schools in a village, in a small town and in the capital of a central Anatolian province as well as schools in a squatter neighbourhood and a middle-class district in Istanbul. In each school we conducted several group discussions with teachers, parents and pupils (61 in

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total) as well as interviews with headmasters, in order to give voice to their teaching and learning experiences. By interpreting the respective discourses we have identified several distinguishable ways of practically handling the requirements of the new curricula among the teacher groups.14 Although none of these curricular practices has been induced by a singular factor, they all have emerged as the result of intermingling dynamics of social change and educational policy. In the following we will, while analytically separating these dynamics, try to reveal the intricate interweavements that have caused huge cleavages in curricular practices in Turkey.

Migration of the poor and its repercussion in the education system Internal migration is a factor influencing curricular practices in different, though not always immediately palpable, ways. Starting in the 1950s, internal migration continued to determine the social structure of Turkey in the 2000s. As we have shown in detail in the first section, after 1980 the demographic structure of the country significantly changed. Subsequently until 2008 16,000 schools in villages and towns of provinces whose population had migrated to metropolises have been closed down (Polat 2009: 106). Others have merged, leading to practices of school busing and boarding schools. Although the schools we investigated in a village and a small town catered for many children bused from other settlements, their school enrolment was decreasing, bringing the village school close to the point of closing down. On the one hand the decrease in pupil numbers implied smaller classes, on the other the provision of teacher staff shrunk. While grades 1–5 are taught by class teachers who command a broad range of subjects, in grades 6–8 lessons ought to be taught by teachers specialized in specific subjects (Turkish, mathematics, etc.). In order to use these specialized teachers to capacity in downscaled schools they are, however, also assigned to subjects outside their specialization. In this case the respective teachers do not teach the lesson on the timetable but their own subject (e.g., mathematics instead of music). In those cities and metropolises that face an influx of population, squatter areas and new neighbourhoods have emerged. Owing to processes of gentrification (and a failure of the municipalities to counter it), the spatial differentiation of socio-economic groups has sharpened.15 Subsequently this has led interior migrants to settle down in specific (poor) districts of the big cities. One of the schools in which we conducted fieldwork in Istanbul was situated in a squatter area that continued to receive migration. Because in

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Turkey schools are obliged to enrol pupils from the neighbourhood for which they are responsible, this school had an oversized pupil number whereas the other school, situated in a middle-class neighbourhood of the same city, even accepted pupils from other areas because it worked below its capacity. One reason for the low enrolment of the latter school was that many middle-class parents sent their children to private schools, which have flourished since 1980 (see above). The middle-class school in the province capital, as a favourite educational facility of the city, was, again, affected neither by migration nor by private education. These differences between schools, based on interior migration and geographical location, bear important consequences for teaching practices. The squatter neighbourhood school, for example, is not able to provide full-day schooling but has to teach in shifts, one half of the pupils attend classes in the morning, the other half in the afternoon. Thus each classroom is used by two classes, which implies that pupils are not able to exhibit their works on the walls or leave their half-finished exercises until the next day. This complicates teachers’ classroom activities and compels them to use a significant part of the lesson for preparing the classroom. In contrast, outside the squatter neighbourhood schools have since long turned to a system in which every teacher has his/her own classroom so that they are able to provide for the necessary equipment and preparation in advance.

Socio-economic disparities and the financing of schools The financial situation of each school is another important impact on curricular practices. The fact that schools are responsible for enrolling the children of the neighbourhood they are located in, the accelerating socioeconomic gentrification in the cities and the growth of income disparities between social groups after 1980 intermingle and have increased the socioeconomic differences between schools. Another reason for this development is the neoliberal education policy coming into effect after 1980, which decentralized the financing of schools (Karapehlivan 2010). The state only finances the construction of the school, teachers’ salaries and school books in public schools; all other expenditures have to be covered by donations from parents and others. Because schools in different districts cater to residents who are, according to their social layer, either rich or poor, the equipment of schools as concerns teaching devices, technology, sanitary facilities as well as extracurricular activities become disparate. In the squatter house district’s school

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no place is provided for sports and cultural activities stipulated by the new curricula. There is even a lack of electric plugs in classrooms, so that tuition cannot be facilitated by electronic media. In contrast, the middle-class schools are, with the donations of parents, well equipped with technology and there are halls available for sports and theatre. The lunch break – which does not exist in the squatter district’s school due to its shift system – here is used for cultural activities for which private educators are employed. The schools in the village and small town, while having enough space, are, however, less well equipped with technology, which would be necessary for some curricular activities. Owing to their geographic location they offer cultural activities only to the degree they are provided for by their own teachers.

The impact of standard tests at the threshold to high school A third difference between the schools influencing curricular practices is connected to the extraordinary growth in secondary school enrolment and the rising importance of university diplomas for job recruitments. These dynamics have intensified the demand and competition for places in prestigious high schools and universities. As we have mentioned in the first section, central standard tests were introduced in order to regulate access to (prestigious) high schools and universities. When these tests became increasingly competitive and when many schools failed to appropriately prepare their pupils for these tests, private training facilities (called ‘dershane’ – ‘tuition house’) spread throughout the country. By and by, these private training facilities and their test preparation material institutionalized parallel to the public school system. Not all families were, however, able to enrol their children in these private training facilities, which are completely dependent on families’ economic resources. This did not only increase the differences in the educational opportunities of pupils from different socio-economic background but, due to the factors mentioned above, such differences also translated into the curricular practices of entire schools, as our group discussions revealed. The schools in the village and the rural town were least affected by the centralized entrance tests because the competition for secondary education is lower in the countryside where there is, if at all, only a small range of different high schools available. Only one or two pupils from the village school and few pupils of the school in the rural town attended private tutoring courses. According to our empirical investigation, parents did not put much pressure on teachers in order to render their children successful in the entrance exams.

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Hence, teachers could follow the curriculum based on their subject or their generational and professional experience (see below). In the school located in a squatter house area of Istanbul, the situation was quite contrasting. Here, parents were eager to have their children succeed in the centralized entrance tests and enter one of the prestigious high schools but could not afford private tutoring. Hence they put pressure on the school to feel itself responsible for preparing its pupils for the tests. As our group discussions reveal, the teachers subsequently focused on teaching multiple choice test answers. They preferred test preparation to the curriculum and predominantly used the material of private training facilities. Subject teachers in grades 6–8 even divided their pupils into those who seemed to be able to be successful in the central tests and those who would not. They then prepared their tuition according to the promising high school candidates. In lower grades the class teachers adopted the mission to make their pupils understand the techniques of multiple choice tests and to render them successful in the trial tests organized by private training facilities. Being convinced that the physical conditions neither of the school nor of its pupils’ homes were suitable for the curricula (see above), the teachers of this school in any case perceived the official curricula as opposed to and as a handicap for the central standard tests. This preference for standard test preparation indeed goes beyond individual teachers. The decision to use the standard test preparation material developed by private tutoring facilities (and to neglect the school books that follow the curricula) is made at the beginning of the school year by teacher commissions responsible for specific subjects. In contrast we could not find any allusion to a conflict between standard tests and the curricula in the group discussions conducted with teachers of middleclass schools both in Istanbul and in the provincial capital. These schools have nearly totally transferred the responsibility for standard test preparation to the private training facilities and have adopted the task to follow the curricula. Because their pupils were successful in the central standard tests these schools neither felt responsible for their preparation nor received much pressure and demand on the part of parents or the local bureaucrats of the Ministry of National Education (MoNE).

The generation and professional experience factor Up to this point we have only analyzed those factors in curriculum practices that were connected to education policy and the socio-economic and geographical situation of the respective school. Now we consider differences within the

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teaching staff that are relevant for the curricular practices. In the five schools included in our research we have identified staffing structures differing according to teachers’ professional experience and generational location. In the squatter area’s school there are only young, inexperienced teachers who have started service after 2000. In the middle-class schools in Istanbul and in the provincial capital the teaching staff was totally constituted by experienced teachers who have served for 15 and more years. While being dominated by young and inexperienced teachers, in the schools of the village and the small town we have also found older aged and experienced personnel who had grown up in the area, which they have never left since. The primary reason for this unequal distribution of younger and older teachers across schools of the country is the assignment policy of the MoNE. Owing to the rising number of eligible graduates from universities, teachers are appointed according to their success in a centralized selection examination introduced in 1999. Those who successfully pass the test are first assigned to schools with openings, based on their test scores. After completing a two-year’s compulsory service the newly employed teachers can move to schools with open positions. Each year teachers get ‘service points’ according to their working place (e.g., a teacher working in East Anatolia gets more points than one working in Istanbul; village teachers get more points than the ones working in city centres). The school evaluates applications for transfer according to the service points of the respective teacher (MoNE 2012b). As a result, experienced teachers with more service points are more frequently found in schools popular among teachers, that is central schools with better working and living conditions. The differentiated staffing patterns of schools become meaningful in the context of curricular practices. The older teachers have gained their long-time experience when the old curricula, introduced in 1968, were still operative. In contrast to the new curricula, the 1968 curricula, which only defined the subject matters to be taught, accorded teachers a broad latitude. Hence, experienced teachers are used to write annual plans and to develop their own didactical methods on their own. Based on their long-time experience these teachers have also developed an informal judgment as to what knowledge and skills should be expected from a pupil in a respective grade. This helps them organize their classroom activities according also to maxims beyond those of the new curricula. The younger teachers, alas, do not have such an experience-based judgment and hence are fully dependent on the new curricula. Moreover, in contrast to the old curricula for the new curricula manuals were developed, which guide teachers through their lessons in a very detailed way.

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The curricular practices of young teachers are, however, also orientated by another factor connected to their biographical experiences. As they have attended the lyzeum and the university in the 1990s, the central standardized tests, which we have described above, have had an important impact on their biography. They have only recently passed the centralized elimination examination or are yet struggling to succeed this test, being referred to teaching on a fee-basis for the meantime.16 Owing to this biographical background they, in contrast to older teachers, perceive the preparation for standard tests as a part of tuition. As is documented in our group discussions, these young teachers accordingly focus on multiple choice tasks and test-solving techniques.

Conclusion and outlook The Turkish curriculum reform is an intriguing case for empirically analyzing the interrelations of education and social change. In this article we have separately scrutinized how social change constituted the background of the development of new curricula and how it influenced the way they were practiced thereafter. Our analyses show that the social dynamics of post-1980 Turkey had their effects on the political system in which new political actors, most importantly the JDP, emerged who translated specific social dynamics into policies. The discontent in society with school education was, however, only turned into the general plea for new curricula, while the JDP, alike other parties, did not define any specific curricular approach. At this point, the new government of the JDP commissioned education scientists who then developed curricula in which they took into account education scientific discussions and translated specific social dynamics (most importantly, pluralization, economic liberalization and the growing importance of education) into learning activities and goals. Hence the interrelation of social change and education here is not linear at all but comprises multiple translation processes, which turned specific social dynamics into the codes of the political and the education system. Some social dynamics characteristic for the period after 1980, however, had not been taken into account at all. As the interpretation of group discussions conducted in five schools, purposefully chosen for their distinctiveness, reveals, continuing internal migration, the widening gap between the rich and the poor, along with a sharpening competition in the centralized entrance tests for prestigious high schools and universities, directly influenced curricular practices

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on the school level. Owing to its budgeting policy, which renders individual schools dependent on parents’ and other donators’ financial assistance, the MoNE tolerates these aspects of social change to shape curricular practices and sometimes to even hamper them. Furthermore, the MoNE’s staffing policy leads to a strikingly unequal distribution of young and inexperienced teachers whose curricular practices sharply contrast with those of the older ones, who draw on their longstanding experience with the old curricula. These empirical analyses bring to mind a range of theoretical questions concerning the definition of social change, of the organizational constitution of schools and their interweavement with the ministerial bureaucracy and the social milieus of their pupils. We hope to elaborate on the theoretical import of our research in papers to follow.

Notes 1 2

3

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7 8

http://www.meb.gov.tr/haberler/haberayrinti.asp?ID=5658 Our investigation has been part of a research project financed by the German Research Foundation DFG. The present contribution is predominantly based on empirical research. In papers to follow we will theoretically reflect the implications of our empirical results. We would like to extend our gratitude to Adnan Gümüş, Christoph Schroeder, Gökçe Güvercin, Mine Göğüş Tan, Müge Ayan Ceyhan and Sabine Hornberg for their important comments on an earlier version of this article. In 1994, for example, a male employee with a middle-school degree earned 8.28 per cent (females: 14.38 per cent) more than a primary school graduate. A male high school graduate earned 18.83 per cent (females: 42.94 per cent) more than a middle school graduate and a male four year university graduate earned 16.6 per cent (females: 41.17 per cent) more than a high school graduate (cf. Tansel 2010: 21–22). For a more comprehensive overview on the history of education in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey see Nohl (2008). The information provided in the previous and the following paragraphs is taken from expert interviews, which we conducted with Erkan Mumcu, Ziya Selçuk and a range of bureaucrats and education scientists/activists who were involved in the curriculum reform. However, these educationalists, as we will see in the next section, neglected some other social dynamics of the Turkish society. See, for example, the press release of the Eğitim Sen teachers’ trade union of 4 August 2005.

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Education in Eastern Europe and Eurasia In fact, in most political fields the JDP government has been observed with scepticism. Fuelled by apocryphal statements by JDP politicians, many Turkish citizens feared that this party, behind democratic reforms, concealed an Islamization policy. During the first term of the JDP government, negotiations with the European Union were intensified. Although the curriculum reform had not been a part of these negotiations, it was largely in line with the expectations of the EU. Among the experts who advised the curriculum developers were also European consultants. Erkan Mumcu, the minister who had appointed Ziya Selçuk, had been transferred to the Ministry of Culture in the meantime. His successor as education minister, Hüseyin Çelik, however, continued to support the curriculum activities. Beginning with 2011, the JDP government, equipped with ever-increasing seats in the parliament, started further reforms restructuring the primary and secondary school system as such and changing the central structure of the MoNE. This second period of education reform is, however, out of the scope of this article. The following articles in leftist Internet outlets both depict the disappointment of the liberals and mirror different leftist positions very well: http://haber.sol. org.tr/medya/bir-donem-birbirimizi-kullandik-ama-haberi-38406 [accessed 27 March 2013] and http://www.turksolu.org/175/ozsoy175.htm [accessed 27 March 2013] For further information on group discussions and their interpretation with the Documentary Method see Bohnsack et al. (2010). The gentrification does not only take place between but also within city quarters. As Ünal et al. (2010) revealed, public schools in such quarters follow this gentrification process and become either middle class or poor peoples’ schools. As a policy of the MoNE, teachers who have not successfully passed the selection examination may be employed on a fee basis, being paid for each lesson they give. While prestigious middle class schools are able to attract enough teachers who are civil servants already, unpopular schools are in the need to hire teachers on a fee basis whose share in the staff may – as we observed in the squatter area’s school – be up to 40 per cent. For a comparison of teaching staff working as civil servants versus on a fee basis see Güvercin (2014).

References Ahmad, F. (2003), The Making of Modern Turkey. London & New York: Routledge. AKP 2002=Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (2002), Herşey Türkiye İçin. AK Parti Seçim Beyannamesi. Ankara. Akşin, S. (2004), ‘Siyasal Tarih (1995–2003)’ in Akşin, S. et al. (eds), Yakınçağ Türkiye Tarihi 1980–2003. Istanbul: Milliyet, pp. 163–186.

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Arslan, M. M. and Eraslan, L. (2003), ‘Yeni eğitim paradigması ve Türk eğitim sisteminde dönüşüm gerekliliği’, Milli Eğitim Dergisi Autumm (160): pp. 89–105, (in Turkish Güz.). Aydın, H. (2007), ‘Yapılandırmacı yaklaşımda gerçeklik, doğruluk ve bilim eğitimi’, Üniversite ve Toplum 7(2), available at: http://www.universite-toplum.org/text. php3?ıid=313 [accessed 25 November 2013]. Ball, S. J. (2006), Education Policy and Social Class. London & New York: Routledge. Bohnsack, R., Pfaff, N. and Weller, W. (eds) (2010), Qualitative Analysis and Documentary Method In International Educational Research. Opladen: Budrich. Boratav, K. (2005), 1980’li Yıllarda Türkiye’de Sosyal Sınıflar ve Bölüşüm. Ankara: Imge. Buğra, A. (2002), ‘Political Islam in Turkey in historical context: strengths and weaknesses’ in Balkan, N. and Savran, S. (eds), The Politics of Permanent Crisis: Class, Ideology and State in Turkey. New York: Nova Science Publishers. Cizre, Ü. (2003), ‘Demythologyzing the national security concept: The case of Turkey’, The Middle East Journal 57 (2): pp. 213–229. Copeaux, E. (2000), Tarih Ders Kitaplarında (1931–1993) Türk Tarih Tezinden Türkİslam Sentezine. Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları. (French original: Espaces et temps de la nation turque. Analyse d’une historiographie nationaliste 1931–1993. Paris: CNRS Éditions 1997). Çotuksöken, B., Erzan, A. and Silier, O. (eds) (2003), Ders Kitaplarında İnsan Hakları – Tarama Sonuçları. Istanbul: Tarih Vakf. DPT (1983), Milli Kültür Özel İhtisas Komisyonu Raporu. Yayın no:1920-ÖİK: 300. Ankara. ——— (2013), DPT Ekonomik ve Sosyal Göstergeler (1950–2001), available at: http:// www.dpt.gov.tr/PortalDesign/PortalControls/WebIcerikGosterim.aspx?ıEnc=83D5A 6FF03C7B4FC036A27D8D4D6C986 [accessed 20 January 2013]. Eğitim Sen (2004): Yeni İlköğretim Müfredatının Değerlendirilmesi, available at: http://www.egitimsen.org.tr/index.php?ıyazi=38 [accessed 14 April 2010]. Ercan, F. (1999), ‘1980’lerde Eğitim sisteminin yeniden yapılanması: küreselleşme ve neoliberal eğitim politikaları’ in Gök, F. (ed.), 75 Yılda Eğitim. İstanbul: Tarih Vafkı Yayınları, pp. 23–38. Erdoğan, İ. (2005), Milli eğitim bakanlığı’nın yeni müfredat Çalışmaları, Özel Okullar Birliği Bülteni, available at: http://www.irfanerdogan.com.tr/index. php?ıoption=com_content&view=article&id=102:milli-egitim-bakanliginin-yenimufredat-calismalari&catid=34:ana-sayfa&Itemid=148 [accessed 8 January 2013]. ERG 2011=Eğitim Reformu Girişimi (2011) Eğitim İzleme Raporu 2010. Istanbul. Gökaçtı, M. A. (2005), Türkiye’de Din Eğitimi ve İmam Hatipler. Istanbul: İletişim Yay. Gülalp, H. (1999), ‘Political Islam in Turkey: The rise and fall of the Refah party’, The Muslim World LXXXIX (1): pp. 22–41. Gür, B. (2006), ‘Çoklu zekâ kuramının pedagojik sorunları’, Haber 10 com (online newspaper), available at: http://www.haber10.com/makale/2299/.

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Gürkaynak, İ., Üstel, F. and Gülgöz, S. (2003), Eleştirel Düşünme. Istanbul: Eğitim Reformu Girişimi. Güvercin, G. (2014), Professional Identity Development Processes of Public School Teachers through Informal Learning Experiences. Bosphorus University, Institute of Social Sciences. Unpublished Doctoral Thesis. Istanbul. İnal, K. (2004), Eğitim ve İktidar: Türkiye’de Ders Kitaplarında Demokratik ve Milliyetçi Değerler. Ankara: Ütopya. ———. (2008), Eğitim ve İdeoloji. İstanbul: Kalkedon. Insel, A. (2003), ‘The AKP and normalizing democracy in Turkey’, South Atlantic Quarterly 102(2–3): pp. 293–308 Karapehlivan, F. (2010), Restructuring State-Education Relationship and Its Implications on the Right to Education. University of Essex. Unpublished doctoral thesis. Essex. Kepenek, Y. and Yentürk, N. (2007), Türkiye Ekonomisi. Istanbul: Remzi. Kocaman, T. (2008), Türkiye’de İç Göçler ve Göç Edenlerin Nitelikleri (1965–2000). Ankara. MoNE=Ministry of National Education (2005), PISA 2003 Projesi. Ulusal Nihaî Rapor. Ankara: MEB. ——— (2006), Türkiye Eğitim İstatistikleri 2005–2006 –Education Statistics of Turkey. Ankara. ——— (2010), National Education Statistics: Formal Education 2009–2010. Ankara. ——— (2012a), İlköğretimden Ortaöğretime Ortaöğretimden Yükseköğretime Geçiş Analizi. Ankara. ——— (2012b), Öğretmen Atama ve Yer Değiştirme Yönetmeliği, available at: http:// mevzuat.meb.gov.tr/html/24076_0.html [accessed 2 March 2013]. Nohl, A.-M. (2008), ‘The Turkish education system and its history – an introduction’ in Nohl, A. M., Akkoyunlu-Wigley, A. and Wigley, S. (eds), Education in Turkey. Münster and New York: Waxmann, pp. 15–48. Özoğlu, M. (2011), Özel Dershaneler: Gölge Eğitim Sistemiyle Yüzleşmek. Ankara: SETA. Öztürkler, R. N. (2005), Türkiye’de Biyolojik Evrim Eğitiminin Sosyolojik Bir Değerlendirmesi. Master Thesis, Ankara Üniversitesi Eğitim Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Ankara. Polat, S. (2009), Türkiye’de Eğitim Politikalarının Fırsat Eşitsizliği Üzerindeki Etkileri. DPT-Uzmanlık Tezi. Ankara: DPT. Somel, N. R. (2013), Education in Inequality, Unequal Education. EducationaI Inequality as a Combination of Multilevel Processes. A Turkish Primary School Study. Doctoral thesis at the Helmut-Schmidt-University, Hamburg, Germany. State Institute of Statistics (no year), 2000 Census of Population – Social and Economic Characteristics of Population. Ankara. Tan, M. (2005): ‘Yeni ilköğretim programları ve toplumsal cinsiyet’, Eğitim, Bilim, Toplum 3(11): pp. 68–78. Tanör, B. (2004), ‘Siyasal Tarih (1980–1995)’ in Akşin, S. et al. (eds), Yakınçağ Türkiye Tarihi 1980–2003. Istanbul: Milliyet, pp. 27–162.

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Tansel, A. (2010), Changing Returns to Education for Men and Women in a Developing Country: Turkey, 1994–2005. Working Paper. Ankara and Bonn. ——— and Bircan, F. (2008), Private Supplementary Tutoring in Turkey – Recent Evidence on its Recent Aspects. ERC Working Papers in Economics 08/02. Ankara. Taşkın, Y. (2001), ‘12 Eylül atatürkçülüğü ya da bir kemalist restorasyon teşebbüsü olarak 12 Eylül’ in Ahmet İnsel (ed.) Modern Türkiye’de Siyasi Düşünce. Vol 2 Kemalizm. İstanbul: İletişim, pp. 570–583. T.C.=T.C. Ministry of National Education Projects Coordination Center (2007), Support to Basic Education Programme. Project Outcomes. Ankara. TTK 2004a= Talim Terbiye Kurulu (2004a), Yeni İlköğretim Programları ve Yeni Yaklaşımlar. Power Point Presentation. Ankara. TTK 2004b= Talim Terbiye Kurulu (2004b), Programların Yaklaşımı, available at: http:// ttkb.meb.gov.tr/programlar/program_giris/yaklasim_2.htm. Ünal, I., Özsoy, S., Yıldız, A., Güngör, S., Aylar, E. and Çankaya, D. (2010), Eğitimde Toplumsal Ayrışma. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi. Uzgel, İ. (2010), ‘AKP: neoliberal dönüşümün yeni aktörü’ in Uzgel, I. and Duru, B. (eds), AKP Kitabı – Bir Dönüşümün Bilançosu. Ankara: Phoenix, pp. 11–39. Yankaya, D. (2013), La Nouvelle Bourgeoisie Islamique: le Modèle Turc. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Zürcher, J. E. (2004), Turkey – A Modern History. London: I. B. Tauris.

7

Turkey: A Critical Perspective on Educational Leadership and Reform Ozgur Bolat

The characteristics of the Turkish education system Turkey has a population of 74.8 million. There are around 16 million students at the formal primary and secondary education levels, with more than 550,000 teachers (see Table 7.1 below). There are around 2.3 million students in general high schools and vocational/ technical high schools altogether. There are a total of 172 universities, 105 of which are state universities and 67 of which are private universities. Entry into universities is extremely competitive and thus there is a high pressure on high school teachers to teach to test (Koc et al. 2007). For example, in 2011, 1.8 million students appeared for a national examination for about 400,000 positions. As Table 7.1  Enrolment and literacy rate in Turkey School year

Compulsory

Enrolment rate (%)

Preschool

No

65.69

4-year primary

Yes

98.67

4-year middle

Yes

98.67

4-year high school

Yes

67.37

University

No

33.06

Gender

Total enrolment rate (%) (All levels combined)

Literacy rate (%) (Age 15 and over)

Female

54

78

Male

65

94

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can be seen in the table above, the enrolment rate steadily declines towards the higher levels of education and schooling literacy rate is lower among women. This implies that Turkey is considered as having a ‘developing country’ status and needs to increase both the enrolment and literacy rates through a better education system. Data about the economy also place Turkey in a developing country category. Although employment in agriculture dropped from 47 per cent to 35 per cent, services increased from 33 per cent to 41 per cent and industry increased from 15 per cent to 18 per cent in the past ten years (TUIK 2012). Recent unemployment among all secondary school graduates in Turkey is 10.5 per cent. Data from the World Bank indicate that in economic competitiveness, Turkey has regressed since 1995 and currently falls behind most of the European Union (henceforth, the EU) countries. The latest World Bank report (2005) clearly stated that the development of a country’s growth, such as economic growth, is strongly associated with the level of students’ knowledge and skills gained through highquality education. Turkey has taken steps to reach the level of the status of a developed country since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey in the 1920s, but these steps have not achieved high-quality education because of the reasons I discuss below. However, before discussing the issues with reform initiatives, I would like to discuss the need for reform. There seems to be two main purposes of reform initiatives in Turkey. The first one is the need to westernize the Turkish education system, which was originally initiated by the founder of the Republic of Turkey, Kemal Ataturk and the second is to increase student attainment through a high-quality education. Below I discuss each of them.

Need for reform: Westernizing education The need for reform to westernize education started with the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Ataturk, the founder of the Republic, announced after the Independence War against the Allied Powers ‘The victory on the battlefield should be accompanied by a victory in social reforms and modernisation’. For that purpose, he abolished the Islamic monarchy (the Ottoman Empire) and instead founded a secular republic. He stated, ‘Our direction is not the Arab world, but the West’. That was the first step taken towards modernization of the country. Since then, other steps have been taken to that end. For instance, Turkey applied for the full membership for the EU in 2002, but the application was declined. However, the EU stated that they could start the accession negotiations if Turkey fulfils the Copenhagen criteria. The Copenhagen criteria are the rules that define whether

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a country is eligible to join the EU. These criteria stipulated that Turkey must reorganize its governmental administration in transparent, less-bureaucratic, more accurate and efficient ways with the progressive spread of the rule of law and democracy. Upon Turkey’s promise and signature, the access negotiations for full membership started in 2004. The EU states that it will take at least ten years for Turkey to be a full member. Turkey’s incessant willingness to be an EU member indicated that Turkey was determined to reach Western standards. This aspiration has naturally influenced most of the education reform initiatives in Turkey, even in Ataturk’s time. When Ataturk founded the Republic, he said, ‘The only way to reach the level of contemporary Western countries is through education’. He initiated many reforms in education. For instance, he replaced the Arabic alphabet with the Latin alphabet and the religious institutions with modern schools to strengthen ties with the Western world. In 1924, he united all the educational institutions under the newly founded Ministry of National Education. The Ministry immediately adopted a common curriculum. John Dewey was invited to help with the modernization of education. Ataturk was aware of the significance of teachers’ roles in shaping the new state. Even at a time when the Independence War was still being fought, Ataturk convened the Education Congress in 1921 where more than 250 teachers attended. He left the war front simply to inaugurate the meeting where he described the teachers as the distinguished pioneers of the foundation of the Turkish state (Uygun 2008). Ataturk’s efforts in modernizing education have been continued through attempts to become a full member of the EU. One criterion of the Copenhagen treaty stated that it is the responsibility of each EU candidate country to establish quality education systems to achieve the strategic ends of the Union (Aksit 2007). This intensified the priority given to the educational system (World Bank 2005; Koc et al. 2007; Grossman et al. 2007). The World Bank Report (2005) clearly stated, ‘Turkey achieved participation in primary education, but now Turkey sees the need to improve the quality of education to reach the levels of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries’. In addition to the aims to integrate with the Western world, the low attainment level of Turkish students also provided an impetus for reform, which I discuss next.

Need for reform: Raising attainment When the level of education quality of Turkey is compared with that of the EU countries, educational attainment still ranks among the lowest (Aksit 2007). For

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example, according to 2003 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) results, out of 40 countries, Turkey ranked 35th in mathematics, 36th in problem solving, 32nd in reading and 31st in science. What is worse was the huge variation between school types in Turkey. The 2009 PISA results also revealed that the average 15-year-old in Turkey is 1 school year behind the average OECD counterpart in reading, maths and science skills (Ozenc and Arslanhan 2009). Roughly half the 15-year-olds in Turkey are at or below the lowest proficiency level compared to about 20 per cent for the average OECD country. These results were interpreted in the way that Turkish school systems should be revised philosophically and psychologically (Korkmaz 2008). In the PISA report, the Minister of Education clearly stated, ‘These results clearly show that we need to reform our educational system’ (p. 4). Accordingly, Turkey made ‘reforming education and teacher training’ one of the top priorities of the government. The need for reform was also evident in the public view. In a survey, 70 per cent of Turkish people identified education as a ‘very big problem’ in the country (Grossman and Sands 2008). Similarly, when teacher educators in Turkey were asked about their position regarding the general state of Turkish education today, 62.3 per cent stated that Turkish educational system needs ‘profound’ improvement and 31.8 per cent stated that it needs ‘some’ improvement. According to a recent survey of 29 countries in the Europe and Central Asia Region (EBRD 2010), education is the biggest area of concern for Turkish people. Roughly five in ten Turks believe that education should be the highest priority area for additional government investment – the highest proportion among Europe and Central Asia (ECA) countries after Tajikistan. In sum, the need for reform in Turkish education is overwhelming (Grossman et al. 2007). The Ministry responded to these needs by implementing some reforms. Now I discuss these reform initiatives.

Educational reform initiatives in the Turkish educational system Turkey has undertaken some serious reform initiatives in the last decade to address the issues discussed above. Eight-year programme reform, curriculum reform and teacher education reform have been the most important of them. What was common among these reforms was that they were all adopted to westernize the education system and increase student attainment to a level similar to those of the Western countries. What was also common was that the

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Ministry attempted to implement these reforms through intensified professional development activities, or what the Ministry calls ‘in-service training’. This approach to reform posed certain challenges. Below, I briefly describe these three reform initiatives and then discuss why the Ministry’s approach to these reforms was ineffective in improving schools. One of the important reforms in education took place in 1981. Until 1981, the Ministry was responsible for selecting and training its own teachers. This system was effective because the Ministry knew its own needs and was able to train its own teachers accordingly. However, in 1981 a unified system of higher education was introduced and the responsibility for teacher education was transferred from the Ministry to the universities through the Higher Education Council (YOK 1998). This process of transferring teacher education to universities was parallel to the trends in the European countries (Cakiroglu and Cakiroglu 2003). Another fundamental reform in Turkey was to extend the primary school year from five to eight years in 1997. The primary aim of the eight-year programme was to enhance education opportunities throughout the country and promote particular skills, such as problem-solving ability, global awareness and social skills among the population (Guven 2008). This reform was followed by a curriculum reform in 2005. The most important change in curriculum had taken place in 1968 as a result of the westernization process affected by the Cold War of those times (Grossman et al. 2007). In 2005, the Ministry introduced nationwide elementary school curricula, based on the constructivist approach (Koc et al. 2007; Akinoglu 2008). This reform was also in line with the EU’s constructivist perspective on its educational policy. For all these three reforms, the Ministry relied on professional development activities as a strategy of change. For example, expanding the primary school year from five to eight years created a shortage of teachers. To solve this problem, the Ministry developed new training and certification strategies to recruit an additional 150,000 teachers. They accepted people into the teaching profession from different disciplines, such as biologists, chemists and vets. They offered short-term certificate programmes to people, who did not have a teaching certificate, and assigned them to teach in school. To further develop their capacity, they dramatically increased the number of professional development activities offered to them throughout the year. A similar approach was adopted for the curricular reform as well. Since teachers were not familiar with the notion of constructivism, there was a comprehensive system of training courses connected to the new constructivist curriculum (Grossman et al. 2007; Koc et al. 2007). Similarly for the teacher education reform, the Ministry depended

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on a professional development approach. The teacher education programmes were viewed as ineffective in helping teachers in their process of learning to teach (Toluk 1994; Bulut et al. 1995) and the courses they completed in university were not relevant to what they faced in schools (Bulut et al. 1995). The Ministry tried to compensate for this deficiency through professional development activities by adopting a professional development approach to reform, but questions remained as to its effectiveness.

Issues with the professional development approach to school improvement Before discussing the issues with the professional development approach, it is important to describe briefly how these professional development activities were provided. The Ministry has a unit called ‘In-service Training Department’, which is responsible for offering a wide range of professional development activities to teachers. In-service training programmes are implemented throughout the year (Ozer 2004). They provide accommodation and training facilities. The Ministry also offers seminars in school conference rooms. In 2010, 6571 inservice training programmes were organized. Of these 445 were organized centrally and 6126 programmes were arranged locally. A total of 312,009 trainees attended these programmes. They were organized mostly as short-term courses and seminars. Most of the programmes lasted between 5 and 12 days and primarily took place during the summer months (MEB 2003). The nature of these professional development activities offered certain challenges. The Ministry depended on intensified efforts to offer professional development activities as the primary means to achieve the reforms. However, there were four important issues with this approach. Firstly, Turkish teachers found little value in these professional development activities. As Smylie (1996) argued, professional development, as generally practiced, has a terrible reputation among scholars, policymakers and educators alike as being pedagogically unsound, economically inefficient and of little value to teachers. This was generally the experience of Turkish teachers. In a Turkish survey conducted by Sari (2006) who wanted to explore the perceptions of Turkish teachers about professional development activities, teachers reported that the least preferable ways to improve themselves were ‘in-service trainings’. This was followed by the statement ‘being taught by college lecturers’. This has been a general response of teachers to such professional development activities. In another Turkish survey

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by Ozer (2004), most teachers (68.7 per cent) stated that they were not willing to attend in-service training programmes. Most of them stated that professional development activities are generally offered for the sake of formality and neither teachers nor administrators were interested in joining them (Seferoglu 1996). Secondly, instead of building teachers’ capacity to lead and manage innovation, these professional development activities were short term and technical-rational in nature (Bottery 2004 cited in Durrant and Holden 2006). As Frost (2008) warns, they fell victim to one-time defragmented, decontextualized initiatives, which had a disabling effect on teachers’ sense of their own capacity to manage change. They treated reforms as technical improvement or updating teachers’ repertoire of methods. Such a top-down approach, where there was no investment in teachers’ capacity to accommodate these changes, did not provide the opportunity for practice, follow-up and reflection (Guven 2008) or offer ongoing professional support or opportunities for generating and sharing ideas to support the development of practice at the school level (Istanbul Politikalar Merkezi 2005). Therefore, these professional development activities were not linked with sustainable school improvement. Thirdly, the Ministry neglected the professional roles of teachers. For instance, to guide teachers in new patterns of teaching demanded by the new constructivist curriculum, the Ministry also redefined teacher competencies. The new curriculum required teachers to gain different competencies and roles. Teachers were expected to be more like a coach and co-learner in this process (MNE 2005). However, such training focused on technical training and knowledge transmission rather than addressing teachers’ professional roles. Can (2007) studied teachers’ roles in Turkish schools, and found that teachers are rarely or never involved in lifelong learning, which suggests that they still maintain their classroom related, traditional teacher roles. There was a big need to reshape teachers’ professional roles. Professional development activities neglected this aspect. Fourthly and most importantly, reforms lacked the support of teachers, who are responsible for the implementation of the reforms. The Ministry did not sufficiently consider the active role that teachers need to play in the change process (Robinson 2009). The voices of teachers were absent from the reform. Teachers’ roles were kept limited and did not expand beyond classrooms. In a way, they were treated as the recipients of change rather than the initiator (Durrant and Holden 2006). There was an increased focus on treating teachers as technicians rather than as professionals (Ball 2004). This resulted in a lack of commitment on the teacher’s part (Caner 2004). Grossman et al. (2007) argue

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that the top-down nature of decision-making and lack of consultation are the main reasons for the limited success of the reforms in Turkey. In sum, the Turkish educational reforms did not lead to sustainable school improvement because they adopted a top-down approach and depended on the delivery model of professional development. They did not include the voices of teachers in decision-making or planning process. Nor did they improve their capacity to lead change and innovation. Besides the issues with the Ministry’s approach to reform, the hierarchical nature of the Turkish educational system and the accompanying policy context also posed certain challenges to educational reform in Turkey, which I discuss next.

The hierarchical structure as an obstacle The issues with the professional development approach were further complicated by the challenges that the hierarchical structure of the Turkish educational system posed. Turkey has the most highly centralized educational system of any OECD member state (Fretwell and Wheeler 2001). Education in schools is centrally governed by the Ministry. The Ministry makes all policy decisions, arranges all aspects of the formal curriculum and controls implementation with the help of provincial offices (Aksit 2007). The Ministry makes all important policy and administrative decisions, including the appointment of teachers and administrators, the selection of textbooks and the selection of subjects for the curriculum, centrally. A national curriculum is strictly followed in every school, and all educational activities in schools are controlled by supervisors assigned by the Ministry (Cakiroglu and Cakiroglu 2003). Although there were attempts to decentralize the system, Turkish politicians showed strong opposition on the grounds that the Republic’s future was closely connected to the centralist structure of the state (Buyukduvenci 1994). The decentralization efforts failed and the educational system is still currently highly centralized. Such a centralized structure has two important implications for educational reform in Turkey. Firstly, there is an assumption that reform can be conceived as the implementation of specific tasks dictated by policy, particularly through the authority and action of those with designated leadership roles in the hierarchical system (Gunter 2003). This hierarchical structure dictates change through command-and-control and thereby diminishes teachers’ agency and excludes teachers from reform initiatives (Fullan 2001). Such a structure also portrays the

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traditional view of the leader as the strong, charismatic and preferably heroic individual at the apex of the organization (Gronn 2003). Previous reforms did not address this centralized structure of the educational system. Surprisingly few changes in institutional arrangements were made to support the educational reform (Guven 2008). Dulger (2004) argues that reforms in the Turkish educational system were too uni-dimensional, and could have directed some attention and resources towards addressing qualitative and organizational issues inherent in the hierarchical structure. Secondly, such a hierarchical structure creates a national policy context, which implies that leadership is not a legitimate dimension of teacher professionalism (Frost and Durrant 2002). It promotes what Sachs (2000) calls ‘managerial professionalism’, which fosters a regulative control of the profession and which encourages teachers to demonstrate compliance to policy imperatives rather than ‘democratic professionalism’, which gives rise to an activist professional identity in which teachers take an active role in reform. Similarly, Hoyle (1972) makes a distinction between ‘restricted professionality’, which is purely individualistic and classroom focused, and ‘extended professionality’, which takes a more collectivist view in which teachers see themselves as part of learning communities. There is a new era of teacher professionalism echoed in other countries both in the policy and in practice, such as ‘Developing Teacher Leaders’ (Crowther 2002) in Australia, and the works of National College for Teacher Leadership in the UK (Bennett et al. 2003) or the Teacher Leadership Exploratory Consortium (TLEC 2011) in the USA. Such a discourse of teacher professionalism is missing from the policy context of Turkey. There is a need for policy change, which fosters extended professionality and an activist identity, and a professional strategy to school improvement rather than a bureaucratic strategy that uses traditional management tools of directives and rules, prescribed routines and sanctions for compliance (Talbert 2011). There is also a need to develop a mode of extended professionality and thereby address these issues.

Bringing teachers back in As I have discussed above, the need for reform is overwhelming and the Ministry’s professional development approach to reform is limited in bringing about change. Furthermore, the hierarchical structure of the system and the policy context diminish the effectiveness of the reform initiatives since they

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neglect the role of teachers in relation to reform. The real power to improve schools lies with teachers, who need to be entrusted with the new responsibility for change (Lieberman and Miller 2004). Their roles need to be capitalized in driving reforms and their capacity to lead change needs to be developed and improved. Educational reform initiatives could be successful only if teachers were empowered to take responsibility for improvement and lead change within and beyond their schools. Teachers are the key agents when it comes to changing classroom practice, since they are the final brokers of reform initiatives (McLaughlin and Talbert 2001). A teacher leadership approach could bypass these challenges, by bringing teachers back in, as Hargreaves and Evans (1997) argued a decade ago. If teachers’ capacity to lead change can be enhanced, they can improve schools, challenge the hierarchical structure of the system and influence the policy context. Many developing countries have adopted similar strategies to develop teachers’ capacity to lead reform and innovation. For instance, in Namibia, the government aimed to develop teachers’ capacity to transform pedagogical practices in schools in ways that are consistent with the national goals of education (Ebbutt and Elliott 1985). Similarly, in Singapore, the government has adopted a ‘learning circles initiative’ that encourages teacher-initiated development through sharing and collaboration (Salleh 2006). Recently in the USA, the newly founded Teacher Leadership Exploratory Consortium (2011) argued that teacher leadership is a potentially powerful strategy to school improvement. Turkish schools need similar strategies and policies that capitalize on teachers’ capacity to lead change and shape their school culture. Only then can we reform schools in Turkey.

Hope for a reconsideration of educational leadership in Turkey Having been in the system for some time and seen the inadequacy of the previous reforms to bring about improvement, I could argue that Turkey needs a different strategy for school improvement that addresses the issues raised with previous reform efforts. In contrast to a top-down professional development to change, I argue for the emergence of a professional learning community in schools where all teachers, regardless of their positions, exercise leadership, lead change and innovation, and take collective responsibility for school improvement. Such a proposal resonates with Turkish teachers. For instance,

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in a survey they have been asked about what kind of professional development activities they want (Seferoglu 1996). They expressed that they want activities, such as visiting experienced teacher’s classroom, making professional trips, giving teachers opportunity to do research together to find solutions and having an opportunity to work together. Similarly, in a Turkish survey by Cakiroglu and Cakiroglu (2003), 97 per cent indicate sharing experiences, difficulties, concerns and problems would be the most helpful for teachers’ personal and professional development; 94 per cent believe teachers should be given opportunities to share ideas with other teachers; 94 per cent think interaction among teachers and exploration of ideas are useful for teachers’ professional and personal development; 91 per cent think working with another colleague, observing each other and giving constructive feedback would help both teachers to improve their teaching skills; and 95 per cent think that when teachers need help they should be able to discuss this with any teacher who might help. Another Turkish researcher, Ataklı (1994), interviewed 116 inspectors, 450 teachers and 90 school principals in Ankara in order to determine the impact of elementary school principal behaviour on the efficiency of teachers. His research showed that elementary school teachers expected principals to display joint decision making and ensure effective communication among teachers (Gokce 2009). These findings clearly show that Turkish teachers want to work in a collaborative environment and they would like to learn the ways to do so. Thus, what is needed is a new way of reform strategy, which would enable teachers to carry out these activities.

Conclusion Above, I have discussed that there have been attempts to reform education in Turkey since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey. The need to modernize education and raise the attainment level has been a top priority. However, the Ministry’s professional development approach to reform is limited in bringing about change since it does not build teachers’ capacity to lead change in their classrooms and schools. Furthermore, previous reform initiatives have not addressed the hierarchical structure of the educational system and the educational policy context, which promotes ‘managerial professionalism’ in which leadership is not a legitimate dimension of teacher professionalism. What is recommended is a new reform strategy that capitalizes on teachers’ role to lead change in schools. Teachers can contribute to school reform by taking

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responsibility for school improvement and leading change within and beyond their classrooms as well as beyond their schools.

References Akinoglu, O. (2008), ‘An analysis of 2004 Turkish social studies curriculum in the light of new millennium’, Social Behaviour and Personality 36(6): p. 791. Aksit, N. (2007), ‘Educational reform in Turkey’, International Journal of Educational Development 27: pp. 129–137. Ataklı, A. (1994), ‘The impact of the elementary school administrator behaviors on the efficiency of the teacher’, Egitim ve Bilim 18(93): pp. 48–57. Ball, S. (2004), ‘Education for sale: The commodification of everything?’, available at: http://epicpolicy.org/publication/education-sale-the-commodification-everything [Accessed 25 November] Bennett, N., Wise, C., Woods, P. and Harvey, J. (2003), Distributed Leadership, available at: http://www.ncsl.org.uk/literaturereviews. Bottery, M. (2004), The Challenges of Educational Leadership. London: Paul Chapman Publishing. Bulut, S., Demircioglu, H. and Yildirim, A. (1995), Ortaokul ve liselerde fen vematematik öğretimi: sorunlar ve öneriler [Science and math education in middle and high schools: problems and suggestions]. Paper presented at the Second National Science Education Symposium, Middle East Technical University, Ankara (in Turkish). Buyukduvenci, S. (1994), ‘John Dewey’s impact on Turkish education’, Studies in Philosophy and Education 13: pp. 393–400. Cakiroglu, E. and Cakiroglu, J. (2003), ‘Reflections on teacher education in Turkey’, European Journal of Teacher Education 26(2): p. 253. Can, N. (2007), ‘Teacher leadership capabilities and the extent they are executed’, Erciyes University Social Science Journal 22(1): pp. 263–288. Caner, H. A. (2004), ‘Implementation of subject promotion and credit system policy in Turkey: With special reference to the eight years compulsory education’. Paper presented at 11th World Congress of Comparative Education, 2–6 July 2004, Korea National University of Education, Cheongju (Chungbuk), South Korea. Crowther, F. (2002), ‘Big change question: Is the role of the principal in creating school improvement over-rated?’, Journal of Educational Change 3(2): pp. 167–173. Dulger, I. (2004), ‘Turkey: Rapid coverage for compulsory education – the 1997 basic education program’. Presented at Scaling Up Poverty Reduction: A Global Learning Process and Conference, Shanghai, 25–27 May 2004. Durrant, J. and Holden, G. (2006), Teachers Leading Change. London: Paul Chapman. Ebbutt, D. and Elliott, J. (1985), ‘Supporting teachers’ professional development in a developing country through practice-based inquiry and distance learning: Some key issues’, Educational Action Research 6(2), pp. 205–218.

