Early Latin poetry 2022904404, 9789004518261, 9789004518278

Citation preview

Early Latin Poetry

Classical Poetry Editor-in-Chief Scott McGill (Rice University) Associate Editors Jackie Murray (University of Kentucky) Sophia Papaioannou (University of Athens) Jonathan L. Ready (University of Michigan) Catherine Ware (University College Cork)

Volumes published in this Brill Research Perspectives title are listed at brill.com/rpcp

Early Latin Poetry By

Jackie Elliott

LEIDEN | BOSTON

This paperback book edition is simultaneously published as issue 2.4 (2020) of Classical Poetry, DOI: 10.1163/25892649-12340006 Library of Congress Control Number: 2022904404

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISBN 978-90-04-51826-1 (paperback) ISBN 978-90-04-51827-8 (e-book) Copyright 2022 by Jackie Elliott. Published by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau and V&R unipress. Koninklijke Brill NV reserves the right to protect this publication against unauthorized use. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

Contents Early Latin Poetry 1 Jackie Elliott Abstract 1 Keywords 1 1 Introduction: Origins 1 1.1 The Record Prior to Livius Andronicus 13 1.2 The Sources of Our Knowledge 16 2 Approaching Fragmentary Material: Method and Access in the Modern Era 18 3 Questions of Audience, Circulation, and Performance 22 4 Genre 31 4.1 Fabula Crepidata 33 4.2 Fabula Praetexta 39 4.3 Epic 42 4.4 Satire 49 4.5 Further Genres and Generic Experimentation 51 5 Poets 53 5.1 Livius Andronicus 55 5.2 Naevius 59 5.3 Ennius (239–169 BCE) 62 5.4 Pacuvius (220–130 BCE) 72 5.5 Lucilius (180? 168? 158?–103/2 BCE) 76 5.6 Accius (170–84 BCE) 80 6 Reception 83 7 Reflection 86 Acknowledgments 89 References 89

Early Latin Poetry Jackie Elliott

University of Colorado, Boulder, USA [email protected]

Abstract This analysis explores aspects of the extant fragmentary record of early Roman poetry from its earliest accessible moments through roughly the first hundred and twenty years of its traceable existence. Key questions include how ancient readers made sense of the record as then available to them and how the limitations of their accounts, assumptions, and working methods continue to define the contours of our understanding today. Both using and challenging the standard conceptual frameworks operative in the ancient world, the discussion details what we think we know of the best documented forms, practitioners, contexts, and reception of Roman drama (excluding comedy), epic, and satire in their early instantiations, with occasional glances at the further generic experimentation that accompanied the genesis of literary practice in Rome.

Keywords fragments – republican Rome – origins – audience – performance – reception

1

Introduction: Origins

The origins of the Roman literary tradition were a matter of controversy already to the first readers of the record whose views on the subject can to any extent be recovered: the polymath Varro of Reate (116–27 BCE), the statesman Cicero (106–43 BCE), and the historian Livy (ca. 59 BCE–17 CE). The different accounts they have left us are each clearly partial and only partly informed, but they are not entirely incompatible. One point of commonality, albeit one that emerges most distinctly from Cicero’s narrative, lies in the belief in a defining moment of origin for Roman literature, consisting in a particular act at a specific date: the performance in Latin of a scripted drama, written by a certain Livius

© Jackie Elliott, 2022 | doi:10.1163/9789004518278_002

2

Elliott

Andronicus, at the great annual cultural celebration of Rome held in early September and known as the Ludi Romani, of the year we now call 240 BCE (Cic. Brut. 71–4; cf. Livy 7.2, supplemented by Hor. Epist. 2.1.139–76 and Val. Max. 2.4.4;1 both accounts are probably based on the antiquarian researches of Varro [De poetis, Book 1], ap. Gell. NA 17.21.42–9).2 We are informed neither of the title nor properly of anything else about the drama(s) in question,3 but the surviving remains of early Roman poetry, as well as the biases of the accounts telling us of the drama’s existence, assure us that it would have been a work with a clear referent in the established Greek literary tradition, and that that referent would have been made evident by means of the drama’s title, subjectmatter, linguistic detail, and metrics.4 Along with belief in a crucial originary moment, confidence in Livius’ primacy is standard across accessible ancient views of the origins of Roman literature. Beyond this, however, disagreement reigns: different beliefs about the date in question and many other aspects of the matter clearly pre-existed the 1 The reference to the Ludi Romani appears in a notice given in Cassiodorus’ Chronica (Mommsen 1861, 609). Cassiodorus’ date for Livius Andronicus’ debut, “the consulship of C. Manlius et Q. Valerius” (i.e. 239 BCE), differs by one year from the date Cicero and Gellius provide. Livy 7.2 gives 364 BCE as the date at which apparently unscripted dramatic performances of Italian origin were introduced at ludi scaenici generally (see Part 3, pp. 25–8, below), then gives the date of Livius’ debut only in vague terms (post aliquot annis, following a description of a series of developments in how and by whom the pre-existing, local kind of performance was made). Accius’ very different information (as relayed by Cic. Brut. 72–3) was that Livius’ debut was made at the Ludi Iuventatis of 197 BCE. 2 For the ancient testimonia here cited and for related others, see Suerbaum 2002, 93–4. To the bibliography supplied there, add Hinds 1998, 64–9 on Cic. Brut. 71–4 and Oakley 1997–2005 on Livy 7.2. On the relevant passage of Varro/Gellius (NA 17.21.42–9, citing the first book of Varro’s De Poetis), see Leuze 1911 and, in response, D’Anna 1973–4 (both complex arguments fundamentally based in Quellenforschung); Dahlmann 1963, 28–42 and 43–64 (analysis and reconstruction); Fantham 1981 (cultural framework of Gellius’ chapter); Nelsestuen 2017 (Gellius’ manner of working in the relevant chapter). On Varro’s interests, procedures, and context, see Zetzel 2018, 31–58, with special attention to the matter here at hand, and some important further bibliography, at 33–4; advice on Varro’s works and access to them at 325–7. 3 On our ignorance of this work and the conflicting ancient guesses as to its (or their) generic identity, see Wessels 2021, 17. 4 Recent, substantial treatments of the emergence of Roman literature include Feeney 2016; Goldberg 2005a; and Suerbaum 2002, Part 1, the latter not to be read without the reviews of Gildenhard (BMCR 2003.09.39: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2003/2003.09.39) and Feeney 2005. Also still valuable are the brief treatments of Williams 1982, 53–9 and Gratwick 1982b, 77–93. A review of the different types of early Latin poetry, along with notice of their principal representatives and of the social and political conditions affecting their initial reception at Rome, is also available at Leigh 2000; summary of major developments down to 90 BCE at Goldberg 2005b.

Early Latin Poetry

3

eventual uneasy and not altogether coherent late Republican consensus generated by Varro (as it appears to us today on the basis of our difficult surviving sources).5 Besides addressing the date and functions of the innovative works at issue, the ancient debate reveals interest in the ethnic origin of the practices in question; in technical developments within the traditions those practices came to represent; in the social status of participants; and in their connection to religious practices (especially supplication in times of crisis, including plague and war). Participants in the debate gave their perspectives on the aesthetic qualities of the works produced and on the ethical character of the practices that produced them,6 and they communicate their various senses of the cultural capital those works and practices represented to them. These ancient questions about the origins of Roman literature have received a variety of answers across the intervening centuries, but many nevertheless persist unresolved, in old and new guises.7 To them are now added further questions about matters that ancient authors took for granted, had no reference for, or ignored: about what it means for a body of writing to be deemed “literature” and which criteria, if any, give the concept coherence in a given society or, more ambitiously, across disparate societies;8 more particularly, when and how it was that Roman readers coalesced around a particular, tacit set of criteria in deeming texts or practices “literary”;9 what the social dimensions were of the literacy,10 biliteracy, and bilingualism, which the record as we 5

6 7

8

9 10

Welsh 2011 offers a re-evaluation of the ancient evidence about pre-Varronian perspectives on the question, as well as access to earlier moments in the modern debate. The testimonia to ancient constructions of Roman literary history from their accessible beginning in the late second century BCE until Quintilian in the late first century CE are comprehensively gathered and discussed in Schwindt 2000. On what is at stake for Livy in his assertations at AUC 7.2 about the ethical character of drama, see Feldherr 1998, 168–9, 178–87. For a long time, the standard view in modern scholarship was that articulated by Leo 1913, that literature on the Greek model was imported to Rome by the act of Livius Andronicus and similar specific individuals, just as dominant ancient sources such as Cicero and Varro would have us believe. Goldhill 1999, Lande and Feeney 2021 (rev. J. Zuckerman, World Literatures Today, Jan. 2022; cf. Gumbrecht 1985; (briefly) Morgan 1998, 90–1; Whitmarsh 2004, 1–5. In terms directed specifically at the origins of Roman literature: Goldberg 2005a, 17–19 and passim, and, differently, Feeney 2016, 152–71 (cf. Feeney 1998, 1, 22–3, Feeney 2005, 228–9), each citing considerable further bibliography; also Farrell 2021. For a conservative perspective, see Manuwald 2011, 34–6. Goldberg 2005a, 1–51. Harris 1989, Werner 2009, and Harris 2018 together supply comprehensive bibliography on ancient literacies, as well as helpful overviews up until their dates of publication (cf. Kolb 2018). For the debate around ancient reading practices, see Johnson 2000. For Rome in particular, see Woolf 2009, also Woolf 2003 (with a focus on Rome of the late c. 1 CE and

4

Elliott

have it entails, and how the latter two phenomena are reflected in the works as we know them.11 Interest remains strong in what forms of Italian local or regional performance practices pre-existed the Hellenised literary tradition as our sources offer it to us; such interest is further alive to the question of how those forms created the preconditions that facilitated the social and cultural reception of what was then accepted as literature at Rome,12 and, more generally, what the context of third- and second-century Italy was and how it mattered.13 At around the turn of the millennium, interest blossomed in the role the social and political context of mid-republican Rome played in determining the nature of what was produced and more especially how it was received: topics included the material conditions of authorship and the extent of aristocratic influence and intervention in the production of works whose authors were evidently of low social status;14 and, conversely, the possible forms of autonomy or authority the voice of the new, “literary” writing might have had in Roman society.15 Further questions have revolved around what it means for a body of “literary” writing to have a local identity, especially when that identity was, from the moment we encounter it, a cultural hybrid.16 Increasing urgency is felt around establishing and holding up to view the kinds of violence against non-Roman ways of being and knowing that were involved in the imposition of Rome’s military will on others, and in the resulting cultural

later); Habinek 2009; Parker 2009; also, Farrell 2009. See also Eckardt 2018 (a study of the material culture of Roman literacy, through the medium of the ancient metal inkwell in social context), esp. 3–20 and 176–89; cf. Dupont 2009, focusing on the book as object and symbol; further, nn. 48 and 93, below. 11 For bilingualism and its functions: Adams 2003 (cf. Adams et al. 2002, esp. 77–102); with a synthetic approach to what bilingualism and biliteracy meant for the origins of Roman literature, Feeney 2016, 50–2, 66–8, 196–8. See also n. 138, below, for references to the literature on the early Roman phenomenon often characterised as “artistic translation”. 12 Rawson 1985a; Schmidt 1989; Manuwald 2011, 22–34; Feeney 2016, 92–121; cf. Rawson 1985b, 19–37; also, Beare 19643, 10–23, now outdated. 13 Cornell 1995, 81–118, 345–98, cf. for Rome and Latium in the sixth century and earlier, Smith 1996; Feeney 1998, 67–70; Dench 2005, 152–221; Manuwald 2011, 15–20. 14 Badian 1972; La Penna 1979: 50–3; Martina 1979 (cf. Skutsch 1985, 572–4 and passim); Gold 1987, 39–51; Gruen 1990, 79–123; Goldberg 1989, 1995, 111–34, and 2006; Habinek 1998, esp. 34–68; Manuwald 2001a, 119–21 (with respect to praetextae); Sciarrino 2004a and 2006; Breed and Rossi 2006: 402–5 (summary of the debate re. Ennius); cf. Rüpke 2006 (arguing for Ennian involvement in fasti attributed to a member of the élite); and others. For literary and artistic patronage at Rome broadly, mainly after the era here in question, see the essays in Gold 1982. 15 Habinek 1998, esp. 46–59 (for early Roman literature) and 103–21 (for late republican and imperial authors); Gildenhard 2003. 16 Biville 2002, esp. 87–102; Dench 2005; Feeney 2016, esp. 45–151.

Early Latin Poetry

5

transformation of Rome, which brought with it the advent of “literature”.17 Scholars remain interested in what the role of surviving “literary” writing – both verse and prose – was in constructing and maintaining the sense of a collective Roman identity and in publicising Roman agendas or ideologies about Rome;18 who the intended audiences were; and how wide the social and geographical range of the new “literature”, according to genre or taken as a whole.19 In addition, we have recently been reminded of what an unusual phenomenon it was, in the context of the ancient Mediterranean world, that there should at all have arisen at Rome a literary tradition, let alone one that presented itself as the continuation of another, foreign literary tradition.20 Debate on these matters has flourished, in some cases over centuries, sustained not least by the fundamental inadequacy of our record. All of the meagre evidence about early Roman poetry which reaches us, including the very earliest, is late relative to its subject and irremediably compromised: fragmentary, decontextualised, and, above all, defined by the purposes, methods, and, in some cases, the ideologies of the authors and traditions retailing our record, as much as by their access to information.21 The surviving testimony has thus to be re-contextualised, first and foremost within the agenda and the working practices of the author who is for us today its vehicle:22 the status of that testimony as “evidence” is a subject for investigation in its own right. In practice, the fragmentary record’s peculiar challenges only place the burden of responsibility more squarely on the shoulders of its interpreters: 17

Padilla Peralta 2020 (https://revista.classica.org.br/classica/article/view/934/824), with reference to narratives, practitioners, and (ancient) students of Roman literature at 156–7, 165, and 171. 18 Gruen 1992; Elliott 2013a, 233–94; Cowan 2015 and 2019, 109–12; Feeney 2016, 236–47 (and passim). 19 A variety of different approaches are available in: Gruen 1992, esp. 183–317; Rüpke 2001 (see A. Barchiesi, BMCR 2002.06.26: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2002/2002.06.26/); Parker 2009; Wiseman 2015, making oral delivery and popular entertainment primary over written texts for an élite audience, across the genres (rev. D. Feeney, Gnomon 89.5 [2017], 412–18; S. Goldberg, CP 113.1 [2018], 97–102; A. Vasaly, JRS 107 [2017], 409–10); Feeney 2016, 179–98; Elliott 2020; Goldberg 2020. See also Goldberg 2005a, on the role of later surviving authors as the audience that mattered for the establishment of early Roman poetry as “literature”. A lively debate on the presence of slaves in the audiences of Plautine comedy is ongoing in Richlin 2013, Richlin 2014, and Richlin 2017 (pro); and Brown 2019 (contra). 20 Feeney 2016 (cf. Feeney 2005, 229–30, Feeney 1998, 53, Fantham 1989, 220). 21 See Goldberg 2005a, 3–16 for excellent discussion of a case in point (the carmina convivalia; see pp. 14–15, below). On the progressive, ideological shaping by a succession of ancient sources of the conglomerate account of the origins of Roman literature which reaches us, see Wessels 2021, esp. 12–20. 22 For case-studies illustrating the hazards, limitations, and potential of given works as source-texts, see e.g. Pelling 2000, Yarrow 2006, 78–122, Elliott 2013a, esp. 75–197.

6

Elliott

especially vulnerable as that record is to invention and re-invention through the act of interpretation (Part 2, below), the methods adopted in approaching its substance determine the accounts given of its contents more radically than is the case with fully extant works. Those accounts matter not only in their own right, however, but because they further help shape narratives of contemporary and subsequent literary history, as they pertain to works surviving in their entirety – including in the case of the contemporary genre of comedy, host to the only fully extant works of early Roman poetry to have come down to us.23 The same can be said for later developments in the genres of epic, historiography, tragedy, and satire, all of which have traceable origins in the late third or the second centuries. The fragments further remind us of the immense variety and range of what we have lost, including in terms of experimentation with or altogether beyond the limits of established genres; for not all such experimentation had a surviving future. Were we to operate in any period of ancient literary activity with only that fraction of the original sum total of such activity today represented by fully extant works, our view of the corresponding ancient world would be acutely impoverished, our interpretative horizons purposelessly confined.24 Above all, we would lose one of our most significant means of challenging long-established narratives about the past: of identifying their limitations, questioning their legitimacy, and re-evaluating the relationship of the ancient world to the successive generations of its readership.25 Despite the early and ongoing dispute surrounding the extant record of early Roman poetry, a few aspects of that poetry have survived the deluge of conflicting perspectives intact and have thus come to occupy the status of defining characteristics. Those characteristics include the public nature of that poetry; its Hellenism, as sources across the board variously present it; and the co-existence in it of Italic regional elements, which are far harder to trace, because no surviving source is determined to reveal them. From the moment we encounter it in the record, early Roman poetry – a term initially designating the twin dramatic genres of tragedy and comedy and their generic cousin, epic – was both performed in the public domain and, arguably, had in view the idea that Rome’s position in the Mediterranean world was shifting, towards becoming a universally recognised point of reference.26 Despite its evident 23 24 25 26

For an introduction to Roman comedy, see Manuwald 2020. For the related field of Greek historiography, a conservative estimate of the ratio of surviving material to material lost is 1:40 (Strasburger 1977, esp. 14–15). On Roman literary history’s “losers”, see Goldberg forthcoming. The question of performance domain and audience is, as far as epic is concerned, in fact controversial: see n. 19, above, and Parts 1.1 (esp. as regards the debate surrounding the carmina convivalia) and 3 (for our dearth of access to the audiences of non-dramatic

Early Latin Poetry

7

artificiality and the ancient uncertainty surrounding it,27 240 BCE convincingly marks a genuinely important moment: Rome’s first major victory over Carthage in 241 BCE and the consequent acquisition her first overseas colony, Sicily.28 The inclusion in the following year’s iteration of Rome’s annual cultural self-celebration, the Ludi Romani, of a new type of stage performance, that represented by Livius Andronicus’ Hellenising drama, and the further introduction at around the same time of Hellenising epic and subsequently of further Greek literary genres, was by no means a necessary or predictable concomitant of these events. But in hindsight it appears that these “beginnings”, in precisely that sense in which they amount to beginnings, represent what eventually became a large-scale act of cultural appropriation consonant with Rome’s emerging place in the world, as declared by the city’s military selfassertion, and as echoed in every available manner of public display, from the traceable architecture of the day to the earliest accessible moments in the history of Roman oratory and historiography. The re-imagination of Rome as a hegemon and cultural equivalent of fifthcentury Athens, or – as is perhaps truer to Cicero’s viewpoint – of a more generic idea of the culturally enviable Greek-speaking city-states at large, is very much what is at stake for Cicero in his account of the origins of Roman literature. His fundamental exclusion from that account of any non-Greek features and any non-Greek history makes his account thoroughly implausible from an anthropological perspective, but it represents an enduring and broadly prevailing mindset in the ancient Roman world.29 According to this mindset, it was exclusively the Hellenising elements that gave these works their cultural value and made them “literary”, to whatever limited extent the latter concept existed (n. 8, above). Other ancient perspectives are only occasionally accessible: an example is offered by Varro, e.g., at Ling. 7.3 (see section 1.1, below).

27 28 29

poetry), below. What is not controversial is that the voice of epic was in principle a public one and that the early record in general lacks a voice that conjures the impression of a private arena or a single (or limited number of) interlocutor(s) – until the intervention of Lucilian satire in the 120s BCE. Exceptions generated by the poets’ creative experimentation exist, e.g. in the Ilia episode of Ennius’ Annales (34–50 Sk. / FRL 1): see Krevans 1993; Connors 1994; Goldberg 1995, 96–101; Dangel 1998b; Keith 2000, 42–6 and 104–7; Elliott 2007, 46–50. On early Roman epic’s range of vision, see Leigh 2010, Elliott 2013a, 233–94, Biggs 2020, 1–94. With this artificiality, cp. the artificiality of ancient narratives of the lives of the poets: see Part 5, pp. 53–4, below. On the relevance to Roman poetry of Roman experience in Sicily and on the First Punic War as historical phenomenon, see Leigh 2010, Feeney 2016, 122–8, and Biggs 2020, 28–33. Also represented, e.g., by Gellius (Wessels 2021, 15–17), not necessarily as an independent witness.

8

Elliott

Livy for his part may represent a more complex version of Cicero’s Hellenic bias. His account of the origins of Roman drama at AUC 7.2 casts theatrical practice as something which was initially quaint and harmless, but which had by his day grown “to the madness we now see, which even sumptuous kingdoms would find hard to endure” (in hanc vix opulentis regnis tolerabilem insaniam). Livy may here simply be referring to the rapid proliferation of the occasions for dramatic performance from the end of the third century on,30 but his negative attitude to drama has also been explained as the result of a contrast Livy intended between drama and Livy’s own genre of prose historiography: on this reading, Livy wanted his audience to grasp that the latter but not the former constituted a system of representation they could trust and by which they would be morally fortified.31 If Livy strikingly excludes Hellenic elements (except for the half-Greek name of Livius Andronicus itself) from his account, that is legible as an attempt to dissociate Roman drama, tacitly conceived as historiography’s generic rival, from the inescapably positive associations carried by Greek literature in his day. But, even though Livy may thus have tried to strip Roman drama of the trappings of cultural desirability, and despite his overt narrative of Italic origins for Roman drama (itself legible at face value), his account too proposes a trajectory of growth from beginnings characterised as crude through increasingly complex stages of development. The resulting narrative has discernible parallels in surviving accounts of the origins of Attic comedy, such as those found in the fragmentary treatises transmitted alongside the texts of Aristophanes. Ultimately, Livy sees the arrival of Greek influence, in the person of Livius Andronicus, as the crucial intervention in the development of dramatic practice.32 In a situation where the facts of the matter had already receded into oblivion, it suited these authors, each for the sake of their own purposes at hand, either to assume a mentality which virtually eclipsed non-Greek elements or, conversely, in Livy’s case, to attribute the origins of Roman drama to more local, non-Roman practices in Etruria, which could be negatively characterised in terms of “foreignness” and at the same time failed to carry the cachet of the Greek literary world in its heyday and beyond. In either case, however, the relationship of the works in 30 31 32

Taylor 1937. On the occasions for dramatic performance, see further below, Section 3. See again Feldherr 1998, as cited in n. 6, above; cf. Feeney 2005, 228, 238–9. The parallelism extends in the other direction also: like Livy, Cicero too – if not obviously at Brut. 71–4, then in other accounts he gives of the arrival of Greek influence at Rome, for example in the De oratore and the De re publica – recognises an independent and independently valuable native culture in Italy, which develops on what he assumes to be a universal model (that represented by Greek culture, as he sees it), before it is in his vision overtly re-directed by Greek cultural practices and Greek practitioners.

Early Latin Poetry

9

question to the existing Greek literary universe was a principal determinant of the accounts we are handed. The Hellenising aspects of Roman poetry to which Cicero in particular cues us are more complex than he articulates and have retained their power over readers. They are represented by three principal elements, which co-exist in the surviving works in ever-shifting kaleidoscopic relation: first, the astonishing degree of detailed microscopic as well as macroscopic engagement with the great canonical works, as then recognised,33 of archaic and classical Greece; second, the evident contact with the contemporary Greek culture as Romans encountered it among their neighbours, especially to the south; and, third, by a still traceable awareness of the learned poetry and scholarship of the more recent Hellenistic world, centred at Alexandria and Pergamon. Beyond all this, and much less surprisingly, regional Italic elements represent a further defining feature of early Roman poetry. These elements are not limited to the use of the Latin language, now carefully crafted to fit the generically coded array of Greek metres, themselves lightly adapted to suit their new medium, which the early poets introduced. Nor are they confined to the initial, fleeting use by Livius Andronicus, in his Latin epic rendition of the Odyssey, and then by Naevius in his Bellum Punicum, of a metre known by a name that identified it (whether rightly or wrongly; the question is controversial) as native to Italy, the Saturnian.34 They are also discernible, if only sparsely, in the detail of the surviving language of the works;35 and it is surely the bias of our sources, combined with the sheer paucity of the extant material, which denies us further access to the phenomenon.36 The early practitioners of the new Roman literature came from the Oscan, Messapian, and Umbrian, as well as the Greek, towns of third and second century Italy.37 These individuals were thus bi- or trilingual: in a regional dialect such as Oscan or Umbrian (or in more 33

For new arguments about canon-formation esp. in ancient Greece, and the relationship to the survival of texts, see Netz 2020; rev. J. Elsner, BMCR 2021.06.40 (https://bmcr.bryn mawr.edu/2021/2021.06.40/). 34 On the Saturnian, see Mercado 2012; rev. W. de Melo, Kratylos 59 (2014), 53–81. 35 Rawson 1985a, 106 (on togatae); Manuwald 2011, 19; see also p. 72, with n. 313, below. The papers in Vogt-Spira 1989 cover a range of approaches in attempting to recover the contribution of regional Italic performance practices to the record we have; for an overview, see also Beacham 1991, 5–13. 36 Our sources’ suppression of and negative response to unscripted drama continues throughout the history of such performance at Rome: cf. Hall 2013 on the “othering” of pantomime (a widespread and popular but to us largely inaccessible “sub-literary” form which its sources trace to the late first century BCE at Rome) throughout its history. 37 Rawson 1985a, 106–11, cf. 102–3 there (on Oscan actors and Oscan performances at Rome); Feeney 2016, 66–7 (cf. Feeney 1998, 52 and 2005, 236–7).

10

Elliott

than one); in Greek; and, presumably as an acquisition later in life, in Latin. The cultural heterogeneity of different regions of Italy should also be easier to trace than it is in the material record of performances, or of interest in performances, in fifth, fourth, and third century Italy. Rome’s eventual chilling success in establishing cultural dominance may in part account for why it is not.38 Thus, while southern Italian material evidence of dramatic performances related to our textual record is plentiful, the more specific goal of identifying traces of performances which were uncontroversially the product of local Italic traditions has proven elusive.39 The relevance of Italic improvisational drama to early Roman poetry, especially comedy, is nevertheless evident or suspected in various details of dramatisation: for example, in character-presentation, the use of improvisational techniques, and the rhythms of given metres; and it has consequently received substantial scholarly attention.40 On how exactly to calibrate these established core features of the early Roman literary record scholars are divided. A basic line of disagreement runs 38

39

40

On Roman “epistemicide”, see Padilla Peralta 2020 (https://revista.classica.org.br/clas sica/article/view/934/824). Cf. Terrenato 2019, 16–17, 19–20; and, differently, but to similar effect, Rawson 1985a, 97–8 and sporadically throughout on the eclipses and distortions effected by the double-bias (Roman and Athenian) of our sources. Webster 19672, 70–105, Webster 19783, 35, 64–5, 98, 100, 103–9, 131–2, 133–70, 187–8, 190– 200, and Webster 19953, 54–95, 135–58, 234–56, 300–25, and 409–39 represent the primary catalogues of the vases, terracottas, bronzes, marbles, mosaics, and paintings from the era of the republic which are associable with the theatre and theatrical productions and which were found in Sicily, Malta, or Italy. Trendall 19672 and 1991 read the performances represented on the so-called “phlyax” vases (vases which represent and serve as witnesses to the popularity of a kind of mythological burlesque performance apparently popular in fourth and third century Italy; the name derives from the Doric Greek term for the players involved) as evidence for local traditions of comic performances in mid-republican Italy, but Green 1991 and Taplin 1993 demonstrated that the identifiable performances represented were in fact south Italian, fourth century reperformances of Athenian works. (Summary and further references at Manuwald 2011, 26–8.) More recent contributions include Todisco 2003; Biles and Thorn 2014; Nervegna 2014; Robinson 2014; and, now effectively taking on the idea of the exclusive dominance of Attic drama in southern Italy established by Csapo, Taplin, and Green, Bosher 2021, 107–59 (rev. J. Gibert, CR 71.2 [2021], 542–4). Some of the most suggestive, if not quite direct, material evidence for spontaneous, improvisational dramatic performance in central Italy before the mid-third century, performance of a kind fundamentally different from Livian scripted drama with its Greek formal features, is that from central Italian and Latin bronze caskets (cistae) and mirrors, assembled and interpreted by Wiseman 2004, esp. 87–118 (Feeney 2016, 96). See Manuwald 2020, 49–54, and, for helpful review and a relevant series of observations of twentieth century scholarship on Plautus, Petrides 2014. Relatively recent independent contributions include Höttemann 1993; Benz, Stärk, Vogt-Spira 1995; Auhagen 1999; and Marshall 2006, 5–7, 14, 143–6, cf. 260–64, 275–6; further references at Moore 1998, 203–4, n. 15.

Early Latin Poetry

11

between those who acknowledge continuity across the landmark represented by 240 BCE but point to the exceptionality and innovation associated with that moment,41 and those who, by contrast, place primary weight on the continuities with the past preceding that notional boundary, before which lies the past which Cicero would have us understand as “pre-literate” – to use an anachronistic term but one that reveals the bias involved in the perspective.42 The account readers give of the origins of Roman literature matters in today’s discourse not least because its contours inevitably give ideological definition to the relationship readers propose having to the construct known as “the Greco-Roman past”. The partial view of Roman literature as formed from Greek literature sets the stage for the long tradition of envisioning a Western literature dependent on cultural and literary habits formed in the era here in question. Adhering to and elaborating this account is relatively straightforward work. The extant fragments and surviving ancient perspectives are adept at supporting such an account, and the resulting narrative therefore usefully displays the history, including the ancient history, of the reception of early Roman literature. The situation is not, however, entirely comfortable, and there is ample reason to be suspicious. Insidiously, the perspective Cicero propagated – but which he is unlikely to have generated independently or to be solely responsible for – marries up so well with the extant evidence that it seems in part responsible for its selection. And working within the sticky confines of the Ciceronian perspective comes at the cost of subscribing to a vision of Roman literary history which is readily available to postcolonial and trans-nationalist readings,43 and which that history then has a hard time 41 42

43

E.g., Blänsdorf 1978, 91–111; Gruen 1990, 80–84 (cf. Gruen 1992, 185); Goldberg 1995, 43–6; Farrell 2005; Feeney 2016, passim (cf. Feeney 1998, 51 and Feeney 2005, 231–3); Gildenhard 2010, 156–7; Cowan 2015 and 2019. E.g. Zorzetti 1991; Habinek 1998 and 2005 (the latter usefully reviewed by M. Lowrie, BMCR 2006.04.34 [https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2006/2006.04.34/] and by D. Feeney and J. Katz, JRS 96 [2006], 240–2); Suerbaum 2002, 83–7 (see n. 4, above); for a different but related approach, Wiseman 1994 and 1998 (sceptical response in Flower 1995; see also Kragelund 2002 and the accompanying responses). Compare also Gildenhard 2010. For example, Hose (1999) points out that Roman use of Greek genres, along with much else in the traditional and indeed ancient narrative of the development of Roman literature, fits the postcolonial model perfectly: Rome, in the role of the postcolonial society, adopted the educational system and other cultural structures of a foreign society, those of Greece – but with one crucial difference: in the relevant era (i.e. the third and especially the second century BCE), Rome represented not the colonised but the militarily dominant colonising power vis-à-vis Greece. From the perspective of postcolonial theory, then, the apparently atypical case of Rome represents an instance of how complex the dynamics become when different types of inequalities (military, political, cultural) are distributed among competing entities without giving any one of them all the advantages

12

Elliott

escaping: the vision which has over centuries emerged is one that accords with the Horatian tongue-in-cheek image of an inherently superior Greek culture taking by storm the inferior indigenous culture of the military victor, Rome, its agents keen to profit from conquest through cultural plunder.44 Approaches deriving from social theory and cultural anthropology have in part come to the aid of those wishing to make room for alternative perspectives disavowing the idea of cultural inferiorities or superiorities, however these were constructed in the past, recent or distant.45 These approaches aim finally to put paid to efforts to construct European national identities as properties of Rome’s original act of cultural “translation”. According to these approaches, the impetus to new forms of cultural display initially had far more to do with Rome’s internal political and social structure, in particular the aristocracy’s fiercely competitive social performance, than with cultural rank or relativity vis-à-vis any external entity. But some readers may feel that the satisfaction to be derived from such approaches is limited when the visions those alternative perspectives generate have discernible analogues in Greek literary history and thus themselves at times appear subject to a Hellenic bias ironically close to Cicero’s own.46 Advances on any of these narratives and approaches are easiest to measure in terms of the negative lessons learnt. Although Denis Feeney’s comparative approach ends up with a potentially troubling narrative of benign Roman exceptionalism,47 it has had the virtue of finally destroying any possible linger­ ing sense of the inevitability of the entrenched Ciceronian narrative with which we largely still operate today. There is also today recognised value in identifying and observing in action the biases governing the surviving material and to find in that a history of readers and of reading practices differentiated across place, person, and time. That alone, however, does not allow us to escape the (Cowan 2015, 71–4, also offering an overview of the application of post-colonialist readings to republican tragedy; cf. Cowan 2019, 109–11 and Cowan 2010, 39–40). Further related readings can be found, e.g., at Habinek 1998, 151–69 (on the construction of Romans and others as imperial subjects in Ovidian exile poetry), Slater 2000 (on the presentation of the Roman imperial project in Pacuvius’ Niptra; cf. Boyle 2006, 96), Whitmarsh 2001 (on the making of identity in the literature of Roman Greece); Woolf 2003 (on the entanglement of Roman literature, from its origins and throughout its history, with imperialism). 44 Hor. Epist. 2.1.156–7: Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes / intulit agresti Latio. 45 See especially the work of Jörg Rüpke and Thomas Habinek, as cited in the references section; also, differently, that of Ingo Gildenhard (esp. Gildenhard 2003). The intellectual origins of much of this work lie in the scholarship of Egon Flaig, Martin Jehne and Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp. 46 Cf. Barchiesi (BMCR 2002.06.26: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2002/2002.06.26/, paragraph beginning “R. is right …”); Feeney 2005, 234–5 and 2016, 216–18; Gildenhard 2010, 156. 47 Concerns at Padilla Peralta 2020, 156–7 (https://revista.classica.org.br/classica/article/ view/934/824).

Early Latin Poetry

13

confines of the corresponding biases, to see beyond their limits. Thus, we still await a transcending resolution of these diverse concerns: one that combines methodological care over the limited and troubling evidence we have with the means to redefine the narrative originally delivered by Cicero. 1.1 The Record Prior to Livius Andronicus Given the stakes of this debate, the sparse record of writing and community performance at Rome prior to Livius is obviously valuable coin. Inscriptional evidence and the fossilised remains of written laws, the so-called Twelve Tables, indicate that, by the third century BCE, Rome as a society had been literate for centuries  – although the extent of that literacy remains difficult to gauge.48 In particular, there survive priestly formulae, such as the so-called Carmen Saliare (“Hymn of the Salii [Salian priests]”), known on the basis of late republican or imperial evidence but presumed ancient or proven so by their fossilised archaic spelling and vocabulary.49 Speaking from a strikingly un-Ciceronian perspective, Varro for his part calls this hymn the first form of poetic expression in Latin: … ad initium Saliorum, quo Romanorum prima verba poetica dicunt Latina (“… to the start which the Salii made, the point at which they say the Romans’ first poetic expressions in Latin arose”; Ling. 7.3). Varro (Ling. 7.2) also tells us that the scholar Aelius Stilo wrote a commentary on the hymn, offering a further parallel between this text – as evidently among other things (from a given point in its history) it was – and the poetry written by recorded individuals.50 There are also epitaphs: famously the epitaphs of the Scipios, not all pre-Livian, but written in the only Latin Saturnian verses (n. 34, above) known outside the Livian and Naevian repertoire. Scholars have 48

49

50

Cornell 1991, arguing against the evidence-based conservatism of Harris 1989. Cornell 1995, 103–4 counts some 70 Latin inscriptions from before 400 BCE; see, however, Langslow 2013, 173–5 and his n. 19 for some lower counts and the reasons for them. To the bibliography cited there, add Witzmann 2000 (on the social functions of pre-Sullan inscriptions). See further nn. 10, above, and 93, below. See Radke 1981, 115–23, Radke at Suerbaum 2002, 36–8 and (for summary in English) Hickson Hahn 2013. On connections to Roman ritual and religion and other rites and performances, see Habinek 2005, 8–33 (see the reviews cited in n. 42, above); Lowrie 2009, 123–6; MacRae 2016, 48–50; and Alonso Fernández 2016 and esp. 2021; cf. Alonso Fernández 2020, esp. 175–6. Discussion and history in modern scholarship at Feeney 2016, 218–25. The most convenient place to access text with sources of the Carmen Saliare and the comparable (but perhaps Augustan era) Carmen Arvale is at Blänsdorf 20114, 3–11; previously and for long, Maurenbrecher 1894 had been the main point of access for the former. Sarullo 2014 represents a detailed textual and linguistic study of the surviving remains of the Carmen Saliare. On Aelius Stilo’s scholarship, see Zetzel 2018, 27–30. For early scholarship on the poets, see the references in nn. 224 (Livius), 253–254 (Naevius), 271 (Ennius) and pp. 82–3, with n. 370 (Accius as himself a scholar of early poetry), below.

14

Elliott

long explored how the language and rhythms of these artefacts relate to the language and rhythms of the succession of early poets whose names we know, beginning with Livius.51 There is a general sense, however, that there must have been more, to which we do not have access. Historical anthropology makes local traditions of musical or narrative performance pre-existing Livius’ scripted drama a virtual certainty.52 For centuries, valiant attempts have been made to recover these traditions from any possible surviving hint.53 Such hints have been felt to be present in a handful of glancing references in Cicero (Brut. 75, Tusc. 4.3, cf. 1.3, where Cicero adduces Cato the Elder as authority) and Varro (in Book 2 of the De vita populi Romani, available to us through a citation by Nonius),54 later followed by Valerius Maximus (2.1.10; cf. Hor. C. 4.15.26–32, Quint. Inst. 1.10.20, Gell. NA 11.2.5). The cumulative – but still vague and weak – sense is that Cato, as Cicero has him, reported an antique Roman custom of songs celebrating heroic feats sung to musical accompaniment at feasts where the diners reclined;55 and that others, whether or not on independent authority, thought something similar.56 In modern scholarship, though not in the ancient 51

On the rhythmically patterned language, as of the carmina and Twelve Tables, see Williams 1982, 53–5; Suerbaum 2002, 30–57; and Suerbaum 2002, 57–83, on prose texts such as public records and pre-Sullan legal texts. On the cultural and literary historical aspects of the epitaphs of the Scipios, see Zevi 1970; Williams 1982, 57; Coarelli 1972 (comprehensive and authoritative discussion of the tomb complex, with a full bibliography of earlier scholarship); Eck 1981, esp. 132–4; Wachter 1987, 337–40; van Sickle 1987 (a stylistic analysis of the epitaphs, revealing their connections with Greek epigram; cf. van Sickle 1988); Millar 1989, 138–40; Cornell 1995, 359–60, with 466, n. 35 there; Flower 1996, 160–80; Flower 2006, 55–8; McDonnell 2006, 33–43 (arguing that the term virtus consistently denotes martial excellence in republican inscriptions; extended to early Latin poetry at 44–8); Wiseman 2008, 6–7 (caution is due about the inferences made) and 236; Boex 2018, esp. 81–6. 52 Caution, though, at Feeney 2016, 216–17. 53 Momigliano 1957 for the history, with Goldberg 2005a, 3–7 for a helpful update. 54 Frg. 394 Salvadore 2004 = frg. 84 Riposati (editions of the fragments of Varro); Gatti, Mazzacane, and Salvadori 2014, 1.132 = Lindsay 1903, 107–8 (editions of Nonius). 55 See Cornell 2013.3, 141–3 on the issues with Cato’s testimony as Cicero reports it. 56 Zorzetti 1990 and 1991 is responsible for constructing a coherent vision different from that of his predecessors Niebuhr and Macaulay (see Momigliano, cited in n. 53, above) out of the disparate references: he produced an articulated typology of archaic song, consisting in (a) gnomic poetry, (b) invective and (c) praise poetry (Zorzetti 1991, 313–14, where the analogy with archaic Greek song culture is drawn to attention). It is with the third (c) of these three categories that Zorzetti identified the carmina convivalia. His vision is essentially accepted and extended by Habinek 1998 and 2005 and by Rüpke 2001; it also appears at Suerbaum 2002, 49–51 and at Sciarrino 2004b, 326–40 and 2006, esp. 465–8, slightly modified at Sciarrino 2011, 99–100. For responses to Zorzetti 1991 and exposition of the problems, see Cole and Phillips in the same volume, but especially Horsfall 1994; Costa

Early Latin Poetry

15

sources, the songs have been termed carmina convivalia (“banquet songs”, or Tafellieder, as the German scholarship on the subject has them). These songs have been seen as everything from the representatives of a plebeian perspective in a tradition otherwise dominated by patricians (so Niebuhr) to the entertainment of a Roman super-élite, the vision of whom is calqued upon Greek symposiasts;57 and it has been observed that the custom as envisioned in modern readings largely “floats in ahistorical limbo”.58 For Niebuhr in the early nineteenth century, the songs were vehicles for the transmission of historical knowledge about the Roman past; the modern versions of the theory often make the songs more broadly the basis for the emergent literary culture. Thus, in some instances,59 the apparent sympotic contexts attributed to these carmina convivalia are proposed as the subsequent venue for performances of the early Roman epic poetry of Livius, Naevius, and Ennius. Since Naevius’ and Ennius’ epic poems took the Roman past as their subject-matter, they could then be seen as thematic continuators of the carmina convivalia: their subjects were in some sense clarorum virorum laudes atque virtutes (“the heroic deeds of great men”) which we are told were the subject of the festal songs in question.60 Since both Naevius’ epic and Ennius’ are highly fragmentary, and their audience and social context available for conjecture, their construction and presentation can freely be imagined along a variety of lines, including those required by a vision of them as the continuators (or, as Habinek 1998 has them, the supplanters) of carmina convivalia. The theory of the carmina convivalia and its predecessors has repeatedly been discredited for its construction of elaborate edifices on the basis of insufficient evidence.61 Its persistence is probably best explained as a function of horror vacui, perhaps embodied in Cicero’s and Varro’s testimony also: that is, of scholarly intolerance for the obvious void of ignorance which any pre-existing, local Roman performance tradition now represents and which it evidently represented as early as the first century BCE. 2000, esp. 68–71; Goldberg 2006, esp. 428–36 (cf. Goldberg 1995, 43–6); and Feeney 2016, 213–18 (cf. 192–5 there, on Rüpke’s version of the proposal, also discussed on pp. 47–8, below). 57 For Niebuhr, see Momigliano 1957, esp. 107–9 (and, more generally on Niebuhr’s place in intellectual history and the reasons powering his idealising vision of Rome, Terrenato 2019, 18–19); as the entertainment of a Roman super-élite: Zorzetti 1991 and others. 58 Gildenhard, BMCR 2003.09.39: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2003/2003.09.39 (also cited by Feeney 2016, 321, n. 67). 59 E.g., Hölkeskamp 2001. 60 The quotation above is from Cic. Tusc. 4.3, but each of the sources – interdependent as they may well be – has congruent things to say about the subject-matter of the songs. 61 E.g., by Dahlmann 1950 and more recently by those cited at the end of n. 56, above.

16

Elliott

1.2 The Sources of Our Knowledge From its inception until the 50s BCE, where we place the more fully extant works of Lucretius and Catullus, Roman poetry survives for the most part not via independent manuscript tradition or even in fragments of papyrus scrolls (in so-called “primary transmission”) but as quotations and more general references circulating in the works of later authors of antiquity (in so-called “secondary transmission”). Major exceptions to this exist only in the case of some second century works of comedy.62 Thus, our access to all early Roman “serious” drama (crepidatae and praetextae), epic, satire, didactic poetry and elegy, and to the traces of further generic experimentation which survive, is mediated almost exclusively by authors whose dates range from the first century BCE to the eighth century CE and even beyond. The vast majority of these later authors had no first-hand access to the works which they in partial and veiled fashion reveal to us. Instead, by and large, they culled the quotations from previous collections of excerpts made by grammarians or their professional relatives (critics and commentators, lexicographers, etymologists, and other students of the past in various guises) or from further texts (letters, philosophical tracts, etc.), usually also no longer extant. They thus often worked at many, undiscoverable degrees of remove from the early texts whose fragments they quote.63 Just occasionally and usually microscopically or else in general outline, it is possible to discern a line of transmission across authors.64 The earliest surviving retailers of prior Roman poetry, such as Varro and Cicero, did have access to the works in their entirety, but even this is not to say that they 62

63 64

For an overview of these major manuscript traditions, see Reynolds 1983, 302–7 (Plautus) and 412–20 (Terence). For the record of epic, tragedy, satire, elegy, and anything beyond, only minute possible exceptions exist, rarely. Kleve 1990, a Herculaneum papyrus presented by its editor as part of Book 6 of Ennius’ Annales, is in fact widely acknowledged to be difficult to read and uncertain; see Suerbaum 1995 for generous definition of the limits of what we learn. Examples of this process are described by Lloyd 1961 (for Servius) and Jocelyn 1964 and 1965 (for Macrobius). One major and well-known example lies in the line of transmission existing between the Augustan scholar Verrius Flaccus (no longer independently extant), the second century lexicographer Festus (who digests Verrius in a partially surviving work), and the eighth century Benedictine monk Paul the Deacon, who effects a further reduction of Festus’ text and whose work survives entire. For studies of the three in context, see Glinister and Woods 2007 and Lhommé 2011. Further, less consistent but still detectable lines of transmission include Varro to Gellius and perhaps thence to the conglomeration of scholia to Vergil travelling under the name “Servius Danielis” (Elliott 2013a, 350–1, 527–8), as well as Verrius-Festus, again to ancient commentary on Vergil (see e.g. Mastellone 2007 and Marshall 2012). The material from Ennius’ Annales in Seneca, Lactantius Firmianus, and Jerôme derives directly from Cicero (Skutsch 1985, 28–9).

