Drugs and Crime in Lifestyle Perspective [1 ed.] 9781452254722, 9780803956018

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Drugs and Cnine m Lifestyle Perspectiue

Drugs, Health, and Social Policy Series Edited by James A. Inciardi About This Series . . . T h e Sage D r u g s , H e a l t h , a n d Social Policy Series provides stu­ dents a n d professionals in the fields of substance abuse, A I D S , public health, a n d criminal justice access t o c u r r e n t research, p r o ­ g r a m s , a n d policy issues particular t o their specialties. E a c h year, four n e w volumes will focus o n a topic of national significance.

1. Drugs and Crime in Lifestyle Perspective Glenn D.

Walters

Drugs and Crime m Lifestyle Perspectiue Glenn D. (Halters

Drugs. Health, and Social Policy Series Uolumel

SAGE Publications International Educational and Professional Publisher Thousand Oaks London New Delhi

C o p y r i g h t © 1 9 9 4 by Sage Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. N o part of this b o o k m a y be r e p r o d u c e d or utilized in any form or by any m e a n s , electronic or mechanical, including p h o t o c o p y i n g , recording, or by any i n f o r m a t i o n storage and retrieval system, wfithout permission in writing from the publisher.

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P r i n t e d in the U n i t e d States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Walters, Glenn D. Drugs and crime in lifestyle perspective / author, Glenn D. Walters. p. cm.—(Drugs, health, and social policy; 1) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8039-5601-0 (cl).—ISBN 0-8039-5602-9 (pb) 1. Drug abuse—Government policy—United States. 2. Drug abuse and crime—United States. 3. Drug abuse—United States—Prevention. 4. Drug abuse—Treatment—United States. I. Title. II. Series. HV5825.W381264 1994 364.2'4—dc20 93-46438

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Sage P r o d u c t i o n Editor: Yvonne Konneker

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Contents

Preface Acknowledgments

XI

1.

The Drug-Crime Connection

2.

Conditions Historical-Developmental Conditions Current-Contextual Conditions Conclusion

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3.

Choice Rational Choice Theory The Deterrence Hypothesis T h e Imperfect N a t u r e of the C h o i c e Process T h e Lifestyle M o d e l of Choice Behavior Conclusion

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Cognition Cognitive Correlates of D r u g A b u s e a n d C r i m e T h e Lifestyle M o d e l of D r u g - a n d

Crime-Oriented Thinking Conclusion

49 50

5.

Change C o n d i t i o n - B a s e d C h a n g e Strategies Choice-Based C h a n g e Strategies C o g n i t i o n - B a s e d C h a n g e Strategies Conclusion

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T h e D r u g - C r i m e C o n n e c t i o n R e c o n s i d e r e d

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C o n c l u s i o n

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References

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I n d e x

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A b o u t the A u t h o r

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Preface

D

rugs a n d crime have l o n g held t h e fascination of t h e A m e r i ­ can public. A l t h o u g h the negative consequences of d r u g use a n d criminal activity have been extensively d o c u m e n t e d , t h e reader m a y be surprised t o learn t h a t these p r o b l e m s are n o t of recent onset. Even before t h e American R e v o l u t i o n , life in America w^as periodically d i s r u p t e d b y the m a c h i n a t i o n s of h i g h w a y robbers a n d t h e irrational behavior of persons acting u n d e r t h e influence of intoxicating beverages. I t is therefore imperative t h a t w e d o n o t o v e r i n t e r p r e t t h e c u r r e n t situation w i t h respect t o d r u g use a n d crime, b u t rather w o r k t o balance present-day concerns a b o u t d r u g seeking behavior and crime w i t h t h e realization t h a t these p r o b l e m s are well ingrained in the American experience. I n the pages t h a t follow, I will p r e s e n t s u n d r y perspectives o n d r u g abuse, crime, a n d their interrelationship in an effort t o ascertain t h e t r u e n a t u r e of t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n across specific c o n d i t i o n s , situations, a n d circumstances. T h e first o r d e r of business, h o w e v e r , concerns t h e clarification of t e r m s such as iiru£i abuse and crime.

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DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

A dru^ is normally defined as any chemical substance o t h e r t h a n food t h a t affects the structure or function of the b o d y . I restrict the present investigation t o chemical c o m p o u n d s capable of altering a person's m o o d or subjective e m o t i o n a l state—alcohol, marijuana, cocaine, a n d h e r o i n , a m o n g others. W h e t h e r a d r u g is legal or illegal, m a n u f a c t u r e d or harvested, injected o r swallowed, w h a t is of p r i m e significance is t h a t the substance lends itself t o w i d e s p r e a d misuse because of its m o o d - a l t e r i n g properties. T h o u g h the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n m a y vary as a function of specific d r u g s used or crimes c o m m i t t e d , m y focus in the present discussion will be o n the m o r e general relationship p r e s u m e d t o exist b e t w e e n d r u g s of abuse and criminal o u t c o m e . H e n c e , in referencing d r u g s , the definition will be restricted t o c o m m o n drugs of abuse, dru0 abuse b e i n g defined as the regular or habitual use of o n e or m o r e of these substances t o the p o i n t w h e r e the individual suffers multiple major life p r o b l e m s as a consequence. Identifying a useful definition of crime also presents p r o b l e m s for scholars interested in p r o b i n g the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n , because the correlates of crime frequently vary as a function of t h e definition e m p l o y e d . Definitions of crime r u n the g a m u t from highly behav­ ioral conceptualizations, such as those e m p l o y e d by research psy­ chologists, t o the legal definitions a d o p t e d by the judiciary and the criminal justice system. I n this text I will a t t e m p t t o m e r g e these t w o trends by defining crime as rule-breaking behavior t h a t , if k n o w n t o legal authorities, w o u l d result in the rule breaker's b e i n g charged w i t h a criminal offense punishable by law. W h e t h e r this law-violat­ ing behavior occurs d u r i n g adolescence or a d u l t h o o d is less i m p o r ­ t a n t than d o c u m e n t i n g the rule-violating n a t u r e of t h e behavior and certifying t h a t the individual was cognizant of the wrongfulness of his or her actions at the t i m e the offense was c o m m i t t e d . T h o u g h such a definition m a y appear overly inclusive t o s o m e , it nonetheless succeeds in c a p t u r i n g the legal f o u n d a t i o n of m a n y c o m m o n l y accepted definitions of criminality. A perspective can be conceived of as one's m a n n e r of viewing a particular event, situation, or issue. I n the chapters t h a t follow, I will review and scrutinize data and perspectives relevant t o the putative association between d r u g abuse and crime. T h e r e are, t o be sure, m a n y different perspectives potentially applicable t o research o n d r u g abuse, criminality, a n d their interconnection. I n this b o o k , I will examine several major categories of perspectives relevant t o these concerns. T o this e n d , I will explore c o n d i t i o n - b a s e d , choicebased, a n d cognition-based viewpoints in an effort t o c o n s t r u c t a

Preface

ix

c o m p r e h e n s i v e explanation of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n . T h e s e perspectives offer behavioral scientists t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o p r o b e t h e b o u n d a r i e s a n d parameters of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n by allow­ ing a structural appraisal of data p e r t i n e n t t o this relationship. W i t h this in m i n d , let us t u r n o u r a t t e n t i o n t o the c o n d i t i o n s , choices, c o g n i t i o n s , and change strategies viewed t o be crucial in the devel­ o p m e n t of d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles, and the overlap t h o u g h t t o exist b e t w e e n these t w o lifestyles.

Acknowledgments

I

w o u l d like t o express m y deepest appreciation t o m y wife, P a t t i , a n d t w o children, C h r i s t o p h e r a n d T a r a , for t h e love, s u p p o r t , a n d patience they have d e m o n s t r a t e d over the past year, w i t h o u t w h i c h this b o o k never w o u l d have been possible. T h e assertions a n d o p i n i o n s c o n t a i n e d herein are the private views o f t h e a u t h o r and s h o u l d n o t be c o n s t r u e d as official o r as reflecting the views of the Federal B u r e a u of Prisons or the U . S . D e p a r t m e n t of Justice.

1. T h e D r u g - C r i m e Connection

N

e w s p a p e r s , m a g a z i n e s , and television d o c u m e n t a r i e s have chronicled the g r o w i n g menace of drugs and crime in presentday American society and allude t o the seeming futility of remedial efforts and interventions. Tales of d r u g abuse and crime are plastered across the front pages of local newspapers, dominate the evening news, and come t o life in full-length cinematic productions and made-for-TV "movies of the week." T h e almost frenzied attention awarded drugs and crime by the national news media w o u l d appear t o reflect a m o r e generalized interest in such issues o n the part of the American public. T h e task before us, then, is t o identify a perspective or set of perspectives capable of advancing our knowledge on the origins, development, and treatment implications of the overlap pre­ sumed t o exist between d r u g abuse and crime. O u r search logically begins w i t h investigations assessing the possibility of a meaningfiil statistical link between substance abuse and criminal o u t c o m e . Before we can conclude t h a t a causal nexus exists b e t w e e n t w o or m o r e variables, w e m u s t first d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t these variables are