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EBRD. (2010), World Bank Life in Transition Survey: Round 2. London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Fretwell, D. H. and Wheeler, A. (2001), Turkey: Secondary Education and Training. Washington, DC: The World Bank. Frost, D. (2008), The International Teacher Leadership Project Research Toolkits: The International Teacher Leadership Project. Cambridge, Leadership for Learning Centre. ——— and Durrant, J. (2002), Teacher-led Development Work: Guidance and Support. London: David Fulton Publishers. Fullan, M. (2001), Leading in a Culture of Change. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Gokce, F. (2009), ‘Behaviour of Turkish elementary school principals in the change process: An analysis of the perceptions of both teachers and school principals’, Educational Management Administration and Leadership 37(2): pp. 198–2001. Gronn, P. (2003), ‘Leadership: Who needs it?’, School Leadership and Management 23(3): pp. 267–290. Grossman, G., Onkol, P. and Sands, M. (2007), ‘Curriculum reform in Turkish teacher education: Attitudes of teacher educators towards change in an EU candidate nation’, International Journal of Educational Development 27: pp.138–150. ——— and Sands, M. (2008), ‘Restructuring reforms in Turkish teacher education: Modernisation and development in a dynamic environment’, International Journal of Educational Development 28: pp. 70–80. Gunter, H. (2003), ‘Introduction- the challenge of distributed leadership’, School Leadership and Management 23(3): pp. 261–265. Guven, I. (2008), ‘Teacher education reform and international globalization hegemony: Issues and challenges in Turkish teacher education’, International Journal of Social Sciences 3(1), pp. 250–258. Hargreaves, A. and Evans, R. (1997), Beyond Educational Reform: Bringing Teachers Back in. London: Open University Press. Hoyle, E. (1972), ‘Educational innovation and the role of the teacher’, Forum 14: pp. 42–44. Istanbul Politikalar Merkezi. (2005). Yeni öğretim programlarını inceleme ve degerlendirme raporu. Unpublished Report. Koc, Y., Isiksal, M. and Bulut, S. (2007), ‘Elementary school reform in Turkey’, International Educational Journal 8(1): pp. 30–39. Korkmaz, I. (2008), ‘Evaluation of teachers for restructured elementary curriculum (grades 1 to 5)’, Education 129(2), pp.8–17. Lieberman, A. and Miller, L. (2004), Teacher Leadership. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. McLaughlin, M. W. and Talbert, J. E. (eds) (2001), The Context of Teaching in Secondary Schools: Teachers’ Realities. New York: Teachers College Press. MEB. (2003), National Report on the PISA Result. Ankara: MEB Publishing. Ministry of National Education [MNE]. (2005). Ilkogretim Sosyal Bilgiler Dersi (1–5 siniflar) Ogretim Programi Taslagi (Elementary School Social Sciences Curriculum Draft (grades 1–5)). Ankara, Turkey: MNE.

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Ozenc, B. and Arslanhan, A. (2009), An evaluation of the PISA 2009 results. TEPAV Evaluation Note, available at: http://www.tepav.org.tr/upload/files/1292317950-2. An_Evaluation_of_the_PISA_2009_Results.pdf Ozer, B. (2004), ‘In-service training of teachers in Turkey at the beginning of the 2000s’, Journal of In-service Education, 30(1), pp.89–100. Robinson, M. (2009), ‘Practitioner inquiry in South African schools: what, how and why (not)’, Educational Action Research 17(1): pp. 121–131. Sachs, J. (2000), ‘The activist professional’, Journal of Educational Change 1(1): pp. 77–94. Salleh, H. (2006), ‘Action research in Singapore education: constraints and sustainability’, Educational Action Research 14(4): pp. 513–523. Sari, M. (2006), ‘Teacher as a researcher: Evaluation of teachers’ perceptions on scientific research’, Educational Sciences: Theory and Practice 6(3): p. 880. Seferoğlu, S. S. (1996), ‘Exploring elementary school teachers’ perceptions of professional development: The Turkish case’. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York, NY, April 8–12. Smylie, M. (1996), ‘From bureaucratic control to building human capital: The importance of teacher learning in education reform’, Educational Researcher 25: pp. 9–11. Talbert, J. E. (2011), ‘Professional learning communities at the crossroads: How systems hinder or engender change’ in Hargreaves, A. et al. (eds), Second International Handbook of Educational Change, New York: Springer, pp. 2660–2666. Teacher Leadership Exploratory Consortium. (2011), Teacher Leader Model Standards. USA: Teacher Leadership Consortium. Toluk, Z. (1994), ‘A study on the secondary school teachers’ views on the importance of mathematical knowledge they teach and pedagogical knowledge and when they acquired this knowledge’ MS thesis, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Turkey. TUIK. (2012), ‘Demographic statistics’, available at: http://www.tuik.gov.tr. Uygun, S. (2008), ‘The impact of John Dewey on the teacher education system in Turkey’, Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education 36(4): pp. 291–307. World Bank. (2005), Executive Summary, Report No. 32450-TU, Turkey – Education Sector Study, Sustainable Pathways to an Effective, Equitable, and Efficient Education System for Preschool through Secondary School Education. 31 December 2005, Human Development Sector Unit Europe and Central Asia Region. In Association with Education Reform Initiative, Istanbul Policy Center. YOK. (1998), Egitim Fakulteleri Ögretmen Yetistirme Programlarinin Yeniden Duzenlenmesi, [Reorganization of the Teacher Training Programs of Education Faculties] Ankara.

8

Turkey: An In-Depth Exploration of ‘FATIH’ Project Ayse Kok

Introduction Since the beginning of human civilization, learning tools have developed and continued to change in form. Oral traditions, papyrus, silk, parchment, paper, scrolls, books, print-on-demand, e-books and mobile devices are all part of a wide-ranging spectrum of learning tools. For instance, in the last 1000 years, written history was documented using scrolls. Made of papyrus, parchment or paper, scrolls were designed to be rolled from one spool to another. Each major advancement in these learning tools broadened the population of learners. However, the act of learning has stayed mostly the same. Each development required adjustments, like learning to read the codex of two pages side by side, learning to read typeset words instead of handwritten words or learning to read from a mobile device. However, eventually the innovation became the new standard. Owing to the dispersion of mobile devices ranging from the use of Personal Digital Assistants (PDAs) and tablet computers in classrooms to context-aware technology for field trips, the new standard seems to be the use of tablets in education. Now, portable mobile devices such as cell phones, PDAs, tablet-PCs and Ultra Mobile PC (UMPC) are recognized as essential tools for our daily lives. Not only have these devices become popular as consumer products due to their integrated nature, touch screen interface and portability, but they are also having an impact in the educational sector. My present study is motivated by the desire to understand how teachers can foster the development of independent learning skills in the formal learning

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space, in other words the classroom, by using the new mobile technology. I report on an action research (AR) project that will investigate how primary school teachers in Turkey use tablet computers for classroom activities and how they could be better guided to fully exploit the tablets’ functionalities for enhancing students’ collaborative learning once the test stage of the ‘Movement of Enhancing Opportunities and Improving Technology’ (FATIH) project has been completed. Previous studies have shown that the use of tablets has great potential to bridge the gap between formal and informal learning (Bo-Kristensen, Ankerstjerne, Neutzsky-Wulff, and Schelde 2009; Hsu in press; Wong and Looi 2010), but the nature of mobile learning (m-learning) can also be understood by viewing its use in both the classroom environment and naturalistic settings (Stockwell 2010). Before going into the details, a definition of m-learning will be provided, followed by a global picture with regard to the use of mobile devices in education all around the world. Next, an overview of the major theories of m-learning will be provided.

Some definitions m-learning is the formal or informal learning with the assistance of mobile devices. It is a relatively new research area (Vavoula and Sharples 2008), despite the fact that people have now been using personal portable devices for some time. The major distinguishing characteristic of m-learning from traditional learning is the mobility the former affords, in addition to the possibilities of spatial and time shifts yielding increased learning opportunities (KukulskaHulme 2009). This is to say, as mobile devices can be accessed at any time and from any place – as long as students carry their device – the time and space constraints of formal learning can be greatly reduced, thus offering more flexible informal learning opportunities. Another distinguishing feature of m-learning is its connectivity. Through the in-built GPRS, Wi-Fi and 3G Internet access, modern mobile devices provide language learners with opportunities to be involved in meaningful real-context interactions, which are usually lacking in traditional learning environments, especially in informal out-of-class situations (cf., Bo-Kristensen et al. 2009; Vavoula 2005). Consequently, learning is no longer limited to one-way individual learning, but can be expanded to a two- or multi-way collaborative learning (Lan et al. 2007; Chang and Hsu 2011).

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FATIH project in light of global trends Contextual background of FATIH project ‘Movement of Enhancing Opportunities and Improving Technology’, abbreviated as FATIH in Turkish, is among the most significant educational investments of Turkey. Turkey has initiated the FATIH project with the aim of enabling equal opportunities in education and improving technology in schools for the efficient usage of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) tools in the learning-teaching processes by appealing to more responsive organs in all 620,000 schools that are in preschool, primary and secondary education through providing tablets and LCD Smart Boards (Ozok et al. 2012). The project began in February 2012 and involves the test trial of tablet PCs provided by General Mobile in 52 schools. A trial that is to be run for over four years, it is amongst the most significant educational investments. The project has a cost of USD 3–4bn (Ozok et al. 2012). The aim of the project is to equip 42,000 schools and 20,000 classes with the latest information technologies, resulting in a total of 16 million students receiving tablets. In lieu of printed course materials, the tablet was pre-loaded with all course materials in digital format and provided free of charge (Ozok et al. 2012). Approximately 600,000 teachers serving in the mentioned schools will attend in-service training activities on the infrastructure of equipment, via face-to-face and distance training methods. In this process, educational e-contents will be created by harmonizing curriculums with information technology-supported education and new e-books and educational objects will be prepared for each course (Ozok et al. 2012). In-service trainings for teachers are going to be held in order to provide effective usage of the ICT equipment that is installed in the classes in the learning- teaching process. Regarding this process, educational e-contents are going to be formed by according the current teaching programmes to the ICTsupported education. In this context, the FATIH project has been composed of the following five different components (Ozok et al. 2012): 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Providing Equipment and Software Substructure Providing Educational e-content and Management of e-content Effective Usage of the ICT in Teaching Programmes In-service Training of the Teachers Conscious, Reliable, Manageable and Measurable ICT Usage

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FATIH project that has been carried out by the Ministry of Education has also been supported by the Ministry of Transport. It has been planned that the FATIH project will have been finalized in five years. In this project, it was aimed to provide ICT equipment to classes in order to achieve ICT-supported teaching until the end of 2013 in relation to the goals that take place in the Strategy Document of the Information Society, the Development Report, the Strategy Plan of the Ministry and The Policy Report of ICT, which have described all activities of the country in the process of being an information society and have been formed within the scope of the e-transformation of Turkey (Ozok et al. 2012). At this point, it might be useful to look at the global trends in m-learning to understand the resource for inspiration of this project.

The global picture in m-learning The implementation of tablets in schools appears to have been led by the US where the use of the iPad is prevalent. At a media event in October 2011, Apple noted that nearly 1000 K-12 schools had an iPad one-to-one programme and that more than 2300 K-12 school districts in the US were running iPad programmes for the students or the faculty. New York’s ‘School of One’ has taken the use of tablets and other personal devices in education one step further, analyzing each child on a discrete level and then tailoring the method, technological tools used and speed of learning to meet their individual needs. Trials of tablets are also being undertaken in Europe. For example, Acer is in the process of carrying out a tablet pilot trial with schools in Estonia, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Turkey and the UK participating. Following the Netbook Pilot (academic year 2010–2011), an objective of the study is to look further into one-to-one pedagogy. The South Korean Ministry of Education announced in June 2012 that it will replace textbooks and all paper in its schools with tablets by 2015, increase online classes so students can continue their studies outside of school and deliver the entire school curriculum through a cloud-based system. Japan’s ‘The Future School’ scheme, which started in October 2010, has seen its Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications give tablets to more than 3000 pupils under the age of 12 at ten elementary schools. The tablet is also considered for sustainability and to help developing countries. In India, a trial has been carried out with the iSlate device (developed in Singapore) that uses solar power. In March 2012 it was announced that some

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50,000 of these devices, each costing about US$ 45, will be used by 10–13-yearold pupils over the next three years in Mahabubnagar District in Andhra Pradesh. Zimbabwe is also implementing a scheme with a focus on solar-powered tablets (Barrs 2012). In Central Asia, Kazakhstan has announced that by 2020, the state will purchase 83,000 tablets for schools. However in this instance the objective is not to fully digitalize learning, but tablets will be used alongside more traditional learning methods (Barrs 2012). This is because the major aims of the reform are to improve the quality of education, to solve the issue of a lack of professional teaching personnel in the remote and rural villages, and to provide education to children with disabilities and limited access to formal education. Finally, oneto-one schemes are also being run in countries such as Argentina and Uruguay; however, these schemes are being undertaken using specialized netbooks rather than tablets (Barrs 2012).

A look at m-Learning in more detail The topics of m-learning research exploiting various mobile technologies have been wide-ranging. PDAs have been found effective in promoting intensive reading comprehension (Chang and Hsu 2011) and creative learning of idioms (Wong and Looi 2010). Student and teacher perceptions of the usability (Ozok et al. 2008), effectiveness (Demirbilek 2010) and acceptance (Hsu in press) of m-learning are also topics of interest to scholars of this field. Most m-learning studies to date have mainly focused on transferring former classroom- or computer-based contents onto the mobile platform, such as delivering materials previously used with paper- or computer-based media, or developing trans-platform applications like mobile dictionaries, quizzes or survey tools. These studies simply consider mobile devices as a new means for content delivery, rather than tools that will facilitate new learning. The collaborative and communicative affordances of mobility and connectivity have not been fully exploited (Kukulska-Hulme and Shield 2008). It is therefore necessary that m-learning researchers ‘move beyond a superficial understanding of the field and focus more on how mobility, accompanied by digital, location-aware technologies, changes learning’ (Kukulska-Hulme 2009). This goal can be achieved by first investigating how mobile tools are actually used by learners in the learning process, especially in naturalistic settings where the nature of m-learning is to be fully understood (Stockwell

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2010), and how learners perceive mobile devices as tools to assist in informal learning. Only through a better understanding of the role mobile devices plays in the learning process can instructors offer learners valuable guidance on how to better utilize them to reach the learning goals. In theorizing m-learning, Taylor et al. (2006) argued that it is important to consider the semiotic perspective that analyzes learning as a cultural activity mediated by technological tools. In addition, they suggest that future research in the area of m-learning should test the following five questions for the tight coupling of pedagogy and technology: (1) is the research significantly different from the theories of classroom learning, workplace or lifelong learning?; (2) does the research explain learners’ mobility?; (3) does the research include both formal and informal learning aspects?; (4) does the research theorize learning as a socio-constructivist process?; and (5) does the research analyze learning as an individual and situated activity? One major characteristic of m-learning is that it challenges our conception of learning to move beyond a dichotomy between formal learning and informal learning, for the design of a seamless learning space linking the two modes of learning. From traditional perspectives, school learning emphasizes individual cognition, mental activities without the use of tools and learning in general contexts (Resnick 1987). Recently, educational research increasingly recognizes the fact that a significant amount of learning is happening in informal settings outside of school. Barron (2006) adopted a learning ecology lens to analyze how learners with diverse backgrounds learn about technology skills in various formal and informal settings. Other studies explored the effect of m-learning in informal settings such as museums and science centres. For instance, Hsi (2003) investigated the behaviours and experiences of museum visitors using a mobile device. Chen and Kinshuk (2005) designed and evaluated a learning system for bird watching in outdoor settings where students could use wireless PDAs to record their observations. Needless to say, mobile technologies also offer an opportunity to enhance informal learning outside the classroom, yet due to the age group in this study, not every user might be able to use a mobile device at home due to the conservatory views of Turkish parents. M-learning may not only improve access to education, but also facilitate alternative learning processes and instructional methods (Valk et al. 2010). For instance, m-learning has the potential to bridge the gap between formal and informal learning spaces (Wong and Looi 2010). Students in Wong and

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Looi’s study learned the meaning and usage of new prepositions and idioms in the formal classroom setting, and then they went out of the classroom to take photos illustrating the newly acquired words and idioms with networkenabled pocket PCs. They were further encouraged to carry the mobile phones home and take photos of daily scenes to illustrate the idioms they had learned in class. These photos were then uploaded onto the web to be commented on by peers to encourage collaborative learning. It was concluded that the combination of formal and informal learning fosters contextualized learning, productive outputs and a socio-constructivist acquisition of the target language (Barrs 2012). By synthesizing learning inside and outside of the classroom, students are encouraged to take more responsibility for their learning, thus developing their independent learning skills (Barrs 2012) and benefitting their future studies. In research about how teachers and students use mobile technology in classroom, Lee (2005) investigated the perceptions of teachers, students and parents about the educational use and potential availability of tablet PCs. Teachers applied tablet PCs in their classes mainly in the following three ways: (a) students read online textbooks and solve problems, (b) students search the Internet and find solutions for their project-based learning, and (c) students take exams using the tablet PCs. The findings show that the amount of learning, various learning activities and computer literacy of learners increased and that students’ attitudes towards the project were changed more favourably. For teachers, they spent more time designing learning activities. For parents, they expected that learning experience with tablet PCs would positively affect their children’s learning in the future. Finn and Vandenham (2004) argue that ‘the time has come to move beyond the simplistic question of whether or not handhelds have a place in the classroom, and begin focusing on the more detailed questions concerning how this technology might affect teaching practice in the long term’(p. 28). To move beyond mere speculations about the superficial potential of mobile technology, future research should move the current focus of content delivery-centred m-learning to learner-centred participatory m-learning and should focus on school-based research grounded on the learning sciences theories. For this purpose, more learning scenarios with innovative practices should be designed and implemented in school, which can lead to sustainable impact and which can scale. Furthermore, it is critical to design and develop learning software programmes supporting such seamless learning experiences.

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Methodology Overview My research is an action research (AR) project that will investigate how primary school teachers in Turkey use tablet computers for classroom activities and how they could be better guided to fully exploit the tablets’ functionalities for enhancing students’ collaborative learning once the pilot stage of the project has been finalized. Teachers’ attitudes towards the tablets’ usability and effectiveness, and these teachers’ satisfaction with this new tool are also of interest to the researcher in this investigation. The study addresses the above issues by adopting Kemmis and McTaggart’s (1988) spiral framework of action research (see Figure 8.1 below). Although the four phases of planning, action, observation and reflection in each iterative cycle of their framework have been criticized by some authors as being too fixed and rigid (Burns 2010) and other AR models have been put forward (see Koshy 2005: 3 for a discussion of other models), Kemmis and McTaggart’s model is still considered to be the most classic as it ‘summarizes very succinctly the essential phases of the AR process’ (Burns 2010). Reflect

Plan Cycle 1

Observe Action

Reflect

Cycle 2

Revised Plan

Observe Action

Figure 8.1  Kemmis and McTaggart’s (1988) Cyclical AR model, adapted from Burns (2010).

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The aim of my research study is to investigate how teachers used tablet computers inside the classroom. Special attention is placed on the length of time, activities and teacher experiences involving the tablets, as well as the perceived usability, effectiveness and satisfaction of this mobile technology. A spiral model of AR (Figure 8.1; see Kemmis and McTaggart 1988) will be adopted for this research project. In total, interviews and survey will be undertaken with 30 primary school teachers.

Procedure A two-cycle procedure (see Figure 8.1) will be followed to assess the teachers’ daily learning activities with the tablet. The main purpose of the first cycle was to understand how the teachers used tablet computers for inside the classroom and the potential problems they might encounter. In the second cycle, the author aims at fostering more effective use of the tablet for improving independent and collaborative learning.

Cycle 1, Plan and Action On the first day of the study, teachers will be told the purpose of the study and asked to use the tablets. They will also fill in a background survey (Appendix A). Participants will be allowed to carry and use the tablets whenever and wherever they wanted.

Cycle 1, Observe Throughout the entire investigation, the teachers will be requested to fill in daily usage reports (Appendix B), in which they will keep note of their everyday experience with the tablets, including where, for what purposes and for how long they had used the tablets. They will also be encouraged to document any problems or comments concerning the tablets in their daily reports. The daily activity report forms will be collected weekly when the class met. By the end of the first week of the study, the teachers will meet for a semistructured group interview, in which I will ask questions concerning the participants’ experiences with the tablets. Example questions included how the tablets are used to learn during the classroom lectures, what advantages and disadvantages the participants thought they had, problems they encountered and whether and how they were solved, whether they considered tablets a useful tool for teaching, and so forth. The interview will last no longer than 30 minutes and will be audio-recorded for subsequent analysis. Analysis of the data

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collected from the first week’s study will provide the researcher with new insights into how tablet computers were used by the participants and the problems they experienced with the device.

Cycle 1, Reflect Reports on how the participants used their tablets and the problems they encountered during this process urge me to take measures to help them better utilize these devices for classroom teaching. Based on Hubbard’s (2004) urge for instructors to take responsibilities in helping learners ‘make informed decisions about how to use computer resources effectively to meet their learning objectives’ (p. 51) I will try to find out how much time together teachers spent with students for interactive activities on their tablets. Most of the tablet activities are carried out individually, not making full use of the technology’s connectivity for interactive and collaborative learning. Additionally, lack of knowledge about the tablets’ system and which applications could be used for learning will prevent the students from effectively using the devices to learn in informal settings such as at home or in the library. Simply providing students with the latest mobile tool will not automatically result in more effective learning since there is no detailed instruction on the use of the technology.

Cycle 2, Revised Plan By analyzing the data collected in the first cycle, I will come up with a revised plan, the purposes of which were twofold: (a) to guide teachers on the technological affordances of the tablet and (b) to help teachers foster interactive and collaborative learning.

Cycle 2, Action I will arrange another meeting by the end of the second week with teachers to discuss possible methods for creating an interactive and collaborative learning environment. The three groups of participants contributed importantly to the design of the following activities: (a) creating a Turkish wiki to allow for multi-user synchronous/asynchronous audio and text chats; the interactive nature of the wiki provides a good way to practice writing, listening and speaking on the tablets because it enables meaningful interactions with other learners; (b) using Twitter (micro-blog) – to share interesting stories and thoughts in Turkish; the teachers might follow each other’s micro-blog so as to create an online Turkish circle for themselves with the help of the tablets,

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which allowed them to share their stories and thoughts anytime, anywhere; (c) reviewing major mobile apps and recommending two e-book reader series – 10000+ Free eBooks Reader and Go Book, both featuring thousands of downloadable free e-books – to practice reading comprehension. The large screen of the tablets, its mobility and multimedia functionality make the device a perfect tool for e-books and audio books.

Attitude survey on tablets for teaching Understanding tablet-based learning is not complete without assessing teachers’ attitudes towards this technology. Sharples (2009) proposed that a useful way to approach the evaluation of m-learning technology is to address its usability (will it work?), effectiveness (is it enhancing learning?) and satisfaction (is it liked?). Following Sharples’ suggestions and Davis’ (1993) Technology Acceptance Model (TAM), an attitude survey questionnaire (Appendix C) has been composed to assess teachers’ perceptions of the usability, effectiveness and satisfaction with the tablets for learning. The survey, which consisted of 30 statements eliciting student opinions on a five-point Likert scale (1 = Strongly Disagree, 5 = Strongly Agree), will be administered after the participants have been using the tablets for four weeks once the pilot stage of the project has been completed. Mean ratings of each statement are given in Appendix C as well. In general, I will investigate whether teachers in the study thought that tablet computers were easy to use, effective for teaching and whether they were quite satisfied with the mobile technology to enhance their students’ performance during the pilot stage of the FATIH project. These results will suggest whether tablet computers are a potentially promising tool for learning and teaching.

Discussion A conventional view of learning among parents, students and even teachers is that most learning activities are happening in a fixed physical space (i.e., classroom). New emerging technologies, however, are influencing our view of learning: how to re-conceptualize and redesign learning spaces to be more tightly integrated into the whole learning process. This research about using mobile technology will inform how we can facilitate more effective use of flexible learning spaces to improve the learners’ experience with traditional

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learning. It is also my intent to find out whether using such devices may lead to more serendipitous learning. Much like unintentional learning, serendipitous learning (Han et al. 2007) recognizes that the human search for knowledge may occur by chance, or as a by-product of the main task. For example, an inquiry or search for information may launch the user off on a tangent that ends up being more productive than the original search questions. Serendipitous learning often happens in exploratory learning with no predetermined goals. While with this proposed framework, I can see most of the serendipitous learning will happen inside the classroom. Needless to say, mobile technologies also offer an opportunity to enhance informal learning outside the classroom, yet due to the age group in this study, not every user might be able to use a mobile device at home due to the conservatory views of Turkish parents. Students tend to associate what they are learning from fun activities as drastically quite different from the more structured learning they experience in class. There are research challenges in exploring how to align and support the intended learning with predetermined goals with serendipitous learning without such goals, and vice versa. Knowledge understanding, appropriation and application as a result of serendipitous learning tend to be high, because motivation remains with the learner. If we can channel such motivation back to the classroom and deepen the learning within class, the student can experience a more holistic process of learning that taps the rich affordances of different learning spaces and designs. It is with the switching between these spaces and designs that mobile technology can help mediate. Undoubtedly, the development and adoption of mobile technology continue to impact our society and education. To make sustainable impact in school, future research should consider not only the affordances of technology itself, but also the pedagogical aspects of learners, learning environments and learning goals. To move beyond mere speculations about the superficial potential of mobile technology, future research should move the current focus of content delivery-centred m-learning to learner-centred participatory m-learning.

Conclusion Contrary to the popular belief among the stakeholders in the education sector in Turkey, simply providing teachers with the mobile device will not result in its effective usage in education. Learners need to be properly guided not only technologically, but also methodologically. Some teachers may have a lack

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of necessary knowledge and experience to solve problems in the process of adopting new technologies. As a consequence, creating an easily accessible supportive environment in which expert and peer advice can be consulted is vital. Instructor guidance on how the mobile technology can be better utilized for learning in terms of activity design and collaboration is also essential, since teachers may not be aware of the technological affordances of the new technology, the cognitive underpinnings of informal learning or how they could be combined to foster competence. My hope is to find out whether students should be provided with more opportunities to take responsibility for their learning with network-enabled tablets. Student-designed activities and self-chosen learning topics are more involving than a teacher’s assignments, because students usually choose things that interest themselves. These activities can also involve peers for collaborative learning. Learner collaboration has been found to contribute to students’ sense of ownership and autonomy (Kessler 2009), because they may feel that their contributions are valued and they also value those of the other group members (Kessler, 2010; Park et al., 2005 and Yu et al., 2010), the result of which is more contributions and more learning. So, I will investigate whether learner collaboration is made more prevalent with the help of the highly portable tablet computers. Based on the results of the study, I also hope to conclude whether tablet computers, as well as other mobile technologies, are ideal tools to foster learner autonomy and serendipitous learning in informal settings, provided that their technological affordances have been carefully studied and clearly manifested to student users, who usually have a positive attitude towards the usability, effectiveness and satisfaction of mobile technologies as learning tools, because they are the generation that has grown up using these technologies. Finally, I will investigate whether teachers’ attitudes towards the usability, effectiveness and satisfaction of tablet computers as a tool for learning are quite positive, which is similar to what other learning studies have found (e.g., Başoğlu and Akdemir 2010; Ozok et al. 2008). If so, this will be a good sign for teachers. This will indicate that teachers are willing to make use of mobile technologies for teaching, opening a whole new world of possibilities for teaching and learning. Tablets, as well as other mobile technologies, await our further exploration to better serve both teachers and students. Despite the contributions of this study, it will not be free from limitations and caveats. One of the limitations of the study is its possible lack of generalizability. The investigation will be carried out with a limited number of participants.

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Although the results might be revealing and of practical value, caution must be taken when the results are to be generalized to other settings. This caveat may hold with most single case study research projects, since this research genre predominantly investigates the practical problems related to a specific issue within a local context. Owing to limited resources, I will not explore additional concerns, for example, how to create a more supportive m-learning environment with tablet computers for students who are less active and thus less willing to express themselves. The long-term effect of tablet-assisted learning is also an issue that the present study did not investigate but one that is worthy of exploration.

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Appendix A. Participant background survey Your Name: Gender: □ Male □ Female Age: Mobile: E-mail: 1. Do you own a tablet computer? □ Yes □ No If so: 1.1 How often do you use it? □ 1 □2 □3 □4 □ 5 (1 = not very often; 5 = on a daily basis) 1.2 Have you used a tablet computer before to learn English? □ No, because __________________________________. □ Yes, I used it to ______________________________(state the activities you did with the tablet). 2. Which of the following mobile technologies do you own? □ Ordinary mobile phone □ Smartphone □ iTouch □ other MP3 player 3. Have you used these mobile devices for learning out of the classroom? □ No, because __________________________________. □ Yes, I used __________ (device) to _______________________________ (activities). 3.1 If so, how much do you agree with the following statement? Mobile technology is useful for teaching a subject. □ Strongly agree, because __________________________________________. □ Agree, because ________________________________________________. □ Neither agree nor disagree, because ________________________________. □ Disagree, because_______________________________________________. □ Strongly disagree, because _______________________________________. 4. How would you rate your computer skills? □1 □ 2 □3 □ 4 □ 5 (1 = novice, 5 = expert) 5. How would you rate your overall English proficiency? □1 □ 2 □3 □ 4 □ 5 (1 = beginner, 5 = highly proficient)

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Appendix B. Teacher’s daily activity report for the use of the tablet computer Participant’s Name: Date (MM/DD/YYYY): 1. Did you use the tablet computer today? □ No □ Yes, I used it for _____ hour(s). 2. Where and for how long did you use the tablet computer today? □ In the classroom, for _____ hour(s) □ In other places: in _________(place) for _____ hour(s) 3. For what purpose and for how long did you use the tablet computer today? □ I spent ____ hour(s) in the classroom with the tablet computer. □ I spent ____ hour(s) surfing the Internet with the tablet computer. □ I spent ____ hour(s) reading e-books with the tablet computer. □ I spent ____ hour(s) playing games with the tablet computer. □ I spent ____ hour(s) watching movies with the tablet computer. □ I spent ____ hour(s) listening to music with the tablet computer. □ I spent ____ hour(s) doing __________ with the tablet computer. 4. Please summarize briefly your activities with the tablet today, including when, where and how you used it to do what. You can also note the problems you encountered while using the technology. _______________________________________________________________ ___________________ _______________________________________________________________ ___________________ _______________________________________________________________ ___________________

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Appendix C. Tablet usage for teaching attitude survey Thank you for participating in this project! The questions in this questionnaire concern your perceptions about the usability, effectiveness and satisfaction of tablet computers for teaching. There are not ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ answers to these questions, so please be honest about your experience and feelings. Your name: __________________ Instructions: Think about how you feel about each of the following statements and circle the numbers that best describe your attitude. Usability

Strongly Disagree disagree

Neutral Agree Strongly agree

1.  I find the tablet computer cumbersome to use.

1

2

3

4

5

2.  Learning to use the tablet computer is easy for me.

1

2

3

4

5

3.  Interacting with the tablet computer is often frustrating.

1

2

3

4

5

4. I find it easy to get the tablet computer to do what I want it to do.

1

2

3

4

5

5.  The tablet computer is rigid and inflexible to interact with.

1

2

3

4

5

6. It is easy for me to remember how to perform tasks when using the tablet computer.

1

2

3

4

5

7.  Interacting with the tablet computer requires a lot of mental effort.

1

2

3

4

5

8.  My interaction with the tablet computer is clear and understandable.

1

2

3

4

5

9. I find it takes a lot of effort to become skilful at using the tablet computer.

1

2

3

4

5

10.  Overall, I find the tablet computer easy to use.

1

2

3

4

5

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Effectiveness

Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

11.  Using the tablet computer helps me a lot in teaching.

1

2

3

4

5

12.  Using the tablet computer gives me greater control over my teaching.

1

2

3

4

5

13.  The tablet computer enables me to accomplish teaching tasks more quickly.

1

2

3

4

5

Effectiveness

Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly disagree agree

14.  Using the tablet computer increases my teaching outcomes.

1

2

3

4

5

15.  Using the tablet computer improves my teaching performance.

1

2

3

4

5

16.Using the tablet computer allows me to accomplish more teaching tasks than would otherwise be possible.

1

2

3

4

5

17.  Using the tablet computer enhances my effectiveness on teaching.

1

2

3

4

5

18.  Using the tablet computer makes it easier to teach.

1

2

3

4

5

19.  Overall, I find the tablet computer useful for teaching.

1

2

3

4

5

Satisfaction

Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree

20. I find it interesting to use the tablet computer for teaching.

1

2

3

4

5

21.  I find it interesting to participate in the project.

1

2

3

4

5

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Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly Disagree Agree

22. I find it interesting to carry out tasks on the tablet computer.

1

2

3

4

5

23.  I am willing to continue using tablet computers for teaching.

1

2

3

4

5

24.  I am satisfied with the functions offered by the tablet computer.

1

2

3

4

5

25. Overall, I am satisfied with using tablet computers for teaching.

1

2

3

4

5

References Barron, B. (2006), ‘Interest and self-sustained learning as catalysts of development: A learning ecologies perspective’, Human Development 49(4): pp. 193–224. Barrs, K. (2012), ‘Fostering computer-mediated L2 interaction beyond the classroom’, Language Learning & Technology 16(1): pp. 10–25, available at: http://llt.msu.edu/ issues/february2012/actionresearch.pdf Başoğlu, E. B. and Akdemir, Ö. (2010), ‘A comparison of undergraduate students’ English vocabulary learning: Using mobile phones and flash cards’, The Turkish Online Journal of Educational Technology 9(3): pp. 1–7. Bo-Kristensen, M., Ankerstjerne, N. O., Neutzsky-Wulff, C. and Schelde, H. (2009), ‘Mobile city and language guides – New links between formal and informal learning environments’, Electronic Journal of e-Learning 7(2): pp. 85–92. Burns, A. (2010), Doing Action Research in English Language Teaching: A Guide for Practitioners. New York, NY: Routledge. Chang, C.-K. and Hsu, C.-K. (2011), ‘A mobile-assisted synchronously collaborative translation-annotation system for English as a foreign language (EFL) reading comprehension’, Computer Assisted Language Learning 24(2): pp. 155–180. Chen, J. and Kinshuk. (2005), ‘Mobile technology in educational services’, Journal of Educational Multimedia and Hypermedia 14(1): pp.91–109. Davis, F. (1993), ‘User acceptance of information technology: System characteristics, user perceptions and behavioral impacts’, International Journal of Man-Machine Studies 38: pp. 475–487.

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Demirbilek, M. (2010), ‘Investigating attitudes of adult educators towards educational mobile media and games in eight European countries’, Journal of Information Technology Education 9: pp. 235–247. Finn, M. and Vandenham, N. (2004), ‘The handheld classroom: Educational Implications of mobile computing’, Australian Journal of Emerging Technologies and Society 2(1): pp. 1–15. Han, S., Lee, C., Choi, S., Lee, S., Han, H., Seo, J. et al. (2007), ‘The study on analyzing the effectiveness of and on developing the operating model of ulearning’, Korea Education & Research Information Service Report, KR 2007–2008. Hsi, S. (2003), ‘A study of user experiences mediated by nomadic web content in a museum’, Journal of Computer Assisted Learning 19(3): pp. 308–319. Hsu, L. (in press), ‘English as a foreign language learners’ perception of mobile assisted language learning: A cross-national study’, Computer Assisted Language Learning doi:10.1080/09588221.2011.649485 Hubbard, P. (2004), ‘Learner training for effective use of CALL’, in Fotos, S. and Browne, C. (eds), New Perspectives on CALL for Second Language Classrooms. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 45–67 Kemmis, S. and McTaggart, R. (1988), The Action Research Planner (3rd Ed.). Geelong, AU: Deakin University Press. Kessler, G. (2009), ‘Student initiated attention to form in autonomous wiki based collaborative writing’, Language Learning & Technology, 13(1): pp. 79–95. ——— (2010), ‘Fluency and anxiety in self-access speaking tasks: The influence of environment’, Computer Assisted Language Learning, 23(4): pp. 361–375. Koshy, V. (2005), Action Research for Improving Practice: A Practical Guide. London, UK: Paul Chapman Publishing. Kukulska-Hulme, A. (2009), ‘Will mobile learning change language learning?’, ReCALL 21(2): pp. 157–165. ——— and Shield, L. (2008), ‘An overview of mobile assisted language learning: From content delivery to supported collaboration and interaction’, ReCALL 20(3): pp. 271–289. Lan, Y.-J., Sung, Y.-T. and Chang, K.-E. (2007), ‘A mobile-device-supported peerassisted learning system for collaborative early EFL reading’, Language Learning & Technology 11(3): pp. 130–151. Lee, Y. (2005), ‘An analysis of the case study on Tablet computer-based mobile learning environments’, The Journal of Korean Association of Computer Education 8(1): pp. 25–32. Ozok, A. A., Benson, D., Chakraborty, J. and Norcio, A. F. (2008), ‘A comparative study between tablet and laptop PCs: User satisfaction and preferences’, International Journal of Human-Computer Interaction 24(3): pp. 329–352. Resnick, L. (1987), ‘Learning in school and out’, Educational Researcher 16(9): pp. 13–20.

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Sharples, M. (2009), ‘Methods for evaluating mobile learning’ in Vavoula, G. Pachler, N. and Kukulska-Hulme, A. (eds), Researching Mobile Learning: Frameworks, Tools and Research Designs. Oxford, UK: Peter Lang Publishing Group, pp. 17–39 Stockwell, G. (2010), ‘Using mobile phones for vocabulary activities: Examining the effect of the platform’, Language Learning & Technology 14(2): pp. 95–110. Taylor, J., Sharples, M., O’Malley, C., Vavoula, G. and Waycott, J. (2006), ‘Towards a task model for mobile learning: A dialectical approach’, International Journal of Learning Technology, 2(2/3), pp. 138–158. Valk, J. H., Rashid, A. and Elder, L. (2010), ‘Using mobile phones to improve educational outcomes: An analysis of evidence from Asia’, International Review of Research in Open and Distance Learning 11(1): pp. 117–140. Vavoula, G. (2005), A Study of Mobile Learning Practices (pp. 1–20), available at: http://www.mobilearn.org/download/results/public_deliverables/MOBIlearn_ D4.4_Final.pdf ——— and Sharples, M. (2008), ‘Meeting the Challenges in Evaluating Mobile Learning: A 3-level Evaluation Framework’, International Journal of Mobile and Blended Learning, 1(2), pp. 54–75. Wong, L.-H. and Looi, C.-K. (2010), ‘Vocabulary learning by mobile-assisted authentic content creation and social meaning-making: two case studies’, Journal of Computer Assisted Learning 26(5): pp. 421–433. Yu, W. K., Sun, Y. C. and Chang, Y. J. (2010), ‘When technology speaks language: An evaluation of course management systems used in a language learning context’, ReCALL 22(3): pp. 332–355.

9

Ukraine: Issues in Educational History and Development Margaryta Danilko

Introduction Ukraine is a state in Eastern Europe situated among Poland, Romania and Moldova in the west and Russia in the east, bordering the Black Sea. It occupies a territory of 600,852 square kilometres with a population of 44,573,205 million people (July 2013 est.). The most representative groups of the population are Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians, Moldovans and Poles. The literacy rate is an estimated 99.4 per cent (CIA World Factbook). Ukraine is a unitary state composed of 24 oblasts (provinces), one autonomous republic (the Crimea) and two cities with special status: Kyiv, its capital and the largest city, and Sevastopol. Ukraine was a constituent republic of the Soviet Union until it became independent in 1991. Education in Ukraine combines the features inherited from the Soviet Union with the quest for national revival. The legal basis for education is set by the Constitution of Ukraine, the Laws of Ukraine on Education, Higher Education, Vocational – Technical Education, the State Budget of Ukraine, the Budget Code of Ukraine, the Labour Code of Ukraine, the National Doctrine for the Development of Education and other legal acts. The laws On Preschool Education, On Protection of Childhood, On General Secondary Education, On Professional Education and On Higher Education, as well as numerous statutes and regulations, further specify the provisions of the Constitution and the main law. Article 53 of the Constitution adopted in 1996 declares the right of every citizen to an education. Basic secondary education is compulsory. The state provides free primary, secondary and vocational technical training in state and

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communal institutions. Free higher education can be attained on a competitive basis. School is separated from the church, and education has a secular character. Any kind of political, religious or military activity in educational institutions is prohibited. The state is expected to assist in the development of science and culture, enhance educational opportunities for citizens from underprivileged social groups and initiate contacts with the world educational community. The content of education is based on human values, on the principles of scientific and cultural development, humanism, democracy and mutual respect among different ethnic groups. It aims at the protection of the interests of an individual and the family, society and the State of Ukraine. The Law on Education adopted in 1991 secured the main principles of Ukrainian education: democracy; priority of humanistic values; organic connection with history, culture and traditions; continuity; and diversity of educational opportunities. According to Article 3 of the Law of Ukraine ‘On Education’ citizens of Ukraine shall have the right to get free education in all state educational establishments regardless of their gender, race, nationality, social and economic status, type and nature of their activities, world views, belonging to parties, attitude towards religion, religious conscience, state of health, place of residence and other circumstances. According to the Law of Ukraine ‘On Education’ citizens of Ukraine have the right to get education of different forms: daytime, evening, extra-mural and distant (The Law of Ukraine ‘On Education’ 1991). Education in Ukraine has a complex structure. Article 29 of the Law on Education states that the structure of education includes: ‘pre-school education; comprehensive secondary education; out-of-school education; vocational education; higher education; postgraduate education; postgraduate studies; education for doctor’s degree; self-education’ (The Law of Ukraine ‘On Education’ 1991). Article 30 defines the following educational levels: elementary general education; basic comprehensive secondary education; complete comprehensive secondary education; professional-technical education; basic higher education; and complete higher education. Preschool education is optional. Admission of children to preschool institutions is made according to the wish of parents or persons substituting for them. Preschool educational institutions include nurseries, kindergartens, nursery schools, family, promenade, preschool institutions of compensative (for children who require correction of physical and mental development) and

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combined types with a short-term, day and full-day stay of children, as well as kindergartens of a boarding school type, children’s houses and others. School education is represented by primary, basic (incomplete) secondary and complete secondary schools, which usually coexist under the same roof. Basic secondary education is compulsory and requires four years of primary school plus five years of secondary school. Students who intend to continue their studies can follow one of the three main tracks: they can pursue their studies on the upper secondary level (grades 10 and 11), enter a vocational secondary school or apply to a higher educational institution of the first or second accreditation level (technicum or college). The third and fourth accreditation levels of higher education are represented by institutes, academies, conservatories and universities. They require complete secondary education as a prerequisite for entry. Aspirantura and doctorantura provide postgraduate education, which leads to the defence of a dissertation and advanced scholarly degrees of Kandydat nauk and Doktor nauk. In 1996 the Ukrainian parliament adopted amendments to the Law on Education of 1991. The amended law defines the main principles underlying the educational system and establishes the areas of responsibility of the central and local administrative organs in the sphere of education. It also points out that educational institutions in Ukraine can be state, communal or private property. The state standards set by the central organs specify the requirements to the content and level of instruction and professional training. They are approved by the Cabinet of Ministers, serve as the basis for the evaluation of the graduates’ qualifications and have to be reviewed every ten years. The establishment of standards allows for an equivalency of qualifications across all the territories of Ukraine.

Administration The state organs of power include the Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports, other ministries and agencies, supervising particular educational institutions, the Supreme Attestation Commission, the Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports of the autonomous Republic of the Crimea, local executive bodies and organs of self-government. The Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports of Ukraine is the central body of state executive authorities and carries out management in the sphere of education. It plays the leading role in defining and executing the state policy in

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the field of education, science and professional training of the staff, works out the programmes of development and the state standards of education; defines the state standards of knowledge for every subject; lays down minimal norms of material, technical and financial maintenance of educational institutions; carries out educational and methodical management, supervises observance of the state standards in education, conducts state inspection; develops contacts with educational institutions, state bodies of other countries concerning issues of its competence; carries out accreditation of higher and vocational training institutions irrespective of forms of property and submission, issues licenses and certificates; works out and distributes the state order for training of specialists with higher education; works out the terms of admittance into educational institutions; coordinates the publication of textbooks, manuals and methodical literature; elaborates the drafts of educational laws and instructions for adoption by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine; certifies pedagogues and scholars and awards qualification categories and pedagogical and scientific degrees to them; pursues the state policy in the field of education, carries out the supervision over its implementation, fulfilment of the acts of the educational legislation by all educational institutions irrespective of forms of property and submission in cooperation with other ministries and departments and the Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports of the autonomous Republic of the Crimea. The Acts of the Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports of Ukraine are obligatory for ministries and departments, for educational institutions that are under subordination of these ministries and departments, for the Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports of the autonomous Republic of the Crimea, local bodies of state executive authorities and bodies of local self-management, bodies of management education that are subordinated to them and educational institutions irrespective of forms of property. The ministries and agencies are responsible for the control, inspection, licensing and accreditation of educational institutions. The Supreme Attestation Commission supervises the attestation of specialists, confers and approves advanced scholarly degrees. Organs of self-government are represented by general meetings and conferences of educational institutions; district, city or oblast teacher conferences; and finally by the All-Ukrainian Teachers Convention. Together with local executive organs, they make decisions about the establishment of the budget financing, the development and social security of teachers and students and other issues related to their sphere of competence.