Early Latin Poetry

17

necessarily made use of that access. One of the surprising features of Varro’s transmission record is that he does not always appear to be quoting at first hand.65 Cicero’s interactions with early Roman poetry appear unmediated: it seems that he consulted written texts, but frequency of repetition of short extracts, especially dramatic ones, suggests that he was also often quoting from memory.66 Regardless of whether the surviving sources are quoting directly or at various degrees of remove, the “cover texts” represented by the later authors who relay information about early Roman poetry to us never offer transparent access to the works at which they hint.67 The forms of distortion brought about by secondary transmission are legion. On the one hand, there exist countless biases of selection, one of the most notorious being represented by the grammarians’ dedicated search for abstruse vocabulary or for treatment of gender and morphology unconventional to the later ear, and other similar minutiae.68 These distortions result from the interests and working practices of the scholarly branches of the secondary transmission, which represent 65

66

67 68

The question has yet to be fully investigated, but Elliott 2013a, 136–44, cf. 350–1, suspects that, in transmitting remains of Ennius’ Annales, Varro is not in fact quoting at first hand; cf. Piras 2015 (broadly informative about Varro’s poetic citations in Ling.), esp. 59, 65, 66–9, and Zetzel 2018, 33. On Varro’s working methods broadly, see Zetzel 2018, 31–58. The literary allusion to Ennius detected in the De re rustica (Magno 2006) may be a case apart. Much literature exists on Cicero as a citer of early Roman poetry. Zillinger 1911 includes an analysis of the distribution of Cicero’s citations of Republican poetry across his oeuvre; cf. Jocelyn 1973 (not restricted to the Greek poetic citation his title advertises) and Shackleton Bailey 1983; Čulík-Baird 2021 and 2022 are recent successors to these studies. Malcovati 1943 addresses Cicero’s response as a whole to poetry: (a) conceptual, then as regards the frequency and functions of (b) Greek and (c) Latin poets in his work. On Cicero’s citations of Roman dramatic texts, see especially Goldberg 2000, Goldberg 2005a, 126–30, and Schierl 2015, but also Auvray-Assayas 198l; Aricò 2004 (cp. Petrone 2016, with a special focus on Cicero’s multiple citations of the canticum of Andromache, from Ennius’ Andromacha aechmalotis); Buzick 2014; Degl’Innocenti Pierini 2016; Di Meglio 2019; and Haley 2021. Artigas 1990 represents an edition, with commentary, of the fragments of Pacuvius surviving in Cicero’s works. The specifically philosophical Cicero as citer early Roman poetry is the subject of Eigler 2000; Spahlinger 2005 (attention to Roman literature at 223–53); Michel 1983; Degl’Innocenti Pierini 2004; Salamon 2004; and Salamon 2006 (the last four on the functions of literary citation in the Tusculan Disputations). Zetzel 2007 compares Cicero’s practice in citing Ennian tragic and Ennian epic material and illustrates the effects of the citer on the record, while Elliott 2013a, 365 and, more broadly, 152–95, details the manner and functions of Cicero’s quotations from Ennius’ Annales. For the useful concept of the “cover text”, see Schepens 1997, esp. 164–9, with n. 66 there. See, e.g., Dangel 1999, who uses careful attention to sources, including grammatical ones, as one element in a strategy for reconstructing limited original Accian contexts.

18

Elliott

objects of inquiry in their own right.69 In general, their effect is to intensify the impression of linguistic peculiarity in early Latin poetic usage. But citing authorities can also distort the record in more complex and ingenious ways, which are often closely linked to individual and sometimes momentary agendas.70 A number of studies address the effects of Cicero’s extant writings on the transmission of early Roman poetry, in reflection not only of the extent of this author’s involvement in early Latin poetry’s transmission and reading history but of the degree of readily observable distortion which his works manifestly exercise on the record.71 Unless the volume of material supplied is negligible, each of our dozens of sources has a definable effect on each of the records it touches. The torque a source exercises on any given record is differentiable from its effects on any other. In most cases, a great deal of the work of defining the consequences of individual sources’ methods and interests for given records, often among the more informative modes of investigation available, remains to be done. 2

Approaching Fragmentary Material: Method and Access in the Modern Era

The editions in which the collated fragments appear today are the product of centuries of assiduous work, beginning in the Renaissance.72 A modern stalwart of these editions is the collection of non-dramatic fragmentary Latin poetry representing the successive efforts of three scholars:73 Willy 69

See Welsh 2012 for an example of a study of the working methods of a “cover text”, in this case Nonius Marcellus’ De compendiosa doctrina, or rather of a subset of Nonius’ sources; Welsh 2013a goes on to consider the implications of those working methods for editing our record of early drama. Cf. Chahoud 2007 (again on Nonius’ principles, methods, and organisation) and Welsh 2013b (another instance of how the specifics of a given secondary transmission scenario are likely to have determined the particular record we have, in this case of some lines of Ennian satura). More generally, Zetzel 2018 offers a wealth of guidance on some of our most important and least well understood sources for early Roman poetry. 70 Darbo-Peschanski 2004, Nicolas 2006, and Tischer and Binternagel 2010 cover a range of territory in regard to ancient citation practices. 71 Such studies include Zetzel 2007, Elliott 2013a, and Schierl 2015, as cited in n. 66, above. 72 The earliest, sixteenth century editions of early Roman poetry include Stephanus (Estienne, in Latinised form) 1564, and Columna (Colonna, in Latinised form) 1590. Before this, the fragments could only be read by encountering them in the contexts in which they were quoted: the works of other ancient authors. 73 The collection comprises fragments from all periods of antiquity. It explicitly excludes those hexametric poems for which we have the most substantial remains and which therefore

Early Latin Poetry

19

Morel (1894–1973), Karl Büchner (1910–1981) and Jürgen Blänsdorf (b. 1936), who were themselves working in response to the pioneering edition of Emil Baehrens (1848–1888).74 Singularly useful to students of this material is Edward Courtney’s English-language commentary on an overlapping but by no means identical set of Latin poetic fragments.75 The Loeb series for its part pairs English language translation with the fragmentary texts across the genres.76 Traglia’s 1986 edition offers the entire surviving works of Livius Andronicus, Naevius, and Ennius, with Italian translation. A new series dedicated to the tragic fragments is now in part available (see n. 157, below, under 4.1: Fabula crepidata). Beyond these editions or series grouping together the surviving remains of several authors, there exist many editions dedicated to individual authors. References to these are given under the entries for each author below. Independence in interpreting fragmentary works requires an understanding not only of the biases and working methods of our ancient sources, as described above, but also of the practices and beliefs of the editors who mediate readers’ access to fragments today.77 Traditional editorial work has, demand separate treatment: Ennius’ Annales and Cicero’s and Germanicus’ Aratea. Further exclusions are noted in the reviews (see n. 74). 74 Baehrens 1886. Morel’s 1927 edition, Büchner’s 1982 edition, Blänsdorf’s 1995 edition and Blänsdorf’s 2011 edition are explicitly represented as continuations, the one of the other. The relationship among these five editions is clearly explained at the beginning of M. Possanza’s review of the last (ExClass 16 (2012), 203–11); see also Courtney 20032, vii–viii. J. Soubiran, Latomus 71.4 (2012), 973–95 and B. Rochette, AC 81.1 (2012), 239–41 represent further reviews of the same volume, and a critical assessment is also available in Pieri and Pellicani 2016, 1–43. 75 Courtney 20032. Reviews include J. O’Hara, CPh 89 (1994), 384–91; J. Zetzel, AJPh 116.2 (1995), 327–31; S. Mariotti, Gnomon 70.3 (1998), 204–9; and M. Reeve, CR 49.1 (1999), 42–5 (which also comprehends Blänsdorf’s 1995 edition and the fragments’ early modern history in its broad strokes). 76 ROL 1–4 (first editions of which date to 1936–40). New, re-organised Loeb volumes to replace ROL are underway: FRL 1 and 2 (both dedicated to Ennius) were published in 2018; rev. Whitton, G&R 66.1 (2019), 118–20 and E. Kraggerud, ExClass 23 (2019), 353–8. The further volumes currently in preparation under Gesine Manuwald’s general editorship include one to cover Livius and Naevius, along with the comic poet Caecilius; two more will cover Pacuvius and Accius, as well as the comic poet Turpilius and the fragments of dramas whose authors are not attested. Niall Slater and Robert Maltby are together responsible for these three volumes. There will additionally be one volume on togata and mime (themselves topics discussed in Manuwald 2020 rather than here), edited by Jarrett Welsh and Costas Panayotakis, and one volume on fragmentary Latin satire and popular verse, edited by Anna Chahoud. 77 On editorial method, see Goldberg 2007a and Manuwald 2015b (each with reference to the fragments of ‘serious’ Roman drama but of broader application); cf. D’Anna 1981 (focused on the author’s edition of Pacuvius) and FRL 1, x–xii. See also Stephens 2002 for sharp description of how editor-commentators’ conventions effectively conceal their

20

Elliott

however, not typically made it especially easy to acquire such understanding. Inescapably, editing fragments represents an exploration of possibilities, involving many interpretative risks and entailing a large possibility of error. Yet, as Susan Stephens (n. 77) points out, traditional editorial methods have long concealed these unalterable facts under the cloak of the editor’s expertise and acumen. In reliance on these hard-earned and genuinely invaluable tools, the editor renders a final judgement on what remains an irreducible set of possibilities. This is then presented as the primary text, supported and explained by the editor’s apparatus criticus (a selection of manuscript readings and previous editorial conjectures offered in summary format at the bottom of each page and requiring training to decipher). The intention in presenting such a summary judgement is to provide expert guidance to a further set of readers who can then go on to put an otherwise scattered group of fragments to a variety of interpretative or creative uses: to free those readers from the myriad questions and complexities surrounding any fragmentary text, for which the editor has shouldered responsibility, and to allow these further readers access to the “clean page” then apparently constituting text.78 But, in a context where the very question of what constitutes a fragment is fraught,79 what it means to give a reader access to “the text” – itself a reified concept, the more obviously so when it comes to works which are no longer fully extant – is a matter which bears reflection. One issue is that an editor’s judgement is governed not only by acknowledged specialist expertise but inevitably also by a variety of historically conditioned factors and editorial assumptions, not all of them conscious (again, ideally illustrated by Stephens in her case study of the editorial history of the fragments of Sappho). These assumptions are not typically afforded space or consideration in the context of a conventional edition, where the task has been understood as an effort to focus on matters presented as available to rational investigation: readings of individual words, metrical features, and other minutiae, which then form a basis for our eventual ability to think about the reconstituted material in context. This silence has allowed the illusion to blossom

78 79

own interpretative moves and have thus historically helped obscure and hinder access to the records they claim to explicate, especially where those records are fragmentary (cf. Elliott 2016). A further collection of perspectives and case studies of mainly Greek fragmentary material is available in Most 1997 (rev. J. Gibert, BMCR 98.01.23: https://bmcr .brynmawr.edu/1998/1998.01.23/). For the full quotation (an informal response of Otto Skutsch’s, to reviewers’ criticism of his decision to separate his text from the source-texts’ evidence for it) and for discussion of the problems associable with Skutsch’s approach, see Goldberg forthcoming. Brunt 1980.

Early Latin Poetry

21

that editions offer relatively transparent access to the fragmentary works they present, an illusion to which editors and readers alike have been subject. In fact, the extent of editorial intervention required to produce an edition of fragments means that the editor is necessarily making decisions (again, conventionally, tacit ones) which will at least in part determine how further readers interpret the larger structure of a work, its content, ideology, relationship to other works within or beyond its own genre, etc.80 In many cases, the state of the surviving evidence means that there is no chance that those decisions yield secure results. This issue at any rate represents an area of increasing awareness, which editors of early Roman poetry, and especially of Roman tragedy, have begun to tackle.81 They have done so by choosing to present the evidence for a given text in a manner which invites readers to think for themselves through the issues that evidence presents. A significant first step in this direction was taken by H. D. Jocelyn. In his 1967 edition of Ennian tragedy, he was the first to present the extended context in which each fragment was preserved directly on the page with the fragment itself (instead of relegating it to the back of the edition along with the editor’s commentary – a practice which did not instantly die out with the publication of his edition [see n. 78]; or omitting entirely everything except source-references). In addition, Jocelyn presented the fragments in an order determined by the date of the source of each (while also, however, using editorial judgement to assign to extant titles some of the fragments not attributed to specific works by any surviving ancient authority).82 The monumental editions of early Roman tragedy, recent or forthcoming under the general editorship of W.-W. Ehlers, P. Kruschwitz, G. Manuwald, M. Schauer, and B. Seidensticker, have capitalised on this choice, expanding it to include all possible aspects of the ancient evidence.83 This judicious approach privileges the fragments’ transmission history, a crucial interpretative context too long sidelined by traditional editorial practice, and it punctures the illusion that a reliable reconstruction might be possible on the basis of such exiguous remains. In effect, it carefully reveals the underbelly of editorial activity, exposing the number and complexity of often scarcely resoluble evidentiary challenges previously hidden from readers’ view. In handing to readers the evidence in a meticulously prepared approximation of raw form, accompanied 80 81 82 83

Cf. Tischer 2015, from the perspective afforded by communication theory. Cf. FRL 1, ix–xiii. Cf. Gildenhard 2010, 154, n. 7; FRL 1, xxxiv. See n. 157, below (under 4.1: Fabula crepidata), for full reference to these editions: Schauer 2012, Manuwald 2012, and those in the same series that are to join them.

22

Elliott

by reference to all available scholarship on the subject, these editions supply readers with ample means to make independent judgements. They do so, however, at the cost of presenting readers with challenges to which not all will feel equal. For readers who are not thoroughly committed to this branch of study, but who have an interest in how the nature of the relevant evidence affects interpretative outcomes, it would yet be desirable to find a middle ground for the presentation of fragments: one which offers clearly articulated guidance as to major methodological issues specific to the interpretation of any given set of fragments (the methodological challenges of each record being at least in some respects unique to it); and which, without overwhelming the reader, invites an ongoing conversation about the possibilities that the given record allows. It bears saying that, while this was in some sense the intention throughout the history of editorial work on fragments, the readership traditionally envisioned was a restricted class of professionals. Editors of the engaging and illuminating remains of early Roman poetry today have work to do in enfranchising and empowering a wide interpretative community.84 In the meantime, the editions of Roman tragedy by Schauer and Manuwald and their fellow editors represent truly extraordinary tools for understanding the history of their subjects, for any who are willing to take them on. Fragments constitute a fundamentally vulnerable class. The problems of interpreting them belong to a far wider realm of responsibility than that owned by editors. Being manifestly parts of a lost whole,85 they urgently invite their readers to assign completing meaning to them, but they cannot advocate for themselves in the competition they thus provoke. This very vulnerability of theirs gives fragments an emotional lure, as readers find in them a canvas on which to project their beliefs about the past, themselves routinely determined by a tacit relationship to those readers’ struggles in the present.86 This has sometimes led to dogmatic treatment at the hands of modern editors and other interpreters, though this tendency may now be on the wane. 3

Questions of Audience, Circulation, and Performance

Inquiry into the audiences of early Roman poetry and the circulation of texts in material form has rightly become increasingly visible at the forefront of the field. Such work looks to situate the production and consumption of early 84 85 86

See n. 76, above, for reference to another series working in this direction. Gumbrecht 1985 and 1997, esp. 319–20. Grafton 1997, 124–5 (for a tiny but evocative subset of instances) and passim; cf. Kruschwitz 2010.

Early Latin Poetry

23

Latin poetry as an institution in the social behaviours which generated it. It thus seeks to understand poetry’s place in the larger network of social communication of power, ideology, and identity operative in third- and secondcentury Rome.87 In doing so, such inquiry effects a crucial bridge between the work of editors, critics and literary historians of early Roman poetry – which has at times seemed to want to float off into its own quasi-scientific or formalist sphere of existence absolved from further concerns – and that of other sub-disciplines interested in the same or related cultures and societies. Where work on the consequences of how texts were produced, delivered, and consumed avoids circularity and offers credible advances, it has ramifications for the kinds of texts we are to envisage and is thus thoroughly germane to the editorial and other interpretative procedures to which we in the modern era subject the fragments. The task of addressing these crucial areas of inquiry, however, is not easy. A large challenge lies in the lack of virtually any evidence from the relevant era itself – which, to complicate matters further, was a period of rapid transformation for Roman society. Questions, and a corresponding plethora of proposed answers, therefore abound about how early Roman poetry reached its early audiences and about how its various audiences are in principle to be differentiated.88 These questions are at their most enigmatic when it comes to non-dramatic works. Public libraries as such did not exist at Rome until the republic was in the final stages of collapse,89 and the means of private circulation,90 the 87

In this respect, it shares aims with work on the social function of texts abstracted from the mechanics of circulation: e.g., the work of Thomas Habinek, Jörg Rüpke, and Uwe Walter, as cited in the references section, against the background of work by Egon Flaig, Martin Jehne, and Hans-Joachim Hölkeskamp. 88 For references, see n. 19, above. 89 For the earliest attested library at Rome (the library of the kings of Macedon, brought to Rome by Aemilius Paullus as part of the spoils after his victory at Pydna in 168 BCE), and the possibility of even earlier ones, see Affleck 2013 (optimistic). For post-republican “public” libraries at Rome, see Dix 1994; Dix and Houston 2006; Platt 2008; Nicholls 2015, 2017, and 2018. For Roman book collections in all their variety from the end of the republic on (their assembly, size, content, equipment, and personnel), see Houston 2014 (rev. F. Tutrone, Gnomon 89.7 [2017], 605–10). For libraries in the ancient world more broadly, see Casson 2001 (an excellent introduction) and the papers in König, Oikonomopoulou, and Woolf 2013 (at the conclusion of which Martinez and Senseney argue that the dichotomy “public/private library” does not properly accommodate the realities of ancient libraries; for a different approach to related issues, see Nicholls in the same volume). 90 Kleberg 1975; Starr 1987; Dortmund 2001, 164–86; cf. Rüpke 2001, summarised at Rüpke 2012, 84–6; Parker 2009; Johnson 2012, 181–5. These pieces discuss distribution of works by élite authors, initially privately to their friends, for comment and criticism, in the context of the commercial and broader cultural aspects of book production and consumption.

24

Elliott

occasions for public recitations,91 the role of bookshops,92 and literacy levels in different reaches of the population and for different types of texts are among the issues which have to be inferred, in part on the basis of later evidence, in part on the basis of statistical calculation and probable comparanda.93 The apparent absence of state sponsorship for any cultural activity involving early Roman poetry other than dramatic performance is one of the factors obscuring such activities in our vision.94 We know that, by the time of Accius’ activity in the second half of the second century, Latin poetry was the subject of scholarly analysis; and later testimony suggests that it was made the subject of education well before then (Suet. Gram. 1.1–2).95 But evidence is scarce as to how Livius Andronicus’, Naevius’, and even Ennius’ non-dramatic work circulated earlier in material form or was otherwise made known during the original decades of their activity.96 The stories of the poetry’s implied commissioning or its intended recipients are likewise difficult to trust (see pp. 53–4, below). Where Roman evidence is concerned, they do so on the basis of that of the late republic or later. 91 Investigated and limited by Parker 2009, for the periods for which evidence exists. 92 On bookshops in Rome (for which the earliest evidence dates to the late republic), see Starr 1987, 219–23; Dortmund 2001, 125–63; White 2009, esp. 282–6; Nicholls 2019. 93 On literacy and the use of books in the Roman world, see the literature cited in n. 10, above. For how the material form texts are given directs their interpretation, see also the excellent discussion at Phillips 2015, 15–19 and passim, with full relevance to early Roman poetry. Second century Roman philological response to the books then in circulation, as best we understand it, is the subject of Sciarrino 2020, along with the question of how such philological practice determined the nature of the poetic texts then being written. 94 On the absence of state sponsorship or other apparatus of support comparable to that operative at Athens and Alexandria, see Rawson 1985b, 38–9; cf. Brown 2002. 95 See Kaster 1995, 42–54. 96 Feeney 2016, 190–8 offers perspective by juxtaposing the circulation of non-literary texts in second-century Rome with the possibilities for the circulation of literary texts as scholars have proposed them, and by comparing literacy’s functions and range in other ancient societies with what we can surmise for Rome. Phillips 2015, on Hellenistic readers’ encounter with Pindaric performance poetry in material form, provides food for thought for those interested in third century Roman experience of performance (or otherwise publicly oriented) poetry in written form. Feeney and Phillips are each interested in the continuities between readers’ experience of texts across the media of reading and performance. Both authors highlight the centrality of the idea of writing (as literal description and as metaphor) and its “dialogue” (a term both authors use) with the idea of past or future performance (Feeney 2016, 191–3, with esp. his nn. 59–60 there; Phillips 2015, 1–26). Phillips is further interested in the ways in which the editing of texts in antiquity and the accretion of commentaries around them affected their functions and “shift[ed] the grounds of textual engagement” (Phillips 2015, 13 and 49–84). This is a crucial issue for early Roman poetry too, as Feeney also draws to attention. For summary of the situation as regards Ennian epic, see Fabrizi 2012, 21–3.

Early Latin Poetry

25

The question of the availability and dissemination of early Roman poetry in written form is predicated on the related question of the availability and dissemination of Greek literary texts at Rome in the third century and subsequently. Greek drama and epic were evidently available to the early Roman poets, since their use of them is so clear (see esp. Part 4, below); and, presumably, as interest grew, they were also and increasingly available to the élite with whose engagement the early poets wrote at least part of their oeuvre (see pp. 26–7, below, on the financing of ludi scaenici). It seems likely that the Greek dramatic works circulated initially throughout the Italian peninsula as actors’ scripts. The probability then is that they had already been altered and interpolated,97 and as a result may represent an intermediate stage between Attic drama and its further reformation on the Roman stage.98 But again we have no specific testimony. The material conditions of readership and dissemination of poetic works in written form in either language are and must remain the subject of inquiry and informed conjecture. The public theatrical performances (ludi scaenici) which studded the republican year represent for us today the most accessible form of dissemination of third and second century poetry.99 These performances took place in a limited variety of contexts: first and foremost, the major public festivals of the Roman year. In all their venues, they were accompanied at neighbouring sites by other sorts of likewise celebratory shows. Possibilities included boxing, acrobatic displays, gladiatorial combats, and races of various kinds (see, e.g., Cic. Leg. 2.38; Livy 42.10.5). With these the ludi scaenici apparently competed for attention from a public from which no prior commitment to attendance was required: the shows were free, and spectators could come and go as they pleased.100

97 Gentili 1979, 18, 35. 98 The long-established idea that the chorus declined after the fifth century, making way for the rise of the monody and individual performers already in the fourth century, has, however, recently been challenged: see Jackson 2020 (rev. J. Hanink, BMCR 2021.03.61: https:// bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2021/2021.03.61/). 99 A good introduction to republican theatre against the backdrop of the broader theatricality of public life at Rome is available at Boyle 2006, 2–23. Manuwald 2011, 41–125 (listing previous overviews at 2–3, with n. 5, there) provides a synthesis of research on production and reception practices during the republic; for briefer synopses, see Manuwald 2010, 15–26, and Manuwald 2020, 4–15. For comprehensive coverage, including of bibliography up until the date of publication, see Blänsdorf at Suerbaum 2002, 143–50. Select, annotated bibliography on Roman drama as a whole at Manuwald 2010, 207–20. Among the major twentieth century studies of the Roman theatre is Paratore 1957. 100 Sceptical discussion at Gruen 1992, 210–18. On the consequences of shared venues for staging and spectatorship, see Goldberg 2018a, 151–6, 166–7.

26

Elliott

The earliest date we have on record for the appearance of ludi scaenici is 364 BCE (Livy 7.2). In Livy’s description, these early ludi scaenici were composed of music and dance and were of Etruscan origin.101 Over time, not only did the nature of the performances change to include, from 240 BCE on, Hellenising drama of the kind which in part survives; the number of occasions available for ludi scaenici also proliferated, as did the number of days available for them at given festivals. This in effect increased the demand for formal dramas, since at least initially new ones were commissioned for each occasion.102 While we sometimes know how many days were devoted to ludi scaenici at a given festival in a given year or period, we do not how many dramas were typical on any given day of performance nor how the distribution among genres or types of performance was governed. The major public festivals hosting the theatrical shows were unambiguously religious in nature. Each was initiated to secure divine favour and in due course to offer thanks for it. All components of the festivals were paid for out of public funds (lucar), which could be and often were supplemented by the presiding magistrate who arranged for the performance (defined by the terms of the festival itself: the plebeian or curule aediles, or the urban praetor, were most frequently the ones in question) or by the wealthy families they represented.103 Attendance was thus free to the public, for whose favour the organising magistrates were in a sense competing. This in turns means that the shows had a significant political dimension symbiotic with their religious function.104 We 101 See n. 1, above. For discussion of the origins of Roman ludi scaenici, see Bernstein 1998, 23–30 (tracing any available history from the period of the kings), and Blänsdorf, as cited in n. 99, above (cf. Blänsdorf 1978, 112–25); cf. Oakley 1997–2005 on Livy 7.2, Feldherr, as cited in n. 6, above, and Suerbaum 2002: 51–7. Rawson 1985a offers a rich discussion of the evidence for ludi scaenici popular throughout Italy and contemporary in all periods with those at Rome; cf. Beare 19643, 10–23. 102 Taylor 1937; Bernstein 1998; Polverini 2003, 385–92; Boyle 2006, 16, with further references. On differences in scale between the ludi of the second century BCE and those of the first, see Goldberg 1998, 13–14. 103 On the private financing of festivals and acting, and the personal or gentilician interests it supported, see Bernstein 1998, 268–82 and Csapo 2010, 179–93. 104 Gruen 1992, 188–97 (comment at Gildenhard 2010, 168, n. 45); Flaig 1995a; Feldherr 1998, 169–78; Bernstein 1998, passim; Flaig 2003, 232–60. Cf. Gildenhard 2010, 159–72, on the politics of Roman tragedy in the context of aristocratic competition, and Franko 2013 (developing Gruen 1992, 215–18), on what appears to have been a particularly aggressive mid-republican instance of the politicisation of performance by the sponsoring individual; for an alternative perspective on the same material, see Feeney 2016, 147–9. For an overview of the intersection of spectacle (writ large) and politics during the republic, see Flower 20142. For comprehensive analysis of how not just politics per se but the whole relationship of past and (irreducibly political) present were at issue in the presentation

Early Latin Poetry

27

know neither how much a magistrate paid for a drama nor other details of the commission or selection process, but supplying dramas for the public festivals is at any rate an attested source of income for the early poets.105 We do not know how much such income amounted to,106 nor whether it was enough to subsist on. Relevant considerations might include that the occasions for the performance of plays were still relatively few in the third century. There is (likewise weak) evidence for the early poets teaching in the households of the élite, and this too would surely suggest that writing plays was not in itself an adequate source of income for the early poets. The oldest of the public festivals was the Ludi Romani (“State festival of Rome”), held annually in September in honour of Jupiter, Juno and Minerva (collectively, the Capitoline triad), and attested already for the early fourth century.107 By virtue of its early date (and a shred of evidence surviving in Festus [Lindsay 1913, 436.24–31]), it is this festival that is thought to have hosted Livy’s ludi scaenici of 364 BCE.108 Beginning between 230 and 190 BCE, ludi scaenici came to be held at five further religious festivals: the Ludi Apollinares (in honour of Apollo), the Ludi Plebeii (“Plebeian Festival”, in honour of Jupiter), the Ludi Megalenses or Megalesia (in honour of the goddess Cybele, the Magna Mater), and the Ludi Ceriales (in honour of the divinities Ceres, Liber, and Libera); also, the Ludi Florales (in honour of the goddess Flora).109 Ludi scaenici took place not only at these regular religious festivals but also at occasional ludi: for example, the ludi vowed to Jupiter Optimus Maximus by a general in the event of victory or by a magistrate on behalf of the state; those which took place at the dedication of a temple; or those at the funerals of celebrated

105 106

107 108 109

of drama to the public, as in the other public and performative aspects of Roman society, see Walter 2004. Lebek 1996, esp. 29–35, and Lebek 2000. Perhaps relevant to the question of how much magistrates paid for plays is the report in Suet. Vita Terenti 3: Eunuchus quidem bis die acta est meruitque pretium quantum nulla antea cuiusquam comoedia, id est octo milia nummorum (cf. Don. Praef. Eun. 6). As Gilula 1985–88 makes clear, this would indicate an extraordinarily high rate of pay; but the report is problematic, as she likewise indicates. Even if it is not misleading, it surely indicates an extreme case. On the role of the Ludi Romani as an instrument of public policy, and the role of ludi scaenici in the context of that particular festival, see Feeney 2016, 92–151; on its date, Taylor 1937, 286–7. See Taylor 1937, 286–7, esp. n. 5, for the history of the association. For details, see Taylor 1937, 285–91, Boyle 2006, 13–16, and Bernstein 1998, 51–78 (Ludi Romani), 155–225 (the other public festivals mentioned above). Bernstein as a whole offers a wealth of detail on the full array of public festivals in republican Rome, taking in all known occasions, the full historical development, and the festivals’ complex political context and ramifications.

28

Elliott

persons, so-called ludi funebres, then at private expense.110 If any aspect of the ludi was incorrectly performed, the religious conventions surrounding them required instaurationes (repetitions of the entire festival, including of the performances), designed to allow the event to fulfil its original votive purpose.111 By the late republic, revival performances of a different kind were frequent:112 notoriously, re-performances of hundred-year-old plays were recurrently made vehicles for commentary on contemporary politics, by performers and audience alike – and not only at Rome.113 The audience for ludi scaenici was uncontroversially a diverse civic community.114 At first, no distinction in seating was made in respect of social status, something that we hear began to change at the Ludi Romani of 194 BCE when senators were first seated separately (Livy 34.44.4 and 54.3–8, cf. Val. Max. 2.4.3 [the ludi Romani]; then, Cic. Har. resp. 24, Ascon. 69–70C [the Megalesia]).115 The size of the audience for early drama is difficult to gauge, but conservative estimates make it not less than 1,600.116 Performance space and audience perspective and experience in the midrepublic represent large questions, because once again our evidence is later than the period about which we would like to know. Until the first stone theatre was built by Pompey in 55 BCE,117 all dramas performed at Rome were staged on temporary wooden structures built for the occasion (Vitr. De arch. 110 On the intersection between funerals, drama, and the historical record, see Goldberg 2018a, 149–51. 111 On the evidence and reasons for instaurationes, see Taylor 1937, 291–6; also, Bernstein 1998, 282–91. 112 Manuwald 2011, 108–19, for summary and references. 113 For the bulk of the relevant references, see n. 149, below; for beyond Rome, see Rawson 1985a, 98–9. 114 See, e.g., Beare 19643, 173–5; Gruen 1992, 183–222; Moore 1994 and Marshall 2006: 73–82 (both on the Plautine audience, contemporary with and probably indistinguishable from the audiences of the genres here under consideration); cf. Manuwald 2011, 98–108, with further references. Given the absence of ancient indications to the contrary, it is generally assumed that the audiences of Roman tragedy (or praetextae) were identical with those of Roman comedy (Cancik 1978, 318). 115 On possible motives for the move and the response reported from the public, see Gruen 1992, 202–5. On the unreconciled traditions represented in our sources and attempts to understand them, see Bernstein 1998, 193–5. Reasoned caution about the conclusions to be drawn from this evidence at Goldberg 2018a, 166–7. Developments of the late republic, when seating was increasingly pre-arranged to reflect the social space which members of the audience occupied, with corresponding references, in brief at Manuwald 2011, 107–8. 116 Goldberg 1998, 13–14. For the much larger audiences of late republican and later theatres (estimated at 11,000 and up), see Boyle 2006, n. 80. 117 On this space, see Russell 2016, 168–72. This study as a whole explores how public space in republican Rome was experienced by the gamut of actors and audiences inhabiting it.

Early Latin Poetry

29

5.5.7; Tac. Ann. 14.20)118 in the Roman Forum, the Circus Maximus, or in front of the temple of the deity in honour of whom the ludi were held.119 Needless to say, these have left no material trace. From slightly ambiguous sources, it appears that by the first century BCE actors wore masks (Cic. De or. 2.193, 3.221), but perhaps they did not do so earlier (Diomedes [Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 1, 489.10–13); once more, we do not properly know what was true in the third and second centuries.120 In general, work on how stage equipment and objects were used to construct and communicate dramatic meaning is better available for the more substantially extant Roman comedy than it is for the other early dramatic genres.121 The fragmentary state of much early Roman drama, and of tragedy in particular, has so far proved an obstacle to the application of theoretical approaches, such as the new materialisms, which have an increasing presence in the study of Athenian tragedy.122

118 Inscriptional evidence for the wooden theatres also exists: see Rawson 1985a, 100, n. 18. 119 Goldberg 1998 and Goldberg 2018a, the latter with reconstruction of locations for possible temporary stage locations in the Forum via UCLA’s RomeLab (https://classics.ucla.edu/ faculty-projects/ucla-romelab/) and consequent reflection on audience experience and perspective from given possible vantage-points; cp. Hanses 2020, which uses a different forum model to discuss issues of performance. On second century efforts to construct stone theatres at Rome and political, ethical, and religious reasons for their obstruction, see Gruen 1992, 205–10 and Goldberg 1998, 10–13; cf. Polverini 2003, 392–6, and Goldberg 2018a, 149, with n. 20 there, for further bibliography. The archaeological remains of the Roman theatres built from the late republic on are discussed by Sear 2006, with the temporary theatres of the mid-republic featuring at 54–7 and the republican-era theatres of Sicily and southern Italy at 48–53 (rev. E. Gebhard, JRA 21 [2008], 489–97). Discussion of the evolution of stage buildings at Rome also at Beacham 1991, 56–85. 120 For Roman tragic masks, see Dupont 1998; cf. Gratwick 1982b, 83–4 and Boyle 2006, 19, 147, with the further literature cited there and at Manuwald 2011, 79, n. 130. Manuwald 2011, 75–80 summarises what we know about costuming, including masks; ibid. 80 for the points Cicero is making in the passages cited above. David 2013 argues on the basis of indications in the plays’ language that the masks of New Comedy were adapted for use in the original productions of Plautus. 121 Exceptions addressing props, scenery, and use of space in early Roman tragedy include Schierl 2006, 348–9, doubting Manuwald’s assumption of a physical dragon-drawn chariot on stage for Pacuvius’ Medus (Manuwald 2003, 115); cf. Dumont 2013 (on use of space on the Plautine stage), while the other essays in Le Guen and Milanezi 2013 discuss some of the evidence for stage machinery, props, and scenery in related ancient settings. For different aspects of or perspectives on the Roman stage or performance on it, see Cowan 2013a, Beacham 2013, and Dutsch 2013. Marshall 2006 systematically explores the stagecraft of Roman comedy contemporary with the poetry here under consideration. (See Manuwald 2020, 11–15, for further references pertinent to the stagecraft of Roman comedy.) 122 As represented, e.g., by Mueller and Telò 2018.

30

Elliott

Uncontroversial is early Roman drama’s profoundly musical nature.123 Music for the dramas was written and performed by a separate class of artists (Cic. De or. 3.102), known as tibicines (“pipers”), after the double-reeded wind instrument, the tibia, on which they played.124 According to a late and only partially reliable source (De comoedia 8.10),125 their names were recorded along with those of the author and principal actor at the beginning of written copies of the performance text. The name of one well attested individual is extant: “Flaccus, the slave of Claudius”, listed in the production notices surviving for Terence’s plays. The notice demonstrates that the recognised artistic status tibicines enjoyed did not preclude parallel status as slaves  – something that coheres with surviving indications about the social status of actors also. Choruses seem to have been normal for Roman tragedy, though not for Roman comedy.126 The social status of actors in the very earliest period is again something for which we have no direct evidence.127 It is often inferred, but on the basis of later evidence (including, again, Livy 7.2), that actors at Rome (excluding those of Atellan farce) were of exceptionally low status from the start.128 No later than the first century BCE, actors were disfranchised from (or, if foreign, had no chance of) the normal rights of citizenship (Cic. Rep. 4.10; cf. Justinian, Digest 3.2.1, 3.2.2.5, referring to rulings dating to the republic). What we know of the end of the third century BCE is that there was then brought into existence 123 Cancik 1978, 316–17; Wilson 2002, esp. 64–7; Marshall 2006, 234–44; Moore 2008, 2016, and 2021 (and cf. Moore 2012, on music in Roman comedy). For summary and further references, see Manuwald 2011, 89–90. The essays in Lynch and Rocconi 2020 (rev. R. Sears, BMCR 2021.07.07: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2021/2021.07.07/) and Curtis and Weiss 2021 address many different aspects of the Greek and Roman music associated with literature and performance; for Roman drama, see esp. the contributions of Timothy Moore to either volume. There are projects aiming to reconstruct the entire world of sound relevant to the Roman experience of drama: Synaulia in Italy (http://www.soundcenter.it/synauliaeng.htm); Musica Romana in Germany (http://www.musica-romana.de/en/index-beta. html); and the work of the Image Knowledge Gestaltung (https://www.interdisciplinarylaboratory.hu-berlin.de/en/bwg/ueber-uns/) at the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, on the acoustic environment afforded by the Roman Forum, preliminarily available in Kassung and Schwesinger 2016 (I owe these references to Goldberg 2018a, n. 40); cf. Chourmouziadou and Kang 2008 (on the acoustic properties of a wide range of Greek and Roman performance spaces). 124 On the collaboration between actor/singer/dancer and tibicen, see Moore 2012, 135–9. 125 The De comoedia as we have it is printed in Wessner’s 1902 Teubner edition of ‘Donatus’, Vol. 1, pp. 22–31, with the passage cited above appearing on p. 30. No parallel information is on record for genres other than comedy. 126 Cancik 1978, 317. For literature on the Roman tragic chorus, see n. 141, below. 127 See Brown 2002. For summary of what we know for all periods of the republic and further references, see Manuwald 2011, 90–7, with 84–9 there for what we know about Roman actors’ lives more generally. 128 E.g., Rawson 1985a, 112.

Early Latin Poetry

31

a publicly sanctioned collegium scribarum histrionumque. This offered its members – writers (poets but also, according to Festus [as cited below], clerks, librarii, whose social status at that time seems not to have been perceptibly different from that of the poets) and actors – a recognised place in society and, more concretely, a collective meeting-place.129 The establishment of the collegium was a token of official respect, additional to the recognition afforded the practitioners of drama as a result of drama’s inclusion in high-profile public festivals. From its origins in 207 BCE, the collegium was housed in the Temple of Minerva on the Aventine, explicitly in recognition of Livius Andronicus’ services to the state (Festus, s.v. scribas; Lindsay 1913, 446.26–448.4). By the early first century, there also existed a collegium poetarum (“guild of [dramatic] poets”), which additionally had patrician members (Val. Max. 3.7.11), reflecting the increasing appropriation by the élite of the production of poetry by that date. What its relationship was to the earlier collegium we fundamentally do not know.130 But the original collegium in its own right conferred on poets and their collaborators state sanction and association with one of the most powerful divinities recognised at Rome. This definitively lifted their official status, at the same time indicating the governing aristocracy’s interest in establishing the parameters within which the practitioners of drama operated, as the form established and developed an eventually thriving and influential relationship with the Roman public. 4

Genre

From the start of their activity as we know it, early Roman poets presented their work as a thoroughgoing continuation of Greek literary practices, all but submerging persistent Italic elements and inspirations in the act. This was an extraordinary move only partially explained by the Hellenised culture of southern Italy from which these poets emerged.131 In a kind of tour de force, early Latin poetry as a body presented itself in Greek form: from the microscopic level of words and word-formations transposed from language to language or even merely alphabet to alphabet; to texts posing as new versions of pre-existing Greek ones, written in close imitation of the relevant Greek metrical forms; all the way to wholesale adoption of the generic system organising the works of Greek literature as then known. Within this flexible system, 129 On the collegium, see Gruen 1990, 87–91, 105–6; Romano 1990 (rev. H. Leppin, Klio 74 [1992], 492–3; M. Pennitz, ZRG 110.1 [1993], 680–7); Brown 2002, 226–7. 130 Crowther 1973; Horsfall 1976; Romano 1990, 75–8. 131 Feeney 2016, esp. 1–17.

32

Elliott

given forms (expressed primarily through metrics) had evolved in association with particular functions, to be adopted and adapted by successive generations of poets in the creation of living works of art. These functionalised forms carried with them sets of expectations around the relationship which works of given genres would establish between author and audience. More broadly, they established overriding hermeneutic frameworks for the works responding to their conventions. Generic affiliation supplied poets with the means of inscribing the works they created into networks of existing and well-known texts, effectively establishing for them a process for acquiring supplementary meaning.132 No satisfactory theory of genre survives from antiquity, and none may have existed. What we see instead is the emergence over time of different ways of describing what constitutes genre. These appear mainly in the context of discussions of specific genres and thus result in tentative and piecemeal treatments, written by ancient philosophers and literary scholars. These authors variously attempt to define genre on the basis of formal features, above all metre (an approach especially associated with the scholars of Alexandria); of a work’s subject-matter and stylistic register and its agents’ ethical or social characteristics (associated with Aristotle’s Poetics; cf. Plato, Resp. 3.392d–394c, on differentiated poetic modes of representation); or by performance situation. These ways of thinking about genre each offer illuminating perspectives, but none of them yields a universally applicable framework describing the manifestations of genre. Still less do they address more complex questions about the interfaces among text, genre, production, and reception, by which the system operated and which allowed it long-lasting success. In practice, however, no difficulty existed for the authors who were responsible for tacitly elaborating the system. Poets and prose authors alike used it as an adaptable tool of literary communication and above all experimentation: one that initially established audience expectations in such a manner that they could meaningfully be contravened. At Rome, the work of responding to the system to extend its capabilities continued apace. Key concepts used to describe the transformation of Greek texts – and never explicitly but, by extension, effectively also genres – include contaminatio (“combination”), aemulatio (“rivalry”) and imitatio (“imitation”). The result was not only the rapid formation and deployment of a core set of recognisably Greek generic forms (initially epic and dramatic ones), which was expanded in the second century to include elegy and epigram (with third century epigraphic precedent; see n. 51, above) and experiments in didactic. In due course, it also led to the elaboration 132 Conte 1991, esp. 145–73; cf. Conte 1986, esp. 97–184.

Early Latin Poetry

33

of Roman forms which had no Greek precedent but which the system as a whole could accommodate to make meaningful. This is true in a limited sense of the dramatic forms of the praetexta (see Part 4.2, below) and togata,133 which insisted on Roman subject-matter and appearance on stage but maintained the formal features of Greek drama.134 It is more radically true of satire, famously a genre that came into existence at Rome within the first few generations of traceable literary activity there. 4.1 Fabula Crepidata At the origin of Roman literary practice as understood by ancient readers stood the fabula crepidata (also known as fabula cothurnata),135 alongside its sibling dramatic genre, the fabula palliata.136 That picture is mirrored in the fact that the remains of fabulae crepidatae are in fact among the earliest tokens of literary activity at Rome to which we today have access – hardly coincidentally, since it is through the action of many of the same readers as are responsible for the vision of drama’s literary primacy at Rome that the remains survive.137 These dramas ( fabulae) re-worked the plots (likewise, fabulae) of existing Greek tragedies or offered sequels or prequels to them.138 They thus actively 133 For the togata, see Manuwald 2020, 46–9. 134 For problems of generic categorisations, especially but not exclusively at Rome, see Wiseman 2002. 135 The crepida was a type of Greek shoe (κρηπίς in Greek), and the term fabula crepidata (“play in Greek footwear”) is an ancient one. The term fabula cothurnata is a modern term today commonly used as an equivalent to the ancient one, in a manner calqued on some ancient usage. The cothurnus was a thick-soled boot or buskin characteristically worn by Italian tragic actors. Thus, for example, Martial (5.5.8; 7.63.5) termed Vergil Maro cothurnatus, “Vergil in buskins” in reference to the tragic elements in Vergilian epic (Hardie 2019). 136 For an introduction to the parallel and contemporary comic genre of the palliata, not treated in the present volume, see Manuwald 2020, 21–45. 137 Goldberg 2005a, 115–43 explores crepidatae from a first-century Roman retrospect. 138 For summary of the range of scholarly opinions about these dramas’ (and their sibling, palliata’s) relationship to the Greek works they proclaimed, see Manuwald 2011, 282– 92, with further references. Since then, Feeney 2016, esp. 1–64, has offered a stimulating re-framing of the matter; see also the excellent articulation of the disjunction and complication caused by the transference of Greek tragedy into Latin at Gildenhard 2010, 172–9. Milestones in the twentieth century discussion of what has generally been termed “artistic translation” or “literary translation” include Leo 1913 (cf. Leo 19122); Traina 19742 (reprinting earlier papers; rev. e.g. E. Kenney, CR 22.2 [1972], 322–3, L. Gamberale, RFIC 77.1 [1971], 332–8s); Lennartz 1994 (rev. J. Dangel, Gnomon 70.2 [1998], 110–13; response at Manuwald 2001c); Seele 1995. For further references to discussions of the phenomenon as it encounters crepidatae, see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 57–9; there is also Fantham 2005b (a reconstructive effort). For analysis of a further set of reflexes of “translation”,

34

Elliott

enlarged the stock of Greek cultural knowledge available at Rome, among the diverse civic community that was the audience of republican theatre in all its forms. Crepidatae were also part of a process by which their authors collaboratively coined a new high-register Latin idiom, one that was not altogether shared even by the other contemporary high-register poetic genre, epic;139 and they were written in adapted versions of the metres of Greek tragedy.140 In all these ways and others,141 they presented themselves as self-consciously integrated continuators of the practices of fifth century Athenian tragedy. Fabulae crepidatae are therefore also often termed “tragedies” (tragoediae, also an ancient term) and their authors “tragic poets” (tragici or poetae tragici).142

139

140 141

142

broadly construed, from across the ancient Mediterranean, see Sciarrino and McElduff 2011 (rev. C. Polt, BMCR 2012.07.17 [https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2012/2012.07.17/]; T. Habinek, Translation and Literature 21 [2012], 213–18 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/ 41714333?refreqid=excelsior%3A41ee767d7b2a783a891fe50664d15a16]; R. Armstrong, CR 64 [2014], 1–2. For a related series of phenomena in cultures further afield, e.g. Scolnicov and Holland 1989. Compare and contrast, e.g., the indexes of tragic vocabulary in Jocelyn 1967 (Index 1), Castagna 1996 (a print lexicon of Ennian and Pacuvian tragic language based on Warmington’s ROL), and Ribbeck 18732, Vol. 1, 287–362 (sermo tragicus) with Skutsch 1985’s index verborum and Castagna 1998 (a lexicon of the language of republican epic). One principal difference is that the early poets endowed Latin epic vocabulary with more pronounced archaism than they did drama (probably already true of Livius Andronicus: see Fraenkel 1931, 604–7, qualified by Goldberg 1995, 47). On lexical Grecisms in crepidatae which arguably or, in one case, verifiably derive directly from the corresponding Greek tragedy, see Lennartz 1995; cf. Scafoglio 2008b. For general characterisation of the language and style of these dramas, see Cancik 1978, 338–41. On the relationship of early Roman drama (and epic) to Roman oratory, see Manuwald 2013a. For an introduction to the metrics of Roman republican drama with further bibliography, see Manuwald 2011, 326–30; cf. Cancik 1978, 341–2, Gratwick 1982b, 84–94. Hose 1998 explores the relatively inaccessible issue of how the chorus was used in crepidatae, in relation to possible Greek models, early and late. Hose concludes that the chorus was probably a participant in the action, more in accordance with Aeschylean than with later use, but that it did not offer extended, transcendent reflection on the action – including for the reason that, unlike the citizen chorus at Athens, the itinerant and (apparently) lower-class actors at Rome were less likely to have mediated the action for the audience; for a different hypothesis, see Tarrant 1978. Further literature also at Jocelyn 1967, 19, n. 5, and 20, n. 1, and at Feeney 2016, 112–13. For the fourth century chorus, see now Jackson, cited in n. 98, above. Ribbeck 1875 represents the original modern reconstruction of the genre and long had little competition. An important subsequent landmark in the discussion of republican drama as a whole, written with special attention to tragedy, is the introduction to Jocelyn 1967. More recent introductions to Roman tragedy, sometimes stretching to include the imperial era and the neighbouring dramatic genre of praetextae, include Stärk at

Early Latin Poetry

35

As continuators of fifth century Attic dramatic practice, the authors, actors, and audiences of crepidatae had generations of predecessors scattered across the Mediterranean, whose approaches coloured their perspective on the task they were about. Those predecessors had operated at Athens itself throughout the fourth and third centuries, at Alexandria (home to an important group of tragedians collectively known as the Pleiad), and in other less well documented places around the Mediterranean, including in southern Italy.143 This means that the modes of expression and performance employed by crepidatae reflected Hellenistic tragedy and Italic performance traditions as much as they did those of the Athenian fifth century.144 The poets at Rome capitalised on this circumstance: crepidatae were from their origin self-conscious reperformances and, as the genre developed in its particular cultural habitat, the re-performance came to be as much of earlier crepidatae as of any further Suerbaum 2002, 150–4; Schiesaro 2005, esp. 269–76; Fantham 2005a; Boyle 2006, esp. 3–55 (see Goldberg 2007a, 580–2 for a brief but incisive review); Manuwald 2011 (on republican drama generally, with a focus on crepidatae at 133–40), rev. J. Welsh, BMCR 2012.07.43 (https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2012/2012.07.43). See also the essays in Harrison 2015, esp. those by Cowan, Manuwald, and Schierl. Mette 1964 [1965] supplies bibliography for the years 1945–1964, along with the compiler’s own perspectives on the genre and his reconstructions of its products. The sequel for 1964–2002, Manuwald 2001 [2004], describes at the conclusion of each section the contributions of the works listed, without otherwise offering opinions (see pp. 19–20 there for differences in approach between the two compilations). Landmarks of the second half of the twentieth century include Beare 19643, 70–9; Grimal 1975 (esp. 249–85 for tragedy); Cancik 1978; Aricò 1997; Gruen 1990, 79–123; Goldberg 1996; see also (on the cultural environment in which crepidatae blossomed) Gruen 1992, Habinek 1998, 34–68, and Feeney 2016. Incisive contributions since the turn of the century include Goldberg 2005a, 115–43 (with an emphasis on first century reception) and 2007a; Gildenhard 2010; and Cowan’s work as cited in the references section. See also Manuwald 2014a on the relationship to comedy (cf. Scafoglio 2008a) and Manuwald 2015a on the representation of women in republican tragedy. 143 For Athens and Alexandria, see Gentili 1979 and Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004, 432–7 (with attention to the Pleiad at 434–6 there); also Venini 1953, on the characteristics of tragedy in the Hellenistic age. For southern Italy, see pp. 9–10, above, with nn. 35–40 there. On the aspect of drama across the fourth century Mediterranean, see Csapo et al. 2014; now also Csapo and Wilson 2020 for the evidence on theatre beyond Athens until 300 BCE (rev. D. Anderson, BMCR 2021.03.52: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2021/2021.03.52/). On canonicity and the mediation of canonical texts via Hellenistic re-performances, Feeney 2016, 119–21. Further bibliography on drama outside Attica at Green 2008. 144 On the relationship to Italic cultural practices (more dimly discernible than it ought to be; see p. 10, above, with n. 38 there), see Jocelyn 1967, 12–18; Grimal 1975, 265–70; Rawson 1985a, 103–4; Manuwald 2011, 15–40, esp. 18–20, 22–30; also, Briquel 1998, and the further references to work on Etruscan influence at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 43–5.