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DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

correlated or connected in s o m e way. T h e putative d r u g - c r i m e relationship has been investigated u s i n g b o t h self-report a n d official measures of criminal c o n d u c t . A self-report survey of a p p r o x i m a t e l y 3 , 0 0 0 j u n i o r a n d senior high school s t u d e n t s , for instance, revealed t h e presence of a significant correlation between substance abuse a n d n o n - d r u g - r c l a t c d d e l i n q u e n t activity (Akcrs, 1 9 8 4 ) . I n a second study, u r i n e analysis of arrestees in 2 4 U . S . cities u n c o v e r e d o n e or m o r e illegal substances in the specimens of 3 6 % - 7 5 % of the tested males and 4 5 % - 7 9 % of the tested females ( O ' N e i l , 1 9 9 2 ) . T h e research m e t h o d s m o s t c o m m o n l y e m p l o y e d in studies investigating t h e d r u g - c r i m e connection, however, consider t h e drug-related selfreports of prison inmates and the recorded criminal activity of identified substance abusers. Researchers w h o have studied d r u g use patterns in criminal p o p u ­ lations r e p o r t a relatively high rate of alcohol a n d / o r illegal d r u g abuse in this p o p u l a t i o n . Interviews c o n d u c t e d w i t h a g r o u p of male delinquents h o u s e d in a Texas y o u t h facility, for instance, disclosed t h a t 4 0 % - 4 7 % of the variation in m i n o r delinquency and 3 4 % - 5 9 % of the variation in violent delinquency could be credited t o the subjects' use of legal and illegal substances (Watts & W r i g h t , 1 9 9 0 ) . A large-scale national survey of alcohol use patterns in state prison inmates identified a history of daily alcohol abuse in 2 0 % of the s a m p l e , w i t h o n e in t h r e e i n m a t e s r e p o r t i n g t h a t h e was u n d e r t h e influence of alcohol at the time of the c o m m i s s i o n of the confining offense (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1 9 8 3 a ) . I n this same survey, t w o o u t of five state inmates acknowledged recent daily usage of an illegal substance and one in three r e p o r t e d having been u n d e r the influence of an illegal d r u g w h e n c o m m i t t i n g t h e confining offense (Bureau o f Justice Statistics, 1 9 8 3 b ) . As a substantial n u m b e r o f alcohol-abusing felons abstained from illegal d r u g use a n d a s o m e ­ w h a t smaller percentage of drug-involved offenders d i d n o t drink, these results d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t t h e majority of i n m a t e s surveyed h a d misused alcohol, illicit d r u g s , or b o t h . Studies scrutinizing the criminal activities of persons enrolled in substance abuse t r e a t m e n t p r o g r a m s indicate t h e presence o f a vigorous and potentially meaningful c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n d r u g abuse a n d crime. G o o d w i n , C r a n e , and G u z e ( 1 9 7 1 ) , for instance, c o m ­ p a r e d the arrest records of p r o b l e m a n d n o n p r o b l e m drinkers a n d observed a significantly higher rate of arrest in the p r o b l e m d r i n k i n g g r o u p , t h o u g h m a n y of these arrests were for public intoxication, d r u n k driving, and o t h e r alcohol-related offenses. P r o b i n g t h e inter­ h n k a g e of heroin addiction and crime, E c k e r m a n , Bates, Rachal, a n d

The Drug-Crime Connection

3

Poole (1971) determined that 4 5 % - 8 0 % of the arrests for robbery in W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , and N e w York City, respectively, w e r e of per­ sons w h o either used or w e r e d e p e n d e n t o n h e r o i n . T h e scope of t h e p r o b l e m is clearly c a p t u r e d in Inciardi's ( 1 9 7 9 ) r e p o r t o n 3 5 6 h e r o i n addicts living in M i a m i , Florida; his conservative estimate is t h a t these addicts c o m m i t t e d 1 1 8 , 1 3 4 felonies d u r i n g a one-year p e r i o d . T h e presence of an association between d r u g s a n d crime w o u l d seem self-evident; explaining this relationship, h o w e v e r , is s o m e ­ w h a t m o r e p r o b l e m a t i c . F o r instance, a l t h o u g h d r u g use m a y cause crime u n d e r o n e set of c o n d i t i o n s , criminal involvement m a y cause, or at least facilitate, d r u g use u n d e r a completely different set of c o n d i t i o n s . T h e s e t w o possibilities fall i n t o t h e category of unidirec­ tional interpretations of the d r u g - c r i m e relationship, in w h i c h d r u g abuse is seen as causing crime or crime is seen as causing d r u g abuse. A t h i r d possibility is t h a t d r u g s a n d crime enjoy a reciprocal rela­ t i o n s h i p — t h a t is, t h e effects of drugs o n crime a n d crime o n drugs are bidirectional (drugs crime) rather t h a n unidirectional (i.e., drugs crime or d r u g s c r i m e ; crime -> d r u g s ; d r u g s i—» c r i m e ; d r u g s ^ c r i m e ) , a l t h o u g h disconfirmatory findings can also be identified for each m o d e l . P e r h a p s t h e m o s t p a r s i m o n i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of d r u g - c r i m e d a t a at this p o i n t in t i m e is t h a t the relationship b e t w e e n these t w o variables m a y assume any o n e of four versions d e p e n d i n g o n a collection of factors and additional considerations. Accordingly, t h e r e are certain drugs t h a t , because of either their h i g h cost or their v i o l e n c e - p r o m o t i n g qualities, cause specific criminal o u t c o m e s . A t o t h e r t i m e s , however, a criminal offender m a y i m b i b e d r u g s t o advance criminal goals or a d r u g abuser m a y increase his o r her level of substance intake as a direct result of participation in a lucrative criminal event. T h e reciprocal n a t u r e of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n m u s t also n o t be overlooked, in t h a t it m a y explain t h e d r u g - c r i m e overlap u n d e r a t h i r d set of c o n d i t i o n s . Finally, a fourth set of circumstances m a y give rise t o an illusory correlation b e t w e e n d r u g abuse a n d crime because of their c o m m o n association w i t h a speci­ fied or unspecified t h i r d variable. F r o m the perspective of the lifestyle t h e o r y of h u m a n decision m a k i n g , d r u g abuse and criminal activity are conceived of as inter­ related lifestyles, and the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n is seen as falling w i t h i n the overlap t h a t exists between these t w o lifestyles. A lifestyle is defined by three interrelated influences, referred t o in lifestyle t h e o r y as the " t h r e e C s " : c o n d i t i o n s , choice, and c o g n i t i o n . C o n d i ­ tions, w h e t h e r internal (heredity, t e m p e r a m e n t ) or external (family, peers), positive (protective factors) or negative (risk factors), influ­ ence a person's future p r o p e n s i t y t o use d r u g s a n d engage in various criminal acts by affecting his or her range of life o p t i o n s . A c c o r d i n g t o lifestyle t h e o r y , conditions d o n o t cause d r u g abuse or crime in any direct sense, t h o u g h they d o influence these behaviors by in­ creasing (protective factors) o r decreasing (risk factors) a person's o p t i o n s in life. O n c e the conditional parameters have been estab­ lished, t h e individual makes a choice or series of choices from t h e o p t i o n s available. T h e t h i r d C, c o g n i t i o n , evolves from a person's

The Drug-Crime Connection

7

efforts t o justify a n d rationalize the decisions h e or she has m a d e in life. T h e t h r e e Cs serve as the core c o m p o n e n t s of a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle, a n d it is the interacting n e t w o r k of influences created by these t h r e e features t h a t gives birth t o a lifestyle in w h i c h serious d r u g abuse or criminal activity assumes center stage. I n deriving t r e a t m e n t strategies useful in effecting c h a n g e in s o m e o n e c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle, lifestyle t h e o r y i n t r o d u c e s a fourth C: change. I t is p r o p o s e d t h a t c h a n g e is possible a n d m o s t effective if directed at the original three C s , namely, t h e c o n d i t i o n s , choices, and c o g n i t i o n s t h a t reinforce a n d s u p p o r t a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle. C o n d i t i o n - b a s e d intervention techniques are designed t o assist clients in the m a n a g e m e n t of various life c o n d i t i o n s b y limiting their access t o d r u g a n d criminal activities, or b y assisting t h e m in the identification of a prosocial n e t w o r k of friends a n d acquaintances. Choice-based c h a n g e strategies consider ways in w h i c h a person's o p t i o n s in life m i g h t be e n h a n c e d and his or her decision-making c o m p e t e n c e i m p r o v e d , whereas c o g n i t i o n based i n t e r v e n t i o n is directed at the cognitive patterns t h a t s u p p o r t a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. T h e p u r p o s e of this b o o k is t o describe the d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles and d e m o n s t r a t e h o w the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n can be ascribed, at least in p a r t , t o the overlap t h a t exists b e t w e e n these t w o lifestyles.

2. Conditions

C

o n d i t i o n s are features of the P e r s o n , Situation, or P e r s o n χ Situation interaction t h a t influence the probability of a future or c o n c u r r e n t behavioral o u t c o m e or event. I n reviewing traditional m o d e l s of d r u g abuse and crime, it becomes clear t h a t c o n d i t i o n s serve as t h e f o u n d a t i o n for m o s t such theories. T h o u g h u n d o u b t e d l y n o t s o m e t h i n g t o be i g n o r e d , conditions are b u t o n e feature of the e q u a t i o n e m p l o y e d by lifestyle t h e o r y t o elucidate d r u g abuse, crime, and t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n . T h e reader s h o u l d also be aware t h a t there are t w o general categories of c o n d i ­ tional influence: historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s , w h i c h serve t o increase or decrease a person's future risk of d r u g o r criminal involvement, a n d current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s , w h i c h influence the probability of a c o n c u r r e n t d r u g use or criminal event. Below, I discuss each of these t w o classes of c o n d i t i o n s w i t h respect t o its person (characteristics of the individual), situation (characteristics of the e n v i r o n m e n t ) , and interactive (characteristics of the P e r s o n x S i t u a t i o n interaction) s u b c o m p o n e n t s .

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DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

Historical-Developmental Conditions Person

Variables

H i s t o r i c a l - d e v e l o p m e n t a l p e r s o n variables are individual-level c o n d i t i o n s such as age, heredity, a u t o n o m i c response, a n d p e r s o n ­ ality t h a t influence the future probability of a d r u g or criminal outcome.

