Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations 0300032862, 9780300032864

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Early Chinese Civilizations Series

LI XUEQIN i

Eastern Zhou and Qin Civilizations Translated by K. C. Chang

YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW HAVEN AND LONDON

Published with assistance from the Mary Cady Tew Memorial Fund. Copyright © 1985 by Yale University. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Designed by Margaret E.B. Joyner and set in Monophoto Apollo type by Asco Trade Typesetting Ltd., Hong Kong. Printed in the United States of America by Vail-Ballou Press, Binghamton, N.Y. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Li, Hsüeh-ch’in. Eastern Zhou and Qin civilizations. (Early Chinese civilizations series) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. China—History—Chou dynasty, 1122-221 B.C. 2. China—History—Ch’in dynasty, 221-207 B.C. I. Chang, Kwang-chih. II. Title. III. Series. DS747.L474 1985 931f.03 85-5387 ISBN 0-300-03286-2 (alk. paper) The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. 10

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Contents

Figures Preface

vii XV

1

PART 1 l

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Introduction Zhou 周 J in 晋 Han 韓， Zhao 趙 ， and Wei 魏 The States in the Vicinity of Jin Zhongshan 中山 Yan 燕 Q i齊 The Lords on the Si ^ River C hu 楚 The States North of Chu Xu 徐， Wu 吳 ， and Yue 越 Ba 巴， Shu 萄， and Dian 漢 Qin 秦 Qin after Unification

263

PART 2

16 17

3 16 37 59 78 93 108 126 139 154 170 189 204 222 240

Bronze Objects Bronze Agricultural Implements and Architectural Accessories

265 284

18 19 20 21 22

23 24 25 26 27 28

Bronze Mirrors Iron Objects Gold and Silver Objects and Jades Lacquered Objects Silk Fabrics Coinage Seals Inscribed Slips and Tablets Silk Manuscripts and Silk Paintings Writings Social Classes General Conclusions

295 315 330 342 359 371 399 414 434 447 460 477

Abbreviations Bibliography Index

491 492 521

Figures

1. China during the Spring and Autumn period (in the Yellow River and the Yangtze River valleys) 2. China during the Warring States period (in the Yellow River and the Huai River valleys) 3. Site of the Zhou city of Wangcheng 4. Semicircular eaves-tiles at the Wangcheng site 5. Area of excavations along the Zhongzhou Road 6. Ding, dou, and he vessels from tomb no. 439 at the Glass Factory site in Luoyang 7. Some bronzes from tomb no. 2717 along the Zhongzhou Road in Luoyang 8. The Jincun site of Luoyang and the Luoyang city of the Han and Wei dynasties 9. The cemetery of Jincun, Luoyang (from W. C. White, Tombs of Old Loyang, p. 16, Plan C) 10. The Jinjiang ding tripod 11. Location of the old cities in Houma 12. Chronological divisions of the pottery of the Eastern Zhou period in Houma 13. Animal-head-shaped clay model found in Houma 14. Clay piece-molds for tiger-shaped ornaments from Houma 15. Structure of the clay mold for carriage-axle found in Houma 16. The Zhijunzi jian vessel (from Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 874) 17. The Zi zhi nong niao zun vessel (from Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 693) 18. Tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, Houma 19. Site of the remains of the oaths of allegiance in Houma 20. Some oaths of allegiance from Houma 21. Some oaths of allegiance from Qinyang 22. The old city site of Zheng and Han vii

6 8 20 21 24 26 28 30 32 39 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 51 53 54 57 60

viii 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.

Figures Eaves-tile found at the old city of Zheng and Han Weapons found at Baimiaofancun, Xinzheng Pottery inscriptions found in Zhengzhou One of the Daliang Sikou ding tripods Design on the basin with battle scenes on water and land The cemetery at Guweicun, Huixian The old city of Handan Location of the site at Liyu in Hunyuanxian Yi vessel of Xunhou found at Shangguocun, Wenxi The Yuhouzheng hu vessel Tomb no. 1052 at the Shangcunling cemetery in Sanmenxia Two types of ding tripods found at the large tomb at Lijialou in Xinzheng Handleless and dui vessels found at tombs A and B at Liulige, Huixian The lacquered round box of Lord Ping'anjun found in tomb no. 3 at Guanzhuang in Qinyang The old city of Lingshou Rubbing of the engraved stone at Nanqiji in Pingshan The bronze plate with the plan of the royal mausoleum Reconstruction of the mausoleum of the kings of Zhongshan (after Fu Xinian) Square hu of the king of Zhongshan from tomb no. 1 of Pingshan Square table with inlaid gold and silver designs of dragon and phoenix found at tomb no. 1 of Pingshan Vessel base in the shape of a tiger devouring a deer with inlaid gold and silver designs found at tomb no. 1 of Pingshan Mountain-character-shaped bronze from tomb no. 1 of Pingshan Lamp with silver-headed human figure from tomb no. 1 of Pingshan Location of the city of Ji (after Hou Renzhi) Semicircular eaves-tiles found at Hanjiatan in Peking Site of Xiadu of Yan Bronze pushou animal mask at Laoguantai, site of Xiadu of Yan Tomb no. 16 at Xiadu of Yan Painted pottery vessels from tomb no. 16 at Xiadu of Yan Ge halberd of King Zhi of Yan found at Dongguanyingzi, Beipiao Incised bone plate from tomb no. 102 at Nanshangen, Ningcheng Examples of the bronze daggers of the north The old city of Qi Semicircular eaves-tiles from the old city of Qi Tomb no. 1 at Langjiazhuang, Linzixian Dui vessel of the Marquis of Qi (from Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 390) Fu vessel of Qiuguan found at Lingshanwei, Jiaoxian

61 63 65 68 70 71 73 76 79 81 83 86 90 92 94 96 97 98 99 102 103 104 106 109 110 113 114 116 117 120 123 125 128 129 131 132 134

Figures 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93.

Hu vessel of Chen Zhang (from Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 774) Examples of pottery inscriptions of the state of Qi The old city of Lu Pottery hang measuring bowl found at Jiwangcheng, Zouxian The site of the city of Teng Pottery inscriptions from Tengxian Tomb no. 2 at Dadian in Juxian Ge halberd of Duke Yuangong of Song Map of the environs of Xiasi, Xichuan Ding and li vessels found in tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan Tomb no. 1 at Hougudui in Gushi Tomb no. 1 at Tianxingguan in Jiangling The site of the city of Jinancheng The Dafu seal The 力’e of Lord Qi of E found at Qiujiahuayuan, Shouxian Map of the environs of Suixian Fu bell of King Jinzhang of Chu found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian Inscription on the fu bell of King Jinzhang of Chu The bianzhong set of bells found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian The vessel for ice found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian The inscriptions on the set of bells of tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian Map of the environs of the tomb of the Marquis of Cai near the western gate of Shouxian Inscription on the jiah vessel of King Yichu of Xu found in Lijia of Jing’an Age halberd without a long insertion blade, found in the large tomb at Jiulidun, Shucheng Some of the objects found in tomb no. 1 at Chengqiao in Liuhe Inscriptions on a bell from a set of bells found in tomb no. 1 at Chengqiao in Liuhe Bronze-imitating pottery vessels found in tomb no. 10 at Yutang in Guixi The sword of King Goujian of Yue found in tomb no. 1 of Wangshan in Jiangling Inscription on the sword of King Goujian of Yue Bronze vessels from Yangjia in Gongcheng Types of ge halberds of Ba and Shu The large grave at Jiuliandun in Xindu Wooden-handled bronze saw found in the large grave at Jiuliandun, Xindu Fu and wu vessels found in the large grave at Jiuliandun, Xindu

ix 136 138 142 145 147 148 150 153 156 158 159 162 164 167 168 175 177 178 179 179 180 186 191 193 195 196 198 199 200 202 207 211 212 214

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Figures

94. Impressions of "semi-through" seals found in tomb no. 50 at Dongsunba in Baxian 95. Buckle ornament with ritual scene found in tomb no. 24 at Lijiashan in Jiangchuan 96. Bronze coffin from Dapona in Xiangyun 97. Bronze kettle drum found in tomb no. 1 at Wanjiaba in Chuxiong 98. Ding tripod from Songcun in Huxian 99. Mausoleum no. 1 at Nanzhihui in Fengxiang 100. Tombs no. 26 and 27 near Qiaocun, Houma 101. Map of palace site no. 1 at Xianyang 102. The Du tiger tally found at Beichencun in Xi'an 103. The Yangling tiger tally 104. Rubbings of the stone drum inscriptions 105. A clay measuring bowl engraved with the Qin imperial edict 106. Clay measuring bowl engraved with the Qin imperial edict found at Zhizhushan in Chifeng 107. A bronze weight cast with the imperial edict, found in the western inner enclosure of the Qinshihuangdi Mausoleum 108. Rubbing of the stone engraving at Langyai 109. The Qin-period Great Wall in Wangjiashan, Weiyuan 110. The mausoleum of Qinshihuangdi 111 • Eaves-tile with itwz’ serpent design found near the mausoleum of Qinshihuangdi 112. Part of soldier-and-horse pit no. 1 near the mausoleum of Qinshihuangdi 113. Examples of the terra cotta figures in soldier-and-horse pit no. 1 114. Square hu vessel with lotus and crane decorative motifs from the large grave at Lijialou, Xinzheng 115. Pan and zun vessels from tomb no. 1 of Leigudun, Suixian 116. Plain ding tripod with handles 117. Fragment of a bronze vessel with needle-incised designs from tomb no. 1 at Chengqiao, Liuhe 118. Sword of King Guang of Wu found in Shiyu, Yuanping 119. Sword with the inscription "bronze of Fanyang,’ from Luoyang 120. The ancient mining site at Tongliishan, Daye 121. Diagram of the plan of ancient mine shafts at Tongliishan 122. Bronze sickle from Poshankou, Yizheng 123. Bronze sickle found in the tomb at Jiulidun, Shucheng 124. Bronze weeding implement, ru, found in Suzhou 125. Bronze architectural accessories found in Yaojiagang, Fengxiang 126. Bronze mirror found at Gamatai, Guinan 127. Bronze mirror found in tomb no. 1005 at Xibeigang, in Houjiazhuang, Anyang

216 219 220 221 225 227 228 231 236 237 238 242 244 245 248 250 251 253 257 258 269 270 271 276 278 280 281 282 285 288 289 291 297 298

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128. Bronze mirror found in tomb no. 5 at Yinxu, Anyang 129. Bronze mirror found in tomb no. 1612 at Shangcunling in Sanmenxia 130. Mirror with four mountain-characters 131. Mirror with six mountain-characters 132. Mirror with intertwined-serpent designs 133. Mirror with elbow-shaped and intertwined-serpent designs 134. Pictorial design of the mirror with hunting scene found at Jincun, Luoyang 135. Mirror with four mountain-characters reconstructed according to clay molds found at Tanghucun, Yixian 136. Mirror with gold and silver inlays found in Shangwangzhuang, Linzi 137. Mirror with intertwined-serpent designs found in tomb no. 11 at Shuihudi in Yunmeng 138. Mirror with hunting-scene designs found in tomb no. 9 at Shuihudi in Yunmeng 139. Bronze Yue ax with iron blade found in Taixi, Gaocheng 140. Dagger from tomb no. 1 at Jingjiazhuang in Lingtai 141. Objects found in tomb no. 65 at Yangjiashan, Changsha 142. Iron ding tripod found in tomb no. 15 at Yaoling, Changsha 143. Iron objects found at site no. 22 in Xiadu of Yan 144. Iron implements and belt buckle found in tomb no. 44 in Xiadu of Yan 145. Iron armor found in tomb no. 44 in Xiadu of Yan 146. Iron mold found at Dafujianggou in Xinglong 147. Gold bowl found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian 148. Inscriptions on gold ornamental plaques found in tomb no. 2 at Xigoupan, Zhungor 149. Gold ornamental plaque found in tomb no. 2 at Xigoupan, Zhungor 150. Gold ornaments found in tomb no. 30 at Xinzhuangtou, Yixian 151. Jade ornament found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian 152. Inscriptions on jades from Pingshan 153. Lacquered dou vessel found in tomb no. 1704 at Shangcunling in Sanmenxia 154. The inner coffin from tomb no. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian 155. Figures of deities on the inner coffin of tomb no. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian 156. Decorative designs on the lid of the trunk in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian 157. Tomb-guarding animal in tomb no. 1 at Tianxingguan, Jiangling 158. Seated screen from tomb no. 1 at Wangshan, Jiangling

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Figures

xii 159. 160. 161. 162.

163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191.

Figures Lacquered round box from Shuihudi, Yunmeng Lacquered winged cup from Shuihudi, Yunmeng Structure of a brocade from tomb no. 44 at Zuojiatang, Changsha Detail of unlined garment with embroideries with dragon, phoenix, and tiger designs found in tomb no. 1 at Mazhuan, Jiangling Detail of lined quilt with brocade surface found in tomb no. 1 at Mazhuan, Jiangling Detail of silk quilt embroidered with double phoenix and double dragon designs found in tomb no. 1 at Mazhuan, Jiangling Arrangement of hollow-headed hw coins at time of discovery at Fuliudian, Yichuan Hollow-headed bu coin of the large straight-shouldered type with the character 〃Wang〃 Round coins with "Xizhou" and "Dongzhou" inscriptions Hollow-headed bu coin with lifted shoulders and six-character inscription found in Houma Silver hollow-headed bu coin found at Guchengcun, Fugou Round-crotched bu coins of Liang Point-footed bu coins with inscriptions of '"Jinyang ban"' Three-holed bu coins with the inscription "Nanxingtang^ Straight knife coins with "Handan" inscription Square-footed bu coin with inscription "Pingyuan^ Point-headed knife coins with the character "Liu" Ming knife coins of two different types Knife coins with six character inscriptions, from the state of Qi Bronze cowries with //Bei,/ inscriptions found at Dongdachengcun in Qufu Gold plates with inscription "Ying cheng" Extra-large banliang coin Large seal of Yangdu Seal with the inscription "Qi li bang xi" Seal with the inscription "Danyu du shi’’ Seal with the inscription "Xia wu du situ" Horse-branding seal with the inscription "Ri geng du cui ehe ma" Seal with the inscription "Fuchang Han ju n " Seal with the inscription "Xiacai gong furen” Seal with the inscription "Qian qiu wan shi chang" Seal with the inscription "An guo ju n " found in tomb no. 4 at Wanghuling in Yuce Seal with the inscription "Changpingjun xiang shi" The character "Ce〃 in the oracle bone inscriptions

354 355 362

366 367 368 373 374 377 378 379 381 383 384 385 386 388 390 392 394 395 397 402 403 404 405 407 408 409 411 412 412 415

Figures 192. Copy of the inscriptions on bamboo slips found in tomb no. 1 at Wangshan, Jiangling 193. Copy of the inscriptions on bamboo slips found in tomb no. 406 at Wulipai in Changsha 194. Copy of the inscriptions on bamboo slips found in tomb no. 25 at Yangtianhu in Changsha 195. Copy of the inscriptions on bamboo slips found in tomb no. 2 at Wangshan in Jiangling 196. Bamboo slips found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian 197. Bamboo slips found in tomb no. 11 at Shuihudi, Yunmeng 198. Wooden tablets found in tomb no. 4 at Shuihudi, Yunmeng 199. Copy of the inscriptions on the upper surface of a wooden tablet found in tomb no. 50 at Haojiaping in Qingchuan 200. Copy of a portion of the silk manuscript found at Zidanku, Changsha (from N. Barnard, Studies on the Chfu Silk Manuscript,

Part II) 201. Tomb no. 1 at Zidanku, Changsha 202. Examples of figures of deities on the silk manuscript of Zidanku, Changsha (From N. Barnard, Studies on the Chfu Silk Manuscript,

xiii

418 420 421 423 424 426 431 432

436 438

Part II) 203. Copy of the silk painting found at Chenjiadashan, Changsha 204. Silk painting found in tomb no. 1 of Zidanku, Changsha 205. Archaic script from the Hanjian, as published in the Yiyucaotang edition of the Qing dynasty 206. Bird-script characters with hooks 207. Writing brush found in tomb no. 11 at Shuihudi, Yunmeng 208. Ink slab with grinding stone and ink stick, found in tomb no. 4 at Shuihudi, Yunmeng 209. One of the ding tripods in the set found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian 210. Needle-incised inscription on the exterior of the bottom of the lacquered winged cup found at Shuihudi, Yunmeng 211. Examples of inscriptions on lacquered vessels from Shuihudi in Yunmeng 212. Seal impressions consisting of the characters "Anlu shiting" on the shoulder of the pottery/ot/ vessel at Shuihudi, Yunmeng

445 452 455 458 459 462 469 470 472

Preface

The Eastern Zhou and the Qin dynasties, from approximately the eighth to the third centuries B .c” were a very important segment of the Tong history of China. From the standpoint of economic history, unpre­ cedented developments took place at that time in production and tech­ nology, accompanied by significant changes in social organization. In terms of political history, the nation became reunited after a long period of division, and many ethnic groups became extensively merged. Finally, in terms of cultural history, this is the period in which the Hundred Schools of Thought appeared, with such philosophers as Laotze, Confucius, and Motze, during which time most of the traditional literary texts came into being. In the last thirty years, Chinese archaeology has undergone rapid progress, providing extremely rich material from this period. In this book I have attempted a synthesis of the new materials, hoping to help the reader better understand the Chinese civilization in its full glory during that period. The ultimate aim of archaeology, including the closely related field of epigraphy, is to reconstruct the ancient history buried in the thickets of time and to explore the laws of historical development. All cultural remains brought to light during archaeological investigations were originally produced and formed in a historical context, and they can only be recognized and understood in their proper historical context. With regard to the Eastern Zhou and Qin periods, there are a great number of available historical documents, and scholars in the past have undertaken voluminous studies of them. To be sure, if we could combine archaeological results with historiography and the study of historical documents, it would be possible to bring the underground, long-dead material to life, and thereby lift the curtain of mystery that hides our ancient civilization. But on this point all I can say is, "I long for it as an objective, even though I find it impossible to achieve," as the ancient Chinese saying goes. xv

x vi

P reface

In the decade of the 1950s I wrote a short article whose title may be translated as "A General Description of Warring States Inscriptions," which was serialized in the journal Wenwu. Recently, a number of my friends encouraged me to revise this article and publish a new edition of it, but I felt that the article contained a number of errors and, besides, it involved only the Warring States period, that is, the latter half of the Eastern Zhou dynasty. Its content was also quite narrow in scope. In order to make use of the abundant archaeological material to discuss the historical civilizations of the Eastern Zhou and the Qin dynasties, I felt that we would really have to start from scratch; consequently I have been reluctant to undertake the project of revising the said article. What I present to you here represents some preliminary efforts to put together and interpret the data, a task which I am afraid is really more than I can handle. On many issues I simply present my own judgments and opin­ ions, which inevitably contain points that have not been thought through. I hope the readers will not be reluctant to come forward with their comments and criticisms. The history of the Eastern Zhou and Qin dynasties is very com­ plex, and all the aspects of its complex society cannot possibly be described fully in this volume. In writing this book I do not presume any acquaintance on the reader's part with the historical events and personages of this period. Readers will benefit from consulting other historical writings that discuss the same period. On the completion of the manuscript of this book I would first of all like to thank Professor K. C. Chang of Harvard University, who has gone through this book and provided me with criticisms. I am thankful to the archaeological and cultural relics institutions throughout the country, which have given me much enthusiastic assistance over the years. The Wenwu Press provided many of the photographs used in the book and has furnished valuable comments on the manuscript. A part of the manuscript was put on paper when I was a visiting feïlow at Clair Hall at Cambridge University. Clair Hall, the Faculty of Oriental Studies at Cambridge University, the University Library, and the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London have all given me much assistance and support. I would like to thank all of them îiere. The illustrations prepared for this volume were prepared by Li Jinyun of the Wenwu Press. In a few chapters and sections I have used parts of papers that I have written over the years, but in most cases I have provided extensive revisions and additions of new material.

PART 1

1 Introduction

China is one of the most ancient civilizations of the world. According to the legends and records in the ancient texts of China, the earliest dynasties were the Tang 唐， Yu 虞， Xia X , Shang 商， and Zhou 周• Xia, SÎiang, and Zhou are collectively referred to as the Three Dynasties. Sometimes to these are added Yu (including Tang); together they are known as the Four Dynasties. In 1898, oracle bone inscriptions of the Shang dynasty were discovered at Yinxu 殷坡 ， in Anyang 安 陽 ， Henan Province. This find led to the archaeological excavation of Yinxu begin­ ning in 1928. A series of archaeological discoveries since that time has enabled us to achieve a relatively clear understanding of the historical culture of the Shang dynasty. As for the Xia culture, which was prior to the Shang, it is a topic on which studies and investigations are being actively pursued in China by archaeologists and historians. The Zhou dynasty is the longest dynasty in the entire history of China. As for the date of the establishment of the Zhou dynasty, that is, the date of the conquest of the Shang dynasty by King Wuwang of Zhou and the overthrow of the Shang dynasty, various versions and hypo­ theses have been offered, but no generally accepted conclusion has been reached. Broadly speaking, however, this event took place between the late twelfth and the eleventh century b .c . Carrying on the Shang tradition, the Zhou was a unified historical dynasty ruling over a large territory. In the areas surrounding the royal domain, which were directly under the administration of the king of Zhou, were a large numbed of so-called feudal states (z/mfeotz 客t/o 諸候國 ） of various sizes established by members of the Zhou clan or other clans. Then in between these lords and surrounding the states of the lords were a large number of states and tribes that were, to varying extents, subordinate to the royal Zhou dynasty. The rulership of the states of the lords was also hereditary, but the lords had prescribed political and economic obligations toward the Zhou royal house. In the view of some scholars, the states of the lords 3

4

INTRODUCTION

under the Zhou dynasty were not, as is sometimes believed, independent polities; instead, the lords were "rather similar to local officials of local districts of later periods who were given a specified territory of rule and served as representatives of the central government to carry out political authority in their own territories, collect taxes, and maintain social order."1 Beginning with King Wuwang 武王 of Zhou, the Zhou kings resided at Zongzhou 宗周， located in present-day Changan 長安 prefec­ ture in Shaanxi Province. The period of the Zhou dynasty during which the royal capital was located at Zongzhou, a period of over two hundred years, is called by historians the Western Zhou. Compared with the rule of the Shang, the Zhou rule was not particularly successful. After the death of Wuwang, the remnants of the Shang dynasty attempted a revolt, taking advantage of internal factionalism in tîie royal family. Fortunately for Zhou, Zhougong 周公， the Duke of Zhou, engaged in an eastern expedition for a perioä of three years, which succeeded in putting down the rebels. The reigns of Chengwang 成王 and Kangwang 康王 ， who followed Wuwang, were characterized by a measure of peace and prosperity and the extensive establishment of the so-called feudal lords, but these two reigns lasted only about forty years. The following ruler, Zhaowang BgiL, undertook a southern expe­ dition against the Jing and the Chu but he died on the Han River. His death was a major setback in the political history of Western Zhou. His son Muwang 穆王 also had ambitions of further extending the Zhou territory, but his efforts only resulted in the exhaustion and waste of the powers of the royal house. The next several kings after Muwang were at best able to retain the status quo, but they were unable to accomplish further expansions. The internal contradictions within the society were gradually increasing, on the other hand, and at the same time distur­ bances from neighboring ethnic groups, such as the Yi ^ people in the southeast and tüe Xianyun 搬犹 people from the north, constituted a considerable threat to Zhou rule. In the late years of the Western Zhou, the oppressive King Liwang 属 王 was exiled by the people, resulting in the regency under dukes Zhougong 周公 and Shaogong 召公 whicîi is referred to as the Gonghe 共和 Regency. Liwang’s son Xuanwang 宣王 ascended to the throne and made a successful attempt to revive the royal powers, but this success was brief. Finally, during the reign of Yuwang 幽 王 ， political corruption, social turmoil, and an invasion by the Quanrong  戎 people in the west caused the downfall of the royal house of the Western Zliou dynasty. When the next ruler. Pingwang 平王 , moved 1. Li Zhiting, "The Feudal States of Western Zhou as Political Districts" Chinese), in Qingzhu Jianguo Sanshi Zhounian Kexue Baogaohui Lunwenji (Hangzhou Uni­ versity, 1979), section on history.

5

Introduction

his capital east to the region of modern-day Luoyang 洛陽 of Henan Province, the period known in history as the Eastern Zhou began. The first year of the Gonghe Regency was 841 B.c. From this year the Zhou chronoiogy begins to be accurate. The Eastern Zhou period begins with the first year of the reign of Pingwang, that is, 770 B.c. The whole Eastern Zhou period can be broadly divided into two stages, the so-called Chun Qiu 暮 秋 （Spring and Autumn) and the Zhan Guo 戰國 (Warring States). The name of the Chun Qiu period was derived from the annals of the state of Lu 魯，C/mn Qiw, a work that has always been regarded as having been edited by Confucius, and it refers to the period between 722 and 481 B.c. These are various versions of the date of the beginning of the Warring States period.2 For convenience, contemporary scholars for the most part use the beginning of the Annual Table of the Six States in the SAÿi 史 ■!己， the 1st year of reign of Yuanwang 元王 ， or 476 B.c., as the beginning of the Zhan Guo period. The end of the Eastern Zhou period is usually placed at the death of Nanwang 裉 王 of Zhou, 256 B.C. On the other hand, it is often extended to the unification of China under Qin 秦 at 221 B.c. Thus， the dates of the Chun Qiu and Zhan Guo periods of the Eastern Zhou are as follows: Eastern Zhou—770-221 B.c. Chun Qiu—770—475 B.C. Zhan Guo—476—221 B.C. These dates are given here for convenience, even though there are many problems when they are subjected to critical analysis. Following the removal of Pingwang’s capital to Luoyang, the Zhou royal house no longer possessed the power to control the lords, and the lords' power increased. Those that were strong economically and militarily competed to subjugate the neighboring weak and small lords. The Zhou king had no power to interfere with this, and had to recognize the fait accompli. As a result, the powerful lords became increasingly more powerful and gradually developed into the so-called hegemonies, with the power to affect the national scene of all China. In the Chun Qiu period it is customary to talk about the Five Hegemonies (Wu Ba 五霸 )• There are various versions giving different lords as the Five Hegemonies, but in any event the most important states of lords of this period were Lu 魯， Qi 齊， Jin 普， Qin 秦 ， Chu 楚， Song 宋， Zheng 鄭， Wu 吳， and Yue 越 (fig. 1). The Five Hegemonies referred, undoubtedly, to some of the lords of these states. Among the lords' states there was a further distinction between the so-called Hua Xia 華夏 states, which were confined to the 2. Yang Kuan, Zhanguo Shi (Shanghai: Renmin Press, 1980), pp. 3-5.

1. China during the Spring and A utum n period (in the Yellow River and the Yangtze River valleys)

Introduction

7

Zhongyuan 中 原 （the Central Plains), and the Chu, Wu, Yue, and Qin, which were regarded as barbarians. The hegemons of the Hua Xia lords, such as Duke Huan 桓 of Qi and Duke Wen 文 of Jin, while claiming to support the royal house, did their best to repress the so-called barbarian states, and especiaüy the development of the power of the state of Chu. In the meantime, the situation within the lords’ states was not calm and stable either. Just like the royal house of the Zhou dynasty, the aristocratic families of many of the lords' states also underwent a decline, and political power in the states was usurped by many ministers and senior officials or even their household officials. Consequently, some of the rulerships of the lords' states were taken by the ministers, and in some cases, because the powers of several ministry families were compar­ able, the states were divided into several polities. The interrelationships among the different lords and among the different ministers sometimes took the form of associations and leagues and were at other times competi­ tive and combative, increasing the complexity and confusion of the situation. Therefore, there is an old saying: "During the Spring and Autumn period, no wars were righteous/' In short, the overall tendency during the Chun Qiu period was from unity toward division. In the Warring States period, the division deepened. In the words of Liu Xiang 荆 S (ca. 77—6 B.C.), Of ten thousand chariot states there were seven, and of one thousand chariot states there were five. They were antagonistic toward each other in competing for power, developing into the Warring States. They were greedy and shameless. They com­ peted without satiety. The states differed in their politics and in their teachings, each making their own decisions. It can be said that there was no Son of Heaven above and there were no local lords down below. Everything was achieved through physical force and the victorious was the noble. Military activities were incessant and deceit and falsehoods came hand in hand.3 The seven so-called ten-thousand chariot states refer to the states of Qi 齊， Chu 楚， Yan 燕， Han 韓 ， Zhao 趙 ， Wei 魏 ， and Qin 秦 （ fig. 2). These are commonly referred to as the Qixiong 七雄 ， or the "Seven Strong Men," whereas the other states of the lords either had been vanquished or had been so weakened that they barely survived and no longer functioned significantly in politics. Even though some other states, such as Zhongshan 中山 and èong 宋 ， became prosperous and strong within a short 3. Zhan Guo Ce, G uoxue Jiben Congshu edition (Shanghai: Commercial Pre 1934), preface by Liu Xiang.

2. China during the Warring States period (in the Yellow River and the Huai River valleys)

Introduction

9

period, they were quick to disappear also. Surrounded by the powerful local states which in turn claimed themselves to be king, the king of the Zhou dynasty was finally overthrown. This is one of the longest, most severe periods of division in Chinese history. However, the foundation for the reunification of China was being laid at the same time amidst the wars of subjugation among the various states. In the course of the long period of change and turmoil during the Eastern Zhou period, the cultures of the various ethnic groups and the many regions merged and intermingled on an unprecedented scale, creating a desire on the part of the people to terminate the division and turmoil. The state of Qin in the west, on the strength of powerful economic and military power, vanquished in succession the six states in the east, establishing the Qin dynasty, a dynasty characterized by cen­ tralized governmental power. The Qin unification was a major achieve­ ment, but at the same time the Qin dynasty's despotic rule created new social contradictions and crises. After a mere fifteen years Qin rule was overwhelmed by waves of peasant rebellions and rebellions by the lords. In the year 206 B.c. Emperor Gaozu 高祖 of Han 漢 was enthroned, and a new, important dynasty in Chinese history, the Han dynasty, came into being. Politically the Eastern Zhou period was a period of wars and divisions, but culturally it was a golden age, an era of unprecedented prosperity. From the middle of the Chun Qiu period there were gradual but conspicuous advancements in both economic production and scien­ tific technology. Many of the states of the lords reformed their political institutions, albeit via meandering routes, and these reforms had an important influence on the development of the economy. The reforms were also a concrete manifestation of changes in interclass relationships. The period from late Chun Qiu to the Warring States is well-known as the period of "The Hundred Schools Contend." The emergence of the Hundred Schools of philosophers created a new atmosphere in thought and culture. The different schools were distributed geographically; for example, the Confucians arose in the state of Lu, and spread to Qi, Jin, and Wei. The Mohists began in the state of Song, and then spread to Lu, and also to Chu and Qin. The Taoists originated in the south and devel­ oped different branches in the state of Chu, and in the states of Qi and Yan. The Legalists originated in the three Jin states and then developed in Qin. The Yin Yang 陰陽 school was most popular in the state of Qi, and then exerted a profound influence in the states of Chu and Qin. The philosophers of the Zong Heng 縱橫 school came mostly from Zhou and Wei, and then traveled around to all the other states.4 It was a period 4. Press, 1980), p. 59.

Cf. Hou Wailu et al., Zhongguo Sixiang Shi Gang, vol. 1 (Zhongguo Qingni

10

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comparable in Western history to the Classical period in Greece, a period of brilliant personages and rich results in science, philosophy, histori­ ography, art, and literature. After the Qin unification, even though the emperor undertook to burn the books and bury the scholars and also banned the Book of Poetry, the Book of Documents, and many philosoph­ ical writings, the cultural tradition was not interrupted. We must note also that the period from Eastern Zhou to Qin was one of significant social developments. As to exactly how these social changes should be regarded, scholars are currently in disagreement.5 Nevertheless, the change from Western to Eastern Zhou, from the Spring and Autumn period to the Warring States period, and from the Warring States period to the Qin dynasty were all turning points in the long process of social development, and this aspect should not be neglected in our studies. All in all, the Eastern Zhou and Qin dynasties constituted an important stage in the long history of China, as well as a crucial period in the development of ancient civilization. The large quantity of textual material that remains from the Eastern Zhou period forms the foundation for the study of the history of this period. Because of the banning of books during the Qin, some Eastern Zhou works were lost, but according to the record in the Han Shu 漢書 in the chapter on literature, many titles were still extant during the Han dynasty. Today, after two thousand years we obviously can no longer see all the titles that were recorded in the Hem S/m, but the Eastern Zhou documents are many times richer than the Western Zhou. These documents, plus the commentaries and annotations of subsequent dynasties, constitute a gigantic treasury for the study of ancient thought and culture. For the study of the Spring and Autumn period, the Zuo Zhuan 左傳 is the most important piece of work. It is said to have been compiled by Zuo Qiu Ming 左丘明 ， a native of the state of Lu. It records historical events of the period in considerable detail and has enjoyed very high status down through the history of Chinese historiography. The book was handed down to the Han dynasty within the school of the so-called Classics of the Archaic Scripts, and because of polemics between different schools during the Han dynasty, it came under attack by the School of the Contemporary Scripts. The influence of this attack persisted as late as into the Qing dynasty, when it was fashionable to question the authenticity of the Zuo Zhuan. Actually, after many years of controversy and discussion, the authenticity of the Zuo Zhuan is now

5. Cf. Wang Sizhi, ''Critical Comments on th e Issue of Periodization of A cient Chinese H istory" (in Chinese), in Zhongguo Lishixue Nianjiart, 1979 (Sanlian Press, 1980), pp. 13-27.

Introduction

11

generally accepted. As a matter of fact, Sima Qian 司馬違 in his «SAÿi depended on the Zuo Zhuan almost entirely for his discussion of the Spring and Autumn period.67That fact alone proves that the Zou Zhuan was not a fake by later scholars, as alleged by the School of the Contem­ porary Scripts. Of all the commentaries and annotations of the Zuo Z/mafz, the work by Liu Wenqi 割文填 ， a Qing 清 dynasty scholar, called C/mnqiw ZwosAi Z/man Jit/ Z/m S/m ZAen客春秋左氏傳舊 *1主疏證7 is the best known. Unfortunately the manuscript was incomplete even when it first went to press. In recent years attempts have been made by scholars to complete this work, but no publication has resulted. A new book by Yang Bojun 揚伯峻 called Zuo Z/man ZAt/ 春秋左傳說 8 is very broad based but brief and clear, and is one of the most convenient editions to use. For the Warring States period there is no systematic document of history such as the ZAt/an. The Z/zarz Gt/o Ce 咸國策 was a text used by the Zong Heng school of scholars; however, its contents are rather confused, and it contains many hypothetical statements. The portions of the Shiji concerning the Warring States were obviously worked on with much diligence, but they have many imperfections. Later scholars made additions to the Shiji on the basis of philosophical works dating to the Warring States, the Qin dynasty, and the Han dynasty, and also on the basis of ZAw S/m Ji Niaw 竹書紀年 ， discovered during the Jin dynasty. These efforts have been very successful, and such work should continue to be carried out, especially since in recent years there have been many new discoveries and investigations of old texts. Chen Mengjia 陳夢家， author of lit/ Guo Jf iVicm 六國紀年 9, has in it attempted to revise and recreate the chronologies of the Warring States period on the basis of the bronze vessel inscriptions. This type of work deserves to be continued and expanded. Readers interested in pursuing issues pertaining to the historical materials of the Warring States period may consult the relevant diseussions in ZAan Gt/o «SAi 戰國炎 by Yang Kuan 揚寬 .101Readers of Western languages may also consult the references to pre-Han literature by Timoteus Pokora.11 These sources will not be fully described here. 6. Luo Zhuohan, Shiji Shier Zhuhou Nianbiao Kaozheng (Commercial Press, 1943), pp. 28-39; Kamada Tadashi, Saden No Seiritsu To Sono Tenkai (Taishûkan Shoten, 1963). 7. Liu W enqi, Chunqiu Zuoshi Zhuan Jiu Zhu Shu Zheng (Science Press, 1959). 8. Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuo Zhuan Zhu (Zhonghua Book Co., 1981). 9. Chen Mengjia, Liu Guo Ji Nian (Xuexi Shenghuo Press, 1955). 10. See n. 2 above, pp. 5-16. 11. See Donald Leslie, Colin Mackerras, and Wang G ungwu, Essays on the Sources of Chinese History (Australian National U niversity Press, 1973), pp. 23-35.

12

I ntroduction

Foreign scholars sometimes use the term "protohistory" to refer to the period when literary sources were rare and archaeological material exceeded or equaled textual material in importance.12 Obviously Eastern Zhou differs from the earlier Shang and Western Zhou periods. It has departed from the protohistorical period and entered into the truly his­ torical period. Investigating the historical culture of the five and a half centuries from Eastern Zhou to Qin on the basis of traditional literature is a difficult task that has been carried out by many generations of scholars. But textual materials of this period are for the large part archaic and difficult to understand, and because of their long tradition they have undergone considerable corruption and change in the many centuries since they first appeared. In order to disclose the true character of the history of this period, the importance of archaeological material is still considerable. Archaeology can corroborate historical texts; more importantly, it can present material not seen in literary records, enabling us to have direct contact with the remains of the ancient civilization. For example, there are many descriptions in ancient texts of the capitals of Zhou and the principal states of lords of the Eastern Zhou period. Excavation of the sites of some of these ancient cities has not only substantiated the literary record but opened up new areas of knowledge, for example, the concrete layout of the cities and the technologies in­ volved in their architecture. In addition, the study of burials and grave furnishings has deepened our understanding of ancient ritual customs. The large numbers of cultural relics that have been brought to light are both a treasure in the history of culture and art and a valuable basis for the study of science and technology. Inscriptions on vessels and other paleographic materials also have very high value for the investigation of the history and culture of that period. Archaeological study of the Eastern Zhou and Qin dynasties has been carried out for a long time and has netted very rich results. Tra­ ditional antiquarianism in China, including study of bronze inscriptions, stele inscriptions, ancient mirrors, ancient coins, pottery inscriptions, and seals, has yielded considerable data and significant results for the continued study of this period. Before Liberation, through plunderings and accidental discoveries several important finds became known throughout the world, and these remain important. For example, there are the well-known finds of large numbers of valuable cultural relics at Jincun 金村 in Luoyang and at Lijialou 李家樓 in Xinzheng 新鄭 in Henan Province, at Liyu 李崎 in Hunyuan 渾源 in Shanxi Province, at 12. Glyn Daniel, A Short History o f Archaeology (Thames and Hudson, 1981),

p. 13.

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13

Zhujiaji 朱家集 in Shouxian 壽縣 in Anhui Province, at Baimasi 白馬寺 in Chengdu 成都 in Sichuan Province, and also at Changsha 長沙 in Hunan Province. Scientific archaeology in China dates from the end of the second decade of this century. During the third decade a number of excavations important for Eastern Zhou archaeology took place, including excavations at the following localities: Xincun 辛村 in Junxian 漆縣，Shanbiaozhen 山趣鎮 in Jixian 汉 縣 ， and Liulige 琉璃閣 in Huixian 輝縣 in Henan Province, and Yenxiadu 燕下都 in Yixian 易縣 in Hebei Province. However, large-scale investigations and excavations were not possible until after Liberation. During the thirty-six years since the establish­ ment of the People's Republic of China, innumerable archaeological dis­ coveries from the Eastern Zhou and Qin dynasties have been made.13 Work in this area still continues, and the field is rapidly developing. On the basis of a synthesis of literary and archaeological sources we are able to group the various states of the Eastern Zhou period into seven cultural spheres. 1. The area with Zhou as its center, north to the southern border of the state of Jin and south to the states of Zheng arid Wei, the area of Zhou and the three Jin states (not including the northern part of Zhao) of the Warring States period, in the middle of the Yellow River valley, may be referred to as the cultural sphere of the Zhongyuan, or Central Plains. During the Xiar Shang, and Western Zhou periods the Central Plains culture exerted considerable influence upon the surrounding areas. In the Eastern Zhou period this cultural sphere had much weakened but still remained important. 2. North of the Central Plains was the northern cultural sphere, which included the northern part of Zhao state, the state of Zhongshan, the state of Yan, and also the states and tribes to the north. The north was originally inhabited by ethnic groups living a nomadic life-style, who became gradually sinicized upon the assimilation by the Central Plains culture. Lords/ states established by the northern people such as the Zhongshan state were no exception, although these states continued to have their own distinctive features. 3. In the area of the contemporary province of Shandong, and incorporating the states of Qi, Lu, and several small lords, was the Qi Lu cultural sphere. The state of Lu preserved much of the Zhou tradition, but we find from the style of the cultural relics unearthed in this area that Lu resembled the state of Qi in cultural style and differed from the three Jin states. In the southern part of this cultural sphere, in a number

13. Cf. Editorial Committee of W enwu, Wenum Kaogu Gongzhuo Sanshi Nta (Wenwu Press, 1979).

14

I ntroduction

of small states with very long histories, traces remained of the ancient culture of the eastern Yi. The state of Song established by members of the Zi clan may have also belonged to this sphere. 4. The state of Chu in the middle Yangtze valley was the center of another vast cultural sphere, that of the CÎm culture, which is well known in history and in archaeology. With the growth and expansion of the power of the Chu people, the Chu culture came to exert considerable influence upon a wide area. Many lords established by the Zhou dynasty to the north of Chu and a number of states and tribes to its south ail gradually became enveloped into this cultural sphere. 5. In the valleys Huai River and the lower Yangtze was a series of small states established by members of the Ying 赢 and Yan 偃 clans. They included the state of Xu and the so-called Qunshu 尊舒 or the group of Shus, in addition to the states of Wu and Yue. If we also include the many states and tribes in the southeast, we may refer to this cultural sphere as the Wu-Yue cultural sphere. This cultural sphere extended south to the South China Sea and southeast to Taiwan. Even though it came under the influence of both the Zhongyuan culture and the Chu culture, this area maintained its own distinctive features. 6. In the southwest in the region of the present province of Sichuan were the states of Ba and the state of Shu. If we include the Dian 溪 and other southwestern tribes located in the present province of Yunnan we have the so-called Ba-Shu-Dian cultural sphere. This cultural sphere exerted mutual influence with the Chu culture, on the one hand, and on the other with the state of Qin to the north. 7. The state of Qin in the Wei River valley grew in the vast northwestern area. It might be most appropriate to call it the Qin cultural sphere. Arising in the old homeland of the Western Zhou, the Qin devel­ oped a distinctive culture. Even though they interacted with the Zhong­ yuan, they had their own very conspicuous characteristics. The expansion of the Chu culture was a major event in the Eastern Zhou period. During the Spring and Autumn period the Chu went north to compete for political supremacy in the Central Plains; in the meantime the Chu culture also extended northward. In the Warring States period the Chu culture extended first toward the south, and then, following the eastward movement of the political center of the Chu state, expanded further in the east, entering the lower courses of the Yangtze and even so far as the area of Shandong Province. It would not be exagoeratino to say that the influence of Chu culture reached about half of all China. On the heels of the Chu expansion came the expansion of Qin culture. Because of the Qin subjugation of the various states of lords and its establishment of a unified new dynasty, Qin culture can be called the

Introduction

15

foundation of the Han culture, which flourished immediately after it. This does not mean that the other cultural spheres exerted no influence on Han culture. We have already pointed out that the Chu culture had a significant influence on the formation of the Han culture.14 And the same should be said about the other cultures. The ancient civilization of China was created and developed by a number of ethnic groups. Only if we recognize this point can we clearly understand history of the ancient culture in its entirety.

14. Li Xueqin, "N ew ly Discovered [Inscribed] Slips and Silks and the Ch Culture"' (in Chinese), in Chu Wenhua Xin Tan (Hubei Renmin Press, 1981).

2

Zhou 周

The downfall of Western Zhou was directly caused by the invasion of the Quanrong 犬戎 people in the northwest. Äfter the death of King Yuwang A r i the lords supported and helped put on the throne the crown prince Yi Jiu 宜白, who became Pingwang + 王 of Zhou. At this time Zongzhou 宗周 could no longer serve as the capital, and Pingwang was forced to move his capital to the eastern capital of the Western Zhou, namely, the neighborhood of the present city of Luoyang 洛陽 in Henan. Throughout the Eastern Zhou period, the Zhou kings resided in that area, and at least nominally it was the political center of the whole country. Because of its geographical location, the Luoyang area was a hub of the four regions, and an important pivot for transportation, commerce, and trade. In the ancient documents of China, there are relatively detailed descriptions of the capital city of the Eastern Zhou period. However, these descriptions have been variously interpreted by subsequent scholars, giving rise to a number of controversies. In order to understand correctly the archaeological discoveries in the Luoyang area, it is necessary here to make a brief but systematic presentation of the textual material. In the early years of Western Zhou, Zhougong 周公， the Duke of Zhou, following the wishes of King Wuwang after his death, es­ tablished an eastern capital in the present Luoyang area, and he moved the so-called stubborn remnants among the survivors of the Shang dynasty to the Luoyang area. In the Eastern Zhou capital the location of tîie lineage temples and palaces was subsequently referred to as Wangcheng The place where the stubborn remnants who immigrated were relocated was, according to Sftan又S/m尚 畲 序， located in the eastern suburb of Wangcheng, and in that area gradually expanded to become another small town. If we use the terminology of the Han dynasty, Wangcheng then was the Henan 河南 seat of tîie Han, and the town of the stubborn remnants became Luoyang. Lü Zuqian 呂祖謙 ， a scholar of 16

Zhou

周

17

the Southern Song ^ dynasty points out, "In his preface to the docu­ ment Luogao Confucius stated that the Duke of Zhou went to establish Öiengzhou 成 周 • Accordingly, Chengzhou was the name of the eastern capital as a whole. Henan was the Wangcheng, or "king's town/ of Chengzhou, and Luoyang was the subordinate capital of Chengzhou."1 This hypothesis is basically correct. In other words, during the Western Zhou period the name Chengzhou included Wangcheng. These are not mutually exclusive place-names. When Pingwang moved his capital to Luoyang, he resided within the Wangcheng; this was also true of the Zhou kings of the subsequent several generations. In the year 520 B.c., upon the death of King Jïngwang 景 王 ， Prince Chao 朝 at once competed for the throne. When King Jingwang 欲 王 became king, because tiie followers of Prince Chao were very powerful in the Wangcheng area. King Jingwang moved his own residence to the location where the Shang stubborn remnants resided in the early part of the Zhou dynasty. In the year 510 B.c. the people from the state of Jin 晋 ， leading others sent in by the lords, came to construct the town wall of Chengzhou, and this town wall was located in the town newly moved to by King Jingwang. Because this town was originally a portion of Chengzhou, the eastern capital, now that the Zhou king moved to this place it was also referred to as Chengzhou. From now on Wangcheng and Chengzhou separated into two cities. Under item "Henan J u n " 河 南 那 in the Jfan 漢 書 ，chapter "Dili Z h i" 地 理 志 ， there are the following paragraphs: Henan was the Jia Ru 郏 辱p area in ancient times. When Wuwang of Zhou moved the nine caldrons, and when the Duke of Zhou pacified China, they established this area as a capital city. This is the origin of Wangcheng. And when Pingwang became king he moved to reside in Wangcheng. Luoyang is the location where the Duke of Zhou moved the Shang remnants to. This is Chengzhou. Under the entry for the 32nd year of Duke Zhao 昭 in CTmn Qh, the state of Jin 晋 assembled the lords at Diquan 狄 泉 and at that place enlarged the city of Chengzhou. King Jingwang resided in it. This description contains some inaccuracies, but it basically reflects the historical conditions of that period. Related to the issue of the royal capital was the incident of enfeoffing an Eastern Duke of Zhou and a Western Duke of Zhou in the Warring States period. In the earlier part of the period. King Kaowang 1. Lü Zuqian, Da Shi Ji Jie Ti, Jinhua Congshu edition (Tuibuzhai, 1873),

volume 1.

18

Zhou

周

考 王 of Zhou gave Wangcheng to his younger brother Jie 揭 ， who became Duke Huangong 桓 公 of Western Zhou. In the middle part of the Warring States period during the reign of King Xianwang 顯 Ï of Zhou, Duke Huigong 惠 公 of Western Zhou enfeoffeä one of his younger sons. Ban 班 ， at Gong 鞏 on the pretext of having him attend to the king, and his town was to be called the Eastern Zhou. As a consequence, the royal capital of Zhou in actuality had been divided into two small states. Eastern Zhou and Western Zhou. On the eve of the downfall of Zhou the royal domain included only seven of the counties of the Han dynasty: Luoyang, Pingyin 平 陰 ， Yanshi 偃 師 ， and Gong 鞏 ， which belonged to Eastern Zhou; and Henan 河 南 ， Houshi 缑 氏 ， and Gucheng 敎 城 ， which belonged to Western Zhou.2 After the separation of Western Zhou and Eastern Zhou, the Zhou king who resided in Chengzhou was thus located in the territory of Eastern Zhou, but the last Zhou king. King Nanwang 振 王 ， moved back to Western Zhou.3 After the death of King Nanwang, in the year 255 B.c. the state of Qin took Western Zhou, and then in 249 Qin took Eastern Zhou. The Zhou dynasty at that time completely ceased to exist. Some time ago in his article '"Chun Qiu Wang Du Bian Yi'" 春 秋 王 都 辨 疑 ，4 Tong Shuye 童 書 業 maintained that King Jingwang had not moved his capital. This assertion has been repeated in a posthumous publication of Tong’s.5 Also, Yang Yunru 揚 矣 如 presented similar ideas.6 Now in the chapter entitled "Dong Zhou Yu Xi Zhou Zhan" 東 周 與 西 周 戰 ， in "Dong Zhou Ce” 東 周 策 of Zftcwz Gt/o Ce 戰 國 策 ， we read: ''Eastern Zhou and Western Zhou were at war. Han came to help Western Zhou. A statement to the King of Han was made on behalf of Eastern Zhou as follows: "Western Zhou in the past was the royal king's state and in it famous vessels and precious objects were abundant/"' This event was dated as 307 B.c. in the "Annals of Zhou"' in Shi Ji. Now the Zhan Guo Ce refers to Western Zhou as having previously been the residence of the royal king. From this we know that at that time the Zhou king had not moved back to Wangcheng. This indicates that the move by King Jingwang to Chengzhou was indeed an undeniable fact. Soon after the establishment of new China, archaeologists began

2. Cheng Enze and Di Ziqi, Guo Ce Di Ming Kao, volum e 1. Aoyatang Congshu, vol. 17 (Nanhai: Jishi edition, 1853). 3. S/zÿi, "Zhou Ben J i" (Peking: Zhonghua edition, 1959), pp. 111-72. 4. Tong Shuye, ''C hun Qiu Wang Du Bian Y i/' in Yu Gong, vol. 7 (nos. 6 and 7), pp. 153-68. 5. Tong Shuye, Chun Qiu Zuo Zhuan Yan Jiu (Shanghai: Renmin Press, 1980), p. 106. 6. Yang Junru, Shang Shu Qiao Gu, volum e 4 (Shaanxi: Renmin Press, 1959).

Zhou

周

19

to investigate Wangcheng. In the spring of 1954 archaeologists from the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences went to Luoyang and undertook an archaeological survey of the banks of the Jian y|^ River. The major result of this work was the establishment of the location of the Henan county seat during the Han dynasty,7 which provided a reliable clue to the identification of Wangcheng. As a matter of fact, in the course of the survey two segments of the foundations of the town wall of Eastern Zhou date were discovered, referred to at that time as remnant foundation 1 and remnant foundation 2. Another result of this survey was the knowledge that very abundant Eastern Zhou cultural remains were in existence in the area. As stated in the book Lt/cyan客 Z/wn炉 : Li/ 洛 陽 中 州 路 published later: Without question from the point of view of textual material we can say that there was continuity between the Henan county seat of the Han dynasty, or even the Henan county town wall of the Han dynasty, and the Wangcheng town of the Zhou dynasty. From the material uncovered in the current archaeological sur­ vey there were many clues. For instance, there were very abun­ dant deposits of Eastern Zhou culture underlying cultural remains of the Han dynasty, and also there were unusual deposits such as the eaves-tiles decorated with raode 饕 黎 designs.8 With the publication in 1959 of the article "Report of the Excavation of the Eastern Zhou Town Site on the Banks of the River Jian in Luoyang/'9 the pertinent issues may be said to have been resolved. The Eastern Zhou city that was discovered on the bank of the river Jian (fig. 3) was approximately four times the area of the Henan county town of the Han dynasty. Three corners of the enclosure of the stamped-earth wall of the city have been located. The northern wall, which is the best preserved, is 2,390 m long. Outside the wall are the remains of a moat. From the stratigraphy brought to light by the excavation, it was found that "the wall was probably constructed before the middle of the Spring and Autumn period and had been repaired re­ peatedly during the period from the Warring States to the Qin and Han dynasties. After the later period of the Western Han dynasty, the town was gradually abandoned. Probably what replaced it was the smaller 7. Guo Baojun, Kaogu Tongxun 1955 (1 ):9 -2 1 . Guo Baojun et al., Kaogu Jûieteo 1956 (2): 1-31. 8. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Luoyang Zhongzhou Iti (Science Press, 1959), chap. 2, sec. 1. 9. Luoyang Excavation Team, Institute o f Archaeology, Kaogu Xuebao 1959 (2): 15-36.

20

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周

enclosure, that is, the Henan county town wall of the Han dynasty within the former larger enclosure/'10 What is disclosed here is consistent with the rise and fall of Wangcheng as recorded in literary records. This Eastern Zhou city is located near the bank of the river Jian 利 ， which was known in ancient times as Gu Shui 救 水 or the river Gu. The principal architectural foundations within the city wall were found in the central and southern portions of the city enclosure, especially southeast of Xiaotun 小 也 and the neighborhood of Qujiatun ! 家 也 . In 10. Ibid., p. 32.