36

Elliott

predecessors the works claimed.145 Thematically and stylistically also, the works are characterised by a distinctive set of preferences and emphases.146 Their remains allow us to see that they represented an active front of Roman public engagement with the social, philosophical, ethical, religious and political issues of their particular place and time.147 Unlike Greek tragedy, however, they appear to have done so in a fundamentally conservative way, via action and characters construed as fictional rather than historical.148 Still, they were not politically anodyne; most especially, their performance context at public festivals was highly politically charged, not least when it came to late republican re-performances.149 The earliest Roman poets of whom we know, Livius Andronicus, Naevius and Ennius, each wrote crepidatae as well as palliatae for competition at Rome’s dramatic festivals, even as they made striking forays into the genre of epic. Subsequently, specialisation appears to have set in, as in other genres too: later second century poets and their successors at Rome concentrated in single genres. Thus, the literary output of the poets Pacuvius (220–130 BCE) and Accius (170–84 BCE) appears to have been virtually or entirely restricted 145 See Cowan 2010 (with Roman tragic versions of the Medea-myth in focus) and Cowan 2013a (on “visual intertextuality”, the recall in performance of previous Roman theatrical experiences); cf. Feeney 2016, 169–71, on “the language of re-performance”. See also Manuwald 2011, 108–19 (on revival performances across the genres, including their political exploitation in the case of crepidatae). 146 Analysis of the characteristics and techniques of early Roman tragedy at, e.g., Cancik 1978, 342–4; Lennartz 1994 (response at Manuwald 2001c); Aricò 1997 and 1998a; Dangel 1998a; Caviglia 2003; Scafoglio 2010; Manuwald 2011, 282–330 (with relevance across the dramatic genres); briefer, more general treatment at Manuwald 2010, 24–6. 147 Manuwald 2016a. On the religious character of Roman tragic thought and practice, see, e.g., Paduano 1974; Cancik 1978, 332–4; Freyburger 2000; Slater 2000; Scafoglio 2006b; and the general introductions to Roman tragedy cited in n. 142. See also Flower 2000 (on the treatment across different dramatic forms of a religio-political issue, the growing popularity at Rome of the cult of Dionysus in the early second century). More generally on the relationship between problematised categories of religion and literature at Rome, see Feeney 1998; on religion in republican Rome, Rüpke 2012, with attention to (Accian) tragedy at 51–61; on elements of religious language in the Ennian, Pacuvian, and Accian Medea-fragments, Falcone 2013. 148 For the apparent conservatism of the thought of crepidatae, as the product of “[a] culture disinclined to doubt its own traditional values”, see Goldberg 2005a, 141–3 (quotation at 142). See Gildenhard 2010, esp. 164–7, on the reasons for thinking that Roman audiences interpreted crepidatae as presenting fictional subject-matter. 149 For the unambiguous politicisation of dramatic productions in the late republic, see Beacham 1991, 154–63; Flaig 1995a, 118–24; Stärk 2000; Goldberg 2005a, 123–4; Boyle 2006, 152–4. Rawson 1985a, 98, n. 7 argues that the habit was probably long established. Manuwald 2013a, on the relationship between Roman drama and Roman oratory, is again relevant here.

Early Latin Poetry

37

to crepidatae (see Parts 5.4 and 5.6, below, for detail and qualifications). For Cicero, with his usual axes to grind, it was important to identify three of the foregoing as the equivalent of the canonical Athenian (although for Cicero more generically “Greek”) tragic poets: Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. He thus selects Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius as representatives of the “great age” of tragic drama at Rome (De or. 3.27, Acad. 1.10; cf. Orat. 36).150 We know, mainly through Cicero’s report, that crepidatae continued to thrive through re-performance in republican Rome after the death of Accius in the 80s BCE.151 There is a little evidence to suggest that the writing of new crepidatae passed to some extent into the hands of the social aristocracy, which increasingly monopolised the production of literature as a whole at this time: for example, the aristocratic Caesar Strabo Vopiscus (d. 88 BCE) appears to have written tragedies (Val. Max. 3.7.11).152 We hear, among thirty or so less celebrated others of the first centuries BCE and CE, of the Augustan poet Varius’ Thyestes (performed either in conjunction with Octavian’s triumphal celebrations of 29 BCE or at the restored ludi Apollinares of 28, and reputedly earning the author an astonishing 1,000,000 HS)153 and of a Medea by Ovid (Quint. 10.1.98), although it is not clear that the latter was ever actually staged.154 But it is only in the works of L. Annaeus Seneca (“Seneca the Younger”) in the mid first century CE that we find fully extant instances of the genre.155 Our access to republican crepidatae today is limited by the highly fragmentary state of their remains. To judge by the number of festival performance occasions (see above), hundreds of crepidatae were written and performed in republican Rome. Of these, only around 100 titles and something short of a total of 2,000 lines dating to the third, second and first centuries BCE survive.156

150 Cf. Courtney 20032: 51, for a similarly disposed epigram of the tragedian Pompilius. 151 See Goldberg and Zetzel, as cited in n. 66, above. 152 See also Courtney 20032, 181 for the faint possibility that Q. Cicero wrote a tragedy. Suet. Aug. 85 and Macr. Sat. 2.4.2 refer to an Ajax written – or at least begun – by none other than Augustus but displeasing its author to the extent that he destroyed it. The reports also make the Ajax the butt of Augustus’ own joke (“he fell on his sponge / was erased”). 153 Our source for this is a single and scarcely transparent didascalic note surviving in two manuscripts, of the eighth and ninth centuries: see Jocelyn 1980. 154 On Ovid’s scarcely known Medea, see Arcellaschi 1990, 231–312; on Ovid’s parallel versions of Medea in his Metamorphoses and Heroides, Manuwald 2013b, 126–30. 155 On what we know about the development of tragedy after the death of Accius, in the first centuries BCE and CE, see Goldberg 1996. 156 Cancik 1978, 308–12 (also for a snapshot of the secondary transmission). A complete if slightly outdated count of titles and lines, including for later republican and imperial authors, is given by Hose 1998, 116.

38

Elliott

As a result, these fragments have until recently been edited as a group, across the span of their authors.157 It is only in the past thirty years that the study of crepidatae has moved any distance beyond the study of the establishment of the text (which words the poet wrote and how these are discernible through the layers of textual corruption handed to us by the process of transmission); its organisation (the question of how a given fragment fitted into the design of the work as it originally existed); and the study of the relationship of these works to Greek prototypes.158 Much of this work still forms the bedrock of our understanding of the nature and effects of the dramas as first performed – although, for the 157 For the earliest editions, see n. 72, above. In the modern era, the fragments were long available in the great editions of Ribbeck (from today’s perspective, Ribbeck 18732 and 18973; see Manuwald 2015b, 6); also, Klotz 1953 (intended as a new version of Ribbeck but neither effectively different nor as serviceable: see O. Skutsch’s review, Gnomon 26 [1954], 465–70). Warmington 1935–40 (four volumes, with translation; Loeb series) was for many long the most convenient form of access. For the new Loebs currently in preparation, see n. 76, above. Today, however, there exist editions which provide far fuller access to our sources’ quotation-context, and comprehensive reference to relevant secondary scholarship and to the lucid editorial principles organising their material. Primary among these for tragedy is Schauer 2012 (rev. S. Goldberg, BMCR 2013.02.12: https://bmcr.brynmawr .edu/2013/2013.02.12/) and, in the same series, Manuwald 2012 (rev. A. Russo, Klio 96.2 [2014], 801–9), each also available electronically. The two volumes are jointly reviewed by W. Stockert, WS 127 (2014) 318–19 and Eikasmos 26 (2015), and by P. Habermehl, H-Soz-Kult 2012-4-003 (https://www.hsozkult.de/publicationreview/id/reb-17401). In the same series, Volumes 3 (Pacuvius), ed. N. Rücker and O. Siegl, and 4 (Accius), ed. P. Kruschwitz, are in preparation. Editions dedicated to the tragic fragments of individual authors are becoming more common. Reference to these can be found under the names of the relevant poets, below. See n. 77, above, for reference to discussions of the methodological problems involved with editing the fragments of crepidatae. For more general readers, Manuwald 2010 offers an informative introduction and a valuable collection of testimonia to Roman dramatic practice and of dramatic texts, each in the original and in translation, while Manuwald 2016b offers a comparable compact introduction to the Roman theatre, this time in German. 158 Moves within this last area represented a significant area of development within twentieth century scholarship on early Roman drama, though one more visible in the neighbouring genre of comedy, where the evidence is better. Beginning with Fraenkel 2007 (first published in German in 1922), the impetus to study the works was no longer, as before, the desire to recover lost Greek originals notionally discernible through the Latin text; Fraenkel instead, on a new principle, explored the relationship to pre-existing Greek works as a basis on which to establish what was different about the Latin dramas. This significantly differentiated Fraenkel’s study from that of his predecessor and teacher, Friedrich Leo, whose own Plautinische Forschungen (Leo 19122) appeared only a decade before Fraenkel’s but still sought to recover from Plautus and Terence the poetic techniques of fifth and fourth century Athenian poets. Cp. Manuwald 2020, 24–7 (cf. 37–8) for a parallel account with further references. See further Petrides 2014.

Early Latin Poetry

39

reasons described in Part 2, above, today’s methodological awareness scarcely supports the efforts at reconstruction on which the nineteenth century study of crepidatae focused, and which has long endured. Today, at any rate, as with other genres, the gravitational centre of research has shifted to the historical, social, cultural, and material contexts of production and performance, and their political dimensions.159 With the major new editions of republican crepidatae currently seeing the light (see again n. 157, with pp. 21–2, above), readers are in a better position than ever before to engage with the surviving material independently and on their own terms, to analyse the effects of the sources on the record, and to re-imagine what approaches remain to be brought to bear on the intriguing remains of these extraordinary works.160 4.2 Fabula Praetexta The term fabula praetexta designates drama ( fabula) dedicated exclusively to the actions of those persons of stature entitled to wear the purple-bordered Roman garb denoting high office and known as the toga praetexta: i.e. those notable persons who enjoyed social recognition for their contributions as leaders to the success of the Roman state. The existence of the genre is clearly but sparsely attested by a handful of testimonia and titles and by fewer than fifty fragments.161 Two titles are associated with Naevius (Lupus [“Wolf”] or Romulus; and Clastidium); two with Ennius (Sabinae [“Sabine Women”] and 159 See the literature listed at the end of n. 142, above (and more by the same authors), as well as in Part 3, above (also, Čulík-Baird 2020). 160 See Gildenhard 2010, 154–5, and Manuwald 2011, 6–7, for a look at approaches behind and ahead. 161 These remains are available in Ribbeck 18732, Vol. 1, 275–86; in Klotz 1953, 358–68; in Traglia 1986, 208–11 and 348–51 (for Naevian and Ennian praetextae); and dispersed across ROL 2, according to their authors (Naevian praetextae at 136–9, the Pacuvian one at 302–5, and the Accian ones at 552–65); Ennian praetextae appear at FRL 2, 204–9, and at 366–71 V, Pacuvius’ Paullus at Schierl 2006, 515–28. Pedroli 1954 (rev. L. Herrmann, Latomus 15.2 [1956], 242–3), De Durante 1966, and Manuwald 2001a (rev. C. Panayotakis, CR 54.1 [2004], 86–8; T. P. Wiseman, BMCR 2002.06.13 [https://bmcr .brynmawr.edu/2002/2002.06.13]) represent editions dedicated to praetextae across authors; the first additionally offers a commentary in Italian, the second an introduction articulated by author and an Italian translation, and the third extensive introductory discussion and a commentary in German. Introduction and references are also available by Stärk at Suerbaum 2002, 168–70, and annotated bibliography for the years 1964–2002 is at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 75–8 (for the genre generally); references to work on specific praetextae are supplied below, under the relevant author. Rawson 1985a, 99 proposes that praetextae were a feature of Italian drama beyond Rome, something for which we (not in itself surprisingly; see n. 38, and cf. n. 144, above) have no evidence as such.

40

Elliott

Ambracia);162 one with Pacuvius (Paullus); and two with Accius (Decius vel Aeneadae and Brutus).163 The subject-matter implied by these titles suggests that no distinction between the distant and the recent Roman past was perceived when it came to appropriating subject-matter for the genre, as is indeed the case in early Roman poetry and prose at large. Topics to which modern readers might apply the term “mythological” (as with Naevius’ Lupus or Romulus and Ennius’ Sabinae) were as easily within the genre’s reach as were events of the recent past (as with Naevius’ Clastidium and Ennius’ Ambracia, both dedicated to military events that took place in the poets’ own lifetimes).164 The scarcity of evidence for praetextae means that their nature and functions remain disputed.165 Limited consensus exists around the idea that praetextae functioned as a medium for the élite struggle for power and prestige and thus routinely courted political controversy.166 In one powerful view of them, that meant that praetextae were topical, typically “single use” plays, something which would itself help explain why so little evidence for them 162 For reference to an argument that Ennius’ Scipio also represents a praetexta, see n. 288, below. 163 The untranslated names denote persons or places. Persons: Romulus, legendary founder of Rome; L. Junius Brutus, traditionally held to be one of the founders of the republic and one of its first consuls; L. Aemilius Paul(l)us (ca. 228–160 BCE), victor at the battle of Pydna over Perseus of Macedon in 168 BCE (considered a terminus post quem for Pacuvius’ drama); P. Decius Mus, who was reputed to have sacrificed his life to achieve victory for the Romans at the battle of Sentinum in 295 BCE. Places: Clastidium, the site of M. Claudius Marcellus’ victory over the Gauls in 222 BCE; Ambracia, a city in the region of Aetolia, the site in 189 BCE of a victory controversially claimed by one of the year’s consuls, M. Fulvius Nobilior. Fragile reconstructions of the plots of these plays from their scanty remains is available at Ribbeck 1875, 63–75; for comment on the method used here (as elsewhere for the reconstruction of fragmentary works) and its consequences for results, see Flower 1995, 170. 164 Cf. Flower 2002, 69. (An excessively emphatic distinction sometimes appears in modern scholarship, as, e.g., at Beare 19643, 41–2. Cf. pp. 45–7, below, with nn. 185 and 187 there, on the artificiality of the distinction between “mythological” and “historical” epic.) 165 Discussion is best available in Zorzetti 1980 (rev. H. D. Jocelyn, CR 33.2 [1983], 22–3; P. Grimal, Gnomon 54.1 [1982], 79–80; P. Frassinetti, Athenaeum 60 [1982], 612), Flower 1995, Manuwald 2001a (reviews cited in n. 161, above), Kragelund 2002 (with its attendant discussions in the same volume) and Kragelund 2016, 3–126 (rev. G. Manuwald, BMCR 2016.07.03 [https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2016/2016.07.03/]; C. Trinacty Gnomon 90.7 [2018], 660–2), each with substantial further bibliography; see also Schmidt 2007b, Manuwald 2011, 140–4. 166 Cf. Flower 1995, 171 (and passim); Kragelund 2002 both documents this idea and proposes a re-definition which “focuses on the cultic, didactic, and aetiological bent of the dramas” (ibid. 17, with n. 33 for the documentation). For contrasting views focusing on Ennius’ Ambracia along with Naevius’ Clastidium, see Goldberg 1989, esp. 248–50, 253–4 (reading the works in the context of the poets’ larger oeuvres) and Flower 1995.

Early Latin Poetry

41

survives.167 Praetextae have also been represented as popular dramas, based in a dramatic tradition long pre-dating our earliest evidence and functioning as principal informants of collective memory of the Roman past, collective memory which then found its way into the pages of the prose historians.168 Further debate exists around the relationship of praetextae to crepidatae, whose form and diction they appear to share. For a long time, the assumption was that, as ‘serious’ drama, each corresponded in different degrees to the genre of tragedy as it was known from Greek literature, with the key difference lying simply in the cultural origin of the topics chosen – whether they were Greek or Roman – and the dress correspondingly assumed by actors during the staging of the plays.169 Crepidatae were “dramas in Greek dress” peopled by Greek characters on subject-matter previously treated in Greek in analogous metrical and dramatic form, while praetextae correspondingly were “dramas in Roman dress” on newly selected Roman subject-matter. But, to whatever extent praetextae owned a definable generic relationship to Greek tragedy, they represented something more specific than generically comparable serious drama on Roman topics in Roman dress. They more particularly displayed Roman aristocrats in office carrying out their duties on behalf of the state under the supervision of the gods, before the eyes of an audience required to underwrite the validity of the social system that gave these individuals pre-eminence: traditional republican ideology was their hallmark.170 The question of the functions of praetextae is only made more complex by the survival of an imperial era work, the Octavia, transmitted under the name of L. Annaeus Seneca

167 Flower 1995 (cf. Wiseman 1998, 52). 168 A controversial theory associated primarily with T. P. Wiseman (1994, 1–22, 1998, 1–74, and elsewhere; supported by Kragelund 2002 and Galinsky 2003, esp. 290–3). Flower 1995 represents the principal position contra; cf., e.g., Feeney 2016, 107–9. 169 This assumption was encouraged by some ancient testimony, e.g., that of the fourth century CE grammarian, Diomedes (Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 1, 489.23–8), which describes praetextae as personarum dignitate et sublimitate tragoediis similes (“like tragedies in the grandeur and elevation of their cast”); cf. Diomedes (Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 1, 490.10–14). The words tragoediis similes (“like tragedies”) are too often cited without the qualifying phrase Diomedes gives them. Attention to the limits of our ability to assess the relationship between crepidatae and praetextae at Goldberg 2007a, 573–4. On the history of modern scholarship on praetextae, including in their relationship to tragedy, see Zorzetti 1980, 29–52. 170 Specifically articulated, e.g., at Flower 1995, 171; cf. Ferri 2002, esp. 62. On the celebratory language associable with praetextae, see Petrone 2000. The clash between celebratory ideology, which scholars routinely suspect was given uncompromising, propagandistic expression in praetextae, and the problematising tendencies of Attic tragedy, the genre which supposedly provided the frame for these plays, is the subject of Petrone 2001.

42

Elliott

(“Seneca the Younger”).171 This work was for long seen as the only fully extant example of the genre. Doubts exist, however, as to the extent to which it in fact represents the genre and therefore how its relationship to the republican praetextae is to be interpreted.172 4.3 Epic Just as our sources make Livian drama the origin of Roman literature, so they make the introduction to Rome of Hellenising epic by Livius a close-toconcomitant move.173 Epic in the first instance represents large-scale narrative poetry about a group’s (eventually, as in Rome’s case, a citizen-group’s) common past, in defining counterpoint to its proposed present identity.174 As a mode of narrating the past, epic seems to have preceded prose historiography at Rome as it did in Greece, although at Rome only by a narrow margin. It was

171 On the Octavia, see Kragelund 2016, 129–360 (for reviews, see n. 165, above); Ginsberg 2017, rev. E. Bexley, JRS 108 (2018), 280–1. 172 For the view that the Octavia represents a new type of praetexta fundamentally different from the republican era works here in focus, see, e.g., Zorzetti 1980, 93–107 (cf. Ferri 2002, who likewise sees the Octavia as deliberately close to Greek tragic models and, in that, unlike the earliest Roman praetextae); for a different approach and set of answers, see Manuwald 2001a, 259–339. Kragelund 2002 argues that the Octavia should be read both as a continuation, under different political circumstances, of the tradition of republican praetextae and as informative about them; well-reasoned doubts in response at Flower 2002. 173 The best general introduction to early Roman epic is Goldberg 1995 (concerns at Rüpke 2001, 42, n. 2; on Rüpke’s perspective, see further below). Briefer and likewise excellent are Farrell 2005 and Goldberg 2005c. See also the essays in Boyle 1993, especially the editor’s introduction, and von Albrecht 1999 (covering the full spectrum of Roman epic), esp. 33–73. On aspects of the epic genre throughout its Greco-Roman history, see Reitz and Finkmann 2019. 174 The scale of early Roman epic is necessarily the subject of controversy, since all we have are fragments and, in some cases, book numbers: for Livian epic, no book numbers are transmitted (a function of the absence of book divisions in the original, rather than of a loss occurring during transmission); for Naevian epic, we have book numbers offering evidence for the work’s division into seven books (see p. 60, below, with n. 253, there); and, for Ennian epic, for division into eighteen books, apparently by the author’s own act, and testament to his conscious engagement with Alexandrian scholarship (n. 306, below). It is on the basis of these inadequate remains, in combination with hypotheses about the possible length of scrolls of papyri (e.g. Suerbaum 1992) that calculations as to the size of Livian and Naevian epics as a whole or of individual Ennian books are sometimes made (e.g., those in Suerbaum 2002; further citations at Elliott 2013a, 40, n. 70). In the course of generic experimentation, the scale of epic famously shrinks in the Hellenistic era (see, e.g., Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004, 191–245), with parallel developments in the 50s in Rome.

Early Latin Poetry

43

read as a primary means of access to the past, one that purported to speak the truth while addressing itself simultaneously to the historical imagination.175 In the hands of its earliest two practitioners, Livius Andronicus and Naevius, Latin epic was written in Saturnians: an older, apparently Italic verse-form in which the early epitaphs of the Scipios also appear.176 The shift from Saturnians to an imported form of the Greek hexameter, in which the Homeric epics and much else since had been composed, was effected by Ennius by the first third of the second century BCE (see pp. 68–9, below). This was one of the defining transformations taking place early in the genre’s traceable history at Rome and staying its subsequent course. Only slightly preceding this shift from (at least notionally) Italic to Greek metre was a shift in subject-matter, this time in the reverse direction: whereas Livius Andronicus’ Latin epic, the Odusseia (n. 230), reflected the Homeric Odyssey in macroscopic and microscopic detail, the very next Latin epic poem on record, Naevius’ Bellum Punicum, addressed distinctively Roman subjectmatter (even if the conflict of Greek forces with Troy loomed large in the narrative and analogical background): Rome’s first war with Carthage, against a background of the city’s origins. This too was a move which proved determinative for subsequent Latin epic for decades and indeed centuries to come – not uninterruptedly so, however: some poets writing hexametric epic in Latin chose to return to Greek subject-matter. For example, we have evidence for an Ilias by a poet Matius probably of the early first century and, separately, of one by a poet Ninnius Crassus; and the practice continues thereafter as well.177 Naevius’ subject-matter was striking not only in that it addressed Roman material but also in that it made events of Naevius’ own lifetime – that is, the First Punic War, in which the poet had himself been a participant – the subject of epic song. The use of epic as a vehicle for the narration of recent and contemporary events also had a lively subsequent history at Rome, both in the 175 For this dimension of epic in its Ennian manifestation, see Elliott 2013a, 198–232, Chassignet 2018, and various essays in Damon and Farrell 2020. Conversely, on the role of fiction in prose historiography, see Wiseman 1979; Woodman 1988; Moles 1993; and Wiseman 1993; cf. Veyne 1983. For the broader relationship of epic and historiography, including in terms of the role of truth and fiction in either, see Feeney 1993, 42–5 and 252–62; Ash 2002; Leigh 2007; Manuwald 2014b; and Spielberg 2020. 176 References for Livius’ and Naevius’ epic poems are given in nn. 230–232 and nn. 248–261, below. For the Saturnian, see n. 34, above; for the epitaphs of the Scipios, pp. 13–14, with n. 51, above. 177 The handful of remaining lines of Matius’ and Ninnius’ poems are available at Courtney 20032, 99–102 and 107; and at Blänsdorf 20114, 121–5 and 129. The same editions offer access to later examples also.

44

Elliott

next epic on record, Ennius’ Annales, and in much that was to follow. Not only the now fragmentary works of the later second and early first centuries (see n. 196, below) but also the more fully extant Roman epic that followed, including Vergil’s Aeneid and Lucan’s Bellum Civile, continued the practice in an impressive array of forms. This feature of Roman epic has struck scholars as in need of explanation, in that it diverges from archetypal Homeric practice, which nevertheless remained a primary resource for the epic poets of Rome. Scholars have taken two different approaches to explaining the phenomenon, each of them challenged by its relationship to evidence and its construction. The first has already been discussed (pp. 14–15, above): the carmina convivalia have in a variety of senses been proposed as the germs of Naevian and Ennian epic. Among the connections scholars have sought to establish between the carmina and early Roman epic (which have at times included performance context and social function), the imagined content of the carmina has been envisioned as providing precedent and cause for Roman epic’s willingness to address a past still within reach.178 The alternative approach to explaining the focus of early (and subsequent) Roman epic on recent events, the one which has had a more diffuse impact on how the fragments of early Roman epic have been construed, was to provide it with Greek precedent. Such precedent was located by scholars working during the first half of the twentieth century in a largely hypothetical sub-species of epic, Hellenistic “historical” or “historical encomiastic” epic: that is, long hexameter poems on recent or contemporary deeds written in Greek in the fourth and third centuries, in honour of powerful figures (such as Alexander the Great) who may have commissioned them. Little evidence survives in connection with such poetry, and, in part under the influence of Horace, Callimachus, and other poets writing programmatically, the loss had until the twentieth century not been treated as consequential.179 The existence in its own right of 178 The main references are provided in nn. 53–59, above. Cf. the strange but symptomatic coda to Kroll 1916, suggesting the potential for but denying the reality of a relationship between the carmina and Naevian and Ennian epic – before veering off into a momentary, entirely speculative reconstruction of a relationship between the carmina and early Germanic heroic poetry (“Aber diese Entwicklung war nur aufgeschoben, nicht aufgehoben …”). 179 Among the very few such poems of which we have legible traces are Choerilus of Samos’ Persica (late fifth century, on Xerxes’ attempt on Greece, ed. Radici Colace 1979 [rev. D. Arnould, RPh 55 (1981), 330–2; M. West, CR 31.1 (1981), 104–5]), and Rhianus’ Messeniaca (third century, in six books, dealing with the Second Messenian War, and centring on the Messenian hero Aristomenes; text with Italian translation and commentary at Castelli 1998). Horace disparages a later Choerilus, Choerilus of Iasus, for having written poor epic

Early Latin Poetry

45

such a sub-type of epic was, however, stated unequivocally by Wilhelm Kroll, in an essay of 1916, much of which focuses on the phenomenon it wishes to explain, i.e. Roman epic.180 The ideas that such poetry must have existed in quantity and that it was a worthy competitor, or even a dominant partner, to the Callimachean poetry for which the age is today better known were promoted by Konrat Ziegler in 1934. In 1966, Ziegler re-published his work, with an appendix further detailing the relevance of his vision of Hellenistic “historical” epic to early Roman poetry: “Ennius als hellenisticher Epiker” (“Ennius as Hellenistic epic poet”).181 Like Kroll, but with a more specific focus on the Ennian epic Annales, Ziegler  – in polemical and provocative counterpoint among other things to Leo 1913’s reading of the Annales, inclined as that was towards Homer and Callimachus – proposed that this work was to be read as a continuation of the tradition of the Hellenistic “historical” epic, and that it was itself in a position to inform us about the postulated sub-genre.182 It is not until the mid-1990s that the problems associated with believing that numerous such large-scale, encomiastic epics on recent subject-matter existed as an independent and indeed a dominant category in the relevant era were energetically addressed, and the relationship to Naevian, Ennian and further Roman epic flatly contradicted.183 In the interim, several notions about early Roman and especially Ennian epic blossomed on the basis of the

180 181 182 183

verse valourising Alexander the Great (Ep. 2.1.232–4, Ars P. 357–8). Whether and how these poems or other untraceable ones comparable to them reached mid-republican Rome we do not know. Recent work on Choerilus of Samos offering access to older studies includes Lombardi 1997, Hollis 2000, Angeli Bernardini 2004, MacFarlane 2006 and 2009, and Cucinotta 2011; on Rhianus’ Messeniaca and his other known epic poetry, Castelli 1994, Bakker 2017, and Spanakis 2018 and 2019; on Choerilus of Iasos, Walsh 2011. Fantuzzi 1988, LV–LXXXVIII provides a complete catalogue of all surviving traces of non-Callimachean epic poets and poems of all stripes from the fourth century BCE to the first CE. Kroll 1916; cf. Kroll 1924, 44–63 and (with attention to Naevius) Norden 19273, 11. The matter is thoughtfully discussed in Häußler 1976 and 1978. On the relationship between Homeric epic and ancient prose histories Strasburger 1972 is fundamental. Ziegler 19662. The work was republished alongside Kroll’s essay, each in Italian translation, and furnished with a sympathetic, contextualizing introduction by Marco Fantuzzi (Fantuzzi 1988). This reading of early Roman epic and/or Roman epic more broadly was influentially propagated by Mariotti 1955, 11–12; Suerbaum 1968, 14–20; Häußler 1978, passim; Conte 1994, 78–9; and elsewhere. Cameron 1995, 263–302 (with Roman epic at 287–9, in a description still rife with the assumptions generated by the hypothesis against which he himself argues); cf. Goldberg 1995, 53–4. Kerkhecker 2001, esp. 50–63, has subsequently spoken in defence of Ziegler, arguing especially that, even after Cameron’s onslaught, local epic (epic concerning itself with the history of a particular city) and foundation poetry exist in the Hellenistic world as precedents for Ennius – itself a fully acceptable proposition, even though very little

46

Elliott

proposed relationship: that such epic must have had encomiastic tendencies and have favoured élite individuals;184 that the functions it performed in narrating recent and contemporary history were distinct from those it performed in narrating earlier (from a modern perspective, “pre-historical”) times; and, as a correlative to the latter idea, that these different parts of the story were presented in a different, more rational, and less fantastic manner (stripped of the normal epic apparatus of divine intervention, for example) and narrated in different styles. By now, the idea that differentiable categories of “mythological epic” and “historical epic” existed had also taken firm root.185 It remains a feature of discussions of Roman epic poetry, early and late, to this day. Tackling these long-standing preconceptions about early Roman epic is a task beyond pointing out the issues with accepting the idea of Hellenistic “historical” epic. The earliest significant inroads were again made in the 1990s.186 When it comes to the presentation of recent or contemporary events in epic form, some of the most telling points have been made by those who nevertheless work on the basis of a distinguishable category of “historical epic”, e.g. Denis Feeney, citing important predecessors, such as Reinhard Häußler and others before him: events treated in epic mode are cast in the same sheen as are more distant events through the homogeneous use of language and – Feeney’s particular emphasis – through the uniform application of formal apparatus, including the portrayal of the gods as involved in the affairs of the narrative, whether the events in question were recent or distant.187 This connects well to one of Sander Goldberg’s many apt observations (n. 186): that microscopic variations in style are the prerogative and tool of any poet, but this does not mean that any regimented “chronicle style” or any given narrative economy was required for the narrative of recent events. In other words, there were no “rules” for the treatment of the recent past in epic, either forbidding

184 185 186 187

can be substantiated in terms of the details of a relationship. For broader context on the Hellenistic background for epic, see Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004, esp. 191–282. See, e.g., Badian, Martina, Skutsch, and (effecting a change in key) Habinek, Sciarrino, and Rüpke, as cited in n. 14, above. The distinction is accepted passim in the scholarship (e.g. Suerbaum 2002, 278–86). Discussion with relevance to Ennian epic at Elliott 2013a, 198–245, esp. 205–10. See n. 164, above, for a similar and similarly artificial distinction applied to praetextae. On the matter of independence from alleged patrons, the first major inroads were made by Gruen and Goldberg, as cited in n. 14, above; on style, again by Goldberg: 1995, 51–110. Feeney 1993, 250–62, 264–9. The test case here is Lucan, who famously discards epic’s divine apparatus – but not, as Feeney well argues, because he is dealing with the recent past. For the “homogeneous use of language” in the context of epic narration of the recent past, see Elliott 2013a, 198–232. More broadly on the lack of practical distinction between notional categories of “historical epic” and “mythological epic”, Nethercut 2019.

Early Latin Poetry

47

the entrance of divine actors or indicating the use of a more pedestrian style. Rather, the fundamentally homogeneous treatment of events recent and distant alike within any given epic poem was a key mechanism by which the poet invited his audience to a revised, heroising view of their past. Among other crucial considerations when considering how epic operated are the longestablished lack of a clear ancient boundary between myth and history, as well as the first-instance ancient commitment to epic poetry’s truth-value and authority, including in its narrative of a past fabulous in relation to the audience’s present day.188 Before any of these issues could be addressed, however, their consequences took up residence in the editorial presentation of the fragments of early Latin epic. For example, one frequent corollary of the set of preconceptions sketched above is an assumption that the gods cannot have been represented as participants in the narrative of “historical” epic. This has caused some editors – to the extent not actually forbidden by our sources’ firmly attested book-attributions – to relegate all mentions of the gods to the early books, typically understood to contain the “mythological” parts of the narrative (since by default the narratives of early Roman epic were presumed to be chronological), or alternatively to the section of fragments sedis incertae (“of unknown location in the text”) which populates the back of every edition of fragmentary texts.189 Such action on the part of editors is liable to limit the sorts of interpretation readily available to readers of their work by rendering invisible the possibility of divine action in the epic narrative of recent events. It results in a circular interpretative pattern and is an example of the kind of oversize effect editors have on fragmentary works (as discussed in Part 2, above). Even as these issues remain active, there have been further calls for reform in the study of mid-republican Roman epic.190 In 2001, informed by his arresting studies of the social settings of Roman religion,191 Jörg Rüpke argued that twentieth century readings of early Roman epic missed the point by treating epic in isolation from other inextricably related cultural forms-cum-communicative media then increasingly active at Rome: Hellenising art, architecture, philosophy, etc., but also the public festivals, the laudatio funebris, and other constituents of the profoundly display-oriented public life of mid-republican Rome. 188 Feeney 1993, 252–62. 189 For the example of Ennian epic, see Elliott 2013a, 45–51. For editorial willingness even to re-organise ancient evidence to suit preconceptions about a text, see on the Bellum Punicum below (pp. 61–2, with nn. 256–257 there). 190 In so far as these issues more broadly address the question of how the field has been constructed, they have been briefly sketched in Part 1, above (pp. 10–12). 191 E.g., Rüpke 1993, 1995, 2000, 2002.

48

Elliott

Rüpke had already proposed (in a paper published the previous year) that these taken together constituted a tightly woven network of communication, serving to mediate and sustain the relationship between the demanding political élite and the remainder of the population whose loyalty and service (including military service) the subsistence of the political ecosystem as a whole required. He now argued that it was in the context of this network that the functions of epic had to be read. In addition, Rüpke was concerned with the works’ means of production and delivery, again with the relative capabilities and consequences of literacy and performance in view. Rüpke’s ultimate proposal once more returns us to the carmina convivalia (Part 1.1), construed as the original, sympotic performance venue for an epic poetry directed at the Roman élite.192 This proposal has not commanded general assent: no ancient evidence supports a connection between epic poetry and the carmina, themselves a problematic proposition; and it is striking that, in the context of a complaint about retrograde approaches excessively influenced by ancient narratives, the argument adopts a model taken from the Greek world (the symposium) which in no era has an attested presence as a performance venue at Rome.193 Yet the paper illustrates the ability of theoretical models to raise stimulating questions and to provoke, and it has its basis in a larger body of historical and sociological work striving to reconstruct the political and cultural context, and the visual panorama, of the contemporary Rome in which the poems came to have their being and spoke to their first, to us inaccessible, audiences.194 Interest in these frames of reference has grown apace among scholars spanning a range of possible approaches, including more traditional ones, and today represents a major centre of gravity in the field.195

192 Rüpke 2001, with Rüpke 2000a. The value and the issues of Rüpke’s argument are laid out in exemplary fashion by A. Barchiesi, BMCR 2002.06.26 (https://bmcr.brynmawr .edu/2002/2002.06.26/). Gildenhard 2003 represents probably the single most successful response to Rüpke’s concerns in (something along the lines of) Rüpke’s own terms; see also Fabrizi 2012 (n. 305, below). 193 Thus, among earlier others, Feeney 2016, 192–5; see n. 56, above, for further context. For the plethora of alternative proposals and alternative approaches existing in regard to venue and audience, see the references given in nn. 19, 26, and 96, above. Relevant too, though intersecting with the discussion only obliquely, is Michèle Lowrie’s discussion of Ennius’ use of the vocabulary of textuality and song (Lowrie 2009, 28–32). 194 Flaig 1995a, 1995b, 1999, and (subsequently to the paper under discussion) 20042; in a different vein, Flower 1996 and 20142. 195 See, e.g., the work of Cowan, Feeney, and Goldberg, as cited for recent years in the references section; and, in various different senses, the monographs on Ennian epic that have emerged in the last decade (n. 305, below).

Early Latin Poetry

49

In the end, it is not only the dearth of evidence and the question of how we use that evidence that are the problems: so too are the all-too-obvious limitations of the tools of traditional research into Roman literature, the stagnation these can engender once the majority of their work is complete, and, critically also, the shape of the narratives we develop on the basis of the evidence as it is handed to us. This nexus of issues guarantees an ongoing debate. Between the activity of the earliest poets whose work is described below and the properly extant epic poetry of the first century, hexametric epic continued to be written.196 The few surviving fragments are a sharp reminder that even works for which we have more substantial sets of fragments fail to represent the spectrum of what existed. As ever, most of the history that might inform us eludes our grasp. Amid the welter of strongly held opinions and conflicting perspectives, this fact, and the demand for humility that it entails, slips too easily from view. 4.4 Satire The most famous Roman claim about satire is Quintilian’s (Inst. 10.1.93): satura quidem tota nostra est (“satire for its part belongs in its entirety to us [i.e. Romans]”);197 that is, exceptionally for Roman literary production, this form of writing had no Greek precedent.198 In effect, this means that what from a later perspective looks like a genre on a par with the others discussed above was, in the mid-to-late republic, an emergent concept in need of definition.199 196 For a recent, convenient list of the poets in question, the titles of their works as best we apprehend them, and some possible dating, see Nethercut 2021, 156–8, where references to Courtney 20032 are provided for each poet. A related but not identical set of fragmentary epic poems is available at Blänsdorf 20114, 90–6, 121–5, 129, 136, 150–1, 159–72, 184–6, 204–7, 240–1. Nethercut argues, against the received wisdom established by Leo 1913, 163–87 (esp. 176, 181–7), that these poems fail to represent a demonstrably “Ennian tradition” (2021, 17–44 = Nethercut 2020). For a succinct reply, see Hill 2021b, 20–1, n. 41. Further reading: Crowther 1987; Batstone 1996; Kruschwitz 2010; Clark 2021. 197 For a fuller introduction to satire, especially in respect of its later development, see Ferriss-Hill forthcoming. Suerbaum 2002, 297–304 provides access to all relevant sources, summary discussion, and full bibliography through the date of publication. Updated bibliography for satire, with special reference to Lucilius, also appears at the head of Chahoud 2018 (unpaginated). 198 This claim has been taken on by Ferriss-Hill 2015 (rev. I. Goh, JRS 108.1 [2018], 264–5, Geue [n. 199], 76–9), in reliance on the notion advertised by Horace (Sat. 1.4.1–7) and Persius (1.123–5) that Attic Old Comedy represents a direct antecedent of Roman satire. 199 This state of play never entirely recedes. In a useful review of recent studies of Roman satire, Tom Geue draws attention to the fact that, even taking into account the habitual evolution of genre in the hands of poets and prose authors alike (pp. 31–3, above), satire was unusually messy at its fringes: not only is there no comfortable place for Ennian

50

Elliott

The earliest two poets with whose work the term satura (usually understood as “packaged mélange”) is associated are Ennius and Lucilius;200 but it is wholly unclear whether the later of them, Lucilius, recognised or wished to see his poetry as anything akin to the verses, later termed satura,201 Ennius wrote. The fourth century grammarian Diomedes, for his part, offers a definition of the genre which splits it into two branches, differentiating Ennian (and “Pacuvian”; p. 73, with nn. 319 and 321, below) satire from Lucilian satire, grouped with the satires of the poets Horace (65–8 BCE) and Persius (34–62 CE): according to Diomedes, in the case of the former kind of satire, represented by Ennius, the term simply designated a motley assemblage of diverse poems (carmen quod ex variis poematibus constabat), whereas the latter, dominant set wrote a critical kind of satire “in the manner of Old Comedy” that took aim at human foibles (Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 1, 485.30–4). There is no special reason to place confidence in the thoughts Diomedes presents, but they are a good reminder that the works referred to under the rubric “satire” keenly invite debate about the helpfulness of the concept of genre, and especially its limitations.202 What we can see clearly is that the powerful absence of readily discernible Greek precedent in effect put the poets in possession of a whole array of freedoms. One remarkable dislocation which satire introduced right from the start was a change in voice, from the public pronouncements of drama and epic, to what purported to be, at least at times, an individual, private voice in an intimate setting, issuing from a speaker presenting himself as of no special

satura since its omission from Horace’s well-known history of the genre, but there are Varro’s Menippean satires (mentioned at Quint. Inst. 10.1.95) to consider, as well as the relationship to the verse satires of Lucilius, Horace, Persius, and Juvenal of medleys such as Seneca’s Apocolocyntosis and Petronius’ Satyrica. On this account, Roman satirists’ (specifically: Horace’s, Persius’, and Juvenal’s) preoccupation with policing the genre’s boundaries is a product of the irreducible complication of the relationships among their texts and between their texts and those they fail to acknowledge as related to theirs. In effect, the newcomer satire never stabilises sufficiently as a genre as to become a satisfactory hermeneutic frame on a par with the others, not to the detriment of the texts in question but instead marking the artificiality of the concept of genre and the limits, ultimately, of its explanatory or hermeneutic power (CP 13.1 [2018], 74–82; esp. 75–6, 82 for the points here). 200 The etymology and meaning of the term are ambiguous. See Gratwick 1982c, 161 and Courtney 20032, 7 for standard explanations. 201 The term is applied to Ennian verse in an ancient commentary on Horace (Porph. Hor. Sat. 1.10.46 = FRL 2, T 40b) and in the passage of Diomedes cited above (partially available at FRL 2, T 94). Courtney 20032, 7–8 supposes that Ennius himself introduced it. 202 To complicate the matter, Livy (7.2; cf. Val. Max. 2.4.4) terms one phase of pre-Livian (pre240 BCE) public performances saturae: for discussion, see Schmidt 1989.

Early Latin Poetry

51

authority or worth.203 Satire, especially as practiced by Lucilius and as aspired to by his self-proclaimed heirs, was, throughout its history, associated with the liberty to speak freely, counter-culturally, as it were privately but in a manner that was in the end, after all, intended to be made public – itself a testament to the irony that came to be felt as a primary characteristic of the genre. In its first, Ennian and Lucilian, instantiations, satire was characterised by heterogeneity of metre, although this was apparently resolved into a commitment to hexameter by the end of Lucilius’ career.204 The subject-matter contained in the verses and the register of language used were likewise heterogeneous, with a tendency to incorporate in verse, including in hexameter with all its heroic connotations, colloquial elements recognisable from everyday conversation.205 The contravention of expectation thus rapidly established itself as a hallmark of this kind of verse. While the referent satura (again, interpreted as “packaged mélange”) seems an appropriate designation for the variety and heterogeneity on display in this kind of poetry, we do not know when it came into use, and it always had competition, first and foremost from the term sermones (“conversation”, “chats”), used first by Lucilius (1055 CG) and later by Horace (e.g. Sat. 1.4.48) to describe their own poetry.206 4.5 Further Genres and Generic Experimentation One of the defining features of the early period of Roman poetry was the extent to which it was characterised by variety and experimentation. To begin with, the earliest poets (Livius Andronicus, Naevius, and Ennius) wrote across a multiplicity of genres, with epic and the dramatic genres of tragedy and comedy forming the core combination for all three poets. This distinguishes them: soon, specialisation in a particular genre (comedy for Caecilius, Plautus, and Terence; tragedy for Pacuvius; satire for Lucilius; etc.) became and thereafter long remained the norm. It is also the case, however, that the genres described above do not exhaust the areas of poetic possibility explored by early Roman poets; they merely 203 On the voice associated with satire and the persona of the satirist, see, e.g., Anderson 1983, 3–10; Hass 2007 (contrast with pre-Lucilian poetry at 44–51); Keane 2015; Ferriss-Hill forthcoming; cf. Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018, 3–4. See also Goldberg 2005a, 144–77, on the satiric speaker’s strident individualism as a mechanism for carving out territory for satire in relation to other early Latin poetry. 204 Christes and Garbugino 2015, 11. 205 For comparison and contrast of the language of Ennian and Lucilian satire, see Petersmann 1999; see also Chahoud 2011, on Roman verse satire’s appropriation of elements of oral discourse and its collocation of them with expressions typical of high poetry. 206 For more on these terms and their use in the hands of the satirists, see Ferriss-Hill forthcoming.