A g e is an i m p o r t a n t correlate of b o t h d r u g use and crime. H i r s c h i and Gottfredson ( 1 9 8 3 ) have chronicled the i m p a c t of aging o n criminal offending, whereas others have d o n e m u c h the same w i t h alcohol (e.g., Fillmore, 1 9 8 8 ; G r a n t , H a r f o r d , & G r i g s o n , 1 9 8 8 ) . Cross-sectional arrest data s h o w t h a t p r o p e r t y crimes rise sharply d u r i n g mid-adolescence (ages 14-16) and t h e n d r o p just as sharply after age 16 or 1 7 , whereas p e r s o n - o r i e n t e d crimes exhibit a flatter slope, peaking in early a d u l t h o o d (ages 18-21) a n d following a m o r e gradual decline t h a n p r o p e r t y offenses (Federal B u r e a u of Investiga­ t i o n , 1 9 9 0 ) . L o n g i t u d i n a l studies d e m o n s t r a t e c o m p a r a b l e results w i t h respect t o t h e initiation and cessation of p e r s o n - o r i e n t e d a n d p r o p e r t y crime ( S h a n n o n , 1 9 8 2 ) . Self-reported alcohol, marijuana, a n d p o l y d r u g use follows m u c h the same p a t t e r n as crime, t h o u g h t h e peak age of use (age 20) falls several years b e h i n d the peak age for general delinquency ( M e n a r d & H u i z i n g a , 1 9 8 9 ) . H i r s c h i a n d Gottfredson ( 1 9 8 3 ) characterize t h e age-crime asso­ ciation as o n e of the brute facts of crime. T h e relationship b e t w e e n age a n d alcohol abuse is s o m e w h a t m o r e controversial, o w i n g t o the fact t h a t it tends t o fluctuate in accordance w i t h its definition. Cahalan a n d R o o m ( 1 9 7 4 ) , for instance, utilized t h r e e separate definitions of alcohol-related p r o b l e m s (binge d r i n k i n g , interper­ sonal belligerence, a n d a record of police c o n t a c t for drinking-related behavior) and discerned t h a t a l t h o u g h each behavior peaked in t h e y o u n g e s t age g r o u p studied ( 2 1 - 2 4 years) and d r o p p e d t o its lowest level in the older age g r o u p ( 4 0 - 5 9 years), the access a n d remission rates differed by definition. These findings i n t i m a t e t h a t d r u g abuse a n d crime follow similar age progressions and share m a n y of t h e same age-related correlates. W h a t this study fails t o explain is w h e t h e r the d r u g - c r i m e b o n d for age is a function of an u n d e r l y i n g c o n n e c t i o n between d r u g s a n d crime o r simply a c o n s e q u e n c e of s o m e unspecified t h i r d variable.

11

Conditions Heredity

T h e genetic correlates of d r u g abuse and crime have b e e n investi­ g a t e d u s i n g d a t a g a t h e r e d from family, t w i n , and a d o p t i o n studies. I t has been inferred from the results of these studies t h a t d r u g abuse a n d crime t e n d t o r u n in families (Schuckit, 1 9 8 7 ; Walters & W h i t e , 1 9 8 9 a ) . H o w e v e r , it is difficult t o tease o u t the individual c o n t r i b u ­ tions of heredity and e n v i r o n m e n t using the family m e t h o d , a n d even t h e results of t w i n studies are o p e n t o q u e s t i o n because t h e y often confuse e n v i r o n m e n t a l a n d genetic influences. F o r this reason, a d o p t i o n studies, in w h i c h the d r u g or criminal status of adoptees is c o m p a r e d w i t h the d r u g or criminal status of their biological a n d adoptive p a r e n t s , are seen as p r o v i d i n g the s t r o n g e s t test of the genetic hypothesis. O u t c o m e s derived from a d o p t i o n studies reveal t h e presence of a small, b u t significant, genetic link for d r u g use ( C a d o r e t , T r o u g h t o n , O ' G o r m a n , & H e y w o o d , 1 9 8 6 ) a n d crime (Mednick, Gabrielli, & H u t c h i n g s , 1 9 8 4 ) t h a t tends t o be weaker in m o r e recent a n d better-designed studies (Walters, 1 9 9 2 c ) . T h e p r i m a r y implication of behavioral genetic research is t h a t substance abuse a n d crime appear t o o p e r a t e along divergent genetic lines, in t h a t males d e m o n s t r a t e a s t r o n g e r genetic effect for alco­ h o l i s m a n d d r u g abuse (Pickens & Svikis, 1 9 8 8 ) , and females exhibit a slightly s t r o n g e r genetic predisposition for crime (Lewis, R i c e , & H e l z e r , 1 9 8 3 ) . T h e fact t h a t B o h m a n , C l o n i n g e r , Sigvardsson, a n d v o n K n o r r i n g ( 1 9 8 2 ) observed a significant adoptee-biological par­ e n t correlation for crime, b u t only in situations w h e r e the a d o p t e e d i d n o t abuse alcohol, casts fiirther d o u b t o n the possibility of a c o m m o n genetic link b e t w e e n d r u g abuse a n d crime. Likewise, C a d o r e t , O ' G o r m a n , T r o u g h t o n , a n d H e y w o o d ( 1 9 8 5 ) surmise t h a t t h e heavy d r i n k i n g t h e y found in a g r o u p of American adoptees was predicted by parental and sibling alcohol abuse b u t n o t antisocial p r o b l e m s , whereas a d o p t e e antisocial behavior was p r e d i c t e d by parental a n d sibling antisocial p r o b l e m s b u t n o t alcohol abuse. O n the face of it, there w o u l d appear t o be little evidence in s u p p o r t of the a r g u m e n t t h a t t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n is m e d i a t e d b y genetic factors. Autonomic

Response

A n early study p r o b i n g the effects of alcohol o n a u t o n o m i c functioning revealed t h e presence of a " n o r m a l i z i n g " effect; alcohol e n h a n c e d sympathetic activity (increased h e a r t rate, dilation of

12

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

pupils, and so o n ) in persons w i t h lower initial resting levels of sympathetic response a n d d a m p e n e d sympathetic activity in persons w i t h h i g h e r resting levels of sympathetic response (Kissin, Schenker, & Schenker, 1 9 5 9 ) . F i n n and Pihl ( 1 9 8 7 ) n o t e d t h a t sober subjects at risk for future alcohol abuse p r o b l e m s displayed greater cardio­ vascular response (increased b l o o d v o l u m e a n d h e a r t rate) in antici­ p a t i o n of a mild electrical shock than did sober m o d e r a t e - r i sk o r low-risk subjects. F u r t h e r m o r e , alcohol c o n s u m p t i o n led t o de­ creased physiological reactions in high-risk subjects b u t exerted a converse effect o n m o d e r a t e - and low-risk subjects. T h i s suggests t h a t subjects at risk for future alcohol abuse p r o b l e m s have a geneti­ cally based hypersensitivity t o stress t h a t lessens w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c ­ tion of alcohol. Conversely, reduced sympathetic activity, as repre­ sented by a slower-than-normal resting heart rate (Venables, 1 9 8 7 ) a n d decreased skin conductance in response t o stimulation (Ogloff & W o n g , 1 9 9 0 ) , has been observed in persons w h o subsequently e n g a g e in criminal forms of behavior. A l t h o u g h the observation t h a t reduced a u t o n o m i c response m a y be p r o g n o s t i c of delinquency in h i g h e r socioeconomic status (SES) samples (Venables et al., 1 9 7 8 ) , a plethora of fascinating possibih­ ties suggest t h a t a u t o n o m i c functioning, w h i c h has clear genetic referents, m a y be a risk factor for crime in higher, b u t n o t lower, SES subjects, and there is little convincing p r o o f t h a t a u t o n o m i c factors a c c o u n t for the d r u g - c r i m e connection. I n p o i n t of fact, research studies addressing this issue suggest t h a t persons at risk for future d r u g abuse a n d criminal o u t c o m e s display antithetical a u t o ­ n o m i c response p a t t e r n s , the former being characterized by a u t o ­ n o m i c hyperactivity and the latter by a u t o n o m i c hypoactivity. I n b o t h cases, alcohol m a y p r o d u c e a " n o r m a l i z i n g " effect b y decreas­ ing or d a m p e n i n g the natural a u t o n o m i c response of persons predis­ posed t o substance abuse a n d increasing o r amplifying the n a t u r a l a u t o n o m i c response of persons at risk for future criminality. T h e r e is very little evidence, therefore, t h a t t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n can be a t t r i b u t e d t o similar patterns of a u t o n o m i c response for persons predisposed t o d r u g abuse and crime. Personality I t has been p r o p o s e d t h a t d r u g abuse and crime are t h e natural consequences of addictive ( N a k k e n , 1 9 8 8 ) and criminal (Yochelson & S a m e n o w , 1 9 7 6 ) personahties. H o w e v e r , research addressing the prospect of an " a d d i c t i o n - p r o n e " personality has found this c o n c e p t