Zhou

周

21

4. Semicircular eaves-tiles at the W angcheng site

this area there were thick layers of deposits of fragments of tiles, includ­ ing large numbers of flat tiles, semitubular tiles, and many varieties of semicircular eaves-tiles with such decorations as taotie and cloud pat­ terns (fig. 4). In the second half of "Zhouyu^, in Guoyu, we read: "'In the 22nd year of King Lingwang 霞 王 [550 B.C.], the rivers Gu and Luo 洛 converged and were on the point of destroying the royal palace, and the

22

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king planned to fill the rivers. Prince Jin 晋 advised against it, but in the end the king had the rivers filled." From this passage it is clear that the royal palace is located near the confluence of the river Gu and the river Luo, an a^ea corresponding to the neighborhood of Qujiatun. In addition to architectural foundations, within the city wall were discovered pottery kilns, bone workshops, stone quarries, roads, and pottery water-pipe segments. The kilns are located in the north­ western part of the ancient city and the bone workshops in the southeastern section, to the south of which were the stone quarries.11 At the center of the city and at a few other locations were found tombs of the Eastern Zhou period. The identification of the Eastern Zhou city on the bank of the Jian River with Wangcheng is also supported by some epigraphic evidence. The identification of the inner enclosure with the Henan county town of the Han period is demonstrated by the inscriptions on some of the Han dynasty pottery brought to light in that area. Among the pottery inscriptions are such names as Henan 河南，Heshi 河市，and Heting 河亭 ,12 all being seals of administrative bureaus in charge of markets in Henan County. That Henan County of the Han dynasty was located in this area cannot be doubted. In 1954, north of the WST-1 section of the western wall of the outer enclosure, a small tomb of the Warring States period, number WSM-7, was found. In the tomb thçre was a complete pot on which were inscribed in archaic script two characters， 忍 t/cm 中宮•13 According to the Han system, zhongguan refers to the kitchen of the Imperial Em­ press. Accordingly, the master of this grave could have been on the staff of the kitchen of the Zhou dynasty queen. In 1957 in the northeastern corner of the outer enclosure were found four relatively large Warring States graves, one of which has been excavated, tomb no. 1 of the western suburb of Luoyang. In this tomb a stone tablet was found, with a surviv­ ing length of fourteen cm. On this tablet, written in ink in archaic script, were two characters, tien zi (Son of Heaven).11234 It could have been a gift given by the King of Zhou, indicating that the master of the tomb had some kind of close relationship with the king. The fact that these two tombs have been found within the confines of the outer enclosure is suggestive of the nature of the ancient city. 11. 12. 13. 14. pi. 1, no. 12.

Shang Zhou Kaogu (W enwu Press, 1979), chap. 4, sec. 2f p. 241. See n. 8 above, figs. 17 and 18. See n. 7 above, article by Guo Baojun et al., pi. 10, no. 9, and fig. 13, no. 2. Luoyang Excavation Team, Institute of Archaeology, Kaogu 1959 (12):

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In 1954 a fragment of a pottery basin was found at WST-15. On the rim of this fragment was inscribed a single character, wang (king),15 possibly an abbreviated designation of Wangcheng. In addition, from WNT»4 was brought to light a piece of socketed èu 布 coin,16 with an inscription reading san chuan jin. San chuan is a place-name, according to "Qince"' of Zhan Guo Ce, a place-name that has been determined to refer to the eastern capital of the Zhou dynasty.17 These are further corrobora­ tive evidence that this ancient city was the Wangcheng of Eastern Zhou. In the previously mentioned "Chun Qiu Wang Du Bian Yi", Tong Shuye had speculated that 〃Wangcheng was perhaps the inner city of Chengzhou." Ön the basis of archaeological excavations during the course of many years we now know that Wangcheng was large in area and has a rather impressive layout, and it was not an inner city. Tong's hypothesis is therefore invalid. The earliest excavated Eastern Zhou cemetery in the Luoyang area is located at Shaogou 洗 薄 ， which is about one km to the northwest of the old city of Luoyang. In 1953 at Shaogou were excavated fortythree tombs of the vertical shaft type and sixteen tombs of the sidechamber type.18 From these a large amount of pottery was yielded. In type and classification, the pottery of Shaogou is basically identical with the pottery found later at ZÎiongzîiou Lu 中 州 路 • The excavation of Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang took place in the autumn of 1954, and it was carried out by two teams led by the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the second archaeological team of Henan Province, respectively. The area of this excavation begins on the eastern bank of the Jian River and extends to the east to the western gate of the old city of Luoyang. The area was divided into fifty-three sections. Only the results of excavation of sections 1 through 27, which were excavated by the Institute of Archae­ ology, are seen in the published excavation report, Lt/cyan客 Lu (Western Sections) (fig. 5). The excavated area just transects the Wangcheng site. The result consists mostly of tombs of the Eastern Zhou period, numbering 260, including 256 tombs of the vertical shaft type; only four are of the sidechamber type. In the various styles of burial the overwhelming majority (215 tombs) feature flexed burials. "The large grave pits mostly were lined with double wooden chambers, and among the grave furnishings 15. See n. 7 above, article by Guo Baojun et al., pi. 6, no. 4. 16. Ibid., pi. 6, no. 11. 17. Zhang Qi, Zhan Guo Ce Shi Di, W anlin Shuw u Congshu ed. (Yanghu: Zhangshi, 1830). 18. Wang Zhongshu, Kaogu Xuebao 8 (1954) : 127-62.

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were often found bronze vessels. The middle-sized grave pits contained a wooden chamber and a coffin or a coffin only without a chamber, and the furnished goods are mostly pottery. The small pits had neither chamber nor coffin nor associated grave goods. Only a tiny portion was of the first kind; the second and third kinds were the overwhelming m a jo rity .19 It appears that these tombs represent different social classes of people living within the Wangcheng area. About 95 percent of the pottery found in the tombs of the Eastern Zhou period from Zhongzhou Lu has a fine, gray paste. The ex­ cavation report groups these graves into seven periods or six segments, with the last segment including the fifth and the sixth periods. This division was made on the basis of stratigraphy, and the typological sequence of pottery. Bronzes were found in the tombs of the first four periods; the tombs are therefore datable according to the chronology of the bronzes. Among the tombs with bronze vessels of Period 1 is M2415. The bronze assemblage includes one vessel of each of the following types: ding dui he pan and^f The ding has a shallow body and a pair of vertical handles flaring slightly outward. Its feet are in the shape of animal legs, and its body is decorated with a band of thunder designs. The he has a single ring-shaped handle, and its body is also decorated with a band of thunder design. Now the shallow-bodied ding with in19. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy o f Sciences, Luoyang Zhongzhou Lu (1959), chap. 4, sec. 3.

25

turned feet was a prevailing type in the first half of the middle of the Spring and Autumn period, and dui and he were both newly emergent types in this period. The decorative designs of this group of artifacts are also largely from outside the tradition inherited from Western Zhou. From these aspects one can estimate that the date of the first period of tombs was the earlier phase of middle Spring and Autumn or slightly earlier, but not as early as the early part of the Spring and Autumn period. Tombs of Period 2 with bronze vessels are more numerous, in­ cluding Ml, 4, 6, 216, and others. The basic assemblage of types remained as follows: ding, dui, he, pan, and yi. One finds this combination minus the water vessels pan and yi in M216. M4 is a large tomb with three ding tripods, and, in addition to the previous combination, M4 has also yielded a pair of/w 4 and a pair of lei jfe. The ding of this period mostly have attached ears and the knobs on the lid of dui are mostly in the shape of a ring, similar to those on the famous Qi Hou 齊 候 敦 brought to light in Yixian 易 縣 in Hebei. The inscription on the Qi Hou dt/i calls itself a dui, and from this we know that this type of vessel should be referred to as dui. On the he of this period there are two symmetrical ring-shaped handles. All these vessels should be assigned to the later phase of the middle of the Spring and Autumn period or slightly later. The bronze vessel tombs of Period 3 include Ml 15 and M2729. The combination of types is now as follows: ding, dou Sl, he, lei, pan, and yi. The replacement of the dui by the dou is a most pronounced change. The new type of ding tripods is characterized by a deep body.

26

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tall feet, and a lid. The dou has a tall stand as well as a lid. All these are consistent with the characteristics of bronzes of late Spring and Autumn period. In 1966 tomb no. 439 was excavated at the Glass Factory in Luoyang.20 The tomb is located about 1 km to the east of the site of Wangcheng, and is located only a little over 100 m north of the Zhongzhou Road. The tomb is a pit grave about 3.4 m long and contains a coffin and a wooden chamber. The human body lies flat, stretched. The bronze vessels found in the grave show the combination of ding, dou, and he (fig. 6), consistent with the characteristics of Stage 3 of Zhongzhou Lu. Partic­ ularly noteworthy is the fact that all three vessels are inscribed. From

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the inscriptions we know that the person who had the vessels made was called Jia and he made the three vessels, a ding, dun, and he, in honor of the deceased Ai Cheng Shu 哀 成 叔 • At the end of the inscription on the ding there is the following sentence: "The ding of Ai Cheng Shu, to be used forever for sacrifice. [Ai Cheng Shu] in death was in the lower land to serve Duke Kang 康 公 tliere forever." Äi Cheng Shu was a subordinate official of Duke Kang. If Duke Kang was a ministerial official of the Zhou court, as conjectured by Zhang Zhenglang 張 政 娘 ,2021 then this Duke Kang could be Liu Kanggong, the son of King Qingwang 頃 王 of Zhou who is referred to in Zuo Zhuan under the entries of 599-578 B.c. The M2717 is a grave with bronze vessels of Period 4 along the Zhongzhou Road. The combination of vessels shows that in addition to ding, dou, and he there were also xian jfe, and three types of hu # (fig. 7). Compared with those of Period 3, the vessels from this tomb show relatively pronounced changes; for instance, the body of the ding took the shape of a flat, round bowl, its animal-leg-shaped feet became shortened, and the stand of the dou also became much shorter. The flat, round-shaped ding from M2717 is an earlier example of this type of ding tripod. A bronze ding was found in 1960 at the Xi River reservoir in Lintong 臨 潼 ，Shaanxi Province. It was a Zhou dy­ nasty vessel that had gone to Qin territory. This din客 tripod was also in the shape of a flat bowl. In the inscription of the vessel was a date: the 11th year, the 11th moon, the day 已 已 ， the lunar phase sAt/o 朗 .22 On the basis of this inscription, this vessel has been dated quite reliably to 391 B.c.23 It is possible that M2717 was dated somewhat earlier, esti­ mated to be in a late phase in the early part of the Warring States period. No bronze vessels have been brought to light from the graves of periods 5, 6, and 7 from Zhongzhou Lu. The excavation report from the site compared the pottery from these tombs to the pottery found in Warring States tombs at the Gangdu 崗 杜 site, in èhengzhou 鄭 州 . Gangdu was located in the territory of the state of Han 韓 • According to the preliminary report of these Gangdu tombs,24 pottery similar to the pottery of Period 6 in Zhongzhou Lu was found in the second group of tombs in Class 1. It yielded Ming knives with the arched back that were the coin of the state of Yan, thus dating the tombs to late Warring States. From the fourth group of tombs came the typical pottery fou ^ of the Qm area, with pottery inscriptions in the Qin script. All the inscriptions 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

Luoyang Museum, Wenum 1981 (7): 65-67. Zhang Zhenglang, Guwenzi Yanjiu 5 (1981): 27-33. Ding Yaozu, Wenum 1965 (7): 54-55. Huang Shengzhang, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1981 (4): 39-46. First Archaeological Team of Henan Province, Wenwu 1955 (10): 3-23.

7. Some bronzes from tomb no. 2717 along the Zhongzhou Road in Luoyang

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indicate that the fourth group of tombs should be of Qin dynasty. The tombs of Period 7 of Zhongzhou Lu, on the other hand, do not yet exhibit obvious style of the Qin and therefore these tombs should be dated to the period before the conquest of Zhou by Qin. In conclusion, the dates of the graves of Eastern Zhou period found along the Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang are as follows: Period 1— Middle Spring and Autumn period, slightly earlier phase Period 2— Middle Spring and Autumn period, slightly later phase Period 3— Late Spring and Autumn period Period 4— Early Warring States Periods 5 and 6—Middle Warring States Period 7— Late Warring States, slightly earlier phase This sequence could be used as a standard of chronology to measure the dates of sites in Zhou and the neighboring areas. In 1950 at the site of Xigong within the confines of the site of Wangcheng, a tomb was found yielding a bronze ding, a bronze dui, and two bronze hu vessels, now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Peking.25 On the lid and the body of the dui was cast a character in the Qin script,扣 軏 （"carriage track"), which could indicate the location of the use of the vessel. The vessel is similar in form to a dui of Qin dynasty provenance found at Dongguan 東 闞 in Chunhua 谆 化 County in Shaanxi.26 This tomb probably belonged to a Qin person shortly after the conquest of Zhou by Qin. The city of Chengzhou later became Luoyang of Han dynasty. The site of the city of Luoyang of both the Han and Wei dynasties was identified at about the same time that the county town of Henan of the Han dynasty was identified,27 but the Eastern Zhou sites in this area have not been systematically excavated. The most important archaeological discovery in the area remains the cemetery at Jincun 金 村 ， which became widely known as early as half a century ago. The location of Jincun was north, and slightly west, of the Luoyang city of the Han and Wei dynasties (fig. 8). In 1928 after a rainfall the ground caved in, bringing to light a tomb with a wooden chamber and deposits of pebbles and charcoal. The cultural relics from this tomb gradually were excavated and went into the antique market. 25. D uN aisong, Wenwu 1965 (11): 47-49. 26. Yao Shengmin, Kaogu Yu Wenwu 1982 (1): 109. 27. Yan W enru, Kaogu Xuebao 9 (1955) : 117-36.

8. The Jincun site of Luoyang and the Luoyang city of the Han and Wei dynasties

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coming finally to the attention of scholars. In 1930 and 1931 the famous set of so-called Biao /E bells came to the market, and as a consequence the ancient tomb at Jincun became world famous. Because this tomb was plundered, the form of the grave and the kinds and number of the artifacts were not accurately recorded. At the time of the find Bishop William White of Canada had been to Jincun. His book. Tombs of Old Loyang, is a relatively reliable piece of work.28 The artifacts yielded from the ancient tomb in Jincun are quite numerous, and many of them are extraordinarily magnificent, attaining a high degree of artistic value. For example, among the bronze vessels are sets of vessels with gold and silver inlays; there is also a bronze vessel with inlays of gold, silver, and glass. Among the bronze mirrors is one with a hunting design with gold and silver inlays; it was made of two of bronze on the face and on the back. There are also silver :ts including a so-called barbarian figure of silver and a winged cup of silver. Among the jade artifacts are a large jade bi ring, a jade pendant on a gold chain, and a jade cup decorated with gold. Such artifacts have been very rare in other Eastern Zhou tombs. The lacquerware vessels from the tomb have not been preserved, but there are metal accessories such as a bronze leg in the shape of a mythical animal inlaid with gold and silver and a bronze leg of a lacquered tiger. It must be pointed out that many Eastern Zhou tombs from the Luoyang area have been plun­ dered. Many of the publications included artifacts similar to those that came out of Jincun, Èut all of them may not have come from the tombs at Jincun. A study of the ancient tombs in Jincun should be based on the book by Bishop White, and also on 及afcwjyô 沿 沿 洛 陽 金 村 古 墓 聚 英 by Umehara Sueji. According to Bisüop White’s description, eight large graves, tombs I-VIII, were discovered at Jincun (fig. 9). All of these tombs are in the shape of a T with a single ramp leading toward the south. These tombs are arranged in two rows. Horse pits were found on both sides of the ramps of tombs I, V, and VII. In addition there were three small tombs. A, B, and C. The shapes vary and they are not arranged in an orderly fashion with the large graves. It is said that to the south of large tomb no. VII there was another tomb in which mica flakes instead of charcoal were deposited, but this tomb was not opened. Bishop White's description of tomb no. V was more detailed. It is a tomb with a wooden chamber around which were deposited pebbles and charcoal. The opening of the tomb on top was 40 feet to a side. The ramp was 250 feet long, and the horse pit on each side of the ramp was 50 feet long. The bottom of the pit was lined with pieces of slate, and on the 28. Ltd., 1934).

William Charles W hite, Tombs o f Old Loyang (Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh

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c

9. The cemetery of Jincun, Luoyang (from W. C. W hite, Tombs o f Old Loyang, p. 16, Plan C)

slate was built an octagonal wooden chamber of large timbers. The inner wall of the chamber was painted a dark brown. On the upper rim of the interior wall was painted a band about a foot wide, and in the band were inlaid bronze disks with glass inlays. There was a door between the chamber and the ramp, and there were a pair of iron pivot foundations about 1.5 feet across. Beside the door were placed a bronze ding and two bronze hu vessels. Inside the door were placed three large ding tripods, each approximately 3 feet in diameter. The caskets were double. To the left of the caskets was a so-called frame or shelf on which were placed the grave goods. The other seven tombs were not completely opened. There the structures are said to resemble tomb no. V. Two of tombs were about 40 feet to a side at the opening, and the other five about 30 feet across. The octagonal chamber shape, which is quite unusual, is dis­ cussed by the Japanese scholar Komai Kazuchika.29 It is possible that the shape of this chamber is actually similar to the shape of the two graves that I will describe below.

29. Komai Kazuchika, "O n the Form of the Wooden-Chambered Tomb at Ji cun in Henan P rovince'' (in Japanese), in: Chügoku Kôkogaku Ronsô (Keiyûsha, 1974).

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Both graves are in the confines of the Wangcheng city. In the past they have been plundered, and they did not contain many relics. The first is tomb no. 1 in the suburbs of Luoyang, mentioned earlier in this chapter. It is a T-shaped tomb with a ramp pointing south. The opening of the pit is 10 m long and 9.1 m wide. The ramp is about 40 m long. The walls of the chamber and the ramp are painted with murals. Outside the wooden chamber were deposited pebbles and charcoal, and the coffin placed inside was of lacquer. In 1972 at a spot more than 300 m to the south of the tomb was found a rectangular pit of chariot burial, which contained one chariot, four horses, and a dog.30 The other tomb, no. 74-C1M4 excavated in 1974,31 was also a T-shaped tomb with a ramp pointing south. The opening is 7.5 m long and 6.5 m wide. The length of the ramp is not known. The shape of the tomb chamber is described as like "two buckets placed one on top of the other," and the chamber was surrounded by pebbles and charcoal. In the chamber was a double lacquer coffin. Tomb no. 1 in the western suburb of Luoyang is dated to the middle Warring States. Tomb no. 74-C1M4 is probably slightly earlier, and both tombs resemble the Jincun tombs in shape. Thus it is clear that the Jincun cemetery was not an isolated phenomenon. The national identity and the nature of the Jincun cemetery have been highly controversial. In his book Rakuyö Kinson Kob5 Shuei (The Treasures of the Ancient Tombs in Jincun, Luoyang), the Japanese scholar Umehara Sueji presented the hypothesis that they are Qin tombs. And then later, when in the inscriptions of the Biao bell sets was found the character Han 韓 ， the hypothesis was raised tfiat they are tombs of Han. Bishop White was the most forceful advocate of this idea. In 1946 Tang Lan 毒 蘭 advocated that the ancient tombs in Jincun were in fact tombs of Eastern Zhou.32 This is supported by Chen Mengjia 陳 夢 家 in his Lfi/ Gt/o iVian 六 國 紀 年 . As stated earlier, the city of Luoyang of Han dynasty was the same as Chengzhou of the Warring States, where the King of ziiou lived. The Qin tomb hypothesis is not consistent with the date of the tomb, and the Han 韓 tomb hypothesis is not consistent with historical geography. The lord of Eastern Zhou was first established in the seventh year of King Xianwang 顯 王 of Zhou, or 367 B.c. The Eastern Zhou lord, according to Shi Ben was located in Luoyang, and the Shiji, chapter "'Zhou Ben 30. Luoyang Museum, Kaogu 1974 (3): 171-78. 31. Luoyang Museum, Kaogu 1980 (6): 488-92. 32. Tang Lan, /yA Study of Luoyang Jincun Tombs as Eastern Zhou Tombs and Not as Han Tombs'" (in Chinese), Shanghai Dagongbao, Oct. 23, 1946. Tang Lan, ''T h e Luoyang Jincun Tombs: A Reply to Mr. Yang K uan'' (in Chinese), Shanghai Dagongbao, Dec. 11, 1946.

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Ji," ascribes the location to be at Gong 鞏 ， east of Luoyang. Most Qing scholars thought the Shiji ascription was acceptable. However, Luoyang was located in the territory of Eastern Zhou, and the lord of Eastern Zhou could have been buried in Luoyang. In short, the nature of the tombs at Jincun requires further analysis. Of artifacts brought to light at Jincun, some are early and others are late. A few artifacts are very late, such as the Ba/z加 叹 seal of Qin recorded by Bishop White.33 They could have come from small graves B or C, which are totally unrelated to the large graves. The most important artifact for dating purposes is the set of Biao bells.34 The set has fourteen bells, all unearthed in tomb no. VII.35 Their inscriptions describe a battle that took place "in the 22nd year." This has been equated to the 22nd year of King Weiliewang 威 烈 王 of Zhou, or 404 B.C., on the basis of the records in Z/m S/m Ji ISTian 竹 書 紀 年 .36 The year before, there was a rebellion within the state of Qi 齊 ， and a Gongsun Hui 公 孫 會 rebelled and went to the state of Zhao 趙 . This led to a battle. The king of Zhou ordered the states of Han, Zhao, and Wei to unite in a war against Qi. Their joint forces entered the great wall of Qi. At that point Han, Zhao/ and Wei still nominally retained their status as ministers of the state of Jin. A year after their victory in this war. King Weiliewang officially appointed the three states to be states of lords. A number of scholars have thought that Biao Qiang SS,!t, who was the person recorded âs having made the bell set, was a family official of Han. This view is questionable. A family official of Han would have been too low in status to have received the public praise of the Son of Heaven and the Duke of Jin as described in the bell inscriptions. In the meantime, Han was still subordinate to Jin, so the years of the King of Zhou would not have been used.37 A line in the inscription says that the maker of the bell, Biao Qiang, aided his lord, and the word "lord" refers to the king of Zhou, not to tÈe lord Jingzi 景 子 of Han 韓 . Therefore, Biao Qiang was a subordinate official of King Weiliewang of Zhou and re­ ceived due reward as a result of his assistance to the King of Zhou in connection with the king's efforts to unite the three Jin statelets in a war against Qi. Tomb no. VII could easily have been Biao Qiang's tomb. Among the Jincun bronzes similar in date to the bell set, there are a pair of bronze At/, the so-called Ling hu jun si zi hu 令 策 君 制 子 壶 ， 33. PI. 186, no. 14 of article cited in n. 2 above. 34. Xu Zhongshu, Biaoshi Bianzhong Tushi (Institute o f H istory and Philology, Academia Sinica, 1932). 35. Guo Moruo, Jinwen Congkao (Peking: Renmin Press, 1954), p. 400. 36. W en Tingjing, Shixue Zhuankan, vol. 1, no. 1 (1935). 37. Shirakawa Shizuka, Kimmon Tsüshaku 204 (Kyoto: H akutsuru Bijutsukan Bulletin no. 36).

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According to Chen Mengjia's estimate, these hu are from the 10th year of King Weiliewang of Zhou, or 416 B.c., or from the 10th year of King Anwang 安 王 of Zhou or 392 B.c. The maker of the vessels was a de­ scendant of a noble family of Wei, probably another official of a king of Zhou, but there is no way now to determine from which tomb these hu came. The casting of the Biao bells and the pair of At/ took place before the establishment of the lord of Eastern Zhou. A bronze pan that came from tomb no. V of Jincun has on its rim an inscription referring to the lord of a certain state. The tomb master could have been also an enfeoffed lord of the Zhou dynasty, or it could have been a family member or a major official. It should also be pointed out that obviously a few of the artifacts found at Jincun were probably possessed by the royal house of Zhou itself. On the outside of the ding illustrated in 232-A of Bishop White's Tombs of Old Loyang there is an inscription containing the name of an official who is said to have served in the palace. There are several vessels with this kind of inscription, and they undoubtedly belonged to kitchen officials in the palace. Many of the square hu found in Jincun have inside them such inscriptions as "Left" or "Right wine," or "Left" or "Right interior wine/' Five such pieces were recorded by Bishop White.38 Left wine. Right wine. Left interior wine, and Right interior wine were all designa­ tions of wine officials in the palace of the king. Some of the silver artifacts from Jincun also have incised inscrip­ tions, including such words as "Zuo shou gong, zhongfu, zuo jiu" 左 受 工 ，中 府 ，至 個 • Zuo shou gong was the title for an official of manu­ facture. Zhongfu was the title for an official in the office where vessels were stored. Zuo jiu and You jiu 右 個 were the titles of officials making use of these artifacts. Zhongfu literally meant the storage warehouse of the royal house. On these silver artifacts were also inscribed the words "gan yu z a i" 甘 游 窣 ， and many of the silver winged cups from Jincun were so inscribed. Gan yu zai means the official in charge of the kitchen at a resort palace at a place called Gan 甘 • Gan belonged to Zhou, and was to the west of the Henan county seat of the Han dynasty. The resort palace referred to here obviously belonged to the Zhou king. Of particular interest are the silver legs of the lacquer beakers found in Jincun.39 Their inscriptions are as follows:40 "The 37th year, Gong yu she, 8 Hang, 11 shu in weight, right"'; "The 40th year, Zhong she 38. PI. 186, no. 6 o f article cited in n. 2 above. 39. Tong Shuye, Chun Qiu Zuo Zhuan Yart Jiu, pi. 43. 40. Heibonsha, Shôdô Zenshü, vol. 1, fig. 58.

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si mei, weight:… Zhongfu, yujiu." The characters referring to the year of reign and weight were done in the style of Qin, but those that referred to the location, like Zhongfu, were incised in the archaic script. It ap­ pears that these two beakers were made in the state of Qin but were used by the Zhou. During the Warring States period the only lord of Qin who reigned for more than forty years was Zhaoxiangwang 昭 襄 王 ， and therefore these vessels must have been manufactured in the 37th (270 b.c .) and the 40th (267 b .c .) years of King Zhaoxiangwang of Qin, respectively. This indicates that some of the Jincun tombs date from as late as the late Warring States period. On the basis of the above discussion, it is our judgment that the Jincun cemetery was not of Jin, or of Han, or of the Eastern Zhou lord, but rather is the tombs of the Zhou dynasty, including the tombs of Zhou kings or the satellite tombs of their officials. According to tradition, the area of Jincun in Luoyang is the location of an ancient imperial granary. To its west was a small town called Zhaiquan Zhen 崔 表 鎮 • In the commentary by Du Yu 杜 預 under the entry for the 29th year of Duke Xi # of Zuo Zhuan, Zhaiquan refers to "the pond southwest of Taicang 太 倉 in the (then) current Luoyang city in Henan." According to Wei Zhao’s 幸 昭 commentary of under the second half of "Zhouyu," "Diquan 狄 泉 was where the city of Chengzhou and Zhou tombs are located." At present, Diquan Zhen is outside the western wall of the Luoyang of the Han and Wei dynasties, but the Zhou royal tombs are located in between it and Jincun. This is consistent with the statements of Wei Zhao and Du Yu. But according to S/mî Ji% 水 經 commentary under "Gushui" 教 水 quoting Ban Gu ▲ 固 and others, the tomb of King Weiliewang 威 烈 王 of Zhou should be at the northeastern corner of Luoyang city, and the burial of King Jingwang 景 王 was placed in the area of the imperial granary, whereas Zhaiquan was in between these two tombs. No matter which placement we accept, the hypothesis that the imperial tombs of the Zhou dynasty were located near Jincun has some literary support. The fact that Jincun was the imperial dynastic cemetery explains why in this area extraordinarily magnificent cultural relics have been found. In ancient China such rare cultural relics are often found in royal graves. This is not only because the craftsmen employed by the royal house had their distinctive tradition of handicrafts; in addition, of course the extraordinary nature of the relics is also a reflection of the political status of the royal house. This is true for the Shang royal cemetery in Anyang, and it is also true of the Jincun cemetery of Luoyang.

3

Jin 晋

In the beginning years of Western Zhou, King Chengwang 成 王 van­ quished tîie state of Tang 唐 and enfeoffed his own younger brother Xuyu 权 虞 in Tang, calling him Tanggong 唐 公 ， the Duke of Tang. Later on, Tang changed its name to Jin and became a very important lord's state in the Western Zhou period. After the eastern movement of King Pingwang 平 王 of the Zhou, the royal domain became diminished in size, sandwiched between Jin and Zheng two states of the same clan name as Zhou. These states became important pillars supporting the royal dynasty, as the Zuo Zhuan Æ stated at the time. During the Spring and Autumn period the state of Zheng declined in strength, whereas the state of Jin increased its strength and was more than once a hegemony. In the early years of the Warring States period, Han 韓 ，Zhao 故 ，and Wei 魏 divided the state of Jin, forming three powerful lords' states, but the Lord of Jin still retained his nominal status until the 20th year of King Xianwang 顯 王 of Zhou, or 349 B.C., when the last Lord of Jin, Duke Dao 捧 ， was killed by a person from Han. From the archaeological relics we can see that the culture of the state of Jin during the Spring and Autumn period was rather advanced and closely related to the culture of Zhou. The close relationship between Zhou and Jin was due not only to geographical proximity but also to historical factors in the early years of tiie Eastern Zhou, namely, the important function exerted by ^larquis Wenhou 文 候 of Jin in the enthronement of King Pingwang o史the ziiou dynasty. Marquis Wenhou of Jin was called Chou 仇 ， and he came to his marquisate status in the 2nd year of King Yuwang 幽 王 at the end of Western Zhou, or 780 B.c. King Yuwang was very fond of his concubine Baosi 褒 奴 . When he abolished the status of his original queen, Shenhou 申 后 ，and her son the crown prince Yijiu 宜 白 ，tiiis event became the catalyst that led to the invasion of Quanrong 犬 戌 and the downfall of the Western Zhou dynasty. Queen Shenhou came from the state of Shen 申，which is a Jiang 姜 clan state. The Lord of Shen, gaining the support 37

38

JIN 晋

of the Lord of Lu 魯 and the Duke Wengong 文 公 of Xu 許 ，put the original crown prince Yijiu on the throne in the state of Shen, and he became King Pingwang of the Zhou dynasty. But in the meantime Duke Han 输 of the state of öuo 號 established another prince, Yuchen 余 臣 ，at a place called Xie leading to a situation where there were two con­ tending kings. Marquis Wenhou of Jin sided with Pingwang, and in 760 b .c . killed Xiewang,1firming up the status of Pingwang. As Guoyu, in chapter "Zhengyu," states: "Marquis Wenhou of Jin thereupon established the status of the Son of Heaven." In the Shujing there is a document called "'Wenhou Zhiming^ 文候之命， or "The Appointment of Marquis Wen." SAt/從 書 序 says tiie title refers to the appointment of Marquis Wenhou of Jin under King Pingwang and the presents given by the king. Since King Pingwang understandably was grateful for the support of Wenhou of Jin, it follows that he regarded his appointment and giftmaking with particular solem­ nity. In the document we see the term "Fu Yihe"'; Yihe must have been the honorific name of Wenhou corresponding in meaning to his name Chou. Some commentators have interpreted this document as the document of appointment of Duke Wengong 文 公 of Jin. However, this is incorrect, as Zeng Yunqian has pointed out.12 In the bronze catalogues of the Song dynasty there is a Jinjiang 出 叹 晋 姜 典 ， alleged to have come from Hancheng _ 城 of Shaanxi near the border of Shanxi (fig. 10). The inscription on this ding corresponds closely to the document "Wenhou Zhiming^ of The Book of Documents. There is a key phrase in it pertaining to Jingshi 京 師 ， or the capital city • According to Yu Xingwu's 于 省 吾 interpretation, this phrase should èe taken to mean that the record of his achievement is well broadcast in the capital.3 In the inscription, Jinjiang 晋 姜 talks about her achievement in helping Wenhou, enabling the praiseworthy work of Jinjiang and Wen­ hou to be well known throughout the capital city and the people of the state to be under good administration. This refers specifically to the event that led to the establishment of the king with Wenhou's help. Wenhou of Jin died in the 25th year of King Pingwang of Zhou dynasty, or 746 B.c. In the inscription on the Jinjiang ding, the posthu­ mous name Wenhou is used, indicating that the bronze tripod was cast after the death of Jin Wenhou, during the reign of his son ZÎiaohou 眧 俱 . Zhaohou reigned six years, from 745 through 740 B.c. The Jinjiang ding is 1. Fang Shimine and W ang Xiulino, Guben Zhu Shu Ji Nian Ji Zhenç (Shang­ hai: Guji Press, 1981), p. 67. 2. Zeng Yunqian, Shang Shu Zheng Du (Peking: Zhonghua, 1964), vol. 6. 3. Yu Xingwu, Shuang Jian Yi Ji Jin Wen Xuan (Haicheng: privately printed. 1934).

J in 晋

39

a bronze tripod with two handles attached to the side of the body. It has a shallow body and a curved rim, and the outside of the body is dec­ orated with a band of wavy lines. These features characterize the style typical of the early years of Eastern Zhou, and it is therefore important for the purpose of dating other bronze vessels. At the beginning of the Eastern Zhou dynasty, the capital of the state of Jin was located at Yi After the death of Wenhou of Jin, Zhaohou succeeded to the lordship and enfeoffed the younger brother of Wenhou at the city of Quwo 曲 灰 . According to contemporary reports, Quwo was even a larger city than Yi. In the year 679 B.C., Wugong 武 公 ， Duke Wu, of Qiwu came to conquer Marquis Min 婚 of Jin, and he replaced Min as the lord of the state of Jin. He was known as Duke Wugong of Jin. Duke Xiangong 激 公 ，a son of Wugong, moved his capital to Jiang 鋒 in 668 B.c. In 585 B.c. Duke Jinggong 景 公 of Jin once more moved the capital of the state to Xintian 新 田 . From then until 369 B.C., when Duke Huangong 桓 公 of Jin, who was already only a nominal duke, was forcibly moved by the states of Han and Zhao to Tonliu 也留， Xintian served as the capital of the Jin state, for a period of over two hundred years. The geographical location of the Jin capitals Yi, Quwo, and Jiang is described in ancient texts, but the locations have not been substan­ tiated by archaeology. Among these, Quwo was renamed Wenxi 聞 喜

40

JIN 普

under Emperor Wudi 武 帝 of the Han dynasty, and the location has been identified as a spot about 8 li southwest of the contemporary city of Wenxi in Shanxi Province.4 At the site of Dama 大 馬 village, which is about 17.5 km northeast of Wenxi, was found an ancient city site of Eastern Zhou date. The city is a square one, with city walls less than 1,000 m in length on each side.5 This city does not correspond to the Quwo of ancient literature in either scale or location. The archaeological investigators thought that this might be the Qingyuan 清 原 city referred to in Zuo Zhuan, and this hypothesis was probably correct. In 1974 excavation of a cemetery began at Shangjiaocun village in Wenxi, and several quite important bronze vessels and jades were found in the tombs,6 providing valuable clues to further investigations of the capital site of Quwo. Archaeological work at the late Jin capital in Xintian has been carried on for over twenty years, and this location is one of the most important in the studies of the state capitals of the Spring and Autumn period. The archaeological results in this area have also made a signifi­ cant contribution to the study of the historical culture of the state of Jin. In its description of the movement of the Jin capital to Xintian under the entry for the 6th year of Duke Cheng the Zuo Zhuan states that the location of Xintian was in the area of the Fen 汾 and Kuai 清 rivers. The commentary by Du Yu 杜 預 ，in the same book under the entry for the 8th year of Duke Zhaogong 昭 公 ， refers to the Chiqi 康 邪 Palace, built by Duke Pinggong 平 公 of Jin, about 40 li to the west of Xintian. The Shui Jingzhu gives the same location for the palace and further states that the palace has its back to the river Fen and faces the river Kuai. It adds that the confluence of the two rivers was to the west of the palace. Now at a location about 10 km to the west of Houma of Shanxi is a village called Chiqicun 捷 祁 村 , very possibly the site of the Chiqi Palace. From this we know that Xintian was located in the area of present-day Houma. In 1956 the Bureau of Cultural Relics under the Ministry of Culture and the Bureau of Culture of Shanxi Province jointly organized a team that undertook more than three months of archaeological surveys. Their preliminary report gave the following account: One of the most important sites was that to the west of Houma. The area of the site is about 4 km from east to west, and about 2 4. Gu Guanguang, Qi Guo Di Li Kao (1902), vol. 5, pp. 12-13. 5. Tao Zhenggang, Kaogu 1963 (5): 246-49. 6. Archaeological Commission, Shanxi Province, S/wfwd C/m如 p is. 6 6 - 6 9 .

(1980),

J in 晋

41

km from north to south. At a number of cross-sections one sees cultural deposits and storage pits. The abundance of potsherds, stone implements, animal bones, and other cultural material can­ not be matched by any of the other sites brought to light at this time. From the sections one can also see that everywhere there were remains of stamped earth and large numbers of tiles, semi­ circular eaves-tiles, square bricks, and other archaeological re­ mains, indicating that at this site was a very important city at that time within the state of Jin.7 Xintian was thus brought to light. In the fall of the year when the site was discovered, the Com­ mission for the Administration of Cultural Relics of Shanxi Province established the Houma station, which began the first excavation of the site.8 From many seasons of archaeological work, we now know that in this area there is a series of ancient city sites, which can be grouped into an early and a late stage. "The early stage consists of such city sites as Baidian 白 店 ； the late stage, the capital sites at Xintian, including the ruins of five cities at Niucun 牛 村 ， Taishen 台 神 ， Pingwang 平 望 ，Mazhuang 馬 庄 ， and Chengwang 圣 王 .〃 9 According to the description in Zuo Zhuan, before the removal of the capital under Duke Jinggong of Jin, the name of Xintian already existed. Therefore the ancient city site at Baidian may have been the Xintian city before the removal of the Jin capital to the place. The stratigraphical relationship between the Baidian city below and the three other overlying cities (fig. 11) is very clear. Unraveling the stratigraphical relationship of the various city sites of the late stage must depend upon future archaeological work. South of these ancient city ruins were workshops for bronzes, pottery, bone artifacts, and stone artifacts. Sites where ritual and al­ legiance ceremonies were performed were found to the southeast of this area. Cemeteries and residential areas have been found near Shangmacun 上 馬 村 village on the south bank of the Kuai River and also at sites at Liuquan 柳 泉 and Pingwang 平 望 in the valley of the Fen River. Archaeologists who studied the Eastern Zhou dynasty pottery brought to light in the area south of the ancient city of Niucun have published their findings.10 The stratigraphy of this site is rather com­ plex, but generally Eastern Zhou culture deposits may be divided into a lower and an upper layer. In pottery both the types and their forms 7. G uT iefu, Wenwu 1966 (10) : 22-24. 8. Yao Jian, Li Yuchun and Chang W e n z h a i , 1957 (1):66. 9. Editorial Committee of Wenwuf Wenwu Kaogu Gongzuo Sanshi Nian (Wen­ wu Press, 1979), p. 59. 10. Ye Xiepeng, Wenwu 1962 (4/5): 43-54.

42

J in 晋

11. Location of the old cities in Houma

underwent conspicuous changes, and, accordingly, two stages, early and late, can be distinguished. For example, in type the gui vessel of the early stage disappears in the late stage, and the fu ^ vessel appears. The he vessel, which is generally regarded as a type characteristic of the later stage of Warring States, has not been found at this site (fig. 12). It was stated in the last chapter that Period 3 of Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang corresponds to late Spring and Autumn period. In the Zhongzhou Lu graves, lidded ctow 豆 vessels appear from Period 3 onward, but at Houma, lidded dou vessels come into existence from the early stage. The ding and li Ä tripods of the early stage at Houma are also similar to those found from Period 2 and 3 sites at Zhongzhou Lu. Accordingly, the investigators of the Houma sites date the early stage at this site to late Spring and Autumn period, and place the lower limit of the late stage at the middle of the Warring States period. This chronological estimation is consistent with the history of Xintian as the Jin capital. About 1 km to the south of the ancient city of Niucun at the southeast corner of Xihoumacun 西 侯 馬 村 ， kiln sites were found. The pottery found here is identical to that found in the southern suburb of

J in 普

43

Hu

TTT

Fo

D ou w ith lid

D ou

W

TT

0

I

t

Jia n

G ui

Î~

12. Chronological divisions o f the pottery o f the Eastern Zhou period in Houma

the ancient city sites. From this location has also come a semicircular eaves-tile with decorative bird designs. This is the only eaves-tile find from the state of Jin.11 A major find at the site to the south of the ancient city of Niucun consisted of a large number of clay molds for bronze casting and related relics. According to the report, at the site there are more than 30,000 pieces of clay molds, including more than 1,000 pieces whose types can be identified; more than 100 pieces can be fitted back together. The artifact types that were identifiably cast at the site include ding tripod, gui vessel, dui vessel, dou vessel, he vessel, hu ^ vessel, jian Mi. basin, > E vessel, sAao 勺，spatula, spade, pick, ax, adz, knife with ring， 11. 1959 (6): 45-46.

Houma Station, Commission o f Cultural Relics, Shanxi Province, Wenw

J in 晋

44

13. Animal-head-shaped clay model found in Houma

sw ord, arrow head, m irror, belt buckle, chariot and horse fitting, and o th er accessory types. There are also special clay m olds for the casting of artifacts w ith inlaid decorative designs and w ith inscriptions.12 The clay m olds of the earlier period have relatively simple dec­ orative p atterns, m any characterized by interlocked serpents and corded designs th at are flush w ith the surface. The clay designs of the later period, m any in relief, are often very com plex and sophisticated. The tw o exam ples illustrated include a clay model in the shape of an anim al head 10.9 cm tall (fig. 13), and a clay m old for a tiger-shaped accessory 18.5 cm tall (fig. 14).13 Both reflect the advanced developm ent of bronze crafts at th e time. At Houma, w orkshop sites w here only bronze belt buckles or 12. Excavation Team, Houma City, Kaogu 1962 (2): 55-62. 13. Catalogue of the Archaeological Exhibition of the People's Republic of China (Wenwu Press, 1971), nos. 58, 59.

45

J in 晋

14. Clay piece-molds for tiger-shaped ornaments from Houma

bronze coins w ere m anufactured have also been brought to light. They are indicative of the very high degree of internal specialization of the bronze fo u n d ry .14 The various kinds of clay molds and bronze artifacts found there are very significant for the stu d y of ancient Chinese m etal­ lurgy. In th e m eantim e, because the clay molds have m any kinds of decorative p atterns, th ey are also very valuable for the stu d y of ancient art. Specialized studies have appeared th at stu d y the casting tech­ niques as indicated by the clay molds at H oum a.15 For exam ple, the stru ctu re o f th e m old for the axle cover of a chariot (fig. 15) fully indi­ cates the refinem ent o f the craftsm anship. H ow ever, because a detailed report o f the th o u san ds of clay molds has not yet been published, it is difficult to stu d y this aspect system atically. The changes in decorative p atterns on the clay molds from early to late periods m ay be studied in conjunction w ith the bronzes, w hich can be dated on th e basis of inscriptions. The L uanshu/bw 樂 書 击 now in the collection of the M useum of Chinese H isto ry 16 is a vessel from th e state of Jin dated to the m iddle period of the Spring and A utum n. Luanshu was a m ajor official of Jin serving dukes Jinggong 景公 and Ligong 爲 公 • Reference to him first appears u n d er th e en try for the 12th year of Duke Xuangong 宣公 of Zwo 14. Ancient Metallurgy of China (Wenwu Press, 1978), chap. 1. 15. Zhang Wanzhong, Wen脚 1962 (4/5): 37-42. 16. Rong Geng, Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao (Beijing: Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1941), no. 803.

46

J in 晋

Zhuan, or 597 B.C., and he died in 573 B.c. This fou was completely plain, and on the lid there is a ring-shaped handle decorated with inlaid gold cloud patterns with oblique angles. On the surface of the vessel an inscription of forty characters was cast by means of inlaid gold. This kind of plain-surfaced fou created a new style, which prevailed until the middle of the Warring States period, and it indicates the advanced state of bronze technology of the state of Jin. An example of a vessel of the lord of Jin of the late Spring and Autumn period is the Jingong zAe% 晋 公 盖 • As pointed out by Wu Kaisheng 吳 闓 生 ， this was a dowry vessel, given by Duke Pinggong 平 公 of Jin on his daughter's marriage to Chu ^..17 The vessel was manu­ factured in 537 B .c. It is decorated with a fine pattern of interlocked serpents flush to the surface, a style consistent with the early-period clay molds of Houma. For an example of Jin vessels of the late Spring and Autumn period we can discuss the pair of Zhaomengjie Aw 趙 介 壶 ， which were originally brought to light in Huixian 輝 縣 in Henan but are now in the collection of the British Museum.18 The inscription on the hu vessel records a meeting with the King of Wu 吳 at Huangchi 黃 池 in the year

17. See n. 3 above. 18. W. Percival Yetts, The Cull Chinese Bronzes (London: Courtauld Institute of Art, 1939), pi. 12.

J in 晋

47

482 B.C., w hich is alm ost half a cen tu ry after the date represented by the Jingong zheng. The decorative design on this pair of hu is already in relief. A nother pair, the Zhi ju n zi 力an 智 君 子 was also reportedly discovered in H uixian (fig. 16).19 Zhi shi was one of the six qing m inisters of the state of Jin in the late Spring and A utum n period. At that time m inisters o f the state w ere called ju n zh i,20 w hich accounts for the term of address Zhi junzi. The jian vessel's decoration is character­ ized by higher relief th an th at of the Zhaomengjie hu, and the vessel is of a later date. The Zhi ju n zi referred to in the inscription could very easily have been Zhi Yao 智 墙 ， the last generation of the Zhi m inisterial family overthrow n in 453 B.c. by Han, Zhao, and Wei. A bronze bird zun ^ vessel now in the collection of th e Freer Gallery of A rt in the U nited States21 is com pletely covered w ith relief designs, and it has four characters inlaid w ith gold: Zi zhi nong niao 子 之 弄 鳥 ， v ery sim ilar to the calligraphy of Zhi ju n zi jian (fig.17). Zi， according to the com m entary u n d er the 6th year of Duke Xuan S in the 叹 zftwaw 公 羊 傳 ， was also a term for cto/w 大 夫 senior official. This vessel is reported to have come from Taiyuan 太 原 • It was presum ably m anufactured by th e Jin m inister of the Zhao family. 19. Tang Lan, '"Zhi Junzi Jin Kao/' in Furen Xuezhi, vol. 7 (nos. 1 and 2), 1938. 20. Commentary to Liji, under ''Xiang Yin Jiu Yi,r, Shisanjing Zhushu ed. (Zhonghua, 1980), p. 1682. 21. J. A. Pope, R. J. Gettons, J. Cahill, and N. Barnard, The Freer Chinese Bronzes (Washington, D.C.: Freer Gallery of Art, 1967), vol. 1, no. 112.

J in 晋

48

17. The Zi zhi nong niao zun vessel (from Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 693)

A ccordingly, we m ay estim ate th at the relief design as repre­ sented by th e clay m olds o f the late period at Houm a site probably arose aro u n d 500 b .c . and began to prevail in the early p art of th e W arring States period. Among th e clay m olds at Houm a are special-purpose m olds for th e casting of inlaid decorative designs or inscriptions. For example, th ere are clay molds w ith decorative patterns depicting m ulberry leaf picking, and also clay m olds for the bronze jian ^ vessels w ith prepara­ tions for inlaid inscriptions.22 The style of the w riting is identical with 22. 1960 (8/9): 10-14.

Houma Station, Commission of Cultural Relics, Shanxi Province, Wenw

J in 晋

49

the writing on the Zhijunzi 力an, and the dating is probably also similar. The most important cemetery of the Eastern Zhou period in the area of Xintian or Houma is located at Shangmacun south of Houma. The dates of the graves at the Shangmacun cemetery are roughly equivalent to those when Xintian was Jin state capital, and these finds may thus represent Jin tombs of the Eastern Zhou period. This cemetery was first discovered in 1959. In the same year, at a spot outside the eastern gate of Shangmacun was found accidentally a pit grave from which an assemblage of ten bronzes, including such types as ding, dui, dou, pan, and yi E were unearthed, and also a number of fragmen­ tary grave furnishings, all of which are "tentatively identified as relics of the Spring and Autumn period/'23 Further investigations have dis­ closed that this area was a large cemetery whose area exceeded 500,000 square m. From the end of 1961 to the beginning of 1962 fourteen tombs were brought to light,2425and they have led to an understanding of the nature of this cemetery. According to typological changes of the pottery found in the graves the excavators grouped the fourteen graves into four classes: Class 1— examples are tombs no. 7 and 14; tomb no. 13 should also be placed in this class Class 2— example is tomb no. 9 Class 3— example is tomb no. 4 Class 4— examples are tombs no. 1, 2, and 3 From tomb no. 14 of the Class 1 came a small, lidded ding tripod, with attached handles, a spout, and such decorative motifs as 竊曲 and "double scale"' on the body. Similar ding have also been found from the early Spring and Autumn period tomb of the state of Guo 虢 at Shangcunling in Sanmenxia Both qiequ and double-scaled patterns prevailed in an earlier period. On the other hand, both decorative designs have occurred on the Zhengzishi d吨 鄭 子 石 無 dated by inscription to the late Spring and Autumn period.26 In addition, as will be described below, tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun should be dated to middle or late Spring and Autumn period. Accordingly, the upper limit of the Class 1 tombs perhaps should be pushed to a later period. 23. Yang Fudou, Kaogu 1959 (7): 371. 24. Houma Station, Commission of Cultural Relics, Shanxi Province, Kaogu 1963 (5): 229-45. 25. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Shangcunling Guo Guo Mudi (Science Press, 1959), pi. 42, no. 2. 26. Yang Shuda, Ji Wei Ju Jin Wen Shuo, vol. 4, "A Postscript to Zhengzishiding" (Science Press, 1959).

50

J in 普

The pottery assemblage found in the tombs of Class 2 contained the following combination of types: ding, li, dou, and hu. The characteristic features of these vessels correspond to those of early pottery at the ancient city of Niucun that was discussed earlier, and these were dated to late Spring and Autumn period. The pottery assemblage from Class 3 tombs is similar, although types are those of the later periods and dates are therefore also later. Pottery from Class 4 tombs includes not only ding, li, dou, and hu, but also such water vessels as pan and yi; in form these types also exhibit some changes indicative of a middle Warring States period date. Accordingly, the chronology of the Shangmacun cemetery on the basis of the dozen-plus tombs that have been excavated is from the middle of the Spring and Autumn period to the middle of the Warring States period. The most important tomb from Shangmacun is tomb no. 13 (fig. 18). This is a pit grave, wooden chamber type with a rectangular pit 5.2 m long, a coffin, and an outer chamber. The outer chamber consisted of planks. Inside the chamber and outside the coffin were found layers of lacquer, on the rims of which were geometric decorative designs of red background and black pattern, and on the four sides were twelve bronze rings. At the northern and southern ends there were two round discs with gold wrapping and interlocked-serpent designs. Inside the grave more than 180 bronze vessels were found, together with many pottery vessels, jade and stone artifacts, bone artifacts, and gold-wrapped arti­ facts. In front of the head of the deceased were sixteen stone tablets. Stone tablets have been found in most of the Eastern Zhou period graves of significant size at Shangmacun and in the whole area of Houma,27 possibly indicative of the higher status of the tomb masters. The bronze vessels from tomb no. 13 consist of a combination of din又， /f, j a /2 獻 ，dwf, /w 簠 ，Ae 物 ，square /m, jiaw, pan, and > 匦 . In addition, the furnishings also included a bronze bell set, a stone qing ^ set, in addition to such weapons as spears and 炉 戈 halberds. The com­ bination of vessel types is similar to that of the tombs with bronzes of Period 2 at Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang. There are 7 ding tripods, all different in form but having attached handles. The dui has a ring-shaped handle and three small legs. The he has two symmetrically placed ring handles. All these characteristic modes recall the bronzes from Period 2 tombs at Zhongzhou Lu. The nine bells in the bell set from the tomb already have rings, and are an earlier example of ringed bells. Two of the ding tripods have inscriptions showing that the maker was Genger

27. Commission of Cultural Relics, Shanxi Province, and Institute of Archa ology of Shanxi Province, Wenwu 1960 (8/9): 15-18.

18. Tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun, Houma

52

J in 晋

庾 儿 ， who was a son of the King of Xu 徐 . According to the sériation of known Xu vessels this person must be dated to slightly later than middle Spring and Autumn period. Therefore, tomb no. 13 at Shangmacun is probably a tomb transitional from middle to late Spring and Autumn period. The Jin state cemetery at Miaoqiancun 腐 前 村 in Wanrong 萬 榮 ， Shanxi Province, is comparable in scale to the cemetery at Shangmacun in Houma and is worthy of mention here. As early as the Han Emperor Wudi 武 帝 ’s period, a large din又tripod is said to have been unearthed at the temple of the earth god in Fenyin 汾 陰 ， which should be in the neighborhood of Miaoqiancun. From the Tang to the Qing dynasties, bronze vessels were reported here. The most famous are the Luqi 呂笼 set of bells, discovered in 1870 and now in the collection of the Shanghai Museum. Because of the collapse of the banks of the river, this site was largely destroyed, but in 1958 and 1961 a large number of bronze vessels came to light here. From 1960 to 1962 archaeologists found more than 160 tombs at this site, and some of these have been excavated.28 Results of these excavations have not been fully published, but what has been published29 suggests a date of late Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods. Returning to the discoveries of Houma, we should mention here the site of the oatïis of allegiance at Qincun 秦 村 • The site was discovered between 1965 and 1966 to the west of Qincun in Houma, where more than 5,000 pieces of oaths of allegiance were brought to light, of which more than 600 pieces had identifiable inscriptions. This is a site 70 m long by 55 m wide. In the area more than 400 pits were found, 326 of which have since been excavated (fig. 19). According to the report by the excavators, "In 1957 and 1971 in this area pits of sacrificial animals were found. In the summer of 1972 rows of burials of single human skeletons were discovered here. The sites of the oaths of allegiance, these two animal sacrificial pits, and the rows of single burials surround the ancient city of Chengwang in a rough semicircle."30 All these remains indicate activities having to do with worship. It is possible that in this area there were religious temples or similar architectures. The overwhelming majority of the vertical pits are rectangular, the largest 1.6 m long, 60 cm wide, the smallest 50 cm long, 25 cm wide. Depth of the pits ranges from 40 cm to 6 m. Most of them are oriented in a north-south direction. Most pits have a niche in the north wall, in 28. P. 60 of work cited in n. 9 above. 29. Pis. 92-94 of work cited in n. 6 above. 30. Commission of Cultural Relics, Shanxi Province, Houma Mengshu (Wenwu Press, 1976), p. 13.

J in 晋

53

which were placed such jade artifacts as bi S or zhang At the bottom of the pits were found skeletons of domestic animals: cattle and horse skeletons in large pits and sheep skeletons in small pits. Skeletons of chickens were occasionally found in the fill of the pits. Forty of the vertical pits have yielded oaths of allegiance, all of them in the northwestern part of the site. Most of these pits contain skeletons of domestic animals, mostly sheep. The oaths of allegiance were written on jade tablets in such shapes as 客wi 圭，z/zan又 緣 ， and 壤； some are irregular, however. The writing was applied with a brush, mostly with red pigment but some with dark ink. The jades found in the wall niches include such types as bi S , At/an 環 ， jwcm 瑗 ， qwe 块 ，/〇% 瑰 ，Aacm客 績 ，又 圭 ， and zAan客 璋 ， all of

JIN 晋

54

(< A^ V

^y f^.

'

r

f>.

t

V?•

20. Some oaths of allegiance from Houma

them very finely engraved. The potsherds found in the fill, when com­ pared with the pottery in the south of the ancient city of Niucun, can be dated to the late Spring and Autumn period. The ritual of the oath of allegiance in the Zhou dynasty is recorded in such ancient texts as Z/zow/f 周 禮 and Zwo ZAt/cm. The commentary to ZAotz/f under the section "Simeng" 司 Æ states: "At the time of pledging allegiance the statement of oath is written on a tablet then an animal is killed, the blood is applied to the inscription, and then the oath is buried. This is called zais/m 载 書 At the time of making the oath of allegiance a pit was excavated in the ground and when the animal had been sacrificed and blood had been taken the carcass was buried in the pit and then the oath of allegiance was placed on top.31 Discovery of the site of these oaths of allegiance at Qincun enables us to see the material remains of the allegiance ceremonies that are recorded in texts. Oaths of allegiance at Houma can be classified into five classes. One example is given here for each class (fig. 20). Class 1 consists of a single piece unearthed in pit no. 16. The beginning of the inscription gives the calendrical designation cAtt 舶， 31. Chen Mengjia, Kaogu 1966 (5): 271-81.