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History Ukrainian education is a blend of eastern and western patterns and unique features developed during its long history. From the 9th to the 12th centuries most of the eastern and central territory of modern Ukraine was part of Kyiv Russia, one of the first nation states in Europe. The first schools of ‘book knowledge’, which were intended for children of noble families, appeared under the Grand Prince Volodymyr (980–1015). During the rule of Yaroslav the Wise (1019–1054), literacy spread among different social groups. In 1086 the first school for female students was opened in Kyiv (Vasuk and Luzan 2010: 24–25). Through the 13th–15th centuries the Mongol invasion had a destructive influence on the eastern Slavic cultural centres such as Kyiv and Chernigiv. In the fourteenth century the southwestern lands were occupied by Lithuanian feudals. National and religious oppression became especially strong in the sixteenth century after the formation of the Polish-Lithuanian state Rzecz Pospolita. Jesuit collegiums and schools opened their doors for Catholics and Uniates, whereas the educational opportunities for the adherents of the Eastern Orthodox Church were meagre. The traditions of Ukrainian culture were continued by schools attached to monasteries in Kyiv, Chernigiv, Putivl and other locations. In 1572 the first Russian printer, Ivan Fyodorov, arrived in Lviv, and two years later a printing house, established with his assistance, published the first ABC-Book (Bukvar). By 1678 Ukraine had over 20 printing houses, which published educational literature and other books. Brotherhood schools, which emerged in Lviv (1585), Kyiv (1615), Lutsk (1617) and other cities, played an important part in the preservation of the Slavic cultural identity. They were not merely educational institutions, but cultural centres, which united progressive writers, printers and teachers. They published textbooks and organized teaching in the native language (Luchkevych 2010: 131). The 1648–1654 war, led by Bogdan Khmelnitsky, resulted in the reunification of Ukraine with Russia. Numerous parish schools were opened to promote literacy. The late 1700s saw the emergence of shipbuilding, metallurgical and other professional schools. Because of the division of Poland, which began in 1772, western Ukrainian lands were annexed by Austria. Educational reform brought about the formation of state primary and incomplete secondary schools with instruction predominantly in German. In parish schools the teaching was conducted in Polish and German. The Ukrainian language was largely neglected and regarded merely as a dialect of Polish.

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The Russian educational reform (1803–1804) brought about the formation of gymnasiums, as well as privileged educational institutions, lyceums and Institutes for Noble Young Ladies. The latter emerged in Kharkiv, Poltava, Odessa and Kyiv. Initial professional education was provided by specialized institutions: Kyiv Railway School, Kherson School of Commercial Navigation and Yekaterinislav School of Gardening, as well as Art and Trade schools. Universities opened in Kharkiv in 1805 and in Kyiv in 1834. The new educational institutions reflected European patterns, but at the same time incorporated distinctive features based on the long-standing traditions of Slavic culture. The secret Cyril-Methodius Society, founded in the 1840s at Kyiv University and headed by N. I. Kostomarov, aimed at spreading education among different social groups. The members of the society opened schools for peasant children and worked hard to create and publish textbooks for them. The society included a revolutionary democratic group led by the national poet Taras Shevchenko. The ideas of the French revolution of 1848 encouraged progressive educators to foster the teaching and use of the Ukrainian language in schools. In the 1850s primary schools in the Ukrainian territories had 67,000 students. The secondary education institutions were represented by 15 male gymnasiums, two lyceums, three cadet corps and five female secondary schools. Instruction in most of the schools was carried out in Russian. The movement promoting education for common people and schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction became especially strong in the 1850s. It initiated the opening of Sunday schools in Kyiv and Kharkiv, but in 1863 they were closed for political reasons. In the same year the Russian government prohibited the publishing of books in the Ukrainian language, and in 1876 the use of the language in educational institutions. The educational reform of the 1860s stimulated the establishment of new institutions, the introduction of comparatively progressive methods of teaching and the admission of children from different ranks of society to primary schools. From 1877 to 1898 the number of schools grew from 1,112 to 3,179. Higher courses for women desiring an education were opened in Kyiv and Kharkiv. According to the census of 1897, the literacy rate for ages 9–49 was 27.9 per cent, (41.7 per cent among men and 14 per cent among women). In western Ukraine, which was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the educational opportunities for Ukrainians were scarce; the majority of the people were illiterate and primary schools had only one grade. Most of the teaching was done in German, Polish, Hungarian and Romanian; in 1911–1912, out of 134 general education schools only 11 had Ukrainian as the language of instruction.

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After the Revolution of 1917, education developed rapidly. In July 1920 People’s Commissariat of Education of Ukraine published The Declaration on Social Education of Children, which initiated the introduction of a new educational system. Its basic unit was a seven-year school that combined Communist education with productive labour. The new system rejected all of the pre-Revolutionary educational experience: textbooks were seen as a redundancy; the family was regarded as a bourgeois survival, which had to be eliminated; and regular schools were almost totally phased out in favour of children’s homes and communes. The idea of Communist discipline was epitomized by Anton Makarenko, a famous educator who managed to achieve great success in colonies for minors and juvenile delinquents. Beginning with the early 1920s, the society ‘Away with Illiteracy!’ provided basic training for adults. By 1939 the literacy rate was claimed to be 88.2 per cent. The Research Institute of Pedagogy of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, which was formed in 1926, started to advance educational theory and methodology. The reshaping of the educational system in the 1930s gave technical schools the status of secondary specialized institutions, and it also brought about the creation of new industrial, agricultural, economic, pedagogical and medical higher educational establishments. Schooling for children aged 8–15 became compulsory. By 1932–1933 the number of people embracing education had doubled as compared to 1928–1929 and reached 4.5 million. At the same time about 80 per cent of the population in Western Ukraine was still illiterate, over 30 per cent of children did not attend schools and only 5 per cent of students were getting education in the Ukrainian language. The reunification of Ukraine in 1939 resulted in the establishment of new schools, promotion of literacy for adults and instruction in the native language. However, the advancement of education coexisted with Stalinist political terror. Thousands of intellectuals became victims of mass repression. Anyone who dared express an opinion different from the official point of view was subject to being imprisoned, sent to a concentration camp or even executed. During World War II, the Nazi troops completely destroyed over 8,000 schools, and 10,000 more schools were partially destroyed. Despite all the misfortunes and cataclysms brought about by the war, the network was quickly restored and by 1945–1946 there were over 28,000 general education schools with 5 million people. The de-Stalinization of the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev (a Ukrainian) had a profound influence on the cultural life in Ukraine. The content of education changed significantly. The transference to universal,

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compulsory, eight-year schooling was completed by 1960–1961. The activities of the prominent teacher and scholar Vassily Suhkomlynsky from the Kirovograd Region, who made special emphasis on the civil and ethical aspects of education, aroused great public interest, as well as sharp criticism from the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences. Sukhomlynsky, a school director, considered the child’s personality to have the highest value in the process of teaching and upbringing. He saw the main goal of education in the realization of the students’ inborn qualities, spontaneous reactions and impulses. He also paid special attention to the society as the context of education and included ethical categories in pedagogy. The socioeconomic changes encountered by Ukraine in the late 1980s–1990s and the subsequent transition to a market economy account for the humanization and democratization of the educational process, introduction of different forms of property in the educational sphere and the development of innovative curricula. At the same time, numerous economic problems had a negative influence on different aspects of the life of teachers and students and brought about undesirable consequences. The economic crisis of the late 1990s created serious problems for the educational system: deterioration of school and university buildings; lack of funds for renovation, modern equipment and textbooks; delays in the payment of salaries to teachers; and shortages of electricity and heating. The main objectives of the Ukrainian government at that time were to preserve the existing network and to develop effective mechanisms of financing the educational sphere under the new socio-economic conditions. During the Soviet times, the state budget was the only source of financing for the educational sphere. The transition to a market economy and the establishment of non-state educational institutions account for the emergence of new sources of financing, including local budgets, private enterprises and individuals. Although Article 61 of the Law on Education states that the state shall provide budget allocations for education in the amount not less than 10 per cent of the national income (GDP), the state has never achieved this since all the years of independence. In 2012 the Ministry stated that education funding was at its highest point since independence, although in 2012 public financing of education did not reach the same level as in 2010: UAH19 billion (US$3.3 billion) versus UAH19.7. It should be also taken into account that UAH19 billion today does not have the same value as it did two years previously (Serhiy Kvit 2012). The independence gained in 1991 and the quest for national identity allowed for the promotion of nationally specific programmes, use of the Ukrainian

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language in schools and the opportunity to incorporate unique cultural peculiarities into school and university life. On the other hand, they were accompanied by unprepared nationalistic decisions, occasional discrimination against ethnic minorities and rejection of some valuable experiences and practices from the past. After the declaration of independence in 1991, the use of media of instruction became an important political issue. Since Ukraine is a multinational state, the languages used within its territory include Ukrainian, Russian, Romanian, Polish, Hungarian and others. Traditionally, people who live in the western part of Ukraine predominantly used the Ukrainian language, whereas those from the eastern part gave preference to Russian. The Law on Languages in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, adopted in 1989, for the first time gave Ukrainian the status of an official state language (The Law ‘On Languages in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic’ 1989). Article 10 of the Constitution secured this provision and obliged the state to enhance the development and extensive use of the Ukrainian language in all spheres of life. At the same time it gave Russian the role of a tool of international communication and guaranteed the protection of all the languages of national minorities. According to Article 53 of the Constitution, citizens belonging to ethnic groups other than Ukrainian have the right to receive education in their native language in state institutions or through cultural societies (Constitution of Ukraine 1996).

Pre-primary education Pre-primary education in Ukraine is included in the state educational system. It is subordinate to the Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports. The major types of preschool facilities are nursery schools, which take care of infants from six weeks to three years old, and kindergartens, which are meant for children from three to six years of age. Orphans and children without proper parental care are placed in children’s homes, boarding kindergartens and/or family-type and sanatorium-type facilities. There are also specialized preschool institutions for children with physical and mental disabilities, as well as other conditions. The length of stay at most of the facilities is nine hours, but there are also institutions that work on a 24-hour basis. Preschools provide childcare with initial intellectual, physical and aesthetic education. Special emphasis is placed on the preparation of children for primary

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school. Classes are devoted to the development of speech and elementary numeracy skills, singing, dancing, foreign languages and art. The government encourages the study of the Ukrainian language and culture. Teachers for preschool institutions are trained at specialized teacher training departments in institutes and universities, as well as other advanced training and retraining institutes. The 1980s witnessed the maximum enrolment of children in public preschools, but the economic changes of the late 1980s and the 1990s deprived the pre-primary institutions of regular financing, which had been guaranteed by the centralized Soviet state. Fifty-eight per cent of all the facilities had previously belonged to particular enterprises, as well as collective and state farms. The bankruptcy or disastrous financial state of industrial enterprises and collective farms endangered the existence of the entire network. Other negative factors that had a profound impact on the state of pre-primary education were the declining birth rate, high infant mortality and unemployment among parents. The majority of preschools were subordinated to the municipal administrative organs, but the local budgets could not cope with their financing. Many of the surviving facilities were barely able to meet sanitation requirements. The funds were insufficient for the renovation and further development of the institutions. Consequently, the number of preschools decreased from about 25,000 in 1990 to 15,627 in 2010. And only in 2011 did the number of preschool establishments begin to increase, in 2012 reaching 16,277. The main problem in preschool education is that there are not enough places in the kindergartens for all children, although 422 new kindergartens have been opened recently (during only one year – 2011). Nowadays in Ukraine there are vacancies for 67 per cent of preschool children, and the aim is to reach the European level of 75 per cent (Tabachnyk 2011). The transition to a market economy calls for new approaches and forms of work in pre-primary education. In order to balance state financing and family needs, preschools offer a variety of options, including short-term stay, seasonal services and variable cost programmes. According to the state statutes and regulations, the fees directly depend on the family income. Children from lowincome or incomplete families attend preschools free of charge. The emerging non-state institutions offer diverse new services (e.g., aesthetic education, foreign language instruction and swimming). They are usually expensive and are targeted at well-to-do families. Complex facilities, such as school plus kindergarten, are gaining popularity in rural areas.

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The laws on Preschool Education, On Protection of Childhood and On Approval of the State Standard for Preschool Education aim for the further development of the pre-primary network. Among other objectives, they set the goal of ensuring the articulation between pre-primary and primary school curricula. The publications in the journal ‘Preschool Education’ are specifically devoted to issues that deal with the development of new educational technologies for pre-primary institutions.

Secondary education Complete secondary education in Ukraine lasts for 11 years and includes three stages: primary school (first to fourth grade); basic secondary school (fifth to ninth grade); and upper secondary school (tenth to eleventh grade). Legally, each of the stages can function separately, but, in practice, they all usually coexist under the same roof. After the 9th grades children can enter technical schools of different types. Those who want to enter higher educational institutions complete 11 grades. Schools prepare students in different fields, whether Humanities or Sciences. At 9th grade students take the GTC (Governmental Total Certification) and students of 11th grade need to pass both GTC and EIT (External Independent Testing), which allow to define their university entrance eligibility. Since 2008 entrance exams to higher education institutions (HEIs) have been replaced by the EIT. The state standards for general education are developed by the Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sport, the National Academy of Sciences and the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of Ukraine. Basic curricula approved by the Cabinet of Ministers include a compulsory part, established on the state level and the same for all educational institutions of this kind, and the variable part, which takes into account regional peculiarities and is constructed by the institution itself. The curricula are published in periodicals and newsletters intended for schoolteachers and administrators. The majority of schools are coeducational. From the very beginning students are divided into classes of 25–30 children, which will continue to study as a permanent group until the end of school. The school year is divided into four quarters. Grading is made at the end of each quarter and based on the students’ current performance, as well as the final tests. In 2002 a 12-point grade system was introduced into the secondary schools

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of Ukraine, which substituted the four-point grade system used in secondary schools since the times of the Soviet Union. Twelve is usually given only for significant achievements or exceptionally creative work; hence, 11 is the grade that would be called A or excellent. The majority of general education schools enrol full-time students. However, those who wish to combine education with work can study part time at night or in correspondence schools. The political and economic reforms of the 1990s brought to Ukraine independence, freedom of choice and the transition to a market economy. They initiated major changes in the educational system based on the abolition of ideology, connection with national culture and the introduction of new subjects into the school curricula. There appeared innovative types of schools such as: gymnasiums, which offer comprehensive classical education; lyceums, giving specialization in a certain area of knowledge; and a specifically Ukrainian type of institution called a collegium or ‘an upper school’ with philologically, philosophically and aesthetically oriented education. In 2012 there were 909 gymnasiums, lyceums and collegiums with 295,400 students in Ukraine. The number of schools is declining every year. In 1998–1999 Ukraine had an approximate total of 22,000 general education schools with 6,876,000 students and 569,000 teachers and in 2011–2012 there were 19,900 schools with 4,293,000 students and 509,000 teachers. The tendency of reducing the number of secondary schools is continuing, mostly in the rural areas. During 2011– 2012 Ukraine lost 400 schools. This is the data provided by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine (http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/). They are the lowest figures of the Ukrainian system of education during the years of independence. The Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sport explains the situation by citing demographic changes within the population.

Higher education In Ukraine, as in other developed countries, higher education is considered to be one of the main human values. Ukraine has inherited from the past a well-developed and multifunctional system of higher education. Nevertheless, since Ukraine’s independence in 1991 the establishment of the national higher education system has been based on new legislative and methodological grounds. It provides for an entirely new qualitative level of expert’s training, an increase in academic and professional mobility of graduates, greater openness, democratic

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principles of teaching and raising the youth. Those are all due to the accession of Ukraine’s higher education system into the world community. Higher education consists of higher educational establishments, scientific and methodological facilities under federal and municipal governments and self-governing bodies in charge of education. The higher education structure includes also the postgraduate and Ph.D. programmes and self-education. It includes two major educational levels, namely basic higher education and full higher education. The educational level is a trait of higher education by the level of gained quality, which provides comprehensive development of an individual and which will lead to an appropriate qualification. The structure of the higher education of Ukraine is built up according to the structure of education in the developed countries of the world as determined by UNESCO and other international organizations and initiatives. Higher education constitutes an integral part of the system of education of Ukraine as provided for by the Law of Ukraine ‘On Education’. The legislation sets the following educational and qualification levels – junior specialist, bachelor, specialist, master, as well as scientific degrees of candidate of sciences (assistant professor) and doctor of sciences (Ph.D.). Educational and qualification levels are traits of higher education by the level of gained qualities, which will enable an individual to perform the appropriate occupational tasks or responsibilities to a certain level of competence. Senior scientific researcher, assistant professor and professor are the applied degrees, or levels of seniority. Since 2002 the whole system of Ukrainian post-secondary education has been regarded as ‘Higher Education’. The Law of Ukraine on Higher Education establishes four levels of accreditation of Higher Education Institutes(HEIs): (a) 1st accreditation-level HEIs train Junior specialists; (b) 2nd accreditation-level HEIs train Junior specialists and/or Bachelors; (c) 3rd accreditation-level HEIs train Bachelors, Specialists and, in certain professions (specialities), Masters; and (d) 4th accreditation-level HEIs train Bachelors, Specialists and Masters, and offer postgraduate Doctorate (Aspirantura) and post-Doctorate (Doctorantura) programmes (The Law of Ukraine ‘On Higher Education’ 2002). With respect to ownership, Ukraine’s HEIs are divided into state (public) and private HEIs. Public forms of ownership are municipal and state owned. State (public) HEIs of the 4th accreditation level can be granted the status of National HEI by the President of Ukraine, which results in greater funding of an institution. There are six types of HEIs in Ukraine. Universities have the 4th accreditation level. They may be multidisciplinary institutions (follow a classical university

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model) or ‘branch’ institutions (focus on some particular professional field – technical, medical, agricultural, pedagogical, economics, law, etc). They act as leading research and methodological centres in both fundamental and applied research. Then Academies have the 4th accreditation level. They are concentrated on a specific area of knowledge in which they also act as leading research and methodological centres in both fundamental and applied research. Institutes have the 3rd accreditation level. They are concentrated on a specific area of knowledge in which they also conduct research and methodological research in both fundamental and applied fields. They may be independent or a subunit of a university or academy. Conservatoires have the 3rd accreditation level. They specialize in culture and the arts, specifically music. They also conduct research and act as leading centres in the areas of their activity. Colleges have the 2nd accreditation level. They provide training leading to the acquisition of specific HE qualifications. They may also constitute subunits within HEIs with 3rd and 4th-level accreditations. Technical and Vocational Schools have the 1st level of accreditation. They provide education and training in several adjacent disciplines. They may also constitute subunits within HEIs with 3rd and 4thlevel accreditations (The Law of Ukraine ‘On Higher Education’ 2002). Higher education graduates are awarded qualifications of the appropriate educational-proficiency levels and they are granted diplomas of the state format. The diploma is the state-recognized document that serves as both an educational certificate and a professional licence, confirming the attainment of the appropriate higher educational level and qualification of a certain educational-proficiency level (an academic degree in a field of study and speciality). The Law on Higher Education (2002) establishes the following types of documents that confirm higher education qualifications: (a) diploma/ qualification of Junior Specialist; (b) diploma/ qualification of Bachelor; (c) diploma/ qualification of Specialist, and (d) diploma/ qualification of Master. Students who graduate with honours (75 per cent excellent and 25 per cent good grades) receive the Diploma with Honours. The candidate of sciences (kandidat nauk) is the first advanced academic degree in Ukraine, which normally requires at least three years of study after the award of the Specialist or the Master diploma and is achieved by submitting and defending a thesis (dissertation), as well as following postgraduate studies in the specialist field. The doctor of sciences (doktor nauk) degree is the highest degree in Ukraine. To be awarded the degree the completion of a major dissertation that includes results of fundamental scientific or applied significance is required. After publication of the dissertation, the work is submitted to an academic council,

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which is composed of representatives of Highest Qualification Attestation Commission and specialists in the field. A secret ballot by peers determines whether the doktor nauk is awarded. Results must be approved by the Highest Qualification Attestation Commission. Training of specialists in higher educational institutions may be carried out with the interruption of work (daytime education), without interruption of work (evening, correspondence education), by the combination of these two forms and, for certain professions, without attending classes. There were 147 higher educational institutions per 52 million people in Ukraine in the times of the Soviet Union, that is, one HEI per 350,000 people. Nowadays there are 345 HEIs of the 3rd and 4th-level accreditations per 45 million people, that is, one per 130,000. That means that there are three times as many HEIs than there used to be. This has happened because of the post-1990s’ appearance of non-governmental higher educational institutions in Ukraine. Last year some HEIs had shut down and this process seems to be continuing. In the academic year of 2011–2012 the number of HEIs of I–II level of accreditation reduced to 501 (in 2010–2011 there were 505) and the number of HEI of III–IV level to 345 (in 2010–2011 there were 349). The number of students at HEIs of I–II level of accreditation reduced to 356.8 thousand students (1.3 per cent lower than the previous year), and at HEIs of III–IV level to 1 million 954.8 thousand (8.2 per cent lower than the previous year) (State Statistics Service of Ukraine http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/). In the academic year of 2011–2012 the number of students who entered HEIs decreased: for HEIs of I–II level of accreditation this number reduced to 105.1 thousand students (18.5 per cent lower than the previous year), and at HEIs of III–IV level to 314.5 thousand (19.7 per cent lower than the previous year). The number of postgraduate students reduced for 461 people and doctorants increased for 60 people.

Licensing and accreditation In order to be officially acknowledged, all public and non-public HEIs are mandatory and legally acknowledged and controlled by the state through the educational activity’s licensing mechanism and accreditation. The procedure of licensing gives the institution the right to offer educational services, whereas the accreditation establishes its status and recognizes its ability to train specialists at the level of state standards. The preliminary examination of the institution’s capacity and training potential is carried out by Expert Boards, and

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the final decision is made by the State Accreditation Board. The prerequisites for enrolment into higher educational programmes include completion of secondary education and success in the entrance examinations. The rules for the latter are set by the HEIs on the basis of general state regulations. The Department for Licensing and Accreditation of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine, State Accreditation Commission, Supreme Attestation Commission is the National Body of Quality Assurance. It was founded in 1996. It is responsible for both public (state) and private HEIs. The decision given by this body gives the reviewed HEIs permission to operate at certain levels of accreditation and grants the reviewed programmes to be taught at HEIs. At the time of writing this chapter, the draft Law of Ukraine on Higher Education is under review by the Cabinet of Ministries. The pending changes in the above Law encompass the key developments of the Bologna Process: implementing a three-cycle system, granting greater autonomy to universities, giving more rights to students’ self-governance, ensuring placements for graduates, supporting companies who employ graduates, improving the legal basis for independent external assessments and other issues.

The Bologna process The Bologna Process, launched by the ministers responsible for higher education in 29 countries in 1999, aimed for the development of a European Higher Education Area by 2010. Since the signing of the Bologna Declaration, the number of signatory countries and the objectives of the Bologna Process have increased. The Communiqué of the Conference of Ministers responsible for higher education, held in Berlin on 19 September 2003, states that ‘countries party to the European Cultural Convention shall be eligible for membership of the European Higher Education Area provided that they at the same time declare their willingness to pursue and implement the objectives of the Bologna Process in their own systems of higher education’ (Realising the European Higher Education Area 2003). Ukraine joined the Bologna process in 2005. Since then, the Action Plan on Quality Assurance for Higher Education of Ukraine and its Integration into the European and World Educational Community for the period until 2010 was approved; the amendments to the Law on Higher Education in accordance with Bologna provisions and recommendations were prepared (the new draft law submitted for the review of the Ukrainian Parliament); Ukraine has become a member of the European Quality Assurance Register; the draft Diploma

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Supplement was developed in the EU/UNESCO format; the Task Force for the Development of the National Qualifications Framework for Higher Education has been set up and the consultation process has been launched; and the Bologna Follow-Up Group was established. As an active participant of Bologna process, Ukraine recognizes the broad transformational mission of higher education and the role it has to play under globalization, the transfer to a knowledge economy, rapid technological developments and adjusting to demographic change. To adjust to the new challenges, to become the engines of innovations and change, Ukrainian universities have to embark on modernization and rigorous reforms. Modernization and reforms are aligned with the Bologna process. Significant progress has been achieved on strategic paths of the Bologna process: implementation of a three-cycle degree system; quality assurance of higher education; and recognition of diplomas and previous periods of study. The transfer to the first and second cycle has been implemented; the preparation for the third cycle is under way. The national system of quality assurance has been upgraded. The implementation of ECTS is completed in the first and second cycles. Among the other achievements of modernization is the expansion of university autonomy. Five Ukrainian universities – Kyiv National Taras Shevchenko University, National Yaroslav Mudry Law Academy, Lviv National Ivan Franko University, Kyiv Mohyla Academy and Ostroz’ka Academy – have obtained the status of self-governing academic institutions as well as research centres. For other universities more autonomy is revealed through more involvement in the decision-making process with regard to curricula improvement, number of students and faculty and the awarding of scientific degrees and honours. There is still much to be done in the future. The upcoming challenges include the following: further development of provision of equal access to higher education; introducing the innovative institutional structure, completion of a three-cycle system and joint/ double degrees; aligning university curricula with Bologna structure; reforming the curricula with a view to the needs of employers; creating mechanisms for recognition of prior learning; increasing outward and inward mobility; developing the national qualifications framework for lifelong learning compatible with the EHEA overarching framework; creating the national quality assurance agency; creating the national quality assurance agency; establishing programmes for foreign students; and further internationalization of Ukraine’s higher education. (Bologna Process National Report: 2007–2009)

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International cooperation Ukraine is persistently moving towards internationalization of its higher education. During the years of independence, by the year 2009, 127 international agreements on cooperation in the field of education and science have been concluded with more than 70 countries; among them are intergovernmental agreements with 22 states on the recognition of diplomas and degrees. About 100 similar agreements are currently being negotiated with international partners. Ukrainian researchers participate in more than 300 international research projects; 43,000 international students from 133 countries of the world studied in Ukrainian universities in 2008; and there is increasing participation of Ukrainian students in international intellectual contests (Olympiads). (International Agreements on Cooperation in the Field of Education and Science http://www. mon.gov.ua/ua/activity/international-activity/v_galuzi_nauki/mig_ugod1/) As a member of the UN, UNESCO, Council of Europe and other international organizations Ukraine fulfils the obligations taken upon and participates in the majority of educational and cultural projects of these organizations. The state bodies of Ukraine cooperate actively with many well-known international, state and independent funds, which support the development of education, democracy and the transition to an open society. In Ukraine the favourable conditions for humanitarian application of these funds are created. For example, many educational projects are carried out by the private funds of George Soros. Financing of new generation of the textbooks of humanitarian disciplines for schools and higher educational institutions is among them. In order to stimulate the application of general European educational standards, cooperation has gained depth with the Council of Europe, UNESCO and other international organizations that work under the TEMPUS programme. Ukraine’s higher educational system fulfils important social functions, creating the intellectual potential of Ukraine as a relatively newly independent state entering the world community. Higher education supplies all spheres of the national economy with qualified professionals and looks for better ways of development and perfection.

Conclusion The history and development of Ukrainian education illustrate its continued significance for the development of the nation and the country. Education

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in Ukraine is a blend of eastern and western patterns and unique features developed during its long history. Although in the Soviet times the education system of Ukraine was well organized and rather successful in achieving almost complete population literacy, it was mainly characterized by deep ideological principles. The transition to democracy and market economy in the 1990s was not smooth and delayed some progress in education. At the same time the political and economic reforms, which brought to Ukraine independence and freedom of choice, initiated major changes in the educational system based on the abolition of ideology, connection with national culture, introduction of new subjects into curricula, new approaches and forms of work in all educational establishments and the appearance of non-state educational institutions. In Ukraine education is considered to be one of the main human values. The content of Ukrainian education is based on the principles of scientific and cultural development, humanism, democracy and mutual respect among different ethnic groups. As an active participant of international cooperation, Ukraine recognizes the broad transformational mission of education and the role it has to play under globalization.

References Bologna Process National Report: 2007–2009, available at: http://www.ond.vlaanderen. be/hogeronderwijs/bologna/links/National-reports2009/National_Report_ Ukraine_2009.pdf CIA World Factbook, available at: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-worldfactbook/geos/up.html Constitution of Ukraine (1996), available at: http://zakon0.rada.gov.ua/laws/ show/254к/96-вр (in Ukrainian) International Agreements on Cooperation in the Fields of Education and Science, available at: http://www.mon.gov.ua/ua/activity/international-activity/v_galuzi_nauki/mig_ ugod1/ Kvit, S. M.(2012), ‘New law could breathe life into higher education’, University World News, 30 September 2012, 241, file:///C:/Documents and Settings/ EDUCATION/40kvit edu tendencies.htm Luchkevych, V. V. (2010), ‘Cultural and educational protestant movement in Ukraine in XVI Century: The problems of historiographic interpretations’, Proceedings of Zhytomyr Pedagogical University. 53 ‘Pedagogical Sciences’, pp. 130–134 Realising the European Higher Education Area. Communique of the Conference of Ministers responsible for Higher Education in Berlin on 19 September 2003, available at: http://www.bologna-berlin2003.de/pdf/Communique1.pdf

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State Statistics Service of Ukraine, available at: http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/. Tabachnyk, D. V. (2011), ‘The dance with education’, Expert Ukraine. Online Journal 45(327), 28 November 2011, http://www.expert.ua/articles/18/0/9608/ (in Ukrainian) The Law of Ukraine ‘On Education’ (1991), available at: http://vnz.org.ua/ zakonodavstvo/110-zakon-ukrayiny-pro-osvitu?start=1 (in Ukrainian) The Law of Ukraine ‘On Higher Education’(2002), available at: http://zakon2.rada.gov. ua/laws/show/2984-14 The Law ‘On Languages in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic’ (1989), available at: http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/8312-11 Vasuk, P. G. and Luzan, O. V. (2010), History of Pedagogics and Education in Ukraine. Kyiv: DAKKKiM. (in Ukrainian)

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Ukraine: Pedagogy of Freedom as an Alternative to Traditional Education Alla Rastrygina

Today, when the Ukrainian society as never before faces crisis in all spheres of public life, there is a need for active, creative people, internally free, focused on universal values, ready to cooperate with others and able to live in freedom. Such people realize their self-worth, uniqueness and feel their relationship with the world at large. Focusing on raising independent, creatively thinking people, capable to act, make decisions and take responsibility for their consequences makes pedagogy revise its traditional values, overcome conservative approaches and conventional rules and regulations that do not contribute to the successful socialization of a person in this dynamic, fast-changing twenty-first-century world. European priorities in the development of a modern Ukrainian state set such reference points for a person that previously were not required, namely, orientation to the successful development of socially relevant personal qualities such as independence, initiative, enterprise, internal freedom and responsibility. In view of the above-mentioned processes, revision of the notions in the system of traditional perception of the tasks of pedagogic education and upbringing takes place in accordance with the humanistic values of a democratic society. There is no doubt that since Ukraine gained its independence, significant movements in accordance with the current official humanistic paradigm of education are in progress. These have to do with democratization of the educational process, pluralism of pedagogical reflection and rejection of totalitarianism. All of these make it possible to implement alternative approaches in the practice of modern teaching and upbringing. In national educational thought, this alternative pedagogy is treated as a direction that reaches the fundamentals of a new type of upbringing based on

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principles of freedom. At the present stage it is associated with the experience of reforming the educational process, with pedagogical innovation and experimentation aimed at bringing into pedagogic theory and practice some new ideas and prospects for development. This type of pedagogy is different from the conventional, dominant forms and methods and organizational models of education and upbringing. It is similar to a political process in which the opposition in ideal is designed to be an incentive to improve the status quo. Alternative pedagogy, being competitive to traditional pedagogy, stimulates its development, indicates weaknesses and indirectly offers alternative solutions to the problems. 1. Alternative education, as a field for implementation of alternative pedagogy ideas in practice, is defined in the international pedagogical dictionary of UNESCO as a general term for patterns that offer an alternative to traditional, institutional education, or movements that reject formal education, that is, a kind of opposition to the existing educational system [Thesaurus UNESCO. a: http:// www.ibe.unesco.org/en/services/publications/ibe-education-thesaurus/2007edition.hfml]. One of the alternatives that, no doubt, can become a stimulus for reconstruction of the traditional system of education and upbringing in Ukraine is pedagogy of freedom, which can be treated as a modern direction of humanistic pedagogy. It deals with the theoretical and practical bases of upbringing of inner freedom of an individual: development of his/her subjectivity; self-awareness; ability of a conscious and responsible self-realization; ability to make independent decisions and to realize his/her own way of life. Ukraine has taken the direction of a humanization of education, which brings certain improvements. Yet in today’s national educational space the previously formed educational pattern is entrenched and inherently reproductive. It implies the existence of two hierarchically subordinate units: a teacher as the source of truth and a student as a recipient. These initial positions do not allow an implementation of a subject-to-subject pattern of education. A personality formed in hierarchical dependence easily yields to social manipulation, and is not ready for constructive self-determination and partner collaboration in conditions of freedom. Thus, the inadequacy of the existing education pattern to meet modern social and cultural requirements puts the society in general and teachers in particular in a quandary as to achieving the declared humanistic principles of national education in line with the values of a democratic society. One of the

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ways to solve this problem in the context of personality-oriented paradigm of education is the pedagogy of freedom. Owing to the sociocultural situation in Ukraine, which was formed during the years of independence, it became possible to comprehend the pedagogy of freedom through both theoretical reflection and practical educational activities. So, the appeal to theoretical principles of the pedagogy of freedom and its active implementation in today’s educational practice are some of the current trends of national pedagogic science. We have to note that in different periods of time philosophical and pedagogical ideas of freedom in upbringing a personality were developed, enriched and transformed under the influence of various factors: the state of economy and culture, socio-psychological climate of the society and national traditions. In terms of history the development of the idea of free upbringing is inextricably linked with the formation of liberal-democratic traditions of public life and with increased attention to human individuality not as a disciplined pupil, but as a subject of its own life. Critical historical periods, characterized by a worsening of the sociocultural situation and the destruction of world-view systems and ideals, are always accompanied by a rapid increase in awareness and protests against social oppression, which find expression also in the sphere of education and upbringing. Thus, ideas of freedom gained their brightest manifestation in the era of Antiquity (Ancient Greece, eighth–fifth century BC), the Renaissance (fourteenth–sixteenth century, especially in Italy, France, Germany), Enlightenment (XVIII c.), midXIX (Russian Empire) and the border of nineteenth–twentieth centuries, in Europe in general. Crystallization of the ideas of pedagogy of freedom in the national educational space began at the end of the nineteenth century owing to the surge of public interest to problems of teaching and rearing. The idea of an equitable arrangement of a free society, extrapolated into the sphere of pedagogy, resulted in a new attitude towards a child in the pedagogical process. It was exactly at that time that the humanistic traditions of the Ukrainian pedagogy (G. Skovoroda, K. Ushynsky) obtained an additional impulse and became the foundation, from which the untouchability of a child’s nature was proclaimed and the call was made to look for ways of bringing up an active, enterprising personality, capable of a free, independent creative activity. Pedagogical thought of that time confidently predicted that the twentieth century could be the century of teaching. That is, that the questions of expedient upbringing of children and radical improvement of material and spiritual

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foundations of society will take an honourable place among other problems. A child becomes the centre of life, and all education will be centred around a child because a child is the future. The founders of implementation of the idea of upbringing in freedom into the Ukrainian pedagogic science at the beginning of the twentieth century were such famous native philosophers and educators as M. Pirogov, K. Ushinsky, S. Rusova, H. Vashchenko and others. They believed that freedom was to become the leading goal in restructuring the Ukrainian school. At that time the idea of upbringing in freedom developed largely in the context of pedagogy as an integrated science of a child. A powerful scientific centre of pedagogy in Ukraine was the Kyiv Scientific and Research Department of pedagogy, founded in 1922. The Department included such scientists as S. Ananyin, A. Hotalov-Gottlieb, K. Lebedintsev, O. Muzychenko and J. Chepiga. The other notable pedologists in Ukraine were V. Protopopov, I. Sokolyansky and A. Zaluzhniy, who represented the Kharkiv School of pedagogy. A substantial impact on the development of the idea of freedom at that time was made by significant and prospective achievements in the field of pedagogic psychology, in particular, experimental psychology and experimental didactics (S. Ananyin, O. Zaluzhny, A. Lazursky, A. Nechayev, M. Rumyantsev, I. Sikorsky and I. Sokolyansky). Thanks to research works of native psychologists, the pedagogic science not only was replenished by profound knowledge of psychophysiological consistent patterns of a child’s development, but also obtained appropriate tools for implementing the idea of freedom in pedagogic practice. On the whole, there was a development of the psychology – pedagogic science facilitated the general redirecting of pedagogy towards a personality-oriented paradigm, humanization of the educational process and formation of the national system of education and upbringing. Thus, at the beginning of the twentieth century the scholars of the Ukrainian pedagogy introduced an original and holistic pattern of a humanistic paradigm of education, based on the ideas of upbringing in freedom. This pattern had a promising and prognostic character. Its humanistic content was determined by the achievements in anthropological science and pedagogy, which formed a new conception of a man as an active, autonomous entity associated with the social environment. All supporters of the idea of freedom were concerned with discovering and developing natural potentials of an individual; hence, they sought to ensure the state of inner comfort and freedom and other appropriate conditions. The major prerequisite for the inner emancipation of an individual was external freedom.

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Unfortunately, in the 1930s Stalin’s totalitarian regime was finally formed in the society and the remains of democracy and pluralism of the first years of the Soviet era were wiped out not only in politics but also in the social sciences. Provisions for recognition of autonomy and self-worth of an individual, development of his/her personality and caring attitude towards a child’s nature, that is, the ideas that formed the humanistic basis of the national upbringing, came to be interpreted as a drawback. From that time on, primary importance was given not to pedagogic problems as such but to social class regulations. This resulted in the emergence of the soviet pedagogy with its ideological methods. The process of its formation caused a retreat from ideas of the free national school. The emphasis was placed on the problems of ‘sovietization’, whereas the achievements of pre-Soviet and foreign pedagogics were disregarded. The brief period of the late 1950s–early 1960s due to ‘Khrushchev thaw’ caused partial democratization of the various aspects of the Soviet society. It was peculiar for some sporadic bursts of innovative pedagogy as an alternative to existing totalitarianism. At that time new governing documents were issued and approved that illusorily proclaimed humanization and democratization of the Soviet education system, though in fact, the system of values remained in the plane of ideological imperatives. Those double standards caused various types of resistance in pedagogic publications, among scholars and school teachers, who within the frames of the communist ideology only formally adhered to the ‘rules of the game’ but in reality defended the ideas of freedom and humanism, as it was done by many generations of native teachers in the past. V. Sukhomlynsky’s concept of humanistic pedagogy and the ideas of V. Soroka-Rosynsky’s creative teaching staff deserved special attention. Teachers-innovators believed in optimistic perspective of a child’s development in support of its best qualities, on individual approach and the creative attitude to the process of education and upbringing. However, pedagogic innovations at that time could evolve only within the frames of research to which the Soviet pedagogy could dare. A very short time later, any initiative beyond the frames of the communist ideology was prosecuted as ‘pedagogy’s nonconformity’. During the 1970s and the 1980s, the soviet paradigm of upbringing dominated in the country, although some scientists and educators manifested themselves by new alternative ideas. Thus, attention of the pedagogic community at that time was attracted to the concept of the ‘Pedagogy of Cooperation’, the representatives of which in Ukraine were M. Shchetinin, O. Tubelsky and M. Guzyk. They actually laid the foundation of true humanization of the process of education and upbringing. This, in a sense, determined the strategic directions of the

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development and democratization of the in-school education and upbringing in the 1990s and produced a breakthrough in improving the present day’s educational area. In the 1990s, when Ukraine obtained its independence and democratic freedom, Ukrainian scientists turned to the problems of individualization of a personality, to promotion of its self-awareness, ability for conscious and responsible self-determination, fulfilment of an independent choice and realization of its own life path (J. Bech, I. Zyazyun, I. Yermakov, A. Rastrygina and others) (Kulnevich 2001). In the process of elaboration of the author’s conception of pedagogy of freedom, the theoretical and methodological principles of the idea of freedom in upbringing of an individual are singled out. We managed to prove that despite some specific features and variants of its manifestation, the theoretical part of various pedagogic trends both in Ukrainian and in foreign pedagogy represents a totality of, to some extent, autonomous concepts. They are combined by common-for-all provisions, by a peculiar invariant kernel, which forms a conceptual foundation of the pedagogy of freedom (Rastrygina 2002: 159). As is known, invariance is a property of some correlations, essential for the system, not to change in a result of certain transformations of the system. Accordingly, by the invariant principles of upbringing in freedom we name the fundamental ideas concerning the gist and organization of the process of upbringing. These ideas remain constant and, in a varying degree, explicate in all directions of free rearing, regardless of their national, temporal or social localization and specificity. The variety of pedagogical approaches of different representatives of free education exposes the degree of how much focus is laid on particular principles and the methodical ways of their implementation. Among these principles we single out the principle of an individual’s self-worth, the principle of the absolute value of childhood, the principle of natural congruity of rearing, the principle of freedom and the principle of harmonization of effects of social environment and upbringing. The essence of the principle of self-worth of a personality is in recognition of a child as an original basis and at the same time as the main goal and the main result of the teaching and upbringing process. This means that the latter is to be directed at preserving and developing a child’s individual image, at providing a child with all conditions required for its personal self-realization. A teacher should respect any child as the child is at a given moment of life, with all merits and drawbacks. A particular individual, a real child, is declared an aim in itself

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rather than as a means to achieve any other goal. The pedagogical process is supposed to be aimed at something inside the child, not outside. Alongside, provisions are made to direct the educating process at satisfying the needs and interests of each child, as well as to enable a child to act according to the individual development programme. The principle of self-worth of childhood asserts the self-sufficient value of the children’s period of life, emphasizing its uniqueness, imposing a ban on the approach to childhood with utilitarian standards. This principle is opposed to the traditional setup to prepare children for a future adult life. The teacher’s tasks are perceived not in preparing children for future life in traditionally understood meaning, but in creating conditions favourable for the development of all powers of the child’s body. The principle of natural congruity of upbringing affirms the need to bring up a child only in accordance with the comprehended natural laws of their development and development of the natural world in general. Thereby, voluntarism and despotism in a child’s rearing are banned and it is stressed as a must to perform the education process only with regard to the natural development of a child’s personality (Rastrygina 2002: 191). Recognition of the intrinsic value of a particular personality requires setting up the teaching and upbringing process with regard to the nature of human personality in general, to understand the laws of its development and the particularities of each personality as an individuality. The principle of self-worth of a personality gives impetus to the principles of self-worth and natural congruity, and can be realized only in unity with them. The main condition of realization of these principles is freedom. The principle of freedom envisages the setup of the upbringing process without any form of violence against the person. The basis of the principle of freedom in child upbringing is a particular attitude to the nature of a child. A child, according to the theorists of free education, does not bear any innate moral flaws and in this respect a child is perfect. Thus the demand to ensure maximum freedom for realization of all innate qualities of a child is natural. Any violence, any external influence with the aim to form a certain type of a person with prescheduled features leads away from the naturally defined image of a person. Thus, the essence of the upbringing in freedom is ensuring conditions to develop in a personality its natural foundations, in recognizing the fact that individuality utmost discloses in the absence of external pressure and restrictions for its manifestation. At the same time freedom is not identified with permissiveness. To be free means to go one’s own way as far as the laws of the

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surrounding world of nature and society and the specific circumstances of life permit it. Freedom is perceived as inextricably linked with the responsibility of a person for his or her own choice. The principle of harmonization of the effects of social environment and upbringing makes adjustments and in a peculiar way limits the effect of all other principles of upbringing in freedom, so far as it forces to take into account the powerful influence of the environment on a child’s development. The supporters of free education pointed out the immense role of the environmental factors, that is, the external conditions of development of a personality. Recognizing the fact that the uniqueness of a personality is largely an innate phenomenon, they did not oppose it to the notion of heredity in its materialistic sense. The matter was not so much about the transfer of genes from the parents to a child as about innateness of the spiritual side of a child’s personality. The defined principles constitute an invariant core of different concepts that, in one way or another, are focused on values of freedom. As presented, they constitute a coherent system, the elements of which are closely interrelated. Each of them envisages the presence of others, and contains them implicitly. Not being a fully independent phenomenon, the singled-out principles of upbringing in freedom are genetically related to humanistic pedagogy, and in their conceptual developments they fix the general vital meanings of pedagogic universals. The above-considered and substantiated invariant principles of free education are put into the foundation of the pedagogy of freedom. The major conceptual idea for creating the pedagogy of freedom originated as a result of reconsidering the modern reconstruction of the methodological principles of this trend of humanistic pedagogy in order to use its best ideas and achievements in solving topical social and pedagogic tasks of the present-day Ukrainian school. The implementation of the concept of pedagogy of freedom in modern pedagogic theory and practice really ensures the gradual update of the traditional system of education in Ukraine according to humanistic values of the democratic society. This concept, founded on the principles of freedom, still remains to some extent an alternative to conventional, dominant forms, methods and organizational patterns of national teaching and upbringing, yet it actively influences the reconstruction of the educational process in modern Ukraine. The pedagogy of freedom attains the most complete embodiment in the activities of innovation-oriented educational institutions due to creation of the specially organized educational space of free self-determination of an individual.