13

Conditions

t o be largely i n a d e q u a t e from an empirical s t a n d p o i n t ( G e n d r e a u & G e n d r e a u , 1 9 7 0 ) . H u d l e b y ( 1 9 8 6 ) examined personality factors in a g r o u p of 150 early adolescents living in O n t a r i o , C a n a d a , and observed t h a t the personality measures he utilized w e r e generally ineffective in predicting future d r u g use a n d delinquency o u t c o m e s . T h e r e is evidence, however, t h a t d r u g abuse and crime m a y be linked by their c o m m o n association w i t h early antisocial c o n d u c t . H e n c e studies s h o w t h a t c h i l d h o o d c o n d u c t p r o b l e m s are convincingly correlated w i t h later substance misuse ( H a g n e l l , L a n k e , R o r s m a n , & O h m a n , 1 9 8 6 ; Vaillant, 1 9 8 3 ) and criminality (Kazdin, 1 9 8 5 ; W h i t e , Moffitt, Earls, R o b i n s , & Silva, 1 9 9 0 ) . Personality factors, in t h e form of early antisocial behavior, m i g h t therefore be a p o t e n t i a l r o u t e of influence t h r o u g h w h i c h the d r u g - c r i m e connec­ tion m i g h t be studied, explained, and eventually u n d e r s t o o d . T h o u g h early c o n d u c t p r o b l e m s m a y be responsible for a certain p o r t i o n of t h e d r u g - c r i m e overlap, there are several distinct patterns of precursors i m p o r t a n t in the f o r m a t i o n of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. Results from longitudinal studies in Berkeley a n d O a k l a n d , for instance, indicate t h a t b o t h antisocial a n d passive-dependent personality features affect a person's future chances of e n g a g i n g in alcohol- and o t h e r drug-related activities. These studies s h o w t h a t persons w h o exhibit passive-dependent traits d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d and early adolescence follow a pattern of "late onset" alcohol and tobacco misuse t h a t peaks d u r i n g middle a d u l t h o o d , whereas early antisocial traits give rise t o a p a t t e r n of "early o n s e t " substance misuse t h a t peaks d u r i n g late adolescence and is a c c o m p a n i e d b y o t h e r forms of a c t i n g - o u t behavior, including crime (Block, 1 9 7 1 ) . H e n c e , al­ t h o u g h early antisocial behavior m a y p r o m p t s o m e people t o e n g a g e in b o t h d r u g abuse and adult criminality, it leaves a major s e g m e n t of the d r u g - c r i m e overlap unexplained. Person Historical-Developmental and the Drug-Crime Connection

Conditions

Research has consistently indicated t h a t a diagnosis of antisocial personality is often a r o b u s t correlate of alcoholism ( N a t h a n , 1 9 8 8 ; Vaillant, 1 9 8 3 ) a n d d r u g addiction (Egger, W e b b , & R e y n o l d s , 1 9 7 8 ; Sutker, M o a n , Goist, & Allain, 1 9 8 4 ) and t h a t early antisocial behavior is an effective predictor of future d r u g ( H a g n e l l et al., 1 9 8 6 ) a n d criminal ( W h i t e et al., 1 9 9 0 ) o u t c o m e s . This association occurs even w h e n the diagnostic overlap between a l c o h o l i s m / d r u g d e p e n d e n c y a n d antisocial personality is controlled for (Lewis,

14

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

C l o n i n g e r , & Pais, 1 9 8 2 ) , a l t h o u g h conventional w i s d o m holds t h a t t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n , at least w h e r e historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s are concerned, is principally a function of t h e h i g h rate of substance abuse p r o b l e m s in antisocial p o p u l a t i o n s (Lewis et al., 1 9 8 3 ) . I n further s u p p o r t o f a noninteractive relationship between substance abuse a n d a diagnosis of antisocial personality, S t a b e n a u ( 1 9 8 6 ) cites research c o n d u c t e d o n patients at t h e U n i v e r s i t y of C o n n e c t i c u t H e a l t h Sciences C e n t e r t h a t highlights t w o etiologic p a t h w a y s for alcohol abuse: O n e is associated w i t h a positive family history of alcoholism, a n d the o t h e r is associated w i t h the subject's o w n antisocial behavior. Utilizing Cloninger's ( 1 9 8 7 ) t w o - g r o u p t y p o l o g y for alcoholism a n d data g a t h e r e d o n a large g r o u p of Swedish a d o p t e e s , C l o n i n g e r , B o h m a n , and Sigvardsson ( 1 9 8 1 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t T y p e 1 (milieu­ limited) alcohol abuse was m o r e p r o m i n e n t in male subjects w i t h alcoholism in at least o n e adoptive and o n e biological parent. C o n ­ versely, T y p e I I (male-limited) alcohol abuse failed t o c o r r e s p o n d w i t h the alcohol abuse status of the adoptive h o m e b u t was observed in m a l e adoptees w h o s e biological fathers h a d been treated for alcoholism a n d serious criminality d u r i n g adolescence or early adult­ h o o d . T h e r e was a threefold increase in alcohol abuse in female adoptees b o r n t o T y p e I alcoholic fathers, b u t n o increase in either alcohol abuse o r criminality for female adoptees b o r n t o T y p e I I alcoholic fathers. These findings, coupled w i t h t h e fact t h a t antiso­ cial behavior appears t o be a m o r e powerful correlate of alcoholism for females t h a n for males (Lewis & Bucholz, 1 9 9 1 ) , suggest t h a t biological and o t h e r person historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s d o a p o o r j o b of explaining the d r u g - c r i m e overlap. Situation

Variables

Situational historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s are features of a person's external e n v i r o n m e n t (e.g., cultural teachings, social class, family e n v i r o n m e n t , peer relations) t h a t influence the probability of a future d r u g or criminal o u t c o m e . Cross-Cultural

Effects

T h e reader should k n o w that alcoholism, d r u g abuse, and crime are not uniformly distributed across societies and cultures; indeed, they vary widely even for persons living within a given general geographic area. I n m a n y cases, cross-national differences in substance abuse a n d

Conditions

15

crime have been ascribed t o differences in cxoltural attitudes. Strong prohibitions against adolescent alcohol use in Ireland, for instance, correspond with a reduced rate of social and abusive drinking o n the part of Irish youth (Christiansen & Teahan, 1 9 8 7 ) , and cultural attitudes t o w a r d female alcohol use vary in accordance with the a m o u n t of alcohol consiuned by Japanese w o m e n hving in Japan, H a w a i i , and Cahfornia (Kitano, Chi, Rhee, L a w , & L u b b c n , 1 9 9 2 ) . Cultural teachings m a y also exert profound influence over a person's c o m p o r t ­ m e n t while intoxicated (Cinquemani, 1 9 7 5 ) . S o m e researchers, h o w ­ ever, such as de Lint ( 1 9 7 6 ) , argue that cultural attitudes a n d values are overrated as explanations of cross-national variations in d r u g use a n d abuse, a n d t h a t factors such as urbanization and availabiUty arc of equal value in imderstanding culture-based differences. V a r i a t i o n s in u r b a n i z a t i o n a n d cultural attitudes or informal social controls have also been used t o explain cross-national discrepancies in crime. This imphes a possible avenue of overlap in the cross-national correlates of d r u g abuse a n d crime. O n e m i g h t even be t e m p t e d t o conclude t h a t cross-cultural effects account for a significant p o r t i o n o f t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n o n the s t r e n g t h of the p r e s u m p t i o n t h a t the cross-national correlates of d r u g abuse a n d crime arc similar, if n o t identical. Empirical s u p p o r t for a cross-national explanation of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n , h o w e v e r , tends t o be rather weak, given t h a t s o m e countries, such as France, Italy, a n d Switzerland, suffer h i g h rates of alcohol abuse b u t enjoy below-average rates of c r i m e , in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the U n i t e d States, w h i c h leads the indus­ trialized w o r l d in m o s t crime categories b u t experiences only a m o d e r a t e degree of alcohol abuse. C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e r e is little s u p p o r t for the a r g u m e n t t h a t cross-cultural attitudes o r practices clarify t h e n a t u r e of t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n . Poverty and Social Class F e w people w o u l d take issue w i t h t h e inference t h a t i m p o v e r i s h e d u r b a n areas suffer m u c h higher rates of crime a n d d r u g abuse t h a n m o s t s u b u r b a n middle-class areas. C o n t r o v e r s y c o n t i n u e s t o rage, h o w e v e r , o n h o w these findings s h o u l d be interpreted. A l o n g i t u d i ­ nal investigation by Brunswick ( 1 9 8 8 ) a n d a cross-sectional s t u d y by Clayton a n d Voss ( 1 9 8 1 ) reveal t h a t d r u g abuse is r a m p a n t in areas w h e r e it is m o s t available, namely, in t h e r u n - d o w n slum sections of major cities. Likewise, criminologists have d e t e r m i n e d t h a t crime is c o n c e n t r a t e d in i m p o v e r i s h e d u r b a n precincts (Loftin, M c D o w a l l , & B o u d o u r i s , 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e significance a n d causal n a t u r e

16

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

of this relationship, however, have been hotly c o n t e s t e d (Tittle, Villemez, & S m i t h , 1 9 7 8 ) . T h e r e is even speculation t h a t crime m a y , in s o m e cases, cause poverty by l o w e r i n g p r o p e r t y values, ravaging informal social control n e t w o r k s , a n d r e d u c i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s for legitimate e m p l o y m e n t (Stewart, 1 9 8 6 ) . Even if social class a n d poverty d o play major roles in the devel­ o p m e n t of d r u g abuse a n d crime, there is n o t h i n g t o indicate t h a t these variables are responsible for the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n . This is because the effects of social class and poverty o n d r u g abuse and crime occur t h r o u g h social learning. People observe and i m i t a t e t h e behavior of those w i t h w h o m they c o m e i n t o c o n t a c t , w h e t h e r family, friends, o r neighbors. Additional factors, such as the per­ ceived status of the individual being observed and the anticipated r e w a r d for the behavior being displayed, d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r t h e m o d e l e d behavior is enacted (Bandura, 1 9 7 7 ) . H e n c e a child w h o observes alcohol abuse in s o m e o n e he or she admires or w h o holds t o the expectancy t h a t selling drugs will o p e n u p o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h a t w o u l d otherwise be unavailable will t e n d t o perform these behaviors. T h e results of research c o n d u c t e d o n poverty and social class there­ fore indicate o n e possible interpretation of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c ­ tion: D r u g s a n d crime are linked by the action of a t h i r d variable, t h a t variable being the o p p o r t u n i t y t o learn specific behaviors from persons living in one's i m m e d i a t e e n v i r o n m e n t . Family

Environment

T h e family is usually the first social u n i t w i t h w h i c h the child interacts. As a consequence, a person's early lessons in life are often learned in interaction w i t h parents a n d siblings, t h e p r o d u c t of which sets the stage for future attitudinal and behavioral develop­ m e n t . T h e family w o u l d therefore seem t o be capable of affecting future d r u g use behavior t h r o u g h the intermediary actions of modeling (Ahmed, Bush, Davidson, & l o n n o t t i , 1 9 8 4 ) , separation (Friedman, P o m e r a n c e , Sanders, S a n t o , & U t a d a , 1 9 8 0 ) , parent-child b o n d i n g (Chein, Gerard, Lee, & Rosenfeld, 1 9 6 4 ) , a n d disciplinary style ( E m m e l k a m p & H e e r e s , 1 9 8 8 ) . Likewise, research o n the familial correlates of criminal behavior d e n o t e t h a t m o d e l i n g ( M c C o r d , 1 9 8 8 ) , family conflict (Van V o o r h i s , CuUen, M a t h e r s , & G a r n e r , 1 9 8 8 ) , a t t a c h m e n t style (Walters & W h i t e , 1 9 9 0 ) , a n d p a r e n t i n g issues (Wells & R a n k i n , 1988) are also i m p o r t a n t precipitants of criminal behavior. H e n c e there w o u l d appear t o be c o m m o n a l i t y in the famihal correlates of d r u g abuse and crime.