J in 晋

55

namely, the 3rd day of the lunar month. Dinggong 定 宮 refers to the temple of Duke Dinggong 定公 of Jin, who died in 475 B.c. Accordingly, this piece should be dated to 469 B.c. In the same pit, oaths of allegiance from the following class have also been found. Oaths of allegiance in classes 1 and 2 are the most numerous, and their contents are repetitive. The persons taking the oaths were differ­ ent, but the statements all swore to loyalty to the master and swore not to be involved with the group of people îieaded by Zhao Hu 趙 豕 • The name Jia 喜 refers to Zhao Jia 趙 喜 ， also found in ancient texts. Oaths of class 4 were found in pit no. 67. In them, the oathtakers swore not to na sAi 納 室 ，namely, to deprive other people of their family members and their property. Many names of persons taking the oaths appear in the oaths of the previous class;32 therefore these oaths were probably contemporary. Oaths of allegiance of class 5 came from pit no. 105. They were written in black ink, unlike the previous four kinds. The oath-taker indicates that if he were to be disloyal to the house master and if he were to have anything to do with Zhonghang Yin and a certain Xian in private, or if he were to engage in black magic to harm the house master, then he would be punished by a deity. The inscription is similar to those of the second and third groups. Pit no. 105 is identical with the other pits in stratigraphy, orientation of the pit mouth, and date. The numerous pits at this site show many overlappings, and the oaths of allegiance unearthed from different pits were also related in content. Therefore, it is clear that these oaths of allegiance were made frequently during a period of short duration. Since the discovery of the oaths of allegiance at Houma, many different opinions have been offered as to their date and the historical events behind them. The resolution of these questions must begin with a combined assault, on the basis of both literature and archaeology. The historical events reflected in oaths of allegiance of class 5 unearthed in pit no. 105 actually are very clear. According to the Zuo Zhuan, in the year 497 B.c. the family of Zhao, a minister of the state of Jin, was divided, and Zhao Jianzi 起 簡 子 （his name is Yang 較 ） killed Zhao Wu 趙 武 who was enfeoffed at Handan 邯 都 . Zhao Ji 趙 稷 ， son of Zhao Wu, rebelled from his base in Handan, and his family and two other families who were related to Zhao Wu by marriage—Zhonghang Yin 中 行 寅 and Fan Jiye 泛 吉 射 一 were united in attacking the main Zhao family. Zhao Jianzi escaped from the capital of Jin and went back to his own estate in Jinyang 晋 陽 • A number of other ministers of Jin, such as Zhi Shi 智 氏 ， Han Shi 韓 氏 ， and Wei Shi 魏 氏 ， were under order of 32. Gao Ming, Guwenzi Yanjiu, vol. 1 (1979): 103-15.

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Dinggong of Jin. They were also in opposition to Zhonghang Yan and Fan Jiye, and they united to attack Fan and Zhonghang. The Fan and Zhonghang families, in a counterattack, went to fight Duke Dinggong of Jin but were defeated and went into exile. Zhao Jianzi then returned to Xintian and "swore allegiance at the duke's palace.〃 Afterward, Zhao Jianzi continued his pursuit of the Fan and Zhonghang families, finally forcing them to go out into exile in the state of Qi. The states of Qi and Wei consistently supported the Fan and Zhonghang families. Therefore, the war between Zhao and the other two families widened later on into a war between the state of Jin and the states of Qi and Wei. "Zhonghang Yin” and a certain person who is called "Xian," recorded in the oath of allegiance of class 5 found in Houma, refer to the Zhonghang family and the Fan family at that time. The Fan family was referred to as Xian because certain ancestors of the Fan family were originally enfeoffed in Xian. This oath of allegiance also mentioned the name Wuxu 無 jfcp, meaning Zhao Xiangzi 趙 裏 子 ， son of Zhao Jianzi. The other oaths of allegiance in the other pits were probably slightly later in date than those in Pit 105. From the calendrical data found in pit no. 16, their date should be around the year 470 B.c. Zhao Jianzi died in 476 B.c.33 After that, the Zhao family head was Zhao Xiangzi, known by the name Wuxu. These oaths of allegiance belonged to the family officials of the Zhao family. The chief oath-taker mentioned in the inscription, Zhao Jia, was the son of Xiangzi according to the •SAifcen 世 本 . He was later known as Zhao Huanzi 起 桓 子 • Zhao Hu and others who were the enemies mentioned in the oaths of allegiance must have been the followers of Zhao Wu who went into exile; therefore the Zhao family officials were swearing allegiance in order to prevent their return to the state of Jin. At this time Zhao Xiangzi resided in Jinyang, and therefore Zhao Huanzi was the chief oath-taker in Xintian. Such is the rough background of the site of the oaths of allegiance. The discovery of the oaths of allegiance at Qincun in Houma is one more very forceful demonstration that the site of Houma was the site of Xintian, the capital of the state of Jin,34 and this of course is also significant for the archaeological study of the site. Such oaths of allegiance had been discovered before the find in Houma. In the early 1940s in the area of Qinyang in northern Henan a number of ink-inscribed oaths of allegiance were found. Part of these were submitted to the Archaeological Society of Shaanxi Province at that time, and they are now in the collection of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. In 1955 Dong 33. Liang Yusheng, Shiji Zhi Yi, vol. 23 (Peking: Zhonghua, 1981), p. 1055. 34. Zhang Han, Guwenzi Yanjiuwol. 1 (1979): 78-102.

21. Some oaths of allegiance from Qinyang

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J in 晋

Zuobin 董 作 有 published a report with copies of some of these finds.35 In 1966 Chen Mengjia 陳 夢 家 also published copies as well as photographs (fig. 21), and, in addition, in his study he quoted and cited another work by Wang Xiantang 王 康 唐 published in 1950.36 Recently more accurate copies have been published by Zhang Han 張 頜 ,37 It is stated that Xie Yuanlu 謝 元 路 saw a few pieces of such oaths of allegiance in Chengdu 成 都 ， allegedly discovered in Wenxian 溫 縣 ，Henan.38 Very recently a large number of ink-inscribed oaths of allegiance have indeed been found in Wenxian. In the preliminary report more than five hundred pieces are said to have been found.39 The site in Wenxian may well be the same site where the oaths of allegiance found in the 1940s came to light. Qinyang and Wenxian are next to each other, but the investigation still continues and details are yet to be reported. The work by Wang Xiantang referred to just above mentioned four pieces of s/zimo 石 墨 ， or ink stones, reportedly found in Jiyuanxian 濟 源 縣 w another county neighboring Wenxian and Qinyang. in 1959 a copy of these four pieces was published.40 The content of these pieces is different from an oath of allegiance, and they appear to record historical events. Whether these were in fact also discovered in Wenxian must: be considered further. 35. Dong Zuobin, Dalu Zazhi (Taipei), vol. 10, no. 4. 36. P. 12 of article cited in n. 31 above. 37. See n. 34 above. 38. Ibid. 39. Huang Jinglue, "The Oaths of Allegiance of the Spring and Autumn Period Discovered in Wenxian, Hanen" (in Chinese), Chinese Historiography Yearbook, 1979 (Sanlian, 1980), p. 12. 40. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1959 (8), fig. 7.

4

Han 韓， Zhao 趙， and Wei 魏

In the previous two chapters we mentioned that in the late Spring and Autumn period the ministerial families of the state of Jin became increasingly powerful, leading eventually to the division of the state of Jin by the three families Han, Zhao, and Wei. In 403 b . c . King Weiliewang 威 烈 王 of Zhou officially recognized the three families as his lords. From then on, throughout the middle and late Warring States period, Han, Zhao, and Wei were powerful states of lords, the so-called Three Jins. Therefore, this chapter continues the narrative of the state of Jin in the previous chapter. lïowever, even though the "Three Jins" were derived from the division of a single state, in the almost two hundred years before their downfall their cultures became increasingly distinctive, leading to variations within a common tradition. First, let us look at the state of Han. In geographical location during the Warring States period, Han was located to the east, north, and south of Zhou, and its cultural characteristics were similar to those of Zhou in many ways. The capital of the state of Han was moved several times. At the first enfeoffment Marquis Jinghou 景 候 of Han had the capital in Yangzhai 陽翟 ， which is located in present-day Yuxian 禹 縣 in Henan Prov­ ince. In 375 B.c. Han subjugated the state of Zheng 鄭 and moved the capital to Zheng, which is located in present-day Xinzhengxian 新 鄭 縣 • The city, which had been used successively as the capital of both Zheng and Han states, was called Zheng at the time, and it is now referred to as the ancient city of Zh i鄭韓. The site of th city was explored in the 1950s. Beginning in 1964, archaeologists undertook a series of surveys and excavations and basically made clear the structure and layout of the ancient city. The results were published in a brief report.1 According to this survey the 1. Xinzheng Station of the Henan Provincial Museum, and the Hall of Culture of Xinzheng Xian, Wenum Ziliao Congkan no. 3 (1980) : 56-66.

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a n d Wei

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22. The old city site of Zheng and Han

city of Zheng was located at the confluence of the Yushui 清 水 and Huangshui rivers, which is consistent with the record in the Shui Jing 水 絰 ，under the commentary "YushuL" The city of Zheng was about 5,000 m long east-west, and about 4,500 m wide north-south, divided by a partition running north-south into an eastern and a western city (fig. 22). The western city may be called the inner city and the eastern city the outer city. This structure is similar to the city of Xiadu 下 都 of the state of Yan 燕 （see chapter 7). The wall of the Zheng city has been shown to have been built during both the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States periods. On the whole, the city wall is relatively well preserved, with an extensive portion of it still preserved on the ground, with the highest remaining wall being 18 m in height. The inner city is rectangular. A gate was found in the northern wall and another in the partition wall on the east, but portions of the west and south walls have not yet been found. The

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outer wall is in the shape of an oblique rectangle, with a gate in the northern part of the eastern wall. At the center of the inner city a small enclosure about 500 m east-west and 320 m north-south was found. This is regarded as a palace of the city by the excavators. The area of the palace and also the area to its north were the dwelling areas, and in these areas were found more than a thousand architectural foundations, with the largest about 6-7,000 square m in area. In the western part of the architectural area is a large rammed-earth (hangtu) platform with a remaining height of 8 m, a base length of 135 m north-south, and a base width of 80 m east-west. On the platform were found pottery water wells and also clay water-pipes, presumably the remains of an important palace foundation. In the northwestern area of the region of architectures, north of the present-day village of Gelaofen 閣 老 ÿ： , an underground structure was found in a test excavation, consisting of a rectangular subterranean room 8.9 m long. In the eastern part of the room there were five pottery water wells, and large numbers of skeletons of domestic fowl and animals were found in the room. The pottery vessels found there were incised with such characters as Ai/i客on客 /Jp 宮，si又t/a/z 私 官 ， 左厨 ， and sefu indicating that this structure was used as a palace kitchen. The eaves-tiles of Warring States types found in the dwelling area include some that are circular and decorated with a flower design with four petals (fig. 23). In the outer city were found handicraft workshops including those for bronze founding, iron metallurgy, bone working, pottery working, and jade manufacture. In the eastern part of the outer city north of Xiaowulou 小 吳 樓 was a bronze foundry site with an area of more than 100,000 square m. The site was dated to the period from the

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Spring and Autumn to the Warring States. The clay molds found at the site indicate that this foundry was devoted mainly to manufacturing tools of production such as picks, sickles, spades, adzes, and chisels. An iron workshop was found south of Congcheng 倉 城 in the southwestern portion of the outer city,2 in an area of 40,000 square meters dated to the Warring States period. Most of the iron tools that were found there were production implements, but clay molds indicate that it also made weapons such as swords and 戟 halterds. South of Zhanglongzhuang 張 龍 庄 in the northeastern corner of the outer city was a very large bone workshop, also dated to the period from Spring and Autumn to Warring States. Spring and Autumn period cemeteries have been located at the Lijialou 本 家 备 in the southeastern portion of the inner city of Zheng city, and also north of Houduanwan 居 端 湾 in the southwestern portion. Cemeteries of the same period have also been located outside the city of Zheng. On the other hand. Warring States period cemeteries were dis­ covered for the most part outside the city site. In 1971, a hoard of bronze weapons was discovered at late War­ ring States period deposits north of Baimiaofancun 白 崩 範 村 in the southeastern part of the outer city of the city of Zheng.3 Most of the weapons found had been broken, but more than two hundred of them have been restored. Ninety percent of them bear inscriptions (fig. 24). These weapons briefly may be classified into 客e 戈 halberds, mao 矛 spears, and jian M swords, but upon further analysis it was found that some of the mao spears ought to be combined with the ge into the ji ^ halberds; also, a portion of the hiltless swords could have been hefted onto a long handle to make pi spears.4 These weapons have been studied by Hao Benxin 郝 本 性 and Huang Shengzhang 黃 盛 緣 .5 Most of the weapons were manufactured by the state of Han. A very small number belong to Eastern Zhou or Qin and could have been obtained by Han soldiers through captures on the battlefield. Those cast in the Han state very often bear inscriptions of the names of Hanxian 韓 相 ， Zhenglang 鄭 令 , or the Ling 4^ officials of the various places. Zhengling held the official title of Ling 令 of the city of Zheng, the capital of Han, and his incumbency took place during the reigns of the last two kings of the state of Han, Huanhuiwang 桓 惠 王 and Wang’an 王 安 • The latest date in the weapon inscriptions was the 8th year of King Wangan of Han, 231 B.C., which

2. Liu Dongya, Kaogu 1962 (3) : 165-66. 3. Hao Benxing；Wenwu 1972 (10): 32-40. 4. Cf. Hayashi Minao, Jidai iVo (Kyoto: KyotoUniversi Research Institute of the Humanistic Sciences, 1972), chap. 2. 5. Huang Maolin, Kaogu 1973 (6): 372-80; Huang Shengzhang, Kaogu Xuebao 1974(1): 13-44.

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24. Weapons found at Baimiaofancun, Xinzheng

was one year before the fall of the state of Han. Therefore, it is very possible that this hoard was gotten as a result of the war during which Qin 秦 vanquished Han. The inscriptions on the weapons at Baimiaofan are very abun­ dant, but detailed studies must await the full publication of the collec­ tion. Their inscriptions have enabled us to see that many bronze vessel inscriptions that have appeared in past publications and catalogues were in fact derived from Han state vessels and artifacts, thereby opening our eyes with regard to the Han state bronzes. The pottery inscriptions brought to light at the city of Zheng serve similar functions. For instance, in the inscriptions from pottery there is the term Shangluo 上 樂 ， possibly the name of a palace, if this is true, then it would seem that the Shangluochu di叹 上 樂 身 無 and Shangxianchu din客 上 莧 厨 典 that were known in the past are in fact also Han state vessels. In the past we thought these were vessels of the Wei state, but this hypothesis may now prove to be incorrect.6 To the west of the city of Zheng, the site of the city of Yangcheng 陏 城 of the state of Han was àiscovereâ in 1977.7 The city site, located at 6. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1959 (7-9); Qiu Guangming, Wenum 1981 (10): 63-72. 7. Archaeological Team of the Museum of Chinese History, Dengfeng Station of the Provincial Museum of Henan, and the Institute of Conservation of Cultural Relics of Dengfeng Xian of Henan Province, Wenwu 1977 (12): 52-65.

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Gaochengzhen 告 成 鎮 in the southeast of Dengfeng 登 封 of Henan, is rectangular with a north-south wall about 2,000 m long, and an east-west wall more than 700 m wide. The northern city wall is the best preserved, with the greatest remaining height, about 8 m. At the center of the wall is a gap, presumably where a gate was. Test excavations indicate that the city was built during the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States periods. In the northern and central parts inside the city were found many remains of tiles and pottery, indicating the locations of archi­ tectural sites, and also found were pottery water-pipes and reservoirs.8 To the south, outside the southern city wall, an iron workshop of the Warring States period was discovered. In addition to crucibles, the re­ mains of a large number of clay molds were also brought to light.9 From a pit at the iron workshop site at Yangcheng were found four clay Hang Ï or measuring cups on which were inscribed the name Yangcheng 陽 城 .101In the area of the city where the water pipes and reservoirs were found, the pottery also bears such inscriptions as Yangcheng cangqi 陽 城 倉 器 ， cang 倉 ， lin 廩 ， and chuqi 厨 器 .u These pottery inscriptions provide firm evidence for identifying the city and under­ standing the nature of the architectural relics. It might be mentioned here that the pottery inscriptions of the state of Han were very poorly understood in the past. Recent findings, however, include, in addition to those found at Xinzheng and Dengfeng that we have just described, the inscriptions on pottery dou J . vessels found recently at Beizhangloucun 北 張 樓 村 in Xingyangxian 滎 陽 縣 in Henan.12 On these dou vessels were often seen such inscriptions as geshi 格 氏 • Both Geshi and Yangcheng are place-names that were seen on the weapon molds found at Baimiaofan in Xinzheng. In addition, pottery inscriptions of the Warring States period have also been discovered in the area of Baijiazhuang 白 家 庄 ， northeast of Zhengzhou 鄭州 in Henan. The pottery inscriptions of Baijiazhuang were discovered as early as 1954.13 Some of the pottery inscriptions found through excava­ tions at the time were incised, such as the character chu written as 8. Dengfeng Station of the Institute of Cultural Relics of Henan Province, and the Department of Archaeology of the Museum of Chinese History, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1982 (2): 1-8. 9. See n. 7 above. 10. Department of Archaeology of the Museum of Chinese History, and the Dengfeng Team of the Provincial Museum of Henan, Kaogu 1980 (6) : 562-63. 11. See n. 8 above. 12. Niu Jipu, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1981 (1): 13-15. 13. First Archaeological Team of the Bureau of Culture of Henan Province, Wenwu 1956 (4): 1-8.

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25. Pottery inscriptions found in Zhengzhou

zhu similar to the incised characters from Xinzheng and Dengfeng that have just been described, but others were stamped. Meanwhile, all pottery inscriptions found on the southern bank of the neighboring Jinshui 金 水 River were stamped.14 After that initial excavation, a large number of similar inscriptions have been collected in the same area (fig. 25).15 A few of the stamped pottery inscriptions are in the form of a long rectangular seal, including such characters as those for the name of a district, but most of them are square seals. Some seals contain a single character, others two characters, and occasionally a year, such as ''The eleventh year . . . " is inscribed. Pottery inscriptions impressed with square stamps aroused the attention and study of many scholars.16 Some of these inscriptions were place-names , and some were place-names plus the names of craftsmen. After a tentative analysis, we recognize the names of at least four places, all in the neighborhood of Zhengzhou: Bo 毫 一 now west of Yanshixian 偃 師 縣 ， Henan Jing 京 一 southeast of Xingyangxian 滎 陽 縣 ， Henan Zhi 制 — northwest of Xingyangxian, Henan Kuai 部 一 northeast of Xinzhengxian 新 鄭 縣 ， Henan 14. Liu Wenhuan, Wenwu 1956 (3): 85-86. 15. See n. 12 above. 16. Zou Heng, Xia Shang Zhou Kaoguxue Lunwenji (Wenwu Press, 1980), sec. 3, chap. 4; Zhang Zhitan, "A Discussion of Bo, Shang, and Other Topics" (in Chinese), essay presented at the fourth annual meeting of the Society For the Study of Chinese Palaeography.

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Whether these place-names were the districts where the potters lived or the locations in which the pottery was sold or used cannot be determined without additional data. A large number of Warring States tombs have been excavated from within the territory of the state of Han. The most important may be said to be the cemetery at Fenshuiling 分 水 嶺 in Changzhi 長 治 in Shanxi. Since 1955 several excavations have been carried out,17 bringing to light more than fifty tombs dating from early to late Warring States period. Most of the tombs at Fenshuiling are the bushel-basket-shaped vertical pit type, and very few of them, such as tomb 35, have a single ramp. Large tombs have coffin, outer chamber, and deposits of pebbles and charcoal; they sometimes include double burials, possibly burials of husband and wife, similar to those of the Wei state tombs (see chapter 5). To take tomb no. 126 as an example, the tomb chamber is 8.4 m long north-south, and 6.7 m wide east-west, and it has a wooden chamber 6.25 m long. The chamber is filled around the four sides and at the bottom with pebbles and charcoal. On top of the roof of the chamber were found limb bones of cattle and horses, and also fragments of bronze vessels and of pottery. At the center of the chamber is a painted, lac­ quered coffin on which were pasted thin layers of gold. More than seven hundred objects, mostly bronzes, have been found buried with the dead. Some of the bronzes were decorated with bas-relief designs as well as inlaid gold designs, belonging in style to the early period of the Warring States, definitely not earlier than the early portions of the middle Warring States period. Among the gold inlaid objects is a lidded dou vessel,18 19.2 cm tall, its whole body covered with gleaming gilded gold designs of extraordinarily fine workmanship. It is similar to a vessel in the collec­ tion of the Freer Gallery of Art in Washington. This kind of bronze crafts­ manship is obviously a direct continuation of that of the state of Jin. The state of Wei originally had its capital in Anyi 安 邑 ， but moved it east to Daliang in the year 361 B.c. Anyi is located at Yuwangcun 禹 王 村 ， 7 Gm northwest of the present Xiaxian 夏縣 in 17. Commission for the Management of Cultural Relics, Shanxi Province,

Kaogu Xuebao 1957 (1) : 103-18; Commission for the Management of Cultural Relics of Shanxi Province and Archaeological Institute of Shanxi, 心 聊 1964 (3) : 113-36; Bian Chengxiu, Wenwu 1972 (4) : 38-43; Work Team in Southeast Shanxi of the Committee for Cultural Relic Work, Shanxi Province, and the Museum of Changzhi City of Shanxi Province, Kaogu Xuebao 1974 (2): 63-86. 18. Committee for the Excavation of the Archaeological Objects Unearthed in the People's Republic of China, Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Chutu Wenwu Zhanlan Zhanpin Xuanji (Wenwu Press, 1973), no. 65.

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67

Shanxi Province. This location has been investigated since the 1950s by the archaeological commission of Shanxi Province,19 and three seasons of archaeological work were undertaken by the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences.20 The present remains of the city enclosure include the "large city," the "middle city," and the "small city/' The middle city is located in the southwestern portion of the large city, and the small city is located at the center of the large city. The large city is in the shape of a trapezoid about 15.5 km in circumference, with the greatest remaining height of the wall being 8 m. According to an analysis of the remains, the large city was probably built in the Warring States period, and the small city was the palatial city within it, whereas the middle city was constructed at a later date. Items of Han dynasty pottery collected in this area have inscribed on them the characters "A n tin g " 安 亭 ， indicating that this was indeed the site of the ancient city Anyi.21 Daliang is located at the present city of Kaifeng 開 封 in Henan. Because of the repeated flooding of the Yellow River and the silting of the neighborhood, investigative work has been very difficult. Nonetheless, related to Daliang are the two Daliang Sikou 出 叹 大 梁 司 寇 麻 tripods in traditional bronze catalogues. The inscriptions of these two ding tripods are highly characteristic in both the format of the inscriptions and the style of the characters. These two can also be further correlated with a number of relevant bronze vessels, forming a set, and they were all dated to the reign of King Huiwang 惠 王 of the state of Wei. All of them are plain. These vessels are as follows: one ding tripod dated to the 19th year of the reign, 351 B.c.22 Two ding tripods and a min vessel23 dated to the 27th year of the reign or 343 B.c. (fig. 26). Then another ding tripod dated to the 30th year of the reign or 340 B.c. And another ding tripod and a he ^ vessel24 dated to the 35th year of the reign or 335 B.c. The name on some of the inscriptions, " A n ," 安 ， is the abbreviation of Anyi. This set of vessels may be used as a type set for Wei state vessels of the middle Warring States period. Very little archaeological work has been carried out on the city 19. Tao Zhenggang and Ye Xueming, 1952 (4/5) : 59- 65. 20. Shanxi Archaeological Team of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Kaogu 1963 (9): 474-79. 21. Ibid., fig. 5. 22. In Qiu Guangming article cited in n. 6 above, see fig. 6. 23. National Bureau of Standards, Zhongguo Gudai Du Liang Heng Tuji (Wenwu Press, 1981), appendixes 4 and 6. 24. Fig. 4, no. 1 in Qiu Guangming article cited in n. 6 above.

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26. One of the Daliang Sikou ding tripods

sites of the state of Wei, but data are more abundant in finds from tombs. Here the large graves at Shanbiaozhen 山 趣 级 in Jixian 汉 縣 ，and at Guweicun 固 園 奸 in Huixian 輝 縣 in Henan deserve especial mention. In Jixian, in fact, Wei state tombs had been found as early as third century A.D., during the reign of Emperor Wudi 武 帝 of the Jin 普 dynasty. At that time a large number of inscribed bamboo slips, bronze bells, musical stones, jade rules, bronze swords, and other objects were discovered in a tomb which has since been referred to as the Jizhong 汉 冢 ， or the Ji tomb.25 Among the bamboo slips from Jizhong was a booie referred to as the Jinzan 多己年(rAe ßamöoo i4nna/s), whose records end in the 20th year of the reign of King Xiangwang 襄 王 of Wei 魏 ， which is 298 B.c. From this we may infer that the tomb was a large one dated to an early phase of the late Warring States period. The tomb was located in the western suburb of Jixian in the Ji ^ district during the Jin dynasty. It is stated in the 炉 W 清 一 統 志 ， "The grave was twenty li to the west of the present Jixian/' which would place it in the neighbor­ hood of Shanbiaozhen. The Shanbiaozhen cemetery was discovered in 1928. Subse­ quently it was plundered, but in 1935 the staff of the Institute of History 25. Zhu Xizu, Ji Zhong Shu Kao (Peking: Zhonghua, 1960).

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and Philology of the Academia Sinica went there to excavate, resulting in the opening of a large grave, seven small graves, and one horse-andchariot pit.26 The large tomb was numbered Shanbiaozhen tomb no. 1. It was a square vertical pit grave without any ramps. The pit was 7.2 m long north-south, and 7.8 m wide east-west. In the pit were remains of a coffin and outer chamber, and deposits of pebbles and charcoal. A human sacrificial victim was found on each of the four sides of the coffin. The grave furnishings were numerous, numbering 1,447 in bronze arti­ facts alone (including a set of five ding tripods), and the typology of the artifacts is very similar to that of tomb no. 2717 of Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang, suggesting that the tomb can be dated to the later phase of the early Warring States period. The most noteworthy artifacts found in this tomb include a pair of bronze water basins with battle scenes (fig. 27), a 炉 戈 halberd with the inscription of the King of Zhou, and also a halberd from the state of Cai 蔡 with inlaid gold. Comparable to the Shanbiaozhen find is tomb no. 2040 of Houchuan 后川 in Shanxian 陕 縣 in Henan.27 This grave yielded more than 580 bronze artifacts, including three kinds of ding tripod sets. The artifacts are mostly similar to those from tomb no. 2717 of Zhongzhou Lu and tomb no. 1 of Shanbiaozhen. On the basis of its geographical location, it is probable that the Houchuan cemetery also belonged to the state of Wei. Guweicun of Huixian is located three km to the east of the county, and the cemetery is located about one km to the east of the village. Here there were three large graves, tombs no. 1-3, which were parallel to each other, and to their right were two accessory tombs, tombs no. 5 and 6. Taken all together these tombs formed a double circle cemetery. The cemetery was plundered from 1929 to 1930. In 1929 in Peking Karlbeck of Sweden purchased some fragments of the lacquered coffin and also the bronze animal mask placed on the coffin from Guweicun. Two years later he visited the site.28 In the meantime, frag­ ments of the lacquered coffin, fragments of the bronze ding tripod, gold ornaments, lacquered shell, and other objects went to Japan on the antiquities market.29 The lacquered water basin discussed by Umehara 26. Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen Yu Liulige (Science Press, 1959). 27. Archaeological Team of the Yellow River Reservoir, Kaogu 1958 (11): 67; Wang Shimin, Kaogu 1959 (5): 262. 28. Orvar Karlbeck, Treasure Seeker in China (London: The Cresset Press, 1957), chap. 8. 29. Teishitsu Hakubutsukan (Imperial Household Museum), Shü-Kan Ihô (Tokyo, 1932), pis. 7-8.

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27. Design on the jian basin with battle scenes on water and land

and Mizuno30 also came from Guweicun. In May and June of 1937, the Institute of History and Philology of the Academia Sinica undertook archaeological excavations here, and in 1951 the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences completed the excavational work.31 On the surface of the ground where the large graves were located in Guweicun were architectural relics including aprons, foundation stones for pillars, platforms, cylindrical tiles, flat tiles, and eaves30. Umehara Sueji and Mizuno Seiichi, Kokka, ser. 42. no. 7. 31. Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Huixian Fajue Baogao (Science Press, 1956).

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28. The cemetery at Guweicun, Huixian

tiles. Each of the three tombs had two ramps (fig. 28). To take M-l as an example, the chamber of the tomb was 18.8 m long north-east and 17.7 m wide east-west. The northern ramp was more tiîan 47 m long and the southern ramp was more than 125 m long. There was a wooden chamber of horse chariots yielding two chariots. The walls inside the tomb cham­ ber were plastered in greenish-white. On the upper rim of the walls were painted the shapes of parapets. The wooden chamber was con­ structed with two layers of timber. Sand was used as fill between the two layers. Because the tomb had been plundered earlier, it has yielded only some pottery and an occasional bronze vessel, but there was a set of nine pottery ding tripods that are indicative of the status of the master of the tomb in the rank of the lords. The other tombs also yielded very few remains. The two accessory tombs have each yielded a human sacrificial victim in the wall niche, which is also very noteworthy. From both tomb no. 1 and tomb no. 2 at Guweicun came Wei state currency in the form of round-crotched bu ^ coins inscribed with

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the character "L iang" 梁 • These were undoubtedly minted after King Huiwang of Wei moved his capital. Both in typology and yields, the tombs are similar to the tomb of the King of Zhongshan 中山 excavated recently in Pingshan 平 山 of Hebei (see chapter 6), and could therefore be dated to about 300 B.c. From their scale and chronology, they could be the tombs of King Huiwang 惠 王 of Wei (died 319 B.c.) or King Xiangwang 裏 王 of Wei (died 296 B.C.). However, this place was called Gong 灰 at the time, and it is at a considerable distance from Daliang, the capital of Wei. Therefore, the question of the identity of the tomb masters still requires further research. A pottery vessel found from tomb no. 1 of Guweicun has on it two characters, ?Tao B o " 构 白， representing the name of the potter. They are written in a very rare pottery script of the state of Wei. Recently at the Pinggao 平 朵 village north of Wenxiang 溫 縣 of Henan an ancient city site was found. The city walls were more than 4,000 m in circumference. From inside the city in the southeastern portion were collected Warring States period pottery inscriptions including such characters as "X inggong" 开 p公*32 Xing is the abbreviated name of Xingqiu flp A , This is another example in which the name of the site was iden­ tified on the basis of pottery inscriptions. The state of Zhao originally had its capital in Jinyang 晋 陽 . In 425 B.c. the state moved its capital to Zhongmou 中 牟 （in the western part of Hebi 鶴壁 city of present-day Henan). In 386 B.c. the state again moved its capital, this time to Handan 都 郭 . Jinyang is southwest of the present-day city of Taiyuan 太原 of Shanxi. In 1961, archaeologists undertook investigations there and discovered a city site dated to the Eastern Zhou period with a north-south length of about 4,500 m.33 The old city of Handan, located in the present city of Handan in Hebei, was investigated in 1940 by a group of Japanese archaeologists,34 who brought to light a number of Warring States remains, such as two cylindrical eaves-tiles with a pattern consisting of four leaves and an animal, in an area called Longtai 龍台 in the traditional city of Zhaowangcheng 趙 王 城 to the soutîiwest of the present city of Handan. After Liberation, through a series of systematic investigations, it was dis32. Shang Zhou Team of the Archaeology Program of Peking University, Insitute of Archaeology of Shanxi Province, Bureau of Culture of the Anyang and Xinxiang Districts of Henan Province, and Museum of the Xiaogan District in Hubei Province, Wenwu 1982 (7): 1-16. 33. Xie Wuanlu and Zhang Han, Wenwu 1962 (4/5): 55-58. 34. Far Eastern Archaeological Society, Handan (1954).

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29. The old city of Handan

covered that the scope of the city of Handan was much larger than had been expected.35 Through the surveys of 195836 and the more intensive investigations of 1970,37 archaeologists have shown that beneath the present city of Handan is a vast area of ancient city ruins (fig. 29). The old city of Handan consisted of two parts, Zhaowangcheng 趙 王 城 and Dabeicheng 大 北 城 ， Zhaowangcheng was further divided into the "east city," the "west city," and the "north city,” occupying altogether an area of 5,050,000 square meters. The remaining city wall 35. Hou Renzhi, "The Changes of the City Site of Handan and the Geographical Background of the Rise and Fall of the City#/ (in Chinese), in his Lishi Dili Xue Di Lilun Yu Shijian (Shanghai: People's Press, 1979). 36. Editorial Committee of Wenwu, Wenwu Kaogu Gongzuo Sanshinian (Wenwu Press, 1979), p. 41. 37. Institute of the Conservation of Cultural Relics of Handan City, Kaogu 1980 (2): 142-46.

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has a maximum height of 8 m. Inside the city are more than a dozen earthen platforms and Aan黑加务 土 platforms, referred to locally as Longtai 龍台 , Nanjiangtai 南 將 合 ，and Beijiangtai 北 將 台 , that are indicative of an area of palatial architecture. The largest of these platforms is Longtai. The remaining height is 9 m. The other city, Dabeicheng, is largely rectangular in shape, about 4,800 m north-south and about 3,200 m east-west, and in the city were found sites of many handicraft work­ shops.38 On the Han dynasty pottery found in this area one finds pottery inscriptions with the characters "H anting" 邯 亭 ，substantiating use of the name of Han 邯 at that time.39 In the area of Baijiacun 百 家 村 ，northwest of the old city of Handan, was a cemetery of the Warring States period which could be used to typify the tombs of the state of Zhao. These were first inves­ tigated in 195740 and then extensively in 1959.41 The tombs here are all of the rectangular vertical pit grave type. Most of them have ercengtai 二廣台， or "second level platforms," and a few of them have an earthen mound or piles of pebbles on top. Both of the larger graves contain sacrificial human victims, and the excavators pointed out accordingly that "the use of human sacrifice to accompany the dead members of the ruling class of the state of Zhao was in widespread existence/'42 One example is tomb no. 3. The base of the tomb is 4.8 m long, which is middling in scale, but it has three sacrificial victims、 Near the victims were found belt buckles, jade rings, and bronze rings, indicating that rather well-decorated garments were worn by the victims at the time of burial. From a bronze ge halberd found in this tomb came the inscription "Handanshang” 邯 鄲 上 .43 From the artifactual remains, especially bronze mirrors, the date of the tomb here seems close to that of tomb no. 126 at Fenshuiling in Changzhi. At the old city of Handan a few pottery inscriptions have been collected. Inscribed potsherds have also been collected at the ancient city of Wuji 午 汉 at Wuanxian 武 安 縣 ， which neighbors on Handan.44 Most of these pottery inscriptions of the state of Zhao of the Warring States 38. Chen Guangtang, Wenwu 1981 (12) : 85-86. 39. Fig. 5 of article cited in n. 37 above. 40. Peking University and the Handan Archaeological Team of the Bureau of Culture of Hebei Province, Kaogu 1957 (10): 531-36. 41. Archaeology Team of the Bureau of Culture of Hebei Province, Kaogu 1962 (12): 613-34. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid., fig. 16. 44. Hebei Provincial Museum and the Department of Management of Cultural Relics of Hebei, Hebeisheng Chutu Wenwu Xuanji (Wenwu Press, 1980), pi. 14.

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were impressed with ordinary private seals, a feature that was rarely seen in the other states. In 1960 a bronze pi ^ spear was discovered at Baiyangcheng 白 陽 城 in Cixian 磁 縣 ， south of Handan. It has an inscription that begins with the phrase "Wang lishi/’45 A 客e halberd found in 1976 at Yaotoucun 客 頭 村 in Linxian 臨 縣 in Shanxi46 has an mscription that begins with the phrase "Wang He lishi." Wang He refers to King Hui wen waiig 惠 文 王 of Zhao, who reigned between 298 and 266 B.C. These sorts of weapons were regarded in the past as typical of the state of Yan or the state of Qi. This attribution has proved to be inappropriate. Belonging to the same type as the pi spear from Cixian are such well-known spears as the Chunpinghou pi, ïianxinjun pi, Shouxiang Dupo pi (i.e., Lian Po). Many of these have been seen in published and unpublished collections in China and abroad, and some of them are even accompanied by provenance data. Related to these swords are some mao 矛 spearheads. Huang Shengzhang has published a study on this topic.47 The three names given the pi spears, Chunpinghou, Jianxinjun, and Lian Po were all ministers of the state of Zhao during the reigns of the last three lords of the state of Zhao at the end of the Warring States period. These pi spears are similar in typology to the Han-state pi found at Baimiaofan of Xinzheng, and also to the Qin pi spears found in the tomb of Qin Shi Huang, all dated to the very end of the Warring States, which is the period when this type of weapon was prevalent. However, some weapons that are called Zhao state weapons in collections are fakes. In speaking of the state of Zhao, one must surely mention the artifacts found at AÏiaopo 扇 坡 near Liyucun 李 略 村 in Hunyuanxian 渾 源 縣 in Shanxi in 1923. They are mostly bronze vessels, anä most of them have gone out of the country. Oniy a few now remain in the Shanghai Museum.48 According to descriptions by both Chinese and foreign scholars from the 1930s,49 the artifacts include not only bronzes but also fragments of lacquerware, potsherds, bone and horn artifacts, and small shell and jade artifacts. In 1964 Zhang Han 張領 and others visited the locality and made a collection of bronze artifacts. Some of these were originally collected in 45. Ibid., no. 101. 46. Committee on Cultural Relics Work, Shanxi Province, Shanxi Chutu Wenwu (1980), no. 118. 47. See Huang Shengzhang article cited in n. 5 above. 48. Ma Chengyuan, Wenwu 1960 (4): 79-80. 49. Shang Chengzuo, Hunyuan Yiqi Tu (Nanking: Institute of Chinese Culture of Nanking University, 1936); Umehara Sueji, Sen於 D获 i JVo üre«/： X K y o to : Töhö Bunka Gakken, 1936).

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1933 at Muguayan 木 瓜 堰 ， which is less than one km away from Miaopo, and others came from Miaopo itself (fig. 30). In their judgment, the location was an Eastern Zhou cemetery covering an area of about 500,000 square meters. The bronzes from Miaopo in Liyucun are rich in decorative patterns in relief that are similar to the decorative patterns on the pottery molds of the late period at Houma. On the basis of the form of the artifacts and also from the inscriptions on some of the vessels, one can determine that this collection can be dated to very early in the Warring States period. The area of Hunyuan in the late Spring and Autumn period belonged to the state of Dai 代 ， which was established by the Bei Rong 北 成 people. The state of Dai was conquered and exterminated by Zhao in 475 B.C., the first year of Zhaoxiangzi 趙 襄 子 • Zhaoxiangzi gave Dai to the son of his elder brother. The nature of the Liyucun bronzes has been the subject of much speculation because of the lack of compara­ tive material. Looking at them now we can say that, although some of their features are similar to the artifacts found in the state of Yan, such as

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at the site of Jiagezhuang 赏 各 庄 in Tangshan 唐 山 ， the so-called north­ ern characteristics are not prominent, and they basically belong to the tradition of Jin. It is, therefore, possible that the Liyucun cemetery contained the tombs of people of Zhao after the fall of the state of Dai, and date to a period slightly earlier than tomb no. 1 of Shanbiaozhan. Whether there is truth to this speculation will have to be borne out by future excavations.

5 The States in the Vicinity of Jin

The enfeoffment of the state of Jin took place in the area where the Rong 成 and Di 狄 peoples and the Huaxia 華 发 people lived intermingled. For that reason it states under the 4th year of Duke Ding ^ in the Zuo Zhuan that "the charge was given to him [Duke Ding] as contained in the Announcement of Kang, and the old capital Xia was assigned as the center of his state. He was to commence his government according to the principles of Xia but his boundaries were defined by the rules of the Rong/' In the Eastern Zhou period the number of states of lords sub­ jugated by the state of Jin was second only to the number subjugated by the state of Chu, and many of the smaller states that were absorbed into the state of Jin belonged to the Rong and Di ethnic groups, but many of them also were Huaxia people. When Han 韓 ， ZÉao 起 ， and Wei 魏 divided Jin, first Zhao vanquished the state of Dai, which belonged to the Bei Rong 北 式 people. Following that, the state of Han subjugated the state of Zheng 如 ， which was a state established by the Ji 益 clan. The state of Wei another state of the Ji clan that continued to be impor­ tant during the Spring and Autumn period, finally "carved out an existence as a dependent of Wei 魏 广 1 In this chapter a brief description will be given of the lords' states that were vanquished by the state of Jin and are represented by archaeological material, with emphasis on the states of Zheng 鄭 and Wei 衡 ， located in the Central Plains. Among the lords absorbed into the state of Jin in the early phase of the Spring and Autumn period were the states of Xun 苟 and Jia 貧, both of them states of the Ji clan and both subjugated by Duke Wugong 武公 of Jin.1 2 Indeed, the state of Xun was a state with the same clan name as the Zhou, as demonstrated by several excavated bronzes. The Xunhou 1. Gu Guanguang, Qi Guo Dili Kao (1902), vol. 5, p. 14. 2. Chen Pan, Chun Qiu Da Shi Biao Lie Guo Jue Xing Ji Cun Miebiao Xuan Yi (Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, 1969), pp. 48-49.

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31. Yi vessel of Xunhou found at Shangguocun, Wenxi

苟 候 盤 water basin of late Western Zhou period was brought to light in 1961 at Changjiapo 張 家 坡 in Changanxian 長 安 縣 of Shaanxi,3 and in 1974 the Xunhou jyi 苟 侯 區 （fig. 31) and Jiazi 赏 子 區 water pitchers were found at Shangguocun Ï 郭村 in Wenxi 聞喜 of Shanxi.4 As we

3. Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Chang'an Zhangjiapo Xi Zhou Tongqi Qun (Wenwu Press, 1965), pi. 17, no. 2. 4. Committee for Cultural Relics Work, Shanxi Province, Shanxi Chutu Wenwu (1980), no. 66-67. Cf. Li Xueqin, ''Re-evaluation of Ancient Civilization of China" (in Chinese), in Xian Qin Shi Lunwenji: Supplement to Renwen Zazhi (1982), pp. 1-8.

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discussed in the previous chapter, Wenxi was the location of the capital city of Duke Wugong 武公 of Jin, Quwo 曲 沃 • The two Xun and Jia bronzes were dated to early Eastern Zhou and were possibly among the artifacts captured by the Jin when Jin vanquished Xun and Jia. The story of the conquest of the state of Guo 虢 by Duke Xiangong 农 公 of Jin by way of the state of Yu 虞 is well known. Yu is located in tÈe northeast of Pinglu 平 陸 of Shanxi, and Guo is located in Shanxian 陕 縣 of Henan. The battle to conquer Guo began in 658 B.c. and ended in 655 B.c. with the conquest of Yu and Guo. The year of the downfall of both states is certain. As for the state of Yu, so far only a very small number of its bronze vessels have been found. In 1979 the cultural relics shop of Shanxi Province purchased a Yuhouzheng hu 虞 候 政 壶 vessel (fig. 32).5 It seems to be datable to the interim between the two Zhou dynasties, with an inscription similar to that of the Jiazi yi in style and structure. The form of the character Yu in the inscription of this hu vessel is identical to the present version of the character and it does not have the same form as the character Wu, As we know, previous scholars often maintained that in ancient times the two characters Yu ^ and Wu 吳 were interchangeable.6 Because of this view many of the Wu vessels of the Spring and Autumn period have been regarded as belonging to the state of Yu in present-day Shanxi Province. The discovery of this hu vessel, however, has called this perspective into question. In fact, there are two Yusikou Aw 虞 司 寇 壺 vessels in published collections, and in their inscriptions the character Yu is also identical in form to its present version; it is not in the form of Wu. The spot where the Yuhouzheng hu vessel was discovered is apparently quite far from Pingluxian County. Possibly the vessel was brought to its present location by the Jin people. As for the state of Guo 虢 ， because of the excavation of a ceme­ tery of the state of Guo at Shangcunling 上 村 嶺 in the city of Sanmenxia 三户 1 峽 of Henan Province from 1956 to 1957,7 we have a better under­ standing of the condition of that state’s culture. Shangcunling is located 4.7 km east of Shanxian 陕 縣 • The cemetery is on a relatively flat slope south of Shangcunling in an area 280 m long north-south and 200 m wide east-west. Two hundred thirtyfour burials, 3 horse-and-chariot pits, and 1 horse pit were excavated from the cemetery. All of these burials were of the vertical shaft pit 5. Zeng Guangliang, Wenwu 1980 (7) : 46. 6. Gu Tinglin, 及i Z/iî Lm, vol. 7, subtitled "Yu Zhong”， Sibubeiyao edition. 7. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Shangcunling Guoguo Mudi (Science Press, 1959). Cf. Lin Shoujin, The Journal of the Institute of Chinese Culture (Chinese University of Hong Kong), vol. 9, pt. 1 (1978) : 1-16.

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32. The Yuhouzheng hu vessel

grave type, many of them contained a coffin and a wooden chamber, and five of them yielded a so-called waist pit in which dogs were buried. On top of the coffin or wooden chamber was often placed a stone tablet. Most of the tomb masters had their heads pointing toward the north and were associated with such ornaments as que 块 rings and necklaces. Most of the larger graves were furnished with bronze vessels.8 It is our view that among the most important bronze-yielding tombs from Shangcunling, the earliest tombs were tombs no. 1631, 1601, 1612, and 1753. Following these in date were tombs no. 1706 and 1819, 8. See first work cited in n. 7 ahove.

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and next were tombs no. 1052, 1705, and 1820. Tomb no. 1704 was possibly the latest. This is an estimation based on a sériation of the form and decorative pattern of the bronze vessels. Tomb no. 1631 yielded a bronze Zi 高 tripod made by a Guojishi 虢 季 氏 official with its inscription indicating that the maker or the master of the vessel was Guojisüi Zi Zuo 號 季 氏 子 故 • Guo Moruo 郭 沐 若 pointed out that the name of this same person appeared in an inscription of a ding tripod in past publications by the name of Zi Zuo, the Duke Wengong 文公 of Guo.9 We know that Duke Wengong of Guo did live during the reign of King Xuanwang 宣 王 in the late Western Zhou period, and that he was a duke of West Guo. The Zi Bo 子 白 ，Duke Xuangong 宣公 of Guo of West Bo, was also called Guo Jizi Bo 號 季 子 白 . The ôuo Jizi Bo pan 號 季 子 白 盤 he made had long been known from Baoji 寶轉 in Shaanxi.101The Zi found in tomb no. 1631 of Shangcunling indicates that the state of Guo at this place was indeed, as stated by the Shui Jing (under the commentary "Weishui,,)/ re-established in its present location as West Guo, after having moved east with the royal house of the Zhou dynasty. Tomb no. 1052 is 5.8 m long at its opening and is the largest tomb in this cemetery (fig. 33). It has two wooden chambers and a coffin. "On the lid of the outer chamber was placed a stone 客e 戈 halberd (or a stone tablet). In the space between the outer and the inner chambers, bronze vessels and bronze bells were placed at the northeast corner, a chariot and horse fittings were placed in the northwest corner, and weapons were placed on the eastern and western sides. Inside the coffin, near the location corresponding to the ears of the deceased, were jade que ÿk earrings, near the neck was a long necklace of chicken-blood stones, and at the bosom were stone disks bi 璧 11 Among the bronze objects were a set of bells and a set of seven ding tripods. To the west of the tombs was a large horse-and-chariot pit yielding ten chariots and twenty horses. From the inscription of the bronze 炉 戈 halberd in the tomb, we know the tomb master was Crown Prince Yuan 元 of the state of Guo. Tomb no. 1052 was the tomb of highest status in that area; this indicates that the tomb of the lords of the state of Guo must have been located elsewhere. In addition to vessels of the Guo state, the tombs at Shangcunling also yielded several bronze vessels of the state of Su 蘇 • Su was established by the Ji 己 clan and was located southwest of present-day 9. GuoMoruo, Wenum 1959 (1): 13-15. 10. Cf. Tang Lan, "The Date and Historical Significance of the Guo Jizi Bo Pan" (in Chinese), Guangming Ribao, June 1, 1950. 11. See p. 28 of first work cited in n. 7 above.

33. Tomb no. 1052 at the Shangcunling cemetery in Sanmenxia

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Wenxian 溢 縣 of Henan.12 As discussed in the report of the excavations, the inscriptions of several vessels indicate that the states of Guo and Su were intermarrying states through generations.13 This intermarrying relationship must have been established after the eastern movement of West Guo. The significant value of the cemetery of Shangcunling lies in the fact that the cemetery can be precisely dated to a period of about one hundred twenty years, from the eastern movement of King Pingwang of Zhou to the end of the state of Guo. The cemetery yielded a relatively large number of tombs, and in these tombs were found a relatively large number of pottery and bronze vessels. Their date is slightly earlier than the upper limit of the tombs at Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang, and, there­ fore, this assemblage can be used as the type site for the early years of Eastern Zhou dynasty in the area of the Central Plains. In 1957 and 1958 another archaeological site was found at Lijiayao 李 家 客 ，4.5 km southeast of the city of Shanxian 陕 縣 • The site, which is 1,300 m long east-west and 260 m wide north-south, has yielded storage pits and potsherds, tiles, and other remains. Some of the pottery is very similar to the pottery found in the tombs at Shangcunling. The investigators believe that this could be the site of the city of Shangyang 上 陽 ， which according to texts was once capital of the state of Guo.14 Like the state of Guo, the state of Zheng also moved eastward from the west. Zheng was the last lord of the state to be enfeoffed by Western Zhou. The founding lord was You 友 ， younger brother of King Xuanwang 宣王 of Zhou. He was enfeoffed at Zheng 鄭 （now Huaxian 華 縣 of SÜaanxi) in 806 B.c., and was known as Duke Huangong 桓 公 of Zheng. During the reign of King Youwang 幽 王 of Zhou, Duke Huangong of Zheng moved a portion of his people and the state's wealth to the area of the present Xinzheng 新 鄭 in Henan in view of the critical situation faced by Western Zhou, and they were accepted by East Guo and the state of Kuai 部 ， which were then in the Xinzheng area. When Western Zhou fell, Duke Huangong 桓 公 of Zheng died. His son Duke Wugong 武公 moved east, vanquisiied East Guo and the state of Kuai and became an important lord to the south of the capital of Zhou. The ancient capital city of Zheng in the Eastern Zhou period subsequently became the capital city of the state of Hanf as described earlier. Before the removal of the state of Zheng to the Xinzheng area, the population inhabiting Xinzheng and its surrounding regions was rather mixed. There is some description in Guoyu (section "Zhengyu/,), espe12. Cf. Li Xueqin, Jianghan Luntan 1980 (2): 74-77. 13. See p. 51 of first work cited in n. 7 above. 14. Ibid., p. 50.

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dally stating that the people "between Xie 謝 and Xia 郏 ，" namely, in the area from present Xiaxian 郏 縣 to Nanyang 南陽 of Henan, "had not been assimilated by the Zhou culture." In 1953, an assemblage of bronzes was discovered in Taipuxiang 太 僕 鄉 in Xiaxian. Their typology and decorative patterns were for the most part similar to those from Shangcunling, belonging to the earlier period of the Spring and Autumn. It is particularly noteworthy that several pieces were inscribed with pictographic emblems; examples are a pictograph depicting a person walking under the sun and a pictograph of two footprints. These are the latest examples of such emblems after the Shang dynasty.15 This indi­ cates that archaic cultures persisted in this area and became assimilated only after the rule of the state of Zheng, a situation consistent with the description of "Cheng Yu” 鄭 語 . In 1923, a large tomb was discovered at Lijialou 李 家 樓 in Xinzheng County, which was in the southeastern portion of the inner city of the city of Zheng. The relevant reports of the find are contained in the following titles: Jiang Hongyuan ^ '^ 7 0 : Xinzheng Chutu Guqi tuzhi 新 鄭 出 土 古 器 圖 志 ， 1923 Guan Baiyi閼 百 益 ：XinzAe% Gt/çi如Zw新 鄭 古 器 圖 錄 ， 1929 Guan Baiyi: ffemrn JinsA/Ü a/ 对 南 金 石 志 固 ， volume 1, 1932 Sun Haipo 孫 海 波 ：XiwzAen客 新 鄭 弈 器 ， 1937 Guan Baiyi: 叹 Gt/# 如fccw 鄭 冢 古 器 圖 考 ，194〇 The Jiang volume has the original photos of the unearthed objects and includes a diagram of the grave pit. For the study of artifacts, however, the Sun book is the most complete. Among the bronze artifacts that came to light, twenty-two are now preserved in Taiwan.16 Because the Lijialou bronzes were not excavated scientifically, we can only enumerate those that are still available. There are eightyeight ritual vessels and musical instruments.17 However, the ding ^ tripod sets found in the tomb, including a set of six and another set of five, may not be complete (fig. 34).18 There are eight gui vessels. Usually the eight gui vessels would be matched with nine ding tripods to be in conformity with the regulation governing the first class of lords. This must be the grave of the lord of a state, from the standpoint of its 15. Tang Lan, Wenwu 1954 (5): 38-40. 16. Tan Danjung, Xinzheng Tongqi (Taipei: Zhonghua Congshu, 1977). 17. Guo Baojun, Shang Zhou Tongqiqun Zonghe Yanjiu (Wenwu Press, 1981) chap. 4, sec. 2. 18. Du Naisong, Kaogu 1976 (1): 17-21.

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34. Two types of ding tripods found at the large tomb at Lijialou in Xinzheng

scale and the number of its associated vessels, and it likely is the grave of a lord of the state of Zheng. Among its bronze vessels is a ding tripod with a very long inscription, but because of erosion the inscription is not complete. In addition, there is a piece of rectangular warming stove with a chain­ shaped handle, with an inscription indicating that it was made by a certain Wangzi Yingci All the discussions in the past concern­ ing the dating of the Lijialou large tomb started from a discussion of the inscription on this warming stove. Wang Guowei 王 國 、 維 first pointed out that ''this vessel is dissimilar to the other vessels found at the same time in quality and manufacture. 〃He believed that this vessel belonged to Zi Zhong 子 重 ， a Lingyin, or prime minister, of the state of Chu. The tomb of Xinzheng must, therefore, be dated to a period right after the defeat of Zi Zhong at the battle of Yanling 鄢 陵 in 575 B.c.19 Guo Moruo, however, believed that this vessel belonged to Zi Ying 子 要 of Zheng, dating the tomb to around 680 B.c.20 Tang Lan, on the other hand, presented the view that this tomb "could be the tomb of a lord or a king of the state of Zheng, after Zheng had been vanquished by the state of Han and moved their capital to Xinzheng.’’21 In other words, Tang dates the tomb to the Warring States period. Such are the diverse opinions of the various scholars concerning the dating of the tomb. 19. Wang Guowei, "Postscript to Wang Zi Ying Ci Lu" (in Chinese), in his Guang Tang Jilin, vol. 18. 20. Guo Moruo, "An Examination of Some of the Vessels from Xinzheng” (in Chinese), in his Jinwen Zongkao (Science Press, 1954). 21. See n. 15 above.