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This ensures conditions for disclosure and at the same time for development of personal freedom of the pupils, satisfaction of their basic needs and formation of their subjectivity. The idea of ‘selfness’ (self-realization, self-development, self-improvement, etc.) is the key idea in many modern conceptions of man. It gains importance under conditions of development of the inner freedom of a personality, and plays the leading role in the pedagogic concept of freedom. It is due to its own activity a person attains ‘positive force’ to expose its individuality, enhance creative potential and abilities and thereby confirm its personal freedom. The psychology-pedagogic conditions of development of the inner freedom of a personality are as follows: expansion of the boundaries of realization by a human being its physical, mental and spiritual strength, self-cognition and cognition of the surrounding reality, ensuring a person with the ‘space free from surveillance’, creating in the pedagogical process the situations of uncertainty that induce pupils for self-determination and making independent choices; orientation of the pedagogical process towards development of individual inclinations and aptitudes of pupils, facilitation of their creative self-realization, the maximum enrichment (amplification) of the content, forms and methods, kinds of activity and communication, realization of potential opportunities for development that become available in the period of a child’s growth, formation of an emotionally comfortable environment for upbringing, which stimulates the exposure of subjective activity of a personality, humanization of the pedagogical process on the basis of principles of dialoguezation, problem solving, personalization and individualization (Rastrygina 2002: 211). Practical implementation of the specified psycho-pedagogical conditions that take place in the education space of free self-determination of a personality ensures possibilities for the expression of various forms of its subjective activity: initiative, which exposes itself in the initiation and deployment of an activity without external motivation; volitional, which ensures mobilization of a pupil’s resources to overcome the perceived objective and subjective obstacles on the path of activity; creative, which reveals itself in solving the tasks, for which neither ways of solution nor probable results are not known in advance; extra-situational, which goes beyond the situational frames of activity, set by sociocultural norms or prompted by former experience of pupils; and self-governing, which reveals itself when a person fulfils a conscious control over his capabilities and designs and implements his life strategies and organizes his life-path. The fundamental condition of a personality growth of a pupil and disclosure of its uniqueness and originality is the atmosphere of freedom. The basic structural units of

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the education space of free self-identification of a personality are the physical surrounding, the socio-psychological factors and the programme of upbringing. While existing in an active education environment in which the means for free choice and expression of a subjective activity are provided, a personality strives to meet those that are currently identified as the most important and adequate to the inner tendencies of development. And it is freedom that provides opportunities for creative self-disclosure of a personality and makes it possible to correlate its needs with the interests and freedom of other people, thus ensuring conditions for forming of responsibility and self-control, for realization of interconnection with the realities of life and the legal and moral norms of society. Effective functioning of the education space of free self-identification of a personality envisages a special type of pedagogic work, which supports the development of the subjective activity of pupils. This, in turn, puts special demands on teachers, who must be capable of solving these tasks. The teachers’ personal and professional standpoint, which enables them to work in the mainstream of the pedagogy of freedom, plays a decisive role. The basic components of this standpoint are as follows: perception of a pupil’s personality as a value, a teacher’s positive I-concept and orientation to invariant principles of the pedagogy of freedom. The forming of an appropriate pedagogical standpoint is determined by the following three groups of factors: the internal, subjective-personality factors (selfawareness of a teacher, his/her level of self-actualization, perception of humanistic values, development of reflexive and projective abilities, purposefulness, competence, creativity); the external, objective factors (requirements of professional activity in the context of pedagogy of freedom); and objectivesubjective factors (organization of the child-upbringing environment). Thus, a teacher’s awareness of the values of pedagogy of freedom, his ability to organize the education space of free self-identification of a personality, based on the principles of upbringing in freedom, makes it possible to discuss real opportunity to nurture a child’s personality, oriented towards the values of freedom. Regarding the goal of child-upbringing in the context of pedagogy of freedom, there comes forward an internally free, ready for self-identification in its life personality with the following distinguishing features: a highly developed level of need of self-actualization; a realistic and unbiased perception of the world; openness to the new experience and a tendency for the search of truth; an ability to control personal activities and behaviour; an aspiration for competence;

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positive I-concept; the strong-willed qualities that empower one to overcome internal and external obstacles on the path of establishing personal values; selfrespect in unity with willingness to respect other people; a democratic style of communication; and an admittance of the sociocultural norms and at the same time a critical attitude towards them, that is, an ability to form one’s own ‘personal standards’. In the educational space of Ukraine the pedagogy of freedom develops in line with the modern concepts of humanization of education. These concepts, in varying degrees, are targeted at the idea of upbringing in freedom: the personality-centred approach (J. Bech, E. Gusinsky, I. Yakymanska, etc.); the concept of pedagogical support of a personality (O. Gazman, N. Ivanova, N. Mikhailova, T. Frolov, etc.); the theory of modelling of humanistic education systems (V. Karakovsky, J. Manuilov, V. Semenov, etc.); and the non-violence pedagogy (A. Kozlova, V. Maralov, V. Sytarov) (Bech 2012; Kulnevich 2001). The main idea that brings together the above-mentioned concepts and approaches is the upbringing of a man of culture. The basic features of such a man are freedom, humanity, spirituality and creativity. Each of these features defines its own ways and means of realization of the educational and rearing tasks of the present day, but the closest one to the organization of the upbringing process on the basis of pedagogy of freedom is the pedagogy of indirect education influence (directional freedom) and the pedagogy of facilitation (support). The pedagogy of directional freedom considers upbringing as a hidden influence on a personality by means of an expedient organization of its objective and social environment. A personality is granted with freedom of choice, but by means of an appropriate arrangement of the rearing environment its development is guided in a desirable direction. Owing to such an arrangement pupils develop the ability to live in conditions of freedom, to take responsible decisions and to make independent life choices, despite the fact that their freedom and independence are indirectly programmed and guided by the teacher. Unlike the pedagogy of directional freedom, in the pedagogy of facilitation the learner himself/herself defines the education tasks, while the teacher only helps him/her in the process of self-determination and self-realization. Upbringing is thus treated as a pedagogical support, a providing of opportunities for selfactualization of a personality, a spontaneous development of its aptitudes and abilities. In such circumstances the learner becomes a full partner of the teacher and their relations turn into really subject-to-subject relationship. The interpretation of the principle of humanism within the frames of the above-mentioned concepts is based on faith in the good, inherent in the nature

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of each child, lack of pressure on the will of a child, prohibition of all forms of authoritarianism and discipline and the necessity to know and consider the physical, emotional and intellectual needs of children. Their main task is to create conditions for maximum disclosure of individuality of each child, its self-realization and self-assertion. These conditions are maximum freedom and providing an emotionally comfortable climate in the family, school or social environment. Thus, a brief review of the modern pedagogical approaches to humanization and democratization of education, ensuring its personality orientation, provides ground to draw the following conclusion: these approaches are consonant to the invariant principles of pedagogy of freedom. We have to emphasize that the innovative personality-centred education systems, based on the ideas of freedom, are created mainly as an alternative to the traditional educational institutions, namely, in the author’s and private schools, school-complexes, colleges and in some schools and higher educational institutions of the state education system, used as experimental sites. Analysis of the practical activities of the alternative schools testifies that many of them are really targeted at the education values and principles of pedagogy of freedom: child-centrism; respect for a child and childhood; freedom of choice; creativity; humanization of the rearing environment; individualization and differentiation of teaching; considerate attitude to the interests and needs of children; democratization of pedagogic relations and so on. For example, in some cities of Ukraine there is a group of innovative teaching and education institutions of primary education, acting under the patronage of the Ukrainian Fund ‘Krok za Krokom’ (the ‘Bereginia’ and the ‘Parostok’ in Kyiv, the ‘Lyceum of Arts’ in Kerch, the ‘Mechta’ in Kirovograd, the author’s school of M. Chumarna in Lviv). Within the frames of the personality-oriented paradigm, the pattern of upbringing a child as the subject of a vital self-identification is introduced. The modelling of the situations of free, creative cooperation that is an alternative means to traditional pedagogic activities ensures opportunities for the children to take independent decisions and identify themselves, that is, to exercise free choice. The knowledge of the surrounding world of people, things and nature alone is not sufficient for self-identification. It also involves knowing of oneself, one’s own ‘I’ and one’s own goals and abilities for better realization of personal strengths. Based on the Khortytsa Teaching rehabilitation multidisciplinary centre in Zaporozhye, there is the ‘School of vital creativity of a personality’ (I. Ermakov and others). The primary goal of this school is the upbringing of

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the personalities, capable of self-creation and creative construction of life in a competitive society with the market economy. The pattern of the school is based on the principles of pedagogy of freedom and psychology of vital creativity. The most important part of the pattern is the implementation of the programme of vital creativity of a pupil’s personality. The task of the teachers is to ensure optimal conditions for self-realization of the pupils in various types of activities. The programme of extracurricular education work and self-development of children envisages assistance for children, while they design their own way of life, based on the expediently chosen type of social behaviour, degree of activity and life-values outlooks and consciously accepted norms of human relations. The key indicators of the affectivity of activities of the school of vital creativity of a personality are the ability of pupils to consciously define the main directions of their development and independent organization of the life process, the ability to build a life of their own, the gaining of a required social experience, skills of living in a group, the mastering of means of communication, the development of mechanisms regulating a role behaviour, the gaining of skills of emotional self-regulation, the ability to overcome difficulties, the ability to solve everyday problems, to cope with inner spiritual crises, overcome psychological depression and to perceive life optimistically. One of the innovative types of educational institutions in Ukraine that bases its activities on the principles, consonant to the ideas of pedagogy of freedom, is the author’s school. An example of such an institution is the author’s schooling complex No. 3 in Yuzhny, headed by M. Guzik. The main objective of the school is to create an enriched educational environment that ensures free development of personality of its own choice. Within the framework of M. Guzik’s schooling complex, there function in a single mode four structural units: a secondary school, an art school, a sport and physical culture school and a college. Due to this, each pupil, depending on his/ her inclinations and abilities, is able to take part in music, art or sport at a general or amateur level or master them under the programmes of specialized educational institutions. According to the individual and age-related features of pupils and their ability to acquire knowledge, it is already at an early stage of schooling that their individual pace of learning progress is specified. This pattern allows the pupils to demonstrate a high level of cognitive interests, fantasy and imagination, a high degree of adaptability and performance. Most of them form a stable motivation for cognitive activity, which ensures optimum functioning of the self-regulatory processes and a high level of vital activity of the children.

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Another example of the realization of the ideas of upbringing in freedom is the Schooling complex of aesthetic teaching and rearing No. 9 in Zaporozhye. In this school the ‘Azimut’ technology of flexible differentiation of education, developed by S. Podmazin, is introduced. Its main objective is to get the pupils of the secondary educational institutions ready for conscious, vital and, in particular, professional self-determination. The ‘Azimut’ technology (which is an abbreviation for the words: alternative, interest, initiative, motivation, awareness, creativity) realizes the principles of a personality orientation of education. It takes into account not only the available attainments and properties of each pupil, but also the perspective directions of his development as well. The technology envisages the partnering and subject-to-subject relations between the teacher and the pupil. This school provides the optimal conditions for the development of pupils, considering their aptitudes, interests and abilities. This facilitates the forming of a persistent motivation for cognitive and practical activities of the pupils, their conscious attitude to the vital and professional selfidentification. The implementation of the ‘Azimut’ technology has testified its positive influence on the state of psychosomatic health of schoolchildren. This technology also provides favourable conditions for creative self-expression of the teacher, who has the opportunity to create ‘his own school’ and thus realize himself both as a professional and as a pedagogue. The ideas of a personality-oriented education, which are essentially very close to the principles of upbringing in freedom, constitute the conceptual principles on which the work of the ‘Kyiv-Mohyla Collegium’ in Kyiv is based. The pattern realized in this gymnasium is a comprehensive, scientifically substantiated system of educational activities that incorporate the traditions of academic education in Ukraine, founded by the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, and the innovative approaches targeted at the creation of a special educational environment. The content of the latter is becoming a new person, able to shift from the values of the totalitarian regime to the democratic values, to get opened for the European and world culture and to comprehend one’s own national (personality) dignity and worth. The main guidemark of the gymnasium is a personality with its abilities, gifts, talents and inexhaustible possibilities for self-development, self-education and self-fulfilment. The work of the gymnasium is based on the principles of humanism and democracy, freedom and responsibility, combined human and national values, the independence from political, social and religious organizations, individualization and the developing nature of teaching. The real educational environment of this institution encourages learners to develop a holistic perception of the

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surrounding world; it ensures the mastering of methods of independent gaining of knowledge and the skills to implement it in practical life and it prepares the learners for their vital self-identification. An interesting experience of implementing the principles of pedagogy of freedom in schools of the new type is also gained in the Ukrainian college, named after V. Suhomlynsky (Kyiv), headed by V. Khayrulina (Khayrulina available at: http://www.uosvitydnr.da-kyiv.gov.ua/). The main principle based on the foundation of the teaching and education system in this college is the recognition of self-worth and individuality of the learners, the detection of their natural inclinations and stimulation of their cognitive and creative activity, considering the capabilities and aptitudes of every one of them. According to this approach, the basic feature of the teaching staff activities in the college is the forming of the subjective position of the students in the teaching process; the exploring of individual capabilities of each student; the developing of their skills and individual inclinations; the implementing of such teaching technologies that ensure the realization of the basic goal of education through exposure of the subjective experience of each student; the adapting of the content and form of the educational process by considering the personality interaction between the student and the teacher; introducing of the system of evaluation of cognitive abilities of the students in accordance with the achieved results; ensuring of conditions for the realization of the experience of the creative activities of each learner; organizing of the teaching and education process on the basis of partnership and subject-tosubject interrelations with students. In many alternative educational institutions of Ukraine, the elements of the pedagogic systems of M. Montessori, R. Shtayner, C. Freinet and others are widely used. Such is the Montessori school, with children from two to ten years old studying there, that it has been functioning in Kyiv for more than 20 years now. The managing directors of the project (B. Zhebrovsky, L. Vashenko) had no intention to recreate the Montessori pattern in its pure form, similar to those schools that function in the Netherlands, Germany, the US and other countries. The school works in accordance with the Ukrainian pattern of such a school, adapted to the conditions and social needs of the Ukrainian society and Ukrainian national culture, customs and traditions of the people. The concept of the activity of the Kyiv Montessori school is based on the idea substantiated by the well-known Italian educator. It states that every child has its own natural inner potential that can be developed only in interaction with the environment and in conditions of freedom. Exploring the environment in

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the classroom, the children find in it something that fits their interest exactly at a given stage of development. The successful combination of the curricula and programmes, the work of creative teachers and the cosy interior space create conditions and atmosphere for free development of children. Pedagogical approaches and teaching methods, the specificity of class schedules, the daily mode of life and the school rules help create the microclimate, the spirit of cooperation, which the Montessori schools are famous for. In this atmosphere children feel relaxed and free. They have freedom, they are able to use it and every day they take decisions and make their own choices. During the last few decades Ukraine has seen an increase in Waldorf Schools (Odessa, Dnepropetrovsk, Krivoy Rog, Kherson, Zhitomir, Lvov, etc.). The concept of their work envisages the providing of a child with support in its formation according to the consistent patterns and trends of the development of its nature. Alongside, the task of maintaining and enhancing the physical health of a child and of the developing its spiritual world is tackled, which is very important especially in the first seven years of life. The implementation of this pedagogical goal creates the prerequisites for comprehensive development of all the potential abilities of a child and the disclosing of its unique individuality. At the same time, the task of educating a child as a social being is solved, the child capable of finding its place in the world, the child who feels the relationship with the natural environment. Hence, the review of the alternative education systems that function in conformity with the principles of freedom in upbringing makes it possible to draw the following conclusions. The common feature of these systems is they all target at forming the learners’ ability for self-determination and self-realization, at the disclosure of their individual inclinations and at the cultivation of their sense of personal dignity. The specific feature includes dependence of the ways of achieving the set objectives on the world outlooks of teachers, learners and parents, on their level of capabilities and needs, on the school traditions and on the leader’s personality. It is this peculiarity that defines the specific for each school’s ways of harmonization of external and internal conditions of development of the children. While considering the above-mentioned educational systems we considered primarily the ways of child-upbringing, directed at achieving the child’s inner freedom. The analysis conducted from this perspective has confirmed that in the schools of a new type that currently exist in the system of general education in Ukraine, the ideas of upbringing in freedom, filled with the new content and

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adapted to modern conditions, are, in varying degrees, realized. Making efforts, sometimes at an intuitive level, to implement the personality-centred approach to upbringing, the innovative schools demonstrate invariance of the humanistic ideas of the pedagogy of freedom. The academic policies and experience of running the teaching and education process in some higher educational institutions of Ukraine are also to some extent consonant with the principles of pedagogy of freedom. Among them it is possible to distinguish the activities of the National University ‘Kyiv-Mohyla Academy’ (Kyiv), which, in our opinion, is the brightest example of integration of the alternative high school educational pattern, based on the principles of free self-determination of a personality into the Ukrainian higher school. The Kyiv-Mohyla Academy builds its life on the principles of freedom and academic self-government in the educational and scientific activities. Based on the national traditions and achievements of international experience, the University actively implements a new pattern of higher education in Ukraine, aimed at integration into the world educational system. With a view to the development of the Ukrainian science and culture by means of training highly qualified specialists and thus forming new generations of national intellectuals, the activity of the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy is built on the principles of humanism and directed at the development of a personality as the highest social value. The main efforts of the Academy teaching staff are aimed at the education of a highly educated, individually unique personality, able to generate original and fruitful ideas for the society, of thinking freely and of acting in accordance with the principles of goodness and justice. The Academy realizes its mission through implementation through the balanced and constructed work on the basis of the word’s best practices of the bachelor’s, master’s, candidate’s and doctoral programmes; organic combination of studies with scientific and research work; targeting at the fundamental academic courses of international standard, which give a fundamental education, bring up the culture of thinking and allow a graduate to respond flexibly to dynamic changes in the labour market; selection of talented young people to be taught; formation of the spiritual environment; creative adaptive use of international achievements in the field of organization of the educational process and modern educational technologies. Liberal Art Education concept is the basis of this pattern of education and upbringing, which was tested in the USA, and founded on the values of a democratic society. It envisages the participation of the students in shaping

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of their curriculum, the student’s independent choice of academic disciplines, specialties and specializations (major) after the second year of training, the two-step system of higher education with an opportunity to seek further specialization (minor), or a combination of the two specialties (double major), the shift of focus in the studies from classroom work to independent work. In recent years, at the Department of Vocal-Choral Studies and Methods of Musical Education of Kirovograd State Pedagogical Volodymyr Vynnychenko University, Art Faculty, in the framework of the scientific-research programme, the academic staff of the department has been fruitfully working on the introduction of the concept of pedagogy of freedom into the practice of training of future teachers-musicians. The main objective of the teaching staff activity is the developing of such personality qualities in future professionals as openness, activism, creativity, the ability to reject stereotypes, readiness to innovative activities, the acquiring of new means and forms of work, the creative attitude to possibilities of the music art and to their own activities. The availability of the mentioned qualities stipulates the development of such business, integrative, professional qualities of the students as initiative, independence in the organizing of their own personality strategies of conduct in professional activities, responsibility for decisions taken and results of their actions, that is, of that basic foundations of pedagogy of freedom that predetermines personal and professional becoming and growth of a young, creative, competitive leader. At present training of the future professionals is carried out in the specially organized art educational space of the Faculty of Arts, where, due to the creation of appropriate educational conditions, future teacher-musicians master not just professional competencies of a music teacher. Gaining individual freedom and having access to global information, future specialists constantly expand the space for their own creative initiative and ability to bring into the modern education the newest vision of the essence of musical art, by means of which people spiritualize the world around and impart it with noble humane traits. The work of the theoreticians and lecturers of the Department is focused on the creation in the art educational space of the Higher Educational Institution of such pedagogical conditions that ensure free self-expression and selfmanifestation of a future professional musician. First of all, these are developing a need for constant self-improvement with a focus on the future professional activity, encouraging independence and activism in musical and creative activities and using interactive teaching methods in the process of studying

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professional disciplines. The work, carried out in this direction, is aimed at the formation of the essential features of modern professional musicians: their musical and intellectual development, leadership skills, professional responsibility, effectiveness of practical activities, acquiring innovative teaching methods, formed skills of the effective use of academic time, description of the strategies of musical, performing and creative activities in academic and extracurricular work, forming of interpersonal relationship, managing of the personal behaviour and activities of students during pedagogic and assistant practice. In this regard, there occur significant changes in the content of the special training of future professional musicians, resulting in the streamlining of the structure of the subject and methodical courses, the use of innovations and the system of feedback in the class and extra-curricular work, the methods of modelling, the computer and multimedia technologies, etc. Alongside the academic courses, which take place in the preparation of a future teachersmusician, attention is focused at the research activities; work is carried out regarding the improving of the traditional programmes of special professional training, new special courses are introduced into the curricula that meet the special needs of students, the new professional disciplines that help students test themselves as mobile specialists in interaction of the various kinds of art, in the composing and performing skills, as well as in the process of fulfilling their own creative projects in the extracurricular work and during the teaching practice. The successful implementation of the set tasks is ensured by a qualified pedagogic guidance and the support of the faculty members, with the aim of expanding the boundaries of the creative practical activities of students, the developing of their skills of independent, critical thinking and independent decision-making in the process of selfrealization. The attempt to introduce the concept of pedagogy of freedom into the practical activities of a modern higher educational institution shows that the creation of a specially organized art educational space, where the construction of the educational process is carried out in accordance with the principles of upbringing in freedom, reveals for the future professional musicians broad opportunities for their self-identification, the expression of their initiative and independence, facilitates their personal and professional growth, the forming of important personal qualities, the developing of consciousness and selfawareness, the motivational and cognitive spheres and the capacity for selfregulation.

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Conclusion Summing up, we emphasize the fact that the situation that takes place in the present-day Ukrainian educational system testifies that there is a great necessity of significant changes in the traditional practice of teaching and education of the growing generation. Owing to the introduction of the education systems, oriented at the principles of pedagogy of freedom into practical work of the educational institutions of a new type, it becomes clear that the real reforms in this area are not possible without the support of inner aspirations and needs of the learners, without expanding the space of their self-determination and freedom of choice. The reforming of the school education will not give the expected results without understanding one fundamental fact: that man is not a product, not a thing, but a personality, the most important need of which is the desire for self-regulation, autonomy and freedom. Having reviewed the methodological foundation and fundamental principles, the possibilities and results of the practical work of the educational institutions of various types on the basis of pedagogy of freedom, we conclude that the sociocultural situation in the present-day Ukraine requires the elevation of the idea of upbringing in freedom to the level of comprehensive implementation. Since it is pedagogy of freedom, aimed at the developing of the man as a unique personality, the subject of its own life, that gradually becomes the more and more required theoretical basis in the reconstruction of the teaching and education system in Ukraine, it is clear that only on having brought the educational ideology in line with the general human values, we may rely on true humanization and democratization of the pedagogical theory and practice.

References Bech, I. D. (2012), Personality in the Scope of Spiritual Development. Kyiv: Akademvydav. Khayrulina, V. M.available at: http://www.uosvitydnr.da-kyiv.gov.ua/ Kulnevich, S. V. (2001), Pedagogy of Personality. Moscow.available at: Rastrygina, A. M. (2002), Pedagogy of Freedom: Methodological and Socio-pedagogical Bases. Kirovograd: Imex. Thesaurus UNESCO. (2007), available at: http://www.ibe.unesco.org/en/services/ publications/ibe-education-thesaurus/2007-edition.hfml

Part Two

Eurasia

11

Armenia: Changes, Challenges and Priorities Terra Sprague and Christina Sargsyan

Introduction Armenia’s education system has undergone significant transformation since gaining independence in 1991. Much of this can be seen as similar to other postSoviet states. Uniqueness arises, however, when viewed through the analytical lens of the small state perspective. This chapter therefore draws upon the research and literature on education in small states to highlight some of the unique aspects of the Armenian education system. It further seeks to acknowledge some of the significant challenges of scale that Armenia has overcome and the distinct benefits of smallness from which its educational reforms have the potential to benefit. While aiming to retain its national character and to foster a sense of Armenian identity within its young people, Armenia is simultaneously committed to opening itself up to global and regional systems including knowledge economy and the European Higher Education Area (EHEA). As a result, much of the recent reform has focused upon upper secondary and tertiary education levels and their alignment with these economic and social aims as Armenia attempts to maintain this delicate balance between holding onto its cultural fabric whilst increasing its participation in global activities (Sprague 2008). Against this backdrop, this chapter provides a snapshot of the present educational provision, recent reforms and contemporary educational challenges within Armenia. It comprises four main sections. The first sets the scene, describing Armenia as a transitional, small state and explaining how these tools of analysis can afford a unique look at the Armenian education system and its policies. The second section turns to a description of the current educational provision in Armenia within the formal sector from Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) up to the highest levels of tertiary provision, followed by a look at extracurricular education and Lifelong Learning (LLL). The third section

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discusses recent educational reforms from independence, their nature, form and stage of implementation. Particular attention in this section is paid to reforms within the preschool sector, the establishment of a new system of high schools, a heightened emphasis on teacher training, a restructuring of the tertiary provision and the internationalization of higher education. Finally, the fourth section draws attention to the contemporary challenges and priorities for Armenia’s education system. In doing so, we reapply the small states lens of analysis to discuss particular areas for ongoing and future research and policy consideration. These areas include current challenges to the upper secondary system including the new system of high schools, mainstreaming special education provision and the ongoing process of Bologna implementation. The section ends by suggesting two further areas for future educational research and policy attention, namely the phenomenon of shadow education and the role of civic education.

Armenia: A transitional small state Present-day Armenia is a small, transitional state of the Lesser Caucasus Mountains sharing its borders with Georgia, Azerbaijan, Iran and Turkey. The population is largely mono-ethnic, with nearly 98 per cent being Armenian, only 1.3 per cent Yezidi (Kurd) and 0.5 per cent Russian (Central Intelligence Agency 2007). As a country that has battled invasion, occupation and massacre throughout its long history dating back to 6000 BC, the Armenian identity is closely tied to its cultural foundations of religion and language. Armenia was the first country to declare Christianity as the state religion in 301AD. The unique 38-letter alphabet (Figure 11.1), developed by Mesrop Mashtots in 405 AD, is a cornerstone of Armenian identity.

Transitional and small state factors Armenia can be identified as a transitional, small state. As with many of the chapters in this volume, Armenia is a former Soviet Republic, having gained independence in 1991. Following the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989, McLeish, after Bîrzéa (1994), argues that ‘the phrase “nations in transition” or “countries in transition” was coined to refer to the former Communist countries’ (McLeish 2003: 163). McLeish’s work on transitional states focuses predominantly upon the educational transformations of such states. Her model of educational transition in countries moving from authoritarian rule to democratic

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Figure 11.1  Modern Armenian Alphabet

government is a helpful tool for analysis. The challenge that transitional states face in moving their education systems from authoritarian rule to democratic government is a lengthy process (McLeish 1998: 19). Armenia is in the final phase of this transition: between the macro stage of educational legislation and the micro stage of school-level implementation. This is considered a critical juncture, when pupils, teachers and managers come to internalize the systems of democracy initiated in reform (Avenarius 1991). Indeed, this process is one of ‘essential intellectual and psychological renewal or transition’ (McLeish 1998: 19). While McLeish’s model can be a helpful tool for comparison, it can be seen as restrictive without acknowledging the unique processes of transformation undertaken within individual countries (Silova 2009b). Indeed, the very term ‘transition’ has been debated, with alternatives, such as ‘transformation’, offering a less-deterministic approach that focuses upon processes rather than on outcomes (Silova 2009b). Meanwhile, states in transition, or transformation, also face particular challenges due to the heightened forces of globalization. This is particularly true in Eastern Europe and countries in rapid transition that encounter ‘tensions between powerful international social and education agendas, and efforts to improve the quality and relevance of educational provision’ (Commonwealth Secretariat 1997: 10). These are intensified by forces of globalization and are especially challenging for transitional societies (Commonwealth Secretariat 1997: 10). Across the field of international development, identifying small states generally takes into consideration factors such as population and land area, but parameters vary widely. Bray and Packer (1993), in writing specifically about the education systems in small states, offer guidelines of population up to 1.5 million and land area of between 500 and 5000 square kilometres, but up to 100,000. The

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Commonwealth Secretariat supports educational research in small states (see, for example, Crossley et al. 2011) and classes more than half of its 54 members as such, using a 1.5 million population threshold. Other organizations use different parameters, however, as indicated by Bacchus, who notes that, ‘The [population] figure used by different individuals and institutions has varied from 1.5m to 5m’ (Bacchus 2008:128). Armenia is amongst the smallest of the former Soviet countries, with a land mass of 29,800 square kilometres (Central Intelligence Agency 2012) and a population (2011) of 3.1 million (World Bank 2013). Perhaps a more helpful indicator here is the size of Armenia’s education system. Of those categorized by Bray and Packer as small states, the high end of the spectrum is 500 primary schools with an enrolment of 224,358 pupils. In 2011, Armenia had 1441 total schools with an enrolment of 386,400 pupils (National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia 2012a). Of these, 9 schools are classed as primary (grades 1–4), 491 as comprehensive (grades 1–9) and 770 as general (grades1–12) (Ministry of Education and Science 2012). The balance includes high schools and additional types of provision. As can be seen, Armenia’s enrolment numbers do not easily distinguish between primary and secondary pupils, since most schools in Armenia include some primary and secondary education grades together. Further details about the levels of provision, and the current structural transition, are provided in subsequent sections. It is clear, however, that the number of primary school pupils is considerably less than the total enrolment of 386,439 pupils, and therefore closer to small states guidelines. Bray and Packer remind us, however, that when referring to ‘small states’, ‘The term is of course relative’ (1993: xx) and, clearly, Armenia’s education system is much smaller than many others around the world, as seen within this volume and the wider book series. Whilst Armenia may be on the large end of the small states scale, of interest here is the effect that its relative smallness has upon its education system, including the challenges and benefits that small size poses. These include the challenges of external dependence and human resource limitations, and also the advantages of a strong cultural fabric and speed of implementing policy reform. The balance of this section briefly outlines some of these small states factors, which are revisited throughout the chapter. Armenia recently featured in work undertaken by UNESCO’s International Institute for Educational Planning (UNESCO/IIEP) in its programme of Tertiary Education in Small States (Martin and Bray 2011). Herein, Navoyan (2011) writes about the challenges to tertiary education in Armenia as a small state, citing Armenia’s challenge of heavy dependence upon external financing

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and technical assistance. Economic factors including aid dependency and high public expenditure are common challenges of scale in many small states (Bacchus and Brock 1993). In Armenia’s case, its economic challenges are exacerbated by being landlocked with limited natural resources and by challenging political relations with neighbouring Azerbaijan and Turkey. Indeed, small states often struggle to work within economies of scale and have particularly limited human resources. This can be challenging when facing technical requirements of an education system, for example in establishing national examination systems (Bray and Steward 1998) or national curricula. The resulting external financial and technical dependence often brings with it drawbacks of ‘uncritical international policy transfer’ (Crossley 2009; Crossley and Watson 2003). Many small states are also subject to ‘brain drain’ whereby, faced with opportunities for study overseas, talented young professionals leave to seek education and opportunities abroad but fail to return to their home country, thereby intensifying the challenges of human resource scarcity. This has clear implications for the tertiary education sector and its need for alignment with the economic market, calling for strengthened human resource strategies. In these and other ways, small states are often characterized as vulnerable (see, for example, Charles 1997; Briguglio and Kisanga 2004). It is important to acknowledge that small states are not simply scaled-down versions of large states, but that they have ecologies of their own (Farrugia 2002). In this come benefits of smallness. Small states are positively acknowledged to be resilient, and this can counteract the negative aspects of vulnerability (Commonwealth Secretariat 1997). In writing about small island states, Baldacchino argues against viewing small states as vulnerable, citing that, ‘small territories often enjoy a distinct cultural fabric, history and language which foster a sense of island1 identity’ (2000: 72). In this way, culture, characteristics of which can be reinforced through education, serves as a ‘coagulator’, which could be argued, bolsters small states’ positions against vulnerability and the forces of globalization. There are also administrative benefits of smallness when it comes to running an education system. This includes the ‘strong potential benefits from the social cohesion which can derive from small professional communities’ (Bray and Packer 1993: 56) and the speed at which reforms can be rolled out due to the relatively small number of schools in which they are to be introduced, and administrators and teachers who implement them. These factors of smallness, both challenging and beneficial, will be revisited throughout this chapter as they relate to the educational provision, reforms, challenges and priorities in Armenia.

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Educational provision This section opens with a quick look at the comparative international data on education in Armenia before briefly outlining basic facts about the administrative structure and descriptors of the different levels of educational provision. Although it is not possible to comment at great length here, there is a growing body of English-language information about the Armenian education system, which is available for further consultation in the following areas: overall provision (Harutyunyan and Davtyan 2006; UNESCO-IBE 2011), teaching and assessment (Harutunyan et al. 2003; Bethell and Harutyunyan 2008; Hovhannisyan and Sahlberg 2010; Feryok 2008), early childhood education and care (McLean 2007) special education (Lapham and Papikyan 2012) tertiary education including significant discussion on the Bologna process (Budaghyan et al. 2012; Republic of Armenia Ministry of Education and Science 2012; Navoyan 2011; Karakhanyan et al. 2010; Shinn et al. 2008; Sargsyan and Budaghyan 2007)

●

●

●

●

●

Looking comparatively at international indicators, Armenia bodes well in the global picture of educational provision. Armenia participated in the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) in 2003, 2007 and 2011. This international survey, administered by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA), examines mathematics and natural sciences knowledge of 4th and 8th graders. Armenia improved upon its initial 2003 results by achieving at or just below the international average indices in 2007, only to suffer significant setbacks in the most recent survey. Meanwhile, the country remains well on track to completing internationally agreed-upon goals, including the education Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of universal primary education and the related Education for All (EFA) goals, which address global educational issues of early childhood care and education (ECCE), primary school enrolment, gender parity, literacy, LLL and educational quality. According to such international indictors, Armenia fares quite well. The box below provides international indicators, with most recent data (school year ending 2010 where available):

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International education indicators: Armenia data An adult and youth literacy rate of 99–100 per cent A primary education gross enrolment ratio of 103 per cent with 1.02 gender parity (f/m) ● A primary to secondary transition rate of 99 per cent ● A secondary education gross enrolment ratio of 92 per cent with 1.02 gender parity (f/m) ● A school life expectancy rate of 12.2 years ● A grade repeater rate of only 0.2 per cent ● ●

Source: 2012 EFA Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2012)

Such data can only tell us a partial story, however, and we must therefore be careful in drawing widespread conclusions about any country’s education system by such indicators alone. What follows is a snapshot of the current structure and levels of education provision in Armenia. Some of the most recent modifications are then addressed in a forthcoming section on recent changes and reforms.

Structure and levels of education: Introduction The Ministry of Education and Science (MoES) is responsible for managing the general education system (primary and secondary) and higher education. From independence until 1996 the system remained centralized, after which the responsibility of school management and allocation of public budget was devolved to the 10 marzes, or administrative regions. However, MoES still remains the key state agency responsible for developing and supervising the implementation of the centralized curriculum for public schools. The Law on Education was adopted in 1999. Everyone is guaranteed the right to education as stipulated in the constitution and education is compulsory from grades 1 to 9 or until age 16. Primary and secondary education is free at state institutions. Expenditure for education across all levels in 2011 comprised 2.8 per cent of GDP (National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia 2012b). The figure below shows the levels of education, their corresponding ages of participation and certifications (Figure 11.2).

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Education System in Armenia Diploma PhD or similar 29 XXIV

26

Postgraduate Education

28 XXIII 27 XXII

XXI

25

XX

24

XIX

Second stage of Tertiary education (ISCED 6)

26

XXI

23 XVIII

25 24

XX XIX

22 21

University

23 XVIII

First stage of Tertiary education (ISCED 5) General

22 XVII 21 XVI

XIV

18

XIII

17

XII

16

XI

15

X

14

IX

13 VIII 12

VII

11

VI IV

8

III

7

II

6

I

Age

V

9

Diploma on Higher Education (Certificated Specialist) Diploma on Higher Education (Bachelor degree) Diploma on Middle Vocational Education (qual: Specialist)

Craftsmanship College Upper Secondary (ISCED 3) VET

Secondary General School

Upper Secondary (ISCED 3) General

College First Stage of Tertiary Education (ISCED 5) VET

Middle School Lower Secondary (ISCED 2) Total

Elementary School Primary (ISCED 1)

Nursery / Kindergarten

Grades

10

XV XIV XIII

Pre-primary (ISCED 0)

17

XII

16 15

XI X

14

IX

13

VIII

12 11

VII VI

10

V

9

IV

8 7

III II

6

I

Grades

19

20 19 18

Age

XV

Compulsory Education

20

XVII XVI

Diploma on Higher Education (Master degree)

Diploma on Middle Vocational Education with Matura (qual: Specialist) Diploma on Preliminary Vocational Education (qual: Craftsmen) Diploma on Preliminary Vocational Education with Matura (qual: Craftsmen) Diploma on Preliminary Vocational Education without Matura (qual: Craftsmen) Certificate on Secondary (Complete) General Education (Matura)

Same or similar profession

Certificate on Basic General Education

Figure 11.2  Levels of Armenian Education System Source: Torino Process Report

Preschool The Law on Preschool Education was adopted in 2005. Provision includes a combination of day-care nurseries and kindergartens for children aged 1–6. Preschool is not compulsory and provision is largely community-based with small fees for tuition. In 2008, there were reported to be 628 preschool institutions with an enrolment of 53,718 children (Republic of Armenia, Ministry of Education, Science 2011). Of all the previously mentioned EFA goals, Armenia perhaps fares weakest in the provision of pre-primary education. According to 2010 data, Armenia had only a 31 per cent gross enrolment ratio for pre-primary education (UNESCO 2012), nearly average for the Central Asia region. ECCE remains a priority area for future development, directed by the Strategic Program

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for Reforms in Pre-School Education for 2008–2015(Government of the Republic of Armenia 2008). Goals include raising the gross inclusion rate in preschool education from the 29.8 per cent 2008 estimate up to 50 per cent by 2015. It further hopes to increase the number of preschool educational institutions from 35 in 2010 to an ambitious 180 in 2015.

Primary and secondary The current National Curriculum for General Education was introduced in 2006–2007 and consists of primary education (grades 1–4), lower secondary (grades 5–9) and upper secondary (grades 10–12). The primary and lower secondary cycles are compulsory, after which pupils may exit the system, continue on to high school or enter one of two available Vocational Education and Training (VET) streams, which are described in further detail below. Schools take on a number of configurations as the system of high schools has been recently introduced, as discussed later in this chapter. As might be expected, urban areas see a wider range of configurations, whereas schools in the most rural areas are likely to be general education schools, offering provision from grades 1 to 12 in one building. Most provision is public, with private institutions accounting for approximately 3 per cent of all schools (Table 11.1). Table 11.1 Primary and Secondary Educational Institutions and Enrolment for 2011–2012 Level

Number of public schools

Number of private schools

Number of students Public

Primary (grades 1–4) Secondary (grades 5–9)

9

4

158

Private 412

0

0

0

0

Comprehensive schools (grades 1–9)

491

4

153975

314

High schools (grades 10–12)

110

8

56021

630

Varzharan (grades 5–9)

16

2

4245

529

770

27

166297

3858

Subtotal

1396

45

380696

5743

TOTAL

1441

General school (1–12 grades)

386439

Source: (Ministry of Education and Science, 2012). Statistics from the information system of the management of general education for the academic year 2011–2012. Available online at http://edu.am/ DownloadFile/5668arm-2011-2012_hanrakrtutiun.pdf

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The 2006 National Curriculum states that primary (grades 1–4), lower secondary (grades 5–9) and upper secondary (grades 10–12) are composed of nationally based, school-based and elective components. The number of 45-minute lessons per week begins at 20 for the 1st grade, and increases steadily up to 34 lessons in the 9th through 12th grades. Subjects include: a variety of maths and sciences, social sciences, arts, technology, physical education and life skills; Armenia-specific subjects of Armenian language, Armenian literature, nationhood, History of the Armenian Church; foreign languages, beginning with Russian in the 2nd grade with a second foreign language introduced at 3rd grade; initial military training in the 9th–12th grades; additional school-component subjects as selected from a nationally approved list, and; the possibility of up to three voluntary electives per year, which are subject to tuition costs.

●

●

●

●

●

●

Offerings at the upper secondary level are highly dependent upon the type of school attended, as discussed further in the section on introducing the system of high schools. As would be expected, not all subjects are taught in all grades (for further detail, consult UNESCO-IBE 2011). For the core national curriculum, textbooks are written and produced in Armenia and in the Armenian language.

Vocational education and training (VET) VET in Armenia is challenging to describe, as there is no clear demarcation between vocational and professional education in Armenia as is commonly perceived internationally or at least in the West. For instance, the European Commission and OECD clearly differentiate between three levels: tertiary-level VET; a high-level education and training outside formal academic education; and professional higher education offered within formal academic institutions (European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (Cedefop) 2011). A polytechnic education in the UK, for example, is considered a vocational education, even though it is provided at the tertiary level, whereas in Armenia it is regarded and qualified as higher education. Armenia’s understanding and implementation of VET can be partially accounted for in that higher education was established in 1920 and developed during the Soviet era. During this

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time, education was geared towards preparation of ideological and technical or vocational cadre (see, for example, Grant 1979). Thus, advanced technical education became the axis of higher education in Armenia. Today, the Law on Preliminary (Craftsmanship) and Middle Professional Education, adopted in 2005, specifies the qualification levels obtained as outcomes of primary and secondary VET learning. Presently, there are two levels of VET in the country: preliminary (craftsmanship) and middle (see Figure 11.2). The preliminary level ensures general basic or secondary education with preliminary specialization in a specific craft. The aim of the middle level is to prepare qualified specialists with expanded professional knowledge, for instance medical nurses. According to the latest evaluation of VET institutions, education still remains quite theoretical. Usually an academic semester is followed by a 2–4-week apprenticeship or internship either at a college workshop or at a business company. However, organizing apprenticeships in relevant industries is one of the major challenges for VET institutions, as businesses are still sceptical about the quality of vocational education and consider such programmes a waste of resources (Government of the Republic of Armenia 2012). In contrast, informal apprenticeship remains a dominant track. Armenia is renowned for its traditions in craftsmanship, such as rug-making, goldsmithing, embroidery and other forms of applied arts. Skills and knowledge in these crafts traditionally have been transferred through informal apprenticeship. This practice still prevails though relevant programmes are already offered in VET institutions. In the academic year 2010–2011 among the existing 104 VET institutions 25 provided preliminary professional education and 79 offered middle professional education. In addition, 21 private VET colleges provided middle professional education. There are 156 professional qualifications currently available, although national qualification frameworks are available only for 100 specialties. The Ministry of Education and Science is responsible for the implementation of VET policy in the country. However, several VET colleges are under the supervision of other public agencies, such as Ministry of Health, Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Culture.

Tertiary The definition of tertiary education in Armenia might seem opaque at first sight, owing to the unclear lines between vocational and professional education as discussed immediately above. Provision of professional education, including postgraduate studies, however, is regulated by the Law on Higher Education and

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Post-Graduate Studies. There is no differentiated statistics on state funding for higher education, but according to a baseline study of expenditures in education and culture for the Medium Term Expenditure Framework for 2011–2013, state funding for all three levels of professional education (primary-professional education (craftsmanship), middle professional and higher professional education) comprised 0.41 per cent of the GDP in 2009. Funding of HEIs increasingly complies with the market rules. Higher education is provided in four types of HEIs: university, institute, academy and conservatoire (Table 11.2). The following table provides a summary of major characteristics of each type. Table 11.2  Types and characteristics of tertiary education institutions Type of institution Type of programmes provided University

Higher, postgraduate and supplementary education in humanities, social sciences, mathematics, natural sciences, and professional disciplines; increasingly research-oriented

Institute

Specialized and postgraduate academic programmes in natural sciences, economic and cultural (e.g. Yerevan State Institute of Theatre and Cinema)

Academy

Programmes in preparing and retraining qualified specialists in an individual field, as well as postgraduate academic programmes (Academy of Television and Radio; Yerevan State Academy of Fine Arts).

Conservatoire

Initial, graduate and post-graduate programmes in music performance and theory of music

The study cycles in all types of HEIs are the same: four years of baccalaureate, two years of graduate studies towards a master’s degree, 3–4 years of aspirantura and three years of doctoratura. Studies at any level of tertiary education can be organized in four different ways: full-time, part-time, distance and external. However, according to individual decrees of the Ministry of Education and Science, full-time study is mandatory for certain qualifications. Overall, about 200 qualifications are provided in Armenian HEIs. Currently, according to the official MoES data, there are 25 public or statefunded HEIs, among which two military HEIs,2 393 private HEIs licensed to provide higher education for certain qualifications only and 13 affiliations of foreign HEIs, out of which 44 have been established through bilateral governmental agreements, and four are affiliations of private HEIs. Since 2001 the level of enrolment in tertiary education has grown consistently. There were 95,308 students enrolled in HEIs in Armenia in the academic

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year 2011–2012. In 2010 the high school was officially endorsed, extending the upper secondary cycle by two years and creating a gap of entrants to the tertiary sector. This temporarily, but drastically, decreased the number of HEI applicants: 26,443 admitted students in the academic year 2010–2011 and 7584 in 2011–2012. Official statistics on student enrolment in different programmes for 2009–2012 reveals some significant changes in the structure of enrolment. For example, several programmes, which the public opinion has traditionally favoured after independence, such as economics, management and medical professions, have continued to remain consistently attractive. However, the data shows some newly emerging disciplines that look promising, specifically agriculture, education, ICT, service sector and arts. This tendency reflects the recent priorities of the RA Government Programme, specifically: the development of education and science; harmonized regional development to be achieved through ‘creation of cultural, recreational, agricultural and industrial centres outside Yerevan’, amongst many other similar actions (Republic of Armenia Government 2008: 8).

Postgraduate Postgraduate studies are provided either in HEIs or at the National Academy of Sciences of Armenia (NASA) and its various affiliates, which are called ‘organizations providing higher education’. There are three modes of obtaining a postgraduate degree, which are detailed in Table 11.3. Table 11.3  Modes of post graduate study Mode

Definition

Degree obtained

Aspirant

An individual with a certification of higher Researcher of Candidate education (a five-year HE diploma or a of sciences master’s degree) studying in aspirantura at an HEI or NASA and writing a dissertation under the supervision of an HEI professor or a NASA scientist

Doctorant

An individual with a degree of Candidate Doctor of sciences of Sciences writing a dissertation under the supervision of an HEI professor or a NASA scientist

Extramural

An individual with a certification of higher Candidate of sciences education or a degree of Candidate of Sciences and Doctor of sciences writing a dissertation independently, without taking an aspiratura programme and working towards a Candidate of Sciences in the first case and a Doctor of Sciences in the second

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The above-mentioned degrees are scientific rather than academic, as those pursuing postgraduate degrees should independently engage in individual research projects, publish articles in peer-reviewed journals and defend their dissertations with the Higher Attestation Commission, a public agency within the structure of the Ministry of Education and Science with a mandate to grant postgraduate degrees. According to recent research by National Centre of Strategic Research in Higher Education, which analyzes the Bologna Process in Armenian HEIs, most HEIs provide more undergraduate programmes, than graduate ones, with the exception of the Yerevan State University, where the number of master’s programmes is higher. Moreover, not all HEIs provide any postgraduate programmes.