Conditions

17

Research has convincingly d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t the families of sub­ stance abusers a n d criminals are often the recipients of m i n i m a l a m o u n t s of social s u p p o r t a n d are beset w i t h frequent interpersonal conflict. A t e a m of investigators u n d e r the direction of R o n a l d S i m o n s , in fact, found evidence of a r o b u s t association between parental rejection a n d offspring deviance in the form of substance abuse ( S i m o n s , C o n g e r , & W h i t b e c k , 1 9 8 8 ; Simons & R o b e r t s o n , 1 9 8 9 ) a n d deUnquency ( S i m o n s , R o b e r t s o n , & D o w n s , 1 9 8 9 ) . S i m o n s and his colleagues speculate t h a t parental rejection exerts b o t h direct and indirect effects (by d a m a g i n g children's self-esteem a n d e n c o u r a g i n g their affiliation w i t h deviant peers) o n future aggression a n d d r u g use o u t c o m e s (Simons et al., 1 9 8 8 ) . T h o u g h family functioning m a y forge a gateway t h r o u g h w h i c h the d r u g crime c o n n e c t i o n can be m o r e precisely defined, t h e possibility t h a t the similarity in correlate patterns for d r u g abuse a n d crime is d u e t o the action of a t h i r d variable (e.g., m o d e l i n g , disciplinary prac­ tice) c a n n o t be ruled o u t o n the basis of currently available informa­ tion. H e n c e family variables d o n o t necessarily speak t o the n a t u r e and d e v e l o p m e n t of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n .

Peer

Relations

I t is c o m m o n l y believed t h a t the single m o s t powerful p r e d i c t o r of adolescent d r u g use is the degree t o which the juvenile associates or "hangs o u t " w i t h drug-using peers (Kandel & Adler, 1 9 8 2 ; Kaplan, Martin, & R o b b i n s , 1984). A relationship has also been observed between peer relations and delinquent behavior (Fagan & Wcxler, 1 9 8 7 ; Patterson & Dishion, 1985). T h e results of a study by G i o r d a n o , Cernkovich, and Pugh ( 1 9 8 6 ) , however, call into question traditional interpretations of the peer-deviance relationship. Contrary to the "cold and brittle" image of delinquent relationships espoused by social con­ trol theorists, delinquents in the G i o r d a n o et al. study were m o r e likely than nondelinquent youth to share intimacies with one another. Fur­ ther, inimical t o the predictions of t h e subcultural model, which holds t o an "intimate fraternity" interpretation of the delinquency-peer rela­ tionship, delinquents reported a higher degree of conflict with other delinquents, their friends, than did nondelinquents. There was also confirmation of a reciprocal interaction effect for delinquent associa­ tions whereby individual subjects h a d as m u c h influence o n the func­ tioning of a delinquent g r o u p as the delinquent g r o u p had o n individual subjects.

18

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

M o r e t h a n 5 0 years a g o , E d w i n S u t h e r l a n d ( 1 9 3 9 ) a r g u e d t h a t a p e r s o n exposed t o an excess of definitions favorable t o violation of t h e law a n d an absence of definitions unfavorable t o violation of t h e law w o u l d be p r o n e t o engage in law-violating behavior (see S u t h ­ erland & Cressey, 1 9 7 8 ) ; this s u p p o s i t i o n c o n t i n u e s t o find s u p p o r t in the research literature o n d r u g abuse a n d delinquency (see M a t ­ sueda, 1 9 8 8 ; O r c u t t , 1 9 8 7 ; Tittle, B u r k e , & Jackson, 1 9 8 6 ) . R e c e n t evidence, however, suggests t h a t the actions of deviant peers are actually m o r e influential t h a n their attitudes in p r o m o t i n g future d e l i n q u e n t behavior (Warr & Stafford, 1 9 9 1 ) . This c o r r o b o r a t e s research o n the role of peer modeling in d r u g use initiation (Johnson, M a r c o s , & Bahr, 1 9 8 7 ) a n d suggests t h a t Sutherland's ideas need t o be better integrated w i t h social learning t h e o r y (see Akers, 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e r e is also p r o o f t h a t a l t h o u g h the c o n d u c t of friends is a s t r o n g p r e d i c t o r of b o t h juvenile d r u g use and deUnquency, t h e r e is n o clear crossover relationship between these t w o forms of deviance ( W h i t e , J o h n s o n , & Garrison, 1 9 8 5 ) . This review suggests t h a t a l t h o u g h d r u g abuse and crime are strongly influenced by peer factors, t h e r e is n o material evidence t h a t this situation-based historical-develop­ m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n effectively clarifies the n a t u r e of t h e d r u g - c r i m e connection. Situation Historical-Developmental and the Dru^-Crime Connection

Conditions

I t w o u l d seem self-evident n o t only t h a t situational variables c o n t r i b u t e t o the f o r m a t i o n of drug-seeking behavior a n d c r i m e , b u t t h a t d r u g abuse a n d law-violating c o n d u c t share m a n y of the same situational correlates. Aside from a direct causative m o d e l of d r u g crime interrelationship (i.e., drugs causing crime o r crime causing d r u g a b u s e ) , this correlational overlap can be explained in o n e of t w o ways. O n e possible explanation of d r u g - c r i m e c o n c o r d a n c e in situation-based historical-developmental conditions is t h a t d r u g abuse and crime exist as i n t e r d e p e n d e n t features of a w i d e r deviant subcul­ t u r e or s y n d r o m e (see D o n o v a n & Jessor, 1 9 8 5 ; H i r s c h i , 1 9 6 9 ) . A second plausible explanation for the d r u g - c r i m e correlation observed with situation-based historical-developmental conditions holds t h a t d r u g s a n d crime are causally u n c o n n e c t e d a n d linked only by their c o m m o n association t o o n e or m o r e sociological c o n d i t i o n s (see Akers, 1 9 8 4 ) . T h e majority of studies c o n d u c t e d t o date t e n d t o s u p p o r t t h e shared influence m o d e l over the general deviance t h e o r e m of d r u g ­

Cmditions

19

crime interrelationships (Fagan et al., 1 9 9 0 ; W h i t e et al., 1 9 8 5 ) . P r o b i n g this issue w i t h longitudinal d a t a , W a y n e O s g o o d a n d his colleagues discovered t h a t t h e general deviance m o d e l a c c o u n t e d for o n l y a small p o r t i o n of t h e variance shared by five forms of deviant behavior (heavy alcohol use, marijuana use, o t h e r iUicit d r u g use, d a n g e r o u s driving, significant criminal b e h a v i o r ) , t h e only direct (causative) effect being t h e influence of early marijuana use o n later involvement w i t h other illicit substances (Osgood, Johnston, O'Mal­ ley, & B a c h m a n , 1 9 8 8 ) . Likewise, R o w e a n d Gulley ( 1 9 9 2 ) wit­ nessed a sibling effect for d r u g use a n d delinquency t h a t implicated m u t u a l friendships a n d c o m m o n consensual processes in the genesis of deviant behavior. As it w o u l d seem t h a t t h e shared influence m o d e l of drug-crime intercorrelations is m o r e viable t h a n the deviant subculture explanation, the task before us is t o identify the " c o n u n o n " or "linking" variables that constitute this shared influence. O n e such linking variable m i g h t conceivably be the action of a distinct a n d reliable set of consensually held values, because research has s h o w n t h a t a sense of "cultural responsibility" m a y i m p e d e d r u g abuse and crime, b u t n o t necessarily t h r o u g h a c o m m o n m e c h a n i s m . T h e s e values a n d prescriptions s h o u l d be clear, consistent, a n d specific rather t h a n n e b u l o u s , arbitrary, a n d general, for as has been d e m o n s t r a t e d in studies c o n d u c t e d in the field of social psychology, values arc m o r e readily accepted if t h e y arc presented free o f reser­ vation a n d c o n t r a d i c t i o n ( R o k e a c h & Ball-Rokeach, 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e clarity b r a n c h o f value a d o p t i o n shows t h a t crime (Adler, 1 9 8 3 ) a n d d r u g abuse ( L a r s o n & A b u - L a b a n , 1 9 6 8 ) are m o r e c o m m o n in cultures and societies t h a t are equivocal in their prescriptions for a p p r o p r i a t e behavior. T h e role of consistency in value d e v e l o p m e n t is s u b s t a n t i a t e d by research indicating higher rates of crime and d r u g abuse in cultures t h a t are unclear in defining socially acceptable behavior (Archer & G a r t n e r , 1 9 8 4 ) . Finally, the specificity c o m p o ­ n e n t is c o r r o b o r a t e d by C i n q u e m a n i ( 1 9 7 5 ) in his research o n the L o s Pastores I n d i a n s of Central M e x i c o , w h o associate violence w i t h d r i n k i n g except u n d e r highly circumscribed c o n d i t i o n s (i.e., relig­ ious ceremonies) a n d w h o s e behavior while intoxicated clearly con­ forms t o these cultural prescriptions. A second possible linking variable w i t h respect t o the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n is t h e m o d e l i n g o f deviant behavior. I t is well k n o w n t h a t y o u n g children seek o u t a n d identify role m o d e l s t o e m u l a t e . W h e n these role m o d e l s arc absent from the h o m e , t h e child m a y look elsewhere for personal guidance ( R o h r e r & E d m o n s o n , 1 9 6 0 ) . T h i s , in fact, m a y be t h e p r i m a r y p a t h t h r o u g h w h i c h peers influence