52

Elliott

represent the ones for which best evidence survives and where a traceable, if partial, history exists in relation to later and better extant poetry. Tokens of further experimentation exist, especially in connection with the name Ennius, in terms of both didactic (the Hedyphagetica) and occasional poetry (the epigrams); see pp. 66–8, below. What then follows often defies easy categorisation, not only because of its extremely fragmentary state: the exceptional dynamism of the moment means that genre – which, as noted above, in any case represents a flexible and adaptive system – was developing at an unusual rate. As a result, tidy narratives are elusive. As mentioned above, Ennius’ polymetric experiments, to which the title satura was at some point in their history attached, fail to find notice in the Horatian history of satire; and it is perhaps only in a larger retrospect, after the more consistent elaboration of satire later provided by Lucilius, that the concept of the new genre was so much as recognisable.207 Modern treatments which place this material into categories ready-tailored from the retrospect run a significant risk of being reductive and misleading.208 Not all the experiments were in themselves fertile: Ennius’ apparently extensive and unprecedented use of the first person in his epic, for example, finds little reflection in later Roman epic.209 But it is clear that, from Ennius’ day on, both well-known and lesser-known poets worked hard to expand horizons within and across genres, as surely did some of the many who escape us entirely. The more fully extant poetry which emerges from the 50s BCE on, with Lucretius’ striking and paradoxical De rerum natura and the range of lyric poetry and other small forms we see in the work of Catullus, Cinna, and Calvus, has evident precursors across its full range in the preceding decades – even if affiliations for specific pieces, dates and other crucial details will routinely invite debate.210 In addition to those referenced in n. 196, above, in connection 207 Muecke 2005, 33; but see also Goldberg 2018b. 208 For example, Suerbaum 2002, 286–96 (and Schwindt 2000) classify poems of Porcius Licinus, Volcacius Sedigitus, and Valerius Soranus (Courtney 20032, 65–6 [1 FLP / 1 FPL], 83–6 [1 FLP / 1 FPL], 93–6 [1–2 FLP / 1–4 FPL], respectively) as Lehrdichtung, didactic, specifying Ennius’ Hedyphagetica as their ancestor, and privileging as grounds for the definition their adoption of new subject-matter in (albeit non-hexametric; rather, trochaic or iambic) verse form (the one surviving line of Valerius’ poem playfully addresses the issue of using Greek case-endings in Latin poetry [Schwindt 2000, 70–1]; Porcius Licinus’ speaks of the arrival of the Muse in Italy at the time of the Second Punic War [n. 213, below]; Volcacius Sedigitus [n. 246, below] ranks early poets in a kind of comic ‘canon’: they are thus all in some sense “about” poetry). But we know so little about any of these poems and their contexts that the categorisation seems very bold. 209 It may in fact be an illusion; see p. 71, with n. 307, below. 210 The relevant fragments are best available in Courtney 20032 and Blänsdorf 20114. Fragments in various degrees associable with didactic include those of M. Cicero’s Aratea

Early Latin Poetry

53

with epic poetry, some of the most salient names from this period are those of Valerius Aedituus, Lutatius Catulus, Porcius Licinus, Laevius, and Valerius Cato.211 Both the variety of this material and the all-too-evident limitations on our ability to explain it are sharp reminders of how inevitably partial any history we can write will be. 5

Poets

The stories we have about the lives of the early Latin poets are largely fictional narratives, as is routinely the case for ancient Greek and Roman Vitae (“Lives”).212 In the case of the early Roman poets, the stories we have date from the late republic, and even their assembly does not long precede that time: it is in works of the latter part of the second century BCE, such as in Accius’ Didascalica or Porcius Licinus’ poem about literary history,213 that ancient interest in poets’ lives, including the questions of who they wrote for and under which material circumstances, makes its first, spectral appearance. These works, virtually inaccessible to us, represent the progenitors of the accounts we dimly discern in Varro,214 then see surface more fully in Suetonius and Jerôme, as well as in the biographical notices sometimes accompanying the more fully extant poets’ works during the course of primary transmission,

211 212 213 214

(not in Blänsdorf) and Q. Cicero’s comparable astronomical poem, Egnatius’ De Rerum Natura, Aemilius Macer’s Ornithogonia and Theriaca, and Varro Atacinus’ Chorographia and Ephemeris. “Occasional” poetry (principally further experiments with epigram and elegy) is described, and its remains enumerated, at Suerbaum 2002, 319–39. Discussions of the earliest such material at Leo 1914; Traglia 1957; Skutsch 1970; Crowther 1971 and 1980; Brown 1980 and Holford-Strevens 1981 (in conversation); Magno 1982; Polonskaja 1985; Perutelli 1990 and 2002, 31–70; Kaster 1995, 148–61 (on Suet. Gram. 11’s description of Valerius Cato); Pöschl 1995; Bernardi Pierini 1997; Maltby 1997; Morelli 2000 (a monograph on pre-Catullan Latin epigram); Galasso 2004; Morelli 2007; Landolfi 2010; Welsh 2011; Heyworth 2015; Cairns 2017; Kronenberg 2018; Kwapisz 2018. The standard English-language discussion remains Ross 1969, 137–69. See further the literature cited in n. 210, above. On the nature and value of these narratives, see Goldschmidt 2019, 1–21, and the further literature cited there, esp. Lefkowitz 1981, Graziosi 2002, and Fletcher and Hanink 2016. Courtney 20032, 83–92 (fragments of Porcius’ poem and corresponding commentary); also Blänsdorf 20114, 108–11. Discussions: Leo 19122, 66–9l; Skutsch 1970; Schwindt 2000, 64–70; Welsh 2011, 38–48. For Accius’ Didascalica, see p. 82, below. On Varro’s study of the poets, across a range of his works, see Deschamps 1990; and Dahlmann 1963, on his De poetis more specifically. For Varro’s work broadly, see Zetzel 2018, 31–58, esp. 33–4, on Varro’s perpetuation of biographical fallacies and other here pertinent matters, with the very helpful n. 8 there (cf. also 23–4, on narrative patterns evident in further ancient paratextual material).

54

Elliott

or in the brief ‘epitaphs’ for the poets which appeared in appreciative reflection of their activity.215 The artificiality of the accounts such ancient efforts yield (“the biographical tradition”) has long been evident.216 Convenient synchronisms (or nearsynchronisms) abound, such as the frequently cited one between the date 240 BCE and Ennius’ birth-date (239 BCE; see also n. 263).217 Poets’ death-dates coincide suspiciously often with the date of their last known work, sometimes quite explicitly: for example, at Brut. 78, Cicero describes the date of Ennius’ death as the year in which his final drama, the Thyestes, was staged (169 BCE). The biographical tradition also routinely allots to poets a seventy-year lifespan, as if by some invisible law; and, within the framework of generic genealogies, successor-poets are often proclaimed to have been born in the same year as that in which their predecessor died (or, alternatively, to have staged their first drama in the same year as their predecessor staged their last: e.g. Cic. Brut. 229). Besides this, much of what the ancient tradition hands us about poets’ lives clearly derives from the contents of their poetry;218 what we hear about the early Roman poets (including those beyond the confines of this study) is in each case entirely representative of this tendency.219 Naevius’ personal and social relationships form the subject of especially lively ancient and modern speculation.220 As recent studies have well emphasized, the ancient “lives” of the poets as we have them are best explored for what they can tell us about 215 For the text of these verses, see Courtney, 20032, 43 (for the Ennian ‘epitaph’) and 47–50 (for the Naevian and Pacuvian ones). For broader discussion of the Naevian ‘epitaph’, its context, and its poetics, see, credulously, Suerbaum 1968, 31–42, and, better, Krostenko 2013 (cf. Gruen 1990, 94–5); references for the Ennian one in n. 270, below. 216 Thus, even traditional studies, which looked for the kernel of “fact” the stories contained, are suspicious: e.g., Suerbaum 1968 (esp. 2–46, 115–67) sceptically assesses the chances that knowledge about Livius’, Naevius’, and Ennius’ lives was available in ancient times via their poetry, as part of their self-representation as authors. He does this mainly by considering the probabilities of such information appearing given the behaviours of relevant genres, as they manifest to a modern eye. 217 See, e.g., Cowan 2015, 63; cf. Wessels 2021, 12–14. 218 Goldschmidt 2019, 7–9, citing the earlier literature, including on the so-called “biographical fallacy”. 219 E.g., Goldberg 2018b, 40 (cf. Waszink 1972, 125, citing Ulrich Knoche) suggests that Ennius’ Satires were the origin of the tradition’s anecdotes about Ennius (e.g., those involving Scipio Nasica, Servius Galba, and even the claim to have three hearts). 220 Stories about fractious relations between this poet and various members of the élite appear, e.g., in Gellius (NA 7.8.5) and Jerôme (Ab Abr. 1816 = 201 BCE; Helm 1913, 135g), and have further been read in some lines of verse surviving in pseudo-Asconius (p. 215 Stangl, commenting on Cic. Verr. 1.29), cf. Caesius Bassus at Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 6, 266.4–16. For discussion, see Suerbaum 1968, 27–31, Gruen 1990, 96–105, Goldberg 1995, 32–7, Goldberg 2005a, 169 (with further references to the history of the issue in n. 63

Early Latin Poetry

55

the ancient reading of their works; that is, about the encounter between an author’s works and their later audiences.221 5.1 Livius Andronicus Within little more than a century of its recorded inception, writing poetry at Rome appears to have become the preserve of the leisured élite. The earliest poets on record, however, were not members of that class – for which recorded antiquity’s fundamental ignorance of their lives, as described just above, can itself serve as evidence; the same was not true of the earliest (i.e. early second century) Roman writers of prose histories, who are members of the senatorial class. On the evidence of his name, Livius Andronicus would appear to have been of Greek origin (“Andronicus” is a Greek name) and to have lived at least part of his life as a slave: “Livius” implies that he became a freedman in the household of a Roman aristocrat, one of the plebeian Livii.222 Some ancient reports associate Livius with an origin in the southern Italian city of Tarentum (Cic. Brut. 72). Other than 240 BCE, the only date associable with Livius is 207 BCE: in that year, according to the historian Livy (27.37.7–14), he wrote a ritual invocation to Juno Regina for public performance: on those grounds, the general assumption is that, like Naevius, he was born around 270 BCE and died roughly seventy years later.223 Suetonius’ notice about Livius is dismissive: like Ennius, he was believed to have taught privately and publicly and thus there), Boyle 2006, 54–5, Sciarrino 2011, 83–7, Feeney 2016, 190; further, esp. earlier, discussions listed at Suerbaum 2002, 106 (under “Lit. 6”). 221 See n. 212. Traditional readings of what the life-narratives appear to tell us about the authors presented below, along with summaries of what we know about their works, are available in Drury 1982 and Conte 1994 (Part 1); see also, e.g., Feeney 2016, 65–9. 222 On the name, see recently, e.g., Feeney 2016, 65–6, citing the earlier literature; also, Wessels 2021, 18. The idea that Livius was specifically connected to and in fact manumitted by M. Livius Salinator, victor against the Carthaginians at the Battle of the Metaurus (207 BCE), circulated already in antiquity. Thus Jerôme (confusing Titus Livius, i.e. the Augustan historian Livy, with his intended subject, the poet Livius Andronicus) has: Titus Livius, tragoediarum scriptor clarus habetur. qui ob ingenii meritum a Livio Salinatore, cuius liberos erudiebat, libertate donatus est (Jer. Ab Abr. 1829/30 [= 188/187 BCE]; Helm 1913, 137c). 223 For discussion of Livius’ life and work in cultural and political context, see Gruen 1990, 80–92. Discussion and comprehensive reference to primary and secondary sources for all work on Livius through the dates of publication are available at Suerbaum 1968, 1–12, 297–9, and 2002, 93–104. Erasmi’s 1975 dissertation offers a brief but nevertheless useful analysis of the sources for Livius Andronicus’ work and how they shape modern impressions of it; also, summary of the history of modern textual and interpretative work on the remains of Livius’ poetry, a commentary on the fragments, a descriptive grammar, and a thoroughly analysed onomasticon.

56

Elliott

in Suetonius’ view represented the sparse beginnings of grammatical education at Rome; but neither he nor Ennius “did anything more than explain in translation Greek authors or read out to others what they had themselves put together in Latin” (Gram. 1.2 [FRL 1 T 69]).224 The only further evidence that Livius’ poetry  – and for that matter the only direct evidence that any early Latin poetry – was given to school children to learn comes from the master of irony Horace (Ep. 2.1.68–71), who says that Livius’ poetry was inculcated into him by his schoolmaster Orbilius.225 The notion of Livius’ primacy as poet at Rome is uncontested in the ancient record; indeed, the authors involved in the debate go to considerable lengths to maintain the symbolic “fact” of it in the face of fundamental uncertainty about absolute dating.226 Livius is known as the author of both crepidatae and of palliatae. We have eight corresponding titles of crepidatae: Achilles, Aegisthus, Aiax Mastigophorus (“Ajax the Whip-Bearer”), Andromeda, Danae, Equus Troianus (“Trojan Horse”), Hermione, and Tereus; Antiope, Ino, and Teucer are less certain additions to the list.227 Something in the range of thirty to forty fragments, including those not assigned to any specific work, survive to 224 Kaster 1995, 48–50; see also Feeney 2016, 50–52, on what Livius’ classroom activity may have looked like and what it meant for his poetry. While Suetonius goes on to report early scholarly interest and sometimes intervention in the texts of Naevius, Ennius and Lucilius, he has nothing to say on this score as regards Livius. Later scholarly interest in Livius is also only sparsely attested: quotations from Livius Andronicus appear in Festus’ abridgement of Verrius Flaccus, showing that in the Augustan era at least some scholarship used Livian poetry to illustrate what was already by then antiquated language (Zetzel 2018, 96–8); after that, it is reported for the Antonine age’s zenith of interest in (from their perspective) “archaic” texts: a dispute about the interpretation of the term Morta in Livius Andronicus is reported at Gell. NA 3.16.11 (Howley 2018, 190–201, esp. 193–4, 196–7; Zetzel 2018, 90). 225 Zetzel 2018, 25, 29. 226 For access to the vast literature on the ancient controversy about the dating, see the references in n. 5, above. More recently, Wessels 2021 has returned to the topic of ancient investment in maintaining Livian primacy, with an emphasis on its unequivocal assertion of the notion that the literature of victorious Rome was by origin and nature Greek; cf. Dangel 1998a, on further senses in which the characteristics of Livian drama and the stories surrounding Livius established the ground-rules for the genre to come. On the importance of primacy in the Roman conception more generally, see the reference in n. 249, below. For Livius’ primacy specifically as dramatist (as explored in work from the second half of the twentieth century), see the references at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 93–6. 227 See Manuwald 2001 [2004], 96–100 for comprehensive, annotated secondary bibliography from the years 1964–2002 on individual Livian crepidatae and 88–93 there for more general resources, with earlier work listed at Mette 1964 [1965], 13; see Schauer 2012, 31 for further fundamental references. For a weak proposal to associate Livius with a praetexta (a Regulus), and responses to that attempt, see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 100.

Early Latin Poetry

57

accompany them, most of a single line of verse or less, and none longer than four lines.228 Of Livian palliatae, we have two relatively certain titles (Gladiolus [“The Little Sword”], Ludius [“The Performer”]), a fragment each to accompany them, and a handful of further fragments, which may or may not belong among Livian specimens of the genre.229 Another crucial aspect of Livius’ record is represented by his epic Odusseia,230 written in Saturnians,231 and not divided into books; the Homeric Odyssey to which Livius had access had itself not yet been divided into books (a task probably undertaken by the Alexandrian scholar Aristarchus of Samothrace in the first half of the second century). Of the Odusseia, we have around forty fragments, most of them no longer than a single line and none longer than three consecutive lines.232 Last but not least, we know of the hymn to Juno, commissioned in the context of expiatory rites 228 These are today most comprehensively available in Schauer 2012, 21–65 (n. 157, above), as well as at ROL 2, 2–20 (n. 76, above); Ribbeck 18732, Vol. 1, 1–6; Klotz 1953, 19–30; and Traglia 1986, 160–79; commentary based on ROL 2 by Spaltenstein 2008 (rev. R. Cowan, CR 61.2 [2011], 447–9; P. Schierl, Gnomon 83.5 [2011], 400–4). For summary of our sense of Livius as a dramatic poet, see Manuwald 2011, 188–93. Brief, accessible discussion of the fragments of Livian tragedy is available at Boyle 2006, 27–36. Lennartz 1994 and 1995 (summary and review at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 57, 59) treat Livius’ (and others’) tragic Grecisms in detail, on a thesis that, where they followed Greek texts, the tragic poets followed them to the letter, while at other times they espoused complete freedom from them; discussion at Manuwald 2001c. 229 ROL 2, 20–23; Ribbeck 18732, Vol. 2, 3–4. For discussion of Livian comedy, see Wright 1974, 15–32. 230 On the form of the title, see Feeney 2016, 62–3. 231 On Livius’ choice of this metre, Feeney 2016, 59–60. The Odusseia appears to have been re-written in hexameters after Ennius’ introduction of that metre made it the only imaginable medium for epic at Rome: see Courtney 2003, 45–6. 232 The fragments of the Odusseia, along with testimonia to Livius’ life and other supporting material, are available at Blänsdorf 20114, 16–36 and ROL 2, 24–43 (see n. 76, above); also, Traglia 1986, 178–91, Flores 2011a, and (with the fragments of Naevius’ Bellum Punicum) Viredaz 2020, rev. S. Blair, BMCR 2021.10.35 (https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2021/2021.10.35/). (Cf. Viredaz 2017.) Much of the further literature is devoted to the question of how Livius went about forging a Latin poetic vocabulary. In cases where Schauer 2012, easily searchable in its electronic format (but pertinent to tragic vocabulary only), is not available, Cavazza and Resta Barrile’s 1981 lexicon of Livius’ and Naevius’ surviving vocabulary may still serve. A good entry to stylistic appreciation of the fragments, including in their relationship to the Homeric text, is available at Goldberg 1995, 64–73, 146 (cf. Goldberg 1993, 19–28); see also Feeney 2016, 53–64, on the nature of the “translation” of the Homeric Odyssey that Livius offers, and Biggs 2020, 35–52, on how, despite its overtly Greek subject-matter, this poem too is a poem about Rome. For further support for interpreting the fragments, and earlier discussions of the nature of Livius’ “translation”, see Mariotti 1952, qualified by Goldberg 1995, 47–50; Traina 19742, 11–38; Büchner 1979; Barchiesi 1985; and Sheets 1981, qualified by Kearns 1990. Livingston 2004 is a commentary on the linguistic phenomena involved in 18 surviving lines (rev. J. Zetzel, BMCR 2005.05.44: https://bmcr

58

Elliott

designed to ward off Roman defeat by the Carthaginians (Livy 27.37.7–14).233 Of this poem today there are no traceable remains.234 Festus (s.v. scribas; Lindsay 1913, 446.26–448.4) writes that it was in recognition for the apparent success of the propitiation achieved through Livius’ hymn that the collegium scribarum histrionumque (pp. 30–31, above) was founded.235 The cherished ancient notion of Livius’ primacy is unaccompanied by any surviving ancient sense that Livius’ poetry had appreciable merits. The barely surviving comedies in particular do not appear to have enjoyed much of a reputation. Livius does not figure in the ranked list of the ten best comic poets created by the otherwise little-known poet Volcacius Sedigitus, which made Livius’ successor Naevius third best.236 What may be more telling, however, are the terms in which Livius’ works are dismissed by those who do so explicitly. Cicero, for example, dismisses Livian dramas as non satis dignae quae iterum legantur (“not worth a second reading”, Brut. 71; cf. Hor. Ep. 2.1.69–75, Quint. Inst. 10.2.7), and the hymn to Juno is, in Livy’s judgement, similarly too rough to be aesthetically appealing in his day (Livy 27.37.12).237 As to the Odusseia, Cicero (again at Brut. 71) refers to it as sic tamquam opus aliquod Daedali (“like some sort of piece of primitive ingenuity”), the name Daedalus capturing the extraordinary creativity first century readers attributed to Livius but also his obsolescence and inaccessibility in their perspective, and perhaps also the burden of ultimate failure.238 All this is in good part a function of the artificial, teleological nature of our sources’ vision of historical development, a testament to their views and ideologies and to the change over time of literary tastes, rather than informative in any other way.

233 234

235 236 237 238

.brynmawr.edu/2005/2005.05.44/). Paladini and Manzanella 2014 is a commentary based strictly on Flores 2011a (rev. C. Formicola, A&R 10 [2016], 126–31). Gruen 1990, 85–92; Lowrie 2009, 123–6 (in contradistinction to the Carmen Saliare and Horace’s Carmen Saeculare, distinguishing her reading from that of Habinek 2005); Feeney 2016, 225–32; Curtis 2021. Welsh 2011 proposes that, in Accius’ vanished account of the origins of Latin literature, it was this hymn which marked the beginnings of literary activity at Rome; cf. Lauren Curtis’ argument about the metaliterary place of the hymn in Livy’s narrative (Curtis 2021, esp. 94–100). Till 1940, 166–7 suggests that Festus’ wording may go back to an official document. On this list, see below, with n. 246 there. Discussion of the valences of Livy’s terms at Curtis 2021, 95–9. The last reading is Leo’s: “Daedalus ist ein zukunftschwerer Name” (Leo 1913, 75), disputed by Fraenkel 1931, 603.

Early Latin Poetry

59

5.2 Naevius Like that of Livius Andronicus, Naevius’ literary activity was concentrated at the end of the third century BCE.239 One date is transmitted in connection with his record: Gellius (NA 17.21.45) tells us that, in the year equivalent to 235 BCE, Naevius publicly staged dramatic productions ( fabulas apud populum dedit), presumably then his first. Like Livius and Ennius, Naevius wrote fabulae crepidatae and fabulae palliatae. We have securely attested titles of six crepidatae: Andromacha, Danae, Equus Troianus (“Trojan Horse”),240 Hector Proficiscens (“The Departure of Hector”), Iphigenia, and Lycurgus, and around 60 corresponding lines (ca. 40 fragments).241 In addition,242 Naevius wrote praetextae and may have been the first to do so: we have two titles associated with his name, the Lupus or Romulus and the Clastidium,243 and none earlier.244 It was, however, for his comic productions (specifically, his palliatae) that Naevius appears to have been celebrated in antiquity.245 Gellius (NA 15.24) preserves for us something along the lines of a ‘canon’ of Roman comic poets, which he tells us is the work of the early first century CE literary critic 239 For Naevius and his poetry in social and political context, see Gruen 1990, 92–106. Discussion and comprehensive reference to primary and secondary sources for all work on Naevius through the dates of publication are available at Suerbaum 1968, 13–42, and 2002, 104–19. 240 Famously, Cicero tells us that this play was lavishly produced, along with Accius’ Clytemnestra, at the dedication of Pompey’s new theater in 55 BCE (Cic. Fam. 7.1; cf. Plin. HN 8.7.20 and Dio Cass. 39.38); see, e.g., Goldberg 1996, 266–8. 241 For Naevius’ tragic output, see most fully today Schauer 2012, 67–123 (n. 157, above); for a commentary on the dramatic fragments, Spaltenstein 2014 (rev. G. Manuwald, CR 65.1 [2015], 110–11; J. Welsh, JRS 106 [2016]: 338–9); for earlier editions in which Naevius’ tragic output is aggregated with other material, see nn. 76 and 157, above; cf. also Leo 1913, 88–92, on Naevius’ dramatic output as a whole. Manuwald 2001 [2004], 104–9 offers comprehensive, annotated bibliography for the years 1964–2002 on individual Naevian crepidatae; ibid. 104 for bibliography from the same period on Naevius’ tragic style, and 101–3 for the primary research tools published during that period. See also Mette 1964 [1965], 13–14 for earlier bibliography (and 50–4 there for Mette on Naevius). Work pertinent to Naevian crepidatae published since 2002 and not mentioned elsewhere in this volume includes Scafoglio 2006a and 2008b. 242 For the evanescent possibility that Naevius also wrote satire, see Flintoff 1988, rightly dismissed by Courtney 20032, 3. For an alternative proposal for what to do with the material in Festus on which the possibility is based, see Kuznetsov 2013. 243 Romulus is a title given by Varro (Ling. 7.43 and 107); Lupus is a title given by Cicero (Sen. 20) and Festus (s.v. redhostire; Lindsay 1913, 334.9). Scholars believe that the two titles refer to the same work. 244 For annotated bibliography on Naevian praetextae, see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 109–11. 245 For Naevius as a comic poet, see Manuwald 2020, 45–6.

60

Elliott

Volcacius Sedigitus.246 This poetic ‘canon’ ranks Naevius third out of ten comic poets, after Caecilius Statius in first place and Plautus in second.247 Jerôme (Ab Abr. 1816 = 201 BCE [Helm 1913, 135g]) terms Naevius comicus (“the comic poet”) tout court, as though this were his primary reputation in Jerôme’s awareness. From a modern perspective seeking to identify productive innovations associated with given literary practitioners, however, Naevius is of special interest for his epic poem, the Bellum Punicum (“The War against Carthage”).248 Like Livius’ Odusseia, this poem was written in Saturnians, but it is the first Latin epic of which we hear which was written on overtly Roman subject-matter,249 specifically the earliest of Rome’s three confrontations with powerful Carthage: in this first case, a conflict lasting over two decades (264–241 BCE), played out in the arena of Sicily. In the sense that it makes the transition from the Greek subject-matter of Livius’ epic Odusseia to Roman subject-matter, this poem is a match for Naevius’ praetextae, the first known Latin dramas on episodes from the Roman past. While the fragments demonstrate that Naevius’ epic narrative treated distant history, in the form of Aeneas’ arrival in Italy, recent Roman events in the form of the war itself clearly took centre-stage.250 We also know that the poem included at least one autobiographical element:251 in the same notice in which he dates Naevius’ dramatic productions for us, Gellius (again, NA 17.21.45) informs us, on the authority of Book 1 of Varro’s De Poetis, not only that Naevius himself fought in the First Punic War but that he informed his readers of the fact in the Bellum Punicum.252 We do not know that Naevius used the first person to make this statement, but, if he did, his act prefigures that of his epic successor, Ennius, whom modern editions present as repeatedly using the first person to extraordinary effect in his Annales (see further p. 71, below, with n. 307 there). The Bellum Punicum is further of interest because it is the earliest work known to be subject to ancient scholarly scrutiny and organisation. Famously, Suetonius (Gram. 2.1–2) tells us of the visit to Rome in 167 BCE of a Pergamene scholar, Crates of Mallos, whom he credits with 246 For Volcacius Sedigitus and his brief surviving output, see Courtney 20032, 93–6, Blänsdorf 20114, 112–14; discussion at Schwindt 2000, 59–63 and Lomanto 2002. 247 For Caecilius and Plautus, both exclusively comic poets, see Manuwald 2020, 43–4 and 36–9, respectively. 248 For the poem, see Feeney 1993, 108–19, Goldberg 1993, 28–36 and 1995, 73–82; for its context and reception, Biggs 2020. 249 On the ideology of primacy in republican Rome, with special reference to this poem about the First Punic War, see Biggs 2017. 250 On resulting scholarly discussions and controversies, see pp. 43–7, above. 251 On the perspective thus afforded, see Barchiesi 1962, 224–68. 252 On the relevance of the First Punic War to Roman poetry, see the references in n. 28, above.

Early Latin Poetry

61

having established at Rome on that occasion the practice of philological inquiry, Crates’ own primary area of specialisation. It was in the context of this activity that, so Suetonius goes on to say, a further individual, Octavius Lampadio, introduced into the Bellum Punicum the seven book-divisions still evident in the transmission of its fragments today.253 In addition, Varro (Ling. 7.39) appears to refer to explanatory commentarii on Naevius by otherwise unknown individuals named as Cornelius and Vergilius; and himself (now in the De Poetis, available via Gellius, as cited above; frg. 56 Funaioli) set out Naevius’ chronology.254 Around sixty fragments (seventy lines) of the Bellum Punicum survive.255 A matter of enduring controversy is the question of how Naevius integrated his account of the first Punic War with the material about Rome’s origins and earliest history, which surviving fragments make clear he also treated. The initial assumption of modern scholarship was that events would have been recounted in chronological order, even though the book numbers transmitted by the sources to accompany a subsection of the fragments indicated otherwise. Companion to this assumption was the idea that the gods would only have been shown intervening in events of the most distant stretches of the past (p. 47, above). As a result, the appearance in the fragments of divine intervention was relegated to the narrative of Trojan origins and of the foundation of Rome, treated as the earliest part of the text. In the 1930s, a Polish scholar, Wladislaw Strzelecki, pointed out that there was no sound reason to distrust the sources’ book numbers, and that one of the surviving fragments (BP 44–6 ROL 2 = 7 M = 14 B = 8 FPL), which evidently introduced an ecphrasis,256 253 On Suetonius’ account, see Kaster 1995, 58–66, and Zetzel 2018, 20–4, with emphasis on its artificiality. 254 Zetzel 2018, 27, 34. 255 Fundamental work on the Bellum Punicum includes Leo 1913, 79–88, Marmorale 19502 (on all remains of Naevian poetry), Mariotti 1955, and esp. Barchiesi 1962. The poem is further available in Strzelecki’s 1964 Teubner edition, in Blänsdorf 20114, 37–68 (along with testimonia to Naevius’ life), with an English translation at ROL 2, 46–73 (n. 76, above), and with an Italian translation in Traglia 1986, 248–67. It has most recently been presented (with Italian translation and characteristically rich doxography) in Flores 2011b, to which there is an accompanying commentary (Flores 2014; rev. G. Manuwald, Gnomon 85.7 [2013], 594–7, and T. Biggs CR 66.2 [2016], 400–02). 256 Fränkel 1935, 59–61 first suggested that this fragment, which features giants in action, originated in a description of the Temple of Zeus Olympios at Acragas (modern Agrigento) in Sicily, the site of the recent conflict with Carthage which was Naevius’ subject; see Goldberg 1995, 51–2, on this suggestion and its reception. The temple is known from Diod. Sic. 13.82.1–4 to have depicted a Gigantomachy on its East pediment and the Fall of Troy on its West. The fragment’s first word, inerant “There were on it …”, suggests the beginning of an ecphrasis (see, e.g., Fraenkel 1954, 16, with n. 17 there; Faber 2012, 418). The

62

Elliott

supplied an opportunity for a major narrative flashback readily able to accommodate a narrative of origins.257 A radically different picture of the narrative structure of the poem consequently emerged, according to which the poem began with the story of the First Punic War, into which the story of Rome’s Trojan origins was interwoven via an ecphrasis in Book 1.258 Another matter of interest is the role the legend of Aeneas, including the story of Dido and its possible function as an aetiology for Carthaginian hostility to Rome, had in the poem as a whole.259 As with many reconstructions of fragmentary works, the concern is that analogy with later works – in this case, as elsewhere too for early Roman epic, Vergil’s Aeneid – plays too active a role in such arguments, without constituting a methodologically stable basis.260 The question of how Naevius’ presentation of the Roman past in the Bellum Punicum was relevant to the presentation of the Roman past in the works of his successors in prose historiography (e.g., Fabius Pictor or Dionysius of Halicarnassus) has also been the subject of attention.261 5.3 Ennius (239–169 BCE) There is more to say about Ennius’ work than about that of any other early Latin poet – and this despite the fact that, as with all other early Roman poets, we have access only to a small fraction of what he wrote.262 About his life too,

257

258 259 260 261 262

fragment is attributed by its source, Priscian (Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 2, 198–9), to Book 1. It was this set of circumstances that enabled Strzelecki’s conjecture that the narrative of Troy intervened by means of an ecphrasis or (alternatively or complementarily) a flashback narrative spoken in the first person by one of the characters, in the manner of Odysseus’ narrative in Od. 9–12. The hypothetical ecphrasis, Strzelecki supposed, departed from a description of the temple pediment, that itself occurred in the course of a narrative of the First Punic War now thought to have featured at the head of the poem in Book 1, as surviving ancient book-numbers attributed to relevant fragments suggest. Fraenkel 1954 urges caution and returns to an earlier conjecture attributing the fragment in question to the ecphrastic description of a shield. The fragment and its implications are extensively discussed in Barchiesi 1962, 271–93; see also Faber 2012. See Klotz 1938 and Rowell 1947 for access to and extension of arguments originally formulated by Strzelecki 1935; also, Feeney 1993, 117–20 and Goldberg 1995, 51–4. Resistance to Strzelecki’s proposals existed in the past (e.g., Richter 1960), but has by and large died out. Reflection on possible interpretative outcomes of the temporal combination the poem involved at Biggs 2020, 64–85. See Dufallo 2013, 16–20, on the ecphrasis. Oppermann 1939; Mariotti 1955, 28–40; Barchiesi 1962, 477–82; Strzelecki 1963, 442–3; Wigodsky 1972, 29–34; Luck 1983; Goldberg 1995, 54–5. Cf. Feeney 2016, 124–5. See, e.g., Heinze 19283, 115, n. 1; Feeney 1993, 109. See, e.g., Leo 1913, 85–8, Bömer 1952, and Strzelecki 1963; cf. Cornell 2013.3, 20–22. Introductions to Ennius typically focus on Ennian epic: for those, see n. 293, below. More general introductions to Ennius additional to those mentioned in n. 221, above, include

Early Latin Poetry

63

our sources supply a relatively dense set of information, although the detail is no more likely to be accurate than is what reaches us about other early poets. It is Cicero who tell us that Ennius was born in 239 BCE (Brut. 71–3 [FRL 1 T 18], Tusc. 1.3 [FRL 1 T 29], Sen. 14 [FRL 1 T 33]); once more, it is probably on Varro’s authority that he does so (cf. Gell. NA 17.21.43 [FRL 1 T 84]).263 What evidence we have suggests that Ennius was of Messapic (i.e. southern Italian) descent (Serv. Aen. 7.691 [Ann. 524 Sk./FRL 1; FRL 1 T 103], cf. Sil. 12.394 [FRL 1 T 67]), and more specifically that his place of origin was Rudiae in the ‘heel’ of Italy (Cic. De or. 3.168 [Ann. 525 Sk./FRL 1]; Cic. Arch. 27 [FRL 1 T 9]; Pompon. 2.66 [FRL 1 T 57]; Sil. 12.393–6 [FRL 1 T 67]; cf. Jer. Ab Abr. 1849 = 168 BCE [FRL 1 T 99 = Helm 1913, 140a], Hor. Carm. 4.8.20, with the scholia to Horace ad loc. [FRL 1 T 47], Ov. Tr. 3.409–10 [FRL 1 T 53]); that is, in the region then known as Calabria but equivalent to today’s Apulia, an area heavily influenced by Greek culture. Ennius’ name appears Oscan in origin.264 Gellius reports that Ennius was in the habit of claiming that he had “three hearts”, in reference to the three languages he used: Greek, Oscan, and Latin (NA 17.17.1 [FRL 1 T 83]).265 Ennius’ arrival in Rome is traditionally dated to 204 BCE: the story is that he came to Rome in company with Cato, on the latter’s return from Sardinia, after serving in the Second Punic War (Nep. Cato 1.4 [FRL 1 T 38], a tradition also visible at [Aur. Vict.] De vir. ill. 47.1 [FRL 1 T 91] and at Jer. Ab Abr. 1777 = 240 BCE [FRL 1 T 97 = Helm 1913, 133a]). Military service should in that historical moment have meant that Ennius was already a citizen; yet Cicero has him gaining citizenship only much later (Brut. 79 [FRL 1 T 20]). Hence the story as a whole has been called into question.266 Suetonius says that at Rome Ennius was, like Livius, a teacher of both Latin and Greek language and literature, and Jocelyn 1972, Gruen 1990, 106–23 (Ennius’ poetic activity against its political backdrop), and FRL 1, xxi – xxix. Comprehensive coverage and full primary and secondary references at Suerbaum 1968, 43–295, and Suerbaum 2002, 119–42. Suerbaum 2003 represents an indispensable bibliographic guide to twentieth century work on Ennius; its citations are generally not repeated here. 263 Jerôme (Ab Abr. 1777 = 240 BCE [FRL 1 T 97 = Helm 1913, 133a]) gives a date earlier by one year, making Ennius’ birth actually coincident with the “birth of Roman literature” (see p. 53, above, on convenient synchronisms) and contradicting his own later testimony, at Ab Abr. 1849 = 168 BCE (FRL 1 T 99 = Helm 1913, 140a), that Ennius died in that year at the age of seventy. 264 Skutsch 1985, 749–50. See Sheets 1981, 77–8, on Varro’s report of Ennius’ (and other early poets’) use of words of dialectal origin. 265 On plural identity as a mark of Ennian poetic self-presentation, see Dench 2005, 49, 168, 178–9, 325–6, and Glauthier 2020; cf. Hill 2021b, 138–83, on the reception of Ennian cultural multiplicity and cultural loss in Catullus. 266 Badian 1972, 154–63, 183–5.

64

Elliott

that he gave public presentations of his own Latin poetry (Gram. 1.2 [FRL 1 T 69]).267 Jerôme adds that he lived on the Aventine, with only one maid and in poverty. It is generally accepted that the poet accompanied M. Fulvius Nobilior on campaign to Ambracia in ca. 187 BCE (Cic. Arch. 24 [FRL 1 T 10, 92, 95]): to Cato’s apparent disgust (Cic. Tusc. 1.3 [FRL 1 T 29]), Ennius appears to have celebrated this campaign in verse. This is perhaps traceable today, in that there survive fragments of what seems to have been a fabula praetexta, the Ambracia; and it is often assumed that Fulvius’ campaign also featured in Ennius’ epic Annales. More broadly, several sources testify to Ennius’ relationships with a range of members of the Roman élite,268 and those relationships and their consequences for the poetry Ennius wrote have been a perennial subject of debate.269 Cicero (Brutus 78 [FRL 1 T 19]) gives the date of Ennius’ death as 169 BCE, but even this is not absolutely certain, especially as it coincides with the date of Ennius’ last known work (a tragedy, Thyestes); death-dates provided by late republican authors for early republican poets coincide suspiciously often with the dates of those poets’ last known works. As with Naevius and Pacuvius, an epitaphic epigram circulated in association with Ennius, in his case in elegiacs (see further below) and in the first person.270 We dimly apprehend that scholarship on Ennius existed within two generations of his death, then have at times clearer evidence of its ebb and flow over the course of some five hundred years.271

267 Kaster 1995, 48–54. 268 FRL 1, xxii–xxiv, supplying key references. 269 For summary, see Breed and Rossi 2006, 402–8, citing the relevant literature; references also at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 130. Since then: Fabrizi 2008, Sciarrino 2011, 87–99, and Breed 2020, esp. 255–61. 270 For access to the text if these epigrams, see n. 215 (also n. 286); for broader discussion of the Ennian ‘epitaph’, see Canobbio 2008 (on the relationship to the epitaph associated with Naevius), Lowrie 2009, 30–2, and Martelli 2018. 271 The earliest names associated with such activity are Aelius Stilo, Antonius Gnipho, and Pompilius Andronicus: see Zetzel 2018, 29, 34, 76, 81–2, 86, 90–91, 152, and 327, on the little we know about their interventions and for surviving details of subsequent scholarship on Ennius. Early scholarship on Vergil, today principally evident in Macrobius (with smaller contributions from Servius and the Danieline scholia to Servius), formed a high point of scholarly interest in the Annales, as did the second century’s revival of interest in “archaic” authors; Varro was clearly also involved (see Elliott 2013a, 75–134, 141–3, 413–44, and her Appendix 5 as a whole). The last person on record apparently – and clearly exceptionally – able to read the Annales for content was an unknown reader probably of the fifth or sixth century CE (see Elliott 2013a, 553–4, citing the earlier literature).

Early Latin Poetry

65

Ennius’ generic range is unparalleled in the record of Latin literature.272 As is true of Livius Andronicus and Naevius, Ennius wrote drama, probably primarily (since performance venues were guaranteed by state festivals), as well as epic. Of Ennian crepidatae, we have 20 titles: Achilles, Aiax, Alcmeo, Alexander, Andromacha, Andromeda, Athamas, Cresphontes, Erechtheus, Eumenides, Hectoris Lytra (“The ransoming of Hector”), Hecuba, Iphigenia, Medea Exul (“Medea in exile”),273 Melanippa, Nemea, Phoenix, Telamo, Telephus, and Thyestes; and around 400 lines (ca. 200 fragments) to accompany them.274 Many of these lines derive from Cicero: Ennius was Cicero’s tragic poet of choice, and Cicero accordingly quotes Ennian tragedy often (for example, he quotes his favourite passage from the start of Ennius’ Medea a record fourteen times in his extant works).275 Two titles, Caupuncula (“The Innkeeper’s Wife”) and Pancratiastes (“The Wrestler”), and an again tiny number of fragments attest to Ennius’ 272 Ennius’ works are comprehensively available in Vahlen 19032, a thoughtful and well executed edition, though now superseded in all its texts; so too at Traglia 1986, 274–515, with Italian translation. 273 The common subject-matter of this play, Pacuvius’ Medus, and Accius’ Medea sive Argonautae has invited examination of the three in relation to each other, as well as to Greek predecessors, including as self-conscious re-enactments, extensions, or alternative perspectives on earlier versions: see Dondoni 1958; Arcellaschi 1990 (with further, postrepublican relatives); Cowan 2010; and Manuwald 2013b and 2015a. The three works have also received a joint commentary, Falcone 2016. 274 These fragments were recently and comprehensively edited by Manuwald 2012 (for context and reviews, see n. 157, above). Jocelyn 1967 remains a palmary edition, and some readers may find it more approachable. FRL 2 (the new Loeb) also offers the Ennian dramatic fragments in a wieldy, updated form with English translation. Suerbaum 2003, 215–21 offers annotated twentieth century bibliography for Ennius’ tragic output; cf. Manuwald 2001 [2004] (covering bibliography from 1964–2002), 131–48, for individual Ennian crepidatae (to which Roller 1996 is additional), and 112–31 for broader aspects of Ennius’ work as a tragic poet. Masiá 2000 represents a further, Spanish-language commentary on a subset of Ennian tragedies (the Alcmeo, as a representative of the Theban cycle, and those belonging to the Trojan cycle). Among the major contributions of the second half of the twentieth century are Traina 1974, 113–65 (on the amplified pathos, characteristically Roman, of Ennian crepidatae, vis-à-vis the Greek dramas to which they responded), Cancik 1978, 334–7 (on the philosophical bent of Ennius’ tragic work), and Lennartz 1994, 157–299 (an extended analysis of Ennius’ approach in all aspects of his crepidatae in relation to their Greek relatives; response at Manuwald 2001c). Since the publication of Suerbaum and Manuwald’s bibliographies, there have appeared Scafoglio 2007b, Faller 2008, Ramsey 2014, and Pierini 2016 (the last proposing Ennius’ Andromacha as the origin of a fragment cited without attribution at Cic. Tusc. 2.36). Mette 1964 [1965], 14–16 offers references for earlier in the twentieth century (with Mette’s own assessment at 55–78). Among contributions preceding either bibliography is Fraenkel 1932. 275 For references, see n. 66, above.

66

Elliott

activity as a comic poet,276 but Ennius was not hailed on that score; the same ‘canon’ of comic poets as ranked Naevius third (see p. 59, above) places Ennius last (tenth) in the list, and that only antiquitatis causa (“on account of his early date”). Ennius’ dramatic output is also represented by six fragments and two titles classified as praetextae: the Ambracia (on Fulvius Nobilior’s recent victory at a town of that name in Aetolia, as mentioned above) and the Sabinae (“The [rape of the] Sabine women”).277 Beyond this, Ennius is also, as best we can tell, the first poet to have written satire (or what later ancient readers interpreted as satire), a genre with no precedent in Greek literature but which was subsequently to flourish at Rome in the hands of the poets Lucilius, Horace, Juvenal, and Persius.278 Some nineteen fragments (representing a total of around thirty verses) of what were originally four (or six)279 books (Porph. ad Hor. Sat. 1.10.46 [FRL 1 T 40b]; cf. Diomedes [Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 1, 485.32–4 = FRL 1 T 94]) are attributed to Ennius’ satires today.280 The subjects of this verse were heterogeneous, as were the metres in which it was written: the rhythms of tragic and comic verse (iambic senarii, trochaic septenarii, and iambo-trochaics) are detectable, as are hexametric lines, and perhaps sotadeans (see below, for both of these). These remains are too limited and decontextualized to be the basis for any certain conclusions, but we can see both that the subject-matter appears varied and heterogeneous (for instance, Quintilian testifies that Ennius represented personified Death and Life in debate; Inst. 9.2.36 = FRL 2, Sat. t. 1) and that first and second persons in lively, colloquial conversation are frequently present (for example, Sat. 2, 3, 5, 7 R / FRL 2, all specifically attested for this text).281 It is thus possible that these fragments represent the very first tokens we have 276 Ennius’ comic fragments are available at FRL 2, 210–17; 372–5 V; and Ribbeck 18732, Vol. 2, 4–5. Bibliography at Suerbaum 2003, 223. 277 For access to the fragments, see n. 161, above. For annotated bibliography on Ennian praetextae, see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 148–50 and Suerbaum 2003, 222. 278 The best recent essay is Goldberg 2018b, on shifting ancient perspectives on Ennius’ position within this group. Standard references for the study of Ennian satire include Waszink 1972, Gratwick 1982c, 156–62, and Muecke 2005; exhaustive references to twentieth century work at Suerbaum 2003, 224. See also Russo 2001, on the relationship between Ennian satire and Greek iambic poetry, and Russo 2003 (n. 284). 279 Don. ad Ter. Ph. 339 quotes lines e sexto satirarum Ennii (Courtney 20032, 12–13 [Q. Ennius F 15] = Vahlen 19032, 206–7 [Sat. 14–19 V]). Goldberg and Manuwald believe that this lone reference to a sixth book conjures a phantom (FRL 2, 276–9); cf. Courtney 20032, 7–8. 280 Russo 2007, 49–185 (n. 283, below); also FRL 2, 270–85, Blänsdorf 20114, 74–9, Courtney 20032, 7–21, Traglia 1986, 364–73, Vahlen 19032, 204–11. 281 For the language of Ennian satire, see Petersmann 1999, 289–96. For Ennian satire’s apparent use of some of the established features of the language of the Plautine palliata, and the resulting evocation of a Plautine world, see Traill 2020 (in disagreement on p. 268

Early Latin Poetry

67

of the birth in Roman poetry of a personal voice, one which purports to give direct expression to the poet’s self-awareness and of his relation to the outside world, as well as of a non-heroizing form of expression which aimed at realism, also associated with later instances of satire.282 Of other Ennian works also only enough survives to betoken the range of his imagination and poetic ambition and the immense variety of his generic experimentation.283 The Hedyphagetica (“Good eating”) is a didactic (or mockdidactic) work, its title adapted from the Hedypatheia (“Good living”) of the Hellenistic poet Archestratus of Gela (c. 350 BCE). Its eleven surviving verses are preserved in a single, continuous quotation in Apuleius’ Apologia (39).284 They recommend various kinds of fish for eating, and detail where they can be acquired. Like Ennius’ epic Annales (see below), the Hedyphagetica was composed in hexameter, the defining metrical form of Greek – and, after Ennius, of subsequent Roman  – epic and didactic poetry. Among his many innovative moves, this introduction of the hexameter into Latin (noted at Isid. Etym. 1.39.6, cf. Schol. Bern ad Verg. G. 1.477 [FRL 1 T 109a and 110]) is arguably Ennius’ most determinative intervention in the course of literary history, and this has generated some interest in the question of which of his two clearly attested hexametric poems was written first. The surviving lines of the Hedyphagetica make clear that the technique Ennius applied to the hexameter in the context of that work differed markedly from that he used in the Annales. This fact has sometimes been used to argue that the Hedyphagetica was the earlier poem; but the differences can also be explained as the result of Ennius’ skilful

there with Petersmann 1999, 296, on the question of what the register of Ennian satire’s language means about the nature of its audience). 282 For failed attempts to attribute satire to Naevius and Pacuvius, see n. 242, above, and n. 321, below. For references to discussions of the distinctive qualities of the satirist’s persona, including voice, in better attested cases, including that of Lucilius, see n. 203 above. 283 For the fragments, see Russo 2007 (rev. S. Goldberg, CR 60.1 [2010], 309); also, FRL 2, 220– 301, Blänsdorf 20114, 79–86, Courtney 20032, 22–43, Traglia 1986, 374–93, Vahlen 19032, 212–29. For annotated bibliography on these works, see Suerbaum 2003, 223–8. A collection of essays on the non-epic Ennius, with a focus on the so-called minora (“lesser works”), is in hand under the editorship of Jesse Hill and Toph Marshall. 284 FRL 2, 260–5, Olson and Sens 2000, 241–5 (and the further editions listed in n. 283). Paretti 2006 (now to be added to the bibliography at Suerbaum 2002, 133 / Suerbaum 2003, 228), not recognised in editions to date, makes a persuasive case that an unattributed holospondaic hexameter preserved in a late antique metrical manual (Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 6, 72.14) and reading non phocae turpes, non marcentes ballenae, should be recognised as a possible constituent of the text. Russo 2003 argues for relocating a line traditionally assigned to the Saturae (Sat. 66 V = 15 FRL 2) to the Hedyphagetica.