Extracurricular education and LLL In addition to the formal education system described above, Armenian children and youth often pursue extracurricular education at a range of outof-school settings. This sector of education cannot be simply categorized as informal or non-formal, owing to the unique hybrid of governmental and community ownership and control. One of the most significant legacies of the Soviet educational system is the distinction between education and ‘upbringing’. If the first concept emphasizes transfer of theoretical knowledge at any age, the second is an aggregate of nurture, skill transfer and formation of a set of properties during childhood. The Soviet public policy specifically emphasized aesthetic upbringing, and this concept still remains a distinct feature of the overall Armenian public policy on education, as reflected in Article 20 of the RA Law on Education. The article defines extracurricular upbringing as ‘…creating conditions for development of interests of learners through organisation of leisure thereof, and shall be aimed at their spiritual, artistic, physical development, military and patriotic upbringing, acquisition of environmental and applied knowledge’ (Government of the Republic of Armenia 1999: 18). Institutionally, ‘extracurricular upbringing’ is provided through child and youth creative and artistic centres, music, drawing and art schools, clubs and other similar organizations. Many of these schools, specifically music, arts and sports schools, are partially funded by the state budget, although many of these institutions have been handed over to community administrations as a result of the decentralization policy. As such, this type of education tuition is typically subject to attendance fees, which must be shouldered by families.

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In the academic year 2010–2011 there were 204 schools providing specialized aesthetic education, among which were 101 music schools, 76 arts school, 25 painting schools and two dance schools with 27,900 students in total (Ministry of Education and Science 2012). The curricula for these schools are provided by the Ministry of Education, and the Ministry of Culture ensures performance practices. Currently, there is a legislative conundrum regarding the governance of these institutions, and therefore one of the major priorities of the State Program for Arts Education and Aesthetic Upbringing of Children and Adolescents for 2013–2015 is the clarification of the relevant legislation. There is currently a tangible momentum in the area of LLL; however, most of this is in the early stages and remains at the policy level. The government has recently adopted a policy document, Concept of Lifelong Learning in the Republic of Armenia, and local NGOs focusing on LLL are beginning to appear, including the Armenian Lifelong Learning League (http://armlll.org). Compared to reforms aimed at other levels, changes in LLL remain embryonic, but look promising.

Recent changes and reforms As mentioned previously, one of the common struggles for small states is the economic challenge of working to scale, which often results in aid dependency (Bacchus and Brock 1993). Indeed, as a newly independent post-Soviet state, Armenia has been the recipient of much attention from bilateral and multilateral organizations across a range of sectors and has received significant amounts of international aid. Recently, in the upper secondary/tertiary sector alone, this has included projects for vocational education and training funded by the Norwegian government for USD $1.1 million and EU-initiated projects totalling 15 million Euro. A number of international bodies have been involved in education reforms in Armenia since independence, most notably the World Bank, Open Society Institute and UNICEF. By far the largest package of educational reforms in Armenia has been funded by the World Bank. Indeed, the set of funded reforms described below can be seen as similar to many in the region and sometimes referred to as the ‘Post-Socialist reform package’ (Silova and Steiner-Khamsi 2008). Since 1997 there have been three major World Bank-funded reforms: Education Financing & Management Reform Project in 1997–2002 (US$ 23.90 million), Education Quality & Relevance Project in 2004–2009 (US$ 21.70

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million) and Second Education Quality and Relevance Project in 2009–2014 (US$ 31.26 million). The first project targeted the improvement of textbook production and distribution, and capacity building for reform management, focusing on school autonomy and community, and parental involvement in school funding and management (World Bank 2003). The objective of the second project was to ‘improve the quality and relevance of the Armenian school system to meet the challenges of the knowledge society’ (World Bank 2010: iii). This comprised five components: national curriculum and assessment system; educational technologies in schools; teacher professional development; system management and efficiency; and project management support. Armenia is presently in the midst of the third phase of reforms, aimed at the improvement of the quality and relevance of its education system, directing the development of the Armenian education system towards ‘knowledge economy’. This is reflected as the overall priority within the State Program of Education Development of the Republic of Armenia for 2008–2015 (Republic of Armenia, Ministry of Education, Science 2007). Reforms within the current cycle include the establishment of effectively operating network of high schools, institutional enhancement of teachers’ professional development and improvement of higher education management system. Some of these areas are covered in greater detail below before turning to the reforms within the tertiary sector.

Preschool reforms One of the major reforms in preschool education has been the introduction of a decentralization policy. Thus, since the ratification of the Law on Preschool Education in 2005 all preschools have been funded through community budgets, which has significantly influenced the number of these institutions. Communities can afford to finance only part of the necessary expenditures, in average one-fifth of the food and one-third of the necessary equipment (Government of the Republic of Armenia 2008). Therefore many preschools had to shut down, especially in rural areas. To address this critical challenge, in 2008 the RA Government ratified the ‘Programme on Preschool Education Reforms for the years 2008–2015 and Pilot Project’. The priorities are improvement of the quality of preschool services and their accessibility. The pilot encouraged the introduction of low-cost alternative models of preschool education services within educational venues available in communities, such as schools and arts centres, providing 3.5–4 hours of education per day for children aged 5–6 years.

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Currently, the pilot has extended from its initial two regions to all remaining regions in the capital. According to the findings of the ‘Evaluation Report of the Pre-School Education Reforms Pilot Project’ (Center for Education Projects 2009a), the primary goal of the pilot has been achieved, in that the introduction of alternative models has resulted in the rise in preschool enrolment rates of children aged 5–6. However, there remain serious challenges to be addressed till 2015, the major hurdles being the sustainability of micro-projects through which models are practiced, a low level of community participation and training of preschool teachers.

Introduction of a high school system In 2008 the RA government approved the Strategic Program on Establishment of High School Network and the subsequent Pilot Project. A set of general schools previously known as ‘secondary schools’ providing ten-year integrated general education was selected for transformation into high schools. Selection was based on several criteria: traditions of academic excellence in upper grades; professionalism of the teaching staff; school infrastructure and reputation. In 2012 there were 110 public and 8 private high schools (MoES Statistics 2012). In addition to general education, most high schools have specialized in concrete discipline streaming, for instance, humanities and mathematics tracks. Streaming implies academically more challenging curricula. However, since there are about 700 communities in the country where there is only one secondary school, the high school is built into it and no streaming is available there. Alongside the introduction of the high school system came a two-year extension of the secondary cycle. The full school cycle now lasts 12 years, although this can be obtained through attending a number of school configurations (see Table 11.1).

Teacher training Teacher training reforms in Armenia have recently focused upon introducing student-centred modes of pedagogy to include the use of ICT. There is also an emphasis upon raising the professional profile and prestige of teachers as well as providing continuing professional development (CPD). The National Institute of Education (NIE), established in 1999, is responsible for the professional development of teachers, including in-service, refresher and distance learning courses. Prior to 2004, teacher training was predominantly workshop-based,

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focused upon informing teachers of textbook and curriculum updates. Commencing in 2005, the NIE, guided by the first Education Quality and Relevance Project (2003–2009), undertook a significant programme of activity by establishing 52 school centres for in-service teacher training. Within these centres, 90 per cent of teachers were provided with in-service refresher training. The extent to which these teachers have implemented this training remains difficult to ascertain as follow-up studies have not been conducted (Duda and Clifford-Amos 2011). Following this, in 2011, the RA Government ratified the Procedures for Attestation of Teachers in General Schools, according to which teachers are required to undergo an attestation process every five years, which essentially includes participation in a pre-attestation training course and presentation of the required documents to the Attestation Committee. Once attested as qualified teachers, they can apply for acquisition or any of the five ranks, another quality assurance mechanism introduced in 2012, which additionally ensures a differentiated remuneration system.

Restructuring of tertiary provision and funding A two-cycle structure was introduced in some Armenian HEIs as early as in 1999, when the newly adopted Law on Education specified new academic qualifications of a bachelor, master and researcher. With the introduction of Bologna Process and the ratification of the Law on Higher Education and Post-Graduate Studies, the two-cycle organizational structure became a legal requirement in 2005. Since then Armenian HEIs gradually stopped providing five-year education, and the previous qualifications granted after five years of higher education were approximated to a Master’s degree (National Centre of Strategic Research in Higher Education 2012). In 2008 the last batch of HE students graduated with HE diplomas. Still, if the first and second levels of higher education are already restructured in line with the Bologna requirements, usually consisting of a four-year baccalaureate and a two-year master’s programme, the postgraduate education system continues to reflect the former Soviet model. One of the most controversial reforms in higher education has been withdrawal of state funding of public universities. Today state subsidiaries of public universities comprise only 21 per cent of their income, and the other sources include tuition fees, private donations and grants. Tuition fees in public universities, which are considered to be more prestigious and assure better quality of education, are quite high. It is about 20 per cent of income per capita.

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Fees are generally paid by the students’ parents, creating additional financial burden and a barrier to accessing higher education. To combat this, the RA government has introduced a system of merit-based tuition waver, which grants excelling students an opportunity to obtain a total tuition waiver, and even a state scholarship.

Internationalization of higher education For a developing small state still transitioning into a full-fledged democratic nation state, internationalization of the higher education practices seems inevitable. Additionally, having sizeable Diasporan communities worldwide, international cooperation has extended in two directions, from and to Armenia. Since independence, Diasporan communities, especially in the USA and Europe, have been actively involved in launching mobility and scholarship programmes to provide opportunities for HEI faculty and students to obtain access to best practices in academia. These efforts crowned in the establishment of Luys Foundation in 2009, the vision of which is ‘to foster positive cultural, academic, business and social change in Armenia by raising the level of education and sense of purpose of the Armenian youth and building an infrastructure of new institutions, programmes and relationships within Armenia to support this change’ (Luys Foundation 2012). The other significant development towards international cooperation is the engagement of higher education institutions and individuals in various schemes promoted by the European Union, such as Erasmus Mundus and Tempus. These programmes promote individual mobility and foster institutional cooperation, respectively. Since 1995 Armenian HEIs have actively participated in the EU’s effort at modernization of higher education in the EU’s surrounding area. This includes an impressive and growing list of Tempus projects with partners from Armenia (Tempus Armenia 2012). Regrettably, the pace of internationalization of Armenian HEIs is much slower. Traditionally, since the Soviet times Armenia has attracted international students to engage in Armenian studies, medical and engineering programmes. The momentum continues, and Armenia is still considered a destination country for Indian students. For the last decade it has attracted students from Iran and Middle East as well, especially with the opening of the American University in Armenia. However, one of the major challenges in higher education remains the development of adequate infrastructure for internationalization of Armenian universities.

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Contemporary challenges and priorities The 2011–2015 State Program of Education and Development (hereafter the Programme) (Republic of Armenia, Ministry of Education, Science 2011) lists seven Priorities of Educational Development. These largely concern the management, efficiency and optimization of the overall system; development, distribution and use of resources towards greater educational achievement; and capacity building. These seven priorities apply to all levels of educational provision, but the Programme further identifies particular areas within general, vocational and higher education that deserve priority attention, some of which are discussed in detail below. Others, such as the importance of ECCE, have been outlined in earlier sections. Some of these priority choices can be explained by the small states factors described earlier in this chapter. Challenges, such as working to economies of scale and human resource limitations faced by small states, have become further sharpened within the current global financial crisis. While governments worldwide face pressures to make budget cuts, small states often have a proportionally smaller number of resources from which to cut. Crossley et al. (2011), in their recent review of educational policies and priorities in small states, highlight the impact of the global economic crisis on small states’ education systems. They mention that ‘UNICEF-supported work by the Overseas Development Institute points to the evidence of past economic crises which suggests that compromises in education are likely to be a common coping strategy’ (Crossley et al. 2011, p.19). Meanwhile, in Armenia, education must be provided universally in order to make the full transition to the global economy and fight it out of the current financial crisis. In the case of Armenia, these factors of smallness in the face of the economic crisis are compounded by ongoing geopolitical tensions. Armenia is a country still in transition, is landlocked with limited natural resources, a closed border to Turkey and ongoing military tensions with Azerbaijan. Participation in the knowledge economy is seen by the MoES as the key to escaping some of these constraints, and this puts significant pressure on the education system. One of the ways in which Armenia is trying to find its way out of this situation is through the use of information and communication technologies (ICT) in education and as a tool for economic development. The role of ICT is highlighted throughout the whole Programme, envisioning its application in all sectors for a range or reasons, from raising competitiveness of both public and private services to ensuring efficiency and transparency. Another interesting development is the

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formation of a consistent group of studentship in military education, comprising about 9 per cent of the total HEI student population for the last three years. This is not surprising for a country with a pending territorial conflict. Figure 11.3 shows that the number of students has increased in these programmes even during the financial and economic crisis. Against this financial and geopolitical backdrop, we now return to some of the specific, sector-focused challenges and priorities before concluding with some areas for future consideration.

Challenges to upper secondary schooling The move to a new system of high schools has been described above. This reform is still in progress, but some significant challenges already seem to signal for a need in serious revisions, namely the inequality of access to the high schools and the availability of educational resources (Center for Education Projects 2009b). First, the selection criteria used to choose schools for the high school pilot project appear to be a sound basis for ensuring institutional development of high schools. The selected schools have an aggregate of necessary resources for successful implementation of new requirements. On the other hand, such schools are generally located in urban areas, and children from rural communities often do not have access to the new high school system. The issue New trends in academic disciplines Students 10000 8000 2008/09

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Figure 11.3  New trends of enrolment for tertiary academic disciplines Source: (National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia 2012a)

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of their transportation and accommodation has been ignored in the light of scarce financial resources and the fast pace of the reform implementation. This could lead to sustained inequalities between urban and rural provision. The second challenge is the availability of new educational resources for these high schools, specifically of new curricula and teaching/learning resources. In many schools, education is still provided through resources used in upper grades of ten-year secondary schools. The scarcity of resources could have been compensated for by the availability of professional teaching staff, but this is not the case. According to the recent report on the pilot phase of introducing the institute of high schools, teaching staff is not yet ready to meet the set academic requirements, and little support is available to them.

Mainstreaming special education Table 11.1 does not indicate special education schools, of which there were 26 in 2009–2010. The Law on Education of Persons in Need of Special Education Conditions was adopted in 2005. Established in the 1920s during the Soviet Era, special education in Armenia has been and continues to be largely provided in separate facilities, many of which are residential. Inclusive classroom education is now slowly coming into view for children with mild to moderate disabilities and the number of special schools continues to shrink. In addition, institutional support is being provided in order to foster the implementation of the new policy. In 2005 the first centre for assessment of the medical, psychological and pedagogical needs of children with special needs was established, which provides a holistic profile of the mentioned needs. The profile then is being certified by the Department of Protection of Rights of the Family, Women and Children in regional administrations. These certificates subsequently ensure access to adequate educational facilities. While some case studies support the transition to inclusive education (Lapham and Papikyan 2012), this change faces considerable challenges. The transition will require modifications not only to physical infrastructure of school buildings but also to significant teacher training and support. More importantly it will require the capacity for proper diagnosis and dramatic social shift in perceptions and beliefs about children with physical and mental disability in order for children to overcome the stigma of disability and receive good education.

Bologna process implementation The HE system in Armenia continues its integration with the European Higher Education Area (EHEA), and in case European integration remains a political

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priority, this general course of development will continue, ensuring increasing academic mobility and internationalization of HEIs. The major instrument in this course is certainly the Bologna Process, which, however, has prompted the major challenges in HE practice as well. Certain achievements at the institutional and structural levels are obvious, such as formation of ARMENIC in 2004 and the National Center for Professional Education Quality in 2008, and the adoption of ECTS and transition to a two-cycle system. Notwithstanding these achievements, the crucial challenge remains transition from these levels to more comprehensive and in-depth changes in the content and quality of HE. The most significant impediments towards achievement of such substantial changes are the scarce financial investments from the state budget, minimal inclusion of the major beneficiaries of these reforms – academic faculty and students – into decision making and implementation processes, top-down governance, absence of common long-term vision of change within the Bologna Process, ‘erosion’ of the already-ageing faculty and weak links between HEIs and business (Budaghyan et al. 2012). The other serious challenge having recently surfaced in public debate is the necessity of redefining the mission of HEIs. The public perception of universities as intellectual hubs with a ‘higher’ mission to educate intellectually and morally competent individuals still dominates. However, a very strong opposition has formed recently, promulgating what is known as the ‘Third Mission’: universities as institutions to supply for the economic needs of the state (Vorley and Nelles 2008). Obviously, this is a global debate, but it demonstrates a sharper edge in a country where only 53 per cent of the population with higher education was employed in 2011 according to official statistics (National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia 2012b).The debate is tinged with another dimension having caused high public resonance most likely to continue in the near future: the breached link between education and science. Academic research as a potential bridge between both education and science and education and the labour market is yet to be reintegrated into the academic culture of the country. Perhaps the fact that from 2012 Yerevan will serve as the Secretariat of the Bologna Process for three years will support the construction of a more comprehensive discourse, and with the potential to positively impact HE practices locally.

Areas for Future Educational Research and Policy Attention While a growing body of resource about the Armenian education system is slowly emerging, Armenia remains an under-researched context in the field of

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comparative and international education. Future work in the areas of shadow education and civic education could prove beneficial in helping to address educational inequality, teacher professionalism and the ongoing transformation processes within Armenia.

Shadow education A strong feature within Armenian education not yet addressed in this chapter is the non-formal shadow education system, or private tutoring, which is arguably held over from the Soviet era. Educationists in the USSR would have argued that any form of private tutoring was frowned upon, since a need for supplementary instruction would indicate that the state education system was insufficient and not giving everyone an equal chance (Jacoby 1974). Researchers such as Silova et al. (2009a) argue that the presence of any such shadow education system was downplayed by policymakers during the post-socialist transformation. Recent research, however, indicates that private tutoring, particularly sought by upper secondary pupils, is a strong feature within many former soviet countries. Silova et al.’s (2006) study shows that within certain countries of the Caucasus, private tutoring is sought by more than 80 per cent of pupils in preparation for university entrance examinations, providing work opportunity for some, but this Soviet remnant presents a heavy burden for state education systems. This is supported by Armenian research, which claims that in order to fill the governmentally acknowledged gap between what is taught at secondary school and the knowledge that pupils need to enter university, ‘the vast majority [of pupils] attend private tuition classes’ (Bethell and Harutyunyan 2008: 112).5 This remains an under-researched area in Armenia, a better understanding of which, we argue, could benefit policymakers and educational planners in addressing ongoing educational inequalities, the perpetuation of gaps between formal provision and university entrance requirements, as well as the professionalization of the teaching field.

Civic education Armenia continues to be regarded as a transitional state, and democratization in all sectors remains a priority. Democracy has been regarded as a core value on which the future generations should be brought up, and all educational reforms have essentially targeted this goal. However, serious challenges have persisted to this day. Civic education or education for democratic citizenship (EDC), as

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commonly referred to in the European policy discourse, has been regarded as a cornerstone towards the overall process of democratization. Since independence Armenia has adopted an EDC approach, which Bîrzéa et al. (2004) summarize as follows: ‘Actual policy is transmitted through normative frameworks: regulatory instruments, formal curricula, guidelines and methodologies’ (p. 31). In the case of Armenia the main ‘regulatory instrument’ directly defining the goal and content of civic education is the curriculum of social science for grades 8–9. The curriculum specifies the content of the course, which comprises three major themes: introduction to social sciences and human rights, and civic education, particularly, definitions of democracy; participatory democracy; elections; definitions of civil society; regional governance and communities. This curriculum is expanded further in high school, where citizenship education is included in the curriculum of political science. The formal curricula are occasionally supplemented with extracurricular activities or optional courses, which are usually provided in upper grades and through the support of nongovernmental organizations. The goal of adopting such an approach was to cultivate pro-democratic dispositions in the society through explicit intervention in general education. However, when the reform began in the mid-1990s the country had different priorities, whereas the ongoing transformation has changed the reality to the point of when it seems that the revision of the adopted approach is imperative. Today Armenia experiences weakening social cohesion, intensification of poverty divides, increasing migration rates, serious institutional changes that have yet to impact the still ineffective governance mechanisms, large-scale corruption in almost all sectors and thus far a failed practice of government succession and very little evidence of political dialogue. Thus, it seems that both decisional and operational conditions for democracy building are yet in the state of formation and, therefore, citizenship education can expect but little support from other sectors to improve quality and be effective with regard to educating good citizens. Indeed, serious large-scale social, economic and political improvements are required to support the less-measurable cultural and educational change. However, there are still comparatively modest steps that can be undertaken to improve the quality of citizenship education, which subsequently will provide a solid cultural platform for overall transformation. A possible list of recommendations for immediate actions with envisioned long-term impact includes: (a) revision of the civics curriculum with emphasis on skills development; (b) adoption

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of project-based teaching principles; (c) a component on negotiation skills included in pre-service and in-service civics teacher education; and (d) use of ICT for teaching, since computer literacy and computer-assisted teaching will diversify information and knowledge creation sources, minimizing traditionally authoritative behaviour of the teachers, thus laying a foundation for functional pluralism in the learning and teaching process (International Center for Human Development (ICHD) 2011).

Conclusion This chapter has served as an introduction to the Armenian education system: its current provision, recent reforms and contemporary challenges and priorities. This has been explored against a backdrop of small transitional states factors. We have seen that the educational landscape has changed drastically in Armenia since its independence in 1991 but that much work remains to be done to meet the national goals and individual needs amidst a changing economic landscape and challenging geopolitical situation. Some of the most drastic changes to the education system have included the expansion to a 12year general education provision with a system of high schools, as well as a restructuring of the tertiary provision, whilst teacher training efforts have also been significant. While it could be argued that Armenia has been able to introduce a significant amount of educational policy change since independence, and most recently with the World Bank-funded reforms from 1997, certain factors of smallness have remained detrimental, including significant dependence upon external financial support. While the challenges of scale can be significant, Armenia has failed to harness some of the potential benefits of smallness, namely the potential for the fostering of professional communities and the ability to seek sufficient stakeholder input in the national reform process. Little evidence can be seen in these areas, which remain places where Armenia is missing out on the benefits of her relative smallness. Indeed, there is room for comparative research in post-Soviet small states, an area that ‘offers especially interesting and challenging potential for the future’ (Brock and Crossley 2013). Finally, in relation to small states studies, much of the world is currently fixated upon the future of international education development beyond 2015, when certain internationally agreed-upon targets and goals are poised to be reviewed and

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re-visioned. We would argue that Armenian educational policymakers and planners could benefit from recent analysis of what small states have to offer to the post-2015 educational and development landscape (Crossley and Sprague 2012) as the country begins to develop its own post-2015 priority areas. Armenia continues to face challenges of realizing the full functionality of its high school system, of mainstreaming its special needs education provision and of providing adequate preschool provision. These areas, amongst others, remain challenges for Armenia and policy plans are now being established to meet some of these challenges. Other dimensions, which do not appear to be areas of priority but that deserve future research and attention, include the impact of private tutoring upon the formal sector and the potential of civic education. It is clear, however, given the amount of attention the education sector has received in recent decades that Armenia truly values its education system and is committed to finding ways in which education can provide a positive future for its youngest and future generations.

Acknowledgements We wish to thank colleagues Mariam Martirosyan, Armenia Country Director of PH International, and Professor Michael Crossley, University of Bristol Graduate School of Education, for their helpful input and feedback on previous versions of this chapter.

Notes 1 Here, Baldacchino writes ‘island’ but in his introduction establishes that this article is pertinent to both small and island territories. 2 Military Aviation Institute and the Military Institute with two departments, Infantry and Artillery. Both provide a four-year full-time education. 3 The data on the actual number of public and private HEIs does not seem to be accurate. According to Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA), there are currently 67 private HEIs in Armenia (Source: http://eacea. ec.europa.eu/tempus/participating_countries/reviews/armenia_review_of_higher_ education.pdf, last retrieved on 26 November 2012). The Educational Development State Programme for 2011–2015 states the following figures: 23 public HEIs with 12 affiliations.

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4 American University of Armenia (AUA); La Fondation Université Française en Arménie (UFAR); Russian-Armenian (Slavonic) University (RAU) and Eurasia International University 5 This portion of the chapter on Shadow Education comes from a previously unpublished conference paper (Sprague and Milligan, 2012).

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Government of the Republic of Armenia. (1999), Republic of Armenia Law on Education, available at: http://www.translation-centre.am/pdf/Translat/HH_orenk/ Education/Education_en.pdf [Accessed 16 April 2013]. ———. (2008), Program on Preschool Education Reforms for the years 2008–2015. ———. (2012), Action Plan for Reforms in Vocational Education and Training for 2012–2016. Grant, N. (1979), Soviet Education (4th ed.). Middlesex: Penguin. Harutunyan, N., Gasparyan, R. and Sargsyan, C. (2003), English Language Teaching at Secondary School Level in Armenia: A Baseline Study. Yerevan: AELTA Armenia TESOL with British Council Armenia. ——— and Davtyan, N. (2006), Education in Armenia. Yerevan: Edit Print. Hovhannisyan, A. and Sahlberg, P. (2010), ‘Cooperative learning for educational reform in Armenia’, Intercultural Education 21(3): pp. 229–242. International Center for Human Development (ICHD). (2011), Policy Brief: Education for Democratic Citizenship at Secondary Level in Armenia: The Current Practice, Challenges and Recommendations. Yerevan: ICHD. Jacoby, S. (1974), Inside Soviet Schools. New York: Schocken Press. Karakhanyan, S., Van Veen, K. and Bergen, T. C. M. (2010), Policy Diffusion and Transfer and Teachers’ Perceptions within the Bologna Reforms: The Armenia case of Higher Education Reforms. ERIC, available at: http://eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/ search/detailmini.jsp?_nfpb=true&_&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=ED510043& ERICExtSearch_SearchType_0=no&accno=ED510043 [Accessed 9 June 2011]. Lapham, K. and Papikyan, H. (2012), Special Schools as a Resource for Inclusive Education, New York: Open Society Foundations, available at: http://www. opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/special-schools-resource-inclusiveeducation-20121005.pdf [Accessed 20 October 2012]. Luys Foundation. (2012), Luys Foundation, available at: http://www.luys.am [Accessed 25 December 2012]. Martin, M. and Bray, M. (eds). (2011), Tertiary Education in Small States. Planning in the context of globalization. Paris: UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP). McLean, H. (2007), Reflections on Changes in Legislation and National Policy Frameworks: ECCE in Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Romania and Ukraine, Paris: UNESCO. McLeish, E. (2003), ‘Post-totalitarian educational transition: To change a label is easy, but to effect a comprehensive change in practice represents a far greater challenge’, European Journal of Education 38(2): pp.163–175. ——— (1998), ‘Processes of transition in countries moving from authoritarian rule to democratic government’, in Phillips, D. (ed.), Processes of Transition in Education Systems. Oxford: Oxford Studies in Comparative Education: Symposium Books, pp. 9–21. Ministry of Education and Science. (2012), Armenia’s General Education Statistics for the Academic Year 2011–2012. Yerevan, Armenia: Republic of

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Armenia Ministry of Education and Science, available at: http://edu.am/ DownloadFile/5668arm-2011-2012_hanrakrtutiun.pdf [Accessed 30 January 2013]. National Centre of Strategic Research in Higher Education. (2012), Current Situation and Prospect of Higher Education in Armenia in the Context of Bologna Process. Yerevan, Armenia: Printinfo, available at: http://herearmenia.files.wordpress. com/2011/02/bologna-reforms-in-armenia_report_2012.pdf [Accessed 23 November 2012]. National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia. (2012a), Republic of Armenia Education and Culture Statistics. Yerevan, Armenia: National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia.,available at: http://www.armstat.am/file/doc/99471448.pdf [Accessed 2 February 2013]. ———. (2012b), Republic of Armenia Finance Statistics. Yerevan, Armenia: National Statistical Service of the Republic of Armenia, available at: http://www.armstat.am/ file/doc/99471508.pdf [Accessed 4 March 2013]. Navoyan, A. (2011), ‘Tertiary education in Armenia: Between Soviet heritage, transition and the Bologna Process’, in Bray, M. and Martin, M. (eds), Tertiary Education in Small States: Planning in the Context of Globalization. Paris: UNESCO/IIEP, pp. 193–212. Republic of Armenia Government. (2008), ‘Republic of Armenia Government Program for 2008–2012’, available at: http://www.gov.am/files/docs/77.pdf [Accessed 19 December 2012]. Republic of Armenia, Ministry of Education and Science. (2007), Program of Education Development of the Republic of Armenia 2008–2015 DRAFT. ———. (2011), Program of Education Development of the Republic of Armenia 2011–2015 DRAFT. ———, (2012). Higher Education in Armenia. Higher Education in Armenia: Armenian higher education today. Available at: http://www.studyinarmenia.org. Sargsyan, Yu. and Budaghyan, A. (2007), Towards the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) through Bologna Process in EHEA and Armenia. Yerevan, Armenia: National Center for Strategic Research in Higher Education. Shinn, G. et al. (2008), ‘Armenian agrarian students’ perceptions and educational aspirations during curriculum reforms: Bologna to Yerevan’, Journal of International Agricultural and Extension Education 15(2): pp. 33–45. Silova, I. (ed.) (2009a), Private Supplementary Tutoring in Central Asia: New Opportunities and Burdens. Paris: UNESCO/IIEP. ——— (2009b), ‘Varieties of educational transformation: The post-socialist states of Central/Southeastern Europe and the former Soviet Union’, in Cowen, R. and Kazamias, K. M. (eds), International Handbook of Comparative Education. Netherlands: Springer, pp. 295–320. ———, Budiene, V. and Bray, M. (2006), Education in a Hidden Marketplace: Monitoring of Private Tutoring. Budapest: Education Support program (ESP) of the Open Society Institute.

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Silova, Iveta and Steiner-Khamsi, G. (2008), How NGOs React: Globalization and Education Reform in the Caucasus, Central Asia and Mongolia. Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press. Sprague, T. (2008), High Stakes in a Small State: EFL Teachers’ Perceptions and Understandings of the Unified School-Leaving and University-Entrance Examination Policy in the Small, Transitional State of Armenia. Unpublished MEd Dissertation, University of Bristol. ——— and Milligan, L. (2012), Using Post-colonial Theory for Educational Research in Post-Soviet Settings: Possibilities and Dilemmas. In XXV Conference of the Comparative Education Society in Europe: ‘Empires, Post-coloniality and Interculturality: Comparative Education between Past, Post, and Present’. Salamanca, Spain: Comparative Education Society of Europe. Tempus Armenia. (2012), ‘Tempus projects’, National Tempus Office in Armenia, available at: http://www.tempus.am/index.php?option=com_content&view=article& id=1257&Itemid=605&lang=en [Accessed 3 February 2012]. UNESCO. (2012), EFA Global Monitoring Report 2012: Youth and Skills, Putting Education to Work. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO-IBE. (2011), World Data on Education VII. Paris: UNESCO-IBE, available at: http://www.ibe.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Publications/WDE/2010/pdfversions/Armenia.pdf [Accessed 4 February 2013]. Vorley, T. and Nelles, J. (2008), ‘(Re)Conceptualising the academy: Institutional development of and beyond the third mission, Higher Education Management and Policy 20(3), 1–17. World Bank. (2003), Project Appraisal Document on a Proposed Credit to the Republic of Armenia for an Education Quality and Relevance Project, ———. (2010), World Bank – Armenia Partnership: Country Program Snapshot., Washington DC: World Bank, available at: http://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/ Worldbank/document/Armenia-Snapshot.pdf [Accessed 27 October 2012]. ———. (2013), Armenia | Data. World Bank Data by Country, available at: http://data. worldbank.org/country/armenia [Accessed 2 February 2013].

12

Azerbaijan: The Role of Teachers in Curriculum Reform Yuliya Karimova, Elmina Kazimzade and Iveta Silova

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Azerbaijan has embarked on a long series of education reforms aimed to replace Soviet education ideologies with Western-oriented values of democracy and market economy. According to the Ministry of Education,1 the main purpose of the new reforms was ‘to realign the sector with the needs of the emerging market economy and the future social developments of the nation’ (Crisan 2007: 8). These principles have been clearly reflected in the Education Law (1992; 2009), which outlined the goals of education in independent Azerbaijan as follows: Upbringing of citizens and individuals who have free and creative thought, respect for the principles of statehood and national patriotism, human rights and freedom, cherishing traditions of democracy, and conscious of their social responsibilities; training of personnel and professionals that keep and develop nation’s spiritual and universal values, have broad world outlook, are able to assess innovations, as well as to acquire theoretical and practical knowledge, modern thinking and are able to compete; ensuring acquisition of assorted knowledge, skills and habits that serve the development of the society and state, and prepare for work activity and life. (quoted in UNESCO 2011: 1)

The implementation of new education reforms was initially slowed down by the political instability related to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict (1988–1994), which has severely constrained the government’s ability to undertake extensive reforms during the 1990s. The pace of education reforms was further hampered by rapid economic decline, hyperinflation and budget cuts in the 1990s. Despite economic recovery since the mid-1990s, investments in the education sector remained considerably low compared to pre-independence levels. According to UNESCO Institute of Statistics (2012), education spending as a percentage of

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GDP was 7.5 per cent in 1990, falling to 3.8 per cent in 2000 and 2.8 per cent in 2010. Given the financial constraints, the education system has deteriorated significantly during the post-Soviet period, raising concerns over education quality and equity. Perhaps the most visible outcome of education deterioration has been captured by the 2006 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) study, which placed Azerbaijan among the lowest scoring countries in reading and science. In mathematics, however, Azerbaijan scored above average. Given the concerns over declining education quality, the pace of education reform has significantly accelerated since the 2000s. In practical terms, this entailed the transfer of ‘the post-socialist education reform package’ (Silova and Steiner-Khamsi 2008), a set of globally ‘traveling’ education policies symbolizing ‘modernization’ of post-Soviet education systems in the areas of governance, curriculum, as well as teaching and learning process. In Azerbaijan, the reform ‘package’ included such reforms as student-centred learning, decentralization, privatization, standardization of student assessment and liberalization of textbook publishing, among others.2 According to the World Bank’s Independent Evaluation Group (2011), other reforms focused on closing schools with too few students, raising teacher remuneration based on performance and assessing the link between spending and educational quality (p. 10). Similar to other postSoviet republics, these reforms were enacted out of the fear of ‘falling behind’ internationally and were primarily supported by the World Bank and other international agencies. The World Bank’s involvement in primary education reform occurred in two phases (World Bank 2003). During the first phase (2003–2007), education reforms focused on the development of a new national curriculum framework and syllabi for primary education, the training of teachers, establishment of a new national system of student assessment and the development of new per capita financing arrangements for education.3 The overall cost of the project was US$ 5 million. In the second phase (2008–2014), the World Bank project added objectives for improving teacher training and learning results in schools that received new school libraries, while fostering the implementation processes at all levels. The overall cost of the second phase is estimated at US$ 25 million. While the World Bank provides the most significant financing of education reforms in Azerbaijan, other international agencies active in the area of education include UNICEF, Open Society Institute and numerous international and national NGOs. Given the breadth of the reforms undertaken in the last two decades (1991–2012) and taking into consideration space limitations, this chapter will

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focus on curriculum reforms in Azerbaijan. More specifically, it will explain the impetus for curriculum reform, discuss goals and objectives of the reform and examine the role of teachers in implementing reform at the school level. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data from monitoring and evaluation of the Education Sector Development Project (ESDP) in 2009–2012,4 the chapter examines the status of implementation of new national curriculum in schools and classrooms and discusses the level of acceptance of the curriculum reform agenda among general public, including parents, students, teachers and school principals. By placing the discussion in the historical context, the chapter highlights challenges associated with the transition from centralized, top-down approach to curriculum planning towards the classroom-level curriculum development, where the role of teachers is transformed to that of curriculum leaders.

Curriculum reforms in the post-Soviet context Soviet curriculum planning was characterized by the top-down approach, which was mainly directed towards ‘the development of human resources that would be able to work under the planned economy conditions’ (Crisan 2007: 8). The emphasis was on knowledge acquisition through fact memorization, but not necessarily on knowledge application and skills development in various situations. Although teaching and learning experiences varied among individual teachers, classrooms and teachers, the typical method of teaching in Soviet schools was frontal exposition of fact or skill with heavy reliance of teachers on the official textbook. With the Marxist-Leninist ideology laying the foundations of the Soviet pedagogy, school curriculum was largely scientific and subjectdriven from elementary to secondary education levels. Reflecting on curriculum content in the Soviet Azerbaijan, Baimova (2006) described: Education is mainly focused on the absorption and reproduction of facts rather than on the development of problem-solving and critical thinking skills; the content of education is mainly theoretical and of limited relevance to everyday life; the classrooms are teacher-centered and teachers do not attend to an individual pupil’s abilities and needs. (p. 13)

Standardization and uniformity were enforced through centralized curriculum planning and implementation. School curriculum was typically developed in Moscow (or capitals of Soviet republics) and then disseminated to schools across the Soviet Union. As Hamot (1996) cynically described, all Soviet schools

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of a particular type (ranging from elementary education to higher education) were required ‘to teach the same lessons from the same books with the same methods at the same time’ (p. 6). In this context, the role of the teacher was limited to transmitting standardized materials to students, while the students’ job was to memorize those materials (Yakavets 2003). In other words, there was no tradition of teacher-driven curriculum development and no opportunity for local curriculum control. Although centralized curriculum development might have played an important function in the Soviet context, it proved to be inadequate – in terms of both curriculum content and curriculum development process – when Azerbaijan gained its independence and launched the transition from planned to a market economy in the 1990s (Crisan 2007). The goals of the new (post-Soviet) curriculum thus reflected the need to better meet the increasing demands for high-level skills, creativity, critical thinking and lifelong learning skills in independent Azerbaijan. In the 1990s, curriculum reform mainly focused on the removal of Soviet ideology from the existing curriculum content and introducing new subjects. In the 2000s, however, reform efforts focused on introducing new curriculum development processes and standards. The 2006 national curriculum was designed as a set of achievement standards determining what students should know and be able to do as a result of learning at each grade level and for a number of subject areas. This was a profoundly new approach in curriculum development paradigm that traditionally was built around the topics and specific facts to be taught and knowledge and skills to be acquired by the students, whereas teachers were the main agents of delivering the curriculum and therefore stood at the centre of the teaching and learning process. The new national curriculum approved by the Cabinet of Ministers in 2006 and started to be implemented at the primary level in all schools across the country in 2008 emphasized the importance of application of knowledge and skills as the outcomes of teaching and put students’ learning at the centre of pedagogical discourse. The 2006 new national curriculum consequently brought reforms mainly in six areas, including the formulation of learning outcomes for each subject area, teaching methods, assessment of students’ achievement, teaching resources (mainly textbooks and methodological guides for teachers), teacher education and professional development and school structure and libraries. Often referred to as outcomes-based education or OBE (Spady, 1994; 1998), the new national curriculum thus redefined what schools should teach, how they teach and what is considered as learning outcomes.

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In addition to redefining the meaning of quality education, the new curriculum reform also reformulated the role of school teachers. Instead of relying on school textbooks and standardized context to be delivered, teachers are now expected to become ‘curriculum workers’5 who can assume the position of leadership in curriculum matters in order to ensure successful implementation of the new curriculum reform. As Crisan (2007) summarizes, the role of teacher would change from an ‘expert’ of factual knowledge to ‘coordinating, directing, and consulting player’: Teaching and learning process is established through mutual cooperation activities between teachers as coordinating, directing and consulting players and students as researching, practicing and creating players, taking into consideration the following principles: integrity of teaching and learning process; establishment of equal opportunities for learning; student-centeredness; orientation towards the development of students’ knowledge, skills and attitudes; motivation to activities; establishment of supporting environment. (pp. 13–14)

Drawing on observational and baseline studies conducted during the implementation of the new reform (Center for Innovations in Education 2010; SIGMA 2010; 2011; 2012), the sections below examine how teachers experience these major changes in their daily practices. In particular, how do teachers and schools respond to the new curriculum reform? How do teachers see their new responsibilities and to what extent do they embrace their new roles as curriculum workers? These questions are critical to understanding the current state of education system development in Azerbaijan as they address some of the most important aspects related to redefining quality education: teacher professionalism and teacher participation in the processes of curriculum reforms.

Rebuilding teacher professionalism in the context of textbooks development The first step of teacher involvement in the process of new curriculum reform was through textbook development and evaluation. In 2007, the Ministry of Education approved a new textbook policy, which allowed teachers to serve as evaluation panel experts for the new textbooks, which were submitted by publishers for the new primary education curriculum. The textbook policy introduced a new element in textbook development – a requirement to include teacher guidebook for each textbook – which forced publishers to invite teachers as members of textbook development author teams in order to ensure the

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methodological quality and relevance of submitted materials. To understand the significance of this experience we should step back to recall the history of traditional textbook development and evaluation during the Soviet period, where the privilege to write textbooks and evaluate school curriculum rested exclusively with academics in higher education institutions (Kazimzade 2009). The new policy thus radically redefined the role of teachers by viewing them not only as passive textbooks users, but also as textbook developers.6 Supported by the World Bank and Open Society Institute Assistance Foundation (OSIAF), the implementation of the new policy included an extensive professional training for textbook author teams. These training sessions brought together textbook publishers, designers, academics and teachers who formed subject-specific teams and engaged collaboratively in textbook development and production. Unlike the traditional Soviet approach to textbook development, designers worked together with authors from the very beginning to ensure that illustrations matched content and pedagogical objectives. As Kazimzade (2008) explained, ‘this was an important stage in the textbook development cycle’ (p. 109), which now included piloting new textbooks in schools and revising content based on feedback from teachers. The impact of the new curriculum and teaching materials on school practices was measured by the national survey conducted by the Ministry of Education (2009) with the support of World Bank’s Project Implementation Unit. This survey was one of the first studies of classroom practices in Azerbaijan, which allowed one to look inside the classroom and get feedback from teachers regarding their understanding and experience in the implementation of primary curriculum reform and new textbooks. According to the report (Ministry of Education 2009), the new textbook sets for each subject were positively evaluated by teachers who highly appreciated the introduction of the new teacher guidebooks. More than 80 per cent of the surveyed teachers highlighted the clarity, innovative approach and relevance to real life as advantages of the new textbooks compared with the old teaching guides. As one of the school methodologists from rural area noted: ‘Teacher guidebooks enlighten the teachers’ way’ (Center for Innovations in Education 2010: 57). However, the survey also identified challenges in the implementation of new curriculum in schools. In particular, 35 per cent of the surveyed teachers confirmed that they did not use supplementary teaching resources in their teaching and learning. This so-called one-textbook dependency reflected the challenge that teachers experience in implementing the new curriculum with limited capacity to use supplementary resources.

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Redefining teacher professionalism in the context of new curriculum Successful implementation of the new national curriculum at the classroom level largely depends on teachers. However, most reform efforts have focused on legislative changes and curriculum content development, with less attention being paid to teachers’ professional development and preparation. In the context of the new curriculum reform, teachers’ roles have been constrained by such factors as (1) fixed, limited and non-reflective content for professional learning and development; (2) lack of opportunities for professional collaboration and therefore low motivation for application of innovative approaches; (3) limited capacity and resources for self-education; and (4) reinforced control rather than enhanced support provided by the government agencies. Quantitative and qualitative data gathered through the recent studies undertaken by the local NGOs (with financial support from WB PIU and MoE) as a part of the monitoring and evaluation of the second Education Sector Development Project showed some changing dynamic in the level of support and acceptance of curriculum reform among teachers, shedding light on the context of schools and classrooms and revealing how reform goals are understood and implemented by teachers. During the baseline studies (Center for Innovations in Education 2010), the majority of teachers in Azerbaijan were supportive of the reform process and emphasized ‘teacher professionalism’ as the main factor determining the quality of education in the country. Most of the surveyed teachers belonged to the 35–54 age group and had experience of working more than 11 years at the school level. Among other factors mentioned by teachers were quality textbooks and teaching materials, as well as adequate working condition in schools. Most of the teachers expressed strong confidence that they did their best to sustain application of new pedagogical approaches and teaching for specified outcomes and successfully implemented innovative pedagogical practices in the classrooms. In the baseline self-response surveys, teachers confirmed application of interactive techniques, such as small group work, discussions and debates and use of Internet as a resource for the development of teaching and learning materials. The majority of teachers also emphasized that they assumed responsibility in developing various learning resources in addition to the existing textbooks and student workbooks provided by the government. They explained that the main reason for developing additional learning materials was an attempt to promote application of the required content and address active learners’ needs.