20

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

future d r u g a n d criminal o u t c o m e s . As I have n o t e d t h r o u g h o u t this chapter, d r u g use and d e h n q u e n c y d e m o n s t r a t e clear signs of over­ lap, especially d u r i n g adolescence, w h e n peer influence is s t r o n g (Lewis et al., 1 9 8 2 ) . I t m a y very well be t h a t t h e m o d e l i n g function of peer relations encourages teenagers t o e x p e r i m e n t w i t h d r u g s and crime. S i m o n s , C o n g e r , and W h i t b e c k ( 1 9 8 8 ) , a m o n g o t h e r s , con­ t e n d t h a t drugs and crime are correlated largely because t h e y have a c o m m o n heritage in peer relations geared t o w a r d the glorification of i m m e d i a t e goals and devaluation of future-oriented concerns. M o d e l i n g and peer influence m a y be i n s t r u m e n t a l n o t only in initiating d r u g use and criminahty, b u t in m a i n t a i n i n g these behav­ iors as well. H o w e v e r , it appears likely t h a t o t h e r influences (e.g., career aspirations, t h e desire t o justify one's actions) eclipse m o d e l ­ ing a n d peer influences in significance as the individual moves i n t o t h e latter stages of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. M o s t criminals a n d d r u g abusers were raised by law-abiding citizens w h o , a l t h o u g h they m a y have used alcohol or prescription d r u g s , were n o t criminal offenders or d r u g addicts themselves. I n o t h e r w o r d s , a l t h o u g h some criminals, and a slightly larger percent­ age of d r u g abusers, m o d e l the p r o b l e m a t i c behavior of their par­ ents, m a n y others d o n o t . Weak internalization of parental values, practices, a n d p r o h i b i t i o n s m a y therefore play an even m o r e salient role in the d e v e l o p m e n t of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle t h a n the m o d e l i n g of parental behavior. Lifestyle t h e o r y m a i n t a i n s t h a t inter­ nalization derives from an interaction of variables o r b i t i n g a r o u n d the child, his or her parents, a n d their m u t u a l relationship. As such, a person's vulnerability t o future d r u g or criminal o u t c o m e s is viewed t o be a function of a complex interplay of variables involving a high-risk child and parents w h o feel o v e r w h e l m e d b y the stress of raising a child and dealing w i t h the p r o b l e m s of everyday living. I t is the P e r s o n x Situation interaction, n o t individual p e r s o n or situation variables, therefore, t h a t contributes m o s t forcefully t o future behavioral o u t c o m e s , w h e t h e r the focus of o u r a t t e n t i o n is o n d r u g abuse, crime, or m o r e constructive forms of behavior. Person χ Situation

Interaction

Variables

Lifestyle t h e o r y maintains t h a t c o n d i t i o n s affect behavior t h r o u g h a constellation of individual person a n d situation variables. T h e interactive relationships t h a t form between s u n d r y person and situ­ ation variables, however, are believed t o exert p o t e n t influences over behavior. Lifestyle t h e o r y conceptualizes these P e r s o n χ Situation

Conditions

21

interactions as occurring in tiiree p r i m a r y d o m a i n s of h u m a n expe­ rience relative t o the early life tasks t h a t p u t an individual at increased or decreased risk for future d r u g or criminal o u t c o m e s . W i t h i n the social d o m a i n of h u m a n experience. P e r s o n χ Situation interactions congeal around the early life task of attachment, whereas in the physical d o m a i n these interactions center o n t h e early life task of stimulus m o d u l a t i o n . Interactions taking place in the psychologi­ cal d o m a i n , o n the o t h e r h a n d , give rise t o the self-image life task. Auachment Psychologists a n d psychiatrists h o l d t h a t early family relationships set the t o n e for later interpersonal attitudes and associations. O n e of the foremost experts o n parent-child a t t a c h m e n t , M a r y Salter A i n s w o r t h ( 1 9 7 9 ) , has c o n s t r u c t e d a system of classification t h a t divides m o t h e r - i n f a n t a t t a c h m e n t into three primary categories: secure, avoidant, and anxious/ambivalent. T h e person (child) vari­ ables t h a t allegedly c o n t r i b u t e t o future a t t a c h m e n t problems in­ clude a difficult t e m p e r a m e n t ( G o l d s m i t h & C a m p o s , 1 9 8 2 ) , early constitutional anomalies (Connell, 1 9 7 6 ) , infant fearfulness (Gold­ s m i t h , B r a d s h a w , & R i e s e r - D a n n e r , 1 9 8 6 ) , low birth w e i g h t (Bell, 1 9 7 9 ) , and persistent crying ( T h o m p s o n , 1 9 8 6 ) . M a t e r n a l w a r m t h (Bates, Maslin, & Frankel, 1 9 8 5 ) , acceptance (Main, T o m a s i n i , & Tolan, 1 9 7 9 ) , and responsiveness (Blehar, Lieberman, & Ainsworth, 1 9 7 7 ) , o n the o t h e r h a n d , c o n t r i b u t e t o a t t a c h m e n t o u t c o m e s from the s t a n d p o i n t of being i m p o r t a n t situational (caregiver) influences. T h e interaction of these various person and situation variables, h o w e v e r , d e t e r m i n e s m o r e concisely h o w t h e a t t a c h m e n t life task plays o u t . T h e results of research o n social b o n d i n g and d r u g use (Marcos, B a h r , & J o h n s o n , 1986) imply t h a t ineffective b o n d i n g or attach­ m e n t m a y be i m p o r t a n t in the early stages of a d r u g lifestyle. A i n s w o r t h ' s ( 1 9 7 9 ) m o d e l , however, considers t w o different styles of inferior b o n d i n g — a v o i d a n t a n d anxious/ambivalent—and life­ style t h e o r y c o n t e n d s t h a t people w h o have resolved this early life task by b e c o m i n g anxious or ambivalent a b o u t intimate relations arc at increased risk for future d r u g involvement. H a v i n g been exposed t o early life experiences t h a t encourage d e p e n d e n c y and discourage self-sufficiency, the anxious/ambivalent subject is drawn t o other peo­ ple as a source of protection and guidance. In fact, the use of mindaltering substances can be viewed as a further extension of this individ­ ual's dependency-seeking interests. In contrast, persons f o r m i n g an

D R U G S A N D CRIME IN LIFESTYLE

22

PERSPECTIVE

avoidant or insecure style of a t t a c h m e n t are viewed from the per­ spective o f lifestyle t h e o r y as being at increased risk for future criminality. Findings from several different sources provide prelimi­ nary s u p p o r t for this supposition ( C a d o r e t & Cain, 1 9 8 0 ; Walters & W h i t e , 1 9 9 0 ) . I t is speculated t h a t an avoidant style of a t t a c h m e n t puts a person at increased risk for p r e d a t o r y criminal c o n d u c t by interfering w i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t of his or her ability t o e m p a t h i z e w i t h and relate t o others. Stimulus

Modulation

Stimulus m o d u l a t i o n , w i t h r o o t s extending back t o t h e interactive relationship t h a t forms b e t w e e n individual person and situation variables in the physical d o m a i n of h u m a n experience, provides an index of h o w the subject perceives, interprets, a n d organizes sensory i n f o r m a t i o n in an effort t o achieve an o p t i m a l level of physiological arousal. Research suggests t h a t h i g h sensation seeking is m e a n i n g ­ fully correlated w i t h d r u g use/abuse (Andrucci, Archer, Pancoast, & G o r d o n , 1 9 8 9 ) and delinquency ( S i m o & P e r e z , 1 9 9 1 ) and speaks t o the possibiUty of an interaction of prenatal, perinatal, a n d post­ natal factors. O f the person variables hypothesized t o be i n s t r u m e n ­ tal in the d e v e l o p m e n t of stimulation-seeking tendencies, genetics, neurological factors, and g e n d e r are of p r i m e etiologic significance. Parental discipline a n d e n v i r o n m e n t a l stimulation, o n the o t h e r h a n d , appear t o be the situational influences of greatest potential consequence in d e t e r m i n i n g a person's a p p r o a c h t o the stimulationseeking life task. Lifestyle t h e o r y holds t h a t physical stimulation-seeking tendencies place a subject at escalated risk for future criminal involvement, and a c o m b i n a t i o n of b o t h physical and mental stimulation-seeking interests substantially increase a person's risk for future d r u g abuse o u t c o m e s . This s h o u l d n o t be taken t o m e a n t h a t sensation seeking is necessarily bad or t h a t such tendencies s h o u l d be d i s c o u r a g e d in children. I n p o i n t of fact, m a n y i m p o r t a n t scientific discoveries and physical feats o w e their a c c o m p l i s h m e n t t o the h i g h m e n t a l a n d / o r physical energy of their authors (Farley, 1 9 8 6 ) . T h e culprit is n o t h i g h sensation interests, b u t h i g h sensation seeking in c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h less-than-desirable e n v i r o n m e n t a l experiences a n d c o n d i t i o n s . T h e r e f o r e , a p r o p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the role of s t i m u l a t i o n seeking or any of the early life tasks in future deviance d e v e l o p m e n t requires consideration of a complex n e t w o r k of interacting influences directly a n d indirectly related t o the o u t c o m e of each early life task.