68

Elliott

manipulation of metre to amplify the tone in which he presented different subject-matter, i.e., as a response on Ennius’ part to genre.285 Ennius’ too were the first Latin elegiac couplets of which antiquity knew (Isid. Etym. 1.39.14–15 [FRL 1 T 109b]). Today, we have four elegiac epigrams attributed to Ennius, although the attribution is disputed in at least one case.286 Two of the epigrams concern the poet himself (they are linked by their source, Cicero, and are sometimes presented as separate parts of a single composition, as at FRL 2, 230–3), and two the Roman general Scipio Africanus. Five (or six) verses of the Sota survive, not all of them complete. This poem represents a form of verse, sotadeans, invented by and named after Sotades of Maronea (early 3rd century BCE) and conventionally used for parodic purposes.287 We have an almost equally small number of verses of the Scipio, a poem we assume celebrated the military glories of the Roman general Scipio Africanus, final victor against Hannibal.288 Two further works appear to have a quasi-philosophical bent to them:289 the Epicharmus, named after an early fifth-century Sicilian Greek comic poet and thinker, written in trochaic septenarii and presenting an account of the gods and of the physical operations of the universe as witnessed by the narrator when he dreamed that he was transported after death to a place of enlightenment;290 and the Euhemerus, apparently a prose work, based on the Hellenistic (4th–3rd century) historian (or, from another perspective, rationalising mythographer) Euhemerus of Messina, who was famous for propounding the idea that belief in the gods had arisen from traditions about heroic mortals whom their communities had wished to honour.291 Finally, there is the Protrepticus (“Speech of Exhortation”), perhaps 285 The debate is accessible at Skutsch 1985, 3–4 and at Courtney 20032, 25 (both preferring the generic explanation; FRL 2, 261 and the present author concur). 286 Courtney 20032, 39–43, with reference to the doubts at 42–3. Further references at Suerbaum 2003, 226; add Canobbio 2016a. See also n. 270, above. 287 For the treatment of the sotadean in Latin poetry, including in Ennius’ Sota, and the consequences for which lines of Latin fragmentary (and, in particular, Accian and Varronian) poetry can and cannot be read as sotadeans, see d’Alessandro 2016. 288 Now additional to the references listed at Skutsch 2003, 226–7 are Degl’Innocenti Pierini 2013 (relocating to the Annales lines transmitted by Cicero without text-assignation and typically assigned to the Scipio), Morgan 2014 (on the debated question of the metre of the Scipio and its effects on interpretation), and Morelli 2016 (in favour of a pre-existing hypothesis that the Scipio represents a praetexta). 289 On Ennius’ philosophical interests throughout the corpus at large, see Fabrizi 2020. 290 On the Epicharmean and pseudo-Epicharmean corpus as a whole, see Favi 2020 (rev. L. Rodríguez-Noriega Guillén, CR 71.2 [2021], 299–301), and 280–335 there for Ennius’ Epicharmus. See also Suerbaum 2003, 225, for comprehensive references to earlier work. 291 The remains of the work are best available in Courtney 1999, 27–39. In addition to the references listed at Suerbaum 2003, 225–6, see also Romano 2008, and Russo 2017a and 2017b.

Early Latin Poetry

69

also called the Praecepta (“Instructions”), unless the latter title represents a different work. We know virtually nothing about this work, but the title (as first given) is common to a series of works by a line of Greek philosophers going back to Aristotle and suggests a collection of moral precepts. The relative dating of any these works is a problem unlikely to be solved, given the lack of evidence we have about them.292 Today, however, Ennius is best known for his epic Annales (“Annals”),293 something that may have been the case in antiquity too.294 The Annales consisted in eighteen books of hexameter, the Greek syllabic verse-form of the Homeric Iliad and Odyssey and much else since.295 As the first epic poem fitting the Latin language to this newly imported Greek metre (the only possible competition being from Ennius’ Hedyphagetica; see above), Ennius’ Annales initiated the long tradition of Roman heroic hexametric poetry, in which some of the most famous extant exemplars of Roman poetry (Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura, Catullus 64, Virgil’s Aeneid, and Ovid’s Metamorphoses among them) were subsequently written.296 The poem’s subject was the Roman past, from Aeneas’ departure from Troy to Ennius’ own day.297 Today there survive only around six hundred full or partial lines. The dominant editorial reconstruction of the text,298 like the pre-Strzelecki reconstruction of Naevius’ Bellum 292 Skutsch 1985, 2–4, Courtney 20032, 4; for thoughts on the matter, see also Mariotti 19912, 17–23. 293 Helpful introductions to Ennian epic include Gratwick 1982a, Dominik 1993, Goldberg 1995, 83–110, Goldberg 2005c, esp. 433–5. The debate surrounding the Annales is reflected in an ongoing series of essay-collections about the work: Skutsch 1968; Skutsch 1972 (not exclusively about the Annales); many of the essays in ICS 8.2 (1983); Breed and Rossi 2006; Fitzgerald and Gowers 2007; Damon and Farrell 2020. 294 That is, if Cicero’s approval (Opt. gen. 2) and quotation-rates are anything to go by. See, however, Goldberg 2020, for the case that Cicero and other extraordinary readers should not be taken as representative of a larger response (cf. Goldberg 2005a, 24–8). 295 It was not only the verse form of Ennius’ epic which was Homeric: many other aspects of the poetry were too (see, e.g., Goldberg 1995, 86–8, 161, n. 2). See Elliott 2013a, 75–134, for why this is such a pronounced aspect of the surviving material. Fisher 2012 argues that the preponderance of Iliadic over Odyssean material is to be read as representative of the original, rather than the result of accident or the bias of our sources. Farrell 2020 proposes a series of ways in which Hesiodic and Euhemerist programmes complicate the Homeric aspects of Ennius’ gods. 296 For other experimental and innovative aspects of the work, see, e.g., Zetzel 1974; Feeney 1993, 120–8; Krevans 1993; Goldberg 1995, 83–110; and Elliott 2013a, 233–94. 297 For discussion of the ideological force of the poem’s geographical emphases, as best we can discern them across the work’s remains, see Elliott 2013b. 298 Skutsch 1985 (rev. T. Cornell, JRS 76 [1986], 244–50; A. Gratwick, CR 37.2 [1987], 163–9; H. Jocelyn, RFIC 115 [1987], 444–58; points of philological disagreement at Timpanaro 1994, 165–202, and critique also at Elliott 2013a, 1–8, 19–23, 38–40, 43, 45–58, 67–8, and

70

Elliott

Punicum, assumes straightforward chronological progression; but in this case a further set of issues also arise. A large subset of our sources for Ennius’ Annales quote the poem to illustrate its relationship to Vergil’s Aeneid. As a result of the action of these sources, the relationship Vergil constructed between his Aeneid and the Annales has always been one of the most striking aspects of the fragments the modern reader encounters.299 This accident was adopted as a basis for narrative reconstruction of the Annales by Eduard Norden in 1915: he joined together sets of fragments into thus reconstructed scenes, on the basis of Vergilian parallels.300 Otto Skutsch extended that effort yet further in his 1985 edition, bringing the extant portions of Livy’s Ab urbe condita and other prose historiographical texts additionally into play. The reasons why their approach does not represent a sound methodology were strikingly illustrated by Michael Wigodsky in 1972,301 but Skutsch’s 1985 reconstruction of the text, problematic for other reasons also,302 remains in use as a basis for evaluations of the poem and its relationship to later poetry.303 Recent discussions of the work for their part have focused variously on the poem’s function as a

299 300 301

302 303

Ch. 1 generally); earlier editions, anthologies, and lexica of the Annales are listed at Suerbaum 2003, 229, with comprehensive twentieth century bibliography on the work following. More recent editions exist in Flores 2000–9, where a heavy editorial hand presents an idiosyncratic text, although the edition has other strengths (see the review by S. Goldberg, Paideia 64 [2009], 637–55; reviews also by I. Gildenhard, CR 58.1 [2008], 109–10 and CR 61.1 [2011], 307–8; M. Filippi, RPh 82.2 [2008], 501–3); and in FRL 1. Despite the problems of Skutsch 1985 (as noted in the responses listed above) and its own editors’ awareness of those problems (FRL 1, x–xiii), FRL 1 adopts Skutsch’s organisation of the text and fragment-numbering, in accordance with the conservative principles of the Loeb series. Important studies of the epic, or of Ennian language more broadly, include Timpanaro 1946–8 and Mariotti 19912. The gratulatio of O. Skutsch published by S. Timpanaro (BICS 51 [1988], 1–5) cites further consequential bibliography in the context of a twentieth century history of work on Ennius. Ongoing work on the text at, e.g., Russo forthcoming, exemplary for its principled approach and care with previous scholarship. Elliott 2013a, 75–134. Norden 1915. Wigodsky 1972, 40–79, esp. 56–68 (cf. 33, on Naevius), making clear why the attempt to join sets of fragments into reconstructed scenes on the basis of Vergilian parallels is especially problematic. Both as part of this case and as observations valuable in their own right, Wigodsky points out that the majority of the Ennian phrases we see Vergil using are formulaic in character and so cannot be used as an indication of specific context, or, in other cases, perfectly illustrate “Vergil’s disregard for the original application of an Ennian phrase” (53–4); cf. Goldberg forthcoming, with further relevant citations. On Norden’s arguments for the Ennian structure of Aeneid 7, see further Timpanaro 1994, 203–25, and Horsfall 2000, 354–6 (ad Aen. 7.540–640), the former antithetical and the latter complementary to Wigodsky as just cited. Elliott 2013a, 38–74. E.g., Fabrizi 2008 and 2012, Goldschmidt 2013, Heslin 2015, 257–60 (with M. Squire’s review, JRA 29 [2016], 598–606), and many others.

Early Latin Poetry

71

medium of cultural memory; its use of the formulaic language of republican cultural practices; its ancient reception and literary legacy; its relationship to Roman historiography;304 and on method (and editorial assumptions to date) in approaching this particular set of fragments.305 Like all the early Roman poets, Ennius worked in awareness of recent Hellenistic poetry, and it is in the Annales (especially the proems to Books 1 and 7), as well as in some of the ‘minor’ works – the Hedyphagetica, the Epicharmus, and the Euhemerus – that this is most apparent; Hellenistic elements are less traceable in Ennian drama.306 The extraordinary ambition of the Annales is thus evident not only in its metrical feat but in many further traceable internal features: the use of modes associable with tragedy or other genres in given episodes, for example; or in its several exceptional uses of the first person, more readily associable if anything with historiography than with earlier or later epic poetry (see Ann. 522–3 Sk./FRL 1, with its Ciceronian quotation context; Ann. 524 and 525 Sk./FRL 1; Gell. NA 17.21.43 [sed. inc. lxx Sk. with Skutsch 1985, 674–6 / FRL 1 T 84, with p. 293 there]).307 304 On this relationship, see also Elliott 2009a, 2009b, 2010, and 2015. 305 Fabrizi 2012 (rev. J. Elliott, BMCR 2013.12.17: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2013/2013.12.17); Elliott 2013a (rev. I. Gildenhard, Gnomon 88.6 [2016], 510–12); Goldschmidt 2013 (rev. S. Casali, Eikasmos 27 [2016], 482–6); Fisher 2014 (rev. J. Farrell, CR 67.2 [2017], 385–7). Reviews of different constellations of these monographs exist by T. Biggs, AJPh 136.4 (2015), 713–9, J. Farrell, JRS 105 (2015), 421–4, and A. Rossi, CP 112.2 (2017), 276–84. There are also two recent studies of the reception of Ennius in Roman poetry of the 50s BCE: Nethercut 2021 (Lucretius) and Hill 2021b, partially published as Hill 2021a (Catullus). The best discussion of the circumstantial evidence for the use of Ennian poetry as a subject of study in education in republican and early imperial Rome – the possibility of which is slightly supported by Horace’s lone report (Ep. 2.1.69–71) that Livius’ poetry was so studied  – is at Goldschmidt 2013: 18–28; cf. Keith 2000, 8–18, on the privileged position of epic in Roman education. On Ennius’ intervention from a socio-cultural perspective, see Gildenhard 2003. 306 Mariotti 19912, 65–88 (cf. Fränkel 1932, 308–11 and 1935, 61–4), with caution at Goldberg 1995, 91–2; Wülfing-von Martitz 1972; Kerkhecker 2001; Russo 2001 and 2003; Hill 2021b, 70–73 (and passim), surely subject to the same kinds of caution about differences in degree as are highlighted by Goldberg 1995 on the supposedly Callimachean features of early Roman poetry at large. On the proems to Books 1 and 7, with their extraordinary dreams, a great deal has been written. Substantial and recent contributions, through which others are available, include Grilli 1965, 11–99 (rev. O. Skutsch, Gnomon 38 [1966], 352–6); Suerbaum 1968, 94–113; Skutsch 1985, 147–53; Mariotti 19912, 41–62; Habinek 2006; Feeney 2016, 259–60; and Glauthier 2021; caution on which fragments properly belong to the first proem at Elliott 2013a, 144–51. See pp. 44–7, above, for controversies surrounding Ennian epic engagement with Hellenistic poetry beyond Callimachus. 307 Badian 1972, 162–3 suggests the possibility that the ancient ideas that Ennius performed military service in Sardinia and that he came to Rome in 204 BCE might have been based on first person utterances in the context of the Annales – something which would be of a piece with the evidence cited above without belonging in the same category of evidence,

72

Elliott

Many readers of Latin poetry today first encounter Ennius through the sly references of later and better extant poets. Following in Ennius’ own footsteps, these later poets, Propertius and Ovid among them, portray their predecessor(s) as archaic and unsophisticated, thereby defining their own new contributions against the previous ones they present as outdated. In the process, they lastingly re-shaped the memory of Ennius’ poetic role.308 But neither this nor the poor state of preservation of Ennius’ poetry today can obscure the degree of his creativity, the significance of his achievement, or the far-reaching effects of his literary legacy. In this sense, it is no coincidence that more citations of Ennius survive than of any other early poet of Rome.309 5.4 Pacuvius (220–130 BCE)310 Contradictory ancient accounts of Pacuvius’ life exist. The losing tradition possibly originated in Cornelius Nepos’ Chronica: it is visible in Gellius (NA 17.21.49), Velleius (2.9.3), and above all in Jerôme (Ab Abr. 1863 = 154 BCE [Helm 1913, 142e]), and it makes Pacuvius a grandson of Ennius, placing him after Terence, with a floruit as late as 154 BCE, thus setting him a generation later than the dominant account.311 It is Cicero (Brut. 229) who, most likely in dependence on Accius’ Didascalica and Varro’s De Poetis, dates Pacuvius’ birth by implication to 220 BCE, while Jerôme adds that he came from Brundisium. Pacuvius’ name suggests Oscan heritage,312 and ancient lexicographers thought that they discerned Oscan words in his works, as Festus (s.v. ungulus; Lindsay 1913,

308 309 310

311 312

as Badian properly acknowledges. The same author in the same article, however, points out that the majority of the lines cited above are not securely attributed to the Annales at all and could belong elsewhere among his works, with the Satires being the most likely candidate (Badian 1972, 153, n. 2), a point which stands. Hinds 1998, 52–98. Hill 2021b, developing Zetzel 1983’s line of argument, argues that the posture towards Ennius adopted by Catullus in the 50s BCE is more positive than that of his elegiac successors Propertius and Ovid; many readings make it equally disparaging. The comparison is with his rivals in dramatic and epic poetry; of Lucilian satire (Lucilius’ only known endeavour) slightly more survives than of Ennius’ oeuvre entire (Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018, 20). Recent introductions to Pacuvius include Stärk at Suerbaum 2002, 154–8 (life, work, and reception); Fantham 2003; Boyle 2006, 87–108 (with sensitive analysis of some of the more substantial surviving passages); Schmidt 2007a; and Manuwald 2011, 209–15 (listing further introductions to Pacuvius at 209, n. 54). Manuwald 2001 [2004], 158–80 supplies reference to work published on Pacuvius between 1964 and 2002. The most comprehensive introductions to Pacuvius today are the substantial and sound treatments at Manuwald 2003 (rev. B. Rochette, AC 75 [2005], 332–3) and Schierl 2006, 1–71 (n. 322, below). Summary and references at Drury 1982, 196–7, and esp. Schmidt 2007a. See Manuwald 2003, 32–3, n. 9, for bibliography.

Early Latin Poetry

73

514.28–16.2) residually informs us.313 Pliny the Elder tells us that Pacuvius was in fact Ennius’ nephew and that there existed in his own day, almost two hundred years after Pacuvius’ death, an especially famous painting by Pacuvius in the Forum Boarium at Rome (HN 35.19).314 The painting was in the Temple of Hercules, a building dedicated by L. Aemilius Paullus in the wake of his famous and consequential victory over Perseus of Macedon at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BCE, a fact in which Leo reads a commissioning of Pacuvius by Paullus.315 Pacuvius’ activity notoriously coincided at its conclusion with the earlier years of that of his successor, Accius (Cic. Brut. 229; Gell. NA 13.2).316 Gellius (NA 13.2.2) has it that Pacuvius died at Tarentum, and it is again Gellius (NA 1.24.4) who transmits an ‘epitaph’ for Pacuvius (alongside parallel ones for Naevius and Plautus) which he claims was written by the poet – something which is, however, unlikely to be the case.317 L. Aemilius Paullus, the victor of Pydna (and dedicator of the Temple of Hercules in the Forum Boarium, where the elder Pliny admired Pacuvius’ painting), appears also to have been the subject of Pacuvius’ single known praetexta, of which four fragments survive.318 Evanescent references in late antique scholarship suggest that Pacuvius also wrote satura (Porph. ad Hor. Sat. 1.10.46 [FRL 1 T 40b]; Diomedes [Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 1, 485.32–4 = FRL 1 T 94]),319 but no fragments survive. The phenomenon may in fact be a chimaera, the result of confusion with Ennian satura, since that is itself only weakly attested (pp. 65–6, above) and is mentioned in the same breath by either source.320 The fact that Pacuvius was known to be Ennius’ nephew and 313 Frg. 47, 157 Schierl; Pacuvius, ll. 64, 215 Ribb.2 / 59, 224 ROL 2. For the line of ancient lexicography represented for us today by Festus, see n. 64, above. 314 Canobbio 2015 reads Hor. Ars P. 1–13 as a comment on Pacuvius’ flamboyance as both artist and poet. 315 Leo 1913, 227, n. 1. 316 On the artificiality of this narrative of coincidence as presented in our ancient sources, see Leo 1913, 227, n. 2 (cf. pp. 53–4, above). 317 Courtney 20032, 47–50. Cf. Drury 1982, 195, Schierl 2006, 11. For reference to discussions of these related ‘epitaphs’, see nn. 215 and 270, above. 318 Schierl 2006, 515–28 for the remains of the Paul(l)us (see n. 322, below, for further points of access); see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 177–8, and n. 161, above, for further bibliography. 319 For the commentary on Horace that goes under the name of Pomponius Porphyrio, himself a scholar of the early third century CE, see Zetzel 2018, 149–56. For Diomedes, who wrote in the late fourth century CE, see Zetzel 2018, 294–5. The note in which Diomedes fleetingly connects Pacuvius with Ennius in a pre-Lucilian tradition of satura represents the locus classicus for the etymology of the term. 320 Just so, Ennius and Accius too are often treated as a pair (e.g., at Hor. Ars P. 258–62, Ov. Am. 1.15.19–20) or indistinguishably (Sen. Ep. 58.5, Plin. Ep. 5.3.6), and sometimes actually confused (Symm. Or. 3.7); cf. Lloyd 1961, 330, n. 53, for the same linkage in ancient scholarship.

74

Elliott

that he was likewise highly respected further motivates suspicion: it is not only biographical details which could be confused with the passage of time.321 Pacuvius was in antiquity by far best known and most respected for his crepidatae.322 In testament to Pacuvius’ enduring ancient popularity on that score, even as he ranks Ennius as the supreme epic poet and Caecilius as the best comic poet,323 Cicero ranks Pacuvius highest among Roman tragic poets (Opt. gen. 2; cf. Am. 24 and, if the Orestes there in question is the Pacuvian work of that title, Fin. 5.63, for [a constructed sense of] Pacuvius’ general theatrical acclaim).324 On the (not necessarily representative) basis of his surviving record, however, Pacuvius was not obviously a prolific author, even in the genre in which he specialised.325 Only thirteen titles for Pacuvian crepidatae are attested with a reasonable degree of security,326 against Ennius’ twenty and Accius’ forty-five. Those thirteen are: Antiopa, Armorum Iudicium (“The award of the arms”), Atalanta, Chryses, Dulorestes, Hermiona, Iliona, Medus, Niptra (“The foot-washing”; the play referred to the well-known scene of the Odyssey, in which Odysseus’ nurse Eurycleia recognises her disguised master by his scar), Orestes, Pentheus or Bacchae, Periboea, and Teucer.327 These works 321 For a less sceptical view of the possibility of Pacuvian satura, see Flintoff 1990; summary of considerations for and mainly against his position at Manuwald 2003, 138, n. 18; cf. Suerbaum 2002, 304, Schierl 2006, 10–11. References to work on the slight possibility that Pacuvius also wrote comic verse again at Manuwald 2003, 138, n. 18; cf. Manuwald 2011, 210, n. 56, and Schierl 2006, 10. Gaertner 2015 argues in favour of the possibility. 322 The fragments of Pacuvian drama are today best available in Schierl 2006 (rev. I. Gildenhard, BMCR 2008.04.31: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2008/2008.04.31/). They are further available at Ribbeck 18732, Vol. 1, 75–136 (and Klotz 1953, 111–89), to be replaced by Rücker and Siegl’s forthcoming edition (see n. 157, above); also at ROL 2, 157–305 (to be replaced by a new Loeb edition: see n. 76, above). See Schierl 2006, 66–8 for a comprehensive history of editions of Pacuvius; cf. Manuwald 2001 [2004], 159–61 for dedicated editions published between 1964 and 2002, along with pertinent reviews. Subsequently there has appeared Artigas 2009, offering Catalan translation and commentary (rev. G. Scafoglio, BMCR 2010.10.44: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2010/2010.10.44). 323 For Caecilius, see Manuwald 2020, 43–4. 324 But see Prinzen 1998, 36–9, for the view that Cicero at Opt. gen. 2 was merely reporting general positive opinion of Pacuvius and himself preferred Ennius and Accius, whom he cites more frequently; and that he had at heart a negative assessment of Pacuvian language. As a rule, the attitudes and perspectives Cicero adopts and attributes to different personas in his texts are subject to a great deal of skilful variation. 325 Manuwald 2003, 137–43. 326 Manuwald 2003, 23–6; Schierl 2006, 5–9. 327 Comprehensive, annotated bibliography for work on individual Pacuvian tragedies published between 1964 and 2002 is given at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 166–77; earlier work is listed at Mette 1964 [1965], 16–17. More recent studies include Falcone 2008, Degiovanni 2011, Scafoglio 2012, and Falcone 2014.

Early Latin Poetry

75

are further attested by around 440 surviving lines of verse (ca. 380 of which are assigned by their sources or by editorial conjecture to particular works, and ca. 55 of which are not). In rare instances, up to twelve of these lines are contiguous and allow for more extended analysis of sense and style. The effectiveness of these dramas in their day can be surmised not only from audience reactions as described by Cicero (above) but from the stilltraceable responses they garnered in contemporary and close-to-contemporary literature.328 There also survives substantial ancient literary critical response to Pacuvius’ style, both positive and negative.329 On the basis of remarks in Horace (Ep. 2.1.56–7) and Quintilian (Inst. 10.1.97), it appears that Pacuvius had a particular reputation for doctrina (“learning”, although the application of the term in Pacuvius’ case is much debated).330 After the nineteenth and twentieth century efforts to reconstruct the dramas of Pacuvius,331 scholarship gradually turned towards identifying what was distinctive about them.332 In terms of content, Pacuvius has been read as acutely responsive to the Greek philosophy and ideology flooding into second 328 Manuwald 2011, 211–12. 329 E.g., Gell. NA 6.14.6, citing Varro, Ling., for the idea of Pacuvius as a positive paradigm for the rhetorical quality of ubertas (“richness”, “fullness”, precise interpretation debated; for discussion, see Leo 1913, 230–1, Castagna 1991, 209, and Boyle 2006, 97–8). Polemic against Pacuvius (as against Accius) by Lucilius is reported but not detailed at Gell. NA 17.21.49; cp. the bias expressed at Martial 11.90.6 and (in the mouth of one of the speakers of that work) at Tac. Dial. 20.5 and 21.7. The insults in Martial and Tacitus take broad aim at Pacuvius’ style (paired, as often, with that of Accius), from which tastes had by their day receded. By the mid-second century CE, tastes had changed again, and Pacuvius was back in fashion, at least among a vocal subsection of surviving readers; see, e.g., Fronto (De eloquentia 1.2 [133 Hout; 2.46 Haines]) terming Pacuvius mediocris (“measured”), though the text there may be corrupt: see Manuwald 2003, 18–19, with n. 18 there. 330 For comprehensive, second half of the twentieth century bibliography on this topic and term, see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 165–6; further, Manuwald 2003, 129–30, and Schierl 2006, 64–5. 331 The principal monuments to the work of this time are Ribbeck 1875, 216–339; and, in polemical response, Müller 1889. The very goal of reconstruction is difficult to reconcile with today’s methodological awareness, but, where it is possible to extricate them from that effort, Ribbeck’s wide knowledge and printed insights remain perennially instructive. Detailed and judicious synthetic work forming the basis of the modern study of Pacuvius took place in the earlier part of the twentieth century: Leo 1913, 226–32, followed by Helm 1942 (bibliographical and still reconstructive). Manuwald 2001 [2004], 158–9 details subsequent bibliographies and research reports. 332 General characterisation of Pacuvius’ dramatic choices, thematic interests, and distinguishing traits at Manuwald 2003, 42–127 and 2011, 212–15 (which also offers a possible chronology for the known Pacuvian dramas) and Boyle 2006, 88–100. See also Leo 1913, 228–9 and the publications cited at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 164–5.

76

Elliott

century Rome.333 Often noted is the fact that none of the titles surviving for Pacuvian crepidatae coincide with surviving Ennian titles but often suggest related subject-matter – something that has resulted in the general sense that Pacuvius wrote in keen and competitive awareness of his uncle’s work in the genre.334 Some modern scholars see political allegory at work in the plays.335 Pacuvius’ style has also been felt to be provocative, both in ancient and in modern times.336 Altogether, the sense is that Pacuvian tragedy was systematically complex and offered its audience an intellectually and emotionally stimulating experience. 5.5 Lucilius (180? 168? 158?–103/2 BCE)337 Jerôme tells us that Lucilius was born in the year equivalent to 148 BCE and died in 103 BCE (Ab Abr. 1869 = 148 BCE [Helm 1913, 143e]; Ab Abr. 1914 = 103 BCE [Helm 1913, 148e]. While the death date has found ready acceptance, the difficulties surrounding the birth date are not resoluble on the basis of the evidence we have.338 One popular and long-standing thesis is that Lucilius was born in 180 BCE (Jerôme having confused the consuls of that year with those of 148, the year for which he presents Lucilius’ birth), but Lucilius’ most recent editors, both veterans of the matter, think in terms of a younger poet, born perhaps as late as 158 BCE.339 Lucilius was in any case a contemporary of Accius’; Gellius 333 See Boyle 2006, 91–2; cf., e.g., Schierl 2006, 233–4. 334 Fantham 2003, 102–3; Manuwald 2003, 38–9; Boyle 2006, 88–9; Schierl 2006, 29; cf. Cowan 2010, 45. Especially engaging is Cowan 2013a, 332–40, which, taking the standard observation as a point of departure, proposes “visual allusion” (i.e., reference, including via the details of staging) in the Medus and the Iliona to Ennius’ Medea Exul and Hecuba. 335 The approach ranges from Biliński 1960 and 1962 (cf. Biliński 1958, on Accius), now an outdated mode of response but one of the early moves towards looking at the political dimension of Roman tragedy, to the identity politics of many of the papers collected in Manuwald 2000, esp. 157 onward (cf. Faller and Manuwald 2002 [n. 363], and Aricò 2005, focusing on Accius); for concerns, see Goldberg 2007a, 578–80, and Gildenhard 2010, 161–4, with n. 35 there, citing Jocelyn 2000 and Stärk 2000 for related perspectives. 336 For ancient responses, see n. 329, above. For some modern responses, see the references collected at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 163–4, as well as Manuwald 2003, 120–7 and Schierl 2006, 30–4. 337 Suerbaum 2002, 304–18 offers access to the sources for Lucilius’ life and poetry, as well as summary discussion and full bibliography through the date of publication (cf. Drury 1982, 201–2). Still the best account the political and social circumstances in which Lucilian satire came into existence is Gruen 1992, 272–317, pushing back hard against the view of Lucilius (as elsewhere of other early poets) as spokesperson either for the élite at large or for this or that member of the élite. For further introductions, see also Gratwick 1982c, 162–71; Christes 2005; Christes and Garbugino 2015, 9–10; and Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018, 1–16. 338 On the problems of the evidence, see Gruen 1992, 274–7. 339 Christes and Garbugino 2015, 10.

Early Latin Poetry

77

(NA 17.21.49) and Velleius (2.9.3–4), typically assumed to be as usual working on the basis of clues assembled by Varro and Cornelius Nepos, make this clear. Besides, there survive a number of Lucilian fragments offering barbed comments about Accius’ poetry and life, and, perhaps more to the point, the two poets also have active linguistic interests in common (see pp. 81–3, below): their parallel activities in this sphere, along with those of their contemporary Aelius Stilo (nn. 50, 271), mark the rise of the study of error and correctness in the use of language at Rome.340 Lucilius hailed from the Latin colony of Suessa Aurunca in northern Campania, so Juvenal implies (Juv. 1.20, with confirmation from his scholiast). He may therefore not have been a Roman citizen from birth, but by the time he served under the general Scipio Aemilianus as an equestrian at Numantia in 134–3 BCE (Vell. Pat. 2.9.4; cf. Hor. Sat. 2.1.75) he will at any rate have been one.341 The same evidence makes Lucilius the first Roman poet to hold attested rank in Roman society and to be, correspondingly, of easily independent means. Lucilius’ poetic persona foregrounds avoiding a political career of his own; Lucil. 617–18 CG is often cited as evidence in this connection, for the speaker there expresses his disdain for the life of the tax-collector, an occupation typically reserved for the equestrian class to which Velleius (as just cited) mentions the poet belonged. Lucilius’ apparent connections to high-ranking others, including Scipio Aemilianus, the foremost intellectual and military leader of his day, are often drawn to attention in scholarly discourse. Lucilius’ sister is thought to have been Pompey the Great’s maternal grandmother (cf. Vell. Pat. 2.29.2; Porph. Hor. Sat. 2.1.75).342 Lucilius’ higher social status and financial freedom have often been used to explain his freedom of expression and lack of regard for generic constraint.343 Lower social status had not prevented others, in particular Ennius, from unbridled experimentation, including with the use of the authorial voice, but Lucilius’ manner is more aggressive than anything we find in Ennius, in terms both of ad hominem attacks and of the occasional obscenity of his language.344 Horace (Sat. 1.10.48) refers to Lucilius as the inventor (“inventor”) of the genre of satire – a curious reference, in view of Ennius’ apparent claim, but a widely 340 Lucilius’ orthographical polemic against Accius receives attention repeatedly in Mancini 2019; earlier bibliography on the matter in n. 21 there. 341 The debate on the question of Lucilius’ citizenship is documented at Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018, 6, incl. n. 16 there. 342 But see Gruen 1992, 277, n. 23, on this evidence. 343 E.g., Gratwick 1982c, 163, Muecke 2005, 47, and Manuwald 2011, 92. 344 On Ennius’ experimentation with authorial voice, see p. 71, above, with n. 307 there. On the language of Lucilian satire, including in contrast to that of Ennian satire, see Petersmann 1999, 296–310.

78

Elliott

accepted one.345 In introducing the genre of satire at Inst. 10.1.93, Quintilian too, in conformity with the presumably by then well-established Horatian perspective, says that Lucilius was the first to excel in the genre and that he had admirers so ardent as to think him not only the best writer of satire but the best poet altogether, in any genre. It is for satire alone that Lucilius is known. We have evidence for thirty books, which Lucilius probably made public individually (or in other small subsections). The collection of thirty continuously numbered books of which we have the remains today is the first of its kind at Rome of which we know. The posthumous collation may have taken place soon after Lucilius’ death, perhaps in the work of Lucilius’ “friends” ( familiares; probably freedmen close to his household), Laelius Archelaus and Vettius Philocomus, alongside the serious students of language who soon thereafter gave their attention to Lucilius’ work: Pompeius Lenaeus, Curtius Nicias, and the poet-grammarian Valerius Cato. All this is the implication or the direct report of Suetonius (Gram. 2.2, with Gram. 11, 14.4, and 15).346 Today, around 1,400 verses of Lucilian satire survive. A significant proportion of these are preserved by the fourth century lexicographer Nonius Marcellus – the consequences of which for the Lucilian record have never been fully addressed.347 The oldest and best attested books are Books 26–30; of Books 21 and 24, by contrast, no identifiable fragments survive. The longest continuous piece of verse is 13 lines long (1119–31 CG), and most of the fragments are between half a line and two lines long.348 The earliest two books, i.e., Books 26 and 27, were written in trochaic septenarii, a dramatic metre. In subsequent books, Lucilius experiments: Books 28 and 29 see the introduction of iambic senarii and dactylic hexameter. Hexameter then is the consistent metre 345 See Goldberg 2018b on this situation. For further deliberate omissions by satirists of others of their kind, see Ferriss-Hill forthcoming. 346 See Kaster 1995 on all these passages. 347 See, however, Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018, 20–2. For Nonius’ interests and working methods, see the references in n. 69, above. 348 The most recent edition is Christes and Garbugino 2015 (with German translation), to be complemented soon by Anna Chahoud’s English language commentary for the Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries series. F. Marx’s 1904–5 edition (Vol. 1) and commentary (Vol. 2), long the staple, was famously reviewed by A. E. Housman (CQ 1 [1907], 53–74, also taking in L. Mueller’s 1871 edition). The fragments are available in Warmington’s English translation (ROL 3), to be replaced by Anna Chahoud’s forthcoming Loeb edition of fragmentary Latin satire and popular verse (n. 76, above). For comprehensive reference to further editions, see Chahoud 2018, likewise an excellent source for further references to all aspects of Lucilian poetry (cf. the survey of work on Roman satire at Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018, 16–23). Relevant work published since 2018 and not cited elsewhere in this volume includes Chahoud 2019 (on Lucilian orthography and morphology), with Mancini 2019 in response; and Goh 2018a, 2018b, and 2020.

Early Latin Poetry

79

of Book 30 and of the majority of the subsequent collection, represented by Books 1–20. The poorly attested Books 21–25 (or 22–25, since the character of the unattested Book 21 is indiscernible) represent an appendix of sorts, surely first published posthumously, consisting mainly of epigrams addressed as if to slaves on the speaker’s estates.349 For Varro, Lucilius’ poetry was characterised by gracilitas (“slenderness” or “simplicity”, “lack of ornament”, specifically juxtaposed to Pacuvius’ ubertas; n. 329, above), so Gellius (NA 6.14.6) reports.350 Whatever exactly Varro had in mind, modern scholars for their part have inquired into Lucilian satire’s affinities with Hellenistic poetry and even with Callimachus directly, despite Horace’s insistence to the contrary (e.g., at Sat. 1.4.9–11).351 What is uncontroversial is that Lucilius had a quasi-scholarly interest in the use of language. One aspect of this is manifest in his frequent introduction of undisguised Greek.352 Among the many issues his satires address, a recurrent topic is the use of language, both spoken and written, sometimes on fairly myopic subjects, such as orthography, but also in relation to larger issues, including literary criticism and poetics.353 Perhaps these interests themselves to some extent encouraged the attention to preservation and circulation that Lucilius’ poetry posthumously received (see above); they are certainly consonant with the grammatical activity which is Suetonius’ topic in reporting the work on his text. Today, the debate about Lucilius is re-igniting. New versions of the text and new commentaries are becoming available (n. 348, above) and making the bulky remains of his poetry more inviting. The productive encounter between Ennian epic and Lucilian satire continues to be a subject of interest,354 as does the broader relationship between Ennius and Lucilius and the treatment of

349 Christes and Garbugino 2015, 12. 350 The most substantial treatment of Lucilian style is Mariotti 1960 (rev. O. Skutsch, CR 12.3 [1962], 212–13). 351 Controversially, Puelma Piwonka 1949 (rev. C. Dawson, AJPh 75.2 [1954], 196–201; more recent, still sceptical reflection on the thesis at Bagordo 2001). 352 Argenio 1963, Baier 2001, Chahoud 2004; cf. Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018, 23–9 (on Italic languages and varieties of Latin in use in Lucilius). 353 See Chahoud 2019 (with observation at 47–8 there of how transmission has affected our access to this material). For Lucilius’ literary critical activities in the context of ancient scholarship, see Zetzel 2018, 17, 28, 61, and 177; and, for Lucilius’ poetry as itself an object of literary critical inquiry in antiquity, ibid. 21–2, 27, 59–61, 333, and 342. Lucilius’ fragments on grammar and rhetoric are assembled at Funaioli 1907, 32–50. On the literary critical activities of Lucilius’ contemporary, Accius (who, unlike Lucilius, seems to have kept his scholarly discussions separate from his main poetic oeuvre), see pp. 82–3, below. 354 See, e.g., Connors 2005, 124–31, Morgan 2019.

80

Elliott

either in ancient scholarship.355 Lucilius is also the subject of a recent volume of papers aiming to clarify the literary historical, linguistic, and cultural trends, against which satire emerged.356 5.6 Accius (170–84 BCE) According to Jerôme (Ab Abr. 1879 = 139 BCE [Helm 1913, 144h–45]), Accius was born in 170 BCE, the son of erstwhile slaves. Jerôme mentions Pisaurum, then a recent Roman colony on the Adriatic coast of Umbria, in connection with Accius, and Cicero (Brut. 271) and Pliny (HN 7.128) attest to the existence of later Accii there. Pisaurum is therefore often given as the poet’s place of birth in modern accounts, but the evidence does not clearly indicate this. From Jerôme’s attestation that Accius was the son of a freedman, we deduce that, unlike his generic predecessors, Accius was born into full Roman citizenship.357 Stories about him paint a picture of someone who felt far more free than did his generic predecessors to interact with the social nobility as something approaching a peer; perhaps it was the perceived loftiness of his poetic style (see p. 81, below) that led later audiences to reconstruct his character in such a way.358 At any rate, Valerius Maximus (3.7.11) reports that Accius consistently refused to rise to greet a patrician member the collegium poetarum, Julius Caesar Strabo, allegedly on the grounds that he thought himself the better poet. From Pliny (HN 34.19), we learn that “writers” (auctores) reported that Accius, a short man (cf. Lucil. 791 CG), had a tall statue of himself erected in the shrine of the Camenae (Italic water-goddesses associated by Accius’ poetic predecessor, Ennius, with the Greek Muses). According to Gellius (NA 13.2), previous histories conveyed that Accius was bold enough as a young man to stop off in Tarentum on his way to Asia (probably Pergamum, if not apocryphal), to visit Pacuvius, now aged, infirm, and retired from activity, and to read his Atreus to him; and that he was sufficiently sure of himself not to be disturbed by the critical notes in the resulting response from Pacuvius – and to have replied accordingly. Although Cicero disagreed with Accius’ literary chronology (pp. 2–3, with n. 5, above), he was proud to have his avatar in the Brutus boast personal acquaintance with the then elderly Accius (Brut. 107), and proud of the way in which a late republican re-performance of Accius’ Brutus was interpreted in his favour by actor and crowd (Sest. 123). Varro’s De 355 356 357 358

Breed 2020; cf. Muecke 2005. Breed, Keitel, and Wallace 2018; see also Manuwald 2001b. On freedmen’s right to citizenship, see Sherwin-White 1973, 322–31. Dangel 1995, 9–26 discusses all known biographical details surrounding Accius, as does Baldarelli 2004, 11–45. Stärk at Suerbaum 2002, 158–9 supplies comprehensive references. On the “biographical fallacy”, see Goldschmidt 2019, as cited in n. 218, above.

Early Latin Poetry

81

antiquitate litterarum (named as a work in [at least] two books by Priscian, at Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 2, 8.2) appears to have been dedicated to Accius (thus Pompeius, without naming the work, at Keil and Hagen 1855–80, Vol. 5, 98.23 and 108.10).359 This makes it an early work of Varro’s dedicated to a senior Accius in his capacity not as a tragic poet but as a scholar of language. As for Accius’ relationship with the patrician Decimus Brutus Callaicus (Cic. Arch. 27, Leg. 2.54, Brut. 107; Val. Max. 8.14.2), it has been interpreted as a client-patron relationship, but we do not properly know the details.360 Accius’ record suggests that he was prolific author, first and foremost of crepidatae: we have more than forty-five titles of such surviving in association with him,361 along with those of two praetextae,362 and around 700 corresponding lines of verse.363 In terms of style, Accian tragedy was in antiquity 359 RE Suppl. 6, 1218–19. For details of the traceable relationship between Varro and Accius, see Dahlmann 1953, 94, n. 2, and della Corte 19702, 27–8, with nn. 15 and 16 there. 360 Castagna 2002, 79–83 doubts the connection between Callaicus and the apparent praetexta, Brutus; cf. Baldarelli 2004, 18–22. Arguments on grounds of probability, however construed, are in any case the only kind available. 361 Achilles, Aegisthus, Agamemnonidae (“The descendants of Agamemnon”), Alcestis, Alcmeo, Alphesiboea, Amphitruo, Andromeda, Antenoridae (“Antenor’s sons”), Antigona, Armorum Iudicium (“The award of the arms”), Astyanax, Athamas, Atreus, Bacchae, Chrysippus, Clytemnestra, Deiphobus, Diomedes, Epigoni (“Those who came after”, referring to the Theban myth cycle), Epinausimache (“The battle by the ships”, referring to an episode of the Iliad), Erigona, Eriphyla, Eurysaces, Hecuba, Hellenes (“The Greeks”), Io, Medea sive Argonautae (“Medea” or “the Argonauts”; see n. 273, above), Melanippus, Meleager, Myrmidones (“The Myrmidons”), Neoptolemus, Nyctegresia (“The Night-alarm”), Oenomaus, Pelopidae (“The descendants of Pelops”), Persidae (“The sons of Perseus”), Philocteta, Phinidae (“The descendants of Phineus”), Phoenissae (“Phoenician women”), Prometheus, Stasiastae vel Tropaeum Liberi (“The rebels” or “Dionysus’ trophy”), Telephus, Tereus, Thebais (“The story of Thebes”), Troades (“Women of Troy”). 362 The Aeneadae vel Decius and the Brutus (see nn. 161 and 163, above). Manuwald 2001 [2004], 216–19 offers bibliography; see also Boyle 2006, 117–19 and 139, Cataudella 2007, Petrone 2007, and Blair 2017. 363 Dedicated editions of Accius include Dangel 1995, D’Antò 1980, and Argenio 1962 (see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 181–4 for context, reviews, and further editions); see n. 157, above, for further forms of access, including P. Kruschwitz’s forthcoming edition. Scafoglio 2006 represents an edition dedicated to the Astyanax alone (rev. C. Panayotakis, ExClass 11 [2007], 309–14). Comprehensive, annotated bibliography on Accian tragedy, from the years 1964–2002, appears at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 180–225 (to which Aricò 1998b can be added); earlier contributions are listed at Mette 1964 [1965], 17–18; see also Stärk at Suerbaum 2002, 160–63. Important bodies of work on Accius and on republican tragedy more broadly were produced in the latter part of the twentieth century by Jacqueline Dangel and Rita Degl’Innocenti Pierini (see Manuwald as just cited). Since the turn of the century, Accian tragedy has, as before, continued to receive most attention from German and Italian scholars: a selection of their work is represented by Faller and Manuwald 2002 (rev. E. Fantham, CR 55.2 [2005], 106–8); Degl’Innocenti Pierini 2002; Baldarelli 2004 (rev.

82

Elliott

distinguished – including from Pacuvius, with whom Accius is otherwise routinely paired – as strikingly lofty, powerful, and ornate (Hor. Ep. 2.1.56–7; Quint. Inst. 10.1.97; cf. Ov. Am. 1.15.19, Gell. NA 13.2.3), and critics today see these judgements as well founded in what we have of his poetry’s remains.364 The judgement is also validated by the fact that Lucilius repeatedly engaged with Accius’ language (though not his alone) to apparently parodic effect (cf. Gell. NA 17.21.49).365 Despite the methodological difficulties of approaching the topic,366 the politics of Accian as of Pacuvian drama have come in for considerable attention.367 So too have its contributions to establishing a distinctively Roman mode of approach to Greek philosophical and religious topics, including theology, divination, meteorology and astronomy.368 From Cicero (Phil. 1.36) it appears both that new Accian tragedies were still being produced at the end of the second century and also that politicised re-performances of his works remained popular sixty years later, at the republic’s last gasp (cf. Att. 16.2.3, 16.5.1). And Cicero was eager publicly and demonstratively to declare his approval of the spirit of Accian tragedy (e.g., Planc. 59, Sest. 102).369 However large an impression Accian crepidatae made at the time and subsequently, serious drama was not Accius’ only endeavour. He is one of the earliest known students of Roman literary history,370 and fragments of two works, the Didascalica and the Pragmatica, attest to his activity in this sphere.371 While Degl’Innocenti Pierini, Gnomon 79.4 [2004], 362–4; see also Goldberg 2007a, 579–80); Aricò 2005 and 2010; Manuwald 2007; Scafoglio 2009; Baier 2010; Filippi 2011, 2012, and 2016; Francisetti Brolin 2013 and 2014; Verde 2017; and Galasso 2019. See also n. 273, above. For a good general English-language introduction to Accian tragedy, with strong stylistic analysis of some of the fragments, see Boyle 2006, 109–42; for an overview and further comprehensive reference to scholarship to date, see Manuwald 2011, 216–25. 364 See, e.g., Boyle 2006, 113–22, Goldberg 2007a, 572, 578–80; for some detail, degl’Innocenti Pierini 1980, 91–144. 365 Faller 2002; see also n. 340, above. 366 See Goldberg and Gildenhard, as cited in n. 335, above. 367 See n. 335, above; for a balanced approach, Boyle 2006, 123–6. 368 Rüpke 2000b and 2012, 51–61; cf. Manuwald 2011, 221. 369 Haley 2021, 56–60, sets Cicero’s quotations of Accius’ Atreus in these passages in the broader context of the range of his extant citations of Accius’ Atreus and Ennius’ Thyestes, with attention to the question of whether he was quoting from memory and/or aspiring to trigger his audiences’ memories of these plays in performance. 370 Degl’Innocenti Pierini 1980, 53–89; Gruen 1990, 80–2; Slater 1992, esp. 98–101; Welsh 2011; Zetzel 2018, 17, 27–8, 31, 33–4 and 61; cf. Dangel 1990, on the detailed interest in language represented in the tragic fragments, testifying to Accius’ scholarly bent. More generally on the intellectual milieu in late second and early first century Rome and the place of scholarship directed at language within it: Rawson 1985b, 66–83. 371 Courtney 20032, 60–1, 62–4; Blänsdorf 20114, 96–100, 101–2. The formal features of the Didascalica are unclear; Courtney believes that the work was in prose, cf. degl’Innocenti Pierini 1980, 56–7.