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In 1965, in a new monograph entitled Shang Zhou Tongqiqun Zonghe Yanjiu (A Comprehensive Study of Shang and Zhou Bronze As­ semblages), Guo Baojun |p compared the Lijialou assemblage of Xinzheng with the bronze artifacts from Shangcunling in Sanmenxia and from Shangmacun of Houma, and he concluded that as a result of this comparison this Xinzheng assemblage cannot be as early as Guo Moruo stated, nor can it be as late as the Warring States. Subsequently others have pointed out the similarity of the Xinzheng assemblage with Period 2 of the Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang and tomb no. 13 of Shangmacun in Houma. These opinions are correct. The Wangzi Yingci stove was as Wang Guowei stated indeed manufactured by Zi Zhong, the Lingyin of Chu. This is corroborated by inscriptions on the Wangzi Yingci bell now in the collection of the Palace Museum of Peking. The artifacts from Lijialou are closest to those from tomb no. 13 of Shangmacun. The latter, as described earlier, were dated to the middle and late phases of the Spring and Autumn period. The lord of the state of Zheng who was buried here most likely was Duke Chenggong 成公 of Zheng, who died in 571 B.C., or possibly Duke Xigong 也 公 of Zheng, who died in 566 B.c. In 1965 and again in 1975, archaeological surveys disclosed a number of rectangular vertical pit graves in the neighborhood of the Lijialou tomb.22 One of these tombs has been excavated, and dates to a period similar to the large grave. In addition, both inside and outside the city of Zheng a number of Spring and Autumn period tombs have been found, and these should all belong to the state of Zheng. For example, in 1976 a cemetery of 39 tombs was discovered at Tanghu 唐户 in Xinzhengxian about 12 km southwest of the city of Zheng.23 All the tombs there were rectangular pit graves. Chronologically these burials provide a relatively complete series of Zheng state tombs from late Western Zhou to the Spring and Autumn period. The bronzes from tomb no. 1 are similar for tiie most part to those from the large burial of Lijialou, providing additional evidence for the date of the large tomb. The state of Wei 衛 was founded by Kang Shu 康 叔 ， a younger brother of King Wuwang 武 王 of Zhou. It was a very important lords’ state from the Western Zhou period through the Spring and Autumn. The capital of Wei was originally located at Zhaoge 知 歌 ， a capital at the 22. Xinzheng Station of Henan Provincial Museum, and the Museum of Culture of Xinzheng County, Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 3:56-66. 23. Commission for the Management of Cultural Relics of the Kaifeng District, Commission for the Management of Cultural Relics of Xinzheng County, and Archaeolog­ ical Program of the History Department of Zhengzhou University, Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 2:45-65.

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end of the Shang dynasty, but during the Spring and Autumn period, under pressure from the Di 狄 tribe, it was moved to Chuqiu 楚 丘 ， east of present-day Huaxian 滑 縣 of Henan. Subsequently it was further moved to Diqiu ♦ 丘 in Puyang 旗 陽 of Henan. During the Warring States period, the state of Wei lost its independent status among the multitude of hegemonies, and finally the capital was moved by Qin to Yewang 野 王 ， now in Qinyang 批 陽 of Henan. Finally Wei was exterminated under Emperor Ershi 二 世 of Qin. Wei was the only lords’ state from the Zhou dynasty that continued nominally after the unification of the Qin empire. The principal archaeological discoveries from the state of Wei are the late phase tombs from Xincun 辛 村 in Xunxian 濬 縣 and the cemetery at Liulige 琉 璃 閣 in Huixian 輝 縣 ， both in Henan Province and both excavated mainly in the 1930s, although some additional work was undertaken at Liulige in recent years. All the unearthed artifacts are now in Taiwan. The cemetery in Xincun, discovered in 1931,24 served as a cemetery for the Wei state from the beginning of the Zhou dynasty, and from it were brought to light very important artifacts from the earlier phases of the Western Zhou. Among the later-phase tombs are tombs no. 17, 5, and 24. All three were severely plundered. Tomb 17 and tomb 5 at Xincun were placed east to west about 6 m apart. They each had two ramps and were identical in structure. The pits were 6.5 m long and 5 m wide. In the northern ramp of tomb no. 17 were a human sacrificial victim and dog bones. At a spot about 40 m southeast of both tombs was horse-and-chariot pit no. 3, which yielded twelve chariots, seventy-two horses, and eight dogs. The bronze artifacts yielded reveal that these tombs and the chariot burial pit belong to a late phase of the early Spring and Autumn period. The string ornament of red agates found in tomb no. 5 was sim­ ilar to the necklace from the tomb of the state of Guo in Shangcunling. In this tomb a woman's hair ornament was also found, suggestive of the sex of the tomb master. A bronze li tripod allegedly found in this tomb25 bears an inscription which can be reaä as: "X Jiang, Lady of Wei, made this li tripod for use on journeys/' Accordingly, tombs no. 17 and 5 were probably those of a lord of Wei and his lady, the lord being possibly Duke Huigong 惠公 of Wei (died 669 B.c.) or Duke Yigong 懿公 of Wei (died 660 B.C.). After Duke Yigong, Wei moved its capital elsewhere, and the cemetery at Xincun was probably no longer in use. The cemetery of Liulige was probably opened after the removal 24. Guo Baojun, Junxian Xincun (Science Press, 1964). 25. Ibid., pi. 61, no. 4.

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of the Wei state capital to Chuqiu. Although there is no inscriptional material indicating that the cemetery belonged to the state of Wei, we are quite certain that this was indeed a cemetery of the Wei nobility on the basis of historical geography and the scope of the burials. Liulige was located about 1 km east of Huixian, and it was excavated from 1935 to 1937 by staff from the Institute of History and Philology of Academia Sinica and the Henan Provincial Museum.26 Most of the yielded artifacts are now in Taiwan, but a portion of the results of the Henan Provincial Museum excavations ended up back in Henan. In recent years the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences has also undertaken some diggings there.27 Altogether eighty Eastern Zhou tombs have been excavated. The material excavated in the 1930s has not yet been completely published. According to the published data,28 the Liulige cemetery was divided into three regions, their respective important burials being: East region—tomb A, tomb B, tomb no. 80, tomb no. 55, tomb no. 130 (excavated after Liberation) Middle region—tomb no. 60 Western region—tomb no. 1, tomb no. 56, tomb no. 59, tomb no. 75, tomb no. 76 Confucius is quoted in the "Tangong" 檀弓 section of the Lÿf as saying that "the accessory burials of the people of Wei were placed apart." The Xincun tombs 17 and 5 described earlier were indeed tombs buried together but in different graves. At Liulige tombs A and B and tombs 80 and 55 were burials bearing a similar relationship. The conditions of tomb A and tomb B are not very well known. Both were wooden chamber graves, the wooden chamber said to be built of Cyprus planks of a deep yellow color. In scope tomb A was apparently larger than B. Nearby there are large horse-and-chariot pits, which re­ main unexcavated. Those bronzes found in the tombs that are now in the collection of the Henan Provincial Museum have been partially included in a catalogue yet to be published.29 Some of those in Taiwan have also been published.30 Most of the bronzes came from tomb A. Some vessels 26. Shi Zhangru, Kaogu Nianbiao (Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, 1952). 27. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Huixian Fajue Baogao (Science Press, 1956). 28. Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhen Yu Liulige (Science Press, 1959). 29. Henan Provincial Museum, Wenwu 1965 (5): 1-2. 30. Bao Zunpeng, Yin Zhou Qingtongqi Qiuzhen (Taiwan, 1957).

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35. Handleless and dui vessels found at tombs A and B at Liulige, Huixian

retained in form the types of early phases of the Spring and Autumn period, such as the gui vessel with tile patterns and three small feet underneath a ring foot and the pu IS vessel with hollowed-out decora­ tive patterns on the ring foot, but at the same time new forms and decorative designs also appeared (fig. 35). On the whole, we believe they should be dated to the middle part of the Spring and Autumn period. Tomb A yielded a set of nine ding tripods as well as a H bell set, a zhong ä bell set, and a set of qing ^ stones and other musical instruments, and also such weapons as ge, mao, shu 9L sword, and arrow points. Particularly noteworthy was a bronze short sword with a gold handle 31 cm long, found in the northeast corner of tomb A. From the tomb also came two sets of jade pendants and other finely manufactured jades. In tomb B were also found a number of jades and also 210 imitation cowry shells of bone and 1,548 imitation cowry shells of bronze.31 It appears, thus, that tomb A was the tomb of a Wei lord and tomb B was possibly that of his lady. Tomb no. 80 contained seven ding tripods as well as weapons. Tomb no. 55 was only 4.5 m to its right, and it too yielded seven ding tripods. The interrelationship of these two tombs was probably the same as that between tombs A and B. A halberd found from tomb no. 80 bears an inscription with the name of a lord similar to the din客 tripod inscription which is no. 79 of Z/wm Jinu/en Lwjyi 商 周 金 文 錄 遺 • Many of the artifacts from these two tombs are similar to those from 31. Ibid.

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Lijialou of Xinzheng and Shangmacun of Houma. For example, the de­ corative patterns on the ding tripod set are said to be "'almost identicar" to those of Lijialou.32 The square hu vessel fröm tomb no. 55 is also very similar to the famous square Aw vessel with lotus and crane designs from Lijialou. Both of these must be tombs of princes of Wei in the early phase of the late Spring and Autumn period. Tomb no. 60 yielded a set of nine ding tripods, indicating the tomb to be on the level of lord of a state. The yield in bronzes, ritual vessels, musical instruments, weapons, chariot and horse fittings, and inplements was very rich. Of the ritual and musical instruments alone, there are ninety. The jades were also very finely made. In addition there are artifacts wrapped in gold; for example, from the middle part of the coffin came a bronze sword, with an ivory sheath, 24.3 cm long. Both the handle and the hilt of the sword were wrapped in gold sheets .2 mm in thickness. The head of the sword was decorated in hollowed-out inter­ twined serpents, and it also was wrapped in gold sheets. In addition, the head and the hilt of the sword were inlaid with turquoise.33 Further­ more, the tomb also held more than a thousand bronze imitations of cowry shells wrapped in gold sheets. The bronzes from this tomb show flat cord designs and also the so-called wavy designs. They obviously date from later in time than tomb A and tomé no. 55, probably dated to late Spring and Autumn period. The tombs in the western region were later in date. The largest is tomb no. 1, which is filled with pebbles and charcoal, but it had been completely plundered. Other tombs that were not far from it were close to it in date; they seem to be its accessory tombs. The most characteristic yields from these tombs are bronzes with representational pictorial de­ signs with scenes of hunting, mulberry-leaf gathering, and so forth, as well as bronzes with incised decorative lines. These were in fashion in the early phases of the Warring States period, and they made it possible to date these tombs. To recount briefly what Guo Baojun has pointed out， the layout of the Liulige cemetery indicates that although the eastern section was earlier and the western was later, both were organically related, and it can only be a cemetery of the nobility of a state of lords. The Huixian area was called Gong 共 in ancient times, and was a part of the state of Wei 術 in the Spring and Autumn period, but it belonged to Wei 魏 in the Warring States period. However, there is no clear literary record as to the date of the beginning of its realignment to the Warring States Wei 魏 . The Liulige cemetery, being dated to the period from Spring and Autumn to early Warring States, can only belong to the state of Wei 衡 ， and 32. See n. 29 above. 33. Chen Ruili, Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Jikan (Academia Sinica) no. 37.

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36. The lacquered round box of Lord Ping'anjun found in tomb no. 3 at Guanzhuang in Qinyang

cannot be confused with the large grave of the state of Wei 魏 at Guweicun in Huixian. The cultural relics from the state of Wei 術 of an even later date include, so far, only two pieces of ding tripods with inscriptions of Ping’anjun 平 安 君 and two lacquerware boxes from the late Warring States period (fig. 36).34 The characteristics of these artifacts are identical with tîie artifacts of later Wei 魏 ， indicating the new alignment of Wei術 to Wei 魏 . In short, the states of Xun 苟， Jia 貧， Yu 虞 ， Guo 虢 ，Zheng鄭 ， and Wei 衡 all were located in the Central Plains, very close to the states of Zhou and Jin, constituting, together, the Central Plains cultural sphere. The archaelogical material from this sphere has accumulated to a significant extent. For example, Gao Ming 高明 of Peking University has recently made a comprehensive study of the Eastern Zhou bronze vessels in this area.35 There will surely be more syntheses of this kind in the future. 34. LiXueqin, Wenwu 1980 (9) : 25-31. 35. Gao Ming, Kaogu Yu Wenwu, 1960 (2): 68-82, (3): 84-103, (4): 82-91.

6

Zhongshan 中山

Zhongshan was an important lords' state in Eastern Zhou history, but later it was relatively little known. Originally called Xianyu 鮮 虞 ，it was established by a northern ethnic group known as Baidi é 狄 ， the White Di. The Baidi’s surname or dan name was Huan 垣 ， but Xianyu's clan name was Ji 姬 ， a variant of Baidi. In the Spring and Autumn period three small states were established by variants of the Baidi group in the central part of the area now known as Hebei Province. They are Xianyu 鮮虞 in Zhengding 正 定 ，Fei 肥 in Gaocheng 蕞 域 ，and Gu 鼓 in Jinxian 晋 縣 . In the late Spring and Autumn period, Fei and Gu were annihilated by the state of Jin. Only Xianyu remained, and it came to be known also as Zhongshan. In the Warring States period, Zhongshan was surrounded by the three states of Yan, Qi, and Zhao. Although small in area, it was a powerful state. In 406 B.c. Marquis Wenhou 文 侯 of Wei 魏 conquered and occupied Zhongshan, and he enfeoffed his crown prince Ji 擊 in the Zhongshan area. Around 378 B.c., however, Zhongshan re-established itself as a state. In 323 B.c. Zhongshan and the states of Han, Zhao, Wei, and Yan were said to "carry out their kingship together," indicating that Zhongshan had an important function in events that period. However, the records in literary texts concerning Zhongshan are fragmentary and often contradictory. Among past writings on the history of Zhongshan, the best may be said to be the ZAon炉 SAfèiao 辞 虞 中 山 國 事 表 ，or Catalogue of Events of the Zhongshan State of Xianyu, with a supplement giving an illustrated description of territory, by the late Qing dynasty scholar Wang Xianqian 王 先 謙 • In this book all the historical data on Zhongshan scattered in ancient texts were collated together. The work is very convenient as a reference too, but the material is somewhat limited and inadequate for a reconstruction of the history and culture of Zhong­ shan. Therefore, only upon the archaeological discoveries in the Sanji 三 汉 Commune in Pingsiian 平 山 County of Hebei have we been able to see the long-submerged Zhongshan culture. 93

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Warring States tombs were brought to light at Sanji in Pingshan as early as the 1950s.1 From 1974 to 1978 archaeologists in Hebei Prov­ ince undertook a survey and excavations in the area of Sanji Com­ mune,12 bringing to light an ancient city site (fig. 37). From the remains of the city wall tlie city appears to have been about 4,000 m long northsouth and more than 2,000 m wide east-west. In the city area were found dwelling sites from the Warring States period, along with workshops for the manufacture of bronzes, iron implements, bone tools, and pottery. On the basis of the evidence we are quite certain that this ancient city ruin was originally the capital of Zhongshan after its re-establishment, the city of Lingshou 靈 壽 . 1. Kang Baozhu, Kaogu 1958 (6): 49-50. 2. Department of Cultural Relics Management, Hebei Province, Wenwu 1979 (1):1-31.

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To the west of the ruins of the city of Lingshou were found Warring States period cemeteries in a very wide area, at such localities as Beiqiji 北 七 汉 ， Zhongqiji 中 七 汉 ， N an q iji 南 七 汉 ， Xiasanji 下 三 汉 ， Shanyangcun 單 揚 村 ， and Liuyangcun 割 语 村 On both sides of Zhongqiji were two large graves, tombs no. 1 and 2. In the northwestern area inside the ancient city were three large graves. Grave no. 6 was the southernmost. Beside it were three middle-sized tombs, no. 3, 4, and 5. Two large tombs have been excavated. These are no. 1 and no. 6. Before Liberation at Nanqiji southwest of the city site a large rock, polished by water and 19 cm high, was found. On it an inscription was incised (fig. 38).3 According to the inscription Gongchen De 公 乘 得 ， an official, was given the task of Jiangu 監 罟 as a punishment for a crime. He had supervised the mausoleum and had now attained an advanced age and was making this statement to the wise men of the future. Jiangu is a title that some say corresponds to the Zhanggu 掌固 in Zhouli. A Zhanggu was the official who managed the repair and con­ struction of the city walls, moats, and ditches for defensive purposes.4 This find should help in our understanding of the nature of the city ruin and the large graves. Atop both tomb no. 1 and tomb no. 2 were the remains of architectures. Tomb no. 1 was covered by an earthen mound about 15 m tall, with three steps. On the south was a flat platform. On both sides of the platform there were horse-and-chariot pits, human sacrifical pits, and a boat pit. On the sides of the tomb were six burials of retainers. The tomb itself had long ramps to its north and south about 120 m long. The interior walls of the tomb chamber were plastered in white, and at the center was a wooden chamber 14.9 m long and 13.5 m wide, filled with pebbles and charcoal. The chamber itself was plundered long ago, but a plate with a plan of the funerary mausoleum, some pottery, and some small gold, silver, and bronze pieces and jade ornaments remained. On the sides of the chamber were three pits for the burial of objects, lined with wooden planks. Two of the pits yielded a large number of very magnificent associated artifacts. The retainers' burials each consisted of a coffin and a wooden chamber, in which were found pottery, fine jade ornaments, and small numbers of bronzes. The bronze plate with the mortuary mausoleum plan unearthed from tomb no. 1 was 94 cm long (fig. 39). On the back were a pair of animal masks, and on the flat side was a pian of the funerary mausoleum inlaid with gold and silver lines. The inscriptions indicated the names and sizes of the various parts of the mausoleum. The funerary plan •

3. Hebei Provincial Museum and Department of Cultural Relics Management, Hebei Province, Hebeisheng Chutu Wenwu Xuanji (Wenwu Press, 1980), no. 202. 4. Ibid.

38. Rubbing of the engraved stone at Nanqiji in Pingshan

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39. The bronze plate with the plan of the royal mausoleum

incorporates five tombs. One of them is called Wangtang 王 堂 ， which is the tomb no. 1 that has been excavated. Another is called Aihoutang 哀 后 堂 ， and is a burial for the queen, who predeceased the king. Her tomb was tomb no. 2. Then there were three other tombs including Wanghoutang 王 后 堂 and Dafurentang 大 夫 人 堂 ; these had been planned but not actually excavated and used. A complete reconstruction of the planned mausoleum has been made by comparing the excavated and cleared material with the mausoleum plan (fig. 40).5 Both the earthen mound and the chamber of tomb no. 6 had been destroyed by plunderers in the past. This tomb also has two ramps leading toward the north and the south, each about 90 m long. And inside the tomb chamber we also see white plastered walls as well as the remains of posts. The wooden chamber was at the center of the tomb and was filled with pebbles and charcoal; it had been completely emptied by graverobbers. On each side of the chamber was a pit for buried artifacts lined with planks lacquered in black and then painted with red decorative patterns; in these pits were found large quantities of grave furnishings. On each side of the large grave were three burials of retainers. Each had a coffin and a chamber in which were found pottery, jades, stone artifacts, and a few bronzes. South of the large tomb were two storage pits, but 5. 1980 (1): 119-38.

Fu Xinian, Kaogu Xuebao 1980 (1): 97-118; Yang Hongxun, Kaogu Xueb

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40. Reconstruction of the mausoleum of the kings of Zhongshan (after Fu Xinian)

these have not been cleared. Of the middle-sized tombs parallel to tomb no. 6, three have been excavated. They are all rectangular, vertical pit graves about 12 m long, and all had been plundered, but the surviving jades and stone implements were still very fine. Possibly tombs no. 3, 4, and 5 were those of the consorts of the king, in view of their special relationship and in comparison with the arrangement shown in the mausoleum plate. Both tomb no. 1 and tomb no. 6 were determined to be tombs of kings of Zhongshan, with no. 6 slightly earlier than no. 1. The cultural relics found at this group of tombs reflect rather comprehensively the culture of the Zhongshan state in the middle part of the Warring States period, and their significance is multifarious. In particular, ninety of the bronze artifacts found in tomb no. 1 were inscribed, representing a most important discovery of inscriptions of this period. Among the important vessels with very long inscriptions, in addition to the mausoleum plate, are the following: Square hu of Zhongshan king, 448 characters (fig. 41) Ding tripod of Zhongshan king, 469 characters Qieci Au 好 姿 壶 vessel， 182 characters6 All the writings were incised. Their contents varied, including rather detailed descriptions of the genealogy and historical events of the state of Zhongshan, descriptions which not only supplement existing literary 6. Zhang Shouzhong, Zhongshan Wang Xi Qi Wenzi Bian (Peking: Zhonghua,

1981).

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41. Square hu of the king of Zhongshan from tomb no. 1 of Pingshan

sources but serve to correct some current misunderstandings.7 The most important record concerns the Zhongshan military campaign against the state of Yan. No literary records of the Zhongshan campaign against Yan re­ main, but there is a record of the military action against Yan by the state of Qi. In 320 B.c. Kuai 唆 ， King of Yan, was enthroned, and Zi Zhi 子 之 ， the prime minister, was very much in his trust. In 316 B.c. the king's officials Mao Shou 毛 毒 and others suggested that King Kuai give the throne to Zi Zhi. King Kuai agreed and gave the rulership to the prime minister. 7. Li Xueqin and Li Ling, Kaogu Xuebao 1979 (1) : 147-70.

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himself becoming an official. In 314 B.C. Ping 平 ， Crown Prince of Yan, and Shi Bei 市 被 ， a general, led a mob to attack Zi Zhi and King Kuai. Zi Zhi launched a counterattack and killed Crown Prince Ping and General Shi Bei, causing turmoil within the state of Yan. At this time Mencius, who was in the state of Qi, urged King Xuanwang 宣 王 of Qi to take advantage of the disorder within Yan to invade the state of Yan. In fifty days Qi's troops occupied the capital of Yan, and King Kuai and Zi Zhi were both killed. The other states of lords, seeing that after the conquest the state of Qi had no intention of withdrawing its troops but instead indicated every intention of subjugating the state of Yan, and in the meantime seeing that the Yan people themselves rose to resist the Qi occupation, began to plan to invade Qi and save Yan, in order to restore the balance of power among the states. In 312 B.c. troops from Qin, Wei 魏 and Han defeated the soldiers of Qi on the Pushui 濮 水 River. In the following year, Wulingwang 武 $ 王 of Zhao 趙 brought the Yan prince Zhi back from Han and returned him to Yan, establishing him as the King of Yan. He was known as King Zhaowang 昭 王 . According to the inscriptions on the bronzes from Pingshan, Zhongshan was also a participant in the campaign against Yan. Accord­ ing to the inscription in the Zhongshan King ding tripod, ''Sima Chou 司 馬 爛 ， a prime minister of the state of Zhongshan, led three armies in conquest against an unrighteous state, and he was able to capture an area several hundred li square with several dozens of towns/' We can sur­ mise that an invading area of this size involving so many towns must have exhausted the strength of the small state of Zhongshan. As with the state of Qi, the military action of Zhongshan was undertaken on the pretext of righting wrongs in connection with the status of a lord and his king. Therefore, after the victory over the state of Yan, other lords sent con­ gratulatory messages, and even the Son of Heaven of the Zhou dynasty also sent an official there to celebrate. The united action by Qi and Zhongshan, therefore, had the support of the other states. Historical texts contain no record of the date when the troops of the Qi state withdrew from the territory of Yan, but the vessel inscriptions from Pingshan tell us that even after the enthronement of King Zhao wang of Yan, Zhongshan continued to occupy large chunks of land for a period of time. In 309 or 308 B.c. the so-called Zhongshan King ding tripod and the square hu vessel were manufactured with bronze cap­ tured from the state of Yan. They commemorated Zhongshan's victory over Yan. The son of the victorious king glorified the victory under his late king in the inscription of a round hu vessel and stated his determina­ tion to continue to occupy the invaded land. The master of tomb no. 1 of Pingshan was the king of Zhongshan under whose regime the campaign against Yan was undertaken. From the

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inscription it is clear that he died soon after 308 or 309 B.C. Right after that, the status of Zhongshan suffered a sudden and very rapid decline. In about a decade (296 B.c.), the state was overthrown by the state of Zhao. The overall plan of the funerary mausoleum as depicted in the bronze plate from tomb no. 1 was never completed because of the down­ fall of the state. The large tombs of Pingshan should be compared with the large tombs of Guweicun of Huixian, Henan, which have been discussed previously. The tombs at these two sites were largely contemporaneous, and they share many characteristics. As described earlier, at the cemetery at Guweicun there were three tombs in a row.8 On their right were two accessory burials. The large graves had long ramps on the southern and northern sides. The interior walls of the tomb pits were plastered in white with a shade of green, with designs of crenellation painted on the upper rim. The wooden chamber was further surrounded with large rocks on the out­ side. The construction of these large tombs is similar to that of the tombs of Zhongshan in Pingshan. The Pingshan tombs also had two ramps on the north and south. The chamber of tomb no. 1 was surrounded by large rocks on the outermost layer, and the whole pit was sealed on top by large rocks. The interior wall was also plastered. On the west wall of tomb no. 1 in Guweicun were remains of posts, and posts were also indicated on the walls of the chamber of tomb no. 6 of Pingshan. The large graves of Guweicun also had structures over the tomb pit. On the surface were found remains of aprons, a foundation for posts, tiles, and eaves-tiles. The report of the excavation refers to the structure as a funerary shrine, and architectural historians have made reconstruc­ tions of this structure, pointing out that "it has enclosures, large but low and flat earthen mounds, and also two parallel funerary shrines, one on the east and one on the west. Comparing this structure with that of the tomb of King Xi f of Zhongshan, we find that, other than the different scopes of the two structures, they were in fact very close to each other/' In actuality this kind of architecture above the tomb should be referred to as a qin .9 The large tombs of both sites have been extensively plundered, and for that reason the grave furnishings are not strictly comparable, but even so we see certain common features. The pottery from the Pingshan tombs was mostly polished black pottery with dull-colored designs, as was that at Guweicun. Pingshan has yielded a pottery basin with a bird8. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Huixian Fajue Baogao (Science Press, 1956). 9. Yang Kuan, Wenwu 1982 (1): 31-37.

102

ZHONGSHAN 中 山

42. Square table with inlaid gold and silver designs of dragon and phoenix found at tomb no. 1 of Pingshan

shaped post, and similar artifacts were found at tombs no. 1 and 3 of Guweicun. There were very few bronzes left at Guweicun. They were char­ acterized by very fine work of inlaid gold and silver, a carriage ornament in the shape of a horsehead from tomb no. 1 being representative.101 This kind of gold and silver craft of high technological level was also found among the Pingshan artifacts. Typical works include the following: A square an 案 table with inlaid gold and silver designs of dragon and phoenix11 (fig. 42) A vessel base in the shape of a cow with inlaid gold and silver designs 10. See frontispiece of work cited in n. 8 above. 11. Tokyo Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan (Tokyo National Museum) et al., Chüzan Ökoku Bunbutsu-ten (Keizai Shinbun Sha, 1981), pl. 4.

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43. Vessel base in the shape of a tiger devouring a deer with inlaid gold and silver designs found at tomb no. 1 of Pingshan

A vessel support in the shape of a rhinoceros with inlaid gold and silver designs A vessel base in the shape of a tiger devouring a deer with inlaid gold and silver designs (fig. 43) A winged divine beast with inlaid silver designs12 The Guweicun site has yielded many iron artifacts, indicating that iron was used extensively at that time in the state of Wei. There were also many iron artifacts at Pingshan. From tomb no. 1 came a large, rectangular iron plate and an iron-legged ding tripod. Both are of large size, indicative of the advanced stage of iron metallurgy in Zhongshan. This reminds us of the description in 和 / 呂 氏 春 秋 （chapter "Gui Z u" 贵 卒 ） of Zhongshan warriors ’’wearing iron armor and holding iron sticks in battle. 〃 To be sure, in the cemetery in Pingshan we also see a few items that are not seen among the typical Central Plains states of lords, such as hook-shaped designs on the eaves-tiles and large mountain-character (shan 山 ） shaped Êronzes (fig. 44). But when we compare the Pingshan yield of artifacts with that of Guweicun we see that the main features are the common ones. This indicates that by the end of the Warring States 12. See pp. 178-81 of work cited in n. 3 above.

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44. Mountain-character-shaped bronze from tomb no. 1 of Pingshan

period a common culture characterized Zhongshan and the Central Plains states. A series of archaeological finds from the neighborhood of the ancient state of Zhongshan discloses the traces of the gradual sinicization of the Baidi people. The relevant data came from the following sites: Mancheng 滿 城 county: Caishichang 采 石 嚴 site Tangxian 唐 縣 county: Beichengzi 北 城 子 and Diaoyutai

釣魚台

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Xingtangxian 行 唐 縣 county: Lijiazhuang 李 家 庄 ， Miaoshangcun 扇 上 村 ， and Huanglonggang 黃 龍 尚 13 Pingshanxian 平 山 縣 county : Fangjiazhuang 訪 駕 庄 14 Burials and bronze artifacts from these sites are all dated to the end of Spring and Autumn and the early phase of the Warring States, and they all exhibit pronounced characteristic features of the northern ethnic groups. For example, the two pit graves from Beichengzi have yielded a flat hu vessel and short swords of the northern style. At these sites a horse pit was also found, in which were buried dismembered horse bones.15 At the Diaoyutai site, stone-chambered tombs were found, yielding bronze fu H vessels with vertical handles, tiger-shaped gold ornaments, and gold spirals for ornamental use, all of which were charac­ teristic of the northern style. Lijiazhuang has yielded a fu vessel with vertical handles, and Miaoshangcun has yielded a pair of gold wrist ornaments. Stone-chambered graves were also found at the Fangjia­ zhuang site (which is located in the ancient city of Lingshou), and in these tombs were found a Aw vessel chain handles similar in shape to the socalled Dishi to 秋 氏 壷 vessel known to be from the Xianyu 鮮虞 group as recorded in Liang Zhou Jin Wenci Daxi. It bears cord-marked designs, which are again characteristically northern. On the other hand, at all these sites were found bronze artifacts similar to those of the Central Plains culture. These data indicate that in the early part of the Warring States period the Di people in Zhongshan and in its neighboring areas were already being influenced by the Huaxia culture of the Central Plains. At the same time, they retained to a large extent the characteristic northern style. Northern characteristics, however, had became relatively insig­ nificant by the middle part of the Warring States as shown in the Pingshan cemetery. A well-known characteristic of the northern people is "dressing in the Hu style and riding on horseback and shooting arrows/' These traits are not reflected in the Pingshan excavations. The garments worn by the many human figures found in the graves, such as the lamp in the shape of a human figure with silver head (fig. 45)16 and the many jade human figures,17 cannot be described as of the northern style, even though some northern features could be identified. The human figure on 13. Ibid., pp. 42, 46. 14. Tang Yunming and Wang Yuwen, Wenwu 1978 (2): 96. 15. Provincial Museum of Hebei and Department of Cultural Relics Manage­ ment of Hebei, "Warring States Bronzes Found in Mancheng and Tangxian'' (in Chinese), Guangming Ribao, July 16, 1972. 16. See p. 197 of work cited in n. 3 above.

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45. Lamp with silver-headed human figure from tomb no. 1 of Pingshan

the lamp has a very broad dress with a broad front, not at all the same kind of dress shown in the Hu human figure of silver found in Jincun in Luoyang. The site here contained no mounted soldiers, but there were horse-and-chariot pits. In the bronze inscriptions, wars, battles, and hunting expeditions were described, and in these descriptions we see that vehicles rather than mounted horses were used. Furthermore, the inscriptions on bronzes in the large graves of Pingshan repeatedly quoted from the Shijing M and also used phrases parallel to those found in the Zuo Zhuan as well as the Da Dai Liji.16 The political thought expressed in these inscriptions was also closely related to Confucian ideas. All these are conspicuous evidence of the sinicization of Zhongshan.18 18. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1979 (1):37-41.

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In my opinion, the sinicization of Zhongshan and the prevalence of Confucianism in Zhongshan were related to the rule of Zhongshan by Wei ÿL. The occupation of Zhongshan by Wei lasted more than twenty years, and during this period the Wei people probably brought the Huaxia culture further into the state. The lord of Wei at that time was Marquis Wenhou 文 候 of Wei. He had Zi Xia 子 夏 ， a disciple of Confu­ cius, as his tytor, and thus Wei became an important center of Confucianism. Li Ke 李 克 ，a man of Wei, is known to have promulgated the study of the 幼 种 客 ， and he was the governor of Zhongshan when Wei occupied the state. Therefore, it is no accident that the Pingshan inscrip­ tions indicate that the Shijing was well known in Zhongshan. On the eve of the downfall of Zhongshan, King Wulingwang of Zhao sent Li Ci 李 嵌 to Zhongshan to observe the state. After his return he reported that the king of Zhongshan emphasized learning and its people were interested in fame, but its soldiers were cowardly. He ob­ served that these were the omens of the downfall of Zhongshan. His observation about learning is quite consistent with the respect for intellectuals shown in the Pingshan inscriptions. The emphasis on Con­ fucianism and the neglect of military preparation in Zhongshan were exactly the opposite of the policy of King Wulingwang of Zhao. The state of Zhao, a state of Huaxia, learned the Hu manner of dress and the art of horseback riding and archery and was able to exterminate the state of Zhongshan. On the other hand, the state of Zhongshan, which was founded by the Di people, came to its downfall at least partly as a result of this respect for intellectuals and Confucianism. This must be called an ironic event in the history of Eastern Zhou. However, from the point of view of the development of the whole society, the sinicization of Zhong­ shan could be regarded as one component of an overall trend toward a merging of the many ethnic groups. In the end these trends laid a foundation for the imiikation of all tïie states. In 1979 a plain bronze ding tripod was found in a Qin state tomb of the late Warring States period at Gaozhuang 高庄 in Fengxiangxian 成 翔 縣 of Shaanxi.19 The form and Üie inscription style of this df% tripod were identical with the tripods found in large tomb no. 1 at Pingshan. The offices and the names recorded in its inscription directly relate it to the vessels and the inscriptions of tomb no. 1 at Pingshan.20 This is the only ascertainable inscribed Zhongshan vessel outside the excavated tombs in Pingshan. In the catalogue of private and official collections of the Sung and Qing dynasties, not a single Zhongshan vessel can be found; however, immediately after the excavation of the Pingshan cemetery one Zhongshan vessel was brought to light in Shaanxi. This must be said to be quite an interesting coincidence. 19. Yongcheng Archaeological Team, Wenwu 1980 (9): 10-14. 20. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1980 (9): 25—31.

7 Yan 燕

The state of Yan was the most important northern feudal state in the Zhou dynasty. In the beginning of the Western Zhou, Duke Shaogong 召公 was enfeoffed at Yan. As was the case with Duke Zhougong 焉 公 ， Shaogong's son founded the state and became the first generation of the marquises of Yan. Recent archaeological work in the city of Peking indicates that it is there that the capital city of Yan in the early years of the Zhou dynasty was located.1 The record of the enfeoffment of Duke Shaogong in Yan has also been completely confirmed by bronze inscrip­ tions. Yan was important to the Zhou dynasty's governance of the north, but during the Spring and Autumn period it was separated from the states of the Central Plains by the Di ^ and the Rong ^ ethnic groups, and as a consequence such books as the Zt/o Z/man 左 傳 and 國語 contain few references to the Yan. Among the silk books found in Han tomb no. 3 at Mawangdui 馬 王 堆 in Changsha 長 沙 is a book called SAfjyw 春 秋 事 語 • We have attempted to put many of its frag­ mented pieces together and find that one of its chapters recorded a battle between Yan and Jin 晋 ,12 an incident which had never been seen before in the traditional texts. During the Warring States period the state of Yan underwent relatively intensive development, and, especially in the Liaodong 逡 東 area, it acquired vast territory • Nevertheless, at tîie time, Yan was still the weakest of the so-called Seven Strongmen. The capital of Yan located in present-day Peking was called Ji 薊 in the past. The geographical location of the city of Ji, according to Shuijingzhu and other records, was estimated to be in '"approximately the northwestern portion of the present outer city of Peking’’

1. Yan Wan, Kaogu 1975 (5): 274-79. 2. The Investigative Team of Mawangdui Han Tomb Silk Manuscripts, Wenwu 1977(1): 32-35.

108

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(fig. 46).3 Archaeological discoveries since the founding of the country in 1949 have confirmed this estimate. In 1957 archaeologists discovered pre-Qin cultural layers over 1 m thick outside the Guanganmmen 廣 安 門 Gate on the west wall of the outer city of Peking. In these layers were found semicircular eaves-tiles with taotie decorative patterns that are characteristic of the Yan state during the Warring States period.4 In 1972, Yan-era Mingdao 明 刀 coins were discovered at Hanjiatan 韓 家 潭 in the western portion of the outer city of Peking. In the meantime, also found at the same site were semicir­ cular eaves-tiles with taotie designs, tiles similar to those found outside the Guanganmen Gate (fig. 47).5 The fine workmanship of these semicir­ cular eaves-tiles suggests the existence of palace architecture of the Warring States period at these locations. Water wells were of course an important marker of ancient settlement. Since 1956, in vast areas of Peking from the western portion of the outer city to the southwestern corner of the inner city, many pottery wells have been found,6 dating to the Warring States and early former Han. On many of the clay water well rings or on many of the 3. Hou Renzhi, Wenwu 1959 (7): 1-7. 4. Zhao Zhengzhi and Shu Wensi, Wenwu 1957 (7): 74-75. 5. Peking Municipal Department of Cultural Relics, Kaogu 1980 (2): 191. 6. Writing Team, Department of Cultural Relics of Peking Municipality, Wenwu 1972 (2): 39-46.

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pottery vessels found inside the wells were pottery inscriptions typical of the state of Yan.7 At the site in Hanjiatan where the semicircular eaves-tiles were found, remains of such clay water wells were also found. In addition, in areas where water wells were clustered densely, many Warring States burials have also been brought to light. These discoveries provided evidence for the identification of the ancient city of Ji. To be sure, ancient remains related to the state of Yan within the area of the city of Peking are not confined to the spots described above. Even data dating from early Western Zhou already show extensive dis­ tribution. For example, an early Western Zhou town site and tombs have been found at Liulihe 琉 璃 河 in southwestern Peking, and other early Western Zhou remains have been found at Lugouqiao 度 薄 梅 in the western part of the city, Baifu 白浮 of Changping 昌羊 in the north, and Niulanshan 牛 欄 山 of Shunyi 順 義 in the northeast, and the same is also true of Eastern Zhou remains. For example, from 1956 to 1957, two early Warring States period burials were found at Songyuan 松園 in Changping 昌 平 ， north of the city of Peking, and immediately afterward a Warring States cemetery was found in the Dongshankou 東 山 口 area in the same neighborhood.8 In 1957, a hoard of Warring States period coins was discovered at Hujialou 今 家 樓 east of the city. There 3,876 ancient coins, including Ming knife coins of Yan and coins minted by the three 7. Ibid., fig. 6. 8. Su Tianjun, Wenwu 1959 (1): 53-55.

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Jin states, came to light.9 All these may well relate in some way to the ancient capital city of Yan. The ancient text Shiben *0*^ recorded that Marquis Huanhou 桓 侯 of Yan shifted his capital to Linyi 臨 易 . On the basis of previous studies, this Marquis Huanhou can be equated to Duke Huangong 桓 公 of Yan of the middle Warring States period. Linyi corresponds to the present Xiungxian 雄 縣 of Hebei. At Beiyang 北 陽 ， west of Rongchengxian 容 域 縣 near Linyi, were found bronze vessels inscribed with "Xig o n g " 西 宮 （West Palace), and these inscriptions provide a definite clue.101In the late Warring States period. King Zhaowang 眧 王 of Yan constructed a new capital called Yan Xiadu — 下 都 at Wuyang 武 陽 ， corresponding to present-day Yixian 易縣 in Hebei. Thus, the state of Yan had two capitals: Ji 莉 ， which is the Shangdu 上 都 or Upper Capital， and Wuyang, or Xiadu 下 都 ， the Lower Capital. (Furtiiermore, according to the raipfn客 太 平 衰 宇 記 ， volume 69, Liangxiangxian 良鄉 縣 of the Han iynasty was the Zhongdu 中 都 ， or Middle Capital, of Yan. Liangxiang of Han is located west of Doudian 竇 店 ， which is southwest of Peking, but this statement has not been corroborated.) It should be noted that in the late Warring States period Yan had two capitals; it did not move the capital to its lower capital Wuyang. For example, in Zhanguoce, chapter ^Yance", section 3, Prince Dan ^ of Yan is saiä to have sent Jing Ke 莉 柯 to Qin to assassinate the king of Qin. When Jing Ke failed, Qin ordered the army of Wang Jian 王 前 to invade Yan. "In the tenth moon, the troops vanquished the city of Ji of Yan. King Xi 喜 of Yan and Prince Dan and otliers led the remaining troops and moved east to Liaodong/' From this record it is clear that even then the king of Yan still resided at the city of Ji. The site of Xiadu of Yan is located southeast of the present Yixian County in Hebei. This place was unlike Ji, which later capital cities continued to occupy; therefore, the ruins of the Xiadu site were better preserved, and archaeological investigation there also began earlier. In 1930, a research team began survey and excavation at Yan Xiadu,11 leading to a number of valuable studies.12 The cultural relics found at this site have been studied systematically by Fu Zhenlun 傅 振 儉 •13 In the spring of 1957 archaeologists from the Bureau of Cultural Relics and from the Museum of Chinese History went to Yan Xiadu to investigate.14 Subsequently, in the winters of 1957, 1958, as well as 1961, several rather 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Archaeological Team of Peking City, Kaogu 1962 (5) : 254-55. Sun Ji'an and Xu Mingfu, Wenwu 1982 (3): 91-92. Guoli Beiping Yanjiuyuan Yuanwu Huibao. Wang Qingchang, ibid" vol. 1, no. 3 (1930). Fu Zhenlun, Kaogu 1959 (4): 18-26. Xie Xiyi, Wenwu 1957 (9): 61-64.

112

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detailed investigations were undertaken by archaeologists from both the National Bureau of Cultural Relics and Hebei Province.15 These investi­ gations led to the archaeological excavations of Yan Xiadu. The most important result of the 1961 survey was the clarifica­ tion of the structure of the ancient city of Yan Xiadu (fig. 48), thereby correcting some errors of the past. We now know that "the plan of the old city of Yan Xiadu is a rough rectangle about 8 km long east-west, and about 4 km wide north-south. In the middle was an ancient river canal no. 1, cutting across the city from north to south ('the so-called foodtransporting canal"). East of the canal a line of walls extended parallel to it, and therefore this canal cross-cuts the ancient city of Yan Xiadu into an eastern city and a western city." The eastern city is also called the inner city, but only faint traces of its city wall remain on the ground. In its northern part is a cross-cutting barrier wall 4,460 m long. City gates were found in the northern and eastern walls of the inner city as well as in the barrier wall mentioned above. The western wall is also called the outer wall. More of the walls of the outer wall remains on the ground. For example, the remaining height of a section of the southern wall is 6.8 m. As for the outer wall, only a single gate was found on the west wall. Within the outer wall very few remains have been found. An analysis of these remains indicates that the outer wall was constructed slightly later than the inner wall. It is possible that the outer wall was constructed to reinforce the defense of the inner city.16 At the center of the northern part of the inner city, south of the barrier wall, is an earthen platform called Wuyangtai 武 陽 台 ， which is the center of the area with the architectures. South of Wuyangtai are two architectural platforms placed symmetrically east and west. North of Wuyangtai are architectural remains, including another platform, the Zhanggongtai 張 公 台 • The northernmost remains are of Laomutai 老 姆 台 / aGout 10 m tall and 95 m to a side, located north of the northern wall of the inner city. In 1971 a bronze zun ^ vessel in the shape of an elephant was found at Wuyangtai. The vessel was inscribed with the characters "Youfuyin" 右 為 f . 17 Near Laomutai a section of a clay water-pipe, one end of which was shaped like an animal, was found in 1958,18 and a bronze animal mask 74.5 cm in height was also found here, 15. Department of Archaeology, Museum of Chinese History, Kaogu 1962 (1): 10-19; Archaeological Team, Bureau of Culture, Hebei Province, Kaogu Xuebao 1965 (1): 83-106. 16. See second article cited in n. 15 above. 17. Hebei Provincial Museum and Department of Management of Cultural Relics of Hebei, Hebeisheng Chutu Wenwu Xuanji (Wenwu Press, 1980), no. 133. 18. See first arricle cited in n. 15 above.

48. SiteofX iaduofY an

114

Ya ^

49. Bronze pushou animal mask at Laoguantai, site of Xiadu of Yan

in 1966 (fig. 49) . 19 (Umehara Sueji, in his study of Warring States-style bronzes, has recorded a similar piece.) As eariy as about 1920, bronze ornaments in the shape of winged dragons were brought to light in this area.20 In addition, most of the tiles with fine decorative designs that came to light at this site were found near Wuyangtai and Laomutai. The semicircular eaves-tiles found in this area had not only taotie decorative designs like those found in Peking, but also such designs as the double dragon and the mountain-character. Some of the tiles were impressed witîi names of craftsmen such as You Gongmou 右 宮 某 （so-and-so of the 19. No. 115 in work cited in n. 17 above. 20. Komai Kazuchika, "Eaves-Tiles With Double Dragon Designs of the State of Yan" (in Japanese) Chügoku Kökogaku Ronsö (Keiyüsha, 1974).

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115

Right Palace) and Zuo Gongmou 左 宮 某 （so-and-so of the Left Palace)， also indicative of the nature of the architectures of the palace. It is entirely possible that architectural remains of various sizes from Laomutai to Wuyangtai belonged to this same group of palace structures of Xiadu. In the western and southern parts of the inner city are remains of handicraft workshops for making iron objects, coinage minting, and manufacturing of bone artifacts and weapons.21 In an area east of Gaomocun 高 陌 村 it is said that bronze mirrors have been found. Archaeologists have collected on the surface mirror molds and clay molds for the making of mirrors with four mountain-characters, 22 which are presum­ ably indicative of a mirror manufacture site. An iron workshop was found in the northwest part of Gaobocun, where many kinds of imple­ ments used in iron production came to light. 23 At a spot north of Gaomocun, clay molds for the manufacture of Ming knife coins were found, indicating presumably a coinage minting spot. A large number of lots of stored Ming knife and other coins have been brought to light in Xiadu, as in the area of Jichang 薊 城 • An example is a hoard find at Dongguancun 東 固 安 村 in the ancient city .24 In the northwest corner of the inner city are two large cemeteries with large earthen mounds referred to locally as Xulianzhong 虛 根 琢 and Jiunütai 九 女 台 • In 1964 a single tomb in the Jiunütai cemetery, tomb no. 16, was excavated, 25 disclosing much information concerning the large graves in this area (fig. 50). Tomb no. 16 had an earthen mound 7.6 m tall. The mound was rectangular viewed from top with round corners, and built by the hangtu (rammed-earth) method. The tomb itself had two ramps running northsouth. The tomb pit is 10.4 m long north-south and 7.7 m wide east-west. The walls were built of hangtu but characteristically were burned to harden the rammed earth. The lower portion of the pit was surrounded or lined with a second-layer platform built of lime powder and mollusk shells, and the pit bottom was paved with charcoal. This tomb had been plundered in an earlier period, but still yielded large numbers of artifacts of pottery, stone, bone and antler, as well as small pieces of bronzes and iron implements. After restoration there were altogether 135 pottery vessels forming whole sets of painted pottery imitating bronze proto21. Editorial Committee of Wenwu, Wenum Kaogu Gongzuo Sanshinian (Wenwu Press, 1979), p. 42. 22. See first article cited in n. 15 above. 23. Ibid. 24. See n. 13 above. 25. Archaeology Team, Bureau of Culture, Hebei Province, Kaogu Xuebao 1965 (1): 79-102.

50. Tomb no. 16 at Xiadu of Yan

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117

51. Painted pottery vessels from tomb no. 16 at Xiadu of Yan

types (fig. 51) including such types as the ding tripod, the dou vessel, the pu vessel, the gui vessel, possibly the xu ^ vessel, hu vessel, zun ^ vessel, Ae 盃 vessel, /w 击 vessels, jian 銀 basin, pan basin, 區 vessel, and a set of fu bells and zhong bells. The bells together with sets of musical stones constituted a whole group of ritual musical instruments. The ding tripod set consisted of seven pieces, indicating the status of the tomb master was at the level of the qing minister. On the basis of the typology and decorative designs of the pottery, compared with bronze artifacts at other sites, the writers of the excavation report estimate that the tomb is from the early phase of the Warring States period. The use of bronze-imitating pottery for grave furnishings was probably a custom dating to the state of Yan in the early part of the Warring States period. The two tombs at Songyuan in Changping of Peking mentioned earlier in this chapter have also yielded large painted pottery vessels. The shapes, forms, and decorative designs of those pot­ tery vessels were similar to those found from tomb no. 16 of Yan Xiadu. Those two tombs did not have ramps, but around the coffin and the

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chamber were also second-level platforms, and the length of the tomb pit was also about 5 m. At a tomb Pound in 1958 at Luanhezhen 澡 河 银 in Chengde 承 德 of Hebei was found painted pottery of similar forms and decorative patterns. 26 From 1964 to 1965, tomb no. 29 was excavated at a locality near Dongdouchengcun 東 斗 城 村 ， which is within the area of Yan Xiadu. 27 The tomb pit was 4.5 m long, and inside the pit were coffins and chambers. Within the pit were also found bronze-imitating pottery vessels, although they do not have painting and their decoration was incised. From all these findings it appears that the use of pottery primar­ ily as grave furnishings in large tombs such as tomb no. 16 of Yan Xiadu was probably not an accidental occurrence. In the area of site no. 26 southwest of Wuyangtai, tomb no. 44 was excavated in 1965.28 This tomb was located in the midst of several hangtu floors. Actually it is a multiple burial pit of elongated shape. The pit bottom is 7.8 m long north-south but only 1.5 m wide east-west. The tomb has been quite destroyed but still yielded more than twenty-two overlapping skeletons. Most of them lie on their backs, but some were without their heads or had their limbs separated. The artifacts found in the midst of the skeletal material were mostly weapons, including iron swords, spears, and ji ^ halberds, as well as a few bronze weapons and implements for iron production. From the inscription on a bronze ge haïberd it appears these are remains from the state of Yan. In addition, there were also coins minted by Yan and the three Jin states, altogether more than 1,480 pieces but clustered into small lots. These were appar­ ently "weapons used in their lifetimes and properties carried on their persons." This particular burial, the excavators speculated, "may be "related to a battle or a massacre/ ' 29 and its date is late Warring States period. East of Xuliangzhong are sites no. 21, 22, and 23. Site no. 22 has been excavated and appears to be the remains of a bone workshop.30 In 1973, inside a hearth to the south of site no. 23 were found 108 bronzene halberds, 100 of them inscribed. 31 This find reminds us of the find of Han state weapons at Baimiaofancun 白 腐 範 村 in Xinzheng 新 鄭 of Henan, and is equally significant. 26. Chengde Resort Palace Museum, Kaogu 1961 (5): 244. 27. Archaeology Team, Bureau of Culture, Hebei Province, Kaogu 1965 (11): 548-61. 28. Department of Cultural Relics, Hebei Province, Kaogu 1975 (4): 228-40. 29. Ibid. 30. Archaeology Team, Bureau of Culture, Hebei Province, Kaogu 1965 (11): 562-70. 31. Department of Cultural Relics, Hebei Province, Wenwu 1982 (8): 42-50.

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119

Most of the bronze ge halberds discovered at site no. 23 are inscribed with the name of a lord of Yan. A number of weapons with similar inscriptions, including 客e halberd, spear, and sword, have appeared in published catalogues in the past, and of these a number were discovered in the area of Yixian. 32 Some of the inscriptions contain names of Yan lords that are comparable to those in literary texts. In the following list, the left column gives names in the historical texts and the right gives the corresponding names as found in the inscriptions on weapons: Yan Chenghou, Zai

燕成候载

Yan Yiwang 燕 易 王 Yan Wang Hui 燕 王 喰 Yan Zhaowang Zhi 燕 昭 王 職

Yan Huiwang 燕 惠 王 Yan Wuchengwang 燕 武 成 王 Yan Xiaowang 燕 孝 王 Yan Wang X i 燕 王 喜

ge halberd and spears inscribed with the name Yan Hou Zai 燕 候 载 halberd, spear, and sword inscribed with the name Yan Wang Zhi 燕 王 職 or Yan Hou Zhi 燕 候 職

halberd, spear, and sword inscribed with the name Yan Wang Xi 燕 王 喜

Yan Chenghou is given in S/zÿi as Yan Wengong 燕 文 公 • His reign began in 361 B.c. and ended in 333 B.c. A ge halberd bearing this name was found in Xiadu.33 Yan Wangxi was the last lord of Yan and reigned from 254 to 222 B.c. The first year of his reign was about eighty years after the last year of Cheng Hou. The interesting thing is that the type ofge halberd of Cheng Hou persisted until the time of Wangxi. The preliminary report of the bronze ge halberds discovered at site no. 23 divides these ge halberds into six types; actually there are four principal types. According to this classification, the three halberds with reliable inscriptions of the names of the lords are: Yan Hou Zai 燕 候 载 Yan Wang Zhi 燕 王 職 Yan Wang Xi 燕 王 喜

type I types I, II, and III types I, II, and III

32. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1957 (7): 50-54. 33. See first article cited in n. 15 above. See also Chen Mengjia, Liuguo Jinian (Xuexi Shenghuo Press, 1955), pp. 91-92.