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Teachers participating in the baseline studies (Center for Innovations in Education 2010; Sigma 2010) showed an understanding of the rationale behind the introduction of new subject curricula and expressed remarkable support to the curriculum changes as the mechanism to enhance students’ learning. Their responses indicated that teachers look at teaching and learning as a complex activity, which requires the development of complex knowledge and skills. For example, teachers highlighted that the introduction of interactive teaching and learning methods had positively affected the social development of children. According to the survey findings, teachers believe that students are more actively engaged in the learning process, they tend to collaborate and work more with their peers in a classroom and they develop their social skills. Furthermore, teachers note that children are more skilful in expressing their own opinion and more knowledgeable about civic values and the society at large (see Table 12.1). For example, interviews with teachers during the baseline study (Center for Innovations in Education 2010) reveal the following insights about the new curriculum reform: (a) change of pupil-to-pupil relations, teacher– pupil relations, teacher–parent relations that are more in-depth reflected in the curriculum (methodologist, rural area); (b) the most positive feature of the new curriculum is that it helps schools develop intellectual person with skills and knowledge (methodologist, rural area); (c) what I like about the new curriculum is that it has assessment strategies, and the government requires the child to have qualities of personality, and the standards are the main goals for both schools and teachers (methodologist, rural area); (d) curriculum develops a pupil as a personality. Pupil may freely ask a question, I am satisfied with curriculum reform (methodologist, rural area); (e) compared to traditional teaching, the new curriculum implementation needs pedagogy of partnership. It means that children are not accepted as objects as in traditional teaching, but rather as subjects. Teachers approach them as subjects, and this approach has positive features (methodologist, rural area). The most interesting finding from the baseline study (Center for Innovations in Education 2010) was that teachers now believe that an active involvement of students in the learning process and the role of classroom environment provide critical support to learning. It reveals a certain shift in teachers’ thinking about the process of teaching and learning and could be identified as one of the most important results of the implementation of the new curriculum in school practice. In particular, teachers directly linked academic achievement of students to the implementation of new curriculum. For example, the respondents strongly or somewhat agreed that the implementation of the new curriculum resulted

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Table 12.1  Teacher perceptions about children’s social skills development and cooperative learning ability (Percentage) Statement

Poor

Satisfactory

Good

Excellent

Students cooperate with others during the learning process

3.6

28.0

47.3

20.8

Students express clearly and comprehensively their opinions during the learning process

1.3

28.7

45.7

23.8

Students learn about civic values and society

3.3

24.4

46.3

25.4

Source: SIGMA (2010).

in students becoming more interested and motivated to learn (79.7 per cent), understanding the teaching material better (65.4 per cent), feeling confident and comfortable in classrooms (80.5 per cent), becoming more active during discussions and solving tasks (78.6 per cent) and showing overall development (67.5 per cent). The respondents were also very positive about the improvement in a number of students’ skills such as creativity and problem-solving skills (79.2 per cent), as well as analytical and critical thinking (78.7 per cent). The respondents noted that students are better able to apply knowledge (75.6 per cent) and demonstrated better achievement (70.1 per cent). The shift in teachers’ thinking about the process of teaching and learning in the context of curriculum reform was also reflected in teacher responses about the characteristics of a professional teacher. According to the respondents of the baseline study (Center for Innovations in Education 2010), professional teachers were those motivated to learn innovations on an ongoing basis (82.4 per cent), able to build positive communication with pupils (72.9 per cent), hardworking and creative (70.5 per cent), as well as able to facilitate learning process (rather than direct teaching) (33.4 per cent). However, less priority was given to characteristics that go beyond the vision of teaching as a classroombound activity, such as ability to build partnership with families, children and colleagues (21.1 per cent). According to the baseline study (Center for Educational Innovations 2010), teachers are well aware of their new roles as clearly expressed by one of the interview participants: first of all, new curriculum puts some responsibility on teachers, it requires that teachers should be prepared well in-depth to develop the lesson. The implementation process requires a hard work from teachers’ side because they have to work with new subject curricula, implement them using new innovative

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teaching methods, learn more about innovative teaching technologies, and have knowledge of the new curriculum standards. (methodologist rural area)

In classroom practice, teachers appear to experiment more with the nontraditional teaching methods such as students’ independent work on projects and presentations, role plays, simulation tasks, discussions and debates, as well as community outreach activities. At the same time, however, teachers continue to rely on textbooks and lectures (see Table 12.2). The shift in classroom practices was also confirmed by the classroom observations, which were conducted in 80 schools where 1st, 2nd and 3rd year primary curricula were introduced since 2008. The observations showed a mixed picture of approaches and methods used by teachers, but allowed to conclude that teachers were making confident attempts towards giving a non-conventional start to the lesson, engaging students in collaboration and peer-learning in small groups, as well as asking open-ended questions. Table 12.2  Frequency of using various teaching methods by teachers (Percentage) No Reply

Never

Sometimes

Often

Teacher chooses issues to be discussed in classroom

5.2

0.0

10.5

84.3

Students work on projects that require collection of information out of school

0.0

0.0

67.7

32.3

Students learn from textbook

0.0

0.0

0.0

100.0

Students work on exercise and task sheets

0.0

0.0

0.0

100.0

Students work on various themes as a team and prepare presentations

0.0

0.0

24.4

75.6

Students perform roles and participate in simulation tasks

0.0

0.0

53.7

46.3

Teacher asks and students answer

0.0

9.3

7.1

83.6

Teacher delivers lecture [presents a theme] and students write down notes

0.0

15.3

43.1

41.6

Teacher presents discussion in classroom dedicated to disputable issues

0.0

0.0

55.1

44.9

Students participate in communitybased (society-based) events or activities

5.8

7.1

56.2

30.9

Source: SIGMA (2010).

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Notwithstanding the promise of success, the majority of teachers experienced difficulties in sustaining consistency between learning activities and the stated learning objectives. This was observed during the baseline observational studies and confirmed by the mid-term studies (Center for Innovations in Education 2010). In particular, 63 per cent of all observed lessons (including grades 1 and 2) revealed that teachers were asking pupils to read, write or copy materials given in the textbooks. This reflects a unique mixture of traditional teacher-oriented teaching and some interactive learning techniques employed by teachers in an unplanned manner and without relation to the specific learning goal. Only 11 per cent of observed teachers started lessons in a non-conventional way with an attempt to suggest some kind of motivational activity related to the new topic and then suggesting open questions for children to work in groups and find out answers by doing specific activities and tasks on worksheets or in textbooks. Furthermore, observations revealed tendencies to rigidly follow lesson stages, questioning for the sake of questioning and limited attempts to pass on initiative to students (Center for Innovations in Education 2012). Importantly, the baseline and observation studies (Center for Innovations in Education 2010; 2012) revealed that teachers give priority to students’ understanding of content and memorization of important subject-related facts during developing lesson plans, whereas during the implementation of lessons they prioritize students’ active involvement in learning through peer-interactions, presentations and reflections on students’ learning. It is likely that more experience with implementing new curriculum reform would result in stronger confidence among teachers in changing their classroom practices in meaningful and innovative ways. Importantly, a large number of teachers in a 2010 study admitted that they would like to return to the old curriculum in all (10 per cent of all respondents) or some (43.7 per cent of all respondents) academic subjects and continue teaching as they did during previous decades. Almost 40 per cent of the respondents stated that they would not like to return to the old curriculum and 3.7 per cent of respondents refused to respond or had difficulties answering this question (Center for Innovations in Education 2010). This can be related to the fact that the number of teachers supporting the reform has declined from 43.7 per cent in 2010 to 24.7 per cent in 2011 (see Table 12.3). The main reasons for such a lack of confidence among teachers in implementing the reform could stem from insufficient school-based mentorship, inadequate professional development, lack of supplementary teaching resources (especially in Azerbaijani language), as well as individual resistance towards changes and innovations. The primary school methodologists who participated in both observational studies (Center

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for Innovations in Education 2010; Sigma 2012) provided interesting insights, explaining the disjunction between the practice and rhetoric: (a) We mix old and new with each other. Many teachers accept innovations, but many of these innovations are lost in that [implementation] mess (methodologist, urban area); (b) The biggest difficulty is that there is lack of literature regarding curriculum. Absence of methodological teacher guidebook on new curriculum affects everything (all methodologists); (c) Implementation of new curriculum cannot be done without technical supplies, teaching aids and visual aids (all methodologists); (d) New curriculum has several components, and one is about additional teaching strategies. For instance we were observing ‘group work’ in classrooms, but there was nothing about group work there. It felt that there is a big gap there. The core essence of group work has not been very well understood (methodologist, rural area). Another interpretation of the data is that perhaps teachers are becoming more critical about various reform initiatives and more reflective about their own capacities to implement curriculum reform. In particular, the curriculum reform required teachers to change their classroom practices in significant ways – from deciding how to teach and what resources to use, to determining how to prepare for the classes and how to assess teaching/learning outcomes. For example, the midterm survey (SIGMA 2011) showed that teachers became more aware about their needs as practitioners in ensuring compliance between the teaching objectives and teaching methods, as well as overcoming problems with application of interactive learner-centred methodology. Among the main obstacles identified by the teachers were the need for diverse teaching materials and sources of information, better skills to motivate students’ learning, better knowledge and skills on active learning, and student assessment methods and techniques. These reflections go far beyond the vision of teaching as delivering a specific subject content; instead, they reflect an awareness about a different vision of the teaching profession – that of a curriculum worker who assumes leadership in curriculum matters (Walker 2005). Table 12.3  Support of curriculum reforms by different population groups (Percentage) Respondent Group

2011

2010

School directors

60.4

49.2

Teachers

24.7

43.7

Awareness about new curriculum by parents

82.5

84.3

Source: SIGMA (2011).

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The dynamic in teachers’ understanding of their new role of a curriculum worker is clearly observed in their responses to questions on professional needs (SIGMA 2012). For example, 36.8 per cent of the respondents indicated that they highly needed to improve the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) skills and 34.8 per cent of the respondents thought that they needed to learn more about teaching strategies related to children with special needs (see Table 12.4). The majority of the respondents also thought that they needed – whether partially or highly – to learn more about how to assess students’ learning outcomes, apply differentiated instruction in their classrooms and manage classrooms. Compared to the baseline study conducted in 2010, the 2012 study participants gave less priority to the work environment and the conditions of reform implementation but rather emphasized teachers’ commitment, motivation, creativity and overall professionalism as essential factors for effective classrooms and improved schools (CIE 2012). Furthermore, the need for an ongoing revision and improvement of the curriculum was repeatedly raised by the respondents in 2012. This indicates a great self-awareness among teachers about their professional needs in the context of new curriculum reforms. Table 12.4  Teachers’ professional development needs (Percentage) Perceived needs

Not needed

Partially needed

Highly needed

Difficult to answer

To learn the subject content and assessment standards

24.3

51.3

23.9

0.5

To learn how to apply different approaches in student assessment

31.9

42.9

24.9

0.3

To learn classroom management strategies

45.5

34.4

20.0

0.1

To improve ICT skills in teaching and learning

15.7

46.7

36.8

0.8

To learn teaching strategies related to children with special needs

22.9

41.6

34.8

0.6

To learn the strategies on solving the problems on discipline and children behaviour

40.0

34.0

25.5

0.5

To learn the strategies of school management

39.3

38.7

20.5

1.6

To learn strategies on how to apply differentiated approaches to students

38.9

34.8

26.3

0.0

Source: SIGMA (2012)

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In other words, it appears that teachers in Azerbaijan have developed their own understanding of the support that they need in order to successfully implement the new national curriculum. The studies showed uncertainty and mixed feelings that teachers experience in their work in the context of intensified control, increased workload, little ongoing support and limited professional development opportunities. Despite these limitations, the teachers in Azerbaijan have realized the necessity of being involved in the learning community within the school and professional development through partnership with colleagues. They have emphasized that exchange and collaboration are the cornerstones of the new ‘pedagogical culture’ and practice that they need to develop by themselves in order to sustain the change at the school level. The teachers have undergone transformation in their thinking about their work as education professionals. Their thinking is changing towards a kind of work that curriculum theories call ‘curriculum work’,7 because this particular type of work requires responsibility that is shared, negotiated and agreed. All this requires teachers to move to the position of leadership in curriculum matters. In order to sustain this profound shift in teachers’ professionalism in Azerbaijan, there is a need for definition of a conceptually new professional development at the levels of pre- and inservice teacher training, which has not yet been adequately addressed by the policymakers. Implementation of the new curriculum is a highly demanding process and it needs to be balanced with institutional capacities of schools and teacher training institutions, on the one hand, and professional and personal capacities of teachers as the main agents of the educational reforms in the country, on the other.

Conclusions The last two decades (1991–2013) have been characterized by a series of ongoing reforms at all levels of the educational system of Azerbaijan. Reforms in the area of school curriculum have been particularly profound, requiring reformulation of not only curriculum content, but also the teaching and learning process itself. At the policy level, a commitment to a new understanding of education quality has been clearly demonstrated in policy declarations, ministry statements and academic rhetoric, emphasizing the values of child-centred learning, creativity, critical thinking and lifelong learning skills. In particular, the 2006 national curriculum has emphasized the importance of application of knowledge and skills as the outcomes of teaching and put students’ learning at the centre of the

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pedagogical discourse. The new national curriculum consequently brought reforms in several interrelated areas – including learning objectives and learning outcomes, teaching methods, assessment of students’ achievement, teaching resources, teacher education and professional development, and school structure and libraries – thus redefining what schools teach and how they teach it. More importantly, the new curriculum reform has required redefinition of the role of the teacher. No longer responsible for only transmitting knowledge, Azerbaijan’s teachers are now expected to assume the role of curriculum workers (and leaders) by taking the initiative to define learning outcomes, selecting and creating their own teaching resources and organizing the teaching/learning process in ways that would most effectively meet the desired learning outcomes. Furthermore, teachers are now consulted as ‘experts’ in the process of textbook development and evaluation. In other words, the new reform has entailed redefinition of the entire ‘pedagogical culture’ in Azerbaijan’s schools. It is not surprising that such a radical redefinition of ‘pedagogical culture’ – including redefinition of teachers’ roles – brought major challenges at the classroom level. Given a lack of an ongoing professional support at the school level, there is an increasing gap between the desired change and implemented classroom practices. As this chapter has demonstrated, teachers report high level of support for the new curriculum reform, but at the same time express uncertainty and mixed feelings towards the new changes. It is particularly interesting that many teachers (especially older teachers) are reminiscing about their Soviet experiences and would rather return to the ‘old’ curriculum. However, this may also be an indication that teachers may be becoming more critical about various reform initiatives and more aware about their own professional capacities and needs necessary to implement the new curriculum reform. Their reflections illustrate a definite transformation of the traditional vision of teaching as delivering specific subject content. Instead, Azerbaijan’s teachers demonstrate a heightened awareness about a new vision of the teaching profession – that of a curriculum worker (and leader) – assuming leadership in curriculum matters and seeking collaborative partnerships in reform implementation. Notwithstanding progress with reform implementation, this chapter highlights that teachers need an ongoing support to make their innovations sustainable. This requires access to ongoing professional development opportunities, collaborative school environments, as well as encouragement, recognition and support by education officials. It is, therefore, critical to create the desired atmosphere of support, which involves the collective participation

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of teachers, school directors and policymakers as well as collaborative working structures that serve to build competencies and improve communication between different education stakeholders.

Notes 1 See, for example, Education Reform Program of 1999 and the 10 Years Education Reform Strategy (2003–2013), which was developed by the Ministry of Education. 2 The features of ‘the post-socialist education reform package’ are unique in that they combine (1) elements common to any low-income, developing country that implements the structural adjustment programs (SAPs) recommended by the international financial institutions (e.g., decentralization and privatization), (2) education reform aspects specific to the entire former socialist region (e.g., marketdriven textbook provision, increased educational choice, standardized assessment systems) and (3) country- or region-specific components (e.g., conflict resolution in the former Yugoslavia and gender equity reforms in Central Asia). Although the features of this ‘post-socialist education reform package’ vary from place to place, they do exist (at least discursively) in most countries of the region (Silova and Steiner-Khamsi 2008: 19–22). 3 The Open Society Institute was a co-financing partner by providing support to textbook policy development through the provision of a textbook consultancy and a number of training activities, seminars and roundtables for policymakers, textbook publishers, evaluators and authors. For more information, see Kazimzade (2008). 4 The baseline study (Center for Innovations in Education 2010) was conducted in the period from January to May, 2010 and focused on such aspects of curriculum implementation, such as teaching practices, use of new teaching materials and textbooks, new assessment techniques, the aspect of teachers’ professional development and preparedness for the new curriculum implementation, teachers’ beliefs and attitudes toward the new curriculum, and the issues of ongoing methodological support provided systematically to support teaching. The study covered 79 schools in urban and rural areas of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The study involved 682 teachers, including teachers from the 1st and 2nd grades, school vice-principals for primary education and heads of methodological councils for primary education. Additionally, 20 methodologists were interviewed with the aim of examining the quality of the professional support available to teachers. 5 For more on the concept of ‘curriculum workers,’ see Walker (2005). 6 For more information on the textbook development project in Azerbaijan, see Kazimzade (2008). 7 See in Walker (2005).

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References Baimova, N. (2006), World Bank Education Project in Azerbaijan: 1999–2004. Presented at the Workshop on the World Bank in Singapore, 18 September 2006. Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Azerbaijan. (3 June 2010), National Standards and Curriculums for Secondary Education. The Republic of Azerbaijan. [Decree #103], available at: http://kurikulum.az/index.php?option=com_content&view=artic le&id=136&Itemid=215&lang=az [Accessed November 25, 2013] Center for Innovations in Education. (2010), Baseline Observational Study: Baseline Report of Second Education Sector Development Project. Baku, Azerbaijan: CIE. ———. (2012), Baseline Observational Study: Baseline Report of Second Education Sector Development Project. Baku, Azerbaijan: CIE. Crisan, A. (2007), Review of National Curriculum: Final Report on Azerbaijan. Baku, Azerbaijan: UNICEF, available at: http://www.kurikulum.az/files/tedqiqatlar/eng/ crisan_eng%20(II).pdf [Accessed November 25, 2013] Hamot, G. E. (1996, Fall), ‘The case of teacher education in Poland’s transitional democracy: “The school in a democratic society”’, European Education 30(2): pp. 5–21. Kazimzade, E. (2008), ‘The free market in textbook publishing: Visions and realities in Azerbaijan’.in Silova, I. and Steiner-Khamsi, G. (eds), How NGOs react: Globalization and education reform in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Mongolia. Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press. ——— (2009), Еще раз к разговору об учебниках или пять открытий из исотрии их реформирования [One more conversation about the textbooks or five discoveries from the history of textbook reform]. Kurikulum [Curriculum], 6. SIGMA (2010), Baseline General Population Survey. Baku, Aerbaijan: SIGMA. ——— (2011), Mid-term General Population Survey. Baku, Aerbaijan: SIGMA. ———, (2012), Midterm Observational Study. Baku, Azerbaijan: SIGMA. Silova, I. and Steiner-Khamsi, G. (eds) (2008), How NGOs React: Globalization and Education Reform in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Mongolia. Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press. Spady, W. (1994), Outcomes Based Education: Critical Issues and Answers. Arlington, Virginia: American Association of School Administration. ——— (1998), Paradign Lost: Reclaiming America’s Educational Failure. Arlington, Virginia: American Association of School Administration. The Ministry of Education of Azerbaijan Republic. (2006), National Curriculum of Azerbaijan Republic. Baku, Azerbaijan: MOE, available at: http://www.edu.gov.az/ http://www.edu.gov.az/ [Accessed November 25, 2013] UNESCO. (2011), World Data on Education: Azerbaijan. [7th ed.], available at: http:// www.ibe.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/Publications/WDE/2010/pdf-versions/ Azerbaijan.pdf [Accessed November 25, 2013]

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Walker, D. (2005), Fundamentals of Curriculum: Passion and Professionalism. New York, NY: Routledge. World Bank. (2003), Azerbaijan Education Sector Development Project. [Project Appraisal Document]. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Bank Independent Evaluation Group. (2011), Azerbaijan: World Bank Country Level Engagement in Governance and Anti-corruption. [IEG Working Paper 2011/9], available at: http://lnweb90.worldbank.org/oed/oeddoclib.nsf/ DocUNIDViewForJavaSearch/A330F91A9E6E735885257984006FE172/$file/ GACAzerbaijanWPFinal.pdf [Accessed November 25, 2013] Yakavets, N. (2003), ‘Challenges of curriculum renewal in Belarus, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine’ in Braslavsky, C. (eds), Challenges of Curriculum Development in the XXI Century: Perspectives from Belarus, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine [Summary seminar report], pp. 15–42, available at: http://www.ibe.unesco.org/fileadmin/user_upload/ archive/curriculum/USSRpdf/report_minsk03_en.pdf [Accessed November 25, 2013]

13

Georgia: Marketization and Education Post-1991 Maia Chankseliani

Introduction The debate around education marketization has been extensive over the last few years. Much has been written around the marketization of education systems in different parts of the world. Australia, the UK, Canada, China, New Zealand and the USA are countries where education marketization has been particularly striking. I define marketization as the sequence of government policies aimed at the introduction of market models into the education system, thus avoiding the state responsibility of distributing taxpayers’ money effectively, equitably and efficiently. The idea of education marketization is integral to the neoliberal ideology of free markets and a limited state. Although the research effort oriented to the investigation of various aspects of education marketization has been documented, education system marketization in post-Soviet states, and specifically in Georgia, has not been the subject of extensive scholarly discussion. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, independent states were confronted with new socio-economic and political realities. Post-Soviet states were weak and most of the governments who led these states in the first decade after the dissolution of the USSR were unsuccessful in tackling an array of challenges the countries faced. As described by Robinson (2004), there were two main limitations. The independent states did not have sufficient economic resources to support the establishment of market economies and the modernization of public institutions to lead economic transformation. Neither did the governments enjoy political legitimacy to compensate for economic deficiencies. With weak traditions of statehood, commitment to a clan, family or geographic area was sometimes stronger than to the state. Operating within these legacies of the

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USSR, successive governments created different varieties of weak post-Soviet states (Robinson 2004). Under the conditions of scarce economic resources, political instability and weak traditions of statehood, it has been a difficult task to continue to provide publicly funded education. Thinking and planning for systemic improvements was a task of even larger magnitude. Modernization of educational practices at schools and post-secondary institutions required evidence-based policies as well as sufficient human and financial resources to implement them. This chapter discusses neoliberal policies and discourses in Georgian general1 and higher education since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. It examines how an entirely public system opened up to private resources and providers, aiming at the establishment of a corruption-free, choice-based meritocratic system of safe schooling. As I pursue a chronological analysis of specific mechanisms that have facilitated the development of for-profit sector in the Georgian education system, I divide the period under discussion (1991–2012) into three sub-periods. 1991–2001 was the time of transition from a socialist to a capitalist economy, with Soviet-style corrupt practices and emerging private sector in education. In 2001–2009, corruption was largely eliminated and a number of education system liberalization and decentralization measures were put in place. Finally, in 2010–2012, the government implemented new measures of management through surveillance, which may be considered a culmination of the neoliberal political agenda in the education sector. The first signs of education system marketization emerged in Georgia in the 1990s, when a centrally planned socialist economy began to transition into a market economy and the government was unable to continue full funding and provision of education. Private providers of education were established and secondary and tertiary fees were introduced at public schools and higher education institutions (HEIs). These trends, I argue, were the indicators of education policies in the tradition of the so-called Edlib.2 Edlib, neoliberal tradition in education policy, advances the features of economic liberalism ‘with greater stridency’ and promotes the reduction of government involvement in the provision and financing of education (Colclough 1997b). For the purpose of increasing a market role in education, Edlib advocates have generally been promoting the following policy directions: user charges in tertiary and, sometimes, secondary education; student loans for all tertiary students; and more private provision at all levels (Colclough 1991). The literature demonstrates that governments in different parts of the world have been eager to embrace these options since they need to decrease spending and follow the

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directives of the international financial institutions (Colclough 1991; 1997a). Moreover, Fourcade-Gourinchas & Babb’s (2002) analysis of neoliberal policies in Chile, Mexico, Britain and France shows that, in the process of liberalization, developing countries depend on external pressures more than developed ones. There are three major neoliberal arguments for the increase of market role in education. First, the fiscal constraint argument – governments in developing countries do not have enough resources available from traditional revenue instruments (Colclough 1997a). Second, the equality argument – state misallocates resources; some people are altogether denied the access and others, mostly rich, benefit from it. Public sector cannot put things right as the people whom the governments depend upon are richer and therefore the resource allocation will always be inequitable (Colclough 1997a). Neoliberals maintain that marketization allows families of low socio-economic status to select better schools outside their area of residence (Kwong 2000), and can ensure the provision of higher quality education for the poor (Tooley et al. 2009). This brings us to the third argument on efficiency and effectiveness – publicly financed education is of low quality without internal efficiency (absenteeism, no equipment, etc.) (Colclough 1997a). Reinforcing a central ‘ideological imperative’ of neoliberalism – privatization (Zajda 2006), the proponents of education system privatization argue that it increases efficiency gains, as public schools are competing with private schools and try to change their institutional structure. Chubb and Moe (1990), for example, believe that private schools are more autonomous as they are controlled by the market and less political, and therefore, their structure is less bureaucratic and student achievement is higher. The latter argument is often promoted together with the democratic notion of free choice. An attractive marriage of efficiency, effectiveness and democracyrelated considerations may explain the wider support for marketization policies in Georgia and internationally; rarely would anyone oppose the idea of having effective education providers and free choice to select the most appropriate educational institutions.

Marketization of the poor, corrupt system (1991–2001) As mentioned earlier, the fiscal constraint argument is one of the main neoliberal arguments for the increase of a market role in the education sector. In order to support various levels or the entire sector of education, a state needs financial resources. The grave problem of the 1990s was the scarcity of resources available

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for public education. At the time of gaining independence, Georgia’s public expenditure on education was 7 per cent of GDP, which fell to 1 per cent in 1994.3 Teacher salaries were not paid, there was no money to finance text-book publishing and schools could not afford learning materials, sufficient heating and maintenance. Therefore, the government promoted cost-sharing as the best way forward in maintaining the education sector. In the 1990s, 10th and 11th graders had to incur school fees, unless they were among the top 30 per cent of the best performers in their class. This was an entirely meritocratic measure that did not consider family incomes. Parents used to also make informal payments for heating, school capital costs and monthly top-ups to teachers’ salaries. Teachers were starting to lose interest in their profession, some leaving their jobs, as their salaries were very low and often times they went unpaid (Dudwick 1999). Informal payments were often required for entry and completion of higher education (HE). Corruption in HE entrance examinations used to be one of the most severe problems in the region (Altbach 2006). In Georgia, informal payments were the major barrier to the equitable allocation of state-sponsored places at public universities. Parents of HE applicants paid direct bribes to the academics who were on the university selection committees. Alternatively, they paid to purchase private tutoring services from the same academics. It was believed that chances of gaining admission to an HEI increased dramatically if applicants had an opportunity of taking private lessons from the faculty members who would later examine them at entrance examinations. The informal price for a state-sponsored public university place differed by HEI prestige and applicant qualifications and ranged between $100 and $20,000 per applicant.4 Informal payments were not infrequent in Soviet times either. It has been believed, however, that the corrupt practices in HE sector spread more widely post 1991, as the salaries of academics dropped so dramatically that payments received through the above-described arrangements became their main source of income. Although developing country governments often rely on less-stable sources of financing education, like international aid and debt, the state determines the degree of education system marketization by choosing to finance the system largely through taxes or through cost-sharing. A progressive tax structure can be the only sustainable source for education financing (Colclough 1991), as financing of education from taxpayers’ monies allows the government to ‘spread the costs of these services more widely among the community’ (Colclough 1997a: 25).

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Those in support of marketization advocate for cost-sharing on the basis of the following assumptions: first, the costs of education provision decrease as a result of the new incentives for staff and parents; second, with more resources the state is able to improve allocative efficiency and invest more in the education areas of high social benefit; and third, students study better as they face high costs (Colclough 1991; 1997a). These reasons are controversial, since the cheap, as Colclough suggests, does not mean of good quality. Therefore, parents may not choose those schools where the costs are lower. As for the allocative efficiency and higher investment in socially more beneficial subsectors of education, intra- and inter-sectoral allocation is a complex phenomenon and the criteria are often unclear (Burgess 1997). And finally, we cannot say for sure that students learn better if they pay fees as there is no correlation between the ability to learn and the ability to pay (Colclough 1991). Overall, it is more likely that cost-sharing shifts the costs from the state budget (the tax monies) to recipients, instead of decreasing costs (Colclough 1991), thus affecting the education access for the low SES recipients, as they may need to incur higher costs. Since those who choose private schools pay twice – via taxes and via private fees (Colclough 1997a) – there may be less incentives to support public school system any longer5 (Goldhaber 1999), thus creating further disadvantages for lower SES families. Prioritization of cost-sharing over progressive taxation is a good indicator of a marketized system where community approach is substituted with an individualist approach under the assumption that ‘there is no such thing as society, only families and individuals’ (Brown 1997: 402) who should, according to Edlib, be given a choice. The 1990s’ transition from socialist to capitalism allowed private enterprises to emerge in former state-controlled sectors, including general as well as HE. The first private schools in Georgia appeared in the mid-1990s; the Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia (2009c) data shows that in the academic year 1998–1999 there were 45 private schools, making up only 1.4 per cent of all schools. By 2001, the number of private schools almost tripled to 123. High private rates of return and substantial costs of academic HE have been considered the major arguments for the supporters of the HE sector privatization. Requirements for establishing HEIs and expanding the number of available places were loose in Georgia; there were few mechanisms for the government to interfere in the student selection process, capacity or quality control of HEIs. The government’s decision to deregulate the HEI establishment process resulted in a dramatic increase in the number of tertiary institutions.

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The system expanded to respond to a high demand for HE. Over the decade, the number of HEIs increased from 19 HEIs in 1991 to 179 in 2002 (Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia 2009a); the absolute majority of the newly established tertiary institutions were private. External privatization was accompanied by internal privatization as public HEIs introduced fee-based programmes. The government was in charge of establishing the number of HE places only at tuition-free, state-funded sectors of public HEIs. Private HEIs as well as fee-paying sectors at public HEIs determined the number of places independently. Responsibility for student selection rested entirely with HEIs. Private HEIs and the fee-paying sector at public HEIs were flexible to absorb the excess demand; that is to say, to accept those applicants who did not gain access to publicly funded seats at public HEIs. Private HEIs were considered to be ‘diploma mills’ that had their doors open for students till the end of the first term. By 2002, 22 per cent of HE students enrolled at private HEIs and up to 43 per cent of students at the fee-paying sector of public HEIs (Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia 2009a).

Elimination of corruption and full marketization (2002–2009) The World Bank’s Adjustable Programme Loan for the Education System Realignment and Strengthening Programme ‘Ilia Chavchavadze’ was decisive in shaping and implementing the education reform agenda of the Government of Georgia. The declared goal of the reform was preparing individuals to better meet the demands of a market economy and a democratic society (Shapiro et al. 2007). In this period, I argue, the Georgian education reform passed on to the next, a more advanced level of marketization. New policies, advocating freedom of choice and meritocracy, involved promotion of general school choice via the introduction of student vouchers; facilitation of the establishment of private providers of education; optimization/consolidation of the existing public education provider network; opportunity for families to pay the costs of private general and HE with public vouchers; and last but not the least, establishment of the new, test-score-based system of HE admissions.6 These policies, I argue, have been associated with inequalities in access to quality educational opportunities for selected groups of population, especially the rural poor.

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Optimization of the public school network resulted in the closing down of onethird of public schools in Georgia; from 3201 public schools in 2001 there were 2178 left in 2009 (Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia 2009c). Edlib followers would maintain that this trend was a natural response to the decrease in the number of school pupils. In the period from 2001 to 2009, the number of school pupils did drop but only by 12 per cent, not by 32 per cent. The shrinkage of the public school network was taking place in the context of extremely low spending on education. Georgia was among the top ten countries in the world that spent the least on education as a per cent of their GDP (World Bank 2009). It is not, therefore, surprising that, according to the Household Budget Survey data, only half of the families in Georgia think that schools meet the educational needs of their children. The difference in perception between rural and urban households is striking – whereas 66 per cent of urban families maintain that their children’s school learning environment is acceptable, only 39 per cent of rural households provide a similar response (Ivaschenko and Posarac 2008). There have been differences in IT provision, teacher quality and supply, class size and teacher–pupil ratio, libraries and physical infrastructure, textbook availability, school management and learning outcomes in rural and urban areas in Georgia.7 It has been shown that the declining quality and/or decreased government support for public schools creates a demand among recipients for alternatives, which are often private (Belfield and Levin 2002). The number of private schools, therefore, doubled over the same period, increasing from 123 in 2001 to 270 in 2009 (Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia 2009c). Considering these changes, the proportion of private schools in the school provider network climbed from 1.4 per cent in 2001 to 11 per cent in 2009. The government of Georgia introduced per pupil voucher financing of schools in 2006. Vouchers in Georgia can be used to cover the costs of schooling at public as well as private providers. Voucher financing of education systems, which is considered as ‘the most prominent market reform in education’ (Levin and Belfield 2003:185), follows the plan outlined by Milton Freedman: ‘governments could require a minimum level of schooling financed by giving parents vouchers redeemable for a specified maximum sum per child per year if spent on ‘approved’ educational services’ (Friedman 1962). Milton Friedman’s original idea is based entirely on the concept of choice that increases consumer satisfaction. According to Friedman (1962), markets can guarantee freedom, which arises from the choice. In other words, a better education system for Friedman provides more choice, but not more equitable access (Friedman 1955).

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Neoliberalism argues that choice and competition, which privatization bring about, improve productive behaviour of education recipients as well as providers (Levin and Belfield 2003), thus promoting efficiency. In marketized systems education recipients have incentives to make providers considerate of their needs. Providers and recipients both know that in case the former does not consider the latter’s needs, the latter will simply change the provider (Levin and Belfield 2003). Literature looks at parents’ decision-making when utilizing the freedom of choice and demonstrates that there are private benefits related to consumer choice (Levin 1991). The USA studies on voucher effectiveness show that parents tend to be happier when they choose non-government voucher schools than public schools.8 Choice is associated with education recipients’ higher satisfaction, more commitment and involvement.9 Choice tends to increase parental involvement in the education decision-making process, which allows them to choose schools of better quality (Hoxby 1998). Parental involvement in its turn is correlated with better academic achievement. The UK experience shows that higher level of parental involvement in primary and secondary schools is associated with a higher level of academic achievement (Mortimore 1998). An international study comparing 13 Latin American countries also confirms the effectiveness of parental involvement (Willms and Somer 2001). Can every member of society, however, enjoy the benefits arising from the freedom of choice? Market fundamentalists argue that open enrolment (Godwin and Kemerer 2002), parental choice (Domanico 1990) and private schooling (IFC 2001) improve opportunities for low SES students in various settings. Tooley (2009) presents an excellent example of this ideologically biased argument. As Tooley describes his ‘travel impressions’ in different developing countries, he decides to altogether ignore affordability issue and maintains that entrepreneurs in China, India and Africa are providing better quality education to the poor than public schools do. Moreover, Tooley et al. (2009) write: ‘my research in Kenya has suggested that these poor families had always been able to afford private schools’ (p. 125). As indicated earlier, Georgian families can use vouchers to pay for private education. Although there is no empirical evidence on equity implication of voucherization in Georgia,10 it may be argued that the voucher financing might not have made private education more affordable for the poor as publicly provided vouchers do not cover full tuition at private schools. Georgian families who choose private options need to make out-of-pocket payments.

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Challengers of Edlib view the school choice phenomenon from socioeconomic, racial/ethnic and class segregation perspectives. Their empirical research shows that the picture is not at all encouraging when we look at the school choice and parental involvement according to socio-economic status even in developed countries. The level of parental involvement tends to differ according to class. When making school choice decisions, working-class parents in the UK discuss and negotiate less (Reay and Ball 1998). Research also shows that high-income parents are more active in choosing schools than low-income parents (Hoxby 1998). Thus, assuming that choice is positively associated with parental involvement and family income, then pupils coming from workingclass/low-income families may be disadvantaged as their parents do not seem to be as active and involved in school choice decision-making as the middle-upper class/high-income parents. There exists evidence-based analysis of equity implications related to private choice, which argues that private schools (which require additional fees besides a voucher) may not be affordable to low-income families. Internationally, richer and more educated families gain benefits from privatization, whereas poor and less-educated families see deterioration in education access.11 Higher SES parents have all the necessary resources to fully use the choice option, whereas the lower SES parents do not have the resources (e.g., information, additional resources to meet the tuition costs, transportation).12 Evidence from different countries demonstrates that those families who decide to choose the school, pay attention to the SES of students and thus support segregation. Marketization of the English education system has been accompanied by consistent increase in school segregation (Noden 2000). A study of British parents shows that middle-class parents use the opportunity of choice to reaffirm their class position (Ball et al. 2006). Goldhaber’s (1999) analysis of the USA school choice research indicates that choice is highly correlated with education recipients’ SES as well as racial/ethnic characteristics. Chilean experience also demonstrates that private school students come from families with higher income and education levels than public school students; thus, they have higher academic achievement (McEwan and Carnoy 2000). In the environment of competition and profit-orientation, it is not only the parents who choose but also the schools, thus denying the less-privileged of their right to exercise choice. Sharon Gewirtz, Ball and Richard Bowe (1995) show that prestigious schools in England often conduct social selection; they decline the applications from students with special educational needs, students from working-class background and from boys. Lacireno-Paquet, Holyoke,

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Moser and Henig (2002) come to somewhat similar results in their study of Washington DC schools; they suggest that market-oriented charter schools are likely to refuse access to those students who may cost more to educate because of their special education needs. Although there is little evidence on how families choose schools and how schools select pupils in the Georgian context, there is some data available on the availability and affordability of private schooling. Assuming that geographic disparities are ‘the most serious form of educational inequality’ in developing country settings (Foster 1977: 218), I established that urban residence in Georgia is associated with significantly higher rates of private school attendance. The empirical analysis of the Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia (2009a) and National Examinations Center (2009) data on all applicants to HE in 2005–2009 shows that whereas 14.1 per cent of applicants from the capital can afford/choose private school attendance, in mountainous villages only a very small proportion (0.5 per cent) receive private education. As the residence area becomes more urban, more applicants tend to attend private schools. Moreover, statistical analysis of the Georgian national examinations dataset shows that private school graduates, ceteris paribus, score, on average, significantly higher than public school graduates in the three core subjects of the Unified National Examinations (UNEs): GAT, Georgian and foreign languages.13 Under the circumstances when private school graduates score higher than public school graduates, residence in districts where all schools are public seems to be particularly disadvantageous, as families do not have school choice even if they can afford private education. Almost one-third of municipalities in Georgia, all of them largely rural, did not have a single private school in 2005– 2009. These municipalities were Ambrolauri, Adigeni, Aspindza, Axalkalaki, Bagdati, Dedofliswyaro, Dmanisi, Dusheti, Tetritskaro, Tianeti, Lentexi, Mestia, Ninotsminada, Oni, Tyibuli, Keda, Shuaxevi, Chkhorotsku and Tsalka (Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia 2009b). International research shows that there are fewer private schools in poor/rural locations when compared to relatively well-off/urban locations, as disadvantaged areas do not create sufficiently profitable environments for the private sector (OECD and World Bank 2009). Although returns to education have diminished in Georgia because of lower quality of instruction and a depressed labour market, people continue investing in it (Rosati et al. 2006). In 2005–2008, the amount of Georgian households’ private investment in education increased (GeoStat 2009), as the dissatisfaction

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with the publicly provided education grew (Ivaschenko and Posarac 2008). ‘Underfunding from public sources has been reflected in an increase in private expenditure on education […], to the detriment of equity’ (Shapiro et al. 2007: 2–3). Using the GeoStat data on household expenditure, Shapiro et al. (2007) show that richer families in Georgia tend to spend significantly more on education than poorer families: 43 per cent of total private expenditure on education comes from the top 10 per cent of the richest families, compared with the 0.2 per cent share coming from the bottom 10 per cent. Urban households invested, on average, three times more on education when compared to the spending of rural households (IMF 2003). This is in compliance with international research, which shows that, even when controlling for household resources, rural families invest significantly less in education than urban or suburban families (Roscigno et al. 2006). Private investment goes to private schooling as well as private tutoring. Countries as diverse as Cambodia and the UK, Romania and the USA, the Arab Republic of Egypt and Japan, Kenya and Singapore have substantial private tutoring systems.14 The practice is immensely strong in East Asia (Bray 2013). Private tutoring has been a very widely spread practice in Central and South Eastern Europe and the countries of former Soviet Union, as it has been perceived to be an effective way of supplementing the formal school quality (OSI 2006). Sixty-nine per cent of the students participating in an OSI (2006) regional survey, covering eight transition countries, including Georgia, reported having such experience at the upper secondary level. The OSI (2006) survey shows that the countries with the highest rates of private tutoring – Azerbaijan, Georgia, Mongolia and Ukraine – have the lowest rates of per capita gross national income. It could be the case that families seek private options when they are not happy with public schooling, which, not surprisingly, is underfunded in these poor states. The OSI (2006) survey indicated that 80 per cent of the sample from Georgia used private tutoring as a supplement to formal schooling. Moreover, 50 per cent of students in Georgia maintain that private tutoring is the only way of acquiring high-quality education; HE applicants tend to be active users of private tutoring services as they prepare for the highly competitive Unified National Examinations (UNEs) and as their perception of formal schooling quality is low (OSI 2006). The data, however, does not make it clear whether students go to private tutors because of poor education quality overall or in response to poor preparation for university entry examinations, or both (Ivaschenko and Posarac 2008).

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According to the HBS 2006 data, the incidence of private tutoring in Georgia is higher in urban areas (39 per cent) than in rural areas (17 per cent) and among children from higher SES quintiles – 50 per cent of students from the richest quintile and only 17 per cent from the poorest quintile go to private tutors (Ivaschenko and Posarac 2008). This is the case despite the fact that private tutoring costs, as reported by general school teachers, differ by geographic areas and tend to be higher in urban than in rural areas (Shapiro et al. 2007). Overall, those who come from urban areas and higher SES quintiles have a 4–25 per cent higher probability of using private tutoring services than those who belong to poorer families and reside in rural areas (Ivaschenko and Posarac 2008). This finding from the Georgian context is in compliance with international trends. Dang and Rogers (2008) in their meta-analysis put together the results of private tutoring studies on Egypt, Korea, Japan, Turkey and Vietnam. Relying on nationally representative datasets, these studies demonstrate that higher household income, higher levels of parental education and urban location are associated with higher consumption of private tutoring services. An empirical study of students from the Gori district of Georgia revealed that private tutoring is associated with higher achievement at the UNEs. Darakhvelidze (2008) used multivariate analysis to establish that private tutoring investment explains significant variation in student performance on the UNEs, including achievement on the General Aptitude Test, for the population in the selected district. The multivariate model controlled for the school location, gender, family income, parent employment status and school attendance. Through qualitative interviews with HEI entrants in Georgia, Gorgodze (2006) found that the following are the main reasons for applicants to decide on hiring a private tutor: through tutoring classes they can organize their thoughts better; they cannot think of passing the UNEs without private lessons as everybody else is taking such additional preparatory classes; they feel more at ease to ask questions to a private tutor rather than to a school teacher; and have more time for discussions at private lessons. Private tutoring has been popular in countries where the HE admission process is competitive and the places are limited, for example, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Greece (Dundar and Lewis 1999; Bray 2013). Georgia met the two criteria in 2005: introduced highly competitive HE admissions and drastically limited the number of university places. Two policies – the unified system of student selection and the institutional accreditation of HEIs – established a meritocratic, survival-of-the-fittest system. These two policies helped government avoid responsibility related to equitable provision of HE to its

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citizens. First, those young people who did not have appropriate prior education to accumulate competitive test scores at the nation-wide examinations are now solely blamed for their failure as they were unsuccessful in examinations. Second, those HEIs that did not meet the infrastructure-related criteria for survival were closed down because they were not competitive. As the number of HEIs decreased and there were fewer places for new students, the competition for those places via the unified examinations became more severe for marginal applicants. Thus, the HE deregulation trend from the previous period reversed in 2004–2005, as the government of Georgia introduced new policies that fully centralized the system, in terms of taking charge of student selection, capacity and quality control. An entirely test-score-based admissions system, the UNEs, was introduced in Georgia in 2005 to tackle the main barrier to equal allocation of HE places – corrupt practices of informal payments. Standardized testing is often equated with the objective treatment of all applicants in the neoliberal discourse. This was especially so in the Georgian context where the new policy of admissions created conditions for formally equal competition for all applicants and, thus, successfully combated corruption.15 Although the system is providing equal treatment for all, it is far from being equitable, as demonstrated by the empirical analysis of the national examinations data of the entire population of HE applicants in 2005–2009 (Chankseliani 2013b; 2013c). Rural origin of applicants, language, minority status, gender and secondary school ownership status are the main factors of disadvantage when it comes to equitable opportunities of gaining HE admission, obtaining competitive test-scores, applying and gaining access to prestigious HEIs and obtaining public grant for tuition (Chankseliani 2013b; 2013c). Literature has demonstrated that, internationally, test-score achievement is related to demographic, socio-economic, geographic and educational characteristics of applicants, their families and schools. Besides, there may be incidental factors that affect test performance: health condition, nutrition, anxiety level, psychological and social factors, skilful test-taking techniques acquired through coaching, among others (Helms 2008). Opportunities of access to HE for applicants with marginal scores have been further delimited with the shrinking number of available HE seats in the country. The government-led institutional accreditation that resulted in the decreased number of HE places assessed university physical/institutional infrastructure and did not measure the quality of teaching or research (Chankseliani 2013b). By introducing this supply-side measure, 60 per cent of HE applicants were left

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without possibility of studying at a tertiary level in their home country (National Examinations Center 2011). Georgia created an unusual international precedent where the general trend at the start of the twenty-first century has been that of an increase in HE supply to respond to the growing demand. This resulted in a striking decrease in the tertiary Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER).16 Whereas the GER increased from 36.7 per cent in 1991 to 45.9 per cent in 2005 at the expense of internal and external privatization of HE, it dropped dramatically within four years and reached 25.5 per cent in 2009. This was 11 percentage points lower than the GER at the time of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and 20 percentage points lower than at the time when the UNEs where introduced (World Bank 2010). The decline seems to be associated with the introduction of HE institutional accreditation. With the GER of 37 per cent in 2007, Georgia is below the ECA average of 51 per cent and positioned towards the bottom end of the distribution of GER ratios of Central and Eastern European and Central Asian countries (UNESCO 2009). Thirty-seven per cent is a low figure, considering economic and non-economic public returns to education.17 Besides public benefits, there are economic and non-economic private benefits associated with higher levels of education, such as higher salaries and benefits, increased employment, higher savings levels, improved working conditions, personal and professional mobility, improved health and life expectancy, improved quality of life for offspring, better consumer decision-making, increased personal status, more hobbies and leisure activities, individual productivity in knowledge production, attainment of desired family size and reduced desired family size (Stransky and Good 2009). With the GER figure located towards the end of the regional distribution, the above-described public and private returns to HE may not be sufficiently high.