Early Latin Poetry

83

he has in this respect no known Roman predecessors, poet-scholars had long existed in the Greek world,372 and Accius by no means operated in a vacuum at Rome.373 According to a series of late grammatical sources (to which Varro, Ling. 7.96 and 10.70 looks like a predecessor), Accius (like Ennius before him) entertained interests in orthography and morphology.374 There also survive traces of further poetic experimentation on Accius’ part. Of his epic Annales, not quite ten lines survive.375 Besides this, we have fragments of works entitled Sotadica, Parerga, and Praxidicus, which suggest experimentation of the kind discussed above in connection with Ennius.376 6

Reception

The senses in which our access to fully extant texts is mediated by later reception are today well established.377 When it comes to the fragmentary works of early Latin poetry, that mediation pertains in even more direct and material ways (see Part 1.2, above): because we are dependent on secondary transmission for our access, what we have of early Roman poetry is exclusively its later ancient reception. The long established practice of obscuring this large fact – primarily but not only in editions of fragments – is today being replaced by the recognition that the study of early Roman poetry, as of other fragmentary works, is essentially a study in reception: the large interpretative consequences 372 See, e.g., Fogagnolo 2020 (rev. J. Sousa Buzelli, BMCR 2021.05.19: https://bmcr.brynmawr .edu/2021/2021.05.19/), and Leurini 1999 and Leurini 2007 (rev. C. Esposto, Eikasmos 19 (2008), 560–66), respectively, for the scholarly activity on Homer of the poets Antimachus of Colophon and Rhianus of Crete. The activity of especially the first of these pre-dates that of the famous scholar-poets of Alexandria. 373 See n. 50, above, and the further cross-references there; also, p. 60 (on Octavius Lampadio), with n. 253 there. For possible contemporaries or immediate successors to Accius as scholar-poet at Rome, see, e.g., Courtney 20032, 118–43 (cf. Blänsdorf 20114, 136–50; also, Brown 1980, Holford-Strevens 1981, Magno 1982), on Laevius / Laevius “Melissus”; and, on Valerius Cato, Crowther 1971, Kaster 1995, 148–61 (on Suet. Gram. 11), Courtney 20032, 189–91, and Zetzel 2018, 59–60, 63 (also, nn. 210 and 211, above); Kaster 1995, 170–6, and Zetzel 2018, 21, 27, 96, 98 on Curtius Nicia(s) and Santra. The big name in due course would be Varro (n. 214, above), also a poet. 374 All sources and further references are given by Stärk at Suerbaum 2002, 165. 375 Courtney 20032, 56–60; Blänsdorf 20114, 95–6. See Nethercut 2021, 26–30, and Hill 2021b, 13–16, for recent discussion of one of the most famous surviving lines of Accius’ Annales (4 FLP / 4 FPL) and of the relationship to Ennius’ epic it suggests. 376 Courtney 20032, 61–2, Blänsdorf 20114, 100–1 and 102, and Stärk at Suerbaum 2002, 163–6; on the nature of the Praxidicus and the history of its attribution, Timpanaro 1994, 227–40. 377 Fundamental studies, applying a broader awareness to classical texts in particular, include Martindale 1993 and Martindale and Thomas 2006.

84

Elliott

of how fragments reach us, including via scholarly sources which rarely hazard explicit judgements on the works they quote, both limit and direct interpretation in a manner which amounts to a strong form of reception.378 In the case of works surviving only in fragments, what we are in a position to investigate are the filters through which they have passed, and only by these indirect means does our evidence allow us to speak legitimately about the works in any other aspect. The study of now fragmentary works is in this sense akin to the study of black holes: the objects of our interest are not themselves manifest, and what remains to be observed are their effects on surrounding phenomena. In addition, at least one major study defines the creation of Roman “literature” as itself in first place an act of reception, performed by Roman society, primarily the élite, over the course of the first century BCE.379 In approaching the reception of the early Roman poets, there thus exist a variety of rationales, as well as a range in focus varying from the microscopic (the reception of a single line of an earlier poet’s in a later author’s text) to the macroscopic (responses conceived as to entire works, to figures of the poets those works represented, or in some senses also to entire genres – not mutually exclusive options). Rarely, the ancient reception of a poet has been studied comprehensively, as a topic in its own right. Such work typically focuses on authors who make explicit judgements about the predecessors they thus receive, especially “literary” authors.380 But since understanding reception properly informs us best about the later, receiving authors and their agendas, studies of the reception of the early Roman poets sometimes function, and are intended to function, primarily as contributions to our understanding of those later authors rather than of the earlier works to which they refer. Thus, 378 See, e.g., Elliott 2013a, esp. 6–7, 8–9; 75–134 (for the case of Ennius’ Annales). 379 Goldberg 2005a. (For a different answer to the same question of what constitutes Roman literature and how it arose, see Feeney 2016; rev. J. Elliott, BMCR 2016.12.37 [https://bmcr .brynmawr.edu/2016/2016.12.37/].) 380 E.g., Prinzen 1998 (Ennius, across his generic range); less highly recommended is Consoli 2014 (rev. A. Russo, BMCR 2015.08.24: https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2015/2015.08.24/). On the fortune of Ennius’ works during the course of transmission, see, e.g., Mariotti 19912, 27–38. For the reception of Naevian epic in ancient (and modern) times, see Biggs 2020. The D sections of Suerbaum 2002 address the reception of individual poets, giving exhaustive references through the date of publication: 103–4 (Livius), 117–19 (Naevius), 139–42 (Ennius), 157–8 (Pacuvius), 165–6 (Accius), 316–18 (Lucilius), 583–8 (general points). For references to work on the reception of early tragedy specifically, see Manuwald 2001 [2004], 79–87 (tragedy in general terms), 101 (Livius), 111–12 (Naevius), 150–8 (Ennius), 178–80 (Pacuvius), 219–25 (Accius), and 79–88 (the reception of tragedy as a genre). Comparable work on reception post-dating these bibliographies includes Schierl 2006, 52–65 (a detailed account of the ancient reception of Pacuvius) and Manuwald 2013b.

Early Latin Poetry

85

curiosity as to how Vergil’s reading and reception informed his own poems has long animated interest in early Roman poetry,381 but other major Augustan poets too have had their share of this kind of attention.382 There also exist comparable studies of the reception of early Latin poetry in pre-Augustan poetry, especially Catullus,383 and this has now been complemented by a series of explorations of the same in Lucretius’ De rerum natura.384 Although their fragmentary transmission obscures the fact, the early Roman poets were of course themselves in interaction with each other, and their responses to each other constitute an early phase of poetic reception at Rome.385 The ongoing presence of early works remains traceable in post-Augustan poetry,386 indeed all the way through to the Renaissance.387 It is thus clear that early Roman poetry enjoyed a lingering cultural presence, amplified as it had been by Cicero and Vergil in particular, long after the artefacts it comprised had ceased to be accessible. The reception of early Roman poetry in prose texts is harder to track. This is at least in part because of the apparent tendency of ancient scholars, who generate the bulk of our record of early Roman poetry, to be impressed by formal 381 Norden 1915, Wigodsky 1972 (on these two, see n. 301, above, with accompanying text); Hardie 2019, first publ. 1997 (cf. Galinsky 2003, esp. 290–3 [n. 168, above]); Jocelyn 1998, Scafoglio 2007a and 2007c, Baldarelli 2008, Elliott 2008, Falcone 2010, Fabrizi 2012, Goldberg 2013, Biggs 2019, Morgan 2019. Several of these consider the insertion of tragic elements into the text of the Aeneid via allusion to early Roman tragedy; for further, esp. earlier, bibliography on that subject, see Manuwald, as cited in n. 380, above (in each case, s.v. “Vergil”). 382 For the reception of early Roman poetry in various Ovidian texts, see e.g. D’Anna 1959; Connors 1994; Newlands 1995, 217–18, 219, 233; Manuwald 2013b, 126–30; Filippi 2015; Heslin 2015, 257–60 (n. 303, above); in Propertius and Ovid, Miller 1983; in Horace (with his generic successors Persius and Juvenal virtually the only known conduit for the literary reception of Lucilius), Scodel 1987; Hardie 2007; Ferriss-Hill 2011 and forthcoming; Canobbio 2016b; Goh 2018c. In each case, see also Manuwald, as cited in n. 380, above, under the relevant receiving author’s name. 383 See the references given at Manuwald 2001 [2004], 153, esp. Thomas 1982 and Zetzel 1983; also, Maggiali 2008 and Hill 2021a and 2021b. 384 Cowan 2013b (Lucretian reception of tragedy); Gellar-Goad 2018 and 2020 (Lucretian reception of Ennian satire); Hanses 2021 (Lucretian reception of Ennian epic and Ennian tragedy); and Nethercut 2021 (Lucretian reception of Ennian epic); cf. Keith 2000, 108–11. 385 Justly the most famous discussion is Hinds 1998, 52–98, but see also Goldberg 2007b (with further references in n. 14 there) and Scafoglio 2005 and 2008a. 386 For the reception of early Roman poetry in Seneca, see Blänsdorf 2008, cf. Manuwald 2013b, 130–1; in Flavian epic, Bayne Woodruff 1906 and Augoustakis 2021, cf. Manuwald 2013b, 131–4. See further Manuwald’s bibliography, as cited in n. 380, above. 387 For Ennius as a figure in the literature of the Renaissance, see Hardie 2007, 128–30 and Goldschmidt 2012 (cf. Houghton 2007).

86

Elliott

similarities between texts. They thus go to town in recording Vergil’s debt to the hexametric expressions of early Roman poets, amply supplying students of reception with corresponding material, but they are conspicuously silent where no formal similarities pertain – as between poetic and prose texts. Even without their assistance, however, prose authors’ engagement with the early Roman poets clearly involves a striking series of relations, not just between particular narratives but between authorial strategies and practices. This is especially true at the fruitful intersection between the works of the prose historians and Ennius’ Annales.388 The literary and rhetorical reception of early Roman poetry, especially drama, in Cicero has also received considerable attention.389 Occasionally, it is possible to define how different layers of ancient reception affect each other, as when we find instances of Ennius’ reception in Cicero still demonstrably active in Plutarch.390 7

Reflection

Among the urgent questions confronting the study of early Latin fragmentary material today is that of its proper objective and ambition. By obtrusively displaying their nature as fractions, often infinitesimally small, of larger wholes, fragments tantalize their readers with visions of the elusive originals to which they once belonged or the larger narratives of which they are a part – be those construed in terms of the full works from which they were culled, the larger societies in which those works were made available and first had meaning, or the subsequent histories in which the fragments participated and continue to take part. Historically, the strongest and most consistent desire that fragments qua fragments have evoked is the desire to re-create the narrative sequences of the works which today’s fragments formerly helped constitute, to extrapolate a definitive aesthetics and economy for those works, and then, on the basis of those results, to define the role of the no-longer-extant works in relation to subsequent, landmark literature. Today, the evidentiary and methodological obstacles to achieving those goals, however desirable in themselves, are 388 Much of the relevant bibliography appears at Elliott 2009a, 532, n. 4. See also Moles 1994; Elliott 2009a, 2009b, and 2015 (https://histos.org/documents/2015AA11ElliottTheEpicVan tage-Point.pdf); Damon 2020; Haimson Lushkov 2020; Spielberg 2020; Woodman 2020; and the essays in Damon and Farrell 2020 more generally. This is an area in which there is almost certainly more to say, especially as concerns Sallust and Livy. 389 Malcovati 1943, esp. 89–231, Goldberg 2000 and 2005a, 126–30, 135–42 (and passim), Manuwald 2013b, 124–6. See further nn. 66 and 71, above. 390 See, e.g., Elliott and Miano 2020.

Early Latin Poetry

87

squarely on the table. At the same time, significant advances have been made in the presentation of fragmentary material to further audiences. With these long-overdue changes comes the responsibility to re-formulate the aims of and approaches to working with fragmentary material. The task now is to integrate and extend awareness of the relevant challenges and correspondingly to formulate goals better achievable on the basis of the evidence we have. Renewed modes of communication with the larger interpretative community are also needed, a proportion of which is otherwise broadly inclined to keep working with outdated reconstructions (or, more generally, modes of reconstruction) of lost works. Now as in the past, new theoretical approaches are worth exploring for their possible heuristic value,391 but these are not coterminous with and do not automatically involve respect for the methodological and evidentiary issues raised by fragmentary material. The question of how to work responsibly and productively with fragments lies in good part in recognising their dual nature, in the following sense. On the one hand, fragments, coming from lost worlds, offer a broad range of interpretative possibilities; on the other, they are governed by obvious and irreducible limitations. These two aspects of fragments are fundamentally inextricable: the former is enabled principally by the latter, that is, by our lack of access to the standard defining contexts to which more fully extant texts, perhaps from better attested historical and social moments, have accustomed readers – and for which readers understandably continue to grasp, even where they are not available. This irremediable ignorance necessitates the use of the imagination – ideally, the conscious use of the informed imagination – as an inevitable, if not always an acknowledged, part of the toolkit of every interpreter of fragments. The same ignorance, however, forbids confidence in the appealing or impressive castles in the air sometimes built on the basis of the relics of early Latin poetry available to us today. Fragments thus unquestionably demand care and expertise in defining both the range of possibilities they offer and the limits of those possibilities. Along with this, they require sustained and acute vigilance as to the operative limits of our knowledge. Fragments properly make these demands not just of editors, on whose work access to fragments rests for most readers, but of every interpreter who encounters them. No editor can hand an interpretative community the final set of possibilities a fragment or a set of fragments entails. Correspondingly, ongoing acts of care and expertise, tutored by self-awareness and imagination, are required on the part of anyone engaging with fragments. 391 E.g., those listed here: https://classicalstudies.org/annual-meeting/2023/154/roman-drama -and-critical-theory.

88

Elliott

This is also true when the interpretative goal lies not directly in the fragments but in other material to which a relationship is posited. Editors’ responsibility today is perhaps best understood as the responsibility to make the peculiar challenges posed by a given record transparent, for its wider readership to work with. The question remains of what fragments are best fit to inform us about: what kinds of answers they properly hold. The answer to this question will in fact vary from record to record, for the problems and the potential of any given record are not in principle transferrable to any other: each stands as the unique product not just of a given mind, time, and circumstance but, at least as drastically, of those contingent forces it chanced to encounter in the course of transmission. Accordingly, one alternative narrative possibility offered by fragments, one of few surviving contexts available to be explored, is that of the history of readers and of reading particular to the individual author, the given work, or the genre in question.392 The degree of specificity a study achieves in tracing the circulation, transmission, and reception history of a fragmentary record is often a significant determinant of its ability to serve other interested students of that and related material. Beyond this, the question of what fragments can best tell us remains open. The confines of the present study have of necessity remained narrow and artificial, and the definition of what constitutes “early Latin poetry” conventional. The pages above have taken as their subject the productions of the best attested figures of what we now call the third and second centuries BCE: those whom our problematic sources, for better or for worse, present as the ones necessary to an interpretation of the history here in question. Along with them have been detailed the challenges presented by what we think we know of those figures and productions: that is, by the contents of that knowledge and by our means of access to it; and, finally, the history, also necessarily partial and incomplete, of relatively recent scholarship on these matters. The aim has been to offer orientation to those newer to or more distant from the material in question. This should not, however, be allowed to disguise the fact that there is in reality no coherent or satisfactory narrative to be had here. Lucilius and Accius are not the final figures of the “early” period, however defined (itself a question which this study has not tackled), and it has been possible only very slightly to gesture at what else the subject might properly comprehend (p. 43, with n. 177; pp. 48–9, with n. 196; p. 52, with nn. 210 and 211; and p. 83, with n. 376 there). Above all, it is worth remembering that any vision of a fragmentary 392 Cf. Momigliano 1978, 67–75, on the need for comparable inquiry for the field of historio­ graphy, and on the gains to be achieved by those means.

Early Latin Poetry

89

author or work which has been elaborated by modern scholarship is likely to be a mirage, the distorted product of myriad reflections and refractions which conceal as much as they reveal of the figures and the works whose images they conjure.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation and the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Colorado Boulder, together with my academic host at the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Prof. Dr. Ulrich Schmitzer, for support enabling the completion of this study. The resources of the Grimm-Zentrum are formidable even under restricted pandemic circumstances and were crucial to the completion of this project, as were those of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. I received frequent, swift assistance from the Interlibrary Loan librarians of Norlin Library on the Boulder campus of my home institution: they procured many items for me electronically, which would have otherwise been inaccessible to me under lockdown in Berlin. As well as to the press’s thoughtful and attentive anonymous reader, I am grateful to John Gibert, Sander Goldberg, Dylan Sailor, Christopher Smith, and Jim Zetzel, for reading and advising me on parts or all of the typescript; to Gesine Manuwald and Alessandro Russo, for prompt and helpful response to consultation on specific points of information; and to the editors for their good advice, patience, and understanding during a pandemic-stricken period of writing. My greatest debt is to Jim Zetzel, who introduced me to an enduring fascination with and wariness of early Roman poetry and the things there are to say about it. References Major bibliographies for early Latin poetry exist in Manuwald 2001 [2004] (for work published during the years 1964–2002 on ‘serious’ Roman republican drama, i.e., crepidatae and praetextae), in Suerbaum 2003 (for twentieth century work on Ennius), and in Chahoud 2018 (comprehensive annotated online bibliography on Lucilius). For reasons of economy, readers are referred to these works at relevant moments; many of the items they cite, including earlier bibliographies, research reports, and editions, are here omitted. Many further references to twentieth century work on early Roman literature across the spectrum of poetry and prose are available in Suerbaum 2002; see also Manuwald 2021 (comprehensive annotated online bibliography on Latin poetry of the Roman republic).

90

Elliott

Editions, Commentaries, Translations of the Early Roman Poets393

Argenio, Raffaele, ed. 1959. I frammenti dei drammi, ricostruiti e tradotti: M. Pacuvius. Turin: Temporelli. Argenio, Raffaele, ed. 1962. Frammenti tragici scelti, tradotti e ricostruiti: Lucio Accio. Milan: Società editrice Dante Alighieri. Artigas, Esther, ed. 2009. Marc Pacuvi: Tragèdies. Fragments. Barcelona: Fundació Bernat Metge (Collecció de clàssics grecs i llatins 376). Baehrens, Emil, ed. 1886. Fragmenta poetarum Romanorum. Leipzig: Teubner [www.hathitrust.org]. Barchiesi, Marino, ed. 1962 [B]. Nevio epico. Storia, interpretazione, edizione critica dei frammenti del primo epos latino. Padua: Cedam. Blänsdorf, Jürgen, Karl Büchner, and Willy Morel, eds. 20114 [FPL]. Fragmenta poetarum Latinorum epicorum et lyricorum praeter Enni Annales et Ciceronis Germanicique Aratea. Berlin: De Gruyter (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana: Scriptores Romani, 1371). Christes, Johannes and Giovanni Garbugino, eds. 2015 [CG]. Lucilius: Satiren, eingeleitet, übersetzt und erläutert. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Columna (Colonna), H. 1590. Q. Ennii poetae vetustissimi fragmenta quae supersunt. Naples: Horatius Salvianus. Repr., Amsterdam: Wetsten, 1707. Courtney, Edward, ed. 20032 [FLP]. The Fragmentary Latin Poets. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Repr. 2011, 2017. First publ. 1993. Courtney, Edward, ed. 1999. Archaic Latin Prose. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press (American Classical Studies 42). Dangel, Jacqueline, ed. 1995. Accius: Œuvres ( fragments). Paris: Les Belles Lettres (Collection des universités de France, série latine 322). Repr. 2002. D’Anna, Giovanni, ed. 1967. M. Pacuvii fragmenta. Rome: Athenaeum (Poetarum Latinorum reliquiae: aetas rei publicae 3.1). D’Antò, Vincenzo, ed. 1980. L. Accio. I frammenti delle tragedie. Lecce: Milella. De Durante, Gabriella, ed. 1966. Le fabulae praetextae. Rome: Fratelli Palombi (Testi e studi per la scuola universitaria 1). Falcone, Maria Jennifer, comm. 2016. Medea sulla scena tragica repubblicana. Commento a Ennio, Medea Exul; Pacuvio, Medus; Accio, Medea sive Argonautae. Tübingen: Narr Francke Attempto (Drama: Studien zum antiken Drama und zu seiner Rezeption, Neue Serie 18). 393 Editions of authors other than the early Latin poets are integrated into the secondary literature list below. This list features recent editions of the early Latin poets and landmarks in the nineteenth and twentieth century (and occasionally the earlier) editorial history of their works. Many more editions exist and are discoverable via the ones here listed.

Early Latin Poetry

91

Flores, Enrico, Paolo Esposito, Giorgio Jackson, Mariantonietta Paladini, Margherita Salvatore, and Domenico Tamasco, eds. 2000–2009. Quinto Ennio: Annali. Intro­ duzione, testo critico con apparato, traduzione. Vols. I–V. Naples: Liguori Editore (Forme, Materiali e Ideologie del Mondo Antico 33–36 and 38). Flores, Enrico, ed. 2011a. Livi Andronici Odusia. Introduzione, edizione critica e versione italiana. Naples: Liguori Editore (Forme, Materiali e Ideologie del Mondo Antico 39). Flores, Enrico, ed. 2011b. Cn. Naevi Bellum Poenicum. Introduzione, edizione critica e versione italiana. Naples: Liguori Editore (Forme, Materiali e Ideologie del Mondo Antico 41). Flores, Enrico, 2014. Commentario a Cn. Naevi Bellum Poenicum. Naples: Liguori Editore (Forme, Materiali e Ideologie del Mondo Antico 46). Goldberg, Sander and Gesine Manuwald, eds. 2018 [FRL 1]. Fragmentary Republican Latin I. Ennius: Testimonia, Epic Fragments (Loeb Classical Library 294). Cambridge (MA) / London: Harvard University Press [https://www.loebclassics.com]. Goldberg, Sander and Gesine Manuwald, eds. 2018 [FRL 2]. Fragmentary Republican Latin 2. Ennius: Dramatic Fragments, Minor Works (Loeb Classical Library 537). Cambridge (MA) / London: Harvard University Press [https://www.loebclassics .com]. Jocelyn, Henry, ed. 1967. The Tragedies of Ennius: the fragments, edited with an introduction and commentary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries 10). Repr. 2008. Klotz, Alfred, ed. 1953. Scaenicorum Romanorum Fragmenta. Vol I: Tragicorum Fragmenta. Munich: Oldenbourg. Livingston, Ivy. 2004. A Linguistic Commentary on Livius Andronicus. London / New York: Routledge. Manuwald, Gesine, ed. 2012. Tragicorum Romanorum Fragmenta. Vol. 2: Ennius. Series editors: W.-W. Ehlers, P. Kruschwitz, G. Manuwald, M. Schauer, and B. Seidensticker. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht [https://www.vr-elibrary.de/ doi/book/10.13109/9783666250293]. Mariotti, Scevola. 1952. Livio Andronico e la traduzione artistica. Saggio critico ed edizione dei frammenti del Odyssea. Milan: de Silvestri (Pubblicazioni dell’ Università di Urbino. Serie di lettere e filosofia 1). Repr. Urbino: Università degli studi di Urbino, 1986 (Pubblicazioni dell’ Università di Urbino. Scienze umane. Serie di linguistica, letteratura, arte 4). Mariotti, Scevola, ed. 1955. Il Bellum Poenicum e l’arte di Nevio: saggio con edizione dei frammenti del Bellum Poenicum. Rome: Signorelli, 1955 (Studi e saggi 4); repr. with corr. 1966, 1970. Third edn. 1995, ed. P. Parroni. Bologna: Pàtron (Testi e manuali per l’insegnamento Universitario del latino 67); repr. 20013.

92

Elliott

Marmorale, Enzo, ed. 19502 [M]. Naevius poeta. Introduzione biobibliografica, testo dei frammenti e commento. Florence: La Nuova Italia (Biblioteca di Studi Superiori 8). Repr. 1967. Marx, Friedrich, ed. 1904–5. C. Lucilii Carminum Reliquiae. Vols. 1–2. Leipzig: Teubner [www.hathitrust.org]. Repr. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1963. Masiá, Andrés, ed. 2000. Ennio, tragedias: Alcmeo. El ciclo troyano. Amsterdam: Hakkert (Classical and Byzantine Monographs 46). Maurenbrecher, Bertold, ed. 1894. Carminum Saliarium Reliquiae. Leipzig: Teubner [www.hathitrust.org]. Paladini, Mariantonietta and Simona Manzella, eds. 2014. Livio Andronico, Odissea. Commentario. Napoli: Liguori Editore (Forme, Materiali e Ideologie del Mondo Antico 45). Pedroli, Lydia, ed. 1954. Fabularum praetextarum quae extant: introduzione, testi, commenti. Genova: Instituto di filologia classica, Università di Genova (Pubblicazione dell’Istituto di filologia classica e medieval 7). Ribbeck, Otto, ed. 18732 [Ribb.2]. Scaenicae Romanorum Poeisis Fragmenta. Vol. 1: Tragicorum Romanorum fragmenta; Vol. 2: Comicorum Romanorum praeter Plautum et Terentium fragmenta. Leipzig: Teubner [www.hathitrust.org]. First edn. 1852. Third edn. (editio minor) 1897. Repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1962. Russo, Alessandro, ed. 2007 [R]. Quinto Ennio. Le opere minori. Vol 1: Praecepta, Protrepticus, Saturae, Scipio, Sota. Introduzione, edizione critica dei frammenti e commento. Pisa: ETS (Testi e Studi di Cultura Classica 40). Scafoglio, Giampiero, ed. 2006. L’Astyanax di Accio. Saggio sul background mitografico, testo critico e commento dei frammenti. Brussels: Éditions Latomus (Collection Latomus 295). Schauer, Markus, ed. 2012. Tragicorum Romanorum Fragmenta. Vol. 1: Livius Andronicus. Naevius. Tragici Minores. Fragmenta Adespota. Series editors: W.-W. Ehlers, P. Kruschwitz, G. Manuwald, M. Schauer, and B. Seidensticker. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht [https://www.vr-elibrary.de/doi/book/10.13109/9783666250262]. Schierl, Petra, ed. 2006 [Schierl]. Die Tragödien des Pacuvius: ein Kommentar zu den Fragmenten mit Einleitung, Text und Übersetzung. Berlin / New York: De Gruyter. Skutsch, Otto, ed. 1985 [Sk.]. The Annals of Q. Ennius. Edited with an introduction and commentary. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Spaltenstein, François. 2008. Commentaire des fragments dramatiques de Livius Andronicus. Brussels: Éditions Latomus (Collection Latomus 318). Spaltenstein, François. 2014. Commentaire des fragments dramatiques de Naevius. Brussels: Éditions Latomus (Collection Latomus 344). Stephanus (Estienne), Robert and Henri Stephanus, ed. 1564. Fragmenta poetarum veterum Latinorum, quorum opera non extant: Ennii, Accii, Lucilii, Laberii, Pacuvii, Afranii, Naevii, Caecilii, aliorumque multorum. Geneva: H. Stephanus [www.hathitrust.org].

Early Latin Poetry

93

Strzelecki, Wladislaw, ed. 1964. Belli Punici carminis quae supersunt. Leipzig: Teubner (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana: Scriptores Romani). First publ. Wroclaw: Polska Akademia Nauk, 1959. Traglia, Antonio, ed. 1986. Poeti latini arcaici. Volume primo. Livio Andronico, Nevio, Ennio. Turin: Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese (Classici latini 37). Repr. 1991, 1994, 1996. Vahlen, Johannes, ed. 19032 [V]. Ennianae Poiesis Reliquiae. Leipzig: Teubner [www.hathitrust.org]. Repr. 1928; Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1963, 1967. First edn. 1854. Viredaz, Antoine, ed. 2020. Fragmenta Saturnia heroica: Introduction, traduction et commentaire des fragments to l’Odyssée latine de Livius Andronicus et de la Guerre Punique de Cn. Naevius. (Diss. Lausanne 2017.) Basel: Schwabe (Schweizerische Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft 47). Warmington, Eric, ed. 1935 (rev. 1956). Remains of Old Latin. Newly ed. and transl. Vol. 1. Ennius and Caecilius [ROL 1]. London / Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press (Loeb Classical Library 294) [https://www.loebclassics.com]. Warmington, Eric, ed. 1936. Remains of Old Latin. Newly ed. and transl. Vol. 2. Livius Andronicus, Naevius, Pacuvius and Accius [ROL 2]. London / Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press (Loeb Classical Library 314) [https://www.loebclassics .com]. Warmington, Eric, ed. 1938 (rev. 1967). Remains of Old Latin. Newly ed. and transl. Vol. 3 [ROL 3]. Lucilius and the Twelve Tables. London / Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press (Loeb Classical Library 329) [https://www.loebclassics.com]. Warmington, Eric, ed. 1940. Remains of Old Latin. Newly ed. and transl. Vol. 4. Archaic Inscriptions [ROL 4]. London / Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press (Loeb Classical Library 359) [https://www.loebclassics.com].



Secondary Literature

Adams, James, Mark Janse, and Simon Swain, eds. 2002. Bilingualism in ancient society: language contact and the written text. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Adams, James. 2003. Bilingualism and the Latin Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Affleck, Michael. 2013. “Priests, patrons and playwrights. Libraries in Rome before 168 B.C.” In Ancient Libraries, ed. by J. König, K. Oikonomopoulou and G. Woolf, 124–36. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press. von Albrecht, Michael, 1999. Roman Epic: An Interpretive Introduction. Leiden / Boston: Brill. d’Alessandro, Paolo. 2016. “Frammenti in sotadei nella poesia latina di età repubblicana.” In Si verba tenerem: studi sulla poesia Latina in frammenti, ed. by B. Pieri and D. Pellacani, 79–88. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Alonso Fernández, Zoa. 2016. “Redantruare: cuerpo y cinestesia en la ceremonia saliar.” Ilu 21: 9–30.

94

Elliott

Alonso Fernández, Zoa. 2020. “Roman dance.” In A Companion to Greek and Roman Music, ed. by T. Lynch and E. Rocconi, 173–85. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Alonso Fernández, Zoa. 2021. “Incorporating memory in Roman song and dance: the case of the Arval cult.” In Music and memory in the Ancient Greek and Roman Worlds, ed. by L. Curtis and N. Weiss, 101–20. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Anderson, William. 1983. Essays in Roman Satire. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Angeli Bernardini, Paola. 2004. “Etnografia e storia nell’epos di Cherilo di Samo.” In Samo: storia, letteratura, scienza: atti delle giornate di studio, Ravenna 14–16 novembre 2002, ed. by E. Cavallini, 31–50. Pisa: Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali (Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Dipartimento di Studi del Mondo Classico e del Mediterraneo Antico, Sezione Filologico-Letteraria. Quaderni 8). Arcellaschi, André, 1990. Médée dans le théatre latin d’Ennius à Sénèque. Rome: École française de Rome. Argenio, Raffaele. 1963. “I grecismi in Lucilio.” RSC 11: 5–17. Aricò, Giuseppe. 1997. “La tragedia romana arcaica.” Lexis 15: 58–78. Aricò, Giuseppe. 1998a. “… spirat tragicum (Horace, Epist. 2.1.166). Réflexions sur le tragique romain archaïque.” Pallas 49: 73–90. Aricò, Giuseppe. 1998b. “Accio e la fine del teatro.” In Storia della civiltà letteraria greca e latina 2, ed. by I. Lana and E. Maltese, 402–14. Turin: UTET. Aricò, Giuseppe. 2004. “Cicerone e il teatro. Appunti per una rivisitazione della problematica.” In Cicerone tra antichi e moderni: atti del IV Symposium Ciceronianum Arpinas, ed. by E. Narducci, 6–37. Florence: Le Monnier. Aricò, Giuseppe. 2005. “L’Atreus di Accio e il mito del tiranno: osservazioni in margine a uno studio di Italo Lana”. In Politica e cultura in Roma antica: Atti del’ incontro di studio in ricordo di Italo Lana, ed. by F. Bessone and E. Malaspina, 19–34. Bologna: Pàtron (Pubblicazioni del Dipartimento di Filologia, Linguistica e Tradizione Classica, Università degli Studi di Torino 22). Aricò, Giuseppe. 2010. “Punti di vista sull’ Astyanax e su altri drammi ‘troiani’ di Accio.” In ‘Stylus’: la parole dans ses formes: mélanges en l’honneur du professeur Jacqueline Dangel, ed. by M. Baratin, 317–29. Paris: Classiques Garnier (Rencontres 11). Artigas, Esther. 1990. Pacuviana. Marco Pacuvio en Cicerón. Barcelona: University of Barcelona (Aurea Saecula 3). Ash, Rhiannon. 2002. “Epic encounters? Ancient historical battle narratives and the epic tradition.” In Clio and the Poets: Augustan Poetry and the Traditions of Ancient Historiography, ed. by D. Levene and D. Nelis, 253–72. Leiden / Boston: Brill. Auhagen, Ulrike. 1999. “Elemente des Stegreifspiels im Amphitruo-Prolog.” In Studien zu Plautus’ Amphitruo, ed. by T. Baier, 111–29. Tübingen: Narr (ScriptOralia 116, Reihe A, Altertumswissenschaftliche Reihe 27).

Early Latin Poetry

95

Augoustakis, Antony. 2021. “Republican Roman tragedy in Flavian epic.” In Elements of Tragedy in Flavian Epic, ed. by S. Papaioannou and A. Marinis, 13–23. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter (Trends in Classics 103). Auvray-Assayas, Clara. 1998. “Relectures philosophiques de la tragédie: les citations tragiques dans l’œuvre de Cicéron.” In Rome et le tragique: Colloque International 26, 27, 28 mars, 1998, ed. M.-H. Garelli-François, 269–77. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail (Pallas: Revue d’Études Antiques, 49). Badian, Ernst. 1972. “Ennius and his friends.” In Ennius: sept exposés suivis de discussions, ed. by O. Skutsch, 149–208. Geneva: Fondation Hardt (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique 17). Bagordo, Andreas. 2001. “Lucilius und Kallimachos.” In Der Satiriker Lucilius und seine Zeit, ed. by G. Manuwald, 24–36. Munich: Beck (Zetemata 110). Baier, Thomas. 2001. “Lucilius und die griechischen Wörter.” In Der Satiriker Lucilius und seine Zeit, ed. by G. Manuwald, 37–50. Munich: Beck (Zetemata 110). Baier, Thomas. 2010. “Accius, Tereus: ein Antibürgerkriegsstück.” Aevum(ant) N.S. 10: 221–33. Bakker, Niels. 2017. “A Hellenistic glimpse at a ‘Homeric’ Messenia.” In Past and Present in Hellenistic Poetry, ed. by M. Harder, R. Regtuit, G. Wakker, 45–58. Leuven / Paris: Peeters (Hellenistica Groningiana 2). Baldarelli, Beatrice. 2004. Accius und die vortrojanische Pelopidensage. Paderborn / Munich / Vienna / Zurich: Schoningh (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums. 1 Reihe: Monographien, Neue Folge 24). Baldarelli, Beatrice. 2008. “Poetische Gerechtigkeit in der Aeneis: der Einfluss von Accius’ Philocteta auf die Achaemenidesepisode (Vergil, Aen. 3.588–691).” In Vergil und das antike Epos: Festschrift Hans Jürgen Tschiedel, ed. by S. Freund und M. Vielberg. Stuttgart: Steiner (Altertumswissenschaftliches Kolloquium 20). Barchiesi, Alessandro. 1985. “Livio Andronico, Omero, e l’ironia drammatica (Odyssea, fr. 38 Mor. = 20 Mar.).” RFIC 113: 405–11. Batstone, William. 1996. “The fragments of Furius Antias.” CQ 46.2: 387–402. Bayne Woodruff, Loura. 1906. Reminiscences of Ennius in Silius Italicus (diss. Michigan). New York: Macmillan, 1910; 2008; 2016. Beacham, Richard. 1991. The Roman Theatre and Its Audience. London: Routledge. Beacham, Richard. 2013. “Otium, opulentia and opsis: setting, performance and perception within the mise-en-scène of the Roman house.” In Performance in Greek and Roman Theatre, ed. by G. Harrison and V. Liapis, 361–408. Leiden: Brill (Mnemosyne Supplements 353). Beare, William. 19643. The Roman Stage: A Short History of Latin Drama in the Time of the Republic. London: Methuen & Co. First edn. 1950. Benz, Lore, Ekkehard Stärk, and Gregor Vogt-Spira, eds. 1995. Plautus und die Tradition des Stegreifspiels. Festgabe für Eckard Lefèvre zum 60. Geburtstag. Tübingen: Narr.

96

Elliott

Bernardi Perini, Giorgio. 1997. “Valerio Edituo e gli altri: note agli epigrammi preneoterici.” Sandalion 20: 15–41. Bernstein, Frank. 1998. Ludi publici. Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung der öffentlichen Spiele im republikanischen Rom. Stuttgart: Steiner (Historia Einzel­ schriften 119). Biggs, Thomas. 2017. “Primus Romanorum: origin stories, fictions of primacy, and the First Punic War.” CP 112.3: 350–67. Biggs, Thomas. 2019. “Achaemenides and the idea of early Latin epic.” Latomus 78: 301–13. Biggs, Thomas. 2020. Poetics of the First Punic War. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Biles, Zachary and Jed Thorn. 2014. “Rethinking choregic iconography in Apulia.” In Greek Theatre in the fourth Century BC, ed. by E. Csapo, H. Goette, J. Green, and P. Wilson, 295–318. Berlin: De Gruyter. Biliński, Bronislaw. 1958. Accio ed i Gracchi. Contributo alla storia della plebe e della tragedia romana. Rome: Signorelli. Biliński, Bronislaw. 1960. “Dulorestes de Pacuvius et les guerres serviles en Sicile.” In Hommages à Léon Herrmann, 160–70. Brussels: Latomus (Collection Latomus 44). Biliński, Bronislaw. 1962. Contrastanti ideali di cultura sulla scena di Pacuvio. Wroclaw: Ossolineum (Conferenze pubblicate a cura dell’ Accademia Polacca di Scienze e Lettere, Biblioteca di Roma 16). Biville, Frédérique. 2002. “The Graeco-Romans and Graeco-Latin: a terminological framework for cases of bilingualism.” In Bilingualism in Ancient Society: Language Contact and the Written Text, ed. by J. Adams, M. Janse, and S. Swain, 77–102. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Blair, Stephen. 2017. “Like father, like son: Accius’ Aeneadae and the Latin past.” In Frammenti sulla scena, Vol. 1: Studies in Ancient Fragmentary Drama, ed. by L. Austa, 157–73. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso (Scientific series of the Centre for Studies in Ancient Theatre, University of Turin). Boex, Alison. 2018. “Cold comfort: speeches to and from the prematurely deceased in early Roman verse epitaphs.” Latomus 77: 74–98. Boyle, Antony, ed. 1993. Roman Epic. London: Routledge. Boyle, Antony, 2006. Roman Tragedy. London / New York: Routledge. Blänsdorf, Jürgen. 1978. “Voraussetzungen und Entstehung der römischen Komödie.” In Das römische Drama, ed. by E. Lefèvre, 91–134. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft (Grundriß der Literaturgeschichten nach Gattungen). Blänsdorf, Jürgen. 2008. “Accius als Vorläufer Senecas.” In Amicitiae templa serena: studi in onore di Giuseppe Aricò, 2 vols. ed. by L. Castagna and C. Riboldi, 1: 177–93. Milan: Vita e Pensiero.

Early Latin Poetry

97

Bosher, Kathryn. 2021. Greek Theatre in Ancient Sicily, ed. by E. Hall and C. Marconi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Breed, Brian. 2020. “Ennius and Lucilius: good companion / bad companion.” In Ennius’ Annals: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 243–61. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Breed, Brian and Andreola Rossi, eds. 2006. Ennius and the Invention of Roman Epic. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press (Arethusa 39.3). Breed, Brian, Elizabeth Keitel, and Rex Wallace, eds. 2018. Lucilius and Satire in Second-Century BC Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Briquel, Dominique. 1998. “À la recherche de la tragédie étrusque.” In Rome et le tragique: Colloque International 26, 27, 28 mars, 1998, ed. M.-H. Garelli-François, 35–51. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail (Pallas: Revue d’Études Antiques 49). Brown, Peter G. McC. 1980. “The date of Laevius.” LCM 5: 213. Brown, Peter G. McC. 2002. “Actors and actor-managers at Rome in the time of Plautus and Terence.” In Greek and Roman Actors: Aspects of an Ancient Profession, ed. by P. Easterling and E. Hall, 225–37. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, Peter G. McC. 2019. “Were there slaves in the audience of Plautus’ comedies?” CQ 69.2: 654–71. Brunt, Peter. 1980. “On historical fragments and epitomes.” CQ 30: 477–94. Büchner, Karl. 1979. “Livius Andronicus und die erste künstlerische Übersetzung der europäischen Kultur.” SO 54: 37–70. Cameron, Alan. 1995. Callimachus and his Critics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Cairns, Francis. 2017. “Epigrams by Lutatius Catulus (fr. 1) and Callimachus (AP 12.73 = 4 HE).” In Word and Context in Latin Poetry: Studies in Memory of David West, ed. by A. Woodman and J. Wisse. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal: Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society. Supplementary Volume 40). Cancik, Hubert. 1978. “Die republikanische Tragödie.” In Das römische Drama, ed. by E. Lefèvre, 308–47. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft (Grundriß der Literaturgeschichten nach Gattungen). Canobbio, Alberto. 2008. “L’epitafio di Nevio, Ennio e la lingua « latina ».” In Amicitiae templa serena: studi in onore di Giuseppe Aricò, 2 vols. ed. by L. Castagna and C. Riboldi, 1: 195–221. Milan: Vita e Pensiero. Canobbio, Alberto. 2015. “Pacuvio, l’ars oraziana e i monstra fra pittura e poesia.” In D’Aléxandre à Auguste: dynamiques de la creation dans les arts visuels et la poésie, ed. by P. Linant de Bellefonds, E. Prioux, and A. Rouveret, 167–75. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes (Archéologie et Culture). Canobbio, Alberto. 2016a. “Per il testo di Ennio, epigr. 4 (= var. 21–4) Vahlen: l’autoelogio tetrastico di Scipione Africano.” SIFC 14.2: 180–99.

98

Elliott

Canobbio, Alberto. 2016b. “L’immagine di Lucilio nelle satire letterarie oraziane.” Athenaeum 104.1: 83–109. Casson, Lionel. 2001. Libraries in the Ancient World. New Haven / London: Yale University Press. Castagna, Luigi. 1991. “Il verecondo Pacuvio e il suo teatro.” Aevum(ant) 4: 203–25. Castagna, Luigi. 1996. Quinti Ennii et Marci Pacuvii Lexicon Sermonis Scaenici. Hildesheim / Zurich / New York: Olms-Weidmann (Alpha-Omega, Reihe A: Lexika, Indizes, Konkordanzen zur klassischen Philologie 162). Castagna, Luigi. 1998. Lexicon carminis heroici aetatis liberae rei publicae. Additur appendicula Q. Enni variorum operum lexicon continens. Hildesheim / Zurich / New York: Olms-Weidmann (Alpha-Omega, Reihe A: Lexika, Indizes, Konkordanzen zur klassischen Philologie 195). Castagna, Luigi. 2002. “Osservazioni sul Brutus di Accio.” In Accius und seine Zeit, ed. by S. Faller and G. Manuwald, 79–103. Wiirzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 13). Castelli, Carla. 1994. “Riano e Omero: i Messeniaca tra imitazione e innovazione.” Acme 49.3: 5–24. Castelli, Carla. 1998. “I Messeniaca di Riano: testo ed esegesi dei frammenti.” Acme 51.1: 3–50. Cataudella, Michele. 2007. “Lettura di una praetexta: il Brutus di Accio.” In La tragedia romana: modelli, forme, ideologia, fortuna: giornate siracusane sul teatro antico (Siracusa, 26 maggio 2006), ed by M. Blancato and G. Nuzzo, 37–49. Palermo: Istituto nazionale del dramma antico. Cavazza, Albertina and Anna Resta Barrile. 1981. Lexicon Livianum et Naevianum. Hildesheim / New York: Olms (Alpha-Omega, Reihe A: Lexika, Indizes, Konkordanzen zur klassischen Philologie, 13). Caviglia, Franco. 2003. “Note su alcune strutture ideologico-linguistiche della tragedia romana arcaica.” In Teatro greco postclassico e teatro latino. Teoria e prassi drammatica, ed. by A. Martina, 367–84. Rome: Herder. Chahoud, Anna. 2004. “The Roman satirist speaks Greek.” Classics Ireland 11: 1–46. Chahoud, Anna. 2007. “Antiquity and authority in Nonius Marcellus.” In Texts and Culture in Late Antiquity: Inheritance, Authority and Change, ed. by J. Scourfield, 69–96. Swansea: Classical Press of Wales. Chahoud, Anna. 2011. “The language of Roman verse satire.” In A Companion to the Latin Language, ed. by J. Clackson, 367–83. Malden, MA: Wiley Blackwell. Chahoud, Anna. 2018. “Lucilius.” In Oxford Bibliographies in Classics. DOI:  10.1093/ obo/9780195389661-0316. Chahoud, Anna. 2019. “Lucilius on Latin spelling, grammar and usage.” In Language and Nature in the Classical Roman World, ed. by G. Pezzini and B. Taylor, 46–78. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Early Latin Poetry

99

Chassignet, Martine. 2018. “L’‘archéologie’ de Rome dans les Annales d’Ennius: poetica fabula ou annalium monumentum?” In Omnium Annalium Monumenta: Historical Writing and Historical Evidence in Republican Rome, ed. by K. Sandberg and C. Smith, 66–89. Leiden / Boston: Brill. Chourmouziadou, Kalliopi and Jian Kang. 2008. “Acoustic evolution of ancient Greek and Roman theatres.” Applied Acoustics 69.8: 514–29. Christes, Johannes. 2005. “Lucilius 1.6.” In Brill’s New Pauly, Vol. 7, ed. by H. Cancik and H. Schneider, 848–50. Leiden: Brill [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/ browse/brill-s-new-pauly]. Clark, Jessica. 2021. “How many Furii poetae? The hexameter fragments reconsidered.” PLLS 18: 23–42. Coarelli, Filippo. 1972. “Il sepolcro degli Scipioni.” DArch 6: 36–106. Cole, Thomas. 1991. “In response to Nevio Zorzetti, ‘Poetry and the ancient city: the case of Rome’.” CJ 86: 377–82. Connors, Catherine. 1994. “Ennius, Ovid and representations of Ilia.” MD 32: 99–112. Connors, Catherine. 2005. “Epic allusion in Roman satire.” In The Cambridge Companion to Roman Satire, ed. by K. Freudenburg, 123–45. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Consoli, Maria Elvira. 2014. Quintus Ennius: fortuna ed enigmi. Lecce: Adriatica Editrice Salentina. Conte, Gian Biagio. 1986. The Rhetoric of Imitation: Genre and Poetic Memory in Virgil and Other Latin Poets. Translated from the Italian, edited and with a foreword by C. Segal. Ithaca, NY / London: Cornell University Press. First publ. as Memoria dei poeti e sistema letterario: Catullo, Virgilio, Ovidio, Lucano. Turin: Einaudi, 1974; and Il genere e i suoi confine: cinque studi sulla poesia di Virgilio. Turin: Stampatori, 1980 (enlarged edition, Milan: Garzanti, 1984). Conte, Gian Biagio. 1991. Generi e lettori: Lucrezio, l’elegia d’amore, l’enciclopedia di Plinio. Milan: Mondari. Repr. Pisa: Edizioni della Normale, 2012. Transl. by G. Most: Genres and readers: Lucretius, love elegy, Pliny’s Encyclopedia. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994. Conte, Gian Biagio. 1994. Latin Literature: A History, translated by J. Solodow, revised by D. Fowler and G. Most. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins. Original Italian edition, Letteratura latina: manuale storico dalle origini alla fine dell’impero romano. Florence: Le Monnier, 1987; 3rd edn. 2019. Cornell, Timothy. 1991. “The tyranny of the evidence: a discussion of the possible uses of literacy in Etruria and Latium in the archaic age.” In Literacy in the Roman World, ed. by J. Humphrey, 7–33. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press (JRA Supplementary Series 3). Cornell, Timothy. 1995. The Beginnings of Rome: Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000–264 BC). London: Routledge.