23

Conditions Self-image

Developmental psychologists assert that n e w b o r n infants are incapa­ ble of discriminating between themselves and their external environ­ ments (Werner, 1 9 5 7 ) . Over time, however, children learn t o separate themselves from their environments. Self-identity and self-perception, founding features of an evolving self-image, derive from a child's ability t o differentiate him- or herself from the wider physical environment. Physical attributes, including b o d y type (Sheldon, 1954) and m i n o r physical anomahes such as wide-set eyes and low-set ears (Mednick & Kandel, 1 9 8 8 ) , are a m o n g the person variables potentially capable of explaining t h e c o n t e n t of a child's self-image. O n the situational side of t h e e q u a t i o n , parental c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d abuse ( D i s h i o n , Stouthamer-Locber, & Patterson, 1984) as well as peer relations (Panella, Cooper, & Henggeler, 1982) help shape the o u t c o m e of the self-image life task. Resolution of the self-image life task modifies the person's risk for future d r u g or criminal involvement by affecting his or her evolving sense of personal identity. A consummate imderstanding of the relationship between self-image a n d future d r u g and criminal o u t c o m e s w o u l d appear t o require additional study and more eloquent theoretical clarification, perhaps with the aid of object relations theory. O n e of the major theorists in the object relations field, O t t o Kernberg (1972), asserts that there are four stages in the development of stable object relations. Self-perceptions that are split off into "good-me" and "bad-me" components but are not effectively integrated because of problems occurring during the third stage of object relations development may serve as the groiuidwork for a self-image that lends itself to future criminal involvement. If accurate, this may account for the observation of b o t h high and low self-esteem in the reports a n d behavior of delinquents ( R o s e n b e r g , Schooler, & Schoenbach, 1989). Problems occurring during the fourth stage of Kernberg's model lead t o better-integrated, but nonetheless negative, self-perceptions because the content of the parental messages is largely pernicious. It is speculated that such difficulties may place a person at increased risk for fumre substance abuse problems without appreciably affecting his or her risk of becoming initially involved in criminal activity. Interactive Historical-Developmental and the Drug-Crime Connection

Conditions

Variables contributing t o Person x Situation interactions occurring in each of the three primary domains of h u m a n experience—social.

24

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

physical, and psychological—and hypothesized o u t c o m e s for d r u g a n d criminal d e v e l o p m e n t w i t h respect t o these three d o m a i n s are outlined in Table 2 . 1 . I t should be n o t e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t certain effects or variables m a y play m o r e focal roles in the f o r m a t i o n of a d r u g lifestyle t h a n in the genesis of a criminal lifestyle, and vice versa. H e n c e g e n d e r m a y be a m o r e powerful risk factor for c r i m i n a h t y t h a n for d r u g abuse w i t h respect t o interactions t a k i n g place in t h e physical d o m a i n (stimulus m o d u l a t i o n ) of h u m a n experience, and infant fearfulness m a y be m o r e critical in defining a person's risk for d r u g involvement t h a n in defining risk of serious criminality as p a r t of an interacting w e b of variables t h a t give rise t o the a t t a c h m e n t life task. These individual c o m p o n e n t s of Person χ Situation inter­ action and the hypothesized o u t c o m e s t h o u g h t t o p u t an individual at increased risk for future d r u g or criminal involvement obviously require additional study and evaluation before t h a n can be seen as a n y t h i n g m o r e t h a n conjectural. I n g a u g i n g the value of Person χ Situation interactional effects for c o m p r e h e n d i n g the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n , once again w e c o m e u p short. O t h e r t h a n the observation t h a t persons at risk for future d r u g abuse or criminal difficulties, like all people, are confronted by three early life tasks, there is little in the way of empirical evidence w i t h w h i c h t o substantiate the t h e o r y t h a t the Person x Situation inter­ action of historical-developmental conditions explains the d r u g crime c o n n e c t i o n . This m a y reflect the hypothetical n a t u r e of the system as it currently s t a n d s , t h o u g h it is difficult t o escape the conclusion t h a t historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s have little t o c o n t r i b u t e t o the formation of a comprehensive u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the d r u g - c r i m e overlap. As is the case w i t h research o n person and situation historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s , there is n o compel­ ling evidence t h a t interactive historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s provide us w i t h m u c h insight i n t o the n a t u r e , p u r p o s e , or c o n n o t a ­ tions of d r u g - c r i m e overlap. F o r this reason we t u r n o u r a t t e n t i o n t o current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s .

Current-Contextual Conditions Person

Variables

T h e r e are sufficient data t o suggest t h a t negative affect, in the form of anger, frustration, and depression, is a c o m m o n precipitant of relapse in substance abuse (Bradley, Phillips, G r e e n , & G o s s o p ,

Conditions

25

T A B L E 2.1 Overview of the Three Early Life Tasks of Lifestyle Theory Attachment

Life Tasks Stimuli^ Modulation

Self-image

Interactive c o m p o n e n t s person variables

genetics; temperament

genetics; neurologies; gender

physique; physical attractiveness; physical anomalies; hemispheric organization

situation variables

maternal acceptance and warmth

parental discipline; environmental stimulation

parental c o m m u n i cation; peer relations

drug lifestyle

anxious/ ambivalent

mental and physical sensation seeking

poor self-esteem; l o w self-confidence

criminal lifestyle

avoidant

physical sensation seeking

unstable selfidentity; poweroriented interests

Outcomes

1 9 8 9 ) and criminal (Cusson & Pinsonneault, 1986) p o p u l a t i o n s . A l t h o u g h the results of studies addressing e m o t i o n a l disorder as a historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n t e n d t o be equivocal ( O ' C o n n o r , Berry, M o r r i s o n , & B r o w n , 1 9 9 2 ) , there is preliminary evidence t h a t d r u g use m a y serve a self-medicating function in s o m e situations. T h u s N e w c o m b and Bentler ( 1 9 8 8 ) n o t e d t h a t alcohol successfully alleviated depression in a g r o u p of adolescents, and W o o d y , O'Brien, and Rickels ( 1 9 7 5 ) observed a substantial r e d u c t i o n in b o t h depres­ sive s y m p t o m a t o l o g y a n d s u b s e q u e n t opiate use in h e r o i n addicts t r e a t e d w i t h antidepressant medication. T h e r e m a y very well be an interactive relationship between d r u g use and current-contextual e m o t i o n a l issues in w h i c h e m o t i o n a l p r o b l e m s inspire a d r u g use e p i s o d e , t h e consequences of which precipitate stress a n d negative affect and the use of m o r e d r u g s . N e g a t i v e affect w o u l d appear t o have a c o m p a r a b l e effect o n relapse in criminal offenders (Pithers, Marques, Gibat, & Marlatt, 1983). As the relationship between e m o t i o n a l issues and d r u g abuse/ crime i m p h e s , current-contextual conditions m a y d o a better j o b of explaining the drug-crime connection than d o historical-development c o n d i t i o n s . I t w o u l d seem a p p a r e n t , t h e n , t h a t e m o t i o n a l issues and

26

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

p r o b l e m s form an interlocking system of factors t h a t (a) artificially b o n d d r u g use w i t h crime t h r o u g h the action of some t h i r d variable or (b) constitute a t r u e system of d r u g - c r i m e affiliation. W i t h reference t o the second hypothesis, it is imaginable tijat d r u g use m a y interfere w i t h an individual's j u d g m e n t a n d inhibitions, w h i c h , in t u r n , expands t h a t person's probability of e n g a g i n g in a criminal act. I t is equally plausible t h a t s o m e o n e w h o experiences guilt, anxiety, o r discomfort following the c o m m i s s i o n of a particular criminal act m a y choose t o i m b i b e d r u g s as a means of q u i e t i n g these t r o u b l e s o m e feelings. This contrasts sharply w i t h t h e largely nega­ tive results achieved by the historical-developmental correlates of d r u g abuse a n d crime, suggesting t h a t future research o n the d r u g crime c o n n e c t i o n m i g h t prove m o r e useful if the focus is shifted t o current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s . Situation

Variables

A variety of situation-based current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s m a y affect the probability of a c o n c u r r e n t d r u g o r criminal event. Envi­ r o n m e n t a l cues, interpersonal conflict, social influence, and d r u g availability are a m o n g t h e situation variables potentially capable of s t i m u l a t i n g a d r u g use episode by eliciting craving, p r o v o k i n g frus­ t r a t i o n , or p r o d u c i n g a general sense of hopelessness in s o m e o n e w h o states t h a t he or she wants t o stop u s i n g d r u g s (Bradley et al., 1 9 8 9 ) . Likewise, criminal associations (West & F a r r i n g t o n , 1 9 7 3 ) a n d increased o p p o r t u n i t i e s for crime (Cullen, L a r s o n , & M a t h e r s , 1 9 8 5 ) are k n o w n t o enhance the probability of specific criminal events. C o h e n and Felson's ( 1 9 7 9 ) routine-activities a p p r o a c h holds t h a t t h r e e key elements m u s t be present before a p r e d a t o r y criminal act can occur: a m o t i v a t e d offender, a suitable target, and the absence of capable guardians against crime. Research s h o w s t h a t this m o d e l is of value in explaining the situational correlates of h o m i c i d e . F o r instance, Richard Felson a n d his colleagues have witnessed an increased probability of h o m i c i d e in situations w h e r e the victim was intoxicated, in possession of a w e a p o n , or physically aggressive d u r i n g the assault (Felson & S t e a d m a n , 1 9 8 3 ) , or w h e r e bystanders served as instigators rather t h a n as m e d i a t o r s (Felson, R i b n e r , & Siegel, 1 9 8 4 ) . Charles Faupel ( 1 9 8 5 ) investigated the influence of situationbased current-contextual conditions o n the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n by cross-tabulating d i c h o t o m i z e d measures of d r u g availability w i t h life structure (regular o c c u r r i n g patterns of occupational, d o m e s t i c .