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52. Ge halberd of King Zhi of Yan found at Dongguanyingzi, Beipiao

From this it is clear that during the middle and late stages of the Warring States period the changes in bronze weapon typology in the state of Yan were relatively insignificant. In addition to these three lords, other weapons are inscribed with the names Yan Hou Sui 燕 侯 膝 ， Yan Wang Yan 燕 王 營 ， and Yan Wang Rongren 燕 王 或 人 • Of these, the name of Yan Wang Yan is the only inscription to appear on several ge halberds of type IV; this was relatively unusual. Therefore, at the present time, there is insufficient data to attempt to identify these three Yan lord names with the Yan lords recorded in historical documents on the basis of archae­ ological typology. In the past we have made some speculations, 34 but these now appear to be premature. Yan Wang Kuai abdicated in favor of his minister Zi Zhi 子 之 • In the old catalogues and in rubbings in the private collections we find inscriptions on ge halberds with the name Zi Zhi. Some of these are alleged to have been unearthed in Yixian. We should mention here that detailed, careful examinations have shown that these are all spurious. Bronze weapons bearing names of Yan lords have been un­ earthed in recent years in Rongcheng Mancheng and Baoding 保 定 of Hebei, 35 and in Beipiao 北 票 in Liaoning (fig. 52).36 Also, weapons bearing the name of Yan Wang Zhi have reportedly been found in tlie past in Yidu 益 都 and Linqu 臨狗 in Shandong, as recorded in Jinwen Fenyu Bian. The latter weapons were probably left in the state 34. See n. 32 above. 35. Nos. 133-41 of work cited in n. 17 above. 36. Zhang Zhenze, Kaogu 1980 (4): 244-46.

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of Qi during a military expedition under Yan Zhaowang from 284 to 279 B.c. Yan state pottery vessels are often impressed with inscribed seals. Most of the seal impressions are rectangular (see chapter 24). These pottery inscriptions are mostly in the form of "Taogong mou" 陶 工 某 (potter so-and-so) or abbreviated as "Tao m o u " 陶 某 （potter so-and-so). A large number of such pottery impressions have been found at site no. 22.37 In 1930, similar pottery inscriptions were also obtained at Laomutai. The Yan pottery inscriptions and the inscriptions of the state of Qi are markedly different, and they can be very easily told apart in pottery inscription catalogues. Some of these pottery inscriptions are more com­ plicated, incorporating years of reigns of lords. These were impressed with rectangular seals parallel to each other, but complex impressions of this kind in the inscriptions are few. Among the ones we have seen, the reign years have included the 17th year, the 20th year, the 21st year, the 22nd year, the 23rd year, and the 28th year. On the basis of the names of the potters recorded there is reason to believe that all of these years were in the reign of the same Yan lord. The calligraphic style of the inscrip­ tions seems to point to the reign period of Yan Wang Xi.38 Most of the complex pottery inscriptions of this kind were found in Yan Xiadu, although a single such piece has been brought to light at Qingyundian 青 雲 店 in Daxing 大 興 in Peking. In addition to the two Yan capitals in Ji and Wuyang, a large number of Yan burials have been excavated. In 1952, twenty-two tombs were brought to light in Jiagezhuang 赏 各 庄 in Tangshan ▲ 山 .39 Many scholars have pointed out that the Yan civilization had a strong flavor of the northern ethnic groups. Actually the tombs with remains indicative of very strong northern flavor occur mostly to the north of the line between Tangshan and Peking. According to literary sources a large number of ethnic groups inhabited the area north of the states of Yan and Zhao. In the Spring and Autumn period, east of the state of Yan were the Guzhu 孤 竹 （now an area of Lulong 度 龍 in Hebei), the Lingzhi 令 支 （west of the present Qianan 連 安 in Hebei), and the Wuzhong 無 終 ，a state of the Shanrong 山成 people (in the area of present-day Jixian 薊 縣 ，Hebei), and other Shanrong tribes extended to the north of Yan. In the northeastern area was the Sushen 畫 慎 . All these names were found in such literary sources as the Zho Zhuan and the Guoyu. In the Warring States period the 37. Ibid., fig. 5. 38. See n. 32 above. 39. An Zhimin, Kaogu Xuebao 6: 57-116.

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northern peoples included such groups as the Sushen, Donghu 東 胡 ， Xiongnu 匈 奴 ， Linhu 林 胡 , Loufan樓 煩 ， Zhanjian 檐 裉 , and Huimo 彡 歲格. Among them the largest three were the Sushen, Donghu, and Xiongnu.40 As described in Shiji, chapter "Xiongnu/" most of these peoples sub­ sisted mainly on animal herding; they "engaged in a migratory existence chasing oases, but they did not engage in town building, permanent settlement, or farming." However, some of them also engaged in farming and permanent settlement. In general, it is possible to estimate their area of activities but not to define precisely their territories. According to material from archaeology, we see that the Yan influence had by the early phases of the Western Zhou dynasty deeply penetrated into the northern part of Hebei Province and the western part of Liaoning Province. In the Eastern Zhou period the Yan extended its territory farther to the north, probably incorporating a number of north­ ern ethnic groups, and it is, therefore, quite natural to see mutual in­ fluences among two or more cultures in the Yan territory. Cultural remains dated to the period corresponding to Eastern Zhou and Qin dynasties have been found throughout the northern and northeastern areas of China. There is considerable controversy as to the classification, chronology, and ethnic identity of these cultures. In the following, several examples will be given of cases in which remains from the Central Plains area of China may help to provide criteria for dating. The first example is tomb no. 101 in Nanshangen 南山才艮 in Ningchengxian 窣 城 縣 of Inner Mongolia.41 This Nanshangen site is a cemetery of the upper Xiajiadian 夏 家 店 culture discovered in 1958.42 Tomb no. 101, excavated in 1963, is a tomb with a rectangular pit 3.8 m long, with a stone chamber and a coffin. Inside the chamber were found more than five hundred pieces of bronze artifacts and other relics such as gold ornaments. A few of the bronze ritual vessels have shapes and decorative designs characteristic of the Central Plains, including such types as the ding, guit and/w According to specific modes (such as the relatively shallow body of the ding), these cultures can be dated to early Spring and Autumn period. A number of other bronze artifacts, espe­ cially short swords, obviously exhibit the northern style. Tomb no. 102, which is located only about 1 2 0 m from tomb no. 1 0 1 , 43 has a similar 40. Yang Kuan, A History of the Warring States (Shanghai: Renmin Press, 1980), p. 266. 41. Cultural Relics Work Station of Zhaouda League and Northeast Archae­ ological Team of the Institute of Archaeology, 尤如斯 Xt/ehao 1973 (2): 27—40. 42. Li Yiyou, Kaogu 1959 (6): 276-77. 43. Northeast Archaeological Team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Acad­ emy of Social Sciences, Kaogu 1981 (4) : 304-08.

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123

structure, is 2.8 m long, and is very close to 101 in date. Tomb no. 102 yielded a bone plate with incised designs of carriages, horses, pigs, and deer that shows a very strong northern style (fig. 53). These two tombs at Nanshangen 南 山 根 are important chronological markers for the study of the ethnic groups in the north. Stone chamber tombs similar to those at Nanshangen were also found in 1956 in Meilihe 美 展 河 of Chifeng 赤 参 • The artifacts found there are similar to those at Nanshangen.44 The second example are tombs no. 1 and no. 2 found in Beixinbao 北 辛 堡 in Huailaixian 懷 來 縣 of Hebei, which were excavated in 1964.45 They were in a cemetery area not very far from the Yan capital of Jicheng. Both tombs were rectangular pit graves. Tomb no. 1 was 15.1 m long, and tomb no. 2 was 6 m long. Both were characterized by the use of heads and limbs of domestic animals in the grave furnishings, very similar to a burial custom found among the ethnic groups in Jialainor 札 赉 諸 爾 and in Taohongbala 桃 紅 巴 拉 in Hangjin 抗 錦 Banner of Inner Mongolia.46 In tomb no. 1 was found a whole set of bronze vessels similar in style to vessels of the transitional period between Spring and Autumn and the Warring States, but associated ge halberds seem to be later in type. The preliminary report of these tombs date the tombs appropri­ ately to the early Warring States period. In these tombs were also found golden wires for ornaments and also distinctive daggers. A third example is the ancient tomb investigated in 1974 at Dadianzi 大 甸 子 in Huanrenxian 桓 仁 縣 of Liaoning.47 This was also a cemetery site and contained a chamber tomb constructed of slates 4 m 44. Archaeology Team, Inner Mongolia, Neimenggu Chutu Wenwu Xuanji (Peking: Wenwu Press, 1963). 45. Archaeological Team, Bureau of Culture, Hebei Prvince, Kaogu 1966 (5): 231-42. 46. Archaeological Team, Inner Mongolia, Kaogu 1961 (12): 673-80; Tian Guangjin, Kaogu Xuebao 1976 (1): 131-44. 47. Zeng Zhaozang and Qi Jun, Liaoning Wenwu 1981 (1): 27-28.

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long. In the tomb was a thick layer of burned fragments of bones, and the pit walls and various grave furnishings also showed evidence of burning. These burnings could indicate a special mortuary custom. From the tomb were taken a dagger and about two hundred Ming knife coins of Yan, including elbow-shaped Ming knife coins of the later type. This tomb is dated to the late Warring States period. The final example is three rectangular pit graves found near Xigouban 西 薄 畔 in the Zhungor 准 格 爾 Banner of Inner Mongolia.48 In the tombs were found skulls of sheep and horses, a large number of gold ornaments, and also artifacts of silver, bronze, iron, lead, and pottery. The ornaments exhibit the characteristically northern style of animal decorative designs. Particularly noteworthy is the fact that some of the gold and silver artifacts from tomb no. 2 were inscribed in the archaic style of the Warring States, with some similarity with the finds from Yan Xiadu (compare chapter 20). From these it is possible to speculate that the tomb at Xigouban is dated to late Warring States period. It should also be mentioned that from this site bronze daggers had also come to light. Such examples with firm chronological evidence are few, but their sphere of distribution includes a very large area north of the states of Yan and Zhao, and their cultural typology is not homogeneous. There­ fore these finds are of limited usefulness for a very penetrating analysis of the cultures of the northern ethnic groups. Bronze daggers may be said to be the most characteristic artifact of the bronze cultures of the north (fig. 54), and are indicative also of close relationships with neighboring areas. In recent years scholars have undertaken the detailed study of these daggers, 49 although problems remain. In these discussions we have not used the term Ordos Bronzes. Since its use by J. G. Andersson50 a half-century ago, this term has been fashionable. In China a number of people still use the term under differ­ ent circumstances, but actually the so-called Ordos Bronzes are rather heterogeneous. Monographs such as the Ordos-bronzen51 of 1936 include artifacts from many different chronological periods and of different types. Because of the major advances in archaeological work, we do need to undertake a more refined analysis of the bronze cultures of the north. On the other hand, such sites as the Taohongbala site in Hangjin Banner mentioned earlier are located in the Ordos area. It might be appropriate to refer to the cultural type to which Taohongbala belongs as the Ordos style. 48. Cultural Relics Station of Zhaowuda League and Archaeological Team of Inner Mongolia, Wenwu 1980 (1): 1-10. 49. Wu En, Kaogu 1978 (5): 324-33; Lin Yun, Kaogu Xuebao 1980 (2): 139-61. 50. J. G. Andersson, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, no. 4. 51. Viktor Griessmaier, Ordos-bronzen {Vienna: Krystall-Verlag, 1936).

54. Examples of the bronze daggers of the north

8

Q i齊

Before we describe the state of Qi, some remarks should be directed toward the state of J i 紀 ， which was subjugated by Qi in the early Spring and Autumn period. Like Qi, Ji was a state of the Jiang 姜 clan and was among the more important lords. It was located southeast of the present Shouguangxian 壽 先 縣 of Shandong. In the early phases of the Spring and Autumn period, the Ji lords had intermarried with the royal house of the Zhou dynasty, but before very long it was exterminated by the state of Qi. In the inscriptions on bronze vessels Ji is written 己 or 真 . During the Qing dynasty a Jihou zAtm客 紀 侯 鐘 bell of late Western Zhou dynasty was unearthed underneath the Jihoutai 紀 候 台 mound in Shouguang. The catalogue Fuzhai Jijinlu has a Wangfu Ji Meng Jiang yi 王婦多己孟姜區 unearthed in Shandong also, which, as it is an early Spring and Autumn vessel, could have been part of the dowry of the Ji woman who married into the Zhou royal house in 703 B.c. In 1951, a group of dowry vessels made for outmarrying ladies from Ji state was found in a tomb at Nanfu 南 蜂 ，southeast of Huangxian 黃 縣 in Shandong. 1 This group is also dated to the early Spring and Autumn period. This location is within the confines of Huicheng 灰 域 ， which was the site of the capital of the state of Lai 萊 ， indicating an intermarrying relationship between Ji and Lai. In 1965 at Shangkuang 上 办 in the southern suburb of Yantai 烟台 of Shandong a tomb of early Spring and Autumn period was discovered, from which bronze artifacts came to light.12 This is the tomb of a younger brother of the Marquis of Ji. Yantai is very far from Shouguang but is near the state of Lai, which was located in Huangxian. Possibly the tomb master had immigrated to the state of Lai from Ji. In the future, further archaeological investigation will be 1. Wang Xiantang, Huangxian Jiqi (Shandong: Renmin Press, 1960). 2. Qi Wentao, Wenwu 1972 (5): 3-18. 126

Qi

齊

127

needed to clarify the many problems concerning the states of Lai and Ji. According to historical data the nobility of the state of Qi were replaced as rulers of Qi by the ministerial family Tian 田 in 386 B.c. Accordingly, the history of Qi is divided into two phases: Jiang Qi 姜 齊 ， the Qi of tie Jiang clan, and Tian Qi 田 齊 ， the Öi 〇f the Tian family. However, these were changes of the throne only, and did not, as in tie case of the three Jins, result in three separate states of lords. The deposed lord Qi Kanggong 齊 康 公 died soon after being deposed, and for that reason Qi did not have a royal family descent that was parallel to that of the Tian family. The ancient capital city of Qi is located in the western and northern sections of olä Linzixian 臨 潘 縣 ， now known as Zibuo ;甾 博 city in Shandong. 3 As early as 1936, Wang Xiantang 王 康 唐 undertook a description and study of the Qi capital site on the basis of the cultural relics collected in the area.4 From 1940 to 1941 the Japanese scholar Sekino investigated the same site and prepared a report. 5 After Libera­ tion, archaeologists have done an enormous amount of new work. In 1958 surveys and a test excavation took place here, 6 and since 1964 additional extensive surveys and excavations have been organized, 7 yielding many results. On the basis of these archaeological surveys, we now know that the ancient city of Qi consisted of a larger city and a smaller city (fig. 55). The larger city was in the shape of a rough rectangle. The eastern city wall was 5,309 m long, somewhat zigzagging and irregular. The south wall was 2,821 m long, the west waü 4,812 m, and the north wall 3,316 m. The smaller city was located outside the southwestern corner of the large city. Its eastern, southern, western, and northern walls were 2,195 m, 1,402 m, 2,274 m, and 1,404 m in lengt:h, respectively. The larger city had six gates that have been discovered, and the smaller city had five. In addition, remains of roads connected to the city gates have also been discovered. The palace area is located at the Huangongtai 桓 公 台 in the north part of the small city and in the area of the so-called Jinluandian 金 參 殿 3. Cf. Hou Renzhi, "The Origin and Development of the Major Towns in Zibuo City" (in Chinese), in his Di/i Aiue Di Li/tm Yîu S/iÿîcm (Shanghai: Renmin Press, 1979). 4. Wang Xiantang, Linzi Fengni wenzi 1936, preface. 5. Sekino Takeshi, "An Investigation of Qi Capital of Linzi” (in Japanese), in his Chügoku Kökogaku Kenkyû (Tokyo: Tokyo University, Töy5 Bunka Kenkyüsho, 1956). 6. Department of Cultural Relics, Shandong Province, Kaogu 1961 (6): 289-97. 7. Qun U Wenwu 1972 (5): 45-54.

128

Q i齊

in the northeastern corner of the small city. Huangongtai is an oval­ shaped platform built of rammed earth 8 6 m long from north to south and 19 m wide, surrounded by a large number of architectural remains. In the southern part of the small city was found a bronze workshop, and a site where the Warring States period Qi knife coins were cast was found in the south of Anhecun 安 合 村 in the middle of the southern part

129

Q l齊

56. Semicircular eaves-tiles from the old city of Qi

of the small city. In the western part of the small city were found remains of an iron workshop. An even larger number of workshop sites occurred within the confines of the larger city, including workshops for iron and bone, some of them persisting into the Han dynasty. In the area of the Qi city many semicircular eaves-tiles were collected (fig. 56). Most of them are decorated with designs of trees. On some of them, under-the-trees designs, two horses, a man and a horse, or two animals were added. In addition, there are also designs that consist of hook-shaped cloud patterns, star patterns, as well as inscriptions. These semicircular eaves-tiles of Qi have often appeared in traditional catalogues of old tiles and bricks. Ä burial area is located in the area of Heyaitou 河 崖 頭 in the northeastern corner of the larger city. In 1965 a hoard of bronze artifacts was discovered. Among the finds was 2l yu ßi vessel.8 In the 1964-65 season more than thirty late Warring States period tombs were found, including large tombs with two ramps. West of Yaitoucun 崖 頭 村 a large tomb with stone chambers was found. It is surrounded on the eastern, western, and northern sides by interconnected horse pits, and 228 horses have been found so far.9 In the areas of Liujiazhai 荆 家 幕 and south of 8. See n. 2 above. 9. Editorial Committee of Wenwu, Wenum Kaogu Gongzuo Sanshinian (Wenwu Press, 1979), p. 191.

Ql 齊

130

Shaoyuancun 召p 院 村 in the southern suburb of the larger city, groups of burials were also found . 101 A large number of ancient tombs with earthen mounds sur­ rounded the ancient city of Qi. In 1956 a group of bronze vessels came to light at Yaowangcun 堯 王 村 ， which is 3.5 km to the south of the ancient city . 11 Eight of the 伽 客 tripods had the inscription "G uozi" 國 子 • They subsequently were judged to have come from one of the large graves. Guoshi 國 氏 is said to have been a descendant of Taigong 太 公 ， the founding lord of the state of Qi, 12 and he was one of the most important officials in the court of Qi from the Jiang clan. From the standpoint of typology, this group of vessels may be dated to middle or late Spring and Autumn period. In 1971 and 1972 a large grave was excavated at Langjiazhuang 郎 家 庄 about .5 km south of the ancient city of Qi (fig. 57).13 The mounä covering the tomb was 10 m high. The pit of the grave is 21 m long. The chamber of the grave was constructed of rocks. The wooden coffin and the wooden chamber have not survived, and it is not clear whether ramps were constructed. Even though the tomb had been plundered, about one thousand items of grave furnishings were unearthed. It is note­ worthy that in the grave there were seventeen sacrificial victims buried in cofÄns and wooden chambers, all of them young females. In addition, there were nine sacrificial victims who had been beheaded or had their limbs mutilated. The excavator of the tomb judged the tomb to date from the period of transition from the Spring and Autumn to the Warring States. From the evidence it is clear that these large graves were mostly burials of Qi nobility. Scholars at Peking University have pointed out it is possible that the several dozen ancient artifacts found in 1123 at the old city of Qi may have come from a large grave. 14 This group of artifacts included the famous Shuyi 6 0 叔 夷 # and Shuyi 2 /uw又 叔 夷 鐘 bells. Inscriptions on these bells record events that took place during the reign of Duke Linggong of Qi. The bells were cast during the reign of Duke Zhuanggong 皮 公 of Qi (553-548 B.C.). In addition, many important bronze 10. Figs. 8 and 9 of article cited in n. 6 above. Cf. Sekino Takeshi, Han-gatö No

Kenkyü (Iwanami, 1952). 11. Yang Zifan, Kaogu 1958 (6): 50-52. 12. Qin Jiamo, Shibenjibu, vol. 6, of Shiben Bazhong (Commercial Press, 1957), p. 151. 13. Shandong Provincial Museum, Kaogu Xuebao 1977 (1): 73-104. 14. Section of Shang and Zhou Archaeology Program, History Department, Peking University, Shang Zhou Kaogu (Wenwu Press, 1979), chap. 4, sec. 2, subsection 3, p. 248, n. 2.

131

Q i齊

57. Tomb no. 1 at Langjiazhuang, Linzixian

vessels from the state of Qi have been discovered over the years in the area of Shandong Province. Many of these have been collected into a catalogue, the J 把u/en Jict/n 山 東 金 文 集 存 by Zeng Yigong 曾毅公• A group of bronzes was discovered in 1963 at Yangshan 揚 善 in Linquxian 臨 朐 縣 in Shandong. 15 The master of a Zrn vessel in this group is judged to be a certain Gongsun Zhao 公 孫 灶 who lived during the 15. See n. 2 above.

Q l齊

132

58. Dui vessel of the Marquis of Qi (from Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 390)

reign of the Duke Jinggong 景公 of Qi and died in the year 539 B.c. In this group of bronzes is a ding tripod with flat cover that resembles the Guozi ding mentioned earlier from Yaowangcun in Linzi. Qi state bronzes have some distinctive features, but we are still ignorant of the details of their variation and change. The group of vessels from Yangshan may be used as a basis for dating. In 1893 a group of four dowry vessels made by a marquis of Qi were found in Yixian ^ ^ in Hebei. This group, which includes a ding tripod, a dui tripod, a pan, and a 37z E , 16 is now in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum in New York. These vessels were cast on the occasion of the marriage of a Qi daughter to a noble of the state of Yan. The ding has a flat cover and a pair of attached ears. The dui type (fig. 58) is similar to that of period 2 in Zhongzhou Lu of Luoyang, and its decorative patterns also show early features. This group may therefore date to a late subphase of the middle Spring and Autumn period, slightly earlier than the bronzes of Yangshan in Linqu. Liu Xinyuan 割 心 源 ， a 16. J. C. Ferguson, The Four Bronze Vessels of the Marquis ChH (Peking, 1928).

133

Q i齊

Qing scholar， in his (2拉奶 Af Jÿm We/wAtz 奇 紙 室 吉 金 文 述 ， pointed out that of the four, only the ding had an incised inscription. He there­ fore suspected that this inscription was a fake. However, bronze vessels with incised inscriptions have been found at other Spring and Autumn period sites, an example being the /w 簠 unearthed in Xuecheng 篩 城 in Tengxian 滕 縣 of Shandong in 1973 (see chapter 9). Therefore, tiie Yixian ding is probably not spurious. The dowry vessels cast by the Marquis of Qi for his outmarrying daughters included the Qihoujfcm 齊 候 銀 ，found at Zhongzhou ciaqu 中 州 大 渠 in Luoyang of Henan in 1957.17 This vessel was found in an ashy pit at the Pingle 平 樂 Commune in Mengjinxian 孟 津 縣 . It is 43.5 cm tall, 75 cm in diameter, and decorated with a band of wavy designs. The archaeologists in Luoyang attributed this vessel to Duke Linggong 靈公 of Qi in the year 558 B.c. 18 The decoration of the yia/z is similar to that of the vessels from tomb no. 13 in Shangmacun of Houma, and the calligraphic style of the inscription is later than that of the four vessels of the Marquis of Qi found in Yixian; both decoration and calligraphy are appropriate to their time. This jian is, thus, a few years earlier than the Shuyifu and Shuyizhong bells found in the old city of Qi. Remaining bronze artifacts from the lords of Qi of the Tian family include two dui tripods, a gui vessel made for Duke Huangong 桓 公 Wu 午 of Qi (all made in 361 B.C.), and another made for King Weiwang 威 王 of Qi. These have been discussed by Xu Zhongshu 徐 仲 舒 •19 The two Duke Huangong dt/i tripods differ considerably in form. Professor Shirakawa of Japan suspects that the one now in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taiwan (fig. 143 in the catalogue Liang Zhou Jinwenci Daxi) has a spurious inscription. 20 But this suspicion has been negated by a recent X-ray study . 21 Another dui made by Wu, Duke Huangong of Qi, published as no. 168 in Shang Zhou Jinwen was made in tiie year 365 B.c. The Tianshi 田 氏 in all these inscrip­ tions was written as ciien 陳 • It is well known among historians that tlie characters Tian a ；and Chen were interchangeable. In 1857 three bronze measurement vessels were found in Lingshanwei 靈 山 衡 in Jiaoxian 膠 縣 of Shandong.22 These are the so-called Qiuguan/iz 丘 閼 蚤 （fig. 59), Zuoguan/iw 左 閼 蒼 , and Zuoguan fte 左 閼 舞 》， 17. Zhang Jian, Wenwu 1977 (3): 75. 18. Cf. Chang Maolai, Chungiu Niipu (Yimen: Yigutang ed., 1850). 19. Xu Zhongshu, Lishi Yuyart Yanjiusuo Jikan (Academia Sinica), vol. 3, no. 4: 479-506. 20. Shirakawa Shizuka, Kimmon Tsüshaku 38 (Hakutsuru Bijutsukan). 21. Zhang Guangyuan, Gugong Jikan, vol. 12, no. 2. 22. Shanghai Museum, Qiliang (1959).

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all of them inscribed. The fu was a unit of measurement that was used only in the state of Qi. According to Zuo Zhuan, under the 3rd year of Duke Zhaogong 9g 公 ， the measurement system of Qi was different under the Jiang family and under the Tian family, with the Jiang family measure­ ments smaller than those of the Tian family. After the Tians replaced the Jiangs as the heads of Qi state, the measurements used by the Tian family of course became the legal measurement system of the state of Qi. The measurement vessels from Jiaoxian belong to the Qi of the Tian family. The actual measurement of the artifacts indicates that the system of measurement, the units, and their relative sizes were as follows: 1 升 one dou J . 1 gt/ 區 I fu ^ 1 zAo叹 鍾

=205 cc = four sheng = 820 cc =20 = 4，100 cc = 100 sheng = 20,500 cc =1000 sAe% = 205,000 cc

The capacity of the he l^a in Jiaoxian was 10 sheng. If we arrange sheng, he, fu, and zhong into an array, it constitutes a decimal system, which obviously would have been easier to use than the system of dou, quf fuf and zhong.23 The inscriptions on the measuring vessels from Jiaoxian indicate that these vessels were used by Zuoguan 左關 officials for the purpose of 23. Qiu Guangming, Wenum 1981 (10): 63:72.

135

Q l齊

exacting taxes and that these measurements were compared and adjusted to the standard of measurement of the treasury of the state. The two fu vessels have bodies shaped like a At/ 壺 with two handles and are different from the usual measurement vessels of the Eastern Zhou period. The state of Qi was located in the maritime area. According to the Guanzi 管 子 ， chapter "Haiwang" 海 王 ， the average consumption of salt of an adult man per month was 3.5 sheng, that for an adult woman was 3 1/3 sheng, and that for a child was 2 1/3 sheng. Therefore, the salt tax was very important to the Qi economy. Jiaoxian is located on Jiaozhou 修 州 Bay. This group of measurement vessels unearthed at Lingshanwei pos­ sibly was used for the purposes of salt taxes. These measurement vessels may be dated by means of the per­ sonal name Chen De 陳 得 in the inscription of the Qiuguan,仏 This name occurs also in the Chen Zhang At/ 陳 緣 壺 vessel, wliich is now in the collection of the University Museum at the University of Pennsylvania (fig. 60).24 The inscription on the Chen Zhang hu vessel describes the military campaign of the state of Qi against Yan. Chen Mengjia 陳 夢 家 believed that the Chen Zhang of this inscription was the same person as the Tian Zhang who is recorded in literary sources as the commander general of this campaign. The inscription on the hu refers to the 5th year of the king's reign, wiiich is the 5th year of King Xuanwang 宣 王 oi* Qi, or 314 B .c .25 Accordingly, these measuring vessels cannot be dated to an earlier period than the iater years of King Weiwang 威 王 of Qi; that is, they are artifacts of a later subphase of the middle Warring States period. Calligraphically, the inscriptions of these measuring vessels belong to a later style than those of the vessels dated to Duke Huangong and King Weiwang, and this is not inconsistent with the above speculation. The name Chen De is seen frequently on pottery vessels of the Qi state of the Tian family, and also on pottery seals that were used to make impressions on pottery .26 It has been stated that pottery inscriptions have been found in many states such as Zhou, the three Jins, and Yan. A number of them have also been found in Qin. However, the place where Eastern Zhou pottery inscriptions have been found in the greatest abundance is present-day Shandong Province, and most of these inscriptions are from the state of Qi. The history of the discovery and the study of the Shan­ dong pottery inscriptions have not been widely known .27 A brief ac­ count may be useful here. 24. 25. 26. 27.

Umehara Sueji, Ö-Bei Shücho Shina Kodö Seika (1933)f no. 213. Chen Mengjia, Liuguo Jinian (Xuexi Shenghuo Press, 1955), pp. 93-96. LiXueqin, Wenwu 1959 (7): 50-54. Cf. Li Xueqin, Qiluxuekan 1982 (5): 35-37.

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60. Hu vessel of Chen Zhang (from Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 774)

Shandong pottery inscriptions were first discovered in the late Qing dynasty. The first scholar to study and make collections of the pottery inscriptions was Chen Jieqi 昧 介 祺 ， a famous antiquarian from Weixian 灘 縣 in Shandong. As eariy as 1872 he began to collect Qi state pottery inscriptions unearthed in Weixian. His collection of pottery inscriptions was circulated in the form of a book of rubbings entitled FwzAai Can於 ao 簠 齋 藏 陶 . Although it is a collection of potteryinscription rubbings of great richness and importance, it has never been published. The actual specimens in his collection went to the Museum of Qingdao 青 島 in 1937. It is a collection of about forty-eight hundred

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pieces, the overwhelming majority of which came from within the prov­ ince of Shandong. Following Chen's lead, a number of collectors of pottery inscrip­ tions appeared toward the end of Qing, among them Pan Zuyin Liu E 鶴 ， and Duan Fang 端 方 • Liu's collection numbered more than a thousand pieces, a part of which was published in 1904 as Tieyun Ca%£ao 鐵 云 藏 陶 ； it was the first publisïied collection of pottery in­ scriptions. After the revolution of 1911, pottery inscription collectors increased further, and included foreign scholars. In 1943 the collection of Zhou Jin 周 進 was published as Jzmw Caw於 ao 季 木 藏 陶 ； this is the best comprehensive collection of pottery inscriptions that has so far been published. Gu Tinglong's 顧 廷 龍 古 陶 文 S 錄 ， published in 1936, is a collection of words and characters in the pottery inscriptions. This book has been supplemented by Jin Xiangheng's Taoxvenèia/z 陶 文 編 , 28 published in 1964. The published collections of pottery inscriptions in the past in­ cluded by and large inscriptions of the characters, but they disregarded the ware and the shape of the pottery involved and lacked records of the provenance and stratigraphy. Since 1949 a large number of new pottery inscription have been brought to light in the ancient city of Qi and other places.29 These are all supported by reliable data and, there­ fore, have a higher value for study. The pottery inscriptions of the state of Qi basically belong to the period during which the Tian family reigned (fig. 61). With a few excep­ tions, the pottery inscriptions were impressed with pottery seals. These seals were mostly made of clay, but some were of bronze. Most of the inscriptions refer to the place of origin and the name of the craftsman who made the pottery. From the home towns of the craftsmen recorded in the pottery inscriptions of the ancient city of Qi and other areas, we know that some of the craftsmen came from towns and cities quite far away. For example, Cheng Yang was originally a place in the state of Ju 莒 ， and Meng Tang 孟 棠 should be Meng theng 孟 嘗 . However， most of the potters lived in the residential precincts of the capital city itself. For example, the name Menzuomanguobi 門 左 南 郭 部 probably was located at a place near an enclosure to the left of the southern gate of Qi, and another name, Zuqiubi 苴 丘 鄙 ， which was seen earlier in the commentary of We/zja/cm < 選 ， quoting Lu Lianzi 魯 連 子 ， refers to a placename within the ancient city of Qi itself.

28. Jin Xiangheng, Taowenbian (Taiwan: Yiwen Press, 1964). 29. Fig. 6 in article cited in n. 6 above.

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The potters were referred to as Taozhe 陶 者 . 30 For example, the term is found in the following sentences: ''Gaolii douli ren Taozhe yue M i" 高 閭 豆 里 人 陶 者 曰 日 （in 古 陶 瑣 萃 1, 7) and "Huoyang nanli Taozhe Q i" 獲 陽 南 里 陶 者 期 （ Jfmwccm於 a o 季 木 藏 陶 5*7，1). Anal­ yses of such pottery inscriptions should help us understand the nature of the pottery workshops of the time. 30. Zhu Dexi, Guwenzi Yanjiu, 1:116-20.

9

The Lords on the Si

River

To the southwest of the state of Qi, south of Mount Tai, there was an array of many small states of lords. Even as late as the middle of the Warring States period a number of small states still existed in this area. They eventually were wiped out as the Chu state moved east. These small states were located mainly in the valley of the Si River, which led to the appellation "the Twelve Lords on the Si.〃 For example, in ZAan以 oce 戰 國 策 ， chapter "Chuce"楚 策 ， section 5， Zhang Yi ‘ 儀 is quoted as making the following argument to the King of Chu: If Your Majesty use your troops to attack Song 宋 ， Song will be taken in a few months. After taking Song you point further to the south, and then the "Twelve Lords on the Si River" will be yours. Then， Han Sfci WéizAt/cm 韓 詩 外 傳 records the saying of King Xuanwang 宣 王 of Qi as follows: Among my ministers there is one called Tan Zi 檀 子 • When I command him to defend the cities of the south the Chu people dare not move north to antagonize me and the Twelve Lords on the Si River all come to perform audience. 1 This statement was quoted as one made by King Weiwang 威 王 of Qi in the SAÿi, chapter "Tian Jing Zhongwan shijia” 田 敬 仲 完 世 家 . The Suoyang ^ commentary to the Shiji explains that the lords of the Si River were "the likes of Zhu 都 ， Ju 莒 ，Song宋 ， and Lu 魯 ," which is a correct interpretation. At that time Song had moved its capital to the area 1. Xu Jiyi, Han Shi Weizhuan Jishi, vol. 10 (Zhonghua Book Company, 1980), p. 341.

139

140

The Lords

on the Si 泗

River

that now is Xuzhou 徐 州 of Jiangsu, 2 and, therefore, was counted among the lords on the Si River. This chapter takes this term as its title and presents a comprehensive summary of the archaeological material from this area. Among the various states of this area, the most important, of course, was the state of Lu 魯 ， with its capital at present-day Qufu 曲阜 in Shandong. The state of Lu was enfeoffed to the Duke of Zhou in the early years of the Western Zhou. The Duke of Zhou remained in the royal court and sent his eldest son, Boqin 伯 禽 ， to preside in the state, which was an important lords' state throughout the entire Western Zhou dy­ nasty. During the Spring and Autumn period the state of Lu, like the state of Zheng, also went into a decline, but it still retained the Zhou traditional culture more than any other state until 256 B.c., when the state was overthrown by Chu under King Kaoliewang 考 烈 王 • With the exception of the Seven Strongmen of the Warring States period, the states of Lu and Wei 卫 persisted the longest of any of the states of lords. Since Lu was the home state of Confucius, the cultural relics of Qufu were always treated with especial care by imperial courts and officials throughout the subsequent dynasties. Since the Qing dynasty a number of bronze vessels have been discovered in the area of Qufu. They are recorded in detail in volume 9 of Ke Zhangji's 柯 昌 濟 ßian 金 文 分 域 编 • In 1932 an assemblage of bronze vessels was brought to light at Linqiancun 林 前 村 south of the so-called Confucian Forest in Qufu.3 These bronzes have proved to have been cast by Yuan 元 ， who was a Dasitu 大 司 徒 of Lu, tlius suggesting that this place was the site of the Lu capital during the Spring and Autumn period. In 1942, the socalled East Asia Cultural Council undertook test excavations in Qufu. Additional work was again done in the autumn of the following year. The major result was the discovery, at the site of the Lingguangdian 靈 光 殿 Hall of the Lu Principality of the Western Han, of a piece of stone that was a part of the northern stairs and was engraved with the characters "Luliunian" 魯 六 年 ， or the 6 th year of Lu. This piece of engraved stone is now in the collection of Peking University, but other relics that were excavated and collected were sent to Japan and placed in the Laboratory of Archaeology of the Faculty of Letters of Tokyo University. In 1951 a report on these collected materials was published by Komai.4 Among the relics found in the forties, those that belonged to the Eastern Zhou period are particularly noteworthy. For example, semicir2. Qian Mu, Xian Qin Zhuzi Xinian, vol. 3 (Commercial Press, 1936), p. 99. 3. Zeng Yigong, Shandong Jinwen Jicun, vol. 1 (1940), no. 15. 4. Komai Kazuchika, Kyokufu Ro-jö No Iseki (Kyoto: Kyoto University, Faculty of Letters, Archaeological Laboratory, 1951).

The Lords

on the Si 治

River

141

cular eaves-tiles found at the place called Xitai © ^ were decorated with simple designs that are similar to taotie masks. Semicircular eaves-tiles found at area III of Dongtai 東台 had very distinctive semiconcentric circles. 5 These have been studied carefully by Sekino Takeshi, who participated in the test excavations.6 Area V yielded bronze cowry­ shaped Chu ^ coins, the so-cd\\eàyibiqian 〇r "ant-nose coins/ ' 7 Probably in circulation after the extermination of Lu under Chu, these coins have been found in large quantities since Liberation. Because the Lu palace of the Han dynasty was constructed on the foundations of the Lu capital that were laid down before the Qin dy­ nasty, these relevant discoveries provide important clues to the investi­ gation of both location and layout of the ancient Lu city. Since Liberation, many archaeological investigations have taken place at the Lu city of Qufu. A number of surveys were undertaken since 1956, and 1962 saw a very extensive archaeological survey of the whole area.8 However, at that time new data relevant to the Lu city still were rare. In 1977 and 1978 an extensive survey and test excavations were carried out in the Lu city, with rich results. The report of this new phase of work is soon to be published. Recent studies have shown that the Lu capital Qufu (fig. 62) had a rectangular city wall with four rounded corners, "about 4 km long east-west and 3 km wide north-south. The total length of the city wall on all four sides was about 12 km. Eleven city gates have been investigated; three gates were found on the east, west, and north walls, respectively, but only two on the south wall. Major roads in the city were connected to the city gates/ ' 9 Upon analysis the excavators concluded that construc­ tion of this city began in the early portions of the Western Zhou dynasty, and that its location had not changed. The palace area was located at the center of the city. There is an area of Acm客tt/ 夯 土 platforms about 1 km from east to west. In the northeastern portion of this area, which is on the high ground now known as Zhougongmiao 周 公 廟 ， just below the site of Linguang Hall, which was test-excavated in the 1940s, Eastern Zhou architectural foundations have been located. To the north, east, and west of the palace 5. Ibid., pi. 14. 6. Sekino Takeshi, Han-gatô No Kenkyû (Okawa Company, 1952). 7. PL 21 of work cited in n. 4 above. 8. Shandong Archaeological Team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Acad­ emy of Sciences, and Commission for Cultural Relics Management of Qufuxian, Kaogu 1965 (12): 599-613. 9. Editorial Committee of Wenwu, Wenwu Kaogu Gongzuo Sanshirtian (Wenwu Press, 1979), p. 191.

T he Lords

142

-----Ancient burials

on the

Si

泗

River

Ancient dwellings

62. The old city of Lu

area were workshop sites for metal foundries and the manufacture of articles of pottery and bone. Eastern Zhou period tombs were located at Yaopu 葯圃 in the northwestern portion of the city and near Wangfutai 望 父 台 in the western portion of the city. Among them were two large graves dating to the early phases of the Warring States period. In each of these tombs the master had a layer of jade rings both beneath and above his body. The largest rings were more than 30 cm in diameter. This is a very unusual mortuary custom. 10 In ancient texts we find a number of descriptions of the struc­ ture of the Lu city. Descriptions are found, for example, in Lunyu Zt/o Z/man 左 傳 ， and Gi/oj“ 國 語 • The excavation work is still just beginning. In the future, archaeological discoveries and textual materials may be combined to bring important results, and even the monuments 10. Ibid.

The Lords on th e Si ya River

143

traditionally known as the home and the tomb of Confucius may be checked and confirmed by archaeological work. The Lu state bronze vessels found outside the area of Qufu include many that were originally part of the dowries of Lu daughters. The marriage partners of these Lu daughters could have been men from different clans within the Lu territory, but the women could also have married outside the Lu state. It is not possible to prove that the area in which these dowry vessels were found corresponds to the territorial scope of the state of Lu. For example, in 1965 two tombs were found at Qijiayu 七 家 俗 in Zouxian 郎 縣 of Shandong. 11 These tombs yielded dowry vessels made by Bosifu 伯 知 父 on behaTf of a lady called Lun 論 . These vessels were dated to a late phase of the early Spring and Autumn period. This location is very near the Qufu area and was quite probably within the territory of the Lu state. On the other hand, in 1970 another tomb was found in Beicaogou 北 草 薄 in Licheng 盧 城 of Shandong, 112 from which were uneartheä dowry vessels made by Bo Dafu 伯 大 父 of Lu. Since this location is near the present city of Jinan 濟 南 it could not have been a part of the state of Lu. The discoveries at Beicaogou in Licheng were relatively impor­ tant. At the tomb were found a bronze ding tripod, a bronze gui vessel, and also a pottery li tripod. The gui has a cover and two handles, and it is decorated with tile designs and 竊 曲 designs, the traditional dec­ orative patterns of the late Western Zhou period. The vessels were made by Lu Bodafu 魯 伯 大 父 as part of the dowry for Ji Jijian 季 姬 妨 . In the past, two dowry vessels made by this very person were found in Shan­ dong Province. These have been recorded in such catalogues as Liang Zhou Jinwenci Daxi 兩 禹 金 文 餘 大 系 and Shang Zhou Yiqi Tongkao 商 周 葬 器 通 考 • They are also very much alike in form. Looking at 1:he three vessels together, we can tell that Bodafu made dowry vessels for three sisters. The eldest was called Jiang 姜 ， the second daughter was Yu ^ and the youngest was Jian In addition, Huaimishanfang jijintu 威 米 山 房 吉 金 囷 records a so-called Lu Bohoufu p e rn 魯 伯 厚 父 盤 . 13 This pan vessel was also part of the dowry for Yu. Now, Bohoufu was actually Hui Bo Ge 惠 伯 幸 ， son of Duke Xiaogong 孝 公 of Lu， 14 who lived in the early years of the Spring and Autumn period. This enables us to date the gui vessel of Beicaogou of Licheng, and also all the related vessels, to the early Spring and Autumn period and thus has consider­ able significance for further study of Lu state vessels. In 1830 at a site at Fenghuangling 风 風 嶺 in Tengxian 滕 縣 ，a 11. 12. 13. 14.

Wang Xuan, Kaogu 1965 (11): 541-47. Zhu Huo, Wenwu 1973 (1):64. Cao Zaikui, Huaimishanfang Jijintu, vol. 2 (1922), no. 21. Fang Junyi, Chuoyichai Yiqi Kaoshi, volume 7 (Commercial Press, 1935).

144

The Lords

on the Si 汩

River

group of dowry vessels made by Lu people for their daughters marrying into the state of Zhu was found . 15 These vessels were significant for the study of the relations between the two states. South of the state of Lu were three small lords' states. These were Zhu 部 ， established by the Cao 曹 clan; Teng滕 ， established by the Ji 姬 clan, and Xue 薛 ， established by the Ren 奋 clan. City sites of all these states have been discovered. In 1941 Sekino Takeshi, following his investigation of Qufu in the previous year, went to Tengxian to investigate the Teng and Xue cities. 16 In 1964 the Shandong Archaeological Team of the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences undertook systematic investigations of the cities of Zhu, Teng, and Xue, with major results. 17 The Zhu city is known locally as Jiwangcheng 多己王城 city and is located about 10.5 km south of the present Zouxian under Zouyi 鄉 崎 mountain. The city wall was constructed in accordance with the moun­ tain topography. Both the east and the west walls extended from the southern slope of Mount Yishan 坪 山 to the top of Mount Guoshan 席山 to the south. The northern wall was oriented east-west, south of the Yishanjiecun 崎 山 街 村 village, east to Dianjiantai 點 將 台 • The southern wall was located on the ridge of Guoshan 為 山 and connected the three peaks of the mountain. The eastern and western walls were in general about 3 to 4 m tall. The northern section of the eastern wall was 1,370 m long, with a gap in the middle called Laochengmen 老 城 門 . The southern section, which began at the top of Gaomushan 高 木 山 ， was 980 m long and also contained a gap. The northern section of the western wall had a remaining length of 530 m. The southern section was 1,180 m in one part and 60 m in another, with four gaps. In general the northern wall was over a meter tall; altogether it was 1,520 m in length and contained a single gap. The southern wall is 1 to 2 m tall and about 2,530 m long. To the south of the middle portion of the northern wall was a high ground called Huangtai 皇 台 ， which was the palace area inside the city. In this area were found tile fragments and pottery dated to the Eastern Zhou and Han dynasties. To the north of the northern wall in the area of Sunjiagudui 孫 家 垌 堆 and other places human burials with bronzes were found in the past. In the southeastern corner of the city, eaves-tiles from the Eastern Zhou and Han dynasties were collected. The 15. Sheng Kezhao, (Peking: Fayuan Temple, 1944). 16. Sekino Takeshi, "The remains of the Teng City and the Xue City" (in Japanese), in Chügoku Kökogaku Kenkyü (Tokyo: Tokyo University, Institute of Oriental Culture, 1956). 17. Shandong Archaeological Team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Acad­ emy of Sciences, Kaogu 1965 (12): 622-35.

T he L o rd s o n t h e Si

知

R iver

145

63. Pottery Hang measuring bowl found at Jiwangcheng, Zouxian

semicircular eaves-tiles of Eastern Zhou date had such designs as the mountain-character (sAa/z 山 )； they also had spikes.18 In the area of the Zhu city were collected a number of inscribed potsherds.19 Most of these inscriptions were impressed with the names of potters, consisting of one or two characters. These pottery inscriptions have been recorded in pottery inscription catalogues.2021The Zou Teng Gw rao Wenzf 鄉 滕 古 陶 文 字 compiled by Wang Xiantang 王 嚴 唐 in 1943 contained many inscriptions identical with the pieces collected here. In recent years two Hang # measurement vessels of pottery dec­ orated with corded designs were found south of the palace area of the Zhu city (fig. 63). These vessels have wide mouths and flat bases; on the bodies were two cylindrical handles. Each vessel was impressed with the character lin Identical pottery Hang measurement vessels were also 18. 19. 20. 21.

Ibid., fig. 4, no. 1. Ibid., fig. 3. Li Xueqin, Qilu Xuekan 1982 (5): 35-37. Zhu Chengshan, Wenwu 1982 (3): 78.

146

T he L o rd s o n t h e Si 泗 River

found, both before and after Liberation.22 These pottery Hang vessels are dated to the Warring States period, and they have a capacity of about 20,000 cc, which corresponds to the fu unit of the state of Qi. In 1972 a bronze vessel from the early Spring and Autumn period was found at the Zhu city.23 It was a dowry vessel made by Fo Minfu 布 敏 父 for Meng Si 孟 似 . According to the Zwo Z/mcrn, the 1st year of Duke Yingong 隱 公 ， there was a certain Fei Bo 费 伯 • Du Yu's com­ mentary states tüat Fei Bo was a Dafu minister of Lu. Fei was located in the southwest of the present Yutai 魚 台 of Shandong. According to the SAÿi, chapter "Xia benji," among the descendants of Xia Yu 夏 禹 was one Fei Slii 费 氏 ， a name that appeared in SAièe” as Fo Shi 弗 氏 • This Fei or Fo was established by members of the Si M clan, according to the Shiji; the Shiji information is identical to that of the inscription on the ding tripod. Therefore, it is clear that the Fei Bo lord of the state of Lu was a descendant of Xia Yu. Xia Yu was perhaps originally a small independent state but was later on incorporated into the state of Lu. Bronze vessels made by the lords of the state of Zhu included three bronze zhong H bells. They have appeared in past catalogues. Two of them have been identified as having been made by Duke Xuangong 宣 公 of Zhu (died 556 B.C.) or Daogong 棒 公 of Zhu (died 541 B.C.), both of the late Spring and Autumn period.24 Although Zhu was a small state, there are many traditional vessels that can be identified with it. In addition, a small number of vessels are recorded as being from a vassal state of Zhu, Xiaozhu 小 部 ， also called Ni 兒p. Ni is located 6 li east of the present Tengxian 滕 縣 • Some scholars believe that Ni still existed as an independent state as late as the Warring States period.25 These vessels were in fact very important, but regrettably they all lack reliable prov­ enance data. The old city of Teng is located in East Tengcheng 滕 城 village and West Tengcheng 滕 城 village, about 7 km southwest of the present Tengxian. The city is rectangular in form (fig. 64). In general, the city wall was about 2 m high. The highest remaining point was 3 m. Seven gaps still exist, some of which were probably not the remains of city gates. The lengths of the four sides of the city wall were as follows: east wall, 555 m; south wall, 850 m; west wall, 590 m; north wall, 800 m. Each 22. National Bureau of Standards, Zhongguo Gudai Du Liang Heng Tuji (Wenwu Press, 1981) nos. 91 and 92. 23. WangYanjia, Wenwu 1974(1): 76. 24. Guo Moruo, Liang Zhou Jinwenci Daqi, vol. 2 (Science Press, 1957)# pp. 190-92. 25. Cheng Enze, Guoce Diming Kao, Yueyatang Congshu edition, vol. 17 (Nanhai: Mr. Wu, 1853), no. 16.

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wall was bent rather than straight. In the northeast corner of the city site was an earthen mound called Wengongtai 文 公 合 ， about 6 or 7 m high. Around it were found a large number of Western Zhou, Eastern Zhou, and Han dynasty remains.26 In recent years a fragmentary pottery liang measurement vessel was collected near Wengongtai.27 From the inscrip­ tion it is clear that this vessel was made in the state of Qi. In 1978 a tomb was found west of Zhuanglicun 庄 里 村 ， which neighbors on East Tengchengcun.28 In the tomb was found a group of bronze vessels dating to early Western Zhou period. One inscribed li tripod indicates that it was a ritual vessel for a certain Tenggong 滕 公 . This Tenggong was probably Cuoshuxiou 錯 叔 绣 ， who was the first lord of Teng. The fact that the vessel that was inscribed with offerings to him was located near the Teng city implies that this city was the capital of Teng from the very beginning. The old city of Xue is located 2 km southwest of Guanqiaozhen 官 樣 鎮 ， which is km to the south of Tengxian. The city walls are relatively well preserved and form a rectangular enclosure. The usual height of the wall was about 4 m, but at the highest point it reached more than 7 m. Twenty-two gaps remained, but most of them were opened in 26. See n. 17 above. 27. Shandong Archaeological Team, Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Acad­ emy of Social Sciences, and Tengxian Museum, Kaogu 1980 (1): 32-44. 28. Wan Shuying and Yang Xiaoyi, Wenwu 1979 (4) : 88.

148

T he L o rd s o n t h e Si 泗 R iver

65. Pottery inscriptions from Tengxian

later years. The lengths of the four walls were, respectively: east, 2,480 m; south, 3,010 m; west, 1,860 m; north, 3,265 m. More remains were found both inside and outside the southeastern corner of the city, mostly dating from the Eastern Zhou period.29 In recent years in the Xue city a number of articles of pottery were collected with inscriptions similar to those from the Zhu city. This is true for the pottery inscriptions collected at several other Eastern Zhou cities in the Tengxian region (fig. 65).30 In 1973 four bronze/iz 簠 vessels were found inside the eastern wall of the Xue city.31 They were all made by noblemen of the state of Xue and dated to early Spring and Autumn period. This important discovery actually confirmed the nature of the Xue city. These Xue state vessels were found near an earthen mound that according to local tradition was the tomb of Mengchang jun 孟 嘗 君 • During the Warring States period Xue was overthrown by Qi and sub­ sequently became the enfeoffed city of Mengchang jun. East of Huangdiangang 黃 殿 崗 village, at the center of the Xue city, a rather large iron 29. See n. 17 above. 30. See n. 27 above. 31. Wan Shuying and Yang Xiaoyi, Wenwu 1978 (4): 94-96.

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foundry of the Warring States period was found in the 1950s.32 It is not yet determined whether this site could be as early as the period before Xue was absorbed by the Qi and, therefore, whether it reflects the technological level of the Xue. An iron workshop was also found at Teng city, but apparently it is dated to the Han dynasty. In the east of the old Yixian 崎 縣 of Shandong (now the city of Zaozhuang 泉 座 ） was the state of Zeng 曾p, established by members of the Si clan. In the ancient texts this state was also called Zengyan 續 衍 ，which is to be distinguished from the state of Zeng 曾 established by members of the Ji M clan in Hubei. (This latter Zeng is identical with the state of Sui 隨 in literary records.) Past catalogues include a Zengboqi fu 曾 伯 塞 簠 vessel (a vessel body and a lid). On the basis of Shi Jing (section "Lusong"') and Zho Zhuan, these vessels are believed to have been from the state of Zeng 曾p of the middle Spring and Autumn period.33 This conclusion is credible in view of both vessel form and vessel decoration. According to old tradition, Zeng was an ancient state enfeoffed by the Xia dynasty that was vanquished by the state of Ju 莒 in the late Spring and Autumn period; it was subsequently incorporated into the state of Lu. The state of Ju was a lords’ state established by members of the Ji 己 clan. It moved to the location of the present Juxian 莒 縣 of Shan­ dong in the early years of the Spring and Autumn period but was overthrown by Chu ^ during the Warring States period. In 1975 two Ju tombs were excavated at two localities, Laolongyao 老 龍 腰 and Huayuan 花 園 in Dadian 大 店 Commune of Junanxian 莒 南 縣 ， which is 26 km to the south of the present Juxian 莒 縣 city.34 These two tombs provide a reliable basis for identifying the location of Ju. Tomb no. 1 of Dadian at Laolongyao has a square tomb chamber with an opening 11.3 m long east-west and 10.4 m wide north-south and a sloping ramp on the east side toward the northern end. The walls of the tomb chamber were constructed of rammed earth on the western and northern walls and the southeastern corner of the chamber. A rammed earth partition .8 m wide divides the tomb chamber into two parts. South of the partition was the burial chamber, containing the caskets of the tomb master and also ten wooden coffins for sacrificial victims. The master's casket had been plundered; all that remained in it was a single bronze sword with a lacquered sheath. North of the partition wall was the pit containing grave furnishings. It has a wooden plank cover. In the 32. Zhuang Dongmin, Wenwu 1957 (5) : 82. 33. Qu Wanli, Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Jikan (Academia Sinica) 33:331-49. 34. Shandong Provincial Museum, Archaeology Section of the Lingyi District, and Cultural Hall of Junanxian, Kaogu Xuebao 1978 (3): 317-36.