100

Elliott

Cornell, Timothy, ed. 2013. The Fragments of the Roman Historians. 3 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Publ. online 2016 (Oxford Scholarly Editions Online: https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780199277032 .book.1/actrade-9780199277032-book-1; https://www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/ search?view=edition&t1=OSEO%3A10.1093%2Foseo%2Fperson.00036941; https:// www.oxfordscholarlyeditions.com/view/10.1093/actrade/9780199679065.book.1/ actrade-9780199679065-book-1). della Corte, Francesco. 19702. Varrone: il terzo gran lume romano. Florence: La nuova Italia. First edn. Genoa, 1954. Costa, Gabriele. 2000. Sulla preistoria della tradizione poetica italica. Florence: Olschki. Cowan, Robert. 2010. “A stranger in a strange land. Medea in Roman republican tragedy.” In Unbinding Medea. Interdisciplinary Approaches to a Classical Myth, ed. by H. Bartel and A. Simon, 39–52. London: Legenda. Cowan, Robert. 2013a. “Haven’t I seen you before somewhere? Optical allusions in republican tragedy.” In Performance in Greek and Roman Theatre, ed. by G. Harrison and V. Liapis, 311–42. Leiden: Brill (Mnemosyne Supplements 353). Cowan, Robert. 2013b. “Fear and loathing in Lucretius: latent tragedy and anti-allusion in DRN 3.” In Generic Interfaces in Latin Literature: Encounters, Interactions and Transformations, ed. by T. Papanghelis, S. Harrison, and S. Frangoulidis, 113–33. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Cowan, Robert. 2015. “240 BCE and all that: the Romanness of republican tragedy”. In Brill’s Companion to Roman Tragedy, ed. by G. Harrison, 63–89. Leiden: Brill. Cowan, Robert. 2019. “Politics of city and nation.” In A Cultural History of Tragedy in Antiquity, ed. by E. Wilson, 101–16. London: Bloomsbury. Crowther, Nigel. 1971. “Valerius Cato, Furius Bibaculus and Ticidas.” CPh 66: 108–9. Crowther, Nigel. 1973. “The collegium poetarum at Rome: fact and conjecture.” Latomus 32: 757–80. Crowther, Nigel. 1980. “Parthenius, Laevius and Cicero. Hexameter poetry and Euphorionic myth.” LCM 5: 181–3. Crowther, Nigel. 1987. “Varro Atacinus: traditional or neoteric poet?” AC 56.1: 262–8. Csapo, Eric. 2010. Actors and Icons of the Ancient Theater. Malden, MA: Wiley Blackwell. Csapo, Eric, Hans Ruprecht Goette, J. Richard Green, and Peter Wilson, eds. 2014. Greek Theatre in the fourth Century BC. Berlin: De Gruyter. Csapo, Eric and Peter Wilson. 2020. A Social and Economic History of the Theatre to 300 B.C. Vol. 2: Theatre beyond Athens: Documents with Translation and Commentary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cucinotta, Emilia. 2011. “Il proemio dei Persika di Cherilo di Samo: una proposta di ricostruzione.” SCO 57: 97–118. Čulík-Baird, Hannah. 2020. “Staging Roman slavery in the second century BCE.” Ramus 48.2: 174–97.

Early Latin Poetry

101

Čulík-Baird, Hannah. 2021. “Fragments of ‘anonymous’ Latin verse in Cicero.” In Poems Without Poets: Approaches to Anonymous Ancient Poetry, ed. by B. Kayachev, 105–19. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal, Supplementary Volume 43). Čulík-Baird, Hannah. 2022. Cicero and the Early Latin Poets. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Curtis, Lauren. 2021. “Remembered but not recorded: the strange case of Rome’s maiden chorus.” In Music and Memory in the Ancient Greek and Roman Worlds, ed. by L. Curtis and N. Weiss, 81–100. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Curtis, Lauren and Naomi Weiss, eds. 2021. Music and Memory in the Ancient Greek and Roman Worlds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dahlmann, Hellfried. 1950. “Zur Überlieferung über die « altrömischen Tafellieder ».” AAWM 17: 1193–1202. Dahlmann, Hellfried. 1953. “Varros Schrift de poematis und die hellenistisch-römische Poetik.” Wiesbaden: Steiner (AAWM 3). Dahlmann, Hellfried. 1963. Studien zu Varro ‘De poetis’. Wiesbaden: Steiner (AAWM 10). Damon, Cynthia. 2020. “Looking for auctoritas in Ennius’ Annals.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 125–46. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Damon, Cynthia and Joseph Farrell, eds. 2020. Ennius: Poetry and History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. D’Anna, Giovanni. 1959. “La tragedia latina arcaica nelle Metamorfosi.” In Atti del convegno internazionale Ovidiano (Sulmone, maggio 1958), Vol. 2, 217–34. Rome: Istituto di Studi Romani. D’Anna, Giovanni. 1973–4. “Alcune osservazioni sulle fonte di Gellio, N.A. 17.21 e sulla cronologia geronimiana dei poeti latini arcaici.” ArchClass 25–6, 166–237. D’Anna, Giovanni. 1981. “L’edizione di un autore frammentario: Pacuvio. Problemi particulari.” In Atti del Convegno Internazionale (Napoli 29–31, ottobre 1979), ed. by E. Flores, 223–40. Rome: Athenaeum. Dangel, Jacqueline. 1990. “Accius grammairien?” Latomus 49: 37–58. Dangel, Jacqueline. 1998a. “Tragédie républicaine méconnue: les actes fondateures de Livius Andronicus.” In Rome et le tragique: Colloque International 26, 27, 28 mars, 1998, ed. M.-H. Garelli-François, 53–71. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail (Pallas: Revue d’Études Antiques, 49). Dangel, Jacqueline. 1999. “Accius chez les grammairiens latins: fragments et seuil minimal du sens.” In Conceptions latines du sens et de la signification: colloque du Centre Alfred Ernout, Université de Paris IV, 4, 5 et 6 juin 1996, ed. by M. Baratin and C. Moussy, 167–79. Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne (Lingua Latina: Recherches Linguistiques du Centre Alfred Ernout 5).

102

Elliott

Dangel, Jacqueline. 1998b. “Au-delà du reel et poétique de l’indicible: le songe d’Ilia.” In Moussyllanea. Mélanges de linguistique et de littérature ancienne offerts à C. Moussy, ed. by B. Bureau and C. Nicolas, 281–93. Louvain / Paris: Peeters. Darbo-Peschanski, Catherine, ed. 2004. La citation dans l’antiquité: actes du colloque du PARSA Lyon, ENS LSH, 6–8 novembre 2002. Grenoble: Millon, 2004 (Horos). David, Isabelle. 2013. “La palliata de Plaute et les masques de Pollux.” In L’appareil scénique dans les spectacles de l’antiquité, ed. by B. Le Guen and S. Milanezi, 85–103. Saint-Denis: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes (Théâtres du monde). Degiovanni, Lucia. 2011. “L’Orestes di Pacuvio: alcune ipotesi di ricostruzione.” RhM 154: 256–84. Degl’Innocenti Pierini, Rita. 1980. Studi su Accio. Florence: Editrice universitaria. Degl’Innocenti Pierini, Rita. 2002. “Spirat tragicum satis … Note al Tereus di Accio, tra filologia e storia della lingua.” Paideia 57: 84–98. Degl’Innocenti Pierini, Rita. 2004. “La tragedia nelle Tuscolane di Cicerone tra esemplarità e terapia: riflessioni in margine agli inferi a teatro.” In La riflessione sul teatro nella cultura romana, ed. by G. Aricò and M. Rivoltella, 41–64. Milan: Vita e Pensiero. Degl’Innocenti Pierini, Rita. 2013. “Ennio, Scipione e la patria: interpretazione e fortuna (Virgilio, Orazio, Claudiano) di Ennio Var. 6–8 V.² (= VI op. inc. Sk.).” Sileno 39.1–2: 115–32. Degl’Innocenti Pierini, Rita. 2016. “Cicerone (Tusc. 2.36), le Spartane e un frammento tragico adespoto: per l’esegesi e la collocazione di inc. inc. TRF 205–208 R.2–3 = 54 Schauer.” In “E sì d’amici pieno.” Omaggio di studiosi italiani a Guido Bastianini per il suo settantesimo compleanno, ed. by A. Casanova, G. Messeri and R. Pintaudi, Vol 2: Filologia greca e latina, 449–60. Firenze: Gonnelli. Dench, Emma. 2005. Romulus’ Asylum: Roman Identities from the Age of Alexandria to the Age of Hadrian. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Deschamps, Lucienne. 1990. “Varron et les poètes.” Latomus 49: 591–612. Di Meglio, Alessandra. 2019. “Utinam ne in nemore Pelio. Un verso di Ennio nelle opera di Cicerone.” Parole rubate: Rivista internazionale di studi sulla citzaione 20: 159–67. Di Meglio, Alessandra. 2020. “Ut ait Pacuvius: sulle citazioni pacuviane nel De Divinatione di Cicerone.” Myrtia 35: 203–23. Dix, T. Keith. 1994. “‘Public libraries’ in ancient Rome: ideology and reality.” Libraries and Culture 29.3: 282–96. Dix, T. Keith and George Houston. 2006. “Public libraries in the city of Rome: from the Augustan age to the time of Diocletian.” MEFRA 118.2: 671–717. Dominic, William. 1993. “From Greece to Rome: Ennius’ Annales.” In Roman Epic, ed. by A. Boyle, 37–58. London: Routledge. Dondoni, Lucia. 1958. “La tragedia di Medea. Euripide e i poeti arcaici latini.” RIL 92: 84–104.

Early Latin Poetry

103

Dortmund, Annette. 2001. Römisches Buchwesen um die Zeitenwende: war T. Pomponius Atticus Verleger? Weisbaden: Harrassowitz. Drury, Martin. 1982. “Appendix of authors and works.” In The Cambridge History of Classical Literature 2.1: The Early Republic, ed. by P. Easterling and E. Kenney, 172–203. Cambridge / London / New York / New Rochelle / Melbourne / Sydney: Cambridge University Press. Dufallo, Basil. 2013. The Captor’s Image: Greek Culture in Roman Ecphrasis. New York: Oxford University Press. Dumont, Jean Christian. 2013. “Le voisin de droite. Topologie des pièces plautiniennes avec leno.” In L’appareil scénique dans les spectacles de l’antiquité, ed. by B. Le Guen and S. Milanezi, 201–10. Saint-Denis: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes (Théâtres du monde). Dupont, Florence. 1998. “Le masque tragique à Rome.” In Rome et le tragique: Colloque International 26, 27, 28 mars, 1998, ed. M.-H. Garelli-François, 353–63. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail (Pallas: Revue d’Études Antiques, 49). Dupont, Florence. 2009. “The corrupted boy and the crowned poet; or, the material reality and the symbolic status of the literary book at Rome.” Transl. H. Parker. In Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, ed. by W. Johnson and H. Parker, 143–63. New York / Toronto: Oxford University Press. Repr. 2011, 2019. Dutsch, Dorota. 2013. “Towards a Roman theory of gesture.” In Performance in Greek and Roman Theatre, ed. by G. Harrison and V. Liapis, 409–31. Leiden: Brill (Mnemosyne Supplements 353). Eck, Werner. 1981. “Altersangaben in senatorischen Grabinschriften: Standeserwartungen und ihre Kompensation.” ZPE 43: 127–34. Eckardt, Hella. 2018. Writing and Power in the Roman World: Literacies and Material Culture. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press. Eigler, Ulrich, 2000. “Cicero und die römische Tragödie. Eine Strategie zur Legitimation philosophischer Literatur im philosophischen Spätwerk Ciceros.” In Dramatische Wäldchen. Festschrift für Eckard Lefèvre zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. by E. Stärk and G. Vogt-Spira, 619–36. Hildesheim / New York: Olms (Spudasmata 80). Elliott, Jackie. 2007. “The voices of Ennius’ Annals.” In Ennius Perennis: The Annals and Beyond, ed. by W. Fitzgerald and E. Gowers, 38–54. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal, Supplementary Volume 31). Elliott, Jackie. 2008. “Ennian epic and Ennian tragedy in the language of the Aeneid: Aeneas’ generic wandering and the construction of the Latin literary past.” HSCP 104: 241–72. Elliott, Jackie. 2009a. “Ennius’ ‘Cunctator’ and the history of a gerund in the Roman historiographical tradition.” CQ 59.2: 531–41. Elliott, Jackie. 2009b. “Livy’s L. Papirius Cursor and the manipulation of the Ennian past.” CQ 59.2: 650–3.

104

Elliott

Elliott, Jackie. 2010. “Ennius as a universal historian: the case of the Annales.” In Historiae Mundi: Studies in Universal History, ed. by P. Liddel and A. Fear, 148–61. London: Duckworth. Elliott, Jackie. 2013a. Ennius and the Architecture of the Annales. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Elliott, Jackie. 2013b. “Space and geography in Ennius’ Annales.” In Geography, Topography, Landscape: Configurations of Space in Greek and Roman Epic, ed. by I. Ziogas and M. Skempis, 223–64. Berlin / New York: De Gruyter (Trends in Classics, Supplementary Volume 22). Elliott, Jackie. 2015. “The epic vantage-point: Roman historiographical allusion reconsidered.” Histos 9: 277–311 [https://histos.org/documents/2015AA11ElliottTheEpic Vantage-Point.pdf]. Elliott, Jackie. 2016. “Commenting on fragments: the case of early Roman poetry.” In Classical Commentaries: Explorations in a Scholarly Genre, ed. by C. S. Kraus and C. Stray, 136–56. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Elliott, Jackie. 2020. “Reading Ennius’ Annals and Cato’s Origins at Rome.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 107–24. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Elliott, Jackie and Daniele Miano. 2020. “Cicero, Ennius, and the inscription for the statue of Cato in Plutarch’s Cato Maior.” Latomus 79.3: 625–46. Erasmi, Gabriele. 1975. Studies on the Language of Livius Andronicus. Diss. Minnesota. Faber, Riemer. 2012. “The ekphrasis in Naevius’ Bellum Punicum and Hellenistic literary aesthetics.” Hermes 140.4: 417–26. Fabrizi, Virginia. 2008. “Ennio e l’aedes Herculis Musarum.” Athenaeum 96.1: 193–219. Fabrizi, Virginia. 2012. Mores veteresque novosque: rappresentazioni del passato e del presente di Roma negli Annales di Ennio. Pisa: ETS (Pubblicazioni della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia dell’Università di Pavia 125). Fabrizi, Virginia. 2020. “History, philosophy, and the Annals.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 45–62. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Falcone, Maria Jennifer. 2008. “Un’interessante rivisitazione del mito di Oreste: il Dulorestes di Pacuvio.” Stratagemmi 8: 47–71. Falcone, Maria Jennifer. 2010. “Virgilio, Aen. 2.608–612 e il prologo della Medea sive Argonautae di Accio.” Aevum(ant) N.S. 10: 203–12. Falcone, Maria Jennifer. 2013. “Poetic and religious language in Roman tragic fragments concerning Medea.” In Poetic Language and Religion in Greece and Rome, ed. by J. García and Á. Ruiz, 310–20. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Falcone, Maria Jennifer. 2014. “Due note esegetiche al Dulorestes di Pacuvio (frr. 21.143–5 e 18.139 R.³).” Lexis 32: 282–9.

Early Latin Poetry

105

Faller, Stefan and Gesine Manuwald, eds. 2002. Accius und seine Zeit. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 13). Faller, Stefan. 2002. “Accius in der Kritik des Lucilius.” In Accius und seine Zeit, ed. by S. Faller and G. Manuwald, 141–60. Wiirzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 13). Faller, Stefan. 2008. “Römisches in Ennius’ Hectoris Lytra.” In Amicitiae Templa Serena: Studi in Onore Di Giuseppe Aricò, 2 vols. ed. by L. Castagna and C. Riboldi, 1: 523–50. Milan: Vita e Pensiero. Fantham, Elaine. 1981. “The synchronistic chapter of Gellius (NA 17.21) and some aspects of Roman chronology and cultural history between 60 and 50 BC.” LCM 6: 7–17. Fantham, Elaine. 1989. “The growth of literature and criticism at Rome.” In The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, Vol. 1: Classical Criticism, 220–44. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fantham, Elaine. 2003. “Pacuvius: melodrama, reversals, and recognitions.” In Myth, History and Culture in Republican Rome: Studies in Honour of T. P. Wiseman, ed. by D. Braund and C. Gill, 98–118. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. Fantham, Elaine. 2005a. “Roman Tragedy.” In A Companion to Latin Literature, ed. by S. Harrison, 116–29. Malden, MA: Blackwell (Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World). Fantham, Elaine. 2005b. “The family sagas of the house of Aeacus and Pelops: from Ennius to Accius.” Dioniso (N.S.) 4: 56–71. Fantuzzi, Marco. 1988. “Premesse: ‘L’epos ellenistico “tradizionale” prima e dopo Ziegler’ e ‘Epici ellenistici’.” In L’epos ellenistico: un capitolo dimenticato della poesia greca: seconda edizione, con appendice, Ennio poeta epico ellenistico, by K. Ziegler and L’epos storico, by W. Kroll, each republ. in Italian transl. by G. Aquaro, ed. by F. de Martino, XXV–LXXXVIII. Bari: Levante, 1988 (Le Rane 1). Fantuzzi, Marco and Richard Hunter. 2004. Tradition and Innovation in Hellenistic Poetry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Farrell, Joseph. 2005. “The origins and essence of Roman epic.” In A Companion to Ancient Epic, ed. by J. Foley, 417–28. Oxford / Malden, MA: Blackwell (Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World). Farrell, Joseph. 2020. “The gods in Ennius.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 63–88. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Farrell, Joseph. 2021. “Latin.” In How Literatures Begin: A Global History, ed. by J. Lande and D. Feeney, 131–48. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Favi, Federico. 2020. Epicarmo e pseudo-Epicarmo ( frr. 240–97). Introduzione, traduzione e commento. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (Studia Comica 10). Feeney, Denis. 1993. The Gods in Epic: Poets and Critics of the Classical Tradition. Oxford: Clarendon Press. First printed in 1991.

106

Elliott

Feeney, Denis. 1998. Literature and Religion at Rome: Cultures, Contexts and Beliefs. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press (Roman Literature and its Contexts). Feeney, Denis. 2005. “The beginnings of a literature in Latin.” JRS 95: 226–40. Feeney, Denis. 2016. Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature. Cambridge, MA / London: Harvard University Press. Feldherr, Andrew. 1998. Spectacle and Society in Livy’s History. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ferri, Rolando. 2002. “Response to Kragelund.” SO 77.1: 60–68. Ferriss-Hill, Jennifer. 2011. “A stroll with Lucilius: Horace, Satires 1.9 reconsidered.” AJPh 132.3: 429–55. Ferriss-Hill, Jennifer. 2015. Roman Satire and the Old Comic Tradition. New York: Cambridge University Press. Ferriss-Hill, Jennifer. Forthcoming. “Roman Satire.” Boston: Brill (Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry). Filippi, Marco. 2011. “L’Andromeda di Accio.” RAL Series 9a, 22 (1–2): 105–88. Filippi, Marco. 2012. “Alcune osservazioni su Acc. arm. iud. fr. 3 R.3, vv. 148–149.” In ‘Venuste noster’: scritti offerti a Leopoldo Gamberale, ed. by M. Passalacqua, M. De Nonno, A. Mario Morelli and C. Giammona, 89–103. Hildesheim / Zürich: Olms (Spudasmata, 147). Filippi, Marco. 2015. “The reception of Latin archaic tragedy in Ovid’s elegy.” In Brill’s Companion to Roman Tragedy, ed. by G. Harrison, 196–215. Leiden: Brill. Filippi, Marco. 2016. “In margine all’Atreus di Accio: alcuni spunti di riflessione.” Aevum 90.1, 141–54. Fisher, Jay. 2012. “Visus Homerus adesse poeta: the Annals of Quintus Ennius and the Odyssey of Homer.” CW 106.1: 29–50. Fisher, Jay. 2014. The Annals of Quintus Ennius and the Italic Tradition. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Fitzgerald, William and Emily Gowers, eds. 2007. Ennius Perennis: The Annals and Beyond. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal, Supplementary Volume 31). Flaig, Egon. 1995a. “Entscheidung und Konsens: zu den Feldern der politischen Kommunikation zwischen Aristokratie und Plebs.” In Demokratie in Rom? Die Rolle des Volkes in der Politik der römischen Republik, ed. by M. Jehne, 77–127. Stuttgart: Steiner (Historia Einzelschriften 96). Flaig, Egon. 1995b. “Die pompa funebris: adlige Konkurrenz und annalistische Erinnerung in der römischcn Republik.” In Memoria als Kultur, ed. by O. Oexle, 115–48. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Flaig, Egon. 1999. “Über die Grenzen der Akkulturation: wider die Verdinglichung des Kulturbegriffs.” In Rezeption und Identität: die kulturelle Auseinandersetzung Roms

Early Latin Poetry

107

mit Griechenland als europäisches Paradigma, ed. by G. Vogt-Spira and B. Rommel, 81–112. Stuttgart: Steiner. Flaig, Egon. 2003. Ritualisierte Politik: Zeichen, Gesten und Herrschaft im alten Rom. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (Historische Semantik 1). Second edn. 2004. Fletcher, Richard and Johanna Hanink, eds. 2016. Creative Lives in Classical Antiquity: Poets, Artists and Biography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Flintoff, Everard. 1988. “Naevius and Roman satire.” Latomus 47.3: 593–603. Flintoff, Everard. 1990. “The satires of Marcus Pacuvius.” Latomus 49.3: 575–90. Flower, Harriet. 1995. “Fabulae praetextae in context: when were plays on contemporary subjects performed in republican Rome?” CQ 45: 170–90. Flower, Harriet. 1996. Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Flower, Harriet. 2000. “Fabula de Bacchanalibus: the Bacchanalian cult of the second century BC and Roman drama.” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 23–36. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Flower, Harriet. 2002. “Roman Historical drama and Nero on stage.” SO 77.1: 68–72. Flower, Harriet. 2006. The Art of Forgetting: Disgrace and Oblivion in Roman Political Culture. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Flower, Harriet. 20142. “Spectacle and political culture in the Roman Republic.” In The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Republic, ed. by H. Flower, 377–98. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. First edn. 2004. Fogagnolo, Marta. 2020 Antimachus Colophonius. Supplementum Grammaticum Graecum. Vol. 2. Leiden / Boston: Brill. Fränkel, Hermann. 1932. “Griechische Bildung in altrömischen Epen 1.” Hermes 67.3: 303–11. Fränkel, Hermann. 1935. “Griechische Bildung in altrömischen Epen 2.” Hermes 70.1: 59–72. Fraenkel, Eduard. 2007. Plautine Elements in Plautus (Plautinisches im Plautus). Translated by Tomas Drevikovsky and Frances Muecke. Oxford: Oxford University Press. German original: Plautinisches im Plautus. Berlin: Weidmann, 1922 (Philologische Untersuchungen 28); Italian translation (by Franco Munari; with addenda by the author): Elementi Plautini in Plauto (Plautinisches im Plautus). Florence: La Nuova Italia, 1960 (Il pensiero storico 41). Fraenkel, Eduard. 1931. “Livius Andronicus.” In Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Supplementband 5, ed. by A. von Pauly, G. Wissowa, W. Kroll and K. Mittelhaus, 598–607. Stuttgart: Metzler. Fraenkel, Eduard. 1932. “Zur Medea des Ennius.” Hermes 67: 355–6. Fraenkel, Eduard. 1954. “The giants in the poem of Naevius.” JRS 64: 14–17. Francisetti Brolin, Sonia. 2013. “Gli Epigoni di Accio: il fr. 13 (v. 302) Ribbeck.” GIF 65: 161–74.

108

Elliott

Francisetti Brolin, Sonia. 2014. “L’ Erifile di Accio: il v. 307 Ribbeck (Eriphyla I Dangel) e la collana di Armonia.” AAT 148: 105–16. Franko, George. 2013. “Anicius vortit barbare: the scenic games of L. Anicius Gallus and the aesthetics of Greek and Roman performance”. In Performance in Greek and Roman Theatre, ed. by G. Harrison and V. Liapis, 343–60. Leiden: Brill (Mnemosyne Supplements 353). Freyburger, Gérard. 2000. “Der religiose Charakter der frührömischen Tragödie.” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 37–48. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Funaioli, Gino, ed. 1907. Grammaticae Romanae Fragmenta. Leipzig: Teubner. Repr. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1969. Gaertner, Jan Felix. 2015. “Pacuvius, poeta comicus.” Hermes 143.1: 24–56 (Part 1) and 143.4: 426–46 (Part 2). Galasso, Luigi. 2004. “Laevius, fr. 22 Blänsdorf.” In Il dilettoso monte: raccolta di saggi di filologia e tradizione classica, ed. by M. Gioseffi, 29–38. Milan: LED. Galasso, Luigi. 2019. “‘Accius vortit barbare’: appunti sulle Bacchae.” RPL NS 22: 108–23. Galinsky, Karl. 2003. “Greek and Roman drama and the Aeneid.” In Myth, History and Culture in Republican Rome. Studies in Honour of T. P. Wiseman, ed. by D. Braund and C. Gill, 275–94. Exeter: Exeter University Press. Gatti, Paolo, Rosanna Mazzacane, and Emanuela Salvadori, eds. 2014–. Nonio Marcello, De compendiosa doctrina 1: Libri 1–3; 3: Libri 5–20. Florence: Sismel – Edizioni del Galluzzo (Millennio medievale 104). Gellar-Goad, T. H. M. 2018. “Lucretius’ personified Natura Rerum, satire, and Ennius’ Saturae.” Phoenix: 72.1–2: 143–60. Gellar-Goad, T. H. M. 2020. Laughing Atoms, Laughing Matter: Lucretius’ De rerum natura and Satire. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Gentili, Bruno. 1979. Theatrical Performances in the Ancient World: Hellenistic and Early Roman Theatre. Amsterdam: Gieben (London Studies in Classical Philology 2). Gildenhard, Ingo. 2003. “The ‘Annalist’ before the Annalists: Ennius and his Annales.” In Formen römischer Geschichtsschreibung von den Anfängen bis Livius: Gattungen, Autoren, Kontexte, ed. by U. Eigler, N. Luraghi, and U. Walter, 93–114. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Gildenhard, Ingo. 2010. “Buskins and SPQR. Roman receptions of Greek tragedy.” In Beyond the Fifth Century: Interactions with Greek Tragedy from the Fourth Century BCE to the Middle Ages, ed. by I. Gildenhard and M. Revermann, 153–85. Berlin / New York: De Gruyter. Gilula, Dwora. 1985–88. “How rich was Terence?” SCI 8–9: 74–8. Ginsberg, Lauren. 2017. Staging Memory, Staging Strife: Empire and Civil War in the Octavia. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Early Latin Poetry

109

Glauthier, Patrick. 2020. “Hybrid Ennius: cultural and poetic multiplicity in the Annals.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 25–44. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Glauthier, Patrick. 2021. “Homer redivivus? Rethinking the transmigration of the soul in Ennius’ Annales.” Arethusa 54: 185–220. Glinister, Fay and Clare Woods, eds. (with John North and Michael Crawford) 2007. Verrius, Festus and Paul: lexicography, scholarship and society. London: Institute of Classical Studies, University of London. Goh, Ian. 2018a. “Scepticism at the birth of satire: Carneades in Lucilius’ concilium deorum.” CQ 68.1: 128–42. Goh, Ian. 2018b. “Republican satire in the dock: forensic rhetoric in Lucilius.” In Reading Republican Oratory: Reconstructions, Contexts, Receptions, ed. by C. Gray, A. Balbo, R. Marshall, and C. Steel, 33–48. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Goh, Ian. 2018c. “An Asianist sensation: Horace on Lucilius as Hortensius.” AJPh 139.4: 641–74. Goh, Ian. 2020. “Living among wolves, acting like a wolf: Lucilius’ attacks on Lupus.” CQ 115.2: 281–93. Gold, Barbara, ed. 1982. Artistic and Literary Patronage in Ancient Rome. Austin: University of Texas Press. Gold, Barbara. 1987. Literary Patronage in Greece and Rome. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Goldberg, Sander. 1989. “Poetry, Politics, and Ennius.” TAPhA 119: 247–61. Goldberg, Sander. 1993. “Saturnian Epic: Livius and Naevius.” In Roman Epic, ed. by A. Boyle, 19–36. London / New York: Routledge. Goldberg, Sander. 1995. Epic in Republican Rome. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Goldberg, Sander. 1996. “The fall and rise of Roman tragedy.” TAPhA 126: 265–86. Goldberg, Sander. 1998. “Plautus on the Palatine.” JRS 88: 1–20. Goldberg, Sander. 2000. “Cicero and the work of tragedy.” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 49–59. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Goldberg, Sander. 2005a. Constructing Literature in the Roman Republic. Poetry and its Reception. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goldberg, Sander. 2005b. “The early republic: the beginnings to 90 BC.” In A Companion to Latin Literature, ed. by S. Harrison, 15–30. Malden (MA): Blackwell (Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World). Goldberg, Sander. 2005c. “Early republican epic.” In A Companion to Ancient Epic, ed. by J. Foley, 429–39. Malden, MA / Oxford: Blackwell (Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World).

110

Elliott

Goldberg, Sander. 2006. “Ennius after the banquet.” Arethusa 39.3: 427–47. Goldberg, Sander. 2007a. “Research report: reading Roman tragedy.” IJCT 13.4: 571–84. Goldberg, Sander. 2007b. “Antiquity’s antiquity.” In Latinitas Perennis. Vol. 1: The Continuity of Latin Literature, ed. by W. Verbaal, Y. Maes, and J. Papy, 17–29. Leiden / Boston: Brill (Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 144). Goldberg, Sander. 2018a. “Theater without theaters: seeing plays the Roman way.” TAPhA 148.1: 139–72. Goldberg, Sander. 2018b. “Lucilius and the poetae seniores.” In Lucilius and Satire in second-century BC Rome, ed. by B. Breed, E. Keitel, and R. Wallace, 39–56 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Goldberg, Sander. 2020. “Ennius and the fata librorum.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 169–87. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goldberg, Sander. Forthcoming. “The losers’ legacy: placing fragmentary evidence in literary history.” In Writing Literary History in the Greek and Roman World, ed. by G. Fedeli and H. Spellman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Goldhill, Simon. 1999. “Literary history without literature: reading practices in the ancient world.” SubStance 28.1 (Issue 88: Literary History): 57–89. Goldschmidt, Nora. 2012. “Absent presence: pater Ennius in Renaissance Europe.” Classical Receptions Journal 4: 1–19. Goldschmidt, Nora. 2013. Shaggy Crowns: Ennius’ Annales and Virgil’s Aeneid. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Goldschmidt, Nora. 2019. Afterlives of the Roman Poets: Biofiction and the Reception of Latin Poetry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grafton, Anthony. 1997. “Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum: fragments of some lost enterprise.” In Collecting Fragments  – Fragmenta sammeln, ed. G. Most, 124–43. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Gratwick, Adrian. 1982a. “Ennius’ Annales.” In The Cambridge History of Classical Literature 2.1: The Early Republic, ed. by P. Easterling and E. Kenney, 60–76. Cambridge / London / New York / New Rochelle / Melbourne / Sydney: Cambridge University Press. Gratwick, Adrian. 1982b. “Drama.” In The Cambridge History of Classical Literature 2.1: The Early Republic, ed. by P. Easterling and E. Kenney, 77–137. Cambridge / London / New York / New Rochelle / Melbourne / Sydney: Cambridge University Press. Gratwick, Adrian. 1982c. “The satires of Ennius and Lucilius.” In The Cambridge History of Classical Literature 2.1: The Early Republic, ed. by P. Easterling and E. Kenney, 156–71. Cambridge / London / New York / New Rochelle / Melbourne / Sydney: Cambridge University Press. Graziosi, Barbara. 2002. Inventing Homer: The Early Reception of Epic. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press. Green, John. 1991. “Notes on phlyax vases.” NAC 20: 49–56.

Early Latin Poetry

111

Green, John. 2008. “Theatre production: 1996–2006.” Lustrum 50: 7–302. Grilli, Alberto. 1965. Studi enniani. Brescia: Paideia. Grimal, Pierre. 1975. “Le théâtre à Rome.” In Association Guillaume Budé. Actes du ixe Congrès (Rome, 13–18 avril 1973). Tome 1, 249–305. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Gruen, Erich. 1990. Studies in Greek Culture and Roman Policy. Leiden: Brill (Cincinnati Classical Studies, New Series 7). Gruen, Erich. 1992. Culture and National Identity in Republican Rome. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press (Cornell Studies in Classical Philology 52). Gumbrecht, Hans Ulrich. 1985. “History of literature – fragment of a vanished totality.” In New Literary History 16.3: 467–79. Gumbrecht, Hans Ulrich. 1997. “Eat your fragment! About imagination and the restitution of texts.” In Collecting Fragments – Fragmente sammeln, ed. by G. Most, 315–27. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Habinek, Thomas. 1998. The Politics of Latin Literature: Writing, Identity and Empire in Ancient Rome. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Habinek, Thomas. 2005. The World of Roman Song: From Ritualized Speech to Social Order. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Habinek, Thomas. 2006. “The wisdom of Ennius.” In Ennius and the Invention of Roman Epic, ed. by B. Breed and A. Rossi, 471–88. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press (Arethusa 39.3). Habinek, Thomas. 2009. “Situating literacy at Rome.” In Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, ed. by W. Johnson and H. Parker, 115–40. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Haimson Lushkov, Ayelet. 2020. “Livy’s Ennius.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 211–27. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haley, Maria. 2021. “Quoting from memory? Shared knowledge in Cicero’s book fragments of Accius’ Atreus.” In Ancient Memory: Remembrance and Commemoration in Graeco-Roman Literature, ed. by K. Mawford and E. Ntanou, 41–67. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Hall, Edith. 2013. “Pantomime: visualising myth in the Roman empire.” In Performance in Greek and Roman Theatre, ed. by G. Harrison and V. Liapis, 451–73. Leiden: Brill (Mnemosyne Supplements 353). Hanses, Mathias. 2020. “Men among monuments: Roman memory and Roman topography in Plautus’ Curculio.” CP 115: 630–58. Hanses, Mathias. 2021. “Page, stage, image: confronting Ennius with Lucretius’ On the Nature of Things.” In Epicurus in Republican Rome: Philosophical Perspectives in the Ciceronian Age, ed. by S. Yona and G. Davis, 147–67. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hardie, Philip. 2007. “Poets, patrons, rulers: the Ennian traditions.” In Ennius Perennis: The Annals and Beyond, ed. by W. Fitzgerald and E. Gowers, 129–44. Cambridge:

112

Elliott

Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal, Supplementary Volume 31). Hardie, Philip. 2019. “Virgil and tragedy.” In The Cambridge Companion to Virgil, ed. by C. Martindale and F. Mac Góráin, 326–42. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. First publ. 1997, ed. C. Martindale, 312–26. Harris, William. 1989. Ancient Literacy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Harris, William. 2018. “Literacy in everyday ancient life: from Gabii to Gloucestershire.” In Literacy in Ancient Everyday Life, ed. by A. Kolb, 143–58. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Harrison, George. 2015. Brill’s Companion to Roman Tragedy. Leiden / Boston: Brill. Hass, Karin. 2007. Lucilius und der Beginn der Persönlichkeitsdichtung in Rom. Stuttgart: Steiner (Hermes Einzelschriften 99). Häußler, Reinhard. 1976. Das historische Epos der Griechen und Römer bis Vergil: Studien zum historischen Epos der Antike. Vol. 1: von Homer zu Vergil. Heidelberg: Winter (Bibliothek der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Folge, 2. Reihe, 59). Häußler, Reinhard. 1978. “Strukturfragen historischer Epik in der Antike.” A&A 24.1: 125–45. Heinze, Richard. 19283. Virgils epische Technik. Leipzig: Teubner. First publ. 1903. Helm, Rudolf, ed. 1913. Die Chronik des Hieronymus. Leipzig: Hinrichs. 2nd edn. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag,1956; repr. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012, and published online 2013: https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110299434/html. 3rd edn. with foreword by U. Treu, Berlin: Akademie-Verlag (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte 47), 1984. Helm, Rudolf. 1942. “M. Pacuvius.” In Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft 18.2, ed. by A. von Pauly, G. Wissowa, W. Kroll, and K. Mittelhaus, 2159–74. Stuttgart: Metzler. Repr. Stuttgart / Munich: Druckenmüller, 1958. Heyworth, Stephen, 2015. “Lutatius Catulus, Callimachus and Plautus’ Bacchides.” CQ 65.1: 390–5. Hickson Hahn, Frances. 2013. “Carmen Arvale” and “Carmen Saliare.” In The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, ed. by R. Bagnall, K. Brodersen, C. Champion, A. Erskine, and S. Huebner, 1336–7. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. Hill, Jesse. 2021a. “True friendship: Ennius and other poets in Catullus 116.” TAPhA 151: 155–84. Hill, Jesse. 2021b. The Latin Past and the Poetry of Catullus. Diss. University of Toronto. Hill, Jesse and Christopher Marshall, eds. Forthcoming. Ennius beyond Epic. Hinds, Stephen. 1998. Allusion and Intertext. Dynamics of Appropriation in Roman Poetry, Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press (Roman Literature and its Contexts). Holford-Strevens, Leofranc. 1982. “Laevius and Melissus.” LCM 6: 181–2. Hollis, Adrian. 2000. “The reputation and influence of Choerilus of Samos.” ZPE 130: 13–15.

Early Latin Poetry

113

Horsfall, Nicholas. 1976. “The collegium poetarum.” BICS 23: 79–95. Horsfall, Nicholas. 1994. “The prehistory of Latin poetry: some problems of method.” RFIC 122: 50–75. Horsfall, Nicholas. 2000. Virgil, Aeneid 7: A Commentary. Leiden / Boston / Cologne: Brill. Houghton, Luke. 2007. “A letter from Petrarch.” In Ennius Perennis: The Annals and Beyond, ed. by W. Fitzgerald and E. Gowers, 145–58. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal, Supplementary Volume 31). Houston, George. 2014. Inside Roman Libraries. Book Collections and their Management in Antiquity. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Hose, Martin. 1998. “Anmerkungen zur Verwendung des Chores in der römischen Tragödie der Republic.” In Der Chor im antiken und modernen Drama, ed. by P. Riemer and B. Zimmermann, 113–38. Stuttgart: Metzler. Hose, Martin. 1999. “Post-colonial theory and Greek literature at Rome.” GRBS 40.4: 303–26. Höttemann, Barbara. 1993. “Phylakenposse und Atellane.” In Beiträge zur mündlichen Kultur der Römer, ed. by. G. Vogt-Spira, 89–112. Tübingen: Narr (Script-Oralia, Reihe A, Nr. 11). Jackson, Lucy. 2020. The Chorus of Drama in the Fourth Century BCE: Presence and Representation. Oxford: Oxford University Press (Oxford Classical Monographs). Jocelyn, Henry. 1964. “Ancient scholarship and Vergil’s use of republican Latin poetry 1.” CQ 14: 280–95. Jocelyn, Henry. 1965. “Ancient scholarship and Vergil’s use of republican Latin poetry 2.” CQ 15: 126–44. Jocelyn, Henry. 1972. “The poems of Quintus Ennius.” In Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, ed. by H. Temporini, W. Haase, and J. Vogt, Vol. 1.2, 987–1026. Berlin: De Gruyter. Jocelyn, Henry. 1973. “Greek poetry in Cicero’s prose writings.” YCS 23: 61–111. Jocelyn, Henry. 1980. “The fate of Varius’ Thyestes.” CQ 30: 387–400. Jocelyn, Henry. 1998. “Les Géorgiques de Virgile et le tragique (Virgile, Géorg, III, 139– 142 et Ennius, Sc. 76–77 Vahlen).” In Rome et le tragique: Colloque International 26, 27, 28 mars, 1998, ed. M.-H. Garelli-François, 297–391. Toulouse: Presses universitaires du Mirail (Pallas: Revue d’Études Antiques, 49). Jocelyn, Henry. 2000. “Accius’ Aeneadae aut Decius: Romans and the Gallic other.” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 325–61. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Johnson, William. 2000. “Toward a sociology of reading in classical antiquity.” AJPh 121: 593–627. Johnson, William. 2012. Readers and Reading Culture in the High Roman Empire: A Study of Élite Communities. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

114

Elliott

Kassung, Christian and Sebastian Schwesinger. 2016. “How to listen to the Forum Romanum. On historical realities and aural augmentation.” In Kultur und Informatik. Augmented Reality, ed. by C. Busch and J. Sieck, 41–54. Glückstadt: Hülsbusch. Kaster, Robert, ed. 1995. C. Suetonius Tranquillus, De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus, edited with a translation, introduction and commentary. Oxford / New York: Clarendon Press. Keane, Catherine. 2015. Juvenal and the Satiric Emotions. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Kearns, John. 1990. “Σεμνότης and the dialect gloss in the Odussia of Livius Andronicus.” AJPh 111.1: 40–52. Keil, Heinrich and Hermann Hagen, eds. 1855–80. Grammatici Latini, 8 vols. Leipzig: Teubner [www.hathitrust.org]. Repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1981; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. Keith, Alison. 2000. Engendering Rome: Women in Latin Epic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kerkhecker, Arnd. 2001. “Zur internen Gattungsgeschichte der römischen Epik: Das Beispiel Ennius.” In L’histoire littéraire immanente dans la poésie latine, ed. by E. Schmidt, 39–88. Geneva-Vandœvres: Fondation Hardt (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique 47). Kleberg, Tönnes. 1975. “Commercio librario ed editoria nel mondo antico.” In Libri, editori e pubblico nel mondo antico, ed. by G. Cavallo, 25–80, 140–9. Rome: Laterza. Kleve, Knut. 1990. “Ennius in Herculaneum.” CErc 20: 5–14. Klotz, Alfred. 1938. “Zu Naevius’ Bellum Poenicum.” RhM 87.2: 190–92. König, Jason, Katerina Oikonomopoulou, and Greg Woolf, eds. 2013. Ancient Libraries. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press. Kolb, Anne. 2018. “Literacy in ancient everyday life – problems and results.” In Literacy in Ancient Everyday Life, ed. by A. Kolb, 1–10. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Kragelund, Patrick. 2002. “Historical drama in ancient Rome: republican flourishing and imperial decline?” SO 77: 5–51. Kragelund, Patrick. 2015. Roman Historical Drama: The Octavia in Antiquity and Beyond. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Krevans, Nita. 1993. “Ilia’s dream: Ennius, Virgil, and the mythology of seduction.” HSCP 95: 257–71. Kroll, Wilhelm. 1916. “Das historische Epos.” Sokrates. Zeitschrift für das Gymnasialwesen 70, N. F. 4: 1–15. (See also Fantuzzi 1988.) Kroll, Wilhelm. 1924. Studien zum Verständnis der römischen Literatur. Stuttgart: Metzler. Repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1964, 1973. Kronenberg, Leah. 2018. “Catullus 64 and Valerius Cato’s Diana.” Paideia 73.1: 157–73. Krostenko, Brian. 2013. “The poetics of Naevius’ “epitaph” and the history of Latin poetry.” JRS 103: 46–64.