New management through surveillance – zenith of the neoliberal state (2010–2012) In the last three years, three new developments brought the Georgian education system marketization to its zenith: standardization of school achievement, school branding and school policing. The government tried to use different aspects of highly centralized management of the school system, for example, surveillance of teachers and students through CCTV cameras, introduction and empowerment of school police and competitive assessment systems for schools and students. This sort of centralized management is a technical means of

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control that is practiced through punishment and appraisal; it is a ‘machine […] in which everyone is caught, those who exercise power as well as those who are subjected to it’ (Foucault 1980: 156). One could argue that these policy instruments were introduced to increase the government control of schools and put the entire responsibility for inefficient and low-quality provision on them, instead of looking at a wider picture of socio-economic disadvantages brought about and maintained via an array of neoliberal policies in the public sector. In this period, the Georgian government introduced the Secondary School Leaving Examinations that every student needs to take upon completing 12 years of schooling in order to obtain a school leaving certificate. Achievement on these exams has been used for the purpose of school comparison and resulted in centralized measures of school punishment and encouragement. Internationally, establishment of standardized measurement of academic achievement, such as PICA, has been associated with schools’ efforts to teach to test. This entails less variation in teaching styles and content as well as permanent disadvantage of low-SES schools. The second measure, school branding, was introduced as a compulsory measure for public institutions and voluntary for private ones. It involved the assessment of schools using a ten-star system. The latter included the following criteria: institutional data, teaching/learning, teacher qualifications, participation in external projects and accreditation. Each school undertakes a self-assessment exercise; the results of the self-assessment are verified by the Ministry of Education commission that is chaired by the Deputy Minister of Education. As declared on the Ministry website, the main goal of the school branding is to create a competitive environment and encourage schools to improve the teaching/learning process. The initiators of this reform have not considered the fact that competition may not generate classical economic response in terms of improving quality when participants are competing on an inherently unequal playing field. A school in Khulo District with limited school infrastructure, shortage of teachers and low-SES environment is competing with a school from Vake District of Tbilisi, which is located in a high-SES area with high involvement of parents and better school infrastructure coupled with a higher likelihood of having more qualified teachers. Finally, the school policing reform was the most widely promoted one; it assured the public that school safety was a major problem in the country and the surveillance/policing measures were required to eliminate this problem. Prior

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to the implementation of the school policing reform, UNICEF (2008) looked at 1300 children from 93 schools in Georgia to find out that 94.7 per cent of school children always or usually feel safe at school. Despite this data, the MES started putting in place special measures for safe schooling, which included the introduction of police-officers at schools, separation of different levels of schooling within school buildings, installation of CCTV/ surveillance cameras in schools and decrease of cash circulation within school buildings. The duties of the school police include reporting on all disciplinary issues to the MES, including absenteeism, lateness and even teacher behaviour. School police patrols the school perimeter and adopts the strategy of zero tolerance. Schools have no choice on introducing school police; neither can they choose the police-people who will serve at their schools (Gorgodze and Janashia 2012). This policy is similar to the 1980s’ zero-tolerance movement in the USA schools when the discipline moved from humane methods to ‘sixteenth-century draconian practices’ (Adams 2000); although first it focused on criminal behaviour, soon the regulations expanded to nonviolent behaviours like absenteeism, defiance of authority and defacement of school property (Insley 2001). The government of Georgia invested in popularizing the new institution of school police, maintaining that the introduction of police turned schools into safer places. There is, however, no verifiable source of such information. The drawbacks of the school police institution are that school autonomy decreased, the functions of school administration diminished and the role of teachers declined (Gorgodze and Janashia 2012). It has been argued that governments who focus on crime are trying to divert attention from human rights, deeper economic, social and educational problems. School safety and accountability reforms, in the contexts of governance through crime, have been consistently linked to the neoliberal political agenda.18 Based on the international literature on the topic, it may be hypothesized that the introduction of police officers and surveillance cameras to schools and their unlimited power to control the behaviour of pupils, teachers and school administration might have been used to legitimize the political order and could have had adverse effects on the elimination of behavioural problems.

Discussion and conclusion Transition from a socialist economy to a market economy in Georgia was accompanied by education system marketization, which shifted the

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understanding of education from a public into a private good. Furthermore, access to the latter is competitive and takes place under the conditions of substantial government control but limited public funding. Contrary to the non-interventionist narrative of neoliberalism, the literature provides an array of very specific arguments in favour of the state support for various levels of education. There exists an extensive discourse on education as a public good, which points to substantial social benefits resulting from education as well as its non-excludable and non-rivalrous nature that justifies government provision and financing of education.19 There are a few problems that usually arise when education is viewed as a private good and, thus, entirely reliant on markets instead of the state: First, adequate information may not be available about education benefits and educational opportunities, especially to the disadvantaged. Considering that information affects consumer behaviour, it is not surprising that imperfect information about the benefits of education does not allow individuals to make right choices (Colclough 1997a). In market-driven systems education institutions provide their own information to education recipients. Such information, as demonstrated by Levin and Belfield (2003), may not be accurate and it will be particularly difficult for less-educated parents to make sense of it. Second, capital markets are imperfect. The poor may not have credit available for education as banks may not take the risk (Burgess & Stern cited in Colclough 1997a), that is, an imperfect market in a developing country may not provide solutions for those disadvantaged applicants who have been successful in gaining the admission to educational institution, maintains Colclough (1991) and underlines the threat of reinforcing existing inequalities by providing education access to more affluent groups. Shafaeddin (2004) uses the writings of Stigliz & Myint to suggest that capital markets are particularly imperfect in developing countries because of the low level of institutional and organizational development. Third, the private sector tends to show signs of instability in its business interests. Governments that choose the marketization path often use ‘what works rather than who does it’ approach and ignore the primarily profit-oriented nature of the private sector (Whitty 2000). Although at some point in time private firms may find education business attractive, as other areas of investment become more profitable the companies may shift to them. Therefore, Whitty (2000) voices a legitimate concern about the possibility of private sector losing interest in the educational business over time. Levin and Clive R. Belfield (2003) support the same argument when they look at a firm’s decision-making to start

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or end a business and an effect of equilibrium price in the process. Thus, when governments and media idealize private as the best, they must also be asking the question ‘if public sector capacity is undermined, what will happen in the longer term when the private sector moves on to seek easier profits elsewhere?’ (Whitty 2000: 6). Existing research does not provide any answers to this question. It can only be hypothesized that the socio-economically disadvantaged population would suffer more in case of scarce supply of educational opportunities. Defining marketization as the sequence of government policies aimed at the introduction of market models into the education system, this chapter critically looked at the case of Georgia via the theoretical lenses of education system marketization. The Georgian government has been implementing marketfundamentalist reform in the field of education by optimization/consolidation of the existing public education provider network, supporting the establishment of private providers at all levels of education and training, creating wider possibilities of school choice, introducing across-the-board per student voucher financing of general and HE and allowing education recipients to pay the cost of private general and HE with public vouchers, full standardization of student achievement. In the last few years, however, the neoliberal state, that strives to have little responsibility and a lot of power, affirmed its omnipresence through school policing reforms described in the final part of this chapter. When the system is oriented on keeping control of teachers and students instead of supporting teachers to educate learners, when the system is measuring all learning outcomes with standardized tests instead of looking at multiple indicators, when all public schools are ranked according to the same criteria and ranking is used for punishment instead of support for improvement, when all applicants have to compete for HE places based on their test scores only instead of considering a variety of measures, the education system may be delivering disastrous results. The responsibility for these results, however, does not rest with the central power in charge of distributing taxpayers’ monies; it rests with families, students, schools and teachers. Students are lazy, teachers are ill-prepared, schools are mismanaged, families are disinterested – this is the discourse of a marketized system.

Notes 1

For the purposes of this paper, general school refers to a school providing education from grade 1 to grade 11/12. Although Georgian legislation

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3 4 5

6

7

8 9 10

11 12 13

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differentiates between primary (grades I–VI), basic (grades VII–IX) and secondary (grades X–XII) levels, majority of education providers offer all schooling levels. The term coined by Christopher Colclough; for Colclough, Edlib thinkers are those who advocate for the diminished role of state in education provision and control, as well as the increased functions of the price system in education service allocation (Colclough 1991). See, e.g., Perkins (1998); Rosati et al. (2006). See, e.g., Janashia (2004); Lorentzen (2000). This is the disincentive that the parents would face mostly in cases when the state does not contribute to financing private schools and/or the tax system gives them the necessary flexibility. For further details on these policies see, e.g. Godfrey (2007); Lomaia (2006); Shapiro et al. (2007); Chankseliani (2013a; 2013b; 2013c) Ivaschenko and Posarac (2008). See, e.g., ARC (2011); Ivaschenko and Posarac (2008); Shapiro et al. (2007); Teacher Professional Development Center (2008); Godfrey (2007); National Examinations Center (2007); National Curriculum and Assessment Centre (2009). See, e.g., Hanushek (2007); Goldhaber (1999). See, e.g., Carnoy (2000); Goldring and Shapira (1993). Literature points to the fact that voucher plans differ according to the amount, the possibility for the parent to add up to it and some other characteristics; this makes every voucher plan different. It is, therefore, important to study the effect of each given design on educational outcomes, rather than to have a discussion of voucher plans on an abstract level (Levin 1998; Levin and Belfield 2003). See, e.g., Belfield and Levin (2002); Robertson and Dale (2002). See, e.g., Goldhaber (1999); Levin and Belfield (2003); McEwan and Carnoy (2000); Carnoy (2000). The multiple regression models used in the analysis controlled for age, gender, ethnicity, rurality of the area of applicant origin, general aptitude test score, year of applying to university and school graduation time. Following the definition provided by Dang and Rogers (2008), private tutoring is ‘fee-based tutoring that provides supplementary instruction to children in academic subjects they study in the mainstream education system’ (162). See, e.g., EPPM (2008); Temple (2006); World Bank (2012). Using the UNESCO (2010) definition, GER is the total enrolment in a given level of education regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the population of eligible age. High gross enrolment ratio means that a system is relatively open; a low rate suggests that a system is relatively closed, with only a small proportion of population having access to HE.

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17 Economic benefits may include increased tax revenues, greater productivity, increased consumption, increased workforce flexibility and decreased reliance on government financial support. Non-economic benefits may include reduced crime rates, increased charitable giving, increased community service, increased quality of civic life, social cohesion and increased appreciation for diversity, increased voter participation and improved ability to adapt to and use technology (Stransky and Good 2009). 18 See, e.g., Giroux (2003); Hirschfield and Celinska (2011); Kupchik and Monahan (2006); Lyons and Drew (2006). 19 Debate about education as a public good can be further explored in the writings of Colclough (1997a); Tilak (2008); Levin (1987); Labaree (1997).

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at: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2010.00342.x/abstract [Accessed 19 November 2012]. Hoxby, C. (1998), ‘Analyzing school choice reforms that use America’s traditional forms of parental choice’, in Peterson, P. and Hassel, B. (eds), Learning from School Choice. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, pp. 133–156. IFC. (2001), Investing in Private Education: IFC’s Strategic Directions. Washington DC: International Finance Corporation, available at: http://www.ifc.org/ifcext/ CHEPublication.nsf/bf3b1473553819eb85256bdd0067f34d/1a1464a9e6c4eafe85256 c0200708aa0?OpenDocument. IMF. (2003), Georgia: Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. Washington DC: International Monetary Fund, available at: http://planipolis.iiep.unesco.org/upload/Georgia/ PRSP/Georgia%20PRSP.pdf. Insley, A. (2001), ‘Suspending and expelling children from educational opportunity: Time to reevaluate zero tolerance policies’, American University Law Review 50: pp. 1039–1074. Ivaschenko, O. and Posarac, A. (2008), Georgia Poverty Assessment, Human Development Sector Unit South Caucasus Country Unit Europe and Central Asia Region. Janashia, N. (2004), Corruption and Higher Education in Georgia. Boston: Center for International Higher Education, Boston College, available at: http://www.bc.edu/ content/dam/files/research_sites/cihe/pdf/IHEpdfs/ihe34.pdf. Kupchik, A. and Monahan, T. (2006), ‘The new American school: Preparation for postindustrial discipline, British Journal of Sociology of Education 27(5): pp. 617–631, available at: http://www.eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/detail?accno=EJ753302 [Accessed 21 November 2012]. Kwong, J. (2000), ‘Introduction: Marketization and privatization in education’, International Journal of Educational Development 20(2): pp. 87–92, available at: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6VD73YDGJTW-2&_user=10&_rdoc=1&_fmt=&_orig=search&_sort=d&_ docanchor=&view=c&_searchStrId=1077221741&_rerunOrigin=scholar.google&_ acct=C000050221&_version=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=10&md5=0332a5df3b356 3f0c1e4faab6f7b268b. Labaree, D. (1997), ‘Public goods, private goods: The American struggle over educational goals’, American Educational Research Journal 34(1): pp. 39–81, available at: http://aer.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/34/1/39. Lacireno-Paquet, N. et al. (2002), ‘Creaming versus cropping: Charter school enrollment practices in response to market incentives’, Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis 24(2): pp. 145–158, available at: http://www.jstor.org/ stable/3594141. Levin, H. (1987), ‘Education as a public and private good’, Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 6(4): pp. 628–641, available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3323518.

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——— (1991), ‘The economics of educational choice’, Economics of Education Review 10(2): pp. 137–158, available at: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/ B6VB9-45BC481-6X/2/148661b4de1c861aab633d140b3f3d47. ——— (1998), ‘Educational vouchers: Effectiveness, choice, and costs’, Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 17(3): pp. 373–392, available at: http://www.jstor.org/ stable/3325554. ——— and Belfield, C. (2003), ‘The marketplace in education’, Review of Research in Education 27: pp. 183–219, available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3568131. Lomaia, A. (2006), ‘Education reforms in Georgia – A case study’, in Kohler, J. Huber, J. and Bergen, S. (eds), Higher Education Governance between Democratic Culture, Academic Aspirations and Market Forces, Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing, pp. 163–174, available at: http://www.coe.int/t/dg4/highereducation/Resources/ Higher%20educationgovernance%20impo.pdf. Lorentzen, J. (2000), Georgian Education Sector Study: Higher Education System, Background Paper prepared for the World Bank. Lyons, W. and Drew, J. (2006), Punishing Schools: Fear and Citizenship in American Public Education, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. McEwan, P. and Carnoy, M. (2000), ‘The effectiveness and efficiency of private schools in Chile’s voucher system’, Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis 22(3): pp. 213–239. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/sici?origin=sfx%3Asfx&sici=01623737%282000%2922%3A3%3C213%3ATEAEOP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z. Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia. (2009a), EMIS data on higher education. ———. (2009b), EMIS Data on Secondary Schools and School Graduates. Tbilisi: Ministry of Education and Science of Georgia. ———. (2009c), ‘Ministry of Education data on general education’, available at: http:// mes.gov.ge/content.php?id=1855&lang=geo. Mortimore, P. (1998), The Road to Improvement: Reflections on School Effectiveness. Lisse, Netherlands: Swets & Zeitlinger Publishers. National Curriculum and Assessment Centre. (2009), ‘National assessment in Georgian language and literature’, available at: http://www.ganatleba.org/index. php?m=95&newsid=170&lang=eng. National Examinations Center. (2007), PIRLS 2006: Georgia Report, available at: http:// naec.ge/files/765_PIRLS-2006.pps. ———. (2009), The Unified National Examinations database. ———. (2011), The Unified National Examinations main figures for 2005–2011. Noden, P. (2000), ‘Rediscovering the impact of marketisation: Dimensions of social segregation in England’s secondary schools, 1994–1999’, British Journal of Sociology of Education 21(3): pp. 371–390. OECD and World Bank. (2009), Tertiary Education in Chile. World Bank Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development

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OSI. (2006), Education in a Hidden Marketplace: Monitoring of Private Tutoring. Overview and Country Reports. New York: Education Support Program of the Open Society Institute Network of Education Policy Centers, available at: http://www. edupolicy.net/images/old/166_education-in-a-hidden-marketplace-highres.pdf. Perkins, G. (1998), The Georgian Education System: Issues for Reform Management. Washington DC: World Bank. Reay, D. and Ball, S. (1998), ‘“Making their minds Up”: Family dynamics of school choice’, British Educational Research Journal 24(4): pp. 431–448, available at: http:// linux02.lib.cam.ac.uk:2083/smpp/content~content=a746328146~db=all. Robertson, S. and Dale, R. (2002), ‘Local states of emergency: The contradictions of Neo-liberal Governance in education in New Zealand’, British Journal of Sociology of Education 23(3): pp. 463–482, available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1393438. Robinson, N. (2004), ‘The post-Soviet space’, in Payne, A. (ed.), The New Regional Politics of Development. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Rosati, F., Özbil, Z. and Marginean, D. (2006), School-to-Work Transition and Youth Inclusion in Georgia. Washington DC: IBRD/World Bank. Roscigno, V., Tomaskovic-Devey, D. and Crowley, M. (2006), ‘Education and the inequalities of place’, Social Forces 84(4): pp. 2121–2145, available at: http://muse.jhu. edu/login?uri=/journals/social_forces/v084/84.4roscigno.html. Shafaeddin, S. (2004), Who is the Master? Who is the Servant? Market or Government? An Alternative Approach: Towards a Coordination System, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, available at: http://ideas.repec.org/p/unc/ dispap/175.html. Shapiro, M. Nakata, S., Chakhaia, L., Zhvania, E., Babunashvili, G., Pruidze, N. and Tskhomelidze, M. (2007), Evaluation of the Ilia Chavchavadze Program in Reforming and Strengthening Georgia’s Schools. Japan: Padeco, available at: http://www.mes.gov.ge/ upload/multi/geo/1209037866_IC%20Evaluation%20Report%202007%20Final.pdf. Stransky, B. and Good, A. (2009), Addressing Opportunity in Wisconsin’s Four-year Universities: A Comparative Analysis of State College Access Programs. Madison, WI: Wisconsin Center for the Advancement of Postsecondary Education, available at: http://wiscape.wisc.edu/uploads/media/79422a68-5727-4bb2-9d25-a341c2c08473. pdf. Teacher Professional Development Center. (2008), Required and Expected Quantities of General School Teachers in Georgia. Tbilisi: Teacher Professional Development Center. Temple, P. (2006), ‘Universities without corruption: A new approach for Georgia’s higher education’, International Higher Education (42): pp. 19–20, available at: https://htmldbprod.bc.edu/pls/htmldb/f?p=2290:4:0::NO:RP,4:P0_CONTENT_ ID:100656. Tilak, J. (2008), ‘Higher education: A public good or a commodity for trade?’, Prospects 38(4): pp. 449–466, available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11125-009-9093-2.

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Tooley, J. (2009), The Beautiful Tree: A Personal Journey into How the World’s Poorest People are Educating Themselves. Washington, D.C: Cato Institute. ——— Dixon, P., Shamsan, Y. and Schagen, I. (2009), ‘The relative quality and costeffectiveness of private and public schools for low-income families: A case study in a developing country’, School Effectiveness and School Improvement: An International Journal of Research, Policy and Practice, available at: http://linux02.lib.cam.ac. uk:2076/10.1080/09243450903255482 [Accessed 1 November 2009]. UNESCO. (2009), Global Education Digest 2009: Comparing Education Statistics Across the World. Montreal, Canada: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Institute of Statistics, available at: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ images/0018/001832/183249e.pdf. ———. (2010), UNESCO Institute of Statistics Glossary, available at: http://glossary.uis. unesco.org/glossary/en/home. UNICEF. (2008), National Study of School Violence in Georgia, UNICEF, available at: http://www.unicef.org/georgia/School_Violence_ENG%281%29.pdf. Whitty, G. (2000), ‘Privatisation and marketisation in education policy’ in Involving the Private Sector in Education: Value Added or High Risk? London, available at: http:// www.ioe.ac.uk/about/documents/About_Overview/PrivatisationNUTPres2001.pdf. Willms, J. and Somer, M. (2001), ‘Family, classroom, and school effects on childrens educational outcomes in Latin America’, School Effectiveness and School Improvement 12(4): pp. 409–445, available at: http://linux02.lib.cam.ac.uk:2083/smpp/content~db =all~content=a725291668. World Bank. (2009), ‘Public spending on education, total (%of GDP)’, available at: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SE.XPD.TOTL.GD.ZS. ———. (2010), ‘Tertiary enrolment data’, available at: http://data.worldbank.org/ indicator/SE.TER.ENRR. ———. (2012), Fighting Corruption in Public Services: Chronicling Georgia’s Reforms. Washington DC: World Bank, available at: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ GEORGIAEXTN/Resources/9780821394755.pdf. Zajda, J. (2006), ‘Introduction: Decentralisation and privatisation in education: The role of the state’ in Decentralisation and Privatisation in Education, pp. 3–27, available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-3358-2_1.

14

Israel: Socio-Historical Context and Current Issues Yaacov Iram

Geography and demography The area of Israel is 22,072 square kilometres. In addition, Israel controls ‘administered territories’ of about 7,500 square kilometres, occupied since the 1967 Six Days War that includes territories of Syria and Jordan. They are administered by military government according to regulations in force prior to the occupation, and part of these territories has been relinquished to the emerging Palestinian Authority. Israel is bounded on the north by Lebanon, on the northeast by Syria, on the east by the Hashemite kingdom of Jordan, as well as by the emerging Palestinian autonomous area in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and on the southwest by the Gulf of Aqaba/Eilat and the Egyptian Sinai Desert (The Middle East and North Africa, Israel, Central Bureau of Statistics 2012). Israel’s total population in December 2011 was 7,836,600, of whom 5,907,500 – 82 per cent were Jews and 18 per cent were non-Jews, predominantly Arabs. The non-Jewish population comprised 1,354,300 Muslims, 155,100 Christians, 129,800 Druze, Circassians, Ahmadis and 318,200 others (Central Bureau of Statistics 2012: 90). The Jewish population is predominantly urban, while the Arab minority is rural. One of Israel’s most striking characteristics is the rapid increase in its population. The main source for growth in Israel’s population is immigration, accounting for 58 per cent of the annual increase between 1948 and 1977, and for 30 per cent of the yearly increase in the total population, and 46.2 per cent in the Jewish population between 1948 and 1988 (Central Bureau of Statistics 1989: 39–40) and 35.7 per cent from 1948 to 2011 (Central Bureau of Statistics 2012: 91). Thus, the ethnic composition of Israeli society changed according to

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the source of immigration. In 1948 the ethnic division according to parental origin was 80 per cent Ashkenazim (primarily of European and North American origin), 15 per cent Orientals (of Middle East and North African origin) and only 5 per cent Israeli born. Mass immigration from countries in the Middle East and North Africa caused an ‘orientalization’ of Jewish society in Israel. Thus, ethnic origin division in 1989 was 38 per cent Ashkenazim, 42 per cent Orientals and 20 per cent Israeli born. Almost one million Jewish immigrants who arrived from the former Soviet Union countries again changed the ethnic mix to 40 per cent Ashkenazim, 37 per cent Orientals and 23 per cent Israeli born (Central Bureau of Statistics 1994). Although Jews have been living in Israel throughout all periods of history, its modem settlement is generally considered to date from the latter part of the nineteenth century. At this time the age-old longing of Jews to return to (Eretz Israel) the Land of Israel was reinforced and made definite by the influence of the nineteenth-century national movements in Europe. Jewish groups such as ‘Lovers of Zion’ (Hovevi Zion) were formed; Hebrew, the language of the Bible, was revitalized to become a modern language; and immigration to Israel was perceived as a cherished goal. The formation of the Zionist movement in 1897 provided an ideological and organizational framework for further immigration and development of the land (Laqueur 2003; Tesler 1994). Immigration (Aliyah – Ascent) became a fundamental component of Zionism. Indeed, during the years 1882–1903 between 20,000 and 30,000 Jews came to (Eretz Israel) Palestine from Eastern Europe. These immigrants established the first agricultural villages and laid the foundation for the new Jewish community. A second wave of immigration, in the years 1904–1914, brought some 30,000– 40,000 more people. Its nucleus was a group of intellectuals who had witnessed the abortive 1905 Russian Revolution and had suffered bitter disillusion when this uprising also led to pogroms (the destruction of Jewish communities). Many of these intellectuals were intensely preoccupied with social ideals, and they laid the basis for the Jewish Labor socialist-oriented movement and collective settlements (kibbutzim). The third and fourth waves of immigrants arrived mainly from Eastern Europe, during 1919–1931, bringing about 115,000 additional Jews to Palestine. These waves were largely precipitated by the increased suffering of Jews during and after World War I, as well as by the hopes aroused by the British government’s Balfour Declaration in 1917, which promised the establishment of a national Jewish home in Palestine. This period witnessed the arrival of large numbers of haluzzim (pioneers), who were motivated by social and national ideals and were

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prepared to live a life of hardship and sacrifice in order to realize them. Among the immigrants were also tradesmen and manufacturers, who established commercial and industrial enterprises and contributed to the development of urban life. The fifth wave of immigration, which began with the crisis that struck Europe in 1929, and was intensified by the Nazis’ rise to power in Germany in 1933 and the consequent persecution of Jews, and finally the Holocaust, lasted until the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. It is estimated that some 370,000 immigrants arrived in this wave, including about 100,000 German Jews. For the first time, substantial capital was brought into the country, which instigated the development of trade and industry (Eisenstadt 1985). With the declaration of the State of Israel, and the enactment of the ‘Law of Return’ in 1950, immigration received a strong impetus, resulting in the arrival of 953,000 immigrants through the end of 1958, more than doubling the population of Israel during one decade. The absolute and relative size of this immigration, together with natural increase, tripled the Jewish community to 650,000. Considering the spatial and temporal limits of the newly declared State of Israel, the demographic and ethnic composition of this immigration, its social and economic character, its distribution over the country and the process of its absorption have created many problems and changes in the fabric of Israeli society. Israel has devoted most of its efforts and resources in absorbing this vast immigration since establishment. From this description of the background of Jewish national revival and the realization of its ideals and objectives in Israel, two major characteristics in the historical development of Israel follow, which are manifested in Israel’s society and institutions today. First, since Israel is a society of immigrants, its gradual crystallization and consolidation have been accomplished through the continuous clash between the successive waves of immigration. Second, the emergence of the State of Israel was conceived as a spiritual religious realization of a social-ideological-national movement, Zionism, and its physical embodiment. The Zionist movement was influenced by progressive social ideas and organizational structures prevailing in Europe during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Thus, many of the child and youth welfare services, including education, constituted an attempt to give practical expression to social theories developed in Europe from which the Jews had emigrated to Israel at that time (Fajanas·Gluck 1968; Bentwhich 1965). Jewish cultural heritage together with the specific characteristics of diaspora Jewry and the reality of Israel have been

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additional important factors in modifying and shaping these developments. (Eisenstadt 1985; Horowitz and Lissack 1989). In the early 1990s, Israel remained a migrant society. Of 2,315,900 Israeliborn Jews, only one-third (33.9 per cent) were second-generation Israelis. Of the total Jewish population, only 21.5 per cent were second-generation Israelis (Central Bureau of Statistics 1994: 83). The large waves of immigration in the early 1990s, which arrived mainly from Russia but also from Ethiopia, resulted in a further cultural and social diversification of Israeli society. This precipitated major problems in economic absorption, social integration and education. Special programmes were introduced to teach the Hebrew language and to impart Israeli culture to new immigrants. In 2011, Israel may still be viewed as an immigrant society – about 30 per cent of its Jewish population is foreign born (CBS 2012). Israel is also a pluralistic society. Nationally there exists a Jewish majority and a non-Jewish, predominantly Arab, Moslem minority. Linguistically, there are two official languages: Hebrew and Arabic. As a result of national, religious and linguistic pluralism, separate educational systems emerged: Jewish, Arab and Druze (Al-Haj 1995; Abu-Asba 2007). The Jewish majority is diversified ethnically, religiously, culturally and educationally. From an ethnic perspective in the sense of country of origin, there are Ashkenazim – Jews who originate from Eastern and Central Europe; and Sephardim or ‘Orientals’ – Jews from the Mediterranean Basin and other countries (Ben-Rafael and Sharot 1991). Israeli Jews are also divided by ‘religious’ and ‘nonreligious’ categories (Liebman 1991). From a cultural perspective, diversity arises from the different ethnic groups who brought from their countries of origin different customs, ceremonies, attitudes, values and ways of life. In terms of education, differences in religious observance have resulted in the emergence of the Jewish school system: state education, state-religious education and the independent education of ultra-orthodox Jewry (Ben-Rafael 1994).

Economy and government Israel’s economic development was affected by objective difficulties. These hardships included heavy defence expenditure (absorbing 20–25 per cent of the budget) as a result of the continuous Arab–Israeli conflict. There was mass continuous migration and the need to absorb immigrants, about half of whom came from underdeveloped, semi-feudal and traditional societies in the Middle

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East and North Africa, lacking formal education and skills required by a modem industrially oriented economy. Israel’s economy was also adversely affected by scarcity of water and natural resources. Despite these difficulties, during the years 1951–1972 the Gross National Product (GNP) and constant prices rose by an annual average of 10 per cent. However, from 1973 onward the rate of growth decreased considerably to 1.3 per cent in 1976 and 1977, increased to 4.7 per cent in 1978 and registered as static in 1982. The rate of growth increased by less than 1 per cent in 1983 and 1.6 per cent in 1988, and expanded by 5.9 per cent in 1991, 6.6 per cent in 1992, 6.5 per cent in 1994 and 4.6 per cent in 2011(Central Bureau of Statistics, 1994 and 2012). Defence takes the largest share of the annual state budget, more than 20 per cent, whereas allocation for education amounts to more than 7 per cent of the national and public expenditure in 1993–2012 (Central Bureau of Statistics 1994; 2012). Israel’s government and politics share basic democratic principles and practices derived from, and associated with, Western parliamentary democracies. Israel essentially is a parliamentary democracy. Elections are held every four years. National and local elections are strictly proportional, reflecting multiparty competition. No single party has been able so far to secure a majority of seats in the 120-member Knesset (Parliament). As a result, all governments are formed by coalition between political parties. The Arab and Druze citizens of Israel enjoy full rights of citizenship and formal equality, including equal rights in education (Beilin 1992). However, in recognizing the identity of its non-Jewish citizens, the state provides a separate Arabic system of education with Arabic as the medium of instruction at all levels, except for higher education. Unlike other levels of the educational system, which are administered directly by the government through the Ministry of Education, the higher educational system is largely autonomous, despite the government funding 60 per cent–80 per cent of its budget, channelled through the planning and Budget Committee (PBC) of the Council of Higher Education (Iram 2006).

Educational developments – historical background Education in the small Jewish community in Palestine (about 25,000 in the 1880s) resembled traditional schooling prevailing in Jewish communities elsewhere. The Jews of Eastern European tradition maintained the traditional Cheder, Talmud Torah and Yeshiva, all devoted to studying religious texts and

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practice, and Yiddish was the language of instruction. The North African Jewry and Sephardi (descendants of Spanish Jewry) communities sent their boys to the kutab, where they studied mainly religious texts in Ladino (a Spanish dialect) or Arabic (Nathan 1937). Hebrew was taught and used as a religious language only. The syllabus in all these institutions was limited to religious instruction: Bible, Talmud and its commentaries. Secular subjects were not taught, and girls received no formal education whatsoever. During the second half of the nineteenth century, philanthropic Jewish families and organizations from Central and Western Europe, who had had relatively modern schooling, attempted to establish similar modern schools for their fellow Jews in Eretz Israel (Palestine). The most well-known Jewish families are the Austrian Laemel family, the English Moses Montefiore family and the French branch of Edmond James de Rothschild family (Encyclopedia Judaica 1971; Nathan 1937; Elboim Dror 1986). In addition, several Jewish national and international organizations came to the fore, not only materially aiding the small Jewish community, but also establishing modern schools, similar to those in Europe. The most important organizations were the French Alliance Israelite Universelle, the German Hilfsverein der deutschen Juden, the English Anglo- Jewish Association and the Hebrew-National Hovevi Zion (Lovers of Zion) (Elboim-Dror 1986; 1990; Raichel 2008). Indeed, the roots of the present-day school system in Israel date back to the second half of the nineteenth century, when Jewish philanthropic organizations founded schools in the Western European tradition for the Jewish community in Palestine. These schools employed their respective sponsor’s language of instruction: French, German or English. Most teachers were natives of these countries. These modem schools at first existed in parallel to traditional Jewish schools, but later gradually replaced them. Jewish immigration to Palestine in the 1880s brought Jews believing in national revival to the newly established villages, and they promoted the spirit of renaissance in all spheres of life. They insisted on Hebrew to be the language of instruction in their schools, despite resistance from philanthropic organizations and the religious community. Thus for example the founders of the Technion (later the Israel Institute of Technology), the German Hilfsverein der Deutschen Juden, in 1913 insisted on adopting German as the language of instruction. As a result of fierce opposition from the Jewish community who supported the implementation of Hebrew in all levels of education, the Hilfsverein withdrew its support from most of its schools in Palestine (Eretz

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Israel). These schools were subsequently taken over by the Hebrew Teachers Union, whose members were committed to national renaissance and the revival of Hebrew. These schools became the nucleus of a national Hebrew school system directed by a board of education, which continued to operate Jewish schools after World War I and throughout the 30 years of the British Mandate in Palestine. This school system was later to provide an important infrastructure for statehood (Reshef and Dror 2007).

Diverse characteristics of the Israeli society – educational implications Sociologists of the Israeli society note that as of the early 1970s the ethos of the unity and integration of various sectors that characterized the Israeli society transformed in the direction of stressing its diversity (Eisenstadt 1985; 1996). Indeed as of the 1990s the Israeli society moved away from traditional to modernism, viewing diversity in the society as socially and politically acceptable, legitimate and even desirable. Thus different sectors choose to emphasize their religious, national, political, ethnic and cultural characteristics. The sectorial division became evident also in the fragmentation of the educational system. Indeed within the framework of the revised Education Law of 1953 (Yifhar 1984) education in Israel is divided into sectors in order to provide for the realization of educational goals whether religious, ideological, ethnic-national or cultural. Following these divisions, the state education system comprises Hebrew-speaking state (secular) schools and Hebrew-speaking state religious schools as well as Arab-speaking state and druze state schools. All state schools are similar in their core curricula with appropriate linguistic, cultural and religious adjustments. In addition there are also ‘Recognized non-Official Schools’ that are outside (‘independent’) the state education system and provide religious ultra-orthodox education. 56 per cent of the students attend state schools, 19 per cent state-religious schools and about 25 per cent are enrolled in ‘recognized’ ultra-orthodox schools (Ministry of Education 2013). Israel’s educational enterprise is a centralized system financed by the state and directed by the Ministry of Education. It is subdivided into Jewish and Arab schools, which implies that it is a bilingual system embracing Hebrew and Arabic. Indeed the state educational system includes separate schools for Arab and Druze students. The structure of the Arab school sector is similar to that

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of the Jewish sector. The main differences are in the language of instruction (Arabic) and in the curriculum, which is designed to reflect the unique culture and history of the various Arab populations (Muslim, Christian and Druze) (AlHaj 1995; Abu-Asba 2007). The Hebrew-speaking schools are divided into two tracks: state schools (mamlachti-‘state’) and state religious (mamlachti-dati) schools. Parents have the right to choose between religious and nonreligious schools. Schooling is free and compulsory between ages 5 and 16, and free but not compulsory between the ages 3–4 and 17–18. The educational system is ideologically oriented and performs a dual mission. First, it fulfils the social mission of providing equal educational opportunities to all. Second, it performs the national mission of integrating the various groups of immigrants (in recent years, Russians and Ethiopians) into the fabric of Israeli society.

The educational system – an overview The present educational system of Israel dates back to approximately 50 years before Israel gained independence in 1948. Many of the foundations laid during the early years are still evident. The system includes kindergartens, primary schools, secondary schools (including vocational and agricultural secondary schools), teacher training colleges, postsecondary schools for continued and vocational studies, colleges and universities. Hebrew language and culture comprise the basis for studies. The school year is approximately ten months long, from September through July; the study week is 30–35 hours. Studies take place in homeroom classes, staffed by homeroom teachers, who are responsible for subject matter studies and social activities. In the lower grades the homeroom teacher teaches most of the subjects, whereas in the higher grades specialized teachers are employed to teach specific subjects. Schools maintain close contact with parents, and most classes have parents’ committees. In addition to formal studies, there is an extensive range of extra-curricular activities (informal education) inside and outside of school.

The structure of the system Israel’s educational system is based on four levels: (1) preschool, (2) primary school, (3) secondary school and (4) postsecondary and higher education (see Table 14.1).

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Table 14.1  Structure of the education system, 2012–2013 Secondary Education

Lower

Practical

Upper Secondary

Engineers and

Schools (Grades Secondary

Technicians

9-12)

Primary

Pre-primary

Education

Education

Primary School

Kindergarten and

(Grades 1-6)

Nursery School

Schools

(ages 2-5)

As of 2014/2015 (Grades 11th and 12th

As of 2012/2013

7-9)

grades will become compulsory

381,500

276,700

Free Education

20

19

18

17

16

15

934,900

415,000

Free and Compulsory Education

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

AGE Total: 2,008,100 Source: Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport, Facts and figures in the Education System, 2013, p. 12.

In the 2012–2013 school year the total number of students in the educational system, supervised by the Ministry of Education, was about 2,008,100. The first level includes municipal, public and private nurseries and kindergartens for children aged two to six. The Compulsory Education Law of 1949 and its subsequent amendments (Stanner 1963; Yifhar 1984) made one year’s

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attendance at a public kindergarten and ten years of primary and secondary school compulsory and free of charge, while two additional years of schooling (grades 11–12) are free of charge although not compulsory but will be also compulsory as of the 2014–2015 school year (Ministry of Education 2013). Preschool education is considered an essential prerequisite for further schooling of all children, particularly for children of new immigrants and disadvantaged families. This explains the growing interest of both government and the private sector in this early stage of education and the high rate of attendance, as will be discussed later. Until 1968 primary education was mainly composed of eight grades. It was followed by secondary schools offering academic education of four years, or vocational-technical – agricultural schools of two to four years. Following the 1968 School Reform Act, the traditional school structure of 8 + 4 was replaced by a 6 + 3 + 3 structure. However, due to financial constraints and socio-political considerations, this structural reform has been only partially implemented, as will be discussed later. In 2006, the reform embraced about 73 per cent of the total school population, whereas 27 per cent still attended schools of the traditional structure. Thus, both school structures continue to exist concurrently. After completing six or eight years of primary school, students transfer to a three-year comprehensive junior high school (‘intermediate division’). The third level of education is the senior high school (‘upper division’), comprising grades 10–12. Senior high schools are of three major types. The first type is the general academic, which offers a variety of programmes in both the humanities and sciences. The academic high school leads to a state matriculation certificate (Bagrut) – a prerequisite for higher education. The second type is the vocational technological high school. The technological track also includes a postsecondary programme for grades 13–14, leading to a technicians or practical engineers certificate. In 2010 about 55 per cent of high school students attended general academic secondary schools, whereas 45 per cent were registered in vocational technological secondary schools. This data refers also to students in the corresponding academic and vocational tracks in the comprehensive high school. The third type is the comprehensive high school, which comprises both academic and vocational tracks, which are similar to the corresponding two types mentioned above, but function in a joint institution (Central Bureau of Statistics 2012: 424–425). The postsecondary level includes various types of non-academic institutions for training practical nurses and paramedical staff, technicians and a variety of other semi-professionals. Some of these institutions that train in the semi-

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professions are in the process of ‘academization’, namely, they opt for academic recognition and status. In addition, there are some two dozen non-university higher education institutions that offer professional bachelors’ degrees. There are eight universities and an open university. They offer three-year programmes that lead to a Bachelor’s degree. This is followed by a two-year Master’s degree programme and Doctoral studies. Admission to all higher education institutions is based on having passed the nationally administered matriculation examinations (Bagrut). These exams are usually taken by students from academic secondary schools, as well as in advanced tracks of vocational schools, or by external examinees. An additional requirement for admission to higher education is also the psychometric test, which is administered centrally by the universities. About 58 per cent of the matriculation examinees in 2010 were entitled to matriculation certificates (Central Bureau of Statistics 2012: 424–425). However, this group constitutes only about 30 per cent of a given age cohort. Israel’s educational system is centrally administered by the Ministry of Education and Culture. The ministry has two main wings: the pedagogical secretariat and the pedagogical administration. The pedagogical secretariat is responsible for setting educational goals and policy, curriculum and supervising the system. The pedagogical administration is responsible for the implementation of the educational policy with regard to personnel, students, buildings and finances. The chief executive officer is the director general. Each level of education is regulated by a corresponding unit within the ministry. The administration of the system is conducted through six regions and a nationwide rural education division. Local municipal authorities share the responsibility for the implementation of the compulsory education law. They are responsible for student registration, school buildings, and providing equipment and support services (Elazar and Kalchheim 1988). The universities maintain an independent status. They are financed and coordinated by a separate statutory body: the Council for Higher Education (CHE) and its Planning and Budgeting Committee (PBC), whereas all other levels of the educational system are jointly financed by the Ministry of Education and the local municipalities.

The legal basis for education The present-day school system is based on the following laws and regulations: the Compulsory Education Law (1949); the State Education Law (1953); the

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Council for Higher Education Law (1958); the School Inspection Law (1968); the Special Education Law (1988); the Long School Day Law (1997), Students’ Rights Law (2000) and School Meals Law (2005); certain provisions passed by the Knesset; and amendments to existing laws. The 1949 Compulsory Education Law introduced free compulsory primary education for all children of ages 5–13 years. This primary education included one year of kindergarten and eight years of elementary school. This law was extended in 1968 to include grades 9 and 10. In 1979 free, but not compulsory, education was extended to grade 12. The State Education Law abolished the old ‘trend’ education system, which was controlled by political parties, and imposed the responsibility for education upon the government. However, the law still recognizes two main forms of primary education: (1) state education and (2) recognized non-state education. State education comprises two distinct categories of schools: state schools and state-religious schools, where the language of instruction is Hebrew, and Arab state schools, where the language of instruction is Arabic. The state and local authorities own and control schools and kindergartens of the state system. Recognized non-state institutions, mainly religious, are privately owned although they are subsidized and supervised by the state. The largest recognized school system is the Agudat Israel (ultra-orthodox religious). Other recognized schools are mainly Christian denominational schools. State primary education is financed by both the government and the local authorities. Since 1953 state schools teachers’ salaries have been paid by the Ministry of Education. However, the cost of maintenance and the provision of new buildings and equipment were financed by local authorities. The state does not impose an education tax, but local authorities are entitled to levy a rate on parents for special services.

Current issues The educational system in Israel copes with dilemmas and conflicts inherent in its historical and sociocultural conditions: tradition and modernity, nationalism and universalism, uniformity and pluralism, elitism and egalitarianism, centralization and decentralization. These dilemmas characterize all spheres of public life and institutions, but have a particular effect on education. This chapter has provided the background for understanding the developments of the Israeli educational system. It has emphasized the difficulties facing the State of Israel, due to external geopolitical and internal socio-economic conditions, in providing quality and equal education opportunities to all.

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Another paramount goal is to advance all segments within the Israeli society to express and enhance their individual and collectives values and aspirations through education. Thus most recent system-wide programmes that were introduced to advance these goals are ‘Ofek Hadash’ (New Horizons) introduced in 2008 at the pre-primary, primary and lower secondary schools and ‘Oz Letmura’ (Daring to Change) at the upper secondary schools as of 2011. Both of these large-scale system-wide reforms are aimed at advancing the achievements of students through individual tutoring, while increasing the teaching load and simultaneously providing substantial salary increase and advancing teacher’s status and education (Ministry of Education 2013). The effects of these recent reforms remain to be seen.

Bibliography Abu-Asba, C. (2007), The Arab Education in Israel: Dilemmas of a National Minority. Jerusalem: The Floersheimer Institute for Policy Studies. Al-Haj, M. (1995), Education, Empowerment and Control: The Case of the Arabs in Israel. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Beilin, Y. (1992), Israel: A Concise Political History. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Ben-Rafael, E. (1994), Language, Identity and Social Division: The Case of Israel. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ——— and Sharot, S. (1991), Ethnicity, Religion and Class in Israeli Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bentwich, J. (1965), Education in Israel. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Central Bureau of Statistics. (CBS), Statistical Abstracts of Israel 1989, no. 40. Jerusalem. ———, Statistical Abstracts of Israel 1993, no. 44. Jerusalem. ———, Statistical Abstracts of Israel 1994, no. 45. Jerusalem. ———, Statistical Abstracts of Israel 1995, no. 46. Jerusalem. ———, Statistical Abstracts of Israel 2012, no. 63. Jerusalem Eisenstadt, S. N. (1985), The Transformation of the Israeli Society. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. ——— (1996), ‘Comments on the post-modern society’, in Lissack, M. and Knei-Paz, B. (eds), Israel towards the Year 2000. Jerusalem: Magnes Press Elazar, D. and Kalchheim, C. (eds) (1988), Local Government in Israel. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Elboim-Dror, R. (1986), Hebrew Education in Israel, A. & B. Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi, (Hebrew).

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——— (1990), Hebrew Education in the Land of Israel, 1914–1920. Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, (Hebrew). Encyclopedia Judaica. (1971), Editors Cecil Roth, Geoffrey Wigoder, New York: Macmillan. Fajanas-Gluck, S. (1968), Early Childhood Education. Tel Aviv: Yavneh Publishing (Hebrew). Goldstein, S. (ed.) (1980), Law and Equality in Education. Jerusalem: van Leer. Horowitz, D. and Lissack, M. (1989), Trouble in Utopia: The Overburden Policy of Israel. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. (Hebrew) Iram, Y. (1987), ‘Changing patterns of immigrant absorption in Israel: Educational implications’, Canadian and International Education 16(2): pp. 55–72. ——— (2006), ‘Israel’, in Forest, J. J. F. and Altbach, P. G. (eds), International Handbook of Higher Education.. Dordrecht: Springer, pp. 793–810 ——— and Wahrman, H. (ed.) (Asst. Ed.) (2003), Education of Minorities and Peace Education in Pluralistic Societies. Praeger: London. Israel. Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sport. (1996), Facts and Figures. Israel’s Educational System in International Comparison, Education at Glance. (2012), OECD 2012. Israel. Ministry of Education. (2013), Facts and Figures in the Education System. Jerusalem. Kleinberger, A. F. (1969), Society, Schools and Progress in Israel. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Landau, J. M. (1993), The Arab Minority in Israel: 1967–1991. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Laqueur, W. (2003), A History of Zionism (3rd ed.). London: Tauris Parke. Liebman, C. S. (1991), Religious and Secular: Conflict and Accommodation between Jews in Israel. Jerusalem: Keter. Mari, S. K. (1978), Arab Education in Israel. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. Nathan, M. (1937), The Jewish School: An Introduction to the History of Jewish Education. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode. Raichel, N. (2008), The Story of Israeli Education System: Between Centralism and Distribution, Clarity and Ambiguity, Replication and Ingenuity. Jerusalem: Magnes Press (Hebrew). Reshef, S. and Dror, Y. (2007), ‘Hebrew education in the years of the National Homeland (1919–1948)’, in Lissak, M. (ed.), The History of the Jewish Community in Eretz-Israel, since 1882. The Period of the British Mandat, Part three. The Israel Academy for Science and Humanities. The Bialik Institute. (Hebrew), pp. 7–171 Stanner, R. (1963), The Legal Basis of Education in Israel. Jerusalem: Ministry of Education and Culture. Tesler, M. (1994), Jewish History and Emergence of Modern Political Zionism. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. The Middle East and North Africa. (1996), London: a 58 edition, Vol. 54 2013, Routledge. Yifhar, Y. (ed.). (1984), Laws of Education and Culture. Jerusalem: Ministry of Education and Culture.