150

The L ords o n t h e Si :/a R iver

66. Tomb no. 2 at Dadian in Juxian

western part of the pit were four horse skeletons without skulls and 144 bronze and pottery vessels. The assemblage of bronze types, consisting of ding tripod, dui tripod, he vessel, hu vessel, and pan vessel, re­ sembles the assemblage of the second phase from Zhongzhou Lu in Luoyang (late subphase of middle Spring and Autumn period), but decorative designs on the vessels have even later characteristics. All in all, these should be assigned to the late Spring and Autumn period. Tomb no. 2 of Dadian is located to the north of Huayuancun 花 園 村 • The shape and structure of the tomb chamber are similar to those of tomb no. 1 (fig. 66). The opening of the tomb pit was 10 m long north-south and 9 m wide east-west. The ramp was again on the eastern wall, but it was located toward the southern end. The northern part of the tomb chamber was used to house the caskets. In it were the remains

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of the caskets of the tomb master and the coffins of ten human sacrificial victims. The master was apparently a male. The southern part of the tomb pit was for grave furnishings and yielded remains of four incom­ plete horse skeletons and bronze and pottery vessels. At the center of the floor of the tomb pit was a so-called waist pit, in which a dog was buried, maintaining the tradition of Shang mortuary customs. This tomb was severely plundered in an early period, but it still yielded a bell set, musical stone set, and other bronze and pottery vessels. The pottery typology indicates that tomb no. 2 is slightly earlier than tomb no. 1. The bronze vessels found remaining in the tomb, including bell sets, Ae vessels, and / “ 击 vessels, are of a style that is not much earlier and can be estimated to be between middle and late Spring and Autumn period. According to the inscription, the maker of the bell set was "Ping 平 ， second son of Ju Shu 隹 叔 〃 ， probably an important nobleman of the state of Ju. In 1963, a group of bronze vessels was unearthed at Tianjingwang 天 井 汪 in Juxian.35 It included a 餺 bell set, a zAo% 鐘 bell set, and a set of ding tripods, all dated to the middle of Spring and Autumn. Some of the features are highly characteristic, such as the snake-shaped knob on the cover of the hu vessel. These bronzes undoubtedly were vessels of Zhu judging from the location of the find. The states of Ju and Zeng 曾p were located to the east of the Si River, an area where ancient customs survived until quite late. For example, the Zuo Zhuan states that such states as Song Zhu and Lu 魯 treated war captives of Ju and Zeng according to the custom of the Yi 夷 people (namely, they use the captives for human sacrifice), and this old tradition survived to the period of Three Kingdoms.36 The preser­ vation of some Shang customs in the Ju tombs at Dadian in Junan indicates that the culture of the Ju people indeed had quite distinctive characteristics. Further archaeological work in this area may be well worthwhile. Among the states to the west of the Si River the most important were the state of Cao 曹 ， established by members of the Ji 姬 clan, and the state of Song 宋 ， established by members of the Zi 子 clan. Material concerning the state of Cao is very rare. Cao was located to the southwest of Dingtao 定 陶 of Shandong Province, and in that area no noteworthy discoveries have been made. In 1965, the cover of agui vessel found in Shandong turned up in Tianjin. The maker of this vessel, according to the inscription, was a Cao Boshe 曹 伯 故 ， whom Chen Banghuai 陳 邦 懷

35. Qi Wentao, Wenwu 1972 (5): 3-18. 36. Cf. Yu Weichao, Kaogu 1973 (5): 296-98.

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T he L o rd s o n t h e Si ;四 R iver

believed to be Duke Xi % of Cao (died 662 B.c.).37 According to the inscription on this vessel, Duke Xi married a woman from the state of Su 宿 ， a state established by members of the Feng 風 clan that was located east of Dongpingxian 東 平 縣 in Shandong. The state of Cao may have existed as late as the Warring States period, as discussed by Jiao Xun 焦 循 in volume 12 of Men客zi î 子正義. Song was a state established by members of the Zi 子 clan. The founding lord was Weizi Qi 微 子 啟 ， a member of the royal house of the Shang dynasty. Its capital was originally located in the present Shangqiu 商 丘 in Henan but was moved to the present Xuzhou 徐 州 in Jiangsu Province in the Warring States period; Cao then joined the ranks of the so-called Lords on the Si River. In the middle of the Warring States period. Song for a short time became powerful again, overthrowing such states as Teng 滕 ,38 but in 286 B.c. Song was finally vanquished Èy the state of Qi. Among the catalogued bronzes, vessels made for lords of the state of Song include the following: Duke Pinggong 平 公 of Song— bell set (ßögwd/ 博 古 囷 22, 27-32) Duke Yuangong 元 公 of Song— ge halberd (Sandai Jijin Weitem 三 代 吉 金 文 存 19, 52, 2), another ge halberd (fig. 67)39 Duke Jinggong 景 公 of Song— ding tripod (Xu Kaogutu 5, 16), ge halberd (Shuangjianyi TWw雙 劍 售 多 古 器 物 圖 vol. 1, no. 40) Duke Zhaogong 昭 公 of Song— 炉 halberd (S/wdJ ZerzsM 書 道 全 集 ， vol. 1, no. 103) Duke Ping 平 of Song was enthroned in 575 B.c., and Duke Zhaogong 昭 公 of Song died in 404 B.c. The four lords of the Song state during this period are all represented by bronzes, indeed a rare phenomenon. The^e halberds of Duke Jinggong and Duke Zhaogong had inscriptions in inlaid gold. This is a style of the south and could have resulted from influence from Chu 楚 culture. In 1978 at tomb no. 1 at Hougudui 侯 古 堆 in Gushi 固 始 of 37. 38. Huang Qing pp. 36-37. 39.

Chen Banghuai, Wenwu 1980 (5): 67. Gu Donggao, Chunqiu Dashibiao, no. 5. Lieguo Juexing Ji Cunmie Biao. Jingjie Xubian edition, vol. 19 (Shanghai: Zheyingguan, 1889), part 1, Cheng Changxin, Wenwu 1981 (8): 54-55.

T he Lords

on the

Si 5® River

153

67. Ge halberd of Duke Yuangong of Song

Henan, a pair of bronze vessels made by Duke Jinggong of Song as a part of the dowry of his younger sister was discovered.40 In the inscription Duke Jinggong referred to himself as "descendant of Tang 唐 ， Tianyi 天 已 of Yin 殷 " and referred to his younger sister as "Jizi 季 子 ， lady of Gouwu 勾 吳 ，" indicating that lords of Song were in fact descendants of the royalty of Shang and members of the Zi clan. This is a Chu tomb, and these two fu vessels of the lady of Wu probably ended up here as the result of a war capture. The two ge halberds mentioned above of Jing­ gong and Zhaogong of Song were allegedly from Shouxian 4^ ^ , Anhui, and if so, they were also part of the loot captured by the troops. Accord­ ing to the Shiji, chapter y/Song Shijia/' the downfall of the Song was caused by Wei 魏 ， Chu 楚 ， and Qi 秦 ， who divided the Song land. The fact that the weapons of the lord of Song have been unearthed in the Chu capital may thus be accounted for. 40. Archaeological Team, Tomb no. 1 at Hougudui in Gushi, Wenwu 1981

10

Chu 楚

The study of Chu has advanced considerably in recent years. In the territory of the state of Chu of the Eastern Zhou period, mainly the area of Hubei, Hunan, Henan, and Anhui, important new discoveries have continually been made. Archaeologists and historians have published a number of topical studies and have organized specialized research societies. Chu culture has also been the theme of one of the annual meetings of the Chinese Archaeological Society. It appears that the study of Chu culture is only just beginning. The initial contact of archaeologists with the Chu culture began in the early years of the present century. At that time a large number of cultural relics were brought to light in the area of Shouxian 壽 縣 of Anhui Province, and many of these have gone to foreign countries.1 Karlbeck of Sweden came to Bengbu 辞 棒 of Anhui in 1916, and sub­ sequently, through antique dealers in Shouxian, he acquired a large number of bronze vessels and other cultural relics,1 2 which led to the study of the so-called Huai-style bronze vessels. The Karlbeck collection consisted mainly of Chu artifacts of the late Warring States period, although it also included a small number of Qin and Han artifacts. In the 1930s plunderers of the large tomb at Lisangudui 李 三 孤 堆 at Zhujiaji 朱 家 集 in Shouxian and the many tombs in the neighborhood of Changsha in Hunan brought to light an enormous number of cul­ tural relics, which received the extensive attention of scholars. Most of the Changsha remains have gone out of the country, as Shang Chengzuo 商 承 神 records in his CAa«炉 Aa 長 沙 古 物 聞 見 記 .3 In 1951, the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences 1. Cf. Yu Weichao, "New Investigations of the Development of Chu Culture" (in Chinese), in Chu Wenhua Xintan (Hubei: Renmin Press, 1981), pp. 1-27. 2. Orvar Karlbeck, Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 27. 3. Cf. Jiang Xuanyi, Changsha (Shanghai: Gujin Press, 1949 and 1951).

154

Chu楚

155

began systematic scientific excavation in Changsha, and since then new finds of Chu archaeology have been brought to light during the last thirty years. They are so enormously rich that they were heretofore inconceivable. Studies of Chu tombs have now reached a point where relatively complete sequences can be arranged on the basis of comprehensive studies of the data from various regions. This is the result first of all of the finding of Chu cemeteries that were used over long periods of time and yielded a great deal of pottery that can be subjected to sériation studies to establish a standard of local chronology. Furthermore, the excavation and study of the Chu tombs in Changsha of Hunan and in Jiangling 江 陵 of Hubei, and especially the large numbers of tombs at Yutaishan 雨 台 山 in Jiangling in recent years,4 iiave enabled us to have a deeper understanding of Chu tombs of the Eastern Zhou period. Furthermore, a series of large Chu tombs has yielded very rich con­ tents, including data that can be placed on an absolute chronology according to inscriptions. A combination of these tombs and the more recent, smaller tombs and their groups has enabled a more complete chronological study of Chu tombs. In the following we will use as examples fifteen large tombs of the state of Chu, in addition to three large tombs from the states of Cai 蔡 and Zeng 曾 （or Sui 隨 )， which were related to the Chu. Altogether, the eighteen large graves are as follows: Tomb no. 2 at Xiasi 下 寺 in Xichuan 浙 川 ， Henan [The tombs of the state of Cai 蔡 at Ximen 西 門 in Shouxian 壽 縣 ，Anhui] Tomb no. 1 at Hougudui 侯 古 堆 in Gushi 固 始 ， Henan [Tomb no. 1 at Leigudun 擂 鼓 墩 in Suixian 隨 縣 ， Hubei (the tomb of the state of Zeng 曾 )] Tomb no. 1 at Liuchengqiao 潮 城 橋 in Changsha, Hunan Tomb no. 1 at Baishizidi 白 獅 子 地 in Gushi 固 始 ， Henan Tombs no. 1 and 2 at Changtaiguan 長 台 閼 in Xinyang 信 陽 ， Henan Tomb no. 1 at Tianxingguan 天 星 觀 in Jiangling 江 陵 ， Hubei Tomb no. 1 in Tengdian 籐 店 in Jiangling, Hubei Tombs no. 1 and no. 2 at Niuxingshan 牛 形 山 in Xiangxiang 湘 鄉 ， Hunan Tombs no. 1 and no. 2 in Wangshan 望 山 in Jiangling, Hubei Tomb no. 1 in Shazhong 沙 琢 in Jiangling, Hubei

4. Gao Zhixi, Zhongguo Kaogu Xuehui Diyici Nianhui Lunwenji (1980) : 237-4 Guo Dewei, Kaogu Xuebao 1982 (2) : 155-82.

C hu楚

156

The tomb at Lisangudui Shouxian, Anhui

李三孤堆

at Zhujiaji

朱家集

in

The Chu tomb groups at Xiasi in Xichuan (fig. 68) were dis­ covered in 1976. In 1978 and 1979 nine large graves and sixteen small graves were excavated.5 The excavators grouped the excavated tombs into five classes. Tombs no. 1 and 2 both belong to class 3 with similar tomb structures. To the north of these tombs were tombs no. 3 and 4, which were smaller and were possibly satellite tombs. To the west and north were sixteen smaller tombs, which were definitely tombs of sacri-

5. Archaeological Team in the Danjiang Reservoir Region of Henan Provin Wenwu 1980 (10): 13-20.

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157

fîcial victims. In addition, to the west of the main tomb was a large horseand-chariot pit in which were found six chariots and nineteen horses. Tomb no. 2 was the most important. It was a tomb with a rectan­ gular vertical shaft pit 9.2 m long, with a wooden chamber in which were found two lacquered coffins. The associated artifacts included a bell set, a musical stone set, sets of bronze vessels including a set of seven di% tripods, weapons, chariot and horse fittings, jade âiid stone artifacts, and cowry shells, altogether more than five thousand pieces. A detailed report has yet to be published. Most of the vessels with inscriptions belonged to a person named Peng and a group of ding tripods inscribed with tlie name of Wang Ziwu 王 子 午 （which is the same as Zi Geng, prime minister of Chu) was also inscribed with the name of Peng 视

Tomb no. 1 had a similar shape,6 was 9.9 m long, and had a pit with a chamber and a coffin. The grave furnishings were fewer in num­ ber than tomb no. 2. In addition to the bell set, the musical stone set, and a simpler group of bronze ritual vessels, other noteworthy items in­ cluded jade and stone ornaments such as hairpins, combs, pendants, and stone panpipes. A number of bronze vessels also bore the inscription "Peng." In addition, there was a 击 made by Meng Tengji 孟 縢 娘 . According to some studies, the Peng in tombs no. 1 and 2 of Xiasi was none other than Yuan Zifeng 蓮 子 嗎 ， who succeeded Wang Ziwu 王 子 午 as Lingyin 令 f of Chu.7 He died in 548 B.C. Looking at the remains of these two tombs we can speculate that the master of tomb no. 2 was Yuan Zifeng, whereas tomb no. 1 was possibly his wife’s. These two large tombs were dated to an early phase of the late Spring and Autumn period. This speculation is consistent with the typology of the artifacts. The artifacts from these graves are characterized by decoration in bas-relief style on bronzes as well as by accessory ornaments with basreliefs (fig. 69). These appeared earlier than those in the Central Plains area, already indicative of the distinctive style of the Chu state. The large grave of the state of Cai 蔡 at Ximen 西 門 in Shouxian 壽 縣 was that of Marquis Zhaohou 昭 候 of Cai, who died in 491 B.c. (see chapter 11). This tomb was later than the two Xiasi tombs by half a century, and also it was not a Chu tomb. However, its artifacts are mostly similar to those from Xiasi, obviously indicative of Chu influence. How­ ever, some of the characteristic features of the two Xiasi tombs, such as the accessory ornamentation in bas-relief form, have not been ade­ quately manifested in this particular tomb. 6. Henan Provincial Museum, Commission of Cultural Relics of Xichuanxian, and Commission of Cultural Relics of Nanyang, Kaogu 1981 (2): 119-27. 7. Li Ling, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1981 (4): 36-37.

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158

69. Ding and li vessels found in tomb no. 2 at Xiasi, Xichuan

Tomb no. 1 at Hougudui of Gushi was a tomb with a single ramp and with an earthen mound on top, which was 7 m tall (fig. 70). The tomb was excavated in 1978 and 1979.8 The tomb pit was 12 m long and filled with sand and pebbles, and it had a double chamber. Inside the 8. Archaeological Team, Tomb no. 1 at Hougudui in Gushi, Wenwu 1981 (1):

1一 &

Chu楚

159

70. Tomb no. 1 at Hougudui in Gushi

chamber was a lacquered coffin. The occupant of the tomb was a woman about thirty years old. Outside the wooden chamber and in between the inner and outer chambers there were eleven coffins for sacrificial human victims. To the north of the tomb was a pit for grave furnishings. It is lined with timbers and inside it was a sedan chair and ritual vessels, musical instruments, and chariot and horse fittings. The area now known as Gushi had become the enfeoffed state of Sun Shu’ao 孫 叔 敖 ， Lingyin 令 尹 of Chu by the middle of the Spring and Autumn period, and continued to be a part of Chu. The artifacts within the tomb, such as the square dou J . vessel with a lid among the bronze artifacts and the tomb guardian animals and the curled dragons among the lacquered artifacts, are all Chu objects characteristic of those that were to be seen in Chu tombs of a later date. Therefore, even though this tomb has yielded two inscribed bronze vessels of the Song 宋 state, it should be listed among the Chu tombs. The maker of the bell set was a Fan

160

Chu楚

Zichengzhou 畚 子 成 周 • Fan is sometimes considered the ancient name of the Gushi area,9 and the word could refer here to an enfeoffed lord under the Chu. The master of the tomb could have been a family member of Fan. The artifacts from tomb no. 1 of Hougudui are very similar to those of the Cai tomb at Ximen in Shouxian, although they are somewhat later. They are estimated to be from an early phase of the early period of the Warring States. The dating of tombs no. 1 and 2 at Leigudun of Suixian is relatively certain. Tomb no. 1 is dated about 433 B.c., which is at a later phase of the early Warring States period (see chapter 11). Tomb no. 2 was slightly later than tomb no. 1. The artifacts yielded here, such as the lidded ding tripod and fu vessel among the bronzes and the se S zither among the lacquered artifacts, resemble those from tomb no. 1 of Hougu­ dui. The manufacturing skills of the bronze vessels recall the traditional connection with Xiasi. On the other hand, even though the tombs of Leigudun were under very strong influence of the Chu culture, they were not Chu tombs,101and they had their own distinctive features. However, because of their very precise dating they are of high reference value for determining the chronological sequences of Chu tombs. The dating of tomb no. 1 at Liuchengqiao of Changsha is helped by the two tombs at Leigudun, especially tomb no. 1, dated to 433 B.c. The Liuchengqiao tomb was excavated in 1971.11 In type, the tomb pit is rectangular vertical shaft. In it were two double chambers and a lac­ quered coffin. The pit was 5.84 m long. A sacrificial victim in a coffin was placed in the southwest corner within the chamber. This tomb was somewhat smaller in scale, yielding more than two hundred and fifty artifacts. There were relatively few bronzes, and all of them were frag­ mentary. The principal objects of note were pottery vessels imitating bronzes and numerous objects of lacquerware. The lacquerware objects are very refined and included a tomb guardian animal, which can be regarded as a marker of Chu tombs, and lacquered deer. Among the musical instruments the lacquered se zither may be regarded as the earliest example of its kind. Even though the Liuchengqiao tomb has not yielded an enormous quantity of artifacts, it is still of comparative significance. Recently some scholars compared it with tomb no. 1 of Leigudun, point­ ing out that the dates were probably close.12 But others suggest that the

9. Editorial Committee of Wenwu, Wenwu Kaogu Gongzuo Sanshinian (Wen Press, 1979), p. 280. 10. Guo Dewei, Jianghan Luntan, 1980 (1): 76-79. 11. Hunan Provincial Museum, Kaogu Xuebao 1972 (1) : 59-72. 12. Chen Zhenyu, Kaogu 1981 (4): 319-31.

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Liuchengqiao tomb should be later than Leigudun tomb no. I.13 In any event, the consensus of scholars is that tomb no. 1 of Liuchengqiao may be dated to a late phase of the Warring States period. Tomb no. 1 at Baishizidi of Gushi was discovered in 1980.14 This tomb is about 50 m to the north of tomb no. 1 of Hougudui, with a remaining height of the earthen mound of 1.5 m. The pit of the tomb is 12 m long, and the tomb structure is very similar to that of Hougudui with a double chamber and a lacquered coffin. Outside the chamber and in between the inner and outer chambers were the coffins of thirteen sacrificial victims. But this tomb does not have a ramp. The artifacts found at this tomb have been compared with those from tomb no. 1 of Liuchengqiao. The form of the ge halberd found there, for example, was not only identical with the Liuchengqiao find, it is also the same as the^e from tomb no. 1 of Leigudun. Therefore, this tomb should also be dated to a late phase of the early Warring States period. These large tombs from the late Spring and Autumn to the early Warring States periods all contain human sacrificial victims. In addition to the Chu tombs, the Cai tomb of Shouxian has a single sacrificial victim, but tomb no. 1 of Leigudun of the state of Zeng or Sui has twenty-one human victims. This deserves the attention of scholars of the Chu civilization. The large tombs at Tengdian 籐 店 of Jiangling15 at Niuxingshan 牛 形 山 in Xiangxiang,16 at Changtaiguan 長 台 關 of Xinyang，17 at Tianxingguan 天 星 of Jiangling,18 and at Wangshan 望 山 and Shazhong 沙 隊 of Jiangling19 were on the whole very similar to one another. Those at Tengdian and Niuxingshan could be slightly earlier, and tomb no. 2 of Wangshan and tomb no. 1 of Shazhong could be slightly later. These tombs were similar in shape. Most of them had both ramps and earthen mounds on top. The grave pit was usually larger on top than the bottom and had many storied steps, a very strong and refined wooden chaniber, and one or two layers of lacquered coffins. Most of the bronze 13. See n. 4 above, Gao Zhixi article. 14. Commission of Cultural Relics of Xinyang District, and Bureau of Culture of Gushixian, Zhongyuart Wenwu 1981 (4): 21-28. 15. Museum of the Jingzhou District, Wenwu 1973 (9): 7-17. 16. Hunan Provincial Museum, Wenwu Ziliao Congkan no. 3 (1980): 98-112. 17. First Archaeological Team, Bureau of Culture, Henan Province, Wenwu 1957 (9): 21-22; Archaeological Team, Bureau of Culture, Henan Province, Kaogu 1958 (11): 79-80. 18. Museum of Jingzhou District, Hubei Province, Kaogu Xuebao 1982 (1): 71-116. 19. Archaeological Team, Bureau of Culture, Hubei Province, Wenwu 1966 (5): 33-56.

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ritual vessels were plain, and among articles of lacquerware, tomb guar­ dian animals and drums mounted on a bird-shaped base were character­ istic. Bamboo tablets such as mortuary inventories have been found in tomb no. 1 of Leigudun and are very common at these large graves. This group of tombs contain many inscriptional data that can be used to determine the dating of the graves, especially tomb no. 1 of Tianxingguan (fig. 71) and tomb no. 1 of Wangshan. The bamboo tablets from the tomb at Tianxingguan contain the following sentence: "The Qin visitor Gongsun Yang 公 秦 無 asked the king at Ji." Gongsun Yang is the same as Shang Yang 商 轉 . The SAÿi records that he went to Qin in 351 B.C., became enfeoffed as the Lord of Shang in 340 B.C., and died in 338 b . c . Therefore, the event referred to on the bamboo tablet must have taken place during this period, and, therefore, the tomb's date should be around 340 B.c., namely, during the reigns of King Xuanwang 宣 王 and King Weiwang of Chu.20 A bamboo tablet from tomb no. 1 of Wangshan records that the occupant of the tomb was a certain Daoshi 捧 氏 ， who was probably the consort of King Daowang 棒 王 of Chu. Her father was calleä Dong Zhaigong 東 宅 公 • According to this, the death of the tomb's master must also have taken place during the reigns of King 20. See n. 18 above.

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Xuanwang and King Weiwang. Thus, it appears that this group of large graves belonged to the middle of the Warring States period. The archaeologists of Hubei Province group the Chu tombs of Jiangling into eight phases. Tomb no. 1 of Wangshan belongs to phase 7, which is late in the middle of the Warring States period.21 Considering that the area of Jiangling had become occupied under the Qin by 278 B.C., it appears that the effort to place tomb no. 1 of Wangshan in late Warring States period22 is implausible. The only large grave of the late Warring States period is the one at Lisangudui in Shouxian. This was a wooden-chambered tomb with two ramps and an earthen mound on top.23 It was plundered at least three times, in 1933, 1935, and 1938, and the objects resulting from these plunderings were for the most part included in an exhibition catalogue of Chu cultural relics.24 The yields of the tomb were mostly bronze vessels. In addition to a very few that belonged to reigns of earlier kings, most of them were cast under King Kaoliewang 考 烈 王 and King Youwang 幽 王 of Chu, suggesting that this was the mausoleum of a lëing of Chu, most likely King Yuwang of Chu, who died in 228 B.C. Some of the objects are similar to those from the middle Warring States tombs dis­ cussed above, especially the later ones, but in this tomb there were more artifacts with elaborate, complex decorative patterns, possibly because they belonged to a royal mausoleum. In recent years, a few Chu bronzes were founä at Qianzhou 前 洲 in Wuxi 無 踢 in Jiangsu.25 They were apparently contemporary with the objects of King Yuwang's period from the tomb in Lisangudui.26 However, these new bronze vessels are simpler in shape and are entirely plain. During the Eastern Zhou period the state of Chu had changed its capital repeatedly. Generally speaking, in the early years of the Spring and Autumn period it changed from Danyang 丹 陽 to Ying îp (north of the present city of Jiangling in Hubei). In 504 B.C., under the threat of the powers of the state of Wu 吳 ，King Zhaowang 昭 王 of Chu changed the capital to Ruo 部 （southeast of the present Yicheng 宜 城 in Hubei)， but soon afterward he changed the capital back to Ying in Jiangling.27 In 278 B.C. the Qin troops occupied the Ying capital, and King Qingxiangwang 頃 裏 王 of Chu moved east to Chen & (present-day Huaiyang 淮 • 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.

See n. 4 above, Gao Zhixi article. Zeng Xiantong, Guwenzi Yanjiu no. 5 (1981): 303-20. Li Jingdan, Tianye Kaogu Baogao no. 1 (1936): 213-79. Peking Historical Museum, Chu Wemvu Zhanlan Tulu (1954). Li Ling and Liu Yu, Wenwu 1980 (8) : 29-34. LiXueqin, Wenwu 1980 (8): 35-40. Liu Binhui, Jianghan Kaogu 1980 (1).

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72. The site of the city of Jinancheng

of Henan). In 253 B.c. King Kaoliewang 考 烈 王 moved to Juyang 銀 陽 (southeast of the present-day Taihe 太 和 of Anhui), but in 241 b.c. he moved once more to Shouchun 壽 春 （present-day siiouxian of Anhui). The city of Ying in Jiangling was called Jiying 多已Sp at the time, but in later years it was called Jinancheng 紀 南 城 （fig. 72). Beginning in the 1950s archaeologists undertook many surveys at this site, and in the 1970s a great deal more work took place here. In 1979, an extensive survey was completed.28 The wall of the city was a rough rectangle, 4,450 m long east-west and 3,588 m wide north-south. The highest

28. Tan Weisi, "A General Introduction to the Archaeology of Jinancheng, t Capital of Chu,7 (in Chinese), in Chu Du Jinancheng Kaogu Ziliao Huibian (Hubei Provincial Museum, 1980), pp. 1-14.

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remaining wall was 7.6 m. A projection was found in the eastern part of the southern wall. Along the circumference of the city 28 gaps were found. Seven of these were definitely remains of city gates, including two places that served as water gates. According to the analytical studies, the present city wall was constructed in the late Spring and Autumn period or in the period between the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods. Inside the city there were more than eighty hangtu (rammed earth) platforms. The largest was 130 m long, and these platforms were the most dense in an area of many pine and cypress trees in the south­ eastern part of the city; this was the principal area of ancient palaces. In the area of Jicheng in the northeast, there were also many plat­ forms; these were remains of palace structures. In between the two palace areas, there were workshop sites for the making of tiles and pottery. Metal-casting foundries were found in the southwestern portion of the city, and in the northwest portion were found human burials of the Spring and Autumn period. Outside and surrounding the city many sites were also found. Outside the southern city wall there were many hangtu platforms. In 1970, the cultural layers of the Warring States period at a round platform 2 km outside the southern wall yielded a set of painted musical stones.29 In the area surrounding the Ying city large numbers of Chu tombs were found, the overwhelming majority dating to the period from late Spring and Autumn to the middle of the Warring States.30 According to analysis, most of the large graves with earthen mounds were located on the shores of Lake Changhu 長 湖 ， east of the city; in the area of Balingshan 八 嶺 山 and Wangshan 望 山 ， west of the city; and in the area of Jisian 多己山， north of the city. Among the excavated tombs the largest is tomb no. 1 of Tianxingguan. The pit of the tomb is 41.2 m long. Even larger tombs that await future excavations are known to be in the area of Balingshan and Jishan.31* Whether or not Yingcheng at the present Jiangling was in fact the site of the capital established by King Wenwang 文 王 of Chu is a question to be investigated, since archaeological remains dating from before the late Spring and Autumn period are few. Some scholars regard the earliest Ying city to be at the site of Chuhuangcheng 楚 皇 城 at the present Yichengxian 宜 城 縣 ,32 and others identify it with the ancient city ruins at Jijiahu 季 家 湖 in Dangyangxian 當 陽 縣 . Other scholars do 29. 30. 31. 32.

Hubei Provincial Museum, Kaogu 1972 (3): 41-48. See Gao Zhixi article, n. 4 above. See n. 28 above. Zhang Zhengming, Jianghan Luntan 1982 (4): 64-68.

166

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not agree with these identifications, however, in view of the existence of the earlier remains found at the Ying city site in Jiangling itself.33 From the perspective of the literary records we are inclined to agree with the last school of thought. The ancient city ruins at Jijiahu at Dangyang were discovered in 1973,34 in an area 35 km to the southeast of the Ying city. Test excava­ tions brought to light the southern city wall, with a remaining height of 1.4 m in the middle part of the wall. Inside the wall were found remains of foundations of architecture and pottery workshops, and bronze archi­ tectural parts and bell sets were brought to light from the foundation platform no. 1. On the basis of the pottery found from the city site one can judge that this city seemed to be earlier than the Ying city. Between 1975 and 1979 at the site of Zhaojiahu 趙 家 湖 ， some dozen km north of the ancient city site of Jijiahu, a group of Chu tombs dating from late Western Zhou and early Eastern Zhou to late Warring States period were excavated,35 and to tiie west of the city a number of large graves with earthen mounds were found. This ancient city is of obvious importance and deserves further study. Chuhuangcheng is 7.5 km southeast of Yichengxian, which was surveyed in 1976.36 The city is of a crooked rectangle shape. The city wall on all four sides was 6,440 m long, and the remaining height of the wall was from 2 to 4 m. Two gaps were found on each side. According to the archaeologists' analysis this city was in fact built during the Warring States period, and the artifacts collected inside the city include some that could be as early as the Spring and Autumn period. This city should be identified with the city of Yan mentioned in ancient texts. According to some texts King Zhaowang 眧 王 of Chu had once moved from Ruo 赛 to Yan; others say that King ïiuiwang 惠 王 ， son of Zhaowang, had moved to Yan.37 This is also a city site of some importance. The city of Chen 陳 ， the new capital of King Qingxiang 頃 襄 of Chu, was originally the capital city of the state of Chen and was located in present-day Huaiyangxian 准 fir 縣 in Henan. In 1979 archaeologists undertook excavations at Pingliangtai 平 粮 台 near the Dazhucun 大 朱 村 village about 4 km southeast of Huaiyangxian, resulting in the discovery of two Chu tombs. The artifacts from tomb no. 4 resembled those from tomb no. 1 of Wangshan in Jiangling, yielding Chu coins, bronze cowry 33. See n. 28 above. 34. Hubei Provincial Museum, Wenwu 1980 (10): 31-41. 35. Gao Yingqin and Wang Guanggao, Zhongguo Kaogu Xuehui Dierci Nianhui Lunwenji (1982): 41-50. 36. Archaeological Team of Chuhuangcheng, Kaogu 1980 (2). 37. Cf. Qian Linshu, Jianghan Luntan 1981 (1): 108-13.

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73. The Dafu seal

coins, and a sword of the king of Yue.38 Work here is ongoing, and important discoveries can be expected. The city of Shouchun, made capital under King Kaoliewang of Chu, was initially Xiacai 下 蔡 ， the last capital city of the state of Cai 蔡 . Its identification with the present city of Shouxian has already been proven by the large grave at Lisangudui in Zhujiaji. At Zhujiaji was also found the so-called Shouchun lead tile, on which was inscribed "Shouchun" 壽 春 .39 There are many Chu artifacts found in Shouchun, and many of them bear the inscription "Dafu〃 大 府 , suggesting that they are the artifacts from the royal court of the Chu state. Outstanding examples of such references are the great Dafu seal (fig. 73) recorded in ^4wAwi 7bn又zAf JiwsAi客 安 徽 通 志 金 石 古 物 表 稿 and also the Dafu bronze cow unearthed after Liberation.4041On the five Ejunqijie 邪 君 啟 節 found at Qiujiahuayuan 丘 家 花 園 in Shouxian 壽 縣 in I 9 5 7 4 1 are long inscriptions of characters inlaid in gold (fig. 74). These were made in 323 B.C., and they record in detail the trade routes, both land and water, of the state of Chu. Many scholars have studied these texts.42 In addition to the archaeological foci that have been mentioned 38. (1): 34-36. 39. 40. 41. 42. (5): 60-65.

Cao Guiqin, Luo Chongli, and Zhang Zhihua, Henan Wenbuo Tongxun 1980 Ke Changji, Jinwen Fenyu bian, vol. 3. Yuyuan Congke ed. (1935). Yin Difei, Wenwu 1959 (4): 1-2. Yin Difei and Luo Changming, Wen而 1958 ( 4 ): 8 -ll. Cf. Funakoshi Akiyo, Töhögakuhö 43. Liu Hehui, Kaogu Yu Wentvu 1982

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169

up to this point, we must also give a brief mention of the southernmost city of the state of Chu, Changslia 長 沙 . The name of Changsha is familiar to anyone who has read CÄwci 楚 辭 （77ze EZe又ies C7m). Some past authors have been skeptical of the reach of the state to Hunan and suggested that in fact Changsha was north of the Yangtze River, but this was corrected by Rao Zongyi 餘 宗 顔 in the 1940s.43 Archaeological work in the last decade has completely shown that Changsha was a major city of the state of Chu. The excavations in 195144 laid the foundation of the archaeology not only of Changsha but also of the whole Chu culture. Archaeological work here has gone on the longest, and discoveries have been numerous. We mentioned some of these finds earlier, and many important discoveries will be described in detail in the second part of this book. Among the Chu artifacts shown in the many bronze catalogues, only some of them can be dated to an absolute chronology. Among the noteworthy items are the ding tripod and the gui vessel of the mother of King Zhaowang of Chu.45 These were cast during the reign of King Huiwang of Chu and are very similar to those found from tomb no. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian. This corroborates the dating of the large graves. 43. Rao Zongyi, Chuci Dili Kao (Commercial Press, 1946). 44. Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Changsha Fajue Baogao (Science Press, 1957). 45. Zhang Zhenglang, Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Jikan no. 8 (1939): 371-78.

11

The States North of Chu

Chu was the state that absorbed the largest number of other states of lords during the Eastern Zhou period. According to the calculations of Gu Donggao 顧 棟 高 ， during the 242 years of tlîe Spring and Autumn period, forty-two states were absorbed by Chu.1 Contemporary scholars have since revised that figure,12 but the contention that Chu had ex­ terminated as many as forty or fifty states during the Spring and Autumn period is consistent with the facts. The expansion of the Chu was first directed toward the north and then toward the east, gradually devouring the smaller states enfeoffed by the Zhou dynasty for the very purpose of providing a buffer against Jing 荊 and C^iu 楚 • As Gao Shiqi 高 士 奇 of the Qing dynasty stated. In the ancient generations, there were many enfeoffed states, which were densely distributed like chess pieces or stars. Among these, the ones that provided defense against the Jing and the Man 蜜 in the south and provided shelter for the Central Plains are Chen 陳 and Cai 蔡 ， which were the largest, followed by Shen 申 and Xi 息 in the next rank, followed by Jiang 江 and Huang 黃 in the next level, and then Tang 唐 and Deng 部 at still the next level. Tang and Deng were placed at the border outside the center and became the first door and window opening to Chu. After the fall of Deng, Chu troops made their presence felt by Shen and Xi, and after the fall of Shen and Xi the Chu troops made their presence felt by Jiang and Huang, and after the fall of Jiang and Huang, Chu soldiers made their presence felt by Chen and Cai. When Chen and Cai could no longer hold out, Chu soldiers reached the court directly.3 1. Gu Donggao, Chunqiu Dashibiao, no. 4, Chujtanyulurt. Huang Qing Jingjie Xubian ed., vol. 19 (Shanghai: Zheqiguan, 1889), pt. 1, p. 32. 2. He Hao, Jianghart Luntan 1982 (4) : 55-63. 3. Gao Shiqi, Zuozhuan Jishibenmuo, vol. 45, Zhonghua ed. (1979), p. 660.

170

The States N orth

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171

All the smaller states of lords mentioned above were located in the area in Henan and Hubei provinces where the two provinces join each other and in between the Han and Huai rivers. This was the region where the Central Plains and the Chu powers confronted each other, and it was also an area where a number of ethnic groups lived among one another. Some of these smaller states belonged to the Huaxia group, such as Sui 隨 ， Tang 唐 ， and Cai 蔡 ， which were established by members of the Ji 娘 clan; Shen 申 ， Lü 呂， Xu 許 ， and Li 属 ， established by members of the Jiang 姜 clan; and Chen 陳 and Xi 息 ， which were established by members of the Gui 换 clan. Some of these states were established by minor clans, such as Jiang 江 and Huang 黃 of the Ying 義 clan. Er 采 and the Zhen 检 of the Yan 偃 clan, and Deng 鄧 of the Man 曼 clan， Ruo 部 of the Yun 允 clan, Luo 羅 of the Xiong 熊 clan, and Hu 胡 of the Gui 歸 clan. Their cultures emerged and interacted, finally merging into Chu. The states that have been mentioned are only examples. Historical changes in them, such as their migrations and shifts, perhaps cannot be exhaus­ tively understood on the basis of existing literary records alone. In the following, brief descriptions will be given of some of the states of lords for which archaeological material is available, according to their geographical location. The first states that should be mentioned are Shen 申 and Lü 呂. As pointed out by previous scholars, according to the records of Guoyu 國 語 ， Qi 齊 ， Xu 诗 ， Shen 申 ， and Lü 呂 were four states established by members of the Jiang clan and were in fact descended from Boyi 伯 夷 . Taiwang 太 王 of Zhou married a woman from Youyishi 有 郃 氏 whose name was Tai Jiang 太 姜 • The enfeoffment of the four states was based on the affinal relationship of Jiang with Taiwang, and, therefore, Shen and Lii existed in the early years of the Western Zhou dynasty.4 In the inscriptions on middle Western Zhou bronzes we find the word Shenji 中 季 quite often; it shows that at that time at least Shen existed. The character for Shen is written as which in the past had not been deciphered, but in 1978 Qiu Xigui 裘 踢 圭 correctly identified it as Shen.5 In all the inscriptions on bronzes where Shen is used as the name of state it is written in this fashion. During the reign of King Xuanwang 宣 王 in the late Western Zhou dynasty Shenbo . 伯 ， who was Xuanwang's mother's brother, was a major minister. When Xuanwang ordered Mugong 穆 公 to manage the settlement of Xie 謝 in the south, he moved Shenbo to that place. As Shenbo was leaving for his state Xuanwang gave him a very generous gift and personally saw him off. Yin Jifu ^ ■吉 甫 ， a major minister, 4. Kong Yingda, Chunqiu Zuozhuan Zhengyi, vol. 4, Shisanjing Zhushu ed. (Zhonghua, 1980), p. 1736. 5. QiuXigui, 1978 (3): 25-32.

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composed the poem Son叙 ao 崧 高 to describe this event. This poem is included in the Shijing The southern movement of Shen was a step toward solidifying the rule of the Zhou dynasty in the south; it was a major event helping to lead to the so-called revival under Xuanwang. As to the place where Shenbo was enfeoffed, Hanshu, chapter "Dilizhi," records it as being in Yuanxian 宛 縣 of Nanyangjun 南 餐 郡 , which is in the area of the present Nanyang 南 陽 in Henan Province. Kuodizhi Ä ^ gives the precise location as thirty li north of Nanyang. On the other hand, Du You 杜 佑 in his 7bn又dian 通 典 places it in Shenzhou 申 州 of the Tang dynasty, which is aSout forty li south of the present Xinyang 信 陽 • The Du hypothesis has been criticized as being in error.6 Recently, a late Western Zhou bronze vessel was found in Nanyang with an inscription containing the name of Shenbo as en­ feoffed by Xuanwang, thus indicating that Shen was in fact in Nanyang and not in Xinyang. This is an important discovery.7 The state of Shen played a special part in the history of the transitional period between V^estern and Eastern Zhou. King Yuwang 幽 王 ， the last king of Western Zhou, married the daughter of a certain Marquis Shenhou 申 侯 . This Shenhou, on the basis of generational reckoning, ought to be the son of Shenbo who was first enfeoffed in the south. At this time the state of Shen befriended the state of Zeng 增 , established by members of the Si 奴 clan, and also Xirong 西 成 ， the Western Rong, and all of them had considerable political power. King Yuwang favored a beautiful consort Baosi 褒 奴 ， and he stripped the titles of his queen of Shen and also her son Crown Prince Yi Jiu 宜 而 . Then he established the son of Baosi, that is, Bofu 彳 白月艮（also known as Bopan 伯 盤 )， as the crown prince. Yi Jiu went into exile with his mother's family in the state of Shen, and King Yuwang thereupon invaded Shen. The marquis of Shen then united the state of Zeng and Xirong to attack Zhou, leading to the decline and fall of Western Zhou. Then Shenhou, the marquis of Shen, and Luhou 魯 候 ， the marquis of Lu, and Duke Wengong 文 公 of Xu together put Yi Jiu back on the royal throne in the state of Shen; he became known as King Pingwang 平 王 of Zhou. However, the state of Shen came to a rapid decline in the first years of the Eastern Zhou dynasty, eventually overthrown by the state of Chu. Its downfall took place between 687 and 677 B.c. After that Shen became an important northern town of the state of Chu. The lord enfeoffed by Chu in the area of Shen was called Shengong 申 公 • In 1975 a Spring and Autumn period tomb was discovered at 6. Chen Pan, Chunqiu Dashibiao Lieguo Juexing Ji Cunmie Biao Zhuanyi (Taipei: Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, 1969), pt. 23, sec. 9. 7. Wang Rulin and Cui Qingming, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1980 (1): 39-41.

The States N orth

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173

the coal fields in Xiguan 西 閼 in Nanyang, in an area only about 1,000 m to the east of the ancient Yuancheng 宛 城 • The bronzes found at the tomb apparently belong to an early phase of the early Spring and Autumn period, and their inscriptions show that the maker of the bronzes was a Pengyu 彭 宇 ， a Shengong 申 公 . The discovery of this tomb is another piece of evidence for the location of Shen in Nanyang. The state of Lii should also be located within the area of Nanyang, according to literary records. One view is that Lii was origi­ nally located in the area of Shangcai J i # and Xincai and sub­ sequently was moved to Nanyang,8 but in any event the Lii during the Spring and Autumn period should be located in Nanyang.9 Lii, also known as the state of Fu 甫 ， was absorbed into Chu, although ancient texts do not definitively state when. In the past some bronzes of the Lii state had appeared. TÎiey include a Lüwangli 呂 王 高 （in «Scwc/ai Jÿm Wencwn三 代 吉 金 文 存 5, 30, 1) and Lüwanghu 呂 王 壺 （ibid., 12, 12, 2), and others. In 1943, at the Pudu 普 渡 village in Changan 長 安 County of Shaanxi Province, in the area of the ancient city sites of Feng 豐 and Hao 鎮 a pair of Lüjijiang fct/ 呂 季 姜 壺 vessels were found.101These were part of the dowry vessels given to a daughter of the state of Lii who married into the state of Zhou. These all belong to late Western Zhou. It is noteworthy that the state of Lii called itself a state of kings, which was similar to the custom among some of the Rongman 成 蠻 barbarians. A bronze sword with the name of King Fuwang 献 王 was found at tomb no. 2 at Baishizidi 白 獅 子 地 in Gushi 固 始 County of Henan in 1980.11 The owner of this sword. King Fuwang 甫 王 ， was tiie same as the King Liiwang 呂 王 ， with a possible date of the middle Spring and Autumn period. Thus the state of Lii may have lasted a little longer than the state of Shen. Among recent finds of bronze vessels found in the burials at Xiasi 下 寺 in Xichuan 浙 川 of Henan, some also bear the inscription "King of LÜ." Another Jiang clan state close to Shen and Lii was the state of Xu 許. 春 秋 refers to Xu as a state of the rank of Nanjue 男 爵 （ earl). This has been confirmed by newly discovered Western Zhou bronzes. The original homeland of Xu was in Xuchang 許 畐 of Henan， and during the period of the Spring and Autumn Xu moved its locations several times. It was in the area of Shexian 葉 縣 of Henan the longest, but it was 8. Ma Ruichen, Maoshi Zhuanjian Tongshi, no. 7. Huang Qing Jingjie Xubian ed., vol. 75 (Shanghai: Zheqiguan, 1889), pt. 1. 9. Wang Yinglin, Shi Dili Kao. Jingdai Bishu ed., vol. 1 (Shanghai: Boguzhai, 1922). 10. Shi Zhangru, Lishi Yuyan Yanjiusuo Jikan (Academia Sinica), no. 27 (1956). 11. Commission for Cultural Relics Management of the Xinyang District, and Bureau of Culture of Gushi County, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1981 (4): 21-28.

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overthrown by Chu in the Warring States period. Several Xu vessels collected in the Lia% ZAoi/ Jfnu/ena* Itod 兩 周 金 文 辭 大 系 are similar, bearing some resemblance to Chu vessels in style. West of the state of Xu in Shexian was the Ji 姬 clan state of Ying 應 ， located in the present Lushan 魯 山 of Henan. There are many bronzes of the Ying state from the Western Zhou dynasty. The time of the fall of the state of Ying is not recorded in the literature. There is a ding tripod with an inscription calling the maker "the grandson of Yinghou 應 侯 •" From its calligraphic style, one suspects that this vessel dates to the late Spring and Autumn period. If so, the fall of the state of Ying must have been quite late. Also south of Shen and Lii was the state of Deng The location of Deng is sometimes identified with Xiangfan 裏 典 of Hubei or with Dengxian 部 縣 of Henan. From the archaeological data, the Xiangfan hypothesis seems to be the more reliable. As the result of investigations in 1973, the Deng 鄧 city site has been located at a spot over ten li to the northwest of Fancheng 类 城 of Xiangfanshi 襄 樊 市 • The foundations of the city wall were still relatively complete, and formed a square enclo­ sure with a total length on all four sides of 3,137.6 m. Both inside and outside the city enclosure were found large numbers of potsherds dating from the Spring and Autumn period to the Han dynasty.12 The state of Ruo 部 was originally located at Shangmi 商 密 ， southwest of Neixiang 内 鄉 of Henan, and later on moved south to an area southeast of YicÉeng 宜 城 County of Hubei.13 The bronze vessels from the state of Ruo recorded since the Song dynasty contain references to Shangruo 上若 p and Xiaruo 下若 p, or the Upper Ruo and the Lower Ruo. In Liang Zhou Jinwenzi Daxi Guo Moruo locates Xiaruo in Shangmi and Shangruo in Yicheng. This identification is acceptable. Bronze insciptions from the states of Deng and Ruo often contain the phrase "a certain moon of Zheng” or "a certain month in the Ruo calendar/' indicating that these two small states had their own calendrical system and that their cultures were distinctive. South of the state of Ruo, east of Dahong 大 洪 mountain, were three other states, Tang 唐 ，Li 属 ，and Sui 隨 ，all located in the area of the present Suixian 隨 縣 of Hubei (fig. 75). The state of Sui was at Suixian, which very recently has been established as Suizhou 隨 州 city. The state of Tang was to its northwest, and the state of Li was to its north.14 The 12. Shi Quan, Jianghan Luntan 1980 (3): 89-96. 13. Liu Wenqi, Chunqiu Zuoshizhuan Jiuzhu Shuzheng, under 25th year of Duke Xigong (Science Press, 1959), p. 394. 14. Li Xueqin, yiThe Riddle of the State of Zeng'" (in Chinese), Guangming Ribao, Oct. 4, 1978.

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75. Map of the environs of Suixian

area with Suixian at the center has yielded a large number of cultural relics. As early as the Northern Song dynasty, two Zenghou 曾 候 bells (the correct designation should be Öiuwang Youzhang Zhong 楚 王 舍 章 鐘 ） were found in the area of Anlu 安 ft of Hubei; they were recorded in the bronze inscription catalogues at that time. In 1933 at the Chu tomb at Zhujiaji 朱 家 集 in Shouxian 壽 縣 ，Anhui, were found a pair of Zengjihu 曾 k 壶 ， both 78.7 cm tall. After studying these bells. Aw vessels, and several other Zeng vessels, Liu Jie 割 節 pointed out that this Zeng was not the state of Zeng 部 established in Shandong by members of the Si 如

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clan which was often referred to in ancient texts, but rather a state established by members of the Ji 娘 clan.15 Since 1956 several groups of Zeng 曾 state vessels, mostly from tombs, have come to light in Jingshan 京 山 ， Suixian 隨 縣 ， and Zaoyang 策 陽 of Hubei and in Xinyie 新 許 and other counties in southernmost Henan.16 In 1978, a large grave of the Marquis of Zeng was unearthed at Leigudun 掠 鼓 墩 in Suixian,17 which is numbered as tomb no. 1 at Leigudun. This has aroused much great attention in academia. Most of the bronze vessels from tomb no. 1 of Leigudun have in their inscriptions the name Zenghou 曾 候 ， or Marquis of Zeng. Among the artifacts is a bronze bo # bell (fig. 76) with an inscription identical to that on a bronze bell from Anlu unearthed in the Song dynasty. The latter was manufactured in the 56th year of King Huiwang 惠 王 of Chu (433 B.c.) (fig. 77). It was apparently a gift by the King of Chu in an offering ceremony to the Marquis of Zeng. Therefore, the status of the master and the burial date for this large grave are completely clear. It is a large wooden-chambered grave built on red sandstone. The remaining pit of the grave was 21 m long east-west and 16.5 m wide north-south. Charcoal was used to fill around and on top of the wooden chamber, which then was covered with green lime, which in turn was covered with stone slabs. The tomb chamber was divided into northern, eastern, middle, and western chambers. The major coffin was located in the eastern chamber, and with it were eight coffins of sacri­ ficial victims. In the western chamber there were thirteen additional coffins of sacrificial victims. The principal coffin had two layers, both densely lacquered, and the skeleton of the tomb master has been identi­ fied as that of a man around forty-five years old. The twenty-one sacri­ ficial victims were women ranging in age from about thirteen to about twenty-five. It is believed that those buried in the same chamber as the master of the tomb were his consorts and those buried in the other chamber were those of musicians. The cultural relics found in the tomb were extremely rich and abundant, with more than 7,000 items including bronze ritual vessels, utilitarian objects, weapons, and horse and chariot fittings, as well as objects of gold, jade, and lacquered wood. The bronzes were varied and complex, very well made, and among the rarest that have ever been found. According to the excavators' count, the weight of the bronzes 15. Liu Jie, "A Study of the Chu Artifacts Unearthed in Shouxian" (in Chinese), in Gushi Kaocun (Renmin Press, 1958). 16. Cf. Zeng Zhaomin and Li Jin, Jianghan Kaogu 1980 (1) : 69-82. 17. Archaeological Excavation Team of Tomb No. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian Wenwu 1979 (7): 1-24.

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76. Bo bell of King Jinzhang of Chu found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian

found in the tomb was altogether almost ten metric tons.18 The most remarkable of the finds may be a set of bronze bells with a wellpreserved wooden frame (fig. 78). The frame was of an elbow shape, and the columns were in two layers made up of bronze human figures wearing swords. On this frame were hung sixty-four bells. The upper layers were niuzhong Mf t , that is, bells with knobs, and the middle and lower layers were甬 鐘 ， or bells with cylindrical handles. In

18. Tan Weisi, Shu Zhimei, and Guo Dewei, Zhongguo Kaogu Xuehui Diy Nianhui Lunwenji (1980): 225-28.

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77. Inscription on the fu bell of King Jinzhang of Chu

addition, among the large bronzes was a pair of large fu whose bodies were 1.3 m tall and 1.1 m in diameter. There were also a pair of jian & vessels for ice (fig. 79), and in the jian were placed square Awwine vessels of considerable size. All these were unprecedented special types. There were also a pan with a zun placed in it, found in the middle chamber, and these are decorated with very fine designs made with the lost-wax technique. All these are new material for the study of bronzes. A major discovery at tomb no. 1 at Leigudun consists of a great variety of musical instruments. In addition to the set of bells, also found were a set of striking stones, drum, qin ^ zither, se g zither, sheng ^ panpipes, paixiao # pipes, and bamboo flutes. Particularly valuable

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78. The bianzhong set of bells found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian

79. The vessel for ice found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian

are the inscriptions on the sets of bronze bells (fig. 80) and qing ^ stones, which explain the tonal qualities of these instruments. The writings on the bells were inlaid with gold, and those on the stones were either engraved or brush-written in ink. Writings indicating tonal qualities

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80. The inscriptions on the set of bells of tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian

were also found on the horizontal beams of the frame in the middle and lower layers at the locations where the bells were hung.19 Specialists in the history of music have undertaken many studies of these musical instruments and their inscriptions, including investigations into the musical systems of the time.20 Although these relate only to music, they sufficiently reflect the advanced stage of development of culture of the state of Zeng. 19. Hubei Provincial Museum, Yinyue Yanjiu 1981 (1):3-16. 20. Huang Xiangpeng, Yinyue Yanjiu 1981 (1): 22-53.

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In 1981 tomb no. 2 was excavated, only about 100 m to the west of tomb no. 1 at Leigudun.21 It was also a wooden-chambered tomb built on red sandstone but smaller than tomb no. 1, with a remaining opening of the pit 7.3 m long east-west and 6.9 m wide north-south. In the chamber was a principal coffin and the coffin of a sacrificial victim. In this tomb was also found a set of thirty-three bronze bells, which were not placed on a bell frame, and it has also yielded a set of musical stones. There were more than fifty large bronze ritual vessels. The number of the vessels in a set, such as the nine ding tripods and the eight vessels, was identical with those in tomb no. 1, but the quality of the vessels was somewhat inferior and the dating is somewhat later. This tomb has not yielded weapons. On this and other grounds it is estimated that this could have been the tomb of the lady of the of Zeng. According to our analysis this Zeng î is the same as the state of Sui 隨 in the literary records.2122 Sui was a rather powerful state in the Spring and Autumn period. The Zuo Zhuan says that "among the states to the east of the Han, Sui was the largest/' In 706 B.c. King Wuwang 武 王 of Chu tried to invade Sui, but the Marquis of Sui haä made preparations and Chu did not succeed. In 704 B.c. Chu made another try at invasion. This time Chu did score a victory, but they were not able to occupy the state of Sui and returned after the mere signing of a statement of allegiance. In 690 b . c . King Wuwang for the first time launched an invasion of Sui, but he died in the course of this invasion. His minister signed another agreement of allegiance with the Marquis of Sui, and very soon after that Sui led the lords to the east of Han in a rebellion against Chu. Looking at the situation in the early part of the Spring and Autumn period, one finds that of all the small states east of the Han River only the state of Sui has yielded archaeological finds of bronzes that are distributed from Xinyie 新 野 in the nortlï to Jingshan 京 山 in Üie soul:h. In the bronze assemblage found in 1956 at Sujialong 蘇 家 瓏 of Jingshan23 there is a set of nine ding tripods, and on this basis we believe that this tomb, like the two tombs from Leigudun in Suixian, also be­ longed to the rank of the lords. The tombs of the lords, especially those of lords of small states, should be located near their capital cities, and according to literary records Suixian was in fact the location of the capital of the state of Sui. The state of Zeng, we see from the archaeolog­ ical records, lasted in time from the beginning of the Spring and Autumn 21. Investigation and Excavation Team of Tomb No. 2 at Leigudun, Jianghan Kaogu 1981 ( l) ： l- 2 . 22. See n. 14 above. 23. Hubei Provincial Museum, Wenwu 1972 (2):41-53.