Early Latin Poetry

115

Kruschwitz, Peter. 2010. “Gallic war songs: Furius Bibaculus’ Annales Belli Gallici.” Philologus 154.2: 285–305. Kuznetsov, Alexander. 2013. “Quisnam Saturnium populum pepulit?” Latomus 72.1: 3–27. Kwapisz, Jan. 2018. “An unnoticed fragment of Laevius?” Philologus 162.1: 178–80. Lande, Joel and Denis Feeney, eds. 2021. How Literatures Begin: A Global History. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Landolfi, Luciano. 2010. “Epigramma preneoterico, epigramma neoterico: linee di continuità, linee di discontinuità.” PP 65.375: 394–453. Langslow, David. 2013. “Archaic Latin inscriptions and Greek and Roman authors.” In Inscriptions and their Uses in Greek and Latin Literature, ed. by P. Liddel and P. Low, 167–95. Oxford: Oxford University Press. La Penna, Antonio. 1979. Fra teatro, poesia e politica romana. Turin: Einaudi. Lebek, Wolfgang D. 1996. “Moneymaking on the Roman stage.” In Roman Theater and Society, ed. by W. Slater, 29–48. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press (E. Togo Salmon Papers 1). Lebek, Wolfgang. 2000. “Livius Andronicus und Naevius: wie konnten sie von ihrer dramatischen Dichtung leben?” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 61–86. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Lefkowitz, Mary. 1981. The Lives of the Greek Poets. London: Duckworth. 2nd edn. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012. Le Guen, Brigitte and Silvia Milanezi, eds. 2013. L’appareil scénique dans les spectacles de l’antiquité. Saint-Denis: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes (Théâtres du monde). Leigh, Matthew. 2000. “Primitivism and power: the beginnings of Latin literature.” In Literature in the Greek and Roman Worlds, ed. by O. Taplin, 288–310. Leigh, Matthew. 2007. “Epic and historiography at Rome”. In A Companion to Greek and Roman Historiography, ed. by J. Marincola, Vol. 2, 483–92. Malden, MA / Oxford: Blackwell. Leigh, Matthew. 2010. “Early Roman epic and the maritime moment.” CP 105: 265–80. Lennartz, Klaus. 1994. Non verba sed vim. Kritisch-exegetische Untersuchungen zu den Fragmenten archaischer römischer Tragiker. Stuttgart: Teubner (Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 54). Lennartz, Klaus. 1995. “Zur ‘Wortabbildung’ in der archaischen römischen Tragödie.” Glotta 73.1: 168–207. Leo, Friedrich. 19122. Plautinische Forschungen zur Kritik und Geschichte der Komödie. Berlin: Weidmann. Repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1966; Dublin / Zurich: Weidmann, 1973; Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag Müller, 2007. First edn. 1895. Leo, Friedrich. 1913. Geschichte der römischen Literatur. Vol. 1: Die archaische Literatur. Berlin: Weidmann. Repr. Zurich: Weidmann, 1967; Göttingen: Ruprecht (Antiquariat

116

Elliott

auf Datenträger 7), 2016; (with a new introduction by K. Bringmann) Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2017. Leo, Friedrich. 1914. “Die römische Poesie in der sullanischen Zeit.” Hermes 49: 161–95. Leurini, Luigi. 1999. “L’edizione omerica di Riano di Creta e la tradizione rapsodica greca.” AFLC 17: 121–37. Leurini, Luigi, ed. 2007. L’edizione omerica di Riano di Creta. Roma: Quasar (Quaderni dei seminari Romani di cultura greca 9). Leuze, Oskar. 1911. “Das synchronistische Kapitel des Gellius (Noct. Att. 17.21).” RhM 66.2: 237–74. Lhommé, Marie-Karine. 2011. “Trois auteurs, trois lexiques, trois visions de Rome: Verrius Flaccus, Pompeius Festus et Paul Diacre.” In Identités romaines: conscience de soi et représentations de l’autre dans la Rome antique (IVe siècle av. J.-C.–VIIIe siècle apr. J.-C.), ed. M. Simon, 129–43. Paris: Presse de l’École Normale Supérieure (Études de Littérature Ancienne 18). Lindsay, Wallace, ed. 1903. Nonius Marcellus, De compendiosa doctrina, Libros XX. 3 vols. Leipzig: Teubner. Repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1964; Munich and Leipzig: Saur, 2003. Lindsay, Wallace, ed. 1913. Sexti Pompei Festi, De verborum significatu quae supersunt cum Pauli epitome. Leipzig: Teubner. Repr. Hildesheim, Olms: 1965; Leipzig: Teubner, 1997; De Gruyter ebooks, 2013 [https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110962253]. Lloyd, Robert. 1961. “Republican authors in Servius and the Scholia Danielis.” HSCP 65: 291–341. Lomanto, Valeria. 2002. “Il canone di Volcacio e gli esordi della letteratura latina.” Paideia 57: 216–51. Lombardi, Michela. 1997. “Tradizione e innovazione nell’epica prealessandrina: Antimaco di Colofone e Cherilo di Samo.” QUCC 56: 89–104. Lowrie, Michèle. 2009. Writing, Performance and Authority in Augustan Rome. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Luck, Georg. 1983. “Naevius and Virgil.” ICS 8: 267–75. Lynch, Tosca and Eleonora Rocconi, eds. 2020. A Companion to Ancient Greek and Roman Music. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. MacFarlane, Kelly Anne. 2006. “Choerilus of Samos and Darius’ bridge: the scope and content of the Persica (SH 316–23).” Mouseion 6: 15–26. MacFarlane, Kelly Anne. 2009. “Choerilus of Samos’ lament (SH 317) and the revitalization of epic.” AJPh 130.2: 219–34. MacRae, Duncan. 2016. Legible Religion: Books, Gods and Rituals in Roman Culture. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Maggiali, Giovanni. 2008. “Ennio in Catullo 15: dall’apoteosi alla ῥαφανίδωσις.” Paideia 63.1: 157–61. Magno, Pietro. 1982. “La poesia di Levio.” Sileno 8: 57–66.

Early Latin Poetry

117

Magno, Pietro. 2006. “Ennio nel De re rustica di Varrone.” Latomus 65.1: 175–82. Malcovati, Enrica. 1943. Cicerone e la poesia. Pavia: Tipografía del libro (Annali della Facoltà di Lettere Cagliari 13). Maltby, Robert. 1997. “The language of early Latin epigram.” Sandalion 20: 43–56. Mancini, Marco. 2019. “Sui frammenti ortografici di Lucilio: a proposito di alcuni lavori recenti.” ASGM 14: 109–39. Manuwald, Gesine, ed. 2000. Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Manuwald, Gesine. 2001 [2004]. “Römische Tragödien und Praetexten republikanischer Zeit: 1964–2002.” Lustrum 43: 11–237. Manuwald, Gesine. 2001a. Fabulae praetextae: Spuren einer literarischen Gattung der Römer. Munich: Beck (Zetemata: Monographien zur klassischen Altertumswissenschaft 108). Manuwald, Gesine, ed. 2001b. Der Satiriker Lucilius und seine Zeit. Munich: Beck (Zetemata 110) [https://archive.org/details/dersatirikerluci0000unse]. Manuwald, Gesine. 2001c. “Accius’ Phoenissae: zur Arbeitsweise eines römischen Tragikers.” In Studien zu antiken Identitäten, ed. by S. Faller, 59–80. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 2). Manuwald, Gesine. 2003. Pacuvius: Summus Tragicus Poeta. Zum dramatischen Profil seiner Tragödien. Munich: Saur (Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 191). Manuwald, Gesine. 2007. “Die ‘Schlacht bei den Schiffen’ im republikanischen Rom: zu Accius’ Epinausimache.” In ‘Aere perennius’: en hommage à Hubert Zehnacker, ed. by J. Champeaux et M. Chassignet, 581–601. Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne. Manuwald, Gesine. 2010. Roman Drama. A Reader. London: Duckworth. Manuwald, Gesine. 2011. Roman Republican Theatre. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Manuwald, Gesine. 2013a. “Oratory on the stage in republican Rome.” In Hellenistic Oratory. Continuity and Change, ed. by C. Kremmydas and K. Tempest, 277–94. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Manuwald, Gesine. 2013b. “Medea: transformations of a Greek figure in Latin literature.” G&R 60.1: 114–35. Manuwald, Gesine. 2014a. “Tragedy, paratragedy, and Roman comedy.” In The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Comedy, ed. by M. Fontaine and A. Scafuro, 580–98. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Manuwald, Gesine. 2014b. “‘Fact’ and ‘fiction’ in Roman historical epic.” G&R 61.2: 204–21. Manuwald, Gesine. 2015a. “Haut facul … femina una invenitur bona? Representations of women in republican tragedy.” In Women in Roman Republican Drama, ed. by D. Dutsch, S. James, and D. Konstan, 171–91. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press (Wisconsin Studies in Classics).

118

Elliott

Manuwald, Gesine. 2015b. “Editing Roman (republican) tragedy: challenges and possible solutions.” In Brill’s Companion to Roman Tragedy, ed. by G. Harrison, 3–23. Leiden: Brill. Manuwald, Gesine. 2016a. “History and philosophy in Roman Republican drama and beyond.” In Roman Drama and Its Contexts, ed. by S. Frangoulidis, S. Harrison, and G. Manuwald, 331–44. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter (Trends in Classics: Supplementary Volumes, 34). Manuwald, Gesine. 2016b. Römisches Theater: von den Anfängen bis zur frühen Kaiserzeit. Tübingen: Francke (Uni-Taschenbücher 4581). Manuwald, Gesine. 2020. Roman Comedy. Boston: Brill (Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry). Manuwald, Gesine. 2021 (last modified). “Latin poetry: from the beginnings through the end of the republic.” In Oxford Bibliographies in Classics. DOI:  10.1093/OBO/ 9780195389661-0054. Mariotti, Italo. 1960. Studi luciliani. Florence: La Nuova Italia. Mariotti, Scevola. 19912. Lezioni su Ennio. Urbino: Quattro Venti. First edn. 1951. Marshall, Christopher. 2006. The Stagecraft and Performance of Roman Comedy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marshall, Peter. 2012. “DServius and Festus: some further evidence of indebtedness.” In Atti del seminario internazionale di studi ‘Il testo e i suoi commenti: tradizione ed esegesi nella scoliastica greca e Latina, Messina, 21–22 settembre 2000, ed. A. Zumbo, 69–75. Messina: EDAS. Martelli, Francesca. 2018. “Ennius’ imago between tomb and text.” In Tombs of the Ancient Poets: Between Reception and Material Culture, ed. by N. Goldschmidt and B. Graziosi, 69–82. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Martina, Mario. 1979. “Ennio, poeta cliens.” In QFC 11: 13–74. Martindale, Charles. 1993. Redeeming the Text: Latin Poetry and the Hermeneutics of Reception. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Martindale, Charles and Richard Thomas, eds. 2006. Classics and the Uses of Reception. Classical Receptions. Oxford: Blackwell. Mastellone, Eugenia. 2007. “Verrio Flacco e gli scoliasti virgiliani.” In Interpretare e comunicare: tradizioni di scuola nella letteratura latina tra III e VI secolo, 69–96. Bari: Edipuglia (Auctores Nostri: Studi e Testi di Letteratura Cristiana Antica, 4). McDonnell, Myles. 2006. Roman Manliness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mercado, Angelo. 2012. Italic Verse: A Study of the Poetic Remains of Old Latin, Faliscan, and Sabellic. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck, Bereich Sprachwissenschaft (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 145). Mette, Hans Joachim. 1964 [1965]. “Die Römische Tragödie und die Neufunde zur Griechischen Tragödie (insbesondere für die Jahre 1945–1964).” Lustrum 9: 5–211.

Early Latin Poetry

119

Michel, Alain. 1983. “Cicéron et la tragédie: les citations de poètes dans les livres II–IV des Tusculanes.” Helmantica 34: 443–54. Millar, Fergus. 1989. “Review: political power in mid-Republican Rome: curia or comitium?” JRS 79: 138–50. Miller, John. 1983. “Ennius and the elegists.” ICS 8.2: 277–95. Moles, John. 1993. “Truth and untruth in Herodotus and Thucydides.” In Lies and Fiction in the Ancient World, ed. by C. Gill and T. P. Wiseman, 88–21. Exeter: Exeter University Press. Moles, John. 1994. “Livy’s preface.” PCPhS 39: 141–68. Repr. in Oxford Readings in Classical Studies: Livy, ed. by J. Chaplin and C. Kraus, 49–87. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Momigliano, Arnaldo. 1957. “Perizonius, Niebuhr and the character of early Roman tradition.” JRS 47: 104–14. Momigliano, Arnaldo. 1978. “The historians of the classical world and their audiences: some suggestions.” ASNS 8.1: 59–75. Mommsen, Theodor, ed. 1861. Die Chronik des Cassiodorus, Senator vom J. 519 n. Chr. Leipzig: Hirzel. Moore, Timothy. 1994. “Seats and social status in the Plautine theatre.” CJ 90: 113–23. Moore, Timothy. 1998. The Theatre of Plautus. Playing to the Audience. Austin, TX: Uni­ versity of Texas Press. Moore, Timothy. 2008. “When did the tibicen play? Meter and musical accompaniment in Roman comedy.” TAPhA 138: 3–46. Moore, Timothy. 2012. Music in Roman Comedy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Moore, Timothy. 2016. “Music in Roman tragedy.” In Roman Drama and Its Contexts, ed. by S. Frangoulidis, S. Harrison, and G. Manuwald, 345–61. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter (Trends in Classics: supplementary volumes, 34). Moore, Timothy. 2020. “Music in Roman drama.” In A Companion to Greek and Roman Music, ed. by T. Lynch and E. Rocconi, 145–59. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Moore, Timothy. 2021. “Meter, music, and memory in Roman comedy.” In Music and Memory in the Ancient Greek and Roman Worlds, ed. by L. Curtis and N. Weiss, 234– 57. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Morelli, Alfredo Mario. 2000. L’epigramma latino prima di Catullo. Cassino: Università degli Studi di Cassino. Morelli, Alfredo Mario. 2007. “Hellenistic epigram in the Roman world.” In Brill’s Companion to Hellenistic Epigram, ed. by P. Bing and J. Bruss, 521–41. Leiden: Brill (Brill’s Companions in Classical Studies). Morelli, Alfredo Mario. 2016. “Lo Scipio e la poesia celebrativa enniana per Scipione.” In Si verba tenerem: studi sulla poesia Latina in frammenti, ed. by B. Pieri and D. Pellacani, 53–77. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Morgan, Llewelyn. 2014. “A metrical scandal in Ennius.” CQ 64.1: 152–9.

120

Elliott

Morgan, Llewelyn. 2019. “‘To heaven on a hook’ (Dio Cass. 60.35.4): Ennius, Lucilius and an ineffectual council of the gods in Aeneid 10.” CQ 69.2: 636–53. Morgan, Teresa. 1998. Literate Education in the Hellenistic and Roman Worlds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Repr. 2000, 2007. Most, Glenn, ed. 1997. Collecting Fragments – Fragmente Sammeln. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Müller, Lucian. 1889. De Pacuvii fabulis disputatio. Berlin: Calvarium. Muecke, Frances. 2005. “Rome’s first ‘satirists’: themes and genre in Ennius and Lucilius.” In The Cambridge Companion to Roman Satire, ed. by K. Freudenburg, 33–47. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press. Mueller, Melissa and Mario Telò, eds. 2018. The Materialities of Greek Tragedy: Objects and Affect in Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides. London: Bloomsbury. Nelsestuen, Grant. 2017. “Varro, Atticus, and Annales.” In Varronian Moments, ed. by V. Arena and F. Mac Góráin, 61–75. London: Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 60.2). Nethercut, Jason. 2019. “History and myth in Graeco-Roman epic.” In Structures of Epic Poetry, 3 vols. ed. by C. Reitz and S. Finkmann, 1.193–211. Berlin / Boston: de Gruyter. Nethercut, Jason. 2020. “How Ennian was Latin epic between the Annals and Lucretius?” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 188–210. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nethercut, Jason. 2021. Ennius noster: Lucretius and the Annales. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nervegna, Sebastiana 2014. “Performing Classics: the tragic canon in the fourth century and beyond.” In Greek Theatre in the Fourth Century BC, ed. by E. Csapo, H. Goette, J. Green and P. Wilson, 157–87. Berlin: De Gruyter. Netz, Reviel. 2020. Scale, Space, and Canon in Ancient Literary Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Newlands, Carole. 1995. Playing with Time: Ovid and the Fasti. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press (Cornell Studies in Classical Philology 55). Nicolas, Christian, ed. 2006. Hôs ephat’, dixerit quispiam, comme disait l’autre: mécanismes de la citation et de la mention dans les langues de l’antiquité. Grenoble: Université Stendhal-Grenoble III (Recherches et Travaux. Hors Série 15). Nicholls, Matthew. 2015. “Libraries and networks of influence in the Roman world.” S&T 13: 125–45. Nicholls, Matthew. 2017. “Libraries and communication in the ancient world.” In Mercury’s Wings: Exploring Modes of Communication in the Ancient World, ed. by F. Naiden and R. Talbot. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Nicholls, Matthew. 2018. “Libraries and literary culture in Rome.” In A Companion to the City of Rome, ed. by C. Holleran and A. Claridge, 343–61. Chichester: Wiley.

Early Latin Poetry

121

Nicholls, Matthew. 2019. “‘Bookish places’ in imperial Rome: bookshops and the urban landscape of learning.” In Scholastic Culture in the Hellenistic and Roman Eras: Greek Latin and Jewish, ed. by S. Adams, 51–68. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Norden, Eduard. 1915. Ennius und Vergilius: Kriegsbilder aus Roms großer Zeit. Leipzig / Berlin: Teubner. Repr. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1966. Norden, Eduard. 19273. Die römische Literatur. Leipzig: Teubner. Repr. 1952, 1954, 1961, 1998; Berlin / Boston: Saur, 2010. Oakley, Stephen, ed. 1997–2005. A Commentary on Livy, Books 6–10. 4 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press / New York: Oxford University Press. Olson, Douglas and Alexander Sens, eds. 2000. Archestratus of Gela: Greek Culture and Cuisine in the Fourth Century BCE: Text, Translation, and Commentary. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Oppermann, Hans. 1939. “Dido bei Naevius.” RhM 88.3: 206–14. Padilla Peralta, Dan-el. 2020. “Epistemicide: the Roman case.” Classica 33.2: 151–86 [https://revista.classica.org.br/classica/article/view/934/824]. Paduano, Guido. 1974. Il mondo religioso della tragedia romana. Florence: Sansoni. Paratore, Ettore. 1957. Storia del teatro latino. Mila: Vallardi. Repr. 2005. Paretti, Luca. 2006. “Un frammento dimenticato dagli Hedyphagetica di Ennio?” RFIC 134: 140–49. Parker, Holt. 2009. “Books and reading Latin poetry.” In Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, ed. by W. Johnson and H. Parker, 186–229. New York / Toronto: Oxford University Press. Repr. 2011, 2019. Pelling, Christopher. 2000. “Fun with fragments.” In Athenaeus and his World, ed. by D. Braund and J. Wilkins, 171–90. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. Perutelli, Alessandro. 1990. “Lutazio Catulo poeta.” RFIC 118: 257–81. Perutelli, Alessandro. 2002. Frustula Poetarum. Contributi ai poeti latini in frammenti. Bologna: Pàtron (Testi e manuali per l’insegnamento universitario del latino 71). Petersmann, Hubert. 1999. “The language of early Roman satire: its function and characteristics.” In Aspects of the Language of Latin Poetry, ed. by J. Adams and R. Mayer, 289–310. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press (Proceedings of the British Academy 93). Petrides, Antonis. 2014. “Plautus between Greek comedy and Atellan farce: assessments and reassessments.” In The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Comedy, ed. by M. Fontaine and A. Scafuro, 424–44. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Petrone, Gianna. 2000. “La praetexta repubblicana e il linguaggio della celebrazione.” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 113–21. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Petrone, Gianna. 2001. “La praetexta repubblicana e la fondazione della memoria.” CGITA 14: 167–75.

122

Elliott

Petrone, Gianna. 2007. “Sogno e politica nel Brutus di Accio.” Hormos 9: 295–304. Petrone, Gianna. 2016. “Il frammento riscritto: su alcune citazioni tragiche ciceroniane.” Maia 68.1: 36–45. Phillips, C. Robert III. 1991. “In response to Nevio Zorzetti, ‘Poetry and the ancient city: the case of Rome’.” CJ 86: 382–9. Phillips, Tom. 2015. Pindar’s Library: Performance Poetry and Material Texts. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pieri, Bruna and Daniele Pellacani, eds. 2016. Si verba tenerem: studi sulla poesia latina in frammenti. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. Piras, Giorgio. 2015. “Cum poeticis multis uerbis magis delecter quam utar: poetic citations and etymological enquiry in Varro’s De lingua Latina.” In Varro Varius: The Polymath of the Roman World, ed. by D. Butterfield, 51–70. Cambridge: The Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal, Supplementary Volume 39). Platt, David. 2008. A Cultural Studies Approach to Roman Public Libraries: Social Negotiation, Changing Spaces, and Euergetism. Diss. Stanford University. Pöschl, Viktor. 1995. “Ein Liebesspiel des Laevius.” RhM 138.1: 59–68. Polonskaja, K. 1985. “Les épigrammes amoureuses des premiers poètes néotériques.” In La civilization antique et la science moderne, ed. by B. Piotrovskij, 125–30 (in Russian). Moscow: Nauka. Polverini, Leandro. 2003. “Tempi e luoghi delle rappresentazioni teatrali a Roma in età repubblicana.” In Teatro Greco postclassico e teatro latino. Teoria e prassi drammatica, ed. by A. Martina, 385–95. Rome: Herder. Prinzen, Herbert. 1998. Ennius im Urteil der Antike. Stuttgart: Metzler. Puelma Piwonka, Mario. 1949. Lucilius und Kallimachos. Zur Geschichte einer Gattung der hellenistisch-römischen Poesie. Frankfurt: Klosterman. Repr. New York / London: Garland, 1980. Radici Colace, Paola, ed. 1979. Choerili Samii reliquiae. Introduzione, testo critico e commento. Rome: L’Erma. Radke, Gerhard. 1981. Archaisches Latein: historische und sprachgeschichtliche Unter­ suchungen. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Ramsey, John. 2014. “The recovery of more Ennius from a misinformed Ciceronian scholiast.” CQ 64.1: 160–5. Rawson, Elizabeth. 1985a. “Theatrical life in republican Rome and Italy.” PBSR 53: 97–113. Repr. as Roman Culture and Society: Collected Papers, 468–87. Oxford: Clarendon Press / New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. Rawson, Elizabeth. 1985b. Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Reitz, Christiane and Simone Finkmann, eds. 2019. Structures of Epic Poetry, 3 vols. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter.

Early Latin Poetry

123

Reynolds, Leighton, ed. 1983. Texts and Transmission. A Survey of the Latin Classics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Repr. with corr. 1983; repr. 1990. Ribbeck, Otto. 1875. Die römische Tragödie im Zeitalter der Republik. Leipzig: Teubner. Repr. Hildesheim: Olms, 1968; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013 [https:// doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107338043]. Richlin, Amy. 2013. “Role-playing in Roman civilization and Roman comedy courses: how to imagine a complex society.” CQ 108: 347–61. Richlin, Amy. 2014. “Talking to slaves in the Plautine audience.” ClAnt 33: 174–226. Richlin, Amy. 2017. Slave Theater in the Roman Republic: Plautus and Popular Comedy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Richter, Will. 1960. “Das Epos des Gnaeus Naevius: Probleme der dichterischen Form.” NAWG 3: 41–66. Robinson, Edward. 2014. “Greek theatre in non-Greek Apulia.” In Greek Theatre in the Fourth Century BC, ed. by E. Csapo, H. Goette, J. Green, and P. Wilson, 319–32. Berlin: De Gruyter. Roller, Duane. 1996. “Euripides, Ennius, and Roman origins.” AncW 27.2: 168–71. Romano, Angela. 1990. Il “collegium scribarum”. Aspetti sociali e giuridici della produzione letteraria tra III e II secolo A.C. Naples: Jovene (Pubblicazioni del Dipartimento di diritto romano e storia della scienza romanistica dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “Federico 2” 3). Romano, Elisa. 2008. “Oracoli divini e respondi di giuristi: note sulla interpretatio enniana nell’ Euhemerus.” In Amicitiae templa serena: studi in onore di Giuseppe Aricò, 2 vols. ed. by L. Castagna and C. Riboldi, Vol. 2: 1433–48. Milan: Vita e Pensiero. Ross, David. 1969. Style and Tradition in Catullus. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press (Loeb Classical Monographs). Rowell, Henry. 1947. “The original form of Naevius’ Bellum Punicum.” AJPh 68.1: 21–46. Rüpke, Jörg. 1993. “Livius, Priesternamen und die annales maximi.” Klio 75: 155–79. Rüpke, Jörg. 1995. Kalender und Öffentlichkeit: Die Geschichte der Repräsentation und religiösen Qualifikation von Zeit in Rom. Berlin: de Gruyter (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten 40). Rüpke, Jörg. 2000a. “Räume literarischer Kommunikation in der Formierungsphase römischer Literatur.” In Moribus antiquis res stat Romana: Römische Werte und römische Literatur im 3. und 2. Jh. v. Chr., ed. by M. Braun, A. Haltenhoff and F.-H. Mutschler, 31–52. Munich: Saur (Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 134). Rüpke, Jörg. 2000b. “Accius als Theologe.” In Accius und seine Zeit, ed. by S. Faller and G. Manuwald, 255–70. Wiirzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 13). Rüpke, Jörg. 2001. “Kulturtransfer als Rekodierung: zum literaturgeschichtlichen und sozialen Ort der frühen römischen Epik.” In Von Göttern und Menschen erzählen: Formkonstanzen und Funktionswandel vormoderner Epik, ed. by J. Rüpke, 42–64. Stuttgart: Steiner (Potsdamer altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge 4).

124

Elliott

Rüpke, Jörg. 2002. “Collegia sacerdotum: religiöse Vereine in der Oberschicht.” In Religiöse Vereine in der römischen Antike: Untersuchungen zu Organisation, Ritual und Raumordnung, ed. by U. Egelhaaf-Gaiser and A. Schäfer, 41–67. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 13). Rüpke, Jörg. 2006. “Ennius’ fasti in Fulvius’ temple: Greek rationality and Roman tradition.” Arethusa 39.3: 489–512. Rüpke, Jörg. 2012. Religion in Republican Rome: Rationalization and Ritual Change. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Publ. 2014 in German: Römische Religion in republikanischer Zeit: Rationalisierung und ritueller Wandel. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Russell, Amy. 2016. The Politics of Public Space in Republican Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Russo, Alessandro. 2001. “Iambic presences in Ennius’ Saturae.” In Iambic Ideas: Essays on a Poetic Tradition from Archaic Greece to the Late Roman Empire, ed. by A. Cavarzere, A. Aloni and A. Barchiesi, 99–115. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Little­ field (Greek Studies: Interdisciplinary Approaches.) Russo, Alessandro. 2003. “Un verso dagli Hedyphagetica di Ennio?” In L’officina ellenistica: poesia dotta e popolare in Grecia e a Roma, ed. by L. Belloni, L. De Finis and G. Moretti, 91–116. Trento: Università degli studi di Trento (Labirinti 69). Russo, Alessandro. 2017a. “Ἱερὰ ἀναγραφή, Sacra historia, sacra scriptio: un frammento dell’Euhemerus di Ennio (54 Winiarczyk = Var. 65–82 V.2) e un passo di Lattanzio (Epit. 13.3).” RFIC 145.2: 346–80. Russo, Alessandro. 2017b. “Appunti sulla sopravvivenza della letteratura Latina arcaica in epoca tardoantica: il caso dell’Euhemerus di Ennio.” Pan 6 N.S.: 5–21. Russo, Alessandro. Forthcoming. “Un problema di attribuzione e l’apposizione parentetica in Ennio: a proposito di Enn. Ann. Dub. fr. 5 (= Inc. 31 Blänsdorf, p. 343 Courtney) e Ann. 22 Skutsch.” Hermes. Salamon, Gérard. 2004. “Les citations dans les Tusculanes: quelques remarques sur les livres 1 et 2.” In La citation dans l’Antiquité: actes du colloque du PARSA Lyon, ENS LSH, 6–8 novembre 2002, ed. by C. Darbo-Peschanski, 135–46. Grenoble: Millon (Horos). Salamon, Gérard. 2006. “Les citations des philosophes dans le livre III des Tusculanes: forme et sens.” In Hôs ephat’, dixerit quispiam, comme disait l’autre: mécanismes de la citation et de la mention dans les langues de l’antiquité, ed. by C. Nicolas, 69–79. Grenoble: Université Stendhal-Grenoble III (Recherches et Travaux. Hors Série 15). Salvadore, Marcello, ed. 2004. M. Terenti Varronis fragmenta omnia quae extant. Pars 2: De Vita Populi Romani. Hildesheim / Zurich / New York: Olms. Sarullo, Giulia. 2014. Il Carmen Saliare: indagini filologiche e riflessioni linguistiche. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter (Untersunchungen zur antiken Literatur und Geschichte 117).

Early Latin Poetry

125

Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2005. “Plautus and Ennius. A note on Plautus, Bacchides 962–5.” CQ 55: 631–8. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2006a. “La conquista di Troia nella tragedia romana arcaica.” InvLuc 28: 237–53. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2006b. “La critica della religione tradizionale nella tragedia romana arcaica.” Ktema 31: 345–58. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2007a. “Virgil and the Astyanax of Accius.” CQ 57: 781–7. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2007b. “Alcune osservazioni sull’Hecuba di Ennio.” Maia 59: 278–82. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2007c. “Elementi tragici nell’episodio virgiliano di Sinone.” A&A 53: 76–99. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2008a. “Sinon in Roman drama.” CJ 104.1: 11–18. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2008b. “Forme traslate ed espressioni metaforiche nella lingua della tragedia romana 1: Livio andronico e Nevio.” ARF 10: 39–53. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2009. “Tragica: Accio, vv. 651–652 Ribbeck-Klotz = 702–703 Dangel ex incertis fabulis.” MD 63: 91–105. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2010. “Le sententiae nella tragedia romana.” PhilolAnt 3: 161–80. Scafoglio, Giampiero. 2012. “The murder of Priam in a tragedy by Pacuvius.” CQ 62.2: 664–70. Schepens, Guido. 1997. “Jacoby’s FGrHist: problems, methods, prospects.” In Collecting Fragments = Fragmente Sammeln, ed. by G. Most, 144–72. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Schierl, Petra. 2015. “Roman tragedy – Ciceronian tragedy? Cicero’s influence on our perception of Republican tragedy.” In Brill’s Companion to Roman Tragedy, ed. by G. Harrison, 45–62. Leiden: Brill. Schiesaro, Alessandro. 2005. “Roman tragedy.” In A Companion to Tragedy, ed. by R. Bushnell, 269–86. Malden, MA: Blackwell (Blackwell Companions to Literature and Culture). Schmidt, Peter L. 1989. “Postquam ludus in artem verterat. Varro und die Frühgeschichte des römischen Theaters.” In Studien zur vorliterarischen Periode im frühen Rom, ed. by G. Vogt-Spira, 77–135. Tübingen: Narr. Schmidt, Peter L. 2007a. “Pacuvius.” In Brill’s New Pauly, Vol. 10, ed. by H. Cancik and H. Schneider, 325–6. Leiden: Brill [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/ brill-s-new-pauly]. Schmidt, Peter L. 2007b. “Praetexta.” In Brill’s New Pauly, Vol. 11, ed. by H. Cancik and H. Schneider, 770. Leiden: Brill [https://referenceworks.brillonline.com/browse/ brill-s-new-pauly]. Schwindt, Jürgen P. 2000. Prolegomena zu einer ‘Phänomenologie’ der römischen Literaturgeschichtsschreibung von den Anfängen bis Quintilian. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

126

Elliott

Sciarrino, Enrica. 2004a. “A temple for the professional Muse: the aedes Herculis Musarum and cultural shifts in second-century BC Rome.” In Rituals in Ink: A Conference on Religion and Literary Production in Ancient Rome, ed. by A. Barchiesi, J. Rüpke, and S. Stephens, 45–56. Stuttgart: Steiner. Sciarrino, Enrica. 2004b. “Putting Cato the Censor’s Origines in its place.” ClAnt 23.2, 323–58. Sciarrino, Enrica. 2006. “The introduction of epic in Rome: cultural thefts and social contests.” Arethusa 39.3: 449–69. Sciarrino, Enrica. 2011. Cato the Censor and the Beginnings of Latin Prose: From Poetic Translation to Élite Transcription. Columbia, OH: Ohio State University Press. Sciarrino, Enrica. 2020. “Traces of philology in mid-republican Latin poetry.” Ramus 48: 148–73. Sciarrino, Enrica and Siobhan McElduff, eds. 2011. Complicating the History of Western Translation: the Ancient Mediterranean in Perspective. Manchester: St. Jerôme Publishing. Scodel, Ruth. 1987. “Horace, Lucilius, and the Callimachean Polemic.” HSPh 91: 199–215. Scolnicov, Hanna and Peter Holland. 1989. The Play out of Context: Transferring Plays from Culture to Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sear, Frank. 2006. Roman Theatres. An Architectural Study. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press (Oxford Monographs on Classical Archaeology). Seele, Astrid. 1995. Römische Übersetzer: Nöte, Freiheiten, Absichten. Verfahren des literarischen Übersetzens in der griechisch-römischen Antike. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Shackleton Bailey, David R. 1983. “Cicero and early Latin poetry.” ICS 8.2: 239–49. Sheets, George. 1981. “The dialect gloss, Hellenistic poetics, and Livius Andronicus.” AJPh 102.1: 58–78. Sherwin-White, Adrian. 19732. The Roman Citizenship. Oxford: Clarendon Press. First edn. 1939. van Sickle, John. 1987. “The elogia of the Cornelii Scipiones and the origin of epigram at Rome.” AJPh 108: 41–105. van Sickle, John. 1988. “The first Hellenistic epigrams at Rome.” In Vir bonus discendi peritus: Studies in Celebration of Otto Skutsch’s Eightieth Birthday, ed. N. Horsfall, 143–56. London: Institute of Classical Studies (BICS Supplement 51). Skutsch, Otto. 1968. Studia Enniana. London: Athlone. Skutsch, Otto. 1970. “On three fragments of Porcius Licinus and on the Tutiline gate.” BICS 17, 120–3. Skutsch, Otto, ed. 1972. Ennius: sept exposés suivis de discussion. Geneva: Fondation Hardt (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique 17). Slater, Niall W. 1992. “Two republican poets on drama: Terence and Accius.” In Antike Dramentheorien und ihre Rezeption, ed. by B. Zimmermann, 85–103. Stuttgart: Metzler, Verlag für Wissenschaft und Forschung (Drama 1).

Early Latin Poetry

127

Slater, Niall W. 2000. “Religion and identity in Pacuvius’ Chryses.” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 315–23. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Smith, Christopher. 1996. Early Rome and Latium: Economy and Society c. 1000 to 500 BC. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Spahlinger, Lothar. 2005. Tulliana simplicitas. Zur Form und Funktion des Zitats in den philosophischen Dialogen Ciceros. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (Hypomnemata 159). Spanakis, Manolis. 2018. “Images of the Hellenistic Peloponnese in Rhianus’ Ἀχαϊκά and Ἠλιακά.” Eikasmos 29: 313–34. Spanakis, Manolis. 2019. “Ὑμετέρη ἀρχῆθεν γενεή: redefining ethnic identity in the cult origins and mythical aetiologies of Rhianus’ ethnographical poetry.” GLB 24.1: 195–206. Spielberg, Lydia. 2020. “Ennius’ Annals as source and model for historical speech.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 147–66. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Stärk, E. 2000. “Politische Anspielungen in der römischen Tragödie und der Einfluß der Schauspieler.” In Identität und Alterität in der frührömischen Tragödie, ed. by G. Manuwald, 123–33. Würzburg: Ergon (Identitäten und Alteritäten 3). Starr, Raymond. 1987. “The circulation of literary texts in the Roman world.” CQ 37: 213–23. Stephens, Susan. 2002. “Commenting on fragments.” In The Classical Commentary. Histories, Practices, Theory, ed. by R. Gibson and C. Kraus, 67–88. Leiden: Brill (Mnemosyne Supplement 232). Strasburger, Hermann. 1972. Homer und die Geschichtsschreibung. Heidelberg: Winter (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophischhistorische Klasse 1). Strasburger, Hermann. 1977. “Umblick im Trümmerfeld der griechischen Geschichts­ schreibung.” In Historiographia antiqua. Commentationes Lovanienses in honorem W. Peremans septuagenariae editae, 3–52. Leuven: Leuven University Press (Symbolae facultatis literrarum et philosophiae Lovaniensis, Series A.6). Strzelecki, Wladislaw. 1935. De Naeviano Belli Punici Carmine Quaestiones Selectae. Kraków: Polska Akademia Umiejetno´sci (Rozprawy Wydziału Filologicznego 65.2). Strzelecki, Wladislaw. 1963. “Naevius and the Roman annalists.” RFIC 91: 440–58. Suerbaum, Werner. 1968. Untersuchungen zur Selbstdarstellung älterer römischer Dichter: Livius Andronicus, Naevius, Ennius. Hildesheim: Olms (Spudasmata 19). Suerbaum, Werner. 1992. “Zum Umfang der Bücher in der archaischen lateinischen Dichtung: Naevius, Ennius, Lukrez und Livius Andronicus auf Papyrus-Rollen.” ZPE 92: 153–73. Suerbaum, Werner. 1995. “Der Pyrrhos-Krieg in Ennius’ Annales VI im Lichte der ersten Ennius-Papyri aus Herculaneum.” ZPE 106: 31–52.

128

Elliott

Suerbaum, Werner, ed. 2002. Handbuch der Lateinischen Literatur der Antike. Erster Band. Die archaische Literatur: von den Anfängen bis Sullas Tod. Die vorliterarische Periode und die Zeit von 240 bis 78 v. Chr. Munich: Beck (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 8.1). Suerbaum, Werner. 2003. Ennius in der Forschung des 20. Jahrhunderts. Hildesheim: Olms (Bibliographien zur klassischen Philologie 1). Taplin, Oliver. 1993. Comic Angels and Other Approaches to Greek Drama through Vase-Paintings. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Tarrant, Richard. 1978. “Senecan drama and its antecedents.” HSPh 82: 213–63. Taylor, Lily Ross. 1937. “The opportunities for dramatic performances in the time of Plautus and Terence.” TAPhA 68: 284–304. Terrenato, Nicola. 2019. The Early Roman Expansion into Italy: Élite Negotiation and Family Agendas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thomas, Richard. 1982. “Catullus and the polemics of poetic reference.” AJPh 103.2: 114–64. Till, Rudolf. 1940. “Die Anerkennung literarischen Schaffens in Rom.” Neue Jahrbücher für antike und deutsche Bildung 15: 161–74. Timpanaro, Sebastiano. 1946–8. “Per una nuova edizione critica di Ennio 1–4.” SIFC 21: 41–81 and 23: 5–58. Timpanaro, Sebastiano. 1994. Nuovi contribute di filologia e storia della lingua Latina. Bologna: Pàtron. Tischer, Ute and Alexandra Binternagel, eds. 2010. Fremde Rede – eigene Rede: Zitieren und verwandte Strategien in antiker Prosa. Bern / Frankfurt: Lang. Tischer, Ute. 2015. “Zitat, Fragment und Kontext: Enn. Ann. Frg. 6.14 Sk. und die Rolle kontextueller Aspekte bei der Deutung von Fragmenten.” Hermes 143.3.333–55. Todisco, Luigi, ed. 2003. La ceramica figurata a soggetto tragico in Magna Grecia e in Sicilia. Rome: Bretschneider. Traglia, Antonio. 1957. “Polimetria e verba Laeviana.” SCO 6: 82–108. Traill, Ariana. 2020. “Plautus and the origins of Roman satire.” In Plautus’ Erudite Comedy: New Insights into the Work of a Doctus Poeta, ed. by S. Papaioannou and C. Demetriou, 265–86. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing (Pierides: Studies in Greek and Latin Literature 9). Traina, Alfonso. 19742. Vortit barbare: le traduzioni poetiche da Livio Andronico a Cicerone. Rome: Athenaeum. First edn. 1970. Trendall, Arthur D. 19672. Phlyax Vases. London: London University Press (BICS Supplement 19). First publ. 1959 (BICS Supplement 8). Trendall, Arthur D. 1991. “Farce and tragedy in South Italian vase-painting.” In Looking at Greek Vases, ed. by T. Rasmussen and N. Spivey, 151–82. Cambridge / New York / Port Chester / Melbourne / Sydney: Cambridge University Press.

Early Latin Poetry

129

Venini, Paola. 1953. “Note sulla tragedia ellenistica.” Dioniso 16: 3–26. Verde, Francesco. 2017. “Accio, Lucrezio e la psicologia di Epicuro: osservazioni su Trag. 296 R.3 (589 Dangel).” MH 74.2: 158–71. Veyne, Paul. 1983. Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leurs mythes? Essai sur l’imagination constituante. Paris: Éditions du Seuil. Repr. 1992. Published in English as: Did the Greeks believe in their myths? An essay on the constitutive imagination, transl. by P. Wissing. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1988. Vinchesi, Maria Assunta. 1984. “Il Bellum Histricum di Ostio, epos storico ennianeggiante.” In Disiecti Membra Poetae 1, ed. by V. Tandoi, 35–59. Foggia: Atlantica. Viredaz, Antoine. 2017. “Le premier vers de l’Odysée latine.” Philologus 161.1: 181–4. Vogt-Spira, Gregor, ed. 1989. Studien zur vorliterarischen Periode im frühen Rom. Tübingen: Narr. Wachter, Rudolf. 1987. Altlateinische Inschriften. Bern. Walsh, John. 2011. “The Lamiaka of Choerilus of Iasos and the genesis of the term ‘Lamian War’.” CQ 61.2: 538–44. Walter, Uwe. 2004. Memoria und res publica: zur Geschichtskultur im republikanischen Rom. Frankfurt: Verlag Antike (Studien zur Alten Geschichte 1). Waszink, Jan Hendrik. 1972. “Problems concerning the satura of Ennius.” In Ennius: sept exposés suivis de discussions, ed. by O. Skutsch, 97–147. Geneva: Fondation Hardt (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique 17). Webster, Thomas. 19672. Monuments illustrating tragedy and satyr play. London: University of London (BICS Supplement 20). First edn. publ. as BICS Supplement 14, 1961. Webster, Thomas. 19783. Monuments illustrating Old and Middle Comedy, revised and enlarged by J. R. Green. London: University of London (BICS Supplement 39). First edn. publ. as BICS Supplement 9, 1960; second, revised and enlarged edn. publ. as BICS Supplement 23, 1969. Webster, Thomas. 19953. Monuments illustrating New Comedy. Vols. 1–2, revised and enlarged by J. Green and A. Seeberg. London: University of London (BICS Supplement 50). Welsh, Jarrett. 2011. “Accius, Porcius Licinus, and the beginning of Latin literature.” JRS 101: 31–50. Welsh, Jarrett. 2012. “The methods of Nonius Marcellus’ sources 26, 27 and 28.” CQ 62: 827–45. Welsh, Jarrett. 2013a. “Some fragments of Republican drama from Nonius Marcellus’ sources 26, 27 and 28.” CQ 63.1: 253–76. Welsh, Jarrett. 2013b. “The text of Ennius’ portrait of a parasite.” Phoenix 67: 107–34. Werner, Shirley. 2009. “Literacy studies in Classics: the last twenty years.” In Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, ed. by W. Johnson and H. Parker, 333–82. New York / Toronto: Oxford University Press. Repr. 2011, 2019.

130

Elliott

Wessels, Antje. 2021. “Shaping the (hi)story of innovation. Livius Andronicus as the first poet of Latin literature.” In Concepts and Functions of Philhellenism: Aspects of a Transcultural Movement, ed. by M. Vöhler, S. Alekou, and M. Pechlivanus, 9–22. Berlin / New York: De Gruyter (Trends in Classics: Pathways of Reception 7). White, Peter. 2009. “Bookshops in the literary culture of Rome.” In Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, ed. by W. Johnson and H. Parker, 168–87. New York / Toronto: Oxford University Press. Repr. 2011, 2019. Whitmarsh, Timothy. 2001. Greek Literature and the Roman Empire: the Politics of Imitation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Whitmarsh, Timothy. 2004. Ancient Greek Literature. Oxford / Cambridge / Malden, MA: Polity Press. Wigodsky, Michael. 1972. Vergil and Early Latin Poetry. Wiesbaden: Steiner (Hermes Einzelschriften 24). Williams, Gordon. 1982. “The genesis of poetry in Rome.” In The Cambridge History of Classical Literature 2.1: The Early Republic, ed. by P. Easterling and E. Kenney, 53–9. Cambridge / London / New York / New Rochelle / Melbourne / Sydney: Cambridge University Press. Wilson, Peter. 2002. “The musicians among the actors.” In Greek and Roman Actors: Aspects of an Ancient Profession, ed by P. Easterling and E. Hall, 39–68. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wiseman, T. Peter. 1979. Clio’s Cosmetics. Three Studies in Greco-Roman Literature. Leicester: Leicester University Press. Wiseman, T. Peter. 1993. “Lying historians: seven types of mendacity.” In Lies and Fiction in the Ancient World, ed. by C. Gill and T. P. Wiseman, 122–46. Exeter: Exeter University Press. Wiseman, T. Peter. 1994. Historiography and Imagination. Eight Essays on Roman Culture. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. Wiseman, T. Peter. 1998. Roman Drama and Roman History. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. Wiseman, T. Peter. 2002. “Praetexta, togata and other unhelpful categories.” SO 77.1: 82–8. Wiseman, T. Peter. 2004. The Myths of Rome. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. Wiseman, T. Peter. 2008. Unwritten Rome. Exeter: Exeter University Press. Wiseman, T. Peter. 2015. The Roman Audience: Classical Literature as Social History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Witzmann, Peter. 2000. “Kommunikative Leistungen von Weih-, Ehren- und Grab­ inschriften: Wertbegriffe und Wertvorstellungen in Inschriften vorsullanischer Zeit.” In Moribus antiquis res stat Romana: Römische Werte und römische Literatur im 3. und 2. Jh. v. Chr., ed. by M. Braun, A. Haltenhoff, and F.-H. Mutschler, 55–86. Munich / Leipzig: Saur (Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 134).

Early Latin Poetry

131

Woodman, Anthony. 1988. Rhetoric in Classical Historiography: Four Studies. London: Croom Helm; Portland, OR: Areopagitica Press. Repr. London and Sydney: Routledge, 2004. Woodman, Anthony. 2020. “Ennius’ Annals and Tacitus’ Annals.” In Ennius: Poetry and History, ed. by C. Damon and J. Farrell, 228–39. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Woolf, Gregory. 2003. “City of letters.” In Rome the Cosmopolis, ed. by C. Edwards and G. Woolf, 203–21. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Woolf, Gregory. 2009. “Literacy or literacies in Rome?” In Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome, ed. by W. Johnson and H. Parker, 46–68. New York / Toronto: Oxford University Press. Repr. 2011, 2019. Wright, John. 1974. Dancing in chains: the Stylistic Unity of the Comoedia Palliata. Rome: American Academy in Rome (Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in Rome 25). Wülfing-von Martitz, Peter. 1972. “Ennius als hellenistischer Dichter.” In Ennius: sept exposés suivis de discussions, ed. by O. Skutsch, 253–89. Geneva: Fondation Hardt (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique 17). Yarrow, Liv. 2006. Historiography at the End of the Republic. Oxford / New York: Oxford University Press. Zetzel, James. 1974. “Ennian experiments.” AJPh 95, 137–40. Zetzel, James. 1983. “Catullus, Ennius, and the poetics of allusion.” ICS 8: 251–6. Repr. in Oxford Readings in Classical Studies: Catullus, ed. by J. H. Gaisser, 198–216. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Zetzel, James. 2007. “The influence of Cicero on Ennius.” In Ennius Perennis: The Annals and Beyond, ed. by W. Fitzgerald and E. Gowers, 1–16. Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society (Cambridge Classical Journal, Supplementary Volume 31). Zetzel, James. 2018. Critics, Compilers and Commentators: An Introduction to Roman Philology, 200 BCE–800 CE. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Zevi, Fausto. 1970. “Considerazioni sull’ elogio di Scipione Barbato.” In Omaggio a Ranuccio Bianchi Bandinelli, 65–73. Rome: De Luca (Studi Miscellanei 15: Seminario di archaeologia e storia dell’arte Greca e Romana dell’Università di Roma). Ziegler, Konrat. 19662. Das Hellenistische Epos: ein vergessenes Kapital griechischer Dichtung. Leipzig: Teubner. First edn. 1934. (See also Fantuzzi 1988.) Zillinger, Wilhelm. 1911. Cicero und die altrömischen Dichter. Würzburg: Staudenraus. Zorzetti, Nevio. 1980. La pretesta e il teatro latino arcaico. Naples: Liguori (Forme, Materiali e Ideologie del Mondo Antico 14). Zorzetti, Nevio. 1990. “The carmina convivalia.” In Sympotica: a symposium on the symposion, ed. by O. Murray, 289–307. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Zorzetti, Nevio. 1991. “Poetry and the ancient city: the case of Rome.” CJ 86.4: 311–29.