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Israel: Holocaust Education Nitza Davidovitch

…We must see the Holocaust as a giant historical crossroads, from which different roads depart in different directions, where taking each of these roads is self-justified: despair of the world versus belief and desire to repair it, reinforcement of one’s faith in God, or the opposite – loss of faith, the normalcy of Jewish existence, or the opposite – irrevocable proof that this existence is not normal, with the Holocaust providing proof of the unique Jewish destiny… to what degree our destiny and our place in the world are essentially unique. (Yehoshua 1984)

Holocaust education finds itself in a new era of Holocaust education, facing several simultaneous challenges: (a) the distance of time, testimonies, cognition and emotions; (b) the younger generation needs stimulation and excitement. This is an impatient generation that is used to using technological tools to zap through information, which is available everywhere, including outside school; (c) the younger generation is a global generation that is facing the fact that the Holocaust of the Jews is an inseparable part of the global discourse. This integration has positive aspects (such as the establishment of Holocaust memorials worldwide, references to the Holocaust and the demand to honour the memory of the Holocaust including an International Holocaust Day) and negative aspects (such as Holocaust deniers). In Israel, the situation is complicated by the fact that the younger generation must deal with the memory of the Holocaust and its lessons and with the Israeli– Palestinian conflict; (d) there is a pressing need to balance the universal and the particular perspectives and lessons of the Holocaust. This chapter offers some thoughts on creating this balance in Holocaust education in and outside Israel.

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What Israeli society expects of the tours of Holocaust sites in Poland Introduction Memory is a ‘social phenomenon handed down by history’ (Stier 2003: 2). The Holocaust, a tragedy that unified the Jewish people, contains a memory that is important for the present, a memory that speaks not only of the past but has implications for the meaning of identity and identification of contemporary social ground. Immediately after the Holocaust ‘The Yishuv (the Jewish community in Israel) both knew and did not know about the Holocaust. The Yishuv both felt and did not feel the pain of the catastrophe. The Holocaust was not internalized as a formative element in the national ethos’ (Shapira 1999: 250). Immediately after independence, Israeli society sought to shed all distinguishing marks of the diaspora: culture, language, customs and memories (Resnik 2003). The New Israeli, the Sabra, spoke Hebrew, his manner was direct and blunt, he had extensive knowledge and native mastery of the land of Israel, a hatred of the diaspora and burning Zionist idealism (Almog 1997). He also aspired to build a just society (Lissak and Horowitz 1975). This image was, however, inconsistent with the image of the Holocaust survivors who arrived as immigrants to Israel with painful memories from Europe (Auron 2003). Through a national process of ‘diaspora negation’ (Grossman 2005; Stauber 2000), retention of Holocaust memory was intentionally avoided, due to the connection between the Holocaust and the diaspora: commemoration of one was perceived as commemoration of the other. The young Israeli state, grounded in the worldviews of its Zionist founding fathers, sought to extinguish the diaspora and imprint a new form of Jewish national life. ‘The ethos of negating the Diaspora also affected the attitude toward Holocaust survivors in Israel… The image of the Diaspora Jews, weak of body and spirit, contrast the strong, healthy Hebrew who was strongly rooted in the pioneer ethos’ (Almog 1997: 142–143). As a result, Israel experienced a rather lengthy period of what several scholars have called ‘Holocaust repression’ (Auron 2003) or ‘the Long Silence’ (Yablonka 2001). The state did not forget or block out the Holocaust, but it did treat it as a minor episode, and the Holocaust was relegated to the margins of public discourse through what effectively became a conspiracy of silence (Yablonka 1998). Nonetheless, the prominence of the traumatic memory of the Holocaust in national life grew as the years passed. The insight, which slowly filtered down

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in Jewish consciousness one generation after the Holocaust, that the memory of the Holocaust might serve as a tool to unify the entire nation, marked the beginning of a new process of national consolidation. In a gradual process that began with the Eichmann trial in 1961, Zionism was displaced by Judaism and the spiritual world of Jewish communities in the diaspora (Yablonka 2001), and resulted in the domination of the Holocaust experience in Israeli society at the expense of the previously dominant Independence experience, which had emerged following the euphoria of independence and state-building. While a large part of the survivors had refused to speak of their own experiences, and a large part of their children – the second generation of survivors – had refused to listen to their parents’ stories, the grandchildren actively sought out a direct link to their grandparents’ past (Bar On 1994). For the generation that had no direct experience with the Holocaust, the Holocaust became a foundational national experience. Over time, the memory of the Holocaust assumed new significance in the national agenda in response to a series of developments: globalization and right-wing social philosophies dominated the political scene in the wake of the political upheaval that put an end to the dominance of the Labour Party in Knesset and shook the country in 1977, the failure of the October 1973 War, the War in Lebanon, the depreciation of values, the weakness of human memory, the gradual disappearance of myths, the social crisis and the distance in time (Keren 1985). Furthermore, as a result of the growing share of traditional and religious Jews in the country’s population, traditional Jewish and religious markers were increasingly used to mobilize Israelis around national goals (Liebman and DonYehiya 1983). The Holocaust was likened to the destruction of the Temple, and the establishment of the State of Israel was likened to the nation’s salvation. Destruction and salvation became two important code words in the symbolic world of a large part of the population. According to Witztum and Melkinson (1993), ‘The Holocaust features prominently as a fundamental trauma. Everything is filtered through the memory of the cumulative furnace where one-third of the Jewish people were destroyed: Every threat, real or imaginary, is intensified and assumes new form under the influence of the Holocaust. The Holocaust has left an indelible mark on the national soul’ (p. 236). This awareness fed the understanding that had the State of Israel existed during the 1939–1945 war (World War II), the extent of the Holocaust could have been reduced. The existence of the State of Israel is perceived as a guarantee against a second Holocaust. Awareness also developed that the Jewish Holocaust

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is a memory that will fade if no organized efforts are made to preserve it (Knoch 2008). The understanding that collective memory can be preserved only through active efforts ultimately led to the initiative to establish a national Holocaust education that centres on a journey to the sites of the Holocaust in Poland. The trips to Poland are designed to reinforce these insights in the hearts of the younger generation. The trips served both what anthropologists call the link between social memory and place (Jarman 2001), as well as what this discipline calls the ‘threedimensionality of memory’, where the three sites are place, time and relationality (people’s attitudes, both to place and to people) (Degnen 2005). This project was intended to reinforce the connection between the individual and the group, and between the past and the present (Fentress and Wickham 1992), even if this was not explicitly defined as such in advance. The trip to Holocaust sites is designed to rehabilitate the link between contemporary Israel and those killed by the Nazis, who were branded by the young state as ‘sheep to slaughter’, and to reinstate the historical continuity between Israel and the diaspora, where attempts had been made to sever it. Trips to Poland were therefore intended to pour new meaning into the various dimensions of the Holocaust, as a derivative of one of the basic facts of sociology of the past: our social environment is what determines the manner in which we remember the past (Zerubavel 1996). As noted above, the social driving force of Israel in the 1980s was dramatically different from that of the 1940s, the 1950s or the 1960s (Eisenstadt 1989; Soen 2003). Therefore, the memory of the 1980s is not identical to the memory of the 1940s, the 1950s or even the 1960s. The very same past appears differently in both periods because a considerable portion of ‘memory’ is filtered in the interpretation that is prevalent in the social milieu. This filtering affects both the facts that are remembered and the ‘tone’ of the memories (Zerubavel 1996). Nonetheless, Israel’s past memory and its role as a memory community differs from the memory of the same past viewed by nongroup members. The collective memory of the Israeli memory-community also differs from the individual memories of its own memories. For example, the contemporary collective memory of the Holocaust in Israel is more than the sum total of the Holocaust memories of all Holocaust survivors living in Israel (Zerubavel 1994). In the last two decades, Israeli high school students, most of whom are thirdgeneration Israelis, have participated in school delegations that travelled to Poland to visit Holocaust sites. On these school trips, pupils visit Jewish sites and death camps, as part of a broad-scale Holocaust education project that was initiated in

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1988. Over the years, the number of participants has grown steadily and by the end of 2008, a total of 300,000 youngsters had visited Poland under the aegis of this project (Vergun 2008). The trips are sponsored by the Israeli Ministry of Education (henceforth MOE), and are part of the Holocaust curriculum, which includes extensive and detailed preparatory study before the youngsters leave for Poland. The MOE defines the educational and social goals of the journeys and the nature of the tours, trains teachers and counsellors of the delegations and prepares the participants for the journey. The delegation trips to Poland have become embedded in the Israeli educational experience and function as a kind of rite of passage for youngsters. Participation in the delegations has become so conventional that students who are unable to participate for financial reasons consider such non-participation as an exclusionary practice (in the last five years, delegations comprised three times the number of students from highincome groups as from low-income groups) (Lapid 2010).

Development of the Holocaust curriculum and integration of the Poland journey in the curriculum In 1988, the MOE issued a special general circular entitled ‘Criteria and instructions for approving youth delegations to Poland’ ((MOE circular 1988). This was the first declaration of the pedagogical aspects of these delegations: ‘These visits appear to us as an experiment in experiences that touch upon the depths of the soul and convey, more powerful than words, a strong sense of the illustrious Jewish life that was extinguished…Our students will return from this journey with a sense of belonging to Jewish history and its heritage.’ This circular emphasizes Jewish identity as a key goal of the trips, and is accompanied by a trip booklet that centres on the national discourse (Hazan 1999). In 1991, the MOE issued a special circular that redefined and ratified the goals of the pilgrimage trip. The trip to Poland was described as an intermediate stage in a three-stage pedagogical process: (a) preparations for the journey; (b) the journey; and (c) follow-up activities (MOE circular 1994). The official goals of the trip, according to the circular, were a product of obligations towards the younger generation, and included teaching the historic, moral and educational significance (both Jewish-Israeli-Zionist and humanist-universalist) of the Holocaust to future generations. The main goals indicated in the circular centre on the encounter between Israeli youngsters and the spiritual and cultural wealth of the Jewish communities

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in Poland before World War II (‘study of the Jewish space and in Poland its vitality before WWII’), an understanding of the scope and extent of the destruction that struck the Jews during the war (‘to feel and try to understand the depth of the devastation’), and at the same time to draw secondary lessons from the heroism and courage of Jews in the resistance (‘to appreciate the heroism of those who fought against the tyrants’), understand the nature of dehumanization that was part of the Nazi worldview (‘to feel the depths of Nazi depravity’) (MoE circular 1991). When Shulamit Aloni, leader of Israel’s left-wing Meretz party, was appointed Minister of Education, she expressed concern over reinforcing the youngsters’ nationalist patterns of thought and behaviour in response to the trip to Poland. Still, she did nothing to undermine the project, which was in its infancy at the time. Another important Minister of Education, Amnon Rubinstein, also supported the trips, but through his liberal worldview, he added two goals: (1) Study of the main points of Nazi ideology, to ‘learn the national lesson of the need for a strong, sovereign Jewish state, and the universal lesson of the obligation to protect democracy and oppose any form of racism’; (2) Gain an understanding of the complex relationship between Jews and Poles throughout their common history (Shalem 2008). He also stated that the fact that the Jews were not the only victims of the Nazi regime should be stressed, reflecting a consideration of Holocaust memory as harbouring potential to become an anchor for the redefinition of Israeli identity based on Jewish, humanistic and secular values. Influenced by Rubinstein’s reservations, the 1994 amendment to the Minister of Education circular contained additional goals that stress the significance of universal values: Awareness of the complexity of Jewish-Polish relations over the generations … study of the key points of Nazi ideology … motivation and circumstances … the foundations of the totalitarian regime which led to a war against the Jews and other crimes against humanity. Learn the national lesson of the need to be strong and autonomous and the universal lesson of the obligation to defend and protect democracy to uproot all forms of racism. (Minister of Education circular amended 1994)

Gorny (1998), one of the leading scholars of Zionism, stated that the Holocaust and its lessons can be studied from three distinct perspectives: the first perspective focuses on presenting the universal significance of the Holocaust, and positions it in line with the other instances of genocide, such as the Armenian genocide and the genocide in Rwanda (Auron 2006), the murder

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of the gypsies (Guttman 1990) and the genocide in Darfur in southern Sudan (Totten and Markusen 2006). The second perspective focuses on presenting the national significance of the Holocaust, which is viewed as an event unique to the Jewish people. This approach refuses to apply the word ‘Holocaust’ to other cases of genocide. According to Gorny, proponents of this perspective adhere to an ‘us against the world’ mentality and focuses on the need to build Israel’s strength and power. The third perspective is a synthesis of the first two views. The different fundamental perspectives of the Holocaust are also expressed in the MOE’s approach to the study of the Holocaust. Indeed, within a few short years after the project was initiated, it became clear that the encounter with the death camps reaffirms the role of Israel as the centre of the pupils’ lives, and reinforces the ties between individual Jews and their country (Davidovitch and Soen 2012). However, recognition grew that, in order to generate more general lessons, and shift the Holocaust from the purview of the Jewish people to repressed nations wherever they may be, the universal significance of the Holocaust should be specifically structured into the experiential curricula. The option of incorporating universal-humanist values in the national Holocaust curriculum in the early 1990s gave rise to a fierce debate among educators, school principals and experts on the subject concerning the question of whether to focus on universal values or Jewish values in the study of the Holocaust and the trip to Poland (Cohen 2009). Some Holocaust programmes, such as a programme by Beit Ha’edut entitled Masa Mi’shoa Ligvura (a pilgrimage from Shoa to heroism), are entirely absent of the theme of universal-humanistic values. The exclusive goals of this project are to extend pupils’ knowledge of the Holocaust, reinforce their sense of Jewish identity and their Israeli identity (Refaeli 2009). At the end of the twentieth century, the national curriculum for the main part remains focused on a particularist perspective and message. This point is highlighted by an Israeli public survey conducted by Yad Vashem in late 1999 on the importance of the Holocaust in Jewish society in Israel (Auron 2010). Findings of the survey show that only 3 per cent of the respondents believed that the Holocaust should be taught ‘so that we are more sensitive in our attitude to minorities and racism’, and a mere 0.8 per cent believed that the study of the Holocaust was necessary ‘so that it won’t happen to any nation in the future’. In contrast to this disheartening picture that emerged in the general public, a study conducted in 2007–2009 on a national representative sample of pupils, teachers and principals (2540 pupils, 519 teachers and 307 principals), which

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indicated a more balanced and positive state of affairs, found that 97 per cent of the school principals and 81 per cent of the teachers declared that reinforcement of universal-humanistic values is an important goal in the study of the Holocaust (Cohen 2009). Findings of a large-scale study on youngsters’ trips to Poland conducted in 2008–2009 (Davidovitch and Soen 2012) also confirm that the participants are well aware of the significance of the Holocaust’s humanistic and universal aspects, at least in general terms. Nonetheless, 99 per cent of the principals and 93 per cent of the teachers concurred that imparting a sense of shared destiny with the Jewish people was an important goal in the study of the Holocaust. The principals and teachers attribute greater importance to the particular rather than universal aspects of the lessons of the Holocaust.

The debate surrounding youngsters’ pilgrimage trips to Poland The debate over the nature and objective of the trips to Poland focused on numerous aspects of the trips, including the need to balance emphases on the national and universal lessons of the Holocaust. Much criticism came from liberal and democratic circles in Israel, which argued that various cultural streams in the society have appropriated the Holocaust for their own interests and are drawing conclusions from the Holocaust, which are consistent with their own worldview (Hazan 1999). Author and playwright Shmuel Hasfari, son of Holocaust survivor himself, expressed this argument in his play ‘Hametz’, which was produced in the 1990s. The main argument of this play is that the Holocaust narrative communicated in Israeli society is an account that fosters xenophobia and nationalism. Yet another criticism argues that the trip is effectively an admission of failure of Zionism, which was unable to provide an identity with roots, and more than anything else, the journeys highlight a grave identity crisis (Segev 1992). Another grave argument voiced against the trips claims that the heritage of the Holocaust that the pilgrimage trips are designed to entrench and represent is not a vision of national unity, but is rather derived from a political perspective of reality. Therefore the trips potentially sharpen disputes and do not necessarily reinforce shared identity (Bar-On and Sela 1991). In this debate, even the most serious disputants contradicted themselves. The strongest opposition to the trips, based on the nationalist connotations that the pilgrimage trips might breed into the participants, was espoused by Prof. Yehuda

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Elkana of Tel Aviv University, a Holocaust survivor himself, who preached to forget the Holocaust: I see no greater danger to the future of the State of Israel than the fact that the Holocaust has been injected systematically and intensely into the consciousness of the entire Israeli public, even to that portion that did not experience the Holocaust, and to the generation of offspring who were born and grew up here. For the first time I understand the gravity of our actions, after we have, for many years, sent every boy and girl in Israel to repeatedly visit Yad Vashem. What did we wish our impressionable children to do with that experience? With closed minds and closed hearts, we recited to them – ‘Remember!’ For what? What is a child supposed to do with these memories? For very many people, the images of horror might be interpreted as a call for hatred. ‘Remember’ might be interpreted as a call for blind, continuous hatred. Possibly it is important for the world to remember. Even of that I am not certain, but in any case, it is not our concern. Each nation, including the Germans, will decide on its own course, and whether it wishes to remember, based on its own considerations. We, however, should forget. [Emphasis added]. I see no more important political and educational role today for the leaders of this nation than to stand on the side of life, dedicate them to building our future, and not constantly engage in symbols, ceremonies, and the lessons of the Holocaust. They should uproot the domination of the historical ‘Remember!’ over our lives. (Elkana 1988: 13)

Other intellectuals, including Abba Kovner, also a Holocaust survivor and one of the leaders of the Vilna Ghetto uprising, viewed the cultivation of Holocaust remembrance as an important national element. He was not speaking from a necessarily nationalist or religious perspective: As long as it is not too late we must attain the awareness that the Holocaust is not the obsession of the survivors, and the remembrance of the six million victims and the lessons of that period are not the business of only those who witnessed the horrors personally, but it is part of the lengthy collective memory of the Jewish people [emphasis added], and the Holocaust’s place is in the historic consciousness of every Jewish generation wherever he may be…More than ever, the future of the Jewish people depends on the Jews’ attitude toward themselves and their past, their magnificent heritage and the horrible tragedy, and the self-criticism that such historic consciousness necessarily demands. (Kovner 1988: 40–41)

From an ultra-nationalism perspective, the trip to Auschwitz is designed to demonstrate that the enemy is alive and kicking. Auschwitz is the site that is

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designed to instil this awareness in the hearts of the youngsters, and it is this awareness that must be their guiding light (Rett 2010). The official Holocaust curriculum seeks to incorporate the universal dimension and the ethnocentric-particularistic dimension and progress from the Jewish and Israeli discussion of the Holocaust (with its predetermined ethnocentric point of view, accepted by most of the Israeli public) to the universal meaning of the Holocaust; from the crime committed against the Jewish People to the crime committed against humanity. Advocates of this integrated approach insist that only a continuous discourse between the particularistic and universal dimensions can enable us to cope on an emotional and intellectual level with the events of the Holocaust. Only such a discourse can facilitate the memory endeavours involved in social reality, in a process of transformation and distinction between the past and the present. Only such a discourse can facilitate the recognition that the trauma inflicted upon the nation is indeed related to the present, but not identical to it. The current goals of the Ministry of Education (2005) supposedly reflect a synthesis between the two dimensions of the Holocaust ethos: while these goals include an appreciation of our universal duty to protect and defend democracy and resist racism in any form, the main orientation of the Ministry of Education clearly remains the particularistic ethnocentric lessons of the journey.

Holocaust education in Europe Today, the teaching of the Holocaust is bound up with the histories of the societies in which it is taught, with questions of global politics and power, of religious and ideological perspectives, of guilt, responsibility and victimhood, with national narratives of heroism and suffering and of identity itself. The understanding as well as the meanings and the sense of relevance of the Holocaust in different parts of the world have shifted over time. The countries in which so much of the killing took place are experiencing some of the most important developments in the area of Holocaust education today. Since the rise of nation states in Europe after the French revolution, public education has been controlled by the state and was a primary instrument for fostering and disseminating nationalist ideologies. At a time when many societies are more diverse than ever before, legitimate concerns about nationalism and xenophobia underscore the importance of an inquiry into whether knowledge of the Holocaust helps develop mutual understanding and respect.

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UN resolution 60/7, designating 27 January as International Holocaust Remembrance Day, induced many countries to rethink the design of Holocaust studies. Some 70 years after the liberation of Auschwitz it seems that instruction of the Holocaust is arousing much interest in many countries and constitutes an important component of emotional-ethical education worldwide – with each group focusing on distinct values. The question is whether and to what degree does instruction of the Holocaust constitute a potentially unifying factor emphasizing common elements among all human beings. Holocaust instruction and remembrance in the Jewish and non-Jewish world is of major importance, since the very occurrence of these events in the enlightened western world is a testimonium paupertatis and a mark of disgrace for the modern world, which allowed this to take place, and with the initiator and perpetrator of these crimes against humanity being one of the most important and cultured countries in Europe itself. Teachers, educators, guides and policymakers can choose where to focus the spotlight in all matters related to the lessons to be learned from these historical events: whether to emphasize the events as a manifestation of human evil, of intolerance, of discrimination, of innate barbarism or whether to choose to emphasize hatred of the Jews, racism and the destruction of Europe’s Jewish community. The Holocaust may serve as a vital memory for the entire world. It cannot be seen as a unique historical issue that relates to a specific nation but rather as a moral threat to liberal values and human rights that was committed by apparently ‘civilized people’. Hence, it is important to study both the ideology and the actual actions of the ordinary people who participated willingly (Goldhagen 1996), while benefiting economically and socially from this atrocity (Aly 2009). An important element is to uncover the mechanisms that brought the Nazi regime to power (Paxton 2005). While the Nazi regime influenced the masses, it did not come to power after a putsch; on the contrary, it worked through the electoral system even as it sought to undermine the liberal democratic premises of the system that it manipulated to obtain power in the first place. Hence, an important goal for educators is to uncover the sophisticated mechanism that brought the Nazi regime to power and made this catastrophe possible, and to understand what caused democracy to fail. Holocaust education is not only rooted in history, but linked profoundly to issues of citizenship. Civic education relates to the transmission of universalistic and democratic values such as understanding, equality and freedom, along with particularistic national values (Ichilov 2001). Citizenship education can be divided conceptually into three distinct strands: moral and social responsibility,

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community involvement and political literacy (Deak in Crick 2008). As a part of compulsory education, it supports the acquisition and development of key concepts, values and dispositions, skills and aptitudes, and knowledge and understanding. Skills relate to cognitive and social learning processes, while values and dispositions relate to moral concerns. In Poland, for example, Holocaust education is a major element in the country’s formal and informal educational curricula. The Holocaust education programme is a mandatory curriculum, and most students participate in tours of the death camps in general, and Auschwitz in particular. Pupils attend the many national and local Holocaust commemoration events that are held regularly, they participate in numerous visits to commemoration sites and museums. The Holocaust is commemorated in literature, theatre, the arts and dedicated websites. In the past the Holocaust was taught as part of the curriculum in Polish history. Today, almost half of the teachers in Poland feel that the Holocaust should be taught separately and should be treated as a singular event that affected the Jews (Milerski 2010). Though the Holocaust was initially perceived as a crime against the Polish nation, gradually Polish students were ready to acknowledge the singularity of the Holocaust as ‘a unique act of barbarism against the Jews’ (Milerski 2010: 123). Poles feel that there is inadequate recognition of the role of Poles in saving Jews during the Holocaust; they strongly identify with the victims as they consider themselves the major victims of World War II. In a study of 150 schools in central Poland (Davidovitch and Soen 2012) between 85 per cent and 90 per cent of the teachers stated that Holocaust education is important for shaping pupils’ moral sensitivity, tolerance and understanding of human rights. The teachers were almost equally divided on the question of whether the current curriculum offers a sufficient amount of class hours. Most teachers consider the Holocaust as an event that is potentially relevant to the present and the future, and not merely an event that belongs to the past.

France In France, Holocaust consciousness has developed gradually over the 60 years since the war and can be divided into three stages (Singer 2008): (a) The stage of shock (1945–1946): The stage in which Jews were ‘simply part of the shapeless trend of all victims of Nazi Germany … their fate was not a topic of debate. Jewish victims were not discredited … but they remained submerged within other groups of “Nazi barbarism” as they had been during the war…’; (b) The

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stage of suppression (1947–1973): In this stage the Holocaust was concealed or obscured as public authorities attempted to erase all memory of the painful experience of Jewish persecution during the war, and survivors themselves did not wish to attract attention. They mostly made do with their representation as part of the many victims of Nazi Germany; (c) The stage of obsession (1974 and later). A turnaround took place only in the 1970s when the appearance of numerous historical publications triggered a reassessment of all matters pertaining to the responsibility of French nation and the French administration for the persecution, deportation and eradication of French Jewry. Many documentary films were produced in the 1980s, including Claude Lanzman’s film Shoah (Holocaust), which heightened collective consciousness. At the same time, historical writings, works of art and exhibitions increased the French public’s awareness of the Holocaust. Historical consciousness began to take shape as the French began to explore the question of responsibility, and if, in the past, the focus was on plans for the future, it became redirected to an exploration of the errors of the past. Politics began using Holocaust commemoration to define a national common denominator and a common national plan, turning the Holocaust into a model that was relevant for other persecuted peoples in the twentieth century. In 1993, after a prolonged debate, Francois Mitterrand – then president of the republic – decided on an official day of commemoration against racist persecution. A short time later, in 1995, the new President, Jacques Chirac, recognized publicly and clearly the responsibility of France with regard to the anti-Jewish policies. In 2000, the French government decided on another step intended to reinforce the memory – the declaration of an annual day of Holocaust remembrance at schools. In 2005 the Memorial Holocaust Institute and Museum was inaugurated in Paris. It is the largest of its kind on the continent. Today, teaching, and studying the Holocaust are a compulsory part of the curriculum from age 10 through high school. Holocaust instruction necessarily evokes moral issues pertaining to civics and philosophy, and demands that educators develop and fine-tune specific tools for thinking about such issues and questions (Borne 1993).To prevent these issues from establishing themselves as ‘ordinary’ parts of the curriculum, much of the engagement in such topics took place in informal and less-established settings: university summer schools, seminars and training journeys, which have become part of the established system of the Ministry of Education. A study conducted by the INRP (Institut National de Recherche Pédagogique) found that while Holocaust instruction is

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becoming an established part of curricula, efforts are invested to ensure that instruction and the pedagogical tools used are not banal or shallow. This goal is accomplished through the extensive use of informal tools. This approach calls for interdisciplinary projects performed jointly by students in different classes, different schools and even different countries. Here lies its attraction for the students, since it leads to the dissolution of the narrow school of frameworks and the banal curricula, and becomes a means for linking historical knowledge with philosophical, anthropological, sociological and political knowledge, and also linking moral and civil questions through a study of the process that led to that selfsame absolute evil. The model of a trip to Poland for French pupils in 11th and 12th grades was developed as part of this interdisciplinary approach. The school trip from France to Poland is under the exclusive auspices of the French Holocaust Institute – The Memorial. This organization has assumed the task of expanding the Holocaust learning experience to Polish soil, as part of the informal teaching method that aims to avoid making the memory a mundane one. The journey to Poland is based on a one-day journey model, with students visiting a single commemorative site – Auschwitz-Birkenau. The journey always takes place between November and March, in order for students to experience the freezing grey weather of the city, as it prevailed in the camp most of the time. Instruction on the camp premises lasts approximately six hours, and the remainder takes place on the buses. In 2004, the Memorial decided on a methodological change in all matters pertaining to the journey to Poland, and shifted the centre of focus from the trip itself to the preparations for the trip, and an emphasis on historical work and developing students’ motivation. Preparation for the trip takes place in the framework of the Memorial Institute, with students from all over France coming to the museum, where they visit an exhibition, take part in conversations and discussions with the pedagogical staff, participate in workshops and visit the Drancy camp near Paris. The visit to the Memorial is compulsory, and is also subsidized for all students. In addition to the study day at the Memorial, students must spend a number of hours studying the history of the subject before going on the journey. In cases where the school is unable to visit the Memorial, the Institute sends pedagogical representatives to the school. As part of the preparation for the trip and during the journey as well, emphasis is on historical facts, and the overall crimes of the Third Reich are addressed. Both the singularity of the Holocaust as a holocaust of the Jews of Europe and its universal aspects are addressed. The declared goals of the journey are to

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teach the Holocaust as representative of the mindset of a modern, bureaucratic, industrial society that harnessed modernity in service of mass murder. On the day of the journey, an attempt is made to discuss all the material that was covered throughout the year.

Some final thoughts In Israel, Holocaust education has traditionally been centred on two axes: the cognitive study of history (with emphasis on the particular history of the Jewish people) and the emotional, experiential participation in a journey to Holocaust sites in Poland. It is not time to rethink the ratio between the emphasis on the particularist and the universal lessons of the Holocaust. The time has come for the Israeli education system to open itself up to influences that have, until now, remained on the declarative level. Educators must find the way to balance the universalist with the particularist approach to Holocaust education – this is the joint challenge facing Holocaust educators all over the world. The challenge is the tension between unity and uniformity in Holocaust education. Today, Holocaust education is a uniting factor that emphasizes what is common to all humans. Findings from a series of studies (Davidovitch and Soen 2012) show that outside Israel, Holocaust education is centred around universal values and a cognitive-scholastic approach, whereas in Israel a particularist approach captures the didactic space. Both models require a more even balance. If Israel wishes to promote Holocaust education on a worldwide basis, it should itself emphasize the broader aspects of the Holocaust – the moral and historical universal dimensions of the Holocaust. Nonetheless, the fact that the Holocaust was, first and foremost, directed against the Jews, and designed and planned as the ‘Final Solution’, should not be neglected. Holocaust education that excludes this issue and its moral implications from the discourse is equally imbalanced. What is needed is a holistic perspective that makes room for both the particularist and the universalist views by presenting the Jewish aspects of the Holocaust as well as the human aspects of the mechanism of murder designed and performed by human beings. The Holocaust is an important episode in human history, one that has shocked and continues to shock the very foundations of everything we believed we knew about human nature. The scope, the intensity, the meticulous planning and operation and the precision of the Nazi machinery of death – all these are the focus on human interest. Over time, this topic has attracted the interest of

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the world. The intensity and complexity of the subject provide educators and policymakers with hope that by exposing our children to these difficult contents, we will touch our children’s souls, and use this negative example to teach them how to behave and what to avoid. National policymakers and institutions use the history of the Holocaust to promote their own local and national interests, while others prefer to stress the Holocaust lessons that apply to humanity as a whole. In any case, the tension between particularist and universal values is evident, although in general most education programmes focus on the universal lessons of the Holocaust while in Israel, primarily due to the official Ministry of Education policy, there is a greater tendency to emphasize the particularist aspects of the events. As we stand almost 70 years after the end of World War II, we face several options for conveying the memory of the Holocaust to the future generations. One option is to allow each education system to lead the Holocaust memory as it pleases: each system and its methods, values and agenda. The second option is to establish a debate involving education policymakers from Israel and other countries. As Jews, it is important not to ignore the fact that the Holocaust primarily targeted the annihilation of all the Jews in the world. Nonetheless, Jews and especially Israelis appreciate the importance of a universal perspective, as these values complement uniquely Jewish values. The Jewish Torah commands everyone, first of all, to act with consideration and kindness to one’s fellow human beings. We should invest efforts to create a foundation for a dialogue between education systems and Holocaust institutions. If our aim is to enhance the memory of the Holocaust, we must create a uniform foundation that balances the various representations of the Holocaust events, a foundation that can be taught in and outside Israel. In sum, where does historical memory lead? Holocaust education in Israel and around the world has the potential to generate a moral transformation. The question is, what is the moral transformation we wish to trigger and how. This question has many, varied answers. To prevent indoctrination of memory, we must work to develop post-Holocaust studies that help us entrench the memory for the future generations in agreed-upon contents that function as the foundation for all educational settings. Education systems both in and outside Israel face the challenge of conveying the horrors of the past to the present generation. What is the significance of concepts such as anti-Semitism, racism and Nazism for this ‘global’ generation? What place does Israel assume among other nations – what role does Israel’s revival after the Holocaust play? What is the singularity of the Jewish Holocaust when compared to other acts of genocide,

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and what civic significance do concepts such as guilt and accountability have for the younger generation? We seem to be at a challenging crossroads that urges us to take action.

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Index Abkhazia 16, 17 Action Research Project 164, 170, 171 Adult Education 20, 27 Literacy 9, 10, 233 Anatolia 129, 132, 136 East 141 Ankara 129, 159 Arabic 19, 306, 309, 314 Armenia 6, 7, 9, 11, 227–258 American University of Armenia 245 Early Childhood Care and Education 227, 232, 234–5, 246 Kurd Russian Aesthetic Education 241 Ministry of Education and Science (MOES) 233, 237, 238, 240, 246 National Academy of Sciences of Armenia 239 National Curriculum for General Education 235, 236 National Institute of Education (NIE) 243–4 Smallness 227, 228, 229, 230, 232 State Program for Education and Development 211–215, 246 Strategic Program for Reform in PreSchool Education (2008–15) 235, 253 Strategic Program on Establishment of High School Network 243 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMMS) 252 Vocational Education and Training (VET) 235, 236–7 Ataturk 127, 149, 150, 151 Auschwitz 325, 327, 328, 330 Azerbaijan 4, 5, 7, 9, 14, 15, 228, 231, 246, 259–276, 287 Baseline Studies 265, 266, 269, 271 Center for Innovations in Education 263, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271 Education Sector Development Project (ESDP) 2008–12 261, 265 Goals of Education 259

Liberalization of Textbook Publishing 260 National Curriculum (2006) 262, 272, 273 Outcomes-Based Education (OBE) 262 Privatization 260 Textbook Development and Evaluation 263, 264 Belarus 4, 9, 25–46 Law on Education 26–29 Lisbon Convention on Recognition of Qualifications (1997) 36, 38 Minsk 25, 27, 37, 40 Music Education 25–46 National Education System 26, 27–29 Teaching of Foreign Students 37–38 Berlin – Hans Eisler Academy of Music 119 Bessarabia 48 Bologna Process 9, 36, 104, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 200, 201, 228, 232, 240, 244, 248–9 Central Asia 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 152, 167, 234, 290 Central Europe 9, 287, 290, 308 Citizenship Education 327, 328 Chernigiv 189 Chisinau 48, 61 Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) 39 Communism 1, 2, 55, 59 Conservatories 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 118, 122, 187, 198 Council of Europe 36, 57, 202 Curriculum 2, 15, 19, 51, 55, 56, 58, 70, 99, 101, 127, 128, 133, 134, 135, 136, 142, 151, 152, 153, 155, 156, 165, 192, 195, 196, 201, 203, 231, 233, 241, 242, 244, 251, 259–274, 313, 321–324

Index Decentralization 1, 2, 15, 138, 240, 242, 278 Democracy 1, 39, 76, 186, 203, 208, 228, 229, 250, 251, 259, 279, 282, 322 Distance Learning 10, 83–101 Early Childhood Care and Education 3, 4, 5, 186, 232, 246 Education for All (EFA) Goals 13, 15, 232 Education for All Global Monitoring Reports (GMRs) 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 Ethnicity 6, 16, 17, 71, 285, 303, 304, 305, 306, 309 European Commission 134, 236 European Higher Education Area 200, 227, 248 European Union 36, 49, 150, 151, 153, 201, 241, 245 FATIH Project 163–183 France 44, 166, 207, 279, 308–331 Annual Holocaust Remembrance at Schools 329 French Holocaust Institute – Memorial 330 Holocaust Instruction Curriculum 329 Memorial Holocaust Institute and Museum (Paris) 239 Gender 3, 7, 10, 16, 52, 135, 149, 186, 232, 233, 238, 289 Georgia 277–302 Capitalist Economy 278, 281 Corruption 278, 280, 282–90 Education System Marketization 277–290, 294 Ministry of Education and Science 281, 283, 286 Privatisation 279, 282, 284, 285, 286 Private Sector Education 278, 281, 282, 284, 293, 294 Private Tutoring 280, 283, 287, 288 Unified National Examinations (UNEs) 286–290 Vouchers 282–284, 290 Germany 37, 44, 118, 166, 207, 219, 305, 308, 325, 329 Global Economic Crisis 62, 246, 249

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Global Education Space 74, 232 Greece 60, 288 Higher Education 2, 30, 31, 32, 33, 153 Humanism 33, 43, 50, 209, 215, 221 Humanistic 25, 108, 205, 209, 212, 214, 215, 221 Human Rights 327, 328 Report (2009) 17 India 37, 166, 167, 245, 284 Information Communications Technology (ICT) 20, 79, 83, 85, 89, 165, 166, 239, 243, 246, 252, 271, 283 In-Service Teacher Training 2, 51, 52, 55–6, 153, 154, 155, 165, 243, 244, 252, 272 International Aid to Education 14, 15, 252, 286, 287 Iran 228, 245 Iraq 37 Israel 2, 17–19, 303–316, 317–335 Balfour Declaration (1917) 304 Compulsory Education Laws (1949, 1963, 1984) 311, 312, 313, 314 Diaspora 318, 319 Halizzim (Pioneers) 304, 305 Hebrew Language 304, 306, 308, 309, 310, 314 Holocaust Education 305, 317–335 Jewish Identity 321, 323, 331 Knesset 307, 314, 319 Languages Official - Hebrew, Arabic 306 Separate – Arabic, Druze Foreign – English, French, German Pilgrimage Trips to Poland 324–6 Post-Holocaust Studies 332 State Religious Education 306, 309, 310, 314 Universities 310, 313 Zionist Movement 304, 305, 318, 319, 322, 324 Japan 44, 118, 166, 287, 288 Jordan 37, 303 Kazakhstan 167 Kenya 284, 287

338 Kharkiv 190 Knowledge Economy/Society 242, 246 Kyiv 185, 189, 190, 201, 221 Language 2, 10, 19, 29, 44, 49, 53, 57, 76, 137, 189, 190, 228, 231, 232, 236, 269, 289 Arabic 19, 306, 309, 314 Armenian 236 Azerbaijani 269 Belarusian 29 Druze 306 English 57, 232, 308 French 308 Gagauz 53 Georgian 289 German 184, 190, 308 Hebrew 304, 306, 308, 309, 310, 314 Hungarian 190 Moldovan 49 Polish 189, 190 Romanian 53, 190 Russian 29, 49, 53, 66, 76, 190, 193, 236, 306 Turkish 137 Ukrainian 189, 190, 191, 192–3, 194 Yiddish 308 Lebanon 37, 303 Lisbon Convention 38 Lithuania 37, 189 Market Economies 1, 20, 29–30, 39, 55, 59, 128, 192, 194, 196, 203, 217, 259, 262, 277, 278, 279, 298, 292, 293 Marxist-Leninist Ideology 261 Mathematics 58, 137, 152, 232, 236, 243, 260 Migration 47, 59, 60, 62, 129, 133, 137, 138 Illegal 60 Mass 62 Minsk Music Technicum 40 Mogilyev 40, 41 Moldova 47–64, 5, 7, 9, 13, 14, 115, 185 Chisinau 48 Education Law of the Republic 53, 54 Institute of Educational Sciences 51, 53 International Office for Migration 60

Index Moldova General Education Project 55, 56 National council for Curriculum and Evaluation 51 Programme for Education Development (1995–2000) 54 Mongolia 287 Nagorna-Karabakh Conflict (Armenia versus Azerbaijan) 16, 259 Nazi Regime 320, 322, 327, 328, 331, 332 New York Bard College 122 Juilliard School 118 School of One 166 New Zealand 277 Open Society Institute 16, 57, 241, 260, 264 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 12, 17, 18, 151, 152, 156, 236 Ottoman Empire 48, 150 Pakistan 37 Palestine 303, 304, 307, 308, 309 Pedagogy 9, 15, 31, 33, 36, 42, 51, 57, 65, 66, 76, 86, 89, 90, 91, 95, 98, 99, 100, 105, 107, 109, 115, 116, 119, 154, 158, 166, 168, 174, 175, 188, 191, 192, 198, 205–224, 243, 261, 262, 264, 254, 266, 272, 273, 321, 330 Perestroika 49, 53 PISA 58 Poverty 6, 7, 10, 13, 16, 47, 50, 58–9, 251, 279, 282, 284 Quality Assurance 12, 13, 15, 27, 38 Quality of Education 2, 6, 7, 16, 20 Race 71, 186, 285, 322 Racism 322, 323, 326, 327, 332 Reading 58, 152, 260 Religion 25, 52, 71, 131, 186, 189, 228, 231, 309 Research 8, 26, 30, 31, 33–4, 36, 39, 40, 72, 98, 159, 168, 176, 202, 221, 228, 240, 249, 250, 265, 285, 289, 294 Romania 37, 48, 49, 185, 287

Index Russia 9, 26, 37, 40, 45, 65–82, 83–102, 103–126 Academy of Education 66 Educational Methodological Association (EMA) 78, 79 Empire 26, 48, 207 Federal Institution of Pedagogical Measurement (FIPM) 79 Federal Law on the Autonomous System 66, 67 Federal Service of Supervision: Education and Science (Rosoobrnadzor) 77 Federal University of Education Development (FUED) 73, 74, 79 Language (Russian) 49 Law of the Russian Federation on Education (2012) 66, 67, 68, 69 Moscow 42, 47, 53, 78, 79, 103, 261 State Linguistic University 79 Conservatory 42 National Research University 73, 74 New Law (2013) 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 81 Unified State Examination (USE) 79, 80 Schooling 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 19, 51, 230, 278 Alternative Schooling 216, 217 Baccalaureate 52, 238, 244 Basic 2, 26, 187 Charter 286 Gymnasiums 2, 26, 52 Kindergarten 19, 26, 193, 194, 310, 311, 312 Lyceums 2, 26, 27, 52, 195, 196 Nursery 26, 186, 193 Pre-school 6, 26, 27, 52, 165, 193, 194, 312 Private 138, 279, 281, 284, 286, 287 Rural 59, 131 Special Education 27, 52 Vocational 2, 27, 131, 149, 198, 310, 312, 313 Slovakia 37 Soros Foundation 16, 57, 202 South Ossetia 16 Soviet Union 1, 8, 9, 17, 26, 27, 48, 49, 50, 53, 54, 62, 196, 199, 203, 228, 259, 261, 277, 278, 287, 290

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St Petersburg 42, 103, 119 Syria 37, 303 Tablets 163, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175 Taiwan 288 Tajikstan 152 Teaching 11, 12, 58, 59, 60, 61, 153, 154, 194, 228, 243–44, 248, 260, 263, 273, 310 Technical Training 155, 237 Technology 20, 29, 49, 74, 79, 85, 86, 138, 139, 163, 167, 168, 169, 172, 173, 174, 178, 201, 268, 317 TEMPUS 202, 245 TEMPUS/TACIS 37 Textbooks 15, 17, 48, 55, 56, 58, 94, 108, 156, 166, 190, 191, 192, 242, 244, 262, 263–65, 268, 269, 273, 280, 283 Turkey 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 127–48, 149–162, 163–184 Anatolia 129, 132, 136 Ankara 129 Ataturk 127, 149, 150, 151 Board of Education 133, 135, 136 Curriculum Reform 127, 128, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 142 e Books 163, 165, 173, 229 FATIH Project 163, 164, 165, 166 Internal Migration 133, 137, 142 Islamist ‘Welfare’ Party 132 Istanbul 129, 136, 137, 140, 141 Justice and Development Party (JDP) 127, 132, 133, 134, 136, 142 Kurdish Movement 131, 132 Ministry of National Education (MONE) 130, 131, 134, 135, 136, 140, 141, 143, 151 M-Learning 164, 166–169, 173, 176 Reform 150–152 Turkish Language 137 Universities 130, 132, 134, 139, 141, 142, 149, 153 Ukraine 185–204, 205–224 Academy of Pedagogical Sciences 192, 195 Brotherhood Schools 189 Constitution of Ukraine 185

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Humanization of Education 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 213, 215, 216, 218 Kyiv 185, 189, 190, 201, 221 Law of Ukraine on Education 197, 198 Liberal Arts Education 221–222 Ministry of Education, Science, Youth and Sports 187, 188, 193, 195, 196 Population – Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians, Moldovans, Poles 185 Republic of the Crimea 185, 187, 188 Slavic Cultural Identity 189, 190 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) 25, 41, 49, 65, 104, 105, 106, 250, 277, 278 United Kingdom (UK) 157, 166, 277, 284, 285, 287 United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) 17, 57, 241, 246, 260, 292 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) 37, 50, 59

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) 37, 54, 92, 98, 197, 201, 202, 206, 230 International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) 230 United States Agency for International Development (USAID) 57 United States of America (USA) 44, 60, 83, 157, 158, 166, 219, 221, 245, 277, 284, 285, 287 Vietnam 37, 288 Vityebsk 40 Waldorf Schools 220 Washington DC Schools 104, 286 Western European Tradition 308 World Bank 15, 47, 50, 53, 54, 55, 58, 59, 61, 150, 151, 230, 241, 252, 260, 264, 282 Yugoslavia 37