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period to the early phases of the Warring States period. In the area east of the Han River the only state that existed throughout the Spring and Autumn period was Sui; all the others were absorbed into Chu. This is another indication that Zeng was the same as Sui. In 1979 a tomb was excavated at Jishiliang 季 氏 梁 in Suixian,24 dated to the middle of the Spring and Autumn period. Two ge halberds contain inscriptions that indicate that the owner of the weapon was a certain "Ji Yi 季 怡 ， descendant of Zhou king," and also "the son of Marquis Muhou 移 候 ， the grandson of Xigong 西 宮 and Dagongyin 大工 of Zeng 曾, Jiyi 季 怡 Ji Yi was a member of the Zeng nobility, a descendant of Xigong who was the son of Muhou of Zeng, and he also referred to himself as the descendant of a Zhou king. This suggests that the Zeng marquis was in fact a branch descendant of the Zhou king, and this is consistent with the fact that the state of Sui was established by a member of the Ji clan.25 The discovery of this tomb, in short, further proves that Zeng and Sui are two names for the same state. Among the bronzes from the state of Zeng often are vessels which constituted parts of the dowries of women from the state of Huang 黃 . There is a Zenghoufu 曾 候 簠 （in «Scmdai Jÿm Wenom 三 代 吉 金 文 存 10, 20) which was, on the other hand, a dowry vessel of a daughter of a Zeng maquis who was married into the state of Huang. This indicates that the nobility of the states of Zeng (Sui) and Huang intermarried. Huang is located west of the present Huangchuanxian 潢 川 縣 of Henan and was among the states putting up a stiff resistance to Chu in the early part of the Spring and Autumn period. In 704 B.c. Chu summoned many lords to a meeting at Shenlu 沈 虎 ， and only Huang and Sui refused to participate. Because Huang was relatively far away, Chu did not immedi­ ately launch an invasion. In 676 B.C., however, Chu's powers had in­ creased, and it launched troops to invade Huang and secured a victory. In 649 B.c. Huang once again refused to pay tribute to Chu and was finally conquered and annihilated by Chu in the following year. Some bronzes in past catalogues belonged to the state of Huang. In 1975 a pit grave at Mopanshan 磨 盤 山 in Laolidian 老 李 店 of Huangchuan yielded bronze vessels from the state of Huang.26 The location of this find in fact coincides with the literary records. In 1972, three bronze vessels of the early Spring and Autumn period were found at Gaodian 24. Museum of Suixian, Wenwu 1980 (1): 34-41. 25. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1980 (1): 54-58; Shu Zhimei and Liu Binhui, Jianghart Luntan 1982(1): 72-77. 26. Commission of Cultural Relics Management of the Xinyang District, and Cultural Museum of Huangchuan County, Wenwu 1980 (1) :46-50.

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高 店 in Luoshanxian 羅 山 縣 ， which is very close to Huangchuan.27 The maker of these vessels was a certain Xi Jun Shan 奚 君 單 ， and his name had appeared on a ding tripod in the Qing palace collection;28 this ding tripod was allegedly also found in Huangchuan. In 1979, bronze vessels were again found in a pit grave at Gaodian in Luoshan.29 The maker of the vessel is another Xi Shi 奚 氏 • This Xi Shi was a noble of the state of Huang. Jiang 江 and Huang were often referred to together in ancient texts. Jiang is located at the present Zhengyang 正 陽 of Henan, but no cultural relics attributable to the state of Jiang have been found in that area. In 1953 a li made by a woman of the state of Jiang came to light in Taipuxiang 太 僕 鄉 in Xiaxian 郏 縣 of Henan， 30 and this is the only artifact from that state that has ever appeared in published reports. Similarly, the only artifact attributable to the state of Xi 息 ， which was located in Xixian 息 縣 of Henan, is a bronze pe/z 盆 vessel found at Lianyuzue 鍵 魚 吸 in Suixian in 1975.3132 Both Jiang and Huang were states established by members of the Ying $ clan. Before Liberation, the so-called "Mound of Changsha Wanghou 長 沙 王 后 " at Yangjiashan 揚 家 山 in Changsha, Hunan, wRich was designated as tomb no. 401 (dated to middle and late Western Han dynasty) in the Changsha Fajue Baogao (Report of the Excavation in Changsha), yielded a bronze yi E vessel dating to middle Spring and Autumn period. It was made by Fan Jun Kui 輿 君 夔 .32 Some scholars have studied this yi vessel in conjunction with two other vessels of Fan Jun.33 In 1978 and 1981, three tombs dating to an early phase within the middle Spring and Autumn period were excavated west of Pingqiao 平 檢 in Xinyang 信 陽 in Henan.34 From tomb no. 1 came groups of bronze vessels made by a Fan Jun Kui and Fan Furen Longying 與 夫 人 龍 氣

27. Commission of Cultural Relics Management of the Xinyang District, and the Cultural Museum of Luoshan County, Wenwu 1980 (1) : 51-53. 28. Rong Geng, Baoyunluo Yiqi Tulu, vol. 1# no. 25. 29. Commission of Cultural Relics Management of the Xinyang District, and Museum of Culture of Luoshan County, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1982 (10): 18-21. 30. Tang Lan, Wew«；« 1954 (5): 38-40. 31. Cheng Xinren, Jianghan Kaogu 1980 (1) : 97. 32. Hunan Provincial Museum, Kaogu 1963 (12): 679-82. 33. Yu Haoliang, Jianghan Kaogu 1980 (2) : 7-11. 34. Henan Provincial Museum, Commission of Cultural Relics Management of the Xinyang District, and Bureau of Culture of Xinyang City, Wenwu 1981:9-14; Commission of Cultural Relics Management of the Xinyang District, and Bureau of Cul­ ture of Xinyang City, Zhongyuan Wenwu 1981 (1): 14-15.

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This Fan Jun was a member of the nobility of the state of Chu, and his lady could have been a daughter from the state of Jiang or Huang. North of Jiang, Huang, and Xi were the two states of Chen 陳 and Cai 蔡 • Their historical status was much more important than the other small states, as we can see from the listing of these states in Shiji under the "Shijia〃 世 家 section. As far as archaeological material is concerned, very few finds pertain to Chen, but Cai finds are much more abundant. In the past, several Chen-state bronze vessels have appeared in catalogues, and they may be seen in Liang Zhou Jinwenci Daxi. A Chen state/“ vessel was found in the Jishi Liang 季 氏 梁 tomb in Suixian, as was mentioned earlier,35 and it could have been made as a result of an intermarriage between Chen and the state of Sui. Dowry vessels of the state of Chen had also been found earlier in Feicheng 肥 城 and other places in Shandong. The state of Chen was located in Èuaiyang 淮 陽 of Henan. In that county much archaeological work has been undertaken in recent years, but very few finds pertain to the state of Chen itself. In 1973 a pan vessel and a vessel were found at Guduili 厢 堆 李 in Huaiyang. These were part of the dowry of a daughter of the duke of Cao 曹 who was marrying into the state of Chen, anä they are dated to the middle and late Spring and Autumn period. This find offers only an indication of the potential for the archaeology of the Spring and Autumn period of that area. Chen was destroyed in 479 B .c. Cai persisted to the early period of the Warring States period but was exterminated in 447 B.c. The state of Cai was a very powerful state of lords established by the Ji clan. Its capital was in Shangcai 上 蔡 of Henan, and it performed a major function in the Zhou dynasty's rule of the Huai River as indicated by the inscriptions on Jufuxu 驹 义 盈 • This vessel was made during the reign of King Xuanwang 宣 王 of Zhou and was discovered recently in Wugong 武 Shaanxi. During the Spring and Autumn period, the state of Cai suffered repeated incursions and pressure from Chu. Although Cai made valiant attempts to rid itself of Chu’s influence, these attempts were not successful. During this period, because of political circum­ stances, Cai was forced to move its capital several times. In 531 B.c. King Lingwang 查 王 of Chu set a trap for Marquis Linghou 靈 候 of Cai and killed him. Then he ordered his crown prince Qi Ji 去 疾 to lead troops to surround Cai and exterminate the state. After that he immediately enfeoffed Qi Ji as Duke of Cai. Three years later Qi Ji killed King Lingwang and became King of Chu himself. He was known as King Pingwang 平 王 of Chu. As a gesture to seek the support of the lords, Pingwang restored the throne of the state of Cai and established Lu 35. It is now in the Museum of Suixian.

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慶 ， who was grandson of Marquis Ling, as Marquis Pinghou 平 候 of Cai. Pinghou became a dependent of the state of Chu and moved his capital to the present Xincai 新 蔡 of Henan. In 522 B.c. Pinghou died. His son Zhu 朱 became marquis. The following year, as a result of a bribe by Dongguo 東 國 ， another grandson of Marquis Linghou of Cai， Fei Wuji 费 無 私 ， a minister of Chu, threatened the people of Cai and established Dongguo as the lord of Cai. Caihou Zhu was forced to go into exile in Chu. Dongguo became known as Marquis Daohou 棒 候 of Cai. Daohou died in 519 B.C., and his younger brother Zhaohou 昭 候 ， known as Shen 申， became marquis. Zhaohou was originally also a dependent of the state of Chu, but because he offended the ciiu minister Zi Chang 子 常 he suffered undeserved defamation and was under house arrest for three years in Chu. After that, in alliance with the states of Jin 晋 and Wu 吳 he participated in the famous war waged by the state of Wu against Chu. After the restoration of Chu by King Zhaowang, he came to invade Cai as revenge. Zhaohou of Cai, in order to rely on tiie help of the state of Wu, moved his capital eastward to Zhoulai 州 來 ， which is in the area of Shouxian 壽 縣 of Anhui; this took place in 493 B.c. Two years later, a Cai minister, fearful that Marquis Zhaohou would move further east, hired an assassin to kill Zhaohou. Then he established Zhaohou's son as Marquis Chenghou 成 候 of Cai. The son of Chenghou was Chan 產 ， Marquis Shenghou 聲 候 ， who died in 457 B.c. Cai fell as a state two generations later. The old city of Shangcai 上 蔡 has been discovered at Lugang 蓋 岡 in the present Shangcaixian 上 蔡 縣 in Henan. According to a survey made in 1963, the city was approximately a rectangle. The hangtu wall was still 11 m at its highest remaining point. Inside the rammed earth in the lower parts of the city wall were potsherds dating from before Western Zhou, and Eastern Zhou remains and potsherds were found in the rammed earth in the upper portions of the wall. The length of the wall at its east, south, west, and north sides was 2,490, 2,700, 3,187, and 2,113 m, respectively. In addition, the remains of four gates were found. A moat was found outside the city. At the center of the city, at a location called Erlangtai 二 郎 台 south of Wangzhuang 王 庄 ， an ancient water well ring and clay water-pipes were found, and there were also many cylin­ drical and flat tiles and potsherds of the Spring and Autumn period, possibly indicating a palace site. Bronze artifacts and other materials dated from Eastern Zhou have been found in the area of Zhaicaun S 村 in the southwestern corner inside the city.36 In 1958 a Caihou Zhu fu 蔡 候 朱 击 was discovered at Anluotuo

36. Shang Jingxi, Henan Wenbo Tongxun 1980 (2): 30-32.

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81. Map of the environs of the tomb of the Marquis of Cai near the western gate of Shouxian

安 樂 境 in Yicheng 宜 城 of Hubei.37 It could be a piece of evidence verifying the literary records concerning the exile of Caihou Zhu in Chu. The tomb of Caihou was found in 1955 inside the western gate of Shouxian 毒 縣 in Anhui (fig. 81). Now, after many years of discussion, it has been determined to be the tomb of Marquis Zhaohou 昭 侯 of Cai. This tomb was one of a vertical shaft type without ramps. The pit was 8.45 m long north-south, 7.1 m wide east-west. The lacquered coffin was 2.4 m long, but only traces of it remain. It was filled with cinnabar powder and was located to the south of the center of the pit. In the southeastern corner of the tomb pit was the skeleton of a human sacri­ ficial victim, and no remains of a casket accompanied the skeleton. The major items among the furnishings were bronze artifacts, totaling 486 pieces. In addition, there were jades, bone artifacts, and gold sheets. This tomb "is full of fragments of lacquer at the bottom. These fragments are thin as paper, and many layers overlapped to form blocks as much as 2

37. Zhong Qing, Wenwu 1962 (11): 64-65.

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cm thick. To some of the bronzes were also adhered lacquer sheets. The lacquer is of a black background painted in red patterns, regrettably very fragmentary and difficult to preserve. Among the fragments of lacquer are also found fragments of gold sheets and bronze sheets and taotie maskes and oth ers/'38 Actually, originally there were many lacquerware objects in the furnishings, but because of their very poor condition of preservation, almost all of them have disappeared. The bronze inscriptions in this tomb39 fully reflect the relation­ ship of Marquis Zhaohou of Cai to the state of Wu. Some of the bronzes were dowry vessels made by Zhaohou for his daughter Damengji 大 孟 姬 ， and an inscription admonishes her to respectfully marry the king of Wu. The vessels were made in the first year of Marquis Zhaohou (518 B.C.). At that time the king of Wu was Wangliao 王 僚 • In the fourth year of Zhaohou, or 515 B.c.， Prince Guang 克 of Wu hired Zhuan Zhu 專 諸 to assassinate Wangliao and put himself on the throne. The fact that the dowry vessels made by Zhaohou for his daughter Damengji had made their way back to the state of Cai could be accounted for by the possi­ bility that she returned to her mother's home after the death of Wang­ liao. In the tomb were also found a pair of Wuwang Guang jian ^ JL 光 锻 ， dowry vessels the king of Wu had had made for his daughter, who married into Cai. All this evidence is indicative of the very close relation­ ship between Cai and Wu during this period. In 1958 and 1959 two tombs were found at Caijiagang 蔡 家 崗 in Huainanshi 淮 南 市 about 7.5 km to the northeast of Shouxian.40 Both were vertical shaft pit graves, about 200 m apart. The pit of tomb no. 1 was 5.05 m long, 4.25 m wide, and it had a so-called second level platform. Extending from the north wall was a ramp 4.45 m long. The pit of tomb no. 2 was 5 m long and 4.13 m wide. Its shape was the same as tomb no. 1, with a ramp 5.2 m long. This tomb had been plundered, and the only yields were some weapons and horse and chariot fittings, a total of 112 pieces. The bronze weapons found in tomb no. 2 at Caijiagang belonged to the three states of Cai, Wu, and Yue.41 Among these weapons, the Gongwuwangfuchai 攻 敔 王 夫 差 客 e halberd had part of the name of the state and the name of the person scraped off. The Cai weapons included 38. Commission of Cultural Relics Management of Anhui Province and Anhui Provincial Museum, Shouxian Caihou Mu Chutu Iwu (Science Press, 1956). 39. Chen Mengjia, Kaogu Xuebao 1956 (2): 95-123. 40. Archaeology Team of the Bureau of Culture, Anhui Province, Kaogu 1963 (4): 204-12. 41. Chen Mengjia, Kaogu 1963 (7): 381-84; Sun Zhichu, Kaogu 1965 (9): 467-68.

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three swords with gold inlays. The owner of the swords was Marquis Chan 產 of Cai, namely Marquis Shenghou of Cai. The report of the find attributes the tomb to that of Marquis Shenghou of Caif which is prob­ ably a correct attribution. The vessels with inscriptions of Marquis Zhaohou and Marquis Shenghou of Cai have been found in many past catalogues; in addition, there are numerous other Cai artifacts, which cannot be described here in detail. Of the states north of Chu discussed in this chapter, only Sui and Cai survived into the early Warring States period. The tomb of Marquis Zhaohou of Cai of the late Spring and Autumn period already through its artifacts indicates the apparent influence of Chu, and such influence becomes even more conspicuous and extensive when we come to tomb no. 1 of Leigudun. Some scholars have in fact suggested the Leigudun tomb no. 1 should be a Chu tomb, because in the tomb there are very few characteristics that are identical with Central Plains artifacts.42 For this reason, some scholars list these tombs as Chu tombs in a discussion of the areal scope of Chu culture. From this we can see that the expansion of the powers of the Chu state in the Eastern Zhou period had not only unified a very large area in the south politically, but also in cultural history a new cultural tradition had been formed with the Chu itself at the center. This fact is highly significant in the history of that period and also has a great bearing on Chinese culture after the Qin dynasty. 42. Guo Dewei, Jianghan Luntan 1980 (1) : 76-79.

12

Xu 徐 ， Wu 吳 ， and Yue 越

All archaeologists concerned with the archaeology of South China are acquainted with the phrase "'geometric impressed pottery culture/' Re­ cently, archaeological advances have enabled us to realize that what has been called the geometric impressed pottery culture in fact includes many ancient cultures, with geometric impressed pottery being merely a common cultural element. Therefore, this term has now been abandoned. The question of how the ancient cultures in the vast area of the south should be subdivided is still in the process of discussion and study. According to Su Bingqi 蘇 采 琦 , on the basis of the available material tÈe southern cultures can be tentatively grouped into four major groups. To paraphrase Su: (1) The area from Lake Boyang 都 陽 and river Gan 務 to Beijiang ih (including Jiangxi and central Guangdong) was the key, pivot, or core area. (2) The area from Lake Taihu 太 湖 to the coastal areas around the delta of the Pearl River (including Taiwan) is the southeastern wing. (3) The area from Lake Dongting 洞 庭 and the Xiang 湘 River to the valley of the Xijiang 西 江 （ namely, the eastern half of Hunan and the eastern half of Guangxi) is the west wing. (4) The area of the Yangtze and the Huai 淮 river valleys (largely including northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, western Shandong, central and southern Henan, and eastern Hubei) is the northern border region.1 As to the subdivision of the cutural types in the south and their corresponding absolute dates, discussion is also ongoing at the present time, but one can see positively that when one speaks of the entire1 1. Su Bingqi, Wenwu Jikan 3 (1981): 10-19.

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developmental process of the so-called geometric impressed pottery cul­ ture, the Eastern Zhou period is a late stage of what was already the terminal stage of the whole sequence. The states of lords in the lower Yangtze valley in the present-day provinces of Anhui, Jiangxi, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang during the Spring and Autumn period included Xu 徐 and Zhongli 鍾 離 ，established by members of the Ying 氣 dan; Ying 英 ， Liu 六 ， Tong 桐 ， Chao 粟 ， Liao 暮 , and Qun Shu 群 舒 ， established by members of the Yan 偃 clan; Wu 矣 ， established by members of the ii 娘 clan; and Yue 越 established by members of the (alleged) Si M clan. All these states had very long histories, but because they were regarded by the states of the Huaxia as barbarians, in the ancient texts very little was recorded concerning them up until the middle of the Spring and Autumn period. In fact, the cultures of the lower Yangtze valley states were rather well developed. The traditional concept that the south was for a long time behind the north in culture was actually based on a misunderstanding. The state of Xu and the many small states of the Yan clan were located in the area between the Yangtze and the Huai rivers. Since the late Qing dynasty, the hypothesis has prevailed that the clan names Ying and Yan were so close to each other phonetically that they were interchangeable.2 Wang Li 王 力 in his 如 o 漢 語 史 稿 has pointed out that this hypothesis is not correct. The state of Xu centered in the area of Sihong 於 洪 in the present Jiangsu Province and was a very powerful state by the time of the Western Zhou dynasty. At one time it led the Nine Yi barbarians on a western campaign against the royal Zhou.3 The so-called Nine Yi barbarians, according to Sun Yirang’s 孫 話 讓 study in Mozi Jianxi/ 墨 子 間 詁 ， referred to the tribes between the Huai and the Si rivers; they were also known as the Huaiyi 淮 夷 barbarians. In 1979, a hoard of bronze vessels was found at Lijia 李 家 in Jing'an 靖 安 County of Jiangxi Province. From this hoard came three Xu vessels of the late Spring and Autumn period, one of them being Xuwang Yichu jia 汀 徐 王 義 楚 鏗 (fig. 82).4 This is the second find in Jiangxi of an inscribed Xu vessel. In 1888 twelve bronze vessels were found at Qingchuan 清 泉 city west of Gaoanxian 高 安 縣 ， which is south of Jing’an. Among these twelve vessels were one Xuwang Ziyou zhi 徐 王 争 又 牌 and two Xuguo Yichu zhi 徐 國 義 楚 牌 (for both, see ZAou D似 i 兩 周 金 文 辭 大 系 ) . Xu Yichu 徐 i 楚 is also mentioned in Zt/o ZAwan 2. Liu Shipei, Zhoushu Buzheng, vol. 3, Liu Shenshu Xiansheng Yishu ed. (1936). 3. Cf. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1980 (8): 35-40. 4. Museum of History of Jiangxi Province and Hall of Culture of Jing'an County, Wenwu 1980 (8): 13-15.

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82. Inscription on the jian vessel of King Yichu of Xu found in Lijia of Jing'an

under the sixth year of Duke Zhaogong 昭 公 • He had been invited to serve the state of Chu, but in Chu he was arrested by the king of Chu. Finally he was able to escape and return to Xu. This was in 536 B.C., before he announced himself king. Combining literary texts and some bronze inscriptions of the state of Xu we come upon five Xu kings in the middle and late Spring and Autumn period. Middle Chunqiu: Liang 糧 Geng 庾 Late Chunqiu: Ziyou 和 又 Yichu 義 楚 Zhangyu 章 禹 Zhangyu was the last lord of Xu. In 512 B.c. Xu was destroyed by King Helü 刼 閭 of Wu, and Zhangyu went into exile in Chu.

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The middle and late Spring and Autumn period was the time when Xu state culture reached its zenith. The bronzes cast during this period in Xu were very finely made, with beautiful calligraphic style in their inscriptions, and their decorative patterns were refined and excel­ lent, very close to the style of the state of Chu. From the terms used in official titles in the inscriptions one also finds that Xu was heavily influenced by Chu. At this time Xu's political powers had declined. Squeezed in between the two powerful states of Wu 吳 and Chu 楚 , finally Xu was absorbed into the state of Wu. Xu vessels have been found in Jiangxi since that area was the western border region of the state of Wu in the Spring and Autumn period. In the past in the area surround­ ing Qingjiang of Jiangxi were found Yue state bronzes from the Spring and Autumn period such as Zhejianzhong 者 減 鏤 and Lushizhong 氏 Ä (see ßiaw 金 文 分 域 編 )• Presumably these were all captured by Wu when Wu conquered Yue and Xu. At such localities to the south of the Huai River in Anhui as Hefui 合 肥 ，Shucheng 舒 城 ，Liuan 六 安 ，and Huoshan 霍 山 and such localities on the soutîiern bank of the Yangtze River as Fanchang 繁 昌 and Tongling 銅 陵 ， Spring and Autumn period bronzes have been found.5 For example, in 1959 a tomb about 3.23 m long was found at Fenghuanzui 风 風 嘴 in Shucheng. This tomb yielded more than a dozen bronze vessels and two hard pottery urns impressed with geometric designs.6 Among the bronzes were some that are similar to those of the Central Plains area; a ding tripod with a lid and a spout, for example, is almost identical to one found at tomb no. 14 in Shangmacun in Houma. Thus we can estimate that the tomb belonged to the middle Spring and Autumn period. On the other hand, there are some distinctive vessels, such as a li tripod with conical, baggy feet and a he tripod of the same shape. Because of its geographical location this tomb should belong to the Qun Shu peoples. A large tomb was found in 1980 at Jiulidun 九 里 墩 in Shucheng 舒 城 .7 It was a vertical shaft pit with a rectangular opening 8.6 m long east-west and 4.4 m wide north-south. The tomb had been plundered earlier in its history, but still many cultural relics remained, including more than 170 items of bronze alone. Most important was a drum sup­ port decorated with dragon and tiger designs and bearing an inscription consisting of 150 characters. The inscription contains the phrase "to 5. Editorial Committee of Wenwu, Wenwu Kaogu Gongzuo Sanshinian (Wenwu Press, 1979), p. 231. 6. Archaeological Team, Bureau of Culture of Anhui Province, Kaogu 1964 (10): 498-503. 7. Archaeological Team of Anhui Province, Kaogu Xuebao 1982 (2): 229-42.

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83. A ge halberd without a long insertion blade, found in the large tomb at Jiulidun, Shucheng

defeat Chu troops/' Also found at the tomb was age halberd of the state of Cai with inlaid decorations. A chronological marker for this tomb was age halberd of type III as described in the excavation report. It has a very narrow blade but a very long neck with three holes, and it lacks a long insertion blade (nei 内 ）（ fig. 83). This 客e halberd is a so-called multi-^e 力 戟 halberd type, found in the states of Wu, Cai, Sui, and Chu.8 The earliest appearance of this type was during the late Spring and Autumn period, but the type prevailed in the early phases of the Warring States. The date of the large grave of Shucheng probably falls within this range. The area of Shu­ cheng was the center of the so-called Qun Shu peoples in the Spring and Autumn period, including such affiliated states as Shuliao 舒 暮 ， Shuyong 舒 庸 ， and Shujiu 舒 鴻 . By the middle of the Spring and Autumn period one by one these small states had been conquered and subjugated by Chu, but as late as 508 B.c. in the late Spring and Autumn period the state of Wu was manipulating Shujiu in an effort to set a trap for Chu, indicating that even then the Qun Shu still retained some strength. The large grave of Shucheng may belong to the Qun Shu, but it might also have belonged to a member of the nobility of the Chu who was enfeoffed at that spot. In the area of southern Jiangsu and the neighboring Shanghai municipality, the eastern end of AnÉui, and northern Zhejiang a tomb type that is very extensively found is the type usually called a mound burial or a mound tomb. The mound burial is characterized by the building of a mound on a flat surface. At the bottom of the mound there 8. SunJi, Werndl/ 1980 (12): 83-85.

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XU 徐 ，WU 吳，AND YUE 越

is either a single burial or multiple burials. Some of the burials are lined at the base with charcoal or pebbles, some of them are cists lined with stone, and in some cases the tomb pit was hardened by fire. Inside the tomb there was no trace of a wooden casket, nor have complete skeletons been found. The usual grave furnishings consisted of geometrically im­ pressed hard pottery and primitive porcelain; in some cases, bronzes were also found. Archaeologists in Jiangsu divide mound burials into five stages; the middle and late periods at the site, namely their stages 3, 4f and 5, correspond to the period from the Spring and Autumn to early Warring States.9 Zou Heng 鄉 衡 believes that stages 3, 4, and 5 and the culture they represent should be called the Wu Yue 吳 越 culture.101Since it is still not possible to distinguish Wu culture from Yue culture, the term "Wu Yue culture" is appropriate. In 1960 a group of bronze vessels was found at Taowuzhen 陶 吳 鎮 in Jiangning 江 窣 County near Nanking.11 These vessels are very similar to those found at a vertical shaft grave at Poshankou 破 山 口 in Yizheng 儀 徵 County in 1930.12 A similar group of finds has also come to light recently at a vertical shaft grave at Pukou 浦 口 in Nanking.13 All of these belong to the early Spring and Autumn period. From the point of view of historical geography, all three groups of bronzes belong to the state of Wu. Some of the artifacts found in them are similar to those from the Central Plains, such as a pan vessel from Poshankou and a ge halberd from Poshankou and Pukou, and are comparable with bronzes found in Shangcunling at Sanmenxia. However, the three finds also contain many artifacts with local characteristics. For example, all three have yielded li tripods with conical, baggy feet similar to those found in Sujialong 蘇 家 壞 in Jingshan 京 山 in Hubei, and they are very different from the /f tripods of the same period in the Central Plains. At the Poshankou site there was also a zun vessel. We know that in the Central Plains zun vessels are usually associated with jot/ 卣 vessels or with the square > 养 . But all these types disappeared after the middle of the Western Zhou period. However, in the south the zun vessels continued to be found by themselves, and finds of zun vessels have been made in Jiangsu, Shang­ hai, Anhui, Hunan, and Guangxi. In 1964 and 1968 two tombs of considerable scale were dis9. Zou Houben, Wenwu Ziliao Congkan 6 (1982): 66-72. 10. Zou Heng, WenwuJikan 3 (1981) :46-51. 11. Li Weiran, Kaogu 1960 (6): 41. 12. Wang Zhimin and Han Yiwen, Wenwu 1956 (12): 31-32; Yin Huanzhang, Wenwu 1960 (4): 85-86. 13. Commission for the Management of Cultural Relics, Nanking City, Wenwu 1980 (8): 10-12.

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84. Some of the objects found in tomb no. 1 at Chengqiao in Liuhe

covered at Chengqiao 程 播 southwest of Liuhe 六 合 County, Jiangsu.14 Tomb no. 2 was 5.1 m long and tomb no. 1 possibly even longer. Those tombs have yielded considerable numbers of bronze vessels associated with geometrically impressed hard pottery urns and other types (fig. 84). The typology of bo # sets and zhong Ä sets found there differs little from those of the Central Plains, although these tombs contained some distinc-

14. Commission of Management of Cultural Relics, Jiangsu Province, and Na king Museum, Kaogu 1965 (3): 105-15; Nanking Museum, Kaogu 1974 (2): 116-20.

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tive artifact types. For example, the ding tripod with the three sloping feet from tomb no. 1 is a type characteristic of Jiangsu and the southeast­ ern areas in general. The bell set of tomb no. 1 has inscriptions stating that the set was made by the state of Wu. Therefore, the two tombs cannot date to a period later than the fall of the state of Wu, namely the end of the Spring and Autumn period (fig. 85). In 1974 a tomb 4.3 m long was found at Heren 和 仁 in Liuhe 六 合 County.15 The tomb has yielded artifacts similar to the two tombs at Chengqiao including ding tripods with sloping feet. All three tombs were vertical pit graves. 15. Wu Shanqing, Kaogu 1977 (5): 298-301.

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The Wu tombs of the Spring and Autumn period that have yielded bronzes are related in some manner with the mound tombs. For example, the ding tripod of sandy red ware found in the mound tombs of stage 5 at Fushan 浮 山 and Guoyuan 果 園 in Gourong 句 容 County and at Caijiashan 蔡 家 山 in Lishuixian 深 水 H both in Jiangsu, has also occurred in the tomb at Heren in Liuhe.16 Gusu 姑 蘇 ， the capital of the state of Wu, was located at the present Suzhou 蘇 州 in Jiangsu. In 1975, a vertical shaft grave was found at Huqiu 虎 丘 in Suzhou,17 in which was found a dugout wooden coffin 2.35 m long. The artifacts found in the burial consisted mostly of ding tripods, dou vessels, hu vessels, he vessels, jian vessels, and yi vessels, all of bronze. This group of bronze vessels was later than those from the two tombs in Chengqiao. The type of the he was similar to those he found in tomb no. 1 at Xiasi in Xichuan in Henan, and to those found in tomb no. 36 at Fenshuiling in Changzhi in Shanxi. The refined deco­ rative pattern of some vessels is a typical Warring States style. Since the state of Wu was conquered and subjugated by Yue in 473 B.C., this tomb from Huqiu cannot be counted as a Wu tomb. In 1975, two tombs with rectangular vertical pits were excavated at Fenghuangshan 風 風 山 of Shaoxing 绍 興 County of Zhejiang.18 Each contained a coffin and a wooden chamber. Among the artifacts yielded there were bronze weapons, lacquerware water vessels, and geometri­ cally impressed pottery urns; in addition, tomb no. 2 yielded a set of bronze-imitating pottery that included such types as ding, yan, dou, dui, hu, he, jian, part, and yi. All these vessels are similar to the vessels found in the Huqiu tombs in Suzhou. The bronze-imitating pottery vessels found at Fenghuangshan in Shaoxing were very finely and realistically manufactured and they are of both artistic value and distinctive style. Many similar pottery vessels were in circulation before Liberation both in China and abroad. Another group was found in the 1950s in some tombs at Lizhu 滿 涛 in Shaoxing,19 and another whole set was found in 1979 in cliff burial no. 10 at Yutang 魚 培 in Guixi 貴 溪 County of Jiangxi.20 The shapes of these vessels were very similar to those found in tomb no. 2 of Fenghuangshan (fig. 86). One 16. Liu Xing and Wu Dalin, Wenwu Ziliao Congkao (1982): 73-78; Li Boqian, Kaogu Yu Wenwu 1982 (3): 89-96. 17. Section of Archaeology, Suzhou Museum, Wenwu 1981 (11): 51-54. 18. Commission of Management of Cultural Relics of Shaoxing County. Kaoou 1976 (6): 392-94. 19. Commission of Cultural Relics Management of Zhejiang Province, Kaogu Xuebao 1957 (1): 133-40. 20. Museum of History of Jiangxi Province and Hall of Culture of Guixi County, Wenwu 1980 (11): 1-25.

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can estimate that these were all Yue tombs, and the date could not be later than 334 B.C., when Yue was destroyed by King Weiwang 威 王 of Chu. Several noteworthy characteristics of the Wu Yue bronzes should be pointed out. First, the bronzes were found highly scattered. Some of the inscribed bronzes of the state of Wu have been found in Shanxi. For example, the Wu Wang Guang sword was unearthed in Shiyu 峙 俗 in Yuanping 原 平 County, and the Wu Wang Fuchai 力an 鑑 vessel came out of Mengwang 蒙 王 村 village in Daixian 代 縣 . This happened because in the late Spring and Autumn period the states of Jin and Wu had friendly relations and frequent interaction, and because after the downfall of the state of Wu some people escaped into exile in the state of Jin. Wu vessels were also found in Zhejiang; these were probably obtained by the people of Yue. In addition, some of the Wu artifacts came from the Chu territory and could have been obtained by the Chu after their conquest of Yue. The inscribed artifacts from the state of Yue have mostly been found in Chu territory, places such as Jiangling 江 陵 of Hubei (fig. 87), Changsha 長 沙 of Hunan， Huaiyang 淮 陽 of Henan, and Shouxian 4 縣 of Anhui, all of them capitals or major cities of the Chu state. This was obviously the result of the subjugation of the state of Yue by Chu. The second characteristic of the Wu Yue bronzes is the fine quality of the weapons. The special praise by ZAot/ Lf 周 禮 ， chapter "Kaogongji"考 工 記 ， of the swords of Wu and Yue has been borne out by the excavated cultural relics. Among the bronze swords made by the lords of Wu and Yue there are several swords of the Wu state that bear the inscriptions Wu Wang Guang jian and Wu Wang Fuchai jian, and all these are very sharp and finely made. The swords of the king of Yue are

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87. The sword of King Goujian of Yue found in tomb no. 1 of Wangshan in Jiangling

even more numerous. They have been studied by Chen Mengjia 陳 夢 家 in his 六 國 年 ， which should be augmented by recent discoveries. Among these Yue swords the following Yue kings are well represented: Goujian 勾 殘 （鴻 沒 )一 reigned 496-465 B.c. (fig. 88) Luying 虎 ip (者 旨 於 踢 )一 reigned 464-459 B.C. Zhuju 朱 句 （州 句 ) 一 r e ig n e d 448-412 B.c. Other names of kings also occurred. Based on the typology of the swords, these other kings were probably later than Zhu Ju. Three swords found in recent years in a Chu tomb in Pingliangtai 平 秩 台 in Huaiyang 准 陽 of Henan belong to this late category of Yue king swords.21 21. (1): 34-36.

Cao Guiqin, Luo Chongli, and Zhang Zhihua, Henan Wenbo Tongxun 19

200

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88. Inscription on the sword of King Goujian of Yue

The third characteristic of these bronzes is their distinctive types. For example, a musical instument with its opening placed upward, or zhengcheng used by troops, probably continued the the zheng tradition of the bronze nao ^ bells that appeared in South China in Shang and early Zhou. The name zheng cheng continued to be used into the Han dynasty.22 On the bronzes from the states of Xu, Wu, and Yue, sometimes there are long inscriptions. Except for some of the personal names, which are locally distinctive, these inscriptions are sometimes more stylish and literary in style than some of the inscriptions from the Central Plains itself. 國 語 ， chapter "Yueyu” 妓 語 ， quotes Fan Li ?乞务 ， a Yue minister, as saying: "our ancestors were the unaccomplished children of the royal house of the Zhou, and therefore they lived on the slopes of the

22. Study Team of Han Tablets at Shangsunjiazhai, National Bureau of Cultur Relics, Wenwu 1981 (2): 22-26, no. 339.

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eastern sea and they lived amongst turtles and fishes/' Some may take this to mean that the state of Yue lived for a long time in rather primitive conditions. Actually, bronzes such as the Zheäao 者;刀 bell set, which belonged to the royal house of Yue,23 reflect an advanced level of culture and the deep influence of the people from the north. The statement attributed to Fan Li is probably an exaggeration for rhetoric purposes. Northern Chinese cultural influence is also clearly seen in the southeastern coastal area south of the state of Yue. Some scholars have pointed out that "at least beginning in the late Spring and Autumn period the Yue people had begun to assimilate with the Huaxia group and the relationship between the southern Yue and the Central Plains had become rather close."24 Much has been achieved in archaeological work in this area in recent years, as we can see from some examples from bronze-yielding tombs in Guangdong and Guangxi. The earliest tombs found were the two tombs at Matougang 馬 頭 崗 in Qingyuan 清 遠 of Guangdong, found in 1963 and 1964.25 The two tombs were 6 m apart. Tomb no. 2 was a vertical shaft grave with a rectangular opening 2.8 m long, but Tomb 1 was not clearly reported. Some of the associated bronzes were similar to types from the Central Plains. For example, fragments with impressed corded patterns in checker designs found in tomb no. 1 are very similar to types found in the north and were probably imported. On the other hand, such types as a ding with three sloping feet and the musical instrument zheng recall Wu Yue types. The dates of these tombs were estimated to be from the terminal Spring and Autumn period to the early Warring States. In 1973 a vertical shaft grave with a rectangular opening that is 5.7 m long in its present state was found in Niaodanshan 、 鳥 蛋 山 in Sihui County in Guangdong.26 From this tomb has also come ding tripods with sloping feet and zheng musical instruments. It has also yielded a he É. similar to the one from the tomb of Huqiu, Suzhou. The date of this tomb is probably similar to the Suzhou tomb, too. in 1971, a group of bronze vessels was found at Yangjia 秧 家 in Gongcheng 恭 城 County of Guangxi.27 It included c/ 吨 tripods with 23. Guo Moruo, "An Interpretation of the Inscription of Zhe Dao Zhong" (in Chinese), in Wenshi Lunji (Renmin Press, 1961). 24. Yang Kuan, Zhanguo Shi (Shanghai: Renmin Press, 1980), p. 267. 25. Commission of Cultural Relics Management of Guangdong Province, Kaogu 1963 (2) : 57-61; Kaogu 1964 (3) : 138-42. 26. Guangdong Provincial Museum, Kaogu 1975 (2): 102-08. 27. Museum of the Zhuang Autonomous Region of Guangxi, Kaogu 1973 (1): 30-34.

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89. Bronze vessels from Yangjia in Gongcheng

sloping feet and southern-style zun vessels. On the other hand, there was also a ding tripod similar to those of the Central Plains. This group of vessels probably was originally from a tomb (fig. 89). All these tombs have, in addition, yielded distinctively local style artifacts, such as a bronze stick with a human head terminal, a small knife with human figure ornament, and boot-shaped axes. These were also associated with geometrically impressed hard pottery urns. In the area of Hunan, daggers decorated with human figures and a boot-shaped ax have been found; they are referred to as types of a Yue group.28 The cultural impact of Huaxia upon the southeastern area came about with Chu culture acting as a bridge. The Chu state and the area to its south maintained a close relationship. In the early period of the middle Warring States, King Daowang 伴 王 of Chu used Wu Qi 吳 起 to conquer the Baiyue 百 越 ， "the Hundred Yue," of the south, as recorded in Shiji, chapter ''The Biography of Wu Q i/' Subsequently, because of the expansion of Chu territory toward the south its impact upon the 28. Gao Zhixi, Wefm/M 1980 (12): 48-51.

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southeast became even more pronounced. The subjugation of Yue under King Weiwang 威 王 of Chu further incorporated the vast areas of the lower Yangtze valley into the Chu cultural domain. At the same time, the Xijiang River valley has recently yielded large numbers of bronzes of the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States periods, precisely because that area was an important route by means of which the Chu state moved into the southern coastal areas.29 29. Jiang Tingyu, Zhongguo Kaogu Xuehui Dierci Nianhui Lunwenji (1982): 67-73.

13

Ba 巴 ， Shu

蜀，

and Dian 滇

Ba and Shu were important states of lords in the southwestern area. Ba was an enfeoffed state in the southern part of the Zhou dynasty whose lord was from the Ji clan. In the Eastern Zhou period Ba had frequent interaction with neighboring Chu, and these two states also intermarried, as recorded in the literary texts.1The people of the Ba were referred to as the southern Man 费 ， and possibly belonged to a different ethnic group from the lords. The state of Shu, on the other hand, was founded by ethnic groups that had long indigenous histories. According to Chinese legend, "Huangdi 黃 帝 or tiie Yellow Emperior had his son Changyi 昌 意 marry ä woman from Shushanshi 蜀 山 & • Their son was Gaoyang 高 陽 who was known as Di Ku 帝 嚳 or Emperor Ku. His branch descendants became enfeoffed at Shu and continued in the ranks of hou # and bo iä throughout the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties.’’12 Both Ba and Shu had followed King Wuwang 武 王 of Zhou in the latter's conquest of King Zhou 纣 of the Shang. Later on, however, these two states became enemies for generations. Shu was separated from the Central Plains states by Qin and Ba, and was not in a position of participating in league conferences of lords; for that reason the textual records concerning Shu were even fewer than those concerning Ba. Two books written in the Han dynasty called S/muw这 ßenji 蜀 王 未 紀 and ffwajycm忍 wozAi 華 陽 國 志 are neces­ sary materials for any study of the Ba and $hu histories. However, the descriptions in these books were heavily colored by myths and the books contain few reliable dates that can be used for reference. Ba was a rather powerful state that had been united with Shu in a joint military expedition against Chu as late as the middle Warring States period, but after that it went into decline, eventually abandoning its longtime political center, which was located in the area of present-day 1. Cf. Lin Qi, Jianghan Lutitan 1980 (4): 87-91. 2. Chang Ju, "Huayang Guo Zhi,’ section "Shu Zhi” ， p. 17, Sibu Beiyao ed.

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Ba 巴，Shu 蜀，a n d Dian 滇

205

Chung king 重 慶 in Sichuan, and retreating to Langzhong 閬 中 in the north. At the same time, the power of the state of Shu advanced eastward and Shu engaged in annual warfare with Ba. The lord of Zhu 苴 ， a fief of the state of Shu, befriended Ba. The king of Shu was angry at this and invaded Zhu. The lord of Zhu went into exile in Ba and sought assistance from Qin. King Huiwenwang 惠 文 王 of Qin sent Zhang Yi 氣 儀 and Sima Cuo 司 馬 錯 to lead troops in a war against Shu. The îéing of Shu put up an unsuccessful resistance. On the heels of this battle, Qin conquered and exterminated both Ba and Shu in the year 316 B.c. The center of Shu was located in the area of the present Chengdu 成 都 of Sichuan. Ever since the 1920s, bronzes have been found in the area of White Horse Temple, Baima Si 白 馬 寺 ， north of the west gate of Chengdu. These have become scattered in various places, even abroad, gradually coming to the attention of scholars. During the war with Japan many scholars moved to Sichuan, where, seeing these bronzes at the local collectors and shops, they became interested. According to investigâtions at the time, the White Horse Temple bronzes were found at a spot where earth was being removed at the tile kilns north of Tanjunmiao It of course was a focus of concentration, but many other arti­ facts coming from various other places in Sichuan were also wrongly attributed to White Horse Temple. Because of the many differences between these bronzes and the Central Plains bronzes, and also because antique dealers faked writings or decorative patterns on some of these bronzes, the scholars engaged in a series of discussions concerning their authenticity and chronology.3 The beginning of the study of Ba and Shu cultures had its impetus here. However, before Liberation the data were not systematically gathered and lacked scientific records. All the relevant archaeological excavations have taken place since Liberation. The Ba and Shu cultures were essentially confined to the area of Sichuan, although they have been found at some locations in Hubei and Guizhou in areas neighboring Sichuan. For example. Warring States burials at Xirangkou 西 法 口 and Xiaxikou 下 溪 口 in Badong 巴 東 County of Hubei have yielded typically Ba and Shu weapons.4 This is an area very close to the eastern territory of Ba that was apparently reached by Ba influence. When one goes downstream from there to the east one en­ counters similar artifacts in Yichang % St and Zhijiang jML'aL, and these could be regarded as evidence of cultural interaction or cultural ex­ change between Ba and Shu. It should also be kept in mind that after the destruction of Ba and Shu as states of lords their cultures would have persisted into a later period. Even during the Qin dynasty their distinc3. In the journal Shuo Wen Yuekan, vol. 3, nos. 4 and 7. 4. See n. 1 above.

206

Ba

巴 ，Shu 蜀，a n d

D ian 滇

tive style still survived, at least in part. Therefore, the concept of Ba and Shu cultures and the history of the Ba and Shu states did not completely correspond. Of the remains of the Ba and the Shu cultures, the most charac­ teristic and most widely found are the many kinds of bronze weapons and tools. Insofar as weapons are concerned, they have been found in locations "east from Fengjie 奉 節 and Fuling 洛 陵 and west to Emei 峨 眉 and Ebian 蛾 邊 ， north to Guangyan 廣 元 and Mianzhu 綿 竹 , and south to Jianwei 徤 爲 • But they are concentrated in various locations near Chengdu 成 都 .” 5 The major types of weapons include a willow leaf-shaped sword, a round-bladed yue ax, a spearhead with a straight socket and a loop, and a variety of ge halberds, all of which have distinctive features. Feng Hanji 7客 sets) refers to the df% tripods of different sizes forming a series in the grave furnishings. The existence of sets of dif这 tripods was recognized through the excavation of Shanbiaozhen 山 卷 鎮 in Jixian 汉 縣 in 1935.1 2 The report of the exacavation had al­ ready paid attention to the interrelationship of din客 sets, the scale of the tomb, and the status of the tomb master. In the 1970s such authors as Du Naisung 杜 硬 松 and Yu Weichao 俞 偉 超 and Gao Ming 高明 engaged in detailed investigation of the institution of ding sets;3 their studies are generally accepted by archaeologists. These studies are all based upon the commentary by lie Xiu何 休 ， a scholar of the Eastern Zhou dynasty, in connection with the entry under the 2nd year of Duke Huangong 桓 公 in the (5抓 幻臟客2 /ma/z 公 羊 傳 ， which states, "In ritual offerings tÉe Son of Heaven used nine ding tripods, the feudal lords used seven, the senior officials five, and the shi knights three/' On the basis of this the authors assessed the status of the tomb master according to the number of items in the din客 set. Yu and Gao, furthermore, undertook very penetrating analyses of the literary record. The study of the ding sets is a very important contribution in archaeology as well as a good example of combining archaeology with historiography. On the other hand, the use of the He Xiu commentary as the foundation of evaluation is not without its dangers. As we know, in the Han classical scholarship there was a difference between the Current Script scholars and the Archaic Script scholars. He Xiu was a prominent figure in the Current Script school, and what he said represented the ideas of the Current Script scholars. Meanwhile, the Archaic Script scholars had a different viewpoint on the question of the use of ding tripods; namely, they thought that the Son of Heaven had used twelve ding tripods rather than nine. In Zhouli, ^Shanfu"' chapter, we read, "TÎie king had one meal daily using twelve din客tripods and all the meat dishes were placed on stands." This is saying that the king, the Son of Heaven, used twelve ding tripods for meals; and it follows that the ding tripods buried with him would also number twelve. Scholars throughout the dynasties who studied the Gongyangzhuan, from Xu Yan who was responsible for the annotations, to Chen Li 陳 立 of the Qing dy1. Chen Gongrou, Kaogu Xuebao 1956 (4): 67-84; also, Shen Wencho, Kaogu Xuebao 1958 (2): 29-38. 2. Guo Baojun, Shanbiaozhert Yu Liulige (Science Press, 1959), pt. 1, sec. 2. 3. Du Naisong, Kaogu 1976 (1): 17-21; also, Yu Weichao and Gao Ming, Bei­ jing Daxue Xuebao 1978, nos. 1 and 2; 1979, no. 1.

Social Classes

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209. One of the ding tripods in the set found in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun, Suixian

nasty,4 had consistently pointed out that the statement of He Xiu was different from the ideas of the Archaic Script scholars, and they could not be reconciled. Only Zheng Xuan 鄭 玄 ， living at the end of the Han dynasty, stated, in his commentary to Zhouli, the opinion that the twelve ding tripods referred to in the ^Shanfu" chapter consisted of ''nine ding tripods for major sacrificial animals and three tripods for secondary uses,’ Zheng Xuan was an Archaic Script scholar, but he is well known to have tried to reconcile the two camps,5 and therefore his view was only an attempt to patch up the differences and was not based upon any reliable evidence. Sets of nine ding tripods were discovered in the bronze vessel assemblages in the following archaeological sites: Sujialong 蘇 家 瓏 ， Jingshan 京 山 ， Hubei The large tomb at the West Gate of Shouxian 壽 縣 ， Anhui Tomb A at Liulige 琉 璃 閣 in Huixian 輝 縣 ， Henan Tomb no. 60 of the above Tomb no. 1 at Leigudun 擂 鼓 徵 ， Suixian 隨 縣 ， Hubei (fig. 209) Tomb no. 2 of the above 4. Chen Li, Gongyang yishu, vol. 11 (Shanghai: Zheyingguan, 1889). 5. Liao Ping, Jinguxue kao, pt. 2, in Liyiguan Congshu (Chengdu: Cungu Book Co., 1921).

Social Classes

Tomb no. 6 at Zhongqiji 中 七 汉 Tomb no. 1 of the above

463

in Pingshan

平山，

Hebei

We mentioned earlier that aside from the nine-ding-tripod sets from Jingshan, all the others were found in large graves. The bronzes at Jingshan were made for the Marquis of Zeng (Sui) and dated to the early Spring and Autumn period. The large grave at the west gate in Shouxian belonged to Marquis Zhaohou 昭 候 of Cai. The master of tomb no. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian was the Marquis of Zeng (Sui) in the early Warring States period. The masters of the two tombs in Pingshan were lords of the state of Zhongshan, and in tomb no. 1 the master is actually called a king. From these facts we know that all the tombs of the feudal lords of the Eastern Zhou period used nine-ding-tripod sets for burial, differing from the seven-ding-tripod set rule according to He Xiu. Many writers have thought that this happened because of an usurpation resulting from the breakdown of the ritual rules. But, as a matter of fact, such feudal lords as Marquis Zhaohou of Cai or Marquis Sui of the Warring States period had already become subordinate to large states. They had enough trouble maintaining their independent status; it would seem unlikely that they would try to usurp the right of the Son of Heaven. The King of Zhongshan, buried in tomb no. 1 at Zhongqiji in Pingshan, was a selfappointed conservative who claimed to support the rituals and the Son of Heaven, but he also used nine ding tripods. Therefore, the use of the nine-dzng-tripod set by the feudal lords was not an indication of usur­ pation, and the Son of Heaven probably did use a set of twelve ding tripods, just as the Zhouli said. In the burials of the Eastern Zhou period, those of the level of the feudal lord used nine-ding-tripod sets and those of the level of the qing (minister) used seven-ding-tripod sets. The latter is exemplified by tomb no. 2 at Xiasi in Xichuan in Henan.6 The seven tripods in the set from this tomb were originally manufactured by Prince Wu 午 of the state of Chu and later came into the possession of Prince Yuan Zifeng ^ "Î*^ . Both men were prime ministers of the state of Chu, a status consis­ tent with the use of seven-tripod sets. For breakdown of rituals to occur, one would need a chaotic situation. For example, as stated in Lunyu, the Ji 季 family, who were subordinate officials of the state of Lu, went so far as to use the ritual dance 八 倌 ， befitting the Son of Heaven— whereas the system of multiple-di/zg-tripod sets, as seen in the archae­ ology of the Eastern Zhou period, was rather strict. It is not consistent with a situation of usurpation.

6. Archaeological Team of the Danjiang Reservoir Region in Henan Provin Wenwu 1980 (10): 13-20.

464

Social Classes

The number of ding tripods in the set that was buried in a tomb is only one manifestation of the ranking system. In the future, with the increase of new materials it is possible that we will find other criteria that can be generally applied in order to determine the status and posi­ tion of tomb masters in archaeology. According to the Zhouli and other ancient texts, the system of ancient titles below the Son of Heaven of the Zhou dynasty called for a high degree of refinement in the ranks between such major titles as qing (minister), dafu (senior official), and shi (knight), and many concrete examples can be found in the Chunqiu classics and commentaries. These title systems or rank systems continued in principle on into the period of late Zhou to Qin. One system that is well understood is the title system of the state of Qin. According to the Hanshu, "'Table of Baiguangongqing 百 官 公 卿 and Hanjiuyi 漢 舊 儀 ，" the Qin title system had twenty levels, namely: Level 1: Gongshi 公 士 Level 2: Shangzao 上 造 Level 3: Zanniao 簪裊 Level 4: Bugeng 不 更 Level 5: Dafu 炎 夫 Level 6: Guandafu 官 大 夫 Level 7: Gongdafu 公 大 夫 Level 8: Gongchen 公 乘 Level 9: Wudafu 五 大 夫 Level 10: Zuoshuzhang 左 庶 長 Level 11: Youshuzhang 右 庶 長 Level 12: Zuogeng 左 吏 Level 13: Zhonggeng 中 更 Level 14: Yougeng 告 更 Level 15: Shaoshangzao 少 上 造 Level 16: Dashangzao 大 上 造 Level 17: Sicheshuzhang 知 車 庶 長 Level 18: Dashuzhang 夫 庶 長 Level 19: Guanndhou 關 内 候 Level 20: Chehou 彻 侯 Scattered examples of such title designations occur in Zuo Zhuan. Shang商君書， chapter "Jingnei 境 内 gives a more systematic insti­ tution but differs in detail from the twenty levels of titles that are given above. The latter work shows that from the Spring and Autumn period to the Warring States period the title system of Qin underwent development and changes, with the twenty-level system of titles being its final, complete form.

Social Classes

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The title system of Qin was complex but, from looking at the terms used, one can easily discover evidence of the system's having been derived ultimately from the title system of the Zhou, For example, such terms as Shi, Dafu, and Hou appear in the twenty-level system in the same order of higher and lower ranks. If we study carefully the regulations concerning promotions of different levels of titles as de­ scribed in "Jingnei/" we learn that the twenty levels of the Qin titles can broadly be divided into three sections. The first section is from level 1, Gongshi, to level 4, Bugeng. The second section is from level 5, Dafu, to level 9, Wudafu. And section three is from level 10, Zuoshuzhang, on up. (Here we use the title designations in Baiguanbiao The terms in "Jingnei" were slightly different.) If we separate levels 19 and 20 out into a fourth section, then the four sections would exactly correspond to the Zhi, Dafu, Qing, and Zhuhuo of the Zhou system. In short, the Qin titles had perhaps developed on the basis of the Zhou titles, but they were now combined even more tightly with the military system. We know that the Zhou title system is related to military institutions; but the Qin titles on this point are more developed, undoubtedly because of the nature of the unsettled Warring States situation. Some scholars refer to the Qin titles as Jungongjue 軍 功 爵 ' or military merit titles. But this is incorrect, because the Qin titles could be acquired by other means. At the same time it is not without justification, insofar as the titles were tightly related to military systems. The state of Qin focused on the award of titles according to military merit in battles. As explained in "Jingnei," along with titles went farming fields and houses, and the children of title-holders could receive official titles as well. In addition, titles could be purchased to effect a clemency for criminal offenses of the person himself or his relatives. This was a step to reinforce the battle ability of the troops, but at the same time it also goes to show that the Qin ranking system was very strict as to upper and lower levels. The Qin slips at Shuihudi in Yunmeng contain a code called C/mansAiZü 傳 食 律 ， or The Code on Meals at Transport Posts, which stipulates that the transport posts provide different meals to people of different titles and ranks.7 For Shangzao, and people below that rank all the way to titleless petty officers of the government offices, each meal consisted of one dou \ of coarse rice, some other dishes, soup, and a little salt. For Zanniao and Bugeng, a meal consisted of a dou of finer rice, half a sheng ^ of sauce, some other dishes/ and soup. For people of the title of Daïu and above, meals would be provided according to their rank. As for attendants, they could only

7. Study Team of the Bamboo Slips from Qin Tombs in Shuihudi, Shuihudi Q Mu Zhujiart (Wenwu Press, 1978), pp. 101-03.

466

Social Classes

have half a dou of coarse rice. For carriage drivers, the rice provided was reduced to one-third of a dou of coarse rice. The strictness of the dif­ ferences can be imagined from these examples. Even so, because of the incessant differentiation of members of the contemporary society, the economic level of members of the lower levels or even titleless persons sometimes exceeded that of people with in the Qin slips at Shuihudi used higher titles. The Falü dawen as a legal example the case of a certain person with the title of Shangzao who stole a sheep. Shangzao was no less than the title of the second level. Another example appears in Fengzhenshi ^ in the Qin slips, in the chapter "Qundao 尊 立 " ： "Several titleless persons robbed the liouse of a certain Gongshi 公 士 of 10,000 coins." Gongshi was the tide of the first level. Obviously, Gongshi so-and-so in the latter example was much richer than the Shangzao in the former example.8 In short, if we simply use the levels of the title system to view the Qin society we will be unable to arrive at a complete understanding. It should be pointed out that title systems were not unique to Qin. The other states of lords of the Warring States period also had their own systems of titles, and some of their titles are identical to the Qin titles. For example, in the states of Wei, Zhaof Yan, and Chu there was the title Wudafu 五 大 夫 • In some cases the other states had title designations that did not occur in Qin: For example, the Changdafu 長 大 夫 of Wei, the Zhigui 執 J圭 of Chu, and so forth .9 The title system of these Six States, like the Qin system, was derived ultimately from the Zhou system. In the catalogue Samiaf Jÿi« We似 三 代 吉 金 文 存 {no. 2 〇,57,5) is recorded a crossbow mechanism with the inscription "Wudafu Qi〃 五 大 夫 旗 • Some scholars saw the Wudafu title designation and immediately believed this to be a Qin object. Actually, the inscription was in the archaic script of Six States style and it could not possibly have been a Qin object. This is a valuable piece of evidence that this particular title designation occurs also in the states east of the Gate. Craftsmen and tradesmen always occupied special stations in ancient Chinese society. In the following we will first discuss craftsmen from Eastern Zhou to Qin as seen in the archaeological material. On the bronzes, pottery, and lacquered objects of the Warring States period, very often the status, place of origin, and family names of craftsmen were recorded. Some examples have been discussed before in connection with objects from the various states. From this material some8. Yu Haoliang and Li Junming, "The Military Systems Reflected in Qin Slips'" (in Chinese), in Yunmeng Qin Jian Yanjiu (Zhonghua Book Company, 1981). 9. Qiu Xigui, /yA Tentative Study of the Nature of Warring States Period Society"' (in Chinese), in Zhongguo Gushi Lunji (Jilin People's Press, 1981).

Social Classes

467

thing could be learned about the conditions of the contemporary crafts­ men. But the richest source of information concerning Warring States through Qin dynasty craftsmen was the Qin slips of Shuihudi. In the study of craftsmanship, the legal codes pertaining to craftsmen and craftsmanship, including Go/z种 工 律 ， 工 人 程 ， and 客 均 工 ， are as important as textual classics on craftsmanship like 考 工 記 and Yueling 月 令 ， and these discoveries have become the subject of specialized studies. 101 The handicrafts industry of this period, like that preceding the period and that following it, was divided into handicrafts under official government management and that under nongovernmental management. The various Qin legal regulations on slips from Shuihudi mainly pertain to the official handicrafts industry. From analysis of the inscriptions it is clear that those known as Gong 工 ， or craftsmen, in the official industries were craftsmen with free status. As pointed out by Wu Rongzeng 吳 榮 曾 ， "According to the custom of the Qin regulations, when ofödals commit minor offenses they are fined armors or fined shields, and these kinds of fines also apply to craftsmen, indicating that craftsmen and officials have certain similarities, or at least that they have stipend in­ come or that they possess some property / ' 11 The ^similarities^ referred to here might be that both craftsmen and officials are free men. In the government-managed industries there were Gongshi 工 師 ， or crafts officers, to manage craftsmen. In the Xunzi 苟 子 ， chapter "Wangzhi 王 制 Gongshi were listed parallel to Situ 司 徒 ， Sima 司 馬 ， Sikong 司 空 ， Zhitian 治 田 ， and so forth, indicating that Gongshi had the status of officers. In the meantime, the Gongshi also had the duty to teach their skills. According to a regulation recorded in the Qin legal document Jt/n叙 ♦ 均 工 择 ， in the first year after a new craftsman began his work, he was required to produce one-half of the required quota of products, and by the end of the second year his production should amount to the full quota for an experienced worker. At the same time, a Gongshi was expected to teach properly. He was expected to complete the training of a new craftsman with some experience in one year. Even for a brand-new hand, the training should be completed within two years. It appears that a Gongshi was expected to be very experienced in his skills. These officers were probably promoted from among craftsmen with many years of experience. The term Gongshi appears often in the bronze inscriptions of Qin and the three Jin states. For example, weapons of the three Jin states 10. Wu Rongzeng, "The Government Handicrafts Industry of the Qin Dynasty'' (in Chinese), in Yunmeng Qin Jian Yanjiu (Zhonghua Book Company, 1981). 11. Ibid., p.47.

468

Social Classes

often are inscribed with the names of Gongshi of a certain place and a certain shop. The Qin weapons often bear inscriptions in which a placename precedes the term Gongshi: for example, "Xianyang Gongshi 咸 陽 工 師 ， "Yong Gongshi 雍 工 師 ， "Qi Gongshi 漆 工 師 ， "Gaonu Gongshi 高 奴 工 師 "• These designations indicate rather clearly that the Gongshi in government industries indeed had the characteristics of officials. In the government industries there was an organization among the craftsmen called a Cao 曹， and each Cao had a chief. According to QfWzacAao 秦 律 雜 抄 in the Qin slips, when handicrafts products were evaluated to be of poorer quality upon inspection, a Gongshi would be penalized a piece oï armor; a Cheng 丞 or a Caozhang 曹 長 ， the chief of Cao, would be penalized one shield. And the Tu 徒 would be penalized twenty of the ribbons that were used to tie armor pieces together. The Cheng was the deputy of Gongshi, the Caozhang was the squad leader amongst craftsmen, and Tu referred to ordinary craftsmen. The Falii 法 律 答 問 slip inscriptions also mentioned that if a craftsman stole objects in the shop, it would not be necessary for the fellow members of his Cao, that is, his Caoren 曹 人 ， to receive a caning. Craftsmen were required to have special skills. Therefore, some­ times specialist craftsmen were invited from other states of the lords. For example, the King of Chu invited famous craftsmen from Wu and Yue to cast swords, according to the Yuejueshu 返 絶 書 slips. Such specialist craftsmen are referred to in texts as ke 客 • The Zhu ke 鱗 客 ， or guest casters, mentioned in the Chu bronze inscriptions found at Lisangudui 李 三 孤 堆 in Shouxian, Anhui, could have been craftsmen invited from the outside. As for men of the status of Ke, obviously they were also free. In the government industries there were also craftsmen whose status was that of prisoner-laborers. The Qin legal codes found at Shuihudi make it clear that this was a common occurrence, and therefore there are many legal regulations pertaining to prisoner-laborers. According to Jungong when a prisoner-laborer had skills and could serve as a craftsman, he was not allowed to work as a carriage driver or as a cook. Junjuelü ^ Ä # also stated that those prisoner-laborers who were craftsmen could become free craftsmen if they succeeded in securing enemy heads or if others obtained enemy heads and used the heads to buy their freedom. In the event that these prisoners had already suffered torture and become deformed, they might become yinguangong 隱 官 工 ， that is, craftsmen who served in places that were private and not visible to others. Some of the weapons of the three Jin states were manufactured under the supervision of sikou 司 寇 • The craftsmen who made them could also have been prisoner-laborers; the prisoner status of the crafts­ men was not recorded, however. It is noteworthy that the bronze inscriptions of the Qin make it clear that in the counties in Shangjun 上 郡 craftsmen who had prisoner-

Social Classes

469

210. Needle-incised inscription on the exterior of the bottom of the lacquered winged cup found at Shuihudi, Yunmeng

laborer status were particularly abundant. This is evident from such ütles as gonglichen 工 隸 臣 so-and-so, gongguixin 工 鬼 薪 so-and-so, and gongchengdan 工 城 旦 so-and-so. This probably occurred because Shangjun was located in the northern part of the state of Qin, and, just as the Han dynasty sent their minor prisoner-laborers to the border commanderies of the northwest, the Qin also sent large numbers of prisonerlaborers to Shangjun to work . 12 At the same time, Shangjun was also an area where weapons manufacture thrived . 13 In order to promote weapons production, the Qin court may have intentionally concentrated prisoner labor in that area. As for craftsmen in nongovernmental industries, there is some information from inscriptions on pottery and lacquered objects. The lacquered objects found in the Qin tombs at Shuihudi in Yunmeng often bear needle-incised personal names (fig. 210), names such as Qianli 12. Ibid., p. 49. 13. Li Xueqin, Wenwu 1957 (8).

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Social Classes

211. Examples of inscriptions on lacquered vessels from Shuihudi in Yunmeng

D anüzi 錢 里 大 女 子 ， Danüzi C e 大 女 子 要 ，Xiaonüzi小 女 子 ， Xiaonanzi 小 男 子 ， Shiwujun 士 伍 軍 ， Shangzaozai 上 造 载 ， and Xiaogong Yang 脩 工 揚 •14 These were all craftsmen who manufactured objects (fig. 211). Some of them were adult women, called danüzi or grown women; others were boys, called xiaonanzi, and girls, xiaonüzi. Some who had titles such as shangzao, obviously were free men. In Changsha Qin lacquered objects have also been found, with names that appear to be personal names. 15 In the pottery inscriptions of the states of Qin 秦 and Qi 齊 which we discussed earlier there are also many names of craftsmen. In the Qin inscriptions the names of the districts where the craftsmen lived were often placed preceding the names of the persons. Preceding these names there were often place-names like Xianshi 咸 市 and Xianting 咸 亭 ， or abbreviated as Xian 咸 ， to make clear the municipal affiliation of these craftsmen. The Qi pottery inscriptions follow a similar pattern. As pointed out by Qiu Xigui 裘 踢 圭 ， "According to the regulations only craftsmen with official citizenship in the cities could formally engage in commerce and handicrafts. Those who had city citizenship were re­ quired to pay taxes to the state. The state controlled the production of the citizens very strictly. In social status those with city citizenship were lower than the ordinary people. " 16 Earlier, in our discussion of markets, we already touched upon 14. Writing Team of the Qin Tombs at Shuihudi in Yunmeng, Yunmeng Shui­ hudi Qin Mu (Wenwu Press, 1981), Appendix 2. 15. Qiu Xigui, Preliminary Study of Sefu'' (in Chinese), in Yunmeng Qin Jian Yanjiu (Zhonghua Book Company, 1981). 16. Ibid.

Social Classes

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the question of merchants. All readers of the Shiji are aware of the fact that in the Eastern Zhou period the commerce among states was rather advanced. In the past, because of the limitations of research material many scholars thought wrongly that before the Qin dynasty China did not have developed commerce. This is inconsistent with historical facts. In recent years we have been able to provide detailed interpretations for such terms as shi 市 (market) , 17 gu 貧 （tradesman) , 18 and otlier characters closely related to trading, enabling us to understand many ancient paleographical data concerning trading in ancient times that previously were not identifiable. Also, we now know that in the Eastern Zhou period tradesmen were active and markets were common, and that there were even clues to such phenomena in the Shang and Western Zhou dynasties. In the data concerning the Qin dynasty, we find that the man­ agement organization of a shi or market was called a Shiting ip The pottery artifacts unearthed at Shuihudi were often impressed with the words "Anlu shiting" 安 陸 市 亭 （fig. 212)， whereas some of the lac­ quered objects were iirebranded with an abbreviated name, Anshi 安 市 . Similarly, the Qin pottery found in the area of Xianyang was impressed with the names Xianshi 咸 市 or Xianting 咸 亭 ， and Qin lacquered objects found at Qingchuan 青 川 in Sichuan were branded Chengshi 成 市 ；these were abbreviations for Xianyang shiting 咸 陽 市 亭 or Chengdu shiting 成 都 市 亭 ，respectively. These impressions were placed on the objects because they were traded objects, being sold on tîie markets. It was the task of the Shiting on the one hand to inspect the order of the markets, and on the other to exact taxes from the merchants in order to submit in turn the taxes to the court. When handicrafts people brought their products to the market, they also had to pay a tax to the shiting, as we mentioned earlier. According to the Qin legal code seen in the slips at Shuihudi, the market had its merchants organized into "e謂 列 伍 • Each Liewu had a chief who served as the head of all merchants in the market and who was responsible for informing the authorities of any illegal activities among the merchants. At the markets of Qin and other states many ancient seals have been found, and seals follow certain regulations. 19 It appears that all these markets were official markets, meaning that they were orga­ nized and managed by the government, even though the merchants who were active in them did not have official status. 17. Qiu Xigui, Kaogu Xuebao 1980 (3). 18. Li Xueqin, "A Réévaluation of Ancient Civilization of China” (in Chinese), in Xian Qin Shi Lunwenji, Supplement to Renwen Zazhi (1982). 19. See n. 17.

472

Social Classes

212. Seal impressions consisting of the characters '"Aiilu shiting"' on the shoul­ der of the pottery fou vessel at Shuihudi, Yunmeng

In the society of the time, merchants constituted a rank which was discriminated against. Some merchants were very rich and indi­ vidual merchants even achieved high political status, like Lii Buwei 呂 不 聿 ， or achieved a status respected by the lord, like Zi Gong 子 贡 ， a disciple of Confucius; however, as a class, the status of merchants was very low. In the WeffcAidao 爲 吏 之 道 ， the Wei 魏 legal code which was appended to the Qin slips, merchant families were listed together with poor Zhuixu (a kind of people with the status of slaves and ser­ vants). They were not allowed to establish their own households; they were never given fields or houses; and their family members within three generations were not allowed to assume governmental positions.

Social Classes

473

During wartime, merchants were driven to engage in the most dangerous activities. This phenomenon of discriminating against and oppressing merchants continued into the Han dynasty. Located at the bottom rung of tlie social ladder were the con­ siderable numbers of slaves. From Eastern Zhou to the Qin dynasty, slaves were referred to by many terms. Some terms had specific temporal or geographical application.20 However, if we were to choose a term which expresses the slave status most extensively, then it is chert qie 臣 妾 ； chen refers to male slaves and qie refers to female slaves. These two words occur already in the oracle-bone inscriptions of the Shang dynasty with the same meaning. The combination of the two words into a single phrase occurs in paleographical material; the earliest occurrence is in the inscription of the bronze vessel Fu zun 復 尊 ， which is dated to the early portion of the Western Zhou dynasty and was excavated at Liulihe 琉 璃 河 in Peking.21 The equating of chen qie with slaves is found in innumerable cases in the textual material. In the Qin legal codes in the bamboo slips there are also many references to chen qie. In general, they can be divided into government-owned slaves and privately owned slaves. Private slaves were simply referred to as cAe« çie. For example, in Fen客zAensAi 封 診 式 in the Qin slips, when the family and property of a certain person who was being investigated and criminally persecuted were sealed and inventoried, such family and properties included the "household or family, wives, children, chen qi, clothing and articles, large dogs, and so forth . " 22 This common person, who was titleless, nevertheless possessed "so-and-so who was his Qiexiaonüzi 妾 女 子 the equivalent of maidservant in later terminology. The Qin slip book 历 如 日 書 mentions the purchase and sale of slaves in many places. Such phrases as "enter [ru 入 ] renmin 人 民 ， horses and cattle, anôi millet grains,’ "enter, chentu à 徒 , iiorses and cattle, and other livestock," "enter chenqie" all refer to the purchase of slaves and servants.23 The terms chen qie and chen tu are easy to understand. As for the word renmin, we should consult the Zhouli, chapter "Zhiren jf A / ' which refers to the following merchandise items as wealth: rewmin 人 民 ， livestock, weapons, precious objects. The commentary by Zheng Xuan 漠p玄 says that renmm means slaves and maidservants. It should be noted that the Zheng Xuan commentary refers only to people being sold and 20. Cf. source cited in n. 9 above. 21. YanWanf Kaogul975 (5):274-79. 22. P. 249 of work cited in n. 7 above. 23. Yu Haoliang, "Slaves in Qin Slips'" (in Chinese), in Yunmeng Qin Jian Yanjiu (Zhonghua Book Company, 1981).

474

Social Classes

bought on the market, and we cannot interpret the term renmin exclu­ sively as slaves. In contemporary phraseology we also say "maimai renkou 買 賣 人 口 " ；we cannot say the word renkou 人口 liere means slaves and maidservants exclusively. Private chert qie engaged in domestic labor and sometimes also engaged in productive labor, and the law protected the right of the master to use chert qie for labor purposes. The slip book Fengzhenshi has two chapters, "Gaochen 告 臣 ” and "Qingqie 難 妾 广 whicü have been used widely by scholars as typical cases of a slave system. In the "Gaochen" chapter, we read that in a certain district Shiwu 士 伍 A tied up his own Chen C and sent him to the government, saying that C was arrogant and disobedient and would not consent to engage in farm labor in the field, and A requested that C be sold to the government. The government accepted this request and bought C for the market price. The chapter "Qingqie" relates that, in a certain district Gongshi 公 士 A, who was a family official of Wudafu 五 大 夫 B, tied up C, who was a concubine of B, and sent A to the government, saying that C was disobe­ dient and asking that C be given the penalty of being tattooed and having her nose cut off. Chen C in the former case was engaged in agricultural productive labor, whereas in the latter case concubine C probably was engaged in domestic labor in the household of Wudafu B. In both cases, the masters had the right to send them to the government for punishment. Chen qie could be bought and sold, could be presented as gifts, could be part of a dowry, and sometimes could be part of a gift from a superior to a subordinate. They formed part of one's private property, just like livestock. The law at the time aimed to protect them as their master's property. In the Qin slip Falii dawen we find that if a private chert qie murdered his or her own children, then after physical punish­ ment he or she was to be returned to the master. That is because chen qie were in fact property owned by their masters. In Sifcon客Zw 司 空 律 we find that when commoners owed debts to the government they could offer the use of the labor of their chen qie or their livestock as a compen­ sation. This very sharply points out the status of chen qie. For government slaves the situation was more complex. After the publication of the analyzed texts of the Qin slips there was some debate among scholars concerning the term ZicAe/zqie 無 臣 妾 in the slip inscriptions.24 Originally in the Han legal code the term lichenqie appears, mean­ ing a kind of prisoner-laborer under a set sentence. But in Qin slips there

24. Gao Heng, Wenum 1977 (7):43-50; also, Gao Min, "'Questions Concernin the Issue of Lichenqi in the Legal Code of Qin/' in Yunmeng Qin Jian Chutan, enlarged ed. (Henan People’s Press, 1981).

Social Classes

475

is no indication that the lichenqie of Qin were given any set sentence. There were at least three ways a person could become a lichenqie. First, a prisoner himself committed a crime and was sentenced to be a ZfcAe呼 >• Second, a person could be roped into this status because of criminal offenses committed by his relatives. Third, when enemies surrendered in battle they were taken in as lichen. In the meantime, the sons of lichen were treated differently than ordinary people in the face of law. For example, in the Faliidawen slips there is an item that says on the death of a lichen his widow should remove his sons from his house and treat them as if they were not the sons of lichen, and these should be given the complete sentence. This shows that the meaning of lichenqie in Qin times differed from the same term under Han law. S/mou/en interprets 奴 許 as "criminal prisoners in ancient times/' indicating that in pre-Qin periods prisoner-laborers and slaves were closely related and could not be sharply separated. The terms of various kinds of convicts under the Qin law were originally derived from those of the Zhou system. According to chapter "Sili 司 属 ，" men and women who were found guilty and sentenced to serve as prisonerslaves would be sent to three offices to serve their labor. Those three offices were Zuili 罪 隸 ， Zhuangren 春 人 ，and Gaoren 稾 人 • The terms for prisoners in Qin and Han law, such as lichenqie, guixin baican 白 梁 ，and so forth, were originally probably derived from the terms used for prisoner-laborers in the Zhouli.25 The lichenqie under the Qin law still retained the traces of the earlier slave system and had not yet developed into the pure prisoner system that was instituted under the Han rule. Thus, from this standpoint, it is clear that Qin and contemporary states east of the Gate commonly employed prisoner labor, and that these prisoner-laborers and the private slaves had equal social standing. In the field of ancient Chinese studies, human sacrifice has often been connected to the question of slaves, and there are studies that have statistically analyzed the human sacrifices in burials that have been archaeologically discovered. 26 In the Spring and Autumn period there are a considerable number of textual references to the use of human victims for burial. But in the archaeological material we see the greatest numbers of actual cases in Qin and Chu situations. The fact that more material having to do with human sacrifice in burial comes from the Warring States period than from the Spring and Autumn period can only be interpreted as indicating that as yet excavation activities do not fully reflect historical facts. It should not be used as a basis for inferring that the custom of human sacrifice at burial underwent a revival in the 25. Sun Yirang, Zhouli Zhengyi, vol. 69 (Commercial Press, 1934). 26. Huang Zhanyue, Kaogu 1974 (3): 153-63.

476

Social Classes

Warring States period. At large grave no. 1 at Leigudun in Suixian, Hubei, excavated in 1978, twenty-one young women were found buried with the master, and this constitutes the most prominent example of human sacrifice among the Eastern Zhou burials. From this, one can imagine that the references in Shiji, in the "Annals of Qinshihuang/' to the use of large numbers of people for the construction of the mausoleum of Qinshihuangdi on the one hand and the order that all childless women in the palace were to go with the emperor to death on the other, are prob­ ably references to facts. Just as Guo Moruo pointed out, at that time the custom of using human sacrifice at burial had still not gone into real decline.27 In recent years some scholars have presented the idea that in the ancient tombs the human victims were not necessarily slaves. "'The status of the sacrificial victims was for the most part not that of a typical productive slave but of a domestic servant—some were even people of the nobility—and the victims sometimes were willing victims as a result of certain beliefs/ ' 28 This is a new point of view. We can predict that the debates and discussions will continue and deepen. 27. Guo Moruo, "Afterthoughts upon Reading 'Noting the Historical Facts of Human Sacrifice in Yin ând Zhou’ ” (in Chinese), in his S/ik/ai (People’s Press, 1973). 28. Gu Derong, Zhongguo Shi Yanjiu 1982 (2): 112-23.

General Conclusions

As we pointed out at the beginning of this volume, from Western Zhou to Qin and Han, China followed a winding course of development, unified at first, then divided, and finally unified once more. The more than five centuries of the Eastern Zhou era were the longest period of disunion in the whole of Chinese history, but China did not dissolve into separate entities, and no insurmountable barriers or fences separated the vari­ ous states of lords. The intercommunication and movement of people, the merging and diffusion of cultures, and the strategic activities, alle­ giances, and subjugations of the rulers—these enabled the whole of China to maintain organic ties among its parts, as in a game of go, and provided a basis for eventual reunification. Therefore, after having pro­ posed the delineation of seven different cultural spheres in the preceding chapters, and separately describing and discussing the various states, we now want to provide a synthesis of the data and the inferences of the various chapters, in order to grasp the major trends of the historical development of this period and gain a holistic view of the Chinese civilization of the period. There are indeed differing perceptions and interpretations of the history of the period, but it cannot be denied that the Eastern Zhou and the Qin period was a period of great transformations. If we contrast the beginning of the period—the end of the Western Zhou and the begin­ ning of the Eastern Zhou—and its end—the end of Qin and the beginning of Han一 what is clearly revealed is the fact that extremely pronounced changes had taken place in society, economy, politics, and culture. Con­ sequently, to truly understand this great era we must observe the histor­ ical comings and goings within it from the perspective of change. Combining the results of archaeological and historical studies, we find several major changes occurring in this period.1 1. Archaeologically, there was the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. 477

Conclusions

478

2. In economic history, the period witnessed the breakdown of the well-field system (jin於 ian zW井 田 制 ） and the decline of economic relations based on slavery. 3. In political history, the previous system of "feudalism" based on the zongfa lineage system gave way to a totalitarian state with centralized authority. 4. In culture and art we find the culmination and termination of the phenomenon known as 〃 The Hundred Schools Contend." Let us look briefly at these changes and the interrelationship between them. As we have explained, bronze technology continued to advance during the Eastern Zhou period. The period of the end of the Spring and Autumn and the beginning of the Warring States, or the fifth century B.C., may be called the apex of bronze technology in ancient China, the stage of its most glorious achievement. The assemblage of bronzes in tomb no. 1 at Leigudun 插 鼓 墩 ， Suixian 隨 縣 of Hubei, which we have referred to repeatedly, is a representative of this stage. As Robert Thorpe has ob­ served, "Never before has a tomb of such richness and complexity come to light. " 1 The advanced achievements of the bronze craft should not be measured only from the perspective of art history. Obviously the bronze craft of the Shang dynasty could not have been as technologically ad­ vanced as that of the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States periods, but some of the Shang bronzes were indeed magnificent art treasures. As an example, the so-called taotie-devouring-human yu vessel (taotie shiren jt/ 饕 餮 女 人 卣 ) cannot be described as being of inferior level of art to the panzt/n 盤 尊 of the Marquis of Zeng. At tüe same time, we clearly see where the issue lies when we point to the ancient copper mine at ibnglüshan 銅 綠 山 of Daye 大 冶 in Hubei, which fully attests to the majestic scale of copper mining and smelting during the Eastern Zhou period. The use of bronze had become unprecedently widespread by this time. In addition to various ritual and musical objects used exclu­ sively by the nobility, many more bronzes had also appeared in people's daily lives. During the Spring and Autumn and the Warring^ States periods, when wars and battles were frequent, unimaginable amounts of bronze had been consumed on weapons, but there was still an enormous amount of the metal that was used to make coins and utensils, including the belt buckles on garments and the bronze mirrors favored by the1

1. Robert Thorpe, Artibus Asiae 43 (1981-82) : 90.

Conclusions

479

women. These phenomena are quantitative evidence of the high level achieved by the bronze-casting industry. Heretofore, we have referred to new discoveries to show that during the Eastern Zhou period agricultural implements of bronze had been used widely in the lower Yangtze valley area. The use of bronze in agriculture may be pushed back to an earlier period, and it may not have been confined to tie lower Yangtze, although so far significant discoveries are confined to this area and this time period. The text of Kaogongji 考 工 記 profusely praised the fine quality of copper and tin in the area of Wu and Yue, strongly suggesting that the bronze casting there was particularly advanced. The use of bronze agricultural implements surely served to stimulate agricultural production. It is widely known that at the end of the Spring and Autumn period the states of Wu and Yue successively became rich and powerful. Insofar as Yue was concerned, it followed Ji Ni's 計 倪 advice to "cut taxes and promote agriculture and sericulture. " 2 Apparently the improvement of agricultural implements served to strengthen the political power of the state. Nevertheless, the use of bronze for production, however much expanded, did not compare in effectiveness with the use of iron imple­ ments. As we stated in chapter 19, the use of iron had a long history in China as attested by archaeological discoveries. There are still many gaps in our knowledge that must be filled by future investigations. It can be determined, however, that cast iron and steel had appeared by the middle and late Spring and Autumn period. By the period of the Warring States, iron objects had come into daily use. We should mention that the document "Yugong" 禹 贡 ， "The Tributes to Yu/' in the Shangshu, refers to the tribute of jiao tie yin lii 谬 鐵 銀 鏤 （"the best gold，iron, silver，steel") by Liangzhou 梁 州 • Some scholars take this phrase as evidence that Yugong is dated to the Warring States period. As a matter of fact, by the Warring States period iron had come to be used for objects of daily use and could not be included among the precious treasures worthy of tribute. This reference, thus, should instead be taken to indicate tliat the compilation of actually took place in an earlier period. Increasingly, iron objects crowded out objects of other materials from the sphere of productive implements. The iron objects from the state of Wei found in Huixian of Henan and those from the state of Yan found in Yixian of Hebei are of such quantity and variety as to indicate that iron was universally used to make agricultural implements and handicraft tools. In particular, the great variety of iron agricultural im2. Yuan Kang, Yuejueshu, chapter 4 (^Yuejue Jini Neijing^), Sibubeiyao (Zhonghua Book Co.,), p. 11.

480

Conclusions

plements is remarkable. Such implements as the five-toothed rake found at Yan Xiadu would have been difficult to imagine in the Bronze Age. In fact, most of the iron agricultural implements of the Han dynasty could already be found in the Warring States period. In every sense the universal use of iron objects represented a major revolution in production. In agriculture, this was further com­ bined with the use of cattle in farming. Mencius, in the middle Warring States period, had once asked his disciples the question, "Does not Xu Zi 許 子 cook with day pots and cultivate with iron? " 3 This shows that in his time, to "cultivate with iron" was as common an undertaking as to "cook with clay pots." The commentary on the phrase "cultivate with iron" by Zhao Ôi 趙 岐 〇f the Han dynasty suggested that this referred to the use of iron plows.4 In the legal rules concerning stables and gardens in the Qin legal documents discovered in Shuihudi in Yunmeng, there is an item5 that says that when borrowed iron agricultural implements become worn with use they may be reported by letter as such, and it is not necessary to compensate for them. The words "iron objects" in the documents referred also to such implements as iron plows. Such wide use of iron objects must mark the completion of the transition from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age. It is recorded in 越 絶 書 that at the end of the Spring and Autumn period the king of Chu asked a certain Fenghuzi to go to the state of Wu to commission Ouyezi 歐 治 子 and èan Jiang 干 將 , two famous swordmakers, to make iron swords. After the swords had been made, Fenghuzi made the following observation: At the time of Xuanyuan 軒 轅 ， Shennong 神 農 ， and Hexu 赫 胥 , [they] used stone to make weapons [and implements] and used them to cut trees and construct palaces and houses. When [the stones] were dead [worn out] they were buried under the earth. This was made so by the divine and sage masters. When it came to the time of Huangdi 黃 帝 ， [they] used the jade to make weapons [and implements] and used them to cut trees, construct palaces and houses, and dig the earth. The jade was a divine object, and this was also made so by the sage masters. When [the jades】were dead they were buried under the earth. At the time when Yu 禹 was making underground caves, they used bronze to make weapons [and implements] and used them to chisel out the 3. Mengzi, chapter "Tengwengong, Shang/' Shisanjing Zhushu ed. (Zhonghua Book Co" 1980), p. 2705. 4. Ibid. 5. Study Team of the Bamboo Slips from the Qin Tomb at Shuihudi, Shuihudi Qin Mu Zhujian (Peking: Wenwu Press, 1978), p. 32.

Conclusions

481

Yi 伊 River pass, break open the Dragon Gate, direct the Yangtze River and channel the Yellow River, had them pour into the East Sea, and enabled the world to be open and flat so that palaces and houses could be built. Was not this the result of the power of the sage masters? At the present time [they] make iron weapons [and implements]. The force of such weapons has awed the Three Armies. When All Under Heaven hears about this no one dares not to submit. Such is the divinity of the iron weapons, and Your Majesty has the sage virtues.6 This mythically flavored statement contains much truth. The reference to the use of stone, jade, bronze, and iron for the manufacture of weapons and implements may be read as a developmental sequence from stone artifacts to polished and refined stones ("jades"), bronze objects, and finally iron objects. This is very similar to the Three Ages schema in archaeology. 7 The book Yuejueshu is the work of Yuan Kang a Han dynasty scholar, but the stories in the book had earlier historical foun­ dations. This shows that the assignment of the beginning of the Iron Age in China to the late Spring and Autumn period also has some textual basis. The lifting of the Iron Age curtain has more than archaeological significance. From the point of view of economic history, the universal use of iron objects—especially the rise of plow agriculture involving the use of iron implements—eventually led to the reformation of the whole social and economical structure. The dissolution of the well-field system obviously was directly related to this massive development of productivity. Described in such ancient texts as Shijing, Zhouli, and Mengzi, the well-field system was a form of land tenure in ancient China. It is in fact a form of agricultural commune, in essence similar to the agricultural communes elsewhere in the world, as some European scholars pointed out in the middle of the nineteenth century. For example, in his wellknown De la propriété et de ses formes primitives, Emile de Laveleye placed the ancient land tenure systems of Ënglând and Ghina in the same chapter.8 Some scholars hotly deny the existence of the well-field sys­ tem, however, painting it as an utopian ideal of the Confucianists. This we cannot agree with.

6. Yuan Kang, Yuejueshu, chapter 11 (^Yuejue Waizhuan Ji Baojian'"), p. 29. 7. Glyn Daniel, A Short History of Archaeology (London: Thames and Hudson, 1981), p. 14. 8. According to the Japanese translation (Primitive Property [Tokyo: Kaizösha, 1931】).

482

Conclusions

The central focus of the well-field system lies in the existence of public (state-owned) fields and the system of land distribution. Improve­ ments in productivity caused the increase of private lands, which enabled the purchase and sale of the land and the merging of field lots, providing the necessary factors for the destruction of the well-field system. As of now, no detailed proof has been obtained archaeologically concerning the well-field system, but indirect evidence abounds. The land unit, “ an 田， in the bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou, seems to refer to the system of one hundred mou for each fu or adult male person. When the bronze inscriptions refer to gifts of so-and-so many/t/, étf uff may include not only persons but also their land. It is worth noting tiiat inscriptions referring to the "an of no longer appear in the Eastern Zhou period, suggesting that the well-field system tiad by then come to a decline, which would be consistent with textual records. As a form of agricultural commune, the well-field system was not confined to the rules concerning the division and distribution of land. According to the records in the ancient texts, it was closely related to the lineage, military, and taxation systems. Even its land-division aspect could not be considered apart from the distribution of ditches and canals and roads. The u；ez dan爲 田 律 ， or field-making rules, as re­ vised by Prime Minister Gan Mao 甘 茂 by order of King Wuwang 武王 of Qin in his 2nd year of reign, which are recorded in wooden tablets recently discovered in Qingcïiuan 青 川 ，Sichuan, quite clearly indicate the past existence of the well-field system that was described earlier in this volume. From the text of the rules, we know that at that time the land-division system of the state of Qin had already departed from the traditional well-field system. A comparison of such rules, on the other hand, with the situation of 说 ％ " 却 里 as reflected in the bamboo slips found in the early Han tomb at Fenghuangshan 风 風 山 in Jiangling, Hubei, easily discloses the depth of the changes that had taken place by then. The fundamental organization of society as represented by the well-field system was based uon blood relationships. On the bronzes and on a few other artifacts of the period from Shang to early Western Zhou, there are often lineage name inscriptions. These inscriptions are often called "emblems" because of their frequent pictographic shape. Objects inscribed with emblems are numerous, amounting to about half of all inscribed bronzes that have been discovered. They occur not only on valuable vessels of the nobility but also on objects found in many small tombs. This shows that lineage organizations based on blood relationships were very common at tîiat time. After the middle of the Western

Conclusions

483

Zhou period, however, emblemic inscriptions become rarer, the latest example being seen on bronzes of the early Spring and Autumn period found at Taipuxiang 太 僕 鄉 in Xiaxian 郊 减 ，Henan.9 The disappearance of emblemic inscriptions indicates a relaxation of blood bonds, but during the Spring and Autumn period the traditional concepts and prac­ tices of xing ik and shi ^ were still kept, such as the marriage taboo within the xing, which was strictly observed. In bronze inscriptions the women’s names always contain their 叹 ， such as Ji 娘 ， Jiang 姜 ， Si 奴 and Zi The concept of xing became less important by the Warring States period, and by the Qin dynasty it had virtually disappeared. The so-called 尤吨 in latter-day China was actually the equivalent of the ancient 5狀 which was essentially a familiar marker. The disappearance of the xing concept was so thorough that even Sima Qian »^7 on occasion mixed them up in his SAÿi, suggesting that he was not fully clear of the difference between them. The dissolution of blood relationships was not confined to the lower levels of society; it similarly affected the classes from the Shi 士 and Dafu 大 夫 up. As is well known, in Chinese antiquity, blood bonds in the form of the so-called zongfa system had applied to Shi and above, and the regulations of the zongfa system were the core of the entire ritual system. The enfeoffment of the lords of the Son of Heaven of the Zhou dynasty, the enfeoffment of the qing ministers and the dafu officials, and the relationship of subordination among the classes—all of these were the manifestations of the zongfa system. For the whole coun­ try, the king of Zhou was the major zong, and for the states of the lords the lords themselves were the major zong. In recent years there have been efforts to analyze Shang and Western Zhou burial groups in ac­ cordance with the lineage burial customs of the ancient rituals, with valuable results. Exactly how the breakdown of the ancient zongfa sys­ tem will be reflected in the burial groups of the Eastern Zhou as revealed by field archaeology is a new topic yet to be investigated. The large-scale enfeoffments at the beginning of the Zhou dy­ nasty were undertaken in accordance with the zongfa system. The es­ tablishment of the states of lords served to support and protect the Zhou king; at the same time, however, the growth of the states of lords in their own strength did not serve well the royal dynasty. Whether for the royal dynasty or for the lords, the continual application of the "divide and enfeoff" principle could only bring on a decrease of the size of the territory under the control of the chiefs and a division and weakening of the regimes at all levels. With the abandonment of the zongfa system the 9. '"Ancient Bronzes Found in Xiaxian, Henan'" (in Chinese), Wenwu 1954 (3).

484

Conclusions

institution of royal enfeoffments also came to ä decline. Inscriptions concerning enfeoffments and assignments, which were seen often in the Western Zhou bronzes, become rare by the Spring and Autumn period. Feudalism was replaced by the system of commanderies and prefectures, under which within each of the states the central authority had the task of appointing local officials and periodically replacing them. This represented a major innovation in Chinese political history favoring the centralization of government, and a major blow against the nobility class formed under the older feudalism. The sprouting of the new system took place during the Spring and Autumn period, and the prototype of xian ^-prefectures may even be traced back to the Western Zhou period. By the Warring States period, the system of commanderies and pre­ fectures had begun to prevail in all of the states. Many of the prefectures of Qin and early Han had come into existence during the Warring States period, and their capitals have been investigated or even excavated in recent years. As we discussed earlier, many of the ancient seals of the Warring States period were those of officials at the prefecture level. Some of the weapons of the period, also, were incised with the signatures of the officials at the commanderies or the prefectures. In addition, many placenames on coins are the names of the prefectures. These ancient epigraphic relics are artifactual evidence of the wide development of the commandery and prefecture system. The reforms that occupy a prominent position in the political history of this time were also actions to strengthen the centralization of governmental power. The view that is sometimes aired that all reformists were without exception Legalists is incorrect. Guan Zhong 管 仲 of the Spring and Autumn period has always been listed among the pioneers of tlie Legalists and is often paired with Shang Yang 商 私 • However, the school of the followers of Guan Zhong continued to prevail in the state of Qi, and his representative work Guanzi ^ is traditionally counted as Taoist. The silk books found recently in Han tomb no. 3 at Mawangdui in Changsha have revealed to us the concepts of the Huang-Lao Taoists popular in the state of Chu, proving that this particular school, which originated in the south and had diffused to the state of Qi, also espoused the strengthening and consolidation of the central governmental power. The Chu work Eguanzi 輿 冠 子 ， also of this school, set forth a dear blueprint of a Chu system of commanderies and prefectures. Conceiv­ ably, had it been Chu and not Qin that succeeded in unifying China, such political designs as those contained in Eguanzi might have been put to practice. The changes in social classes and levels have been described in chapter 28. The data provided by archaeology are limited, and con-

Conclusions

485

sequently our descriptions are still inadequate. Even so, the new data have filled some gaps and even answered some hitherto incomprehen­ sible questions. As we know, because of the burning of ancient texts by the Qin, when Sima Qian compiled his SAÿz he had only the Qi/yz 秦多已 to rely upon in many respects. For this reason many scholars had thought that our understanding of Qin, at least, was relatively accurate and penetrating. New archaeological discoveries about the Qin, however, have raised many totally original questions, especially those concerning the system of slavery. This new evidence has helped convince us that we must repaint the picture of the structure of social classes from the late Zhou to the Qin periods. The discovery and study of the Qin legal documents from among the bamboo slips at Shuihudi have disclosed a rather typical picture of slavery relationships; this we have described earlier. The Qin slaves may be roughly grouped into the official "cAengie 隸 臣 妾 ， and the private chenqie 6 From careful analysis we can see that this system of slavery carried on the tradition that is described in Zhouli. Penal prisoner classifi­ cations such as lif chert, and qie should probably not be understood in the sense that terms were used for the penal prisoners of the Han dy­ nasty and later. According to the Qin legal documents, all the penal prisoners had not been conferred with that status on account of legal offenses. Some of them were sold or purchased into slavery or were war prisoners who had defected from the enemy. Unless a fee was paid, the status of penal prisoner would not be lifted after a certain number of years, and the status could even be extended to family members and descendants. All these features of the system differ fundamentally from those that governed the lichenqie in Han dynasty law. Even before the discovery of the Qin slips, scholars had already detected the existence of large numbers of penal prisoners from Qin weapon inscriptions. 101 In contrast, the weapon inscriptions of the six eastern states give very few names of persons of similar status. This is also true in the old texts: from the Six States are found references mainly to the private chenqie but rarely to governmental penal prisoners. 11 These facts are best used to support the contention that the Six States made use of the labor of penal prisoners much less than did Qin. Some works regard the social institutions of Qin as being more advanced than those in the Six States. On this we cannot agree. In fact, from the fact that barbarous slavery was rather widely maintained by the Qin, we would 10. Zhang Zhenglang, Beijing Daxue Xuebao 1958 (3) : 179-84. 11. Cf. Qiu Xigui, éiA Tentative Study of the Nature of the Society of the Warring States Period'' (in Chinese), in Zhongguo Gushi Lurtji, edited by the Editorial Department of Shehui Kexue Zhanxian (Changchun: Jilin Renmin Press, 1981), pp. 1-40.

486

Conclusions

take exactly the opposite view . 12 When it came to the Han dynasty, not only was the nature of the penal prisoner changed^ even the number of private slaves was gradually decreased. The dissolution of the zongfa system and the weakening and eventual decline of slavery are overall trends during the Eastern Zhou. The state of Qin, however, was established in the core area of Western Zhou, and perhaps for that reason it retained more of the older slavery system than the eastern states. During the more than a decade after the unification, Qin for a time made an effort to extend this relationship to the old Six States territory, but this could only be described as a tempo­ rary resurgence before the death of the old relationship. The severe changes in social structure that we have described were also responsible for the massive emergence of an intellectual class. In the Western Zhou period, the knowledge of culture was possessed exclusively by the small number of rulers, and education was available only to the children of the royalty and nobility. Outside the royal office no other segments were in control of knowledge. The description of the duties and charges of the royal office (wangguan i ^ ), in Honshu, chap­ ter y/Yiwenzhi makes the above point clear. Afer the beginning of Eastern Zhou, because of the decline of the aristocracy, the reach of knowledge became expanded, and this led to the emergence of private teaching. In addition, the growth of the states of lords created the need for intellectual service and, thus, an enthusias­ tic welcome for people of knowledge. At this time, diverse schools of scholarly thought and art sprang up. They represented the styles of various regions or ethnic groups and reflected the interests of the various classes and ranks. The result was the thriving of "The Hundred Schools Contend" during this time of change. It is sometimes thought that archaeological results reflect merely the material culture in history, but this view is probably only partially valid. It is true that archaeological fieldwork brings to light material objects一 except for ancient books一 but these material objects cannot be separated from the ancient spiritual culture. Whether it is an archi­ tectural site or the artifacts found in a tomb, in them are held the thoughts, ideas, and designs of the ancient people. Through these material things we gain access to the spirit of the time. The changes in the various handicrafts discussed earlier from Eastern Zhou to Qin to varying extents reflect changes in the spirit of the times. The artistic tradition prevailing from Xia ând Shang to Western Zhou was characterized by solemnity and seriousness, as is consistent

12. Li Xueqin, "The Newly Discovered Slips and Silks and the Cultural Histo of Qin and Han'' (in Chinese), in Huoye Wenshi Congkan, supplement to Huaiyin Shizhuan Xuebao no. 121 (1981).

Conclusions

487

with its respect for ancestors and for virtue. After the middle of the Spring and Autumn period, fundamental changes took place in such arts as bronzes, jades, and lacquered objects, and such changes, as well as a new style characterized by eloquence and freshness, were consonant with the new ideological concepts. In other words, these changes mani­ fested the same current of thought. The idea that the decorative designs of bronzes and the other works were meaningful in content as well as serving ornamental pur­ poses has been discussed elsewhere. 13 We do not support the view that the Shang and Western Zhou designs should be looked at as ugly designs that were intended to be frightful. Most of the objects they decorated were ritual vessels, whose decorative patterns could not have been meant to frighten. To understand these designs we must undertake an analysis in depth of the thought and the myths of the time. With regard to the decorative designs after the beginning of Eastern Zhou, our view is the same. Recently the new trend in art has been characterized as ''rationalization, or toward worldliness/ ' 14 These words aptly character­ ize not only the new twentieth-century spirit in art but also the common trend in the world of thought throughout the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States periods. "Rationalization" and the "trend toward worldliness" are also mutually complementary and consistent. Even the tombs themselves clearly manifest the changes in thought. For example, the idea reflected by the traditional mode of Shang and Western Zhou tombs related to the continuation of the social status and the life of the dead person in the underworld. As a conse­ quence, there was an effort to bury with the deceased many objects of daily use, even his servants and other retainers. Thus, after death, per­ sons of the nobility in this life continued to be nobility and lowly persons continued to be lowly. These ideas were difficult to change. In the Warring States period, the idea of divine figures (shenxian and the system of magic related to shenxian began to emerge. The ascension to the divine world that is depicted in the two silk paintings from Changsha probably reflects the prevailing shenxian concepts in the Chu territory, which were presumably related to the Taoist thought that also prevailed there. One concept that was characteristic of the magical system of ascension was that even the common people could obtain longevity, or even ascension. From such ideas were derived many legends concerning hermit-like divine figures. Such ideas and legends differed plainly from the traditional ideas. Cultural relics of the Warring States period that reflect these ideas are still rare, but they became 13. Cf. Zhang Guangzhi, Kaogu Yu Wenwu 1981 (2): 53-68; also, idem. The Chinese Bronze Age (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1982), pp. 195-213. 14. Li Zehou, Mei Di Licheng (Peking: Wenwu Press, 1981), p. 47.

488

Conclusions

common by the beginning of the Han dynasty.15 It is not difficult to see that the rise of these ideas was perhaps related to the decline of the zongfa nobility we have earlier described. This new trend in the world of ideas was favorable to the ad­ vancement of science and technology. As many historians of science have pointed out, the flowering of science and technology in China during the Eastern Zhou period is comparable to that in ancient Greece in the West.16 From the many exquisite artifacts brought to light in archaeological exacavations we can easily imagine the high level of scientific and technological achievement at that time, as we have made clear in several chapters of this book. In antiquity, science was often interwoven with religion and mythology; China is no exception. Many valuable data concerning the history of science and technology are available in the inscribed bamboo slips and silk fabrics found archaeologically in the 1970s, especially the silk writings of Mawangdui, and these have received wide and close attention in the field 〇jf the history of science both in China and in foreign countries. The contents of some of these long-lost books involved many fields of science—astronomy, calendar, geography, meteorology, biology, medicine, for example—and they have greatly enriched our knowledge of ancient science and technology. Quite a number of these books were copies of works of the Warring States period, and all of them by nature belonged to the category called shushu in Honshu, chapter "'Yiwenzi/' It now appears that our view of the ancient shushu—■ science and technology really—must be materially modified. Shushu prevailed in China during Eastern Zhou and Han. In his book Qiliie which has the earliest system of classification of Chinese books, Liu Qin 割 飲 of the reign of Emperor Aidi 哀 帝 in the late Western Han, had a section entitled "Shushu," parallel to the sections on "Liuyi 六 藝 ” （The Six Arts), "Zhuzi 諸 子 ” (The Philoso­ phers), "Shifu 詩 職 " （ Poetry), "Bingshu 兵 書 " （Military books), and "Fangji 方 技 " （The Arts and Skills). Based on this. Ban Guo 班固 com­ piled the 〃Yiwenzhi" chapter of liis ffa/wAw, and he listed 190 items under the shushu category. These were about a third of all the books he listed, surely an indication of the fashionableness of shushu in anti­ quity.17 For a long time scholars have looked down on shushu, but 15. Cf. Michael Loewe, Ways to Paradise (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1979). 16. Du Shiran et al., Zhongguo Kexue Jishu Shi Gao (Peking: Science Press, 1982), pp. 88-89. 17. Li Xueqin, 4iA Study of the Qin Slips from Shuihudi and the Shushu Books in the Mawangdui Silks," paper delivered at the workshop on Divination and Portent Interpretation in Ancient China, Berkeley, California, 1983.

Conclusions

489

actually ancient books in this field contain much that is worthy of study. The label pseudoscience that is sometimes placed on this field is not quite fair, because there was no true science in the ancient period. The label "'protoscience^ proposed by some may be more appropriate. Nor can shushu be separated from ancient cosmology. The schemes of the Five Elements (wuxing and the Eight Hexagrams 八 补 )，which arose in the late Shang and early Zhou periods, were all nascent shushu systems. Many examples of the Eight Hexagrams have been identified in the oracle bone inscriptions found in Zhouyuan 周易 , indicating that this particular shushu branch began quite early. Zhouli referred to the San Yi 三易 or Three Books of Changes, namely, the LiansAan 連山 of Xia, the Gt/ican客 歸 藏 of Shang, and die ZAowji 扃 易 of Zhou. These could all have existed but are no longer extant. Another example pertains to the concepts of the Four Directions 四方 and the Four Winds 四風 of the oracle inscriptions of the Shang, which indicate a concept of cosmic framework in which the Four Directions and the Four Winds were the main elements. That this was an ancient concept is clear from the similarities shared by the oracle inscriptions and the Faodfan 堯 典 and SAanAaÿin客 山 海 The concept of a cosmic framework, involving a system of the Eight Winds— similar to the Four Directions and the Four Winds mentioned above—was basic to the of the Eastern Zhou period and later. The series of changes in social economy, politics, and culture that we have described above altered the configuration of ancient China. The Eastern Zhou cities that we have described in several chap­ ters of the present volume may be regarded as a microcosm of the contemporary society. The large-scale investigations and test excava­ tions that have been launched in recent years have disclosed step by step a prosperous scene in the cities of the various states during this period. The ancient city scenes described vividly in Shiji, chapter, éiHuochi Liezhuan/' had been regarded with some skepticism, but they have now been substantiated by archaeological research. The archae­ ological evidence has shown that the structures of these large cities were extraordinarily complex. In addition to the temples, palaces, multi­ storied buildings, platforms, halls, and pavilions of the rulers, there were also various facilities where tradespeople congregated such as offices and warehouses, handicraft workshops of many kinds, and markets. The large cities were in general political centers, but they were also centers of industry, commerce, and culture. New epigraphic studies have disclosed many bits of evidence relating to commerce, as mentioned earlier when we described the pottery inscriptions and the seal inscriptions. These new data plus the enormous numbers of metal coins unearthed through­ out the years have enabled us to acquire new understanding of the city economy of the ancient period.

Conclusions

490

ern Jin follows:

In the book Diu； a/这 《SAÿf 帝 王 世 紀 ， Huangfu Mi 皇 甫 謹 of West­ 晋 had calculated the population figures of ancient China as

At the time of Yu of Xia, At the time of King Chengwang of Zhou, At the time of King Zhuangwang of Zhou

13.553.923 souls 13.714.923 souls 11,847,000 souls

In the Warring States period, because of frequent wars, "the number of people was probably still over ten million." At the time when Qin subjugated the lords, "'two-thirds were killed or wounded/' As the con­ sequence of little more than a decade of Qin's oppressive rule, y/the com­ mon people dropped dead at each others' heels along the roads/' The wars at the beginning of Han caused further damage, and the population "in the Six States had lost two-fifths."18 Now, there is no evidence given in support of these figures for Xia and Zhou, and he appears also to have overestimated the adverse effects of the wars from the Warring States to Qin. From archaeology we can see that in the Eastern Zhou period the cities of various sizes had developed rapidly; their numbers and scale grew unprecedently. Therefore, the population during this period must have increased. According to some records, Linzi, the capital city of Qin, had a population of 210,000 during the Warring States period. The populations of the other large cities were probably comparable. After the unification, Qin divided the country into thirty-six commanderies; very soon afterward the number of commanderies grew to forty-six.19 The wide application of the system of commanderies and prefectures helped form a highly centralized state that was different from the Shang and Zhou dynasties. The political reunification brought about further intercourse and merging of the various ethnic groups and cultures within the country. The result was an important turning point in the history of the Chinese civilization. Because of the brevity of its existence, the Qin dynasty did not have time to fully develop its poten­ tial impact in history, but the influence of the glorious civilization of the ensuing Han dynasty was not confined to the eastern part of Asia. We must evaluate its significance and value from the standpoint of world history. 18. Xu Zongyuan, Diwang Shiji Jizun (Peking: Zhonghua Book Co., 1964), pp. 118—20. 19. Lin Jianming, Qin Shi Gao (Shanghai: Renmin Press, 1981), pp* 361-65.

Abbreviations

BMFEA GWZYJ JHKG KG KGXB KGXJK KGXZK KGYWW WW WWZLCK ZYWW

Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities Gt/ W e/zzi汾句如古文字研 究

Jiang Han Kaogu 江 溪考古 Kaogu Tongxun 考古通H and Kaogu 考古 考古學報 考古學集刊 Z/zt/anÂ:an 考古學專刊 üracjgt/ yw Wemi；« 考古與文 A Wenu;u Canfcao Zi/iao 文物參考資料 and Wènu/w 文物 Zi/ifl〇Con冰 cm 文物資料叢刊 t/e

Zhongyuan Wenwu ^

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