27

Conditions

recreational, and criminal activity). H i g h availability of or access t o drugs paired with high life structure falls within the purview of the stabiUzed addict role, whereas low availability coupled with high life structure is diagnostic of the occasional user role. H i g h availability and low life structure defme the freewheehng addict role, and low availabil­ ity and low life structure characterize the street junkie role. Research findings imply that heroin addicts may be at greatest risk for arrest during the street junkie phase because they are m o r e apt t o engage in impulsive or high-risk crimes t h a n w h e n d r u g availability or life struc­ ture is high (Faupel, 1987). Faupel and Klockars (1987) specidate diat there is Uttlc crossover between d r u g abuse and crime d u r i n g the occasional user phase, a directional relationship in which crime serves as the putative causal agent during the stabilized addict and freewheel­ ing addict phases, and a directional relationship in which d r u g addic­ tion serves as the causal agent during the street junkie phase. This provides yet another example of h o w current-contextual conditions m a y help clarify the nature of the drug-crime connection. Person χ Situation

Interaction

F r o m the perspective of lifestyle theory, learning stems from an o n g o i n g series of P e r s o n X Situation interactions. I will discuss the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g process t h a t characterizes t h e c u r r e n t - c o n t e x t u a l n a t u r e of the P e r s o n x Situation interaction in C h a p t e r 3 ; here I will explore briefly only the m o r e general issue o f learning. Research has p o r t r a y e d a clear and v i b r a n t relationship b e t w e e n learning and d r u g use (Henningfield & G o l d b e r g , 1 9 8 3 ) as well as b e t w e e n learning and crime (Akers, 1 9 8 5 ) . Accordingly, deviant behavior, m u c h like a n y behavior, is learned t h r o u g h basic schedules of reinforcement, stimulus-response associations, and the m o d e l i n g of o t h e r people's c o n d u c t . T h e r e is s o m e indication, h o w e v e r , t h a t persons at risk for criminal behavior display idiosyncratic or a n o m a ­ lous styles of learning in w h i c h they c o n d i t i o n p o o r l y t o p u n i s h m e n t ( H a r e , 1 9 7 8 ) , are u n d c r r c s p o n s i v e t o social reinforcement (Sarbin, Allen, & R u t h e r f o r d , 1 9 6 5 ) , a n d have t r o u b l e delaying gratification (Black & G r e g s o n , 1 9 7 3 ) . I t is unclear at this p o i n t w h e t h e r persons at risk for ftiture drug-seeking behavior possess these same idiosyn­ crasies, b u t it has been suggested t h a t a lack of persistence m a y elevate a person's risk for future alcohol-related difficulties ( C y n n , 1 9 9 2 ) . As this brief review suggests, current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s appear t o shed greater light o n the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n t h a n d o historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s .

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DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

Conclusion T h e results of this review indicate t h a t historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s m a y n o t be particularly efficacious for clarifying the n a t u r e of the d r u g - c r i m e relationship. T h e majority of such variables either depict little d r u g - c r i m e overlap (heredity, a u t o n o m i c re­ sponse, sociocultural factors) or p o r t r a y this overlap as b e i n g the consequence of s o m e t h i r d variable (poverty, family e n v i r o n m e n t , peer relations). O n e m i g h t infer from this, as have F a g a n and his colleagues ( 1 9 9 0 ) , t h a t d r u g abuse a n d crime are essentially inde­ p e n d e n t p h e n o m e n a linked only by a c o m p a r a b l e age progression a n d parallel sets of correlates. This conclusion m a y be a bit prema­ t u r e , however, in light of the fact t h a t research investigating the relevance of current-contextual conditions t o the d r u g - c r i m e nexus shows t h a t such conditions m a y account for a certain p o r t i o n of the overlap found t o exist between drugs and crime. This m a y also explain w h y traditional research in the substance abuse and crimi­ n o l o g y fields, w h i c h is primarily concerned w i t h t h e study of his­ torical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s , has h a d t r o u b l e unraveling the drug-crime conundrum. I w o u l d u r g e those w h o w o u l d conclude t h a t t h e r e is n o m e a n i n g ­ ful c o n n e c t i o n between d r u g abuse and crime t o consider the possi­ bility that even if historical-developmental conditions d o n o t elucidate the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n , they m a y still have value in d e m a r c a t i n g the parameters of this elusive affiliation. C r o s s i n g a u t o n o m i c re­ sponse w i t h socioeconomic status and family m a n a g e m e n t style, for instance, could potentially delineate the boundaries of t h e d r u g crime relationship in t h a t crime m a y be p r i m a r y (and d r u g use coincidental) in low-autonomic-responding subjects raised in middleclass h o m e environments but secondary t o drug use in high-autonomic­ r e s p o n d i n g subjects raised in working-class h o m e e n v i r o n m e n t s . Clearly, additional research is required before these p r o p o s e d con­ nections can be g r a n t e d any degree of scientific credence. I n the m e a n t i m e , we w o u l d be well advised t o consider o t h e r avenues of explanation in o u r effort t o arrive at a complete u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the d r u g - c r i m e connection. T o this end, in succeeding chapters I present an examination of the choices, c o g n i t i o n s , a n d c h a n g e strategies t h a t arc the c o m p o n e n t s of d r u g and criminal lifestyles.

3. Choice

Τ

"ihe universe as seen t h r o u g h the eyes of Sir Isaac N e w t o n left little r o o m for uncertainty or chance. H e n c e w h e n N e w t o n ' s deterministic philosophy was a d o p t e d by scholars in fields such as psychology and sociology, the prospect of choice was all b u t eliminated from the list of factors considered potential causes of h u m a n behavior. I n their single-minded p u r s u i t of evidence in s u p p o r t of N e w t o n ' s mechanistic view of the w o r l d , h o w e v e r , these scientists severely restricted the scope and explanatory p o w e r of their theories. T a k e , for instance, the fact t h a t sole genetic or environ­ m e n t a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n of a behavior precludes change except u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s in w h i c h the genetics or the e n v i r o n m e n t changes. R e ­ search, however, suggests t h a t change is possible even in situations w h e r e the " p r e c i p i t a t i n g " conditions are n o t addressed. Explaining the fact t h a t severe alcohol abuse periodically abates w i t h o u t benefit of t r e a t m e n t (Cahalan & Cisin, 1 9 7 6 ) or t h a t h a r d e n e d delinquents regularly profit from e n r o l l m e n t in behavioral skills training p r o ­ g r a m s ( G e n d r e a u & R o s s , 1987) creates p r o b l e m s for a purely 29

30

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

deterministic science. W e m i g h t therefore w a n t t o consider the possibihty t h a t choice and decision m a k i n g have effects o n d r u g use a n d criminal o u t c o m e s . T h e authority that choice would appear t o have over drug-seeking behavior is chronicled by studies showing that although peers encour­ age d r u g experimentation, curiosity may be an even m o r e powerftil determinant of initial d r u g use (Bennett, 1 9 8 6 ; H s e r , Anglin, & McGlothlin, 1987). I n fact, a c o m m o n theme voiced by opiate abusers attempting t o explain their initial use of drugs is their desire to be part of the " d r u g scene" (Bennett, 1986). Research further suggests that choice may be important in maintaining d r u g use during the middle stages of the addiction process (Bennett & Wright, 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e effect of choice on criminal behavior is also well documented. H a v i n g studied data from the N e w Youth C o h o r t of the National Longitudinal Survey, Phillips and Votey (1987) surmise that the majority of people w h o experiment with crime revert t o crime-free behavior because of the deterrent effect of apprehension and the availability of alternate, legiti­ mate sources of income. I n this chapter I present an examination of the founding tenets of rational choice theory and the deterrent value of legal sanctions. Finding both areas of description lacking, I then move into a discussion of alternative conceptualizations of the decision-mak­ ing process, and follow this u p with a review of the lifestyle m o d e l of choice behavior.

Rational Choice Theory T h e m o d e l t h a t perhaps places the greatest emphasis o n choice as an explanation for d r u g use a n d crime is the e c o n o m i c or rational choice perspective. P r o p o n e n t s of the rational choice perspective assert t h a t people indulge in d r u g use a n d crime because they perceive the benefits of e n g a g i n g in these behaviors t o o u t w e i g h t h e benefits of e n g a g i n g in alternative courses of action (Becker, 1 9 6 8 ) . I t is assumed, t h e n , t h a t the individual c o n d u c t s an exhaustive review of the relevant variables, w e i g h i n g the advantages and disadvantages of each, after w h i c h h e or she arrives at a rational decision. Accord­ ing t o rational choice t h e o r y , people seek solutions t h a t possess a h i g h degree of anticipated utility (high benefit, low cost) and avoid solutions t h a t e m b o d y low perceived benefit a n d h i g h perceived cost. T h e u n d e r l y i n g premise of this a p p r o a c h is t h a t a p e r s o n rationally weighs the o p t i o n s available t o h i m or her at any particular p o i n t in t i m e and t h e n goes a b o u t selecting the o p t i m a l solution.

31

Choice

T h e rational choice or utilitarian perspective takes i n t o account t h e decision-making processes of the individual as w^ell as t h e avail­ ability and d i s t r i b u t i o n of e c o n o m i c resources in the e n v i r o n m e n t . R a t i o n a l choice theorists consequently postulate t h a t crime, d r u g abuse, a n d u n e m p l o y m e n t are correlated because there are fewer legitimate e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s available d u r i n g harsh eco­ n o m i c times. Studies p r o b i n g this issue have been unable t o provide a definitive answer t o the question of the overlap b e t w e e n e c o n o m i c deprivation a n d deviance, a l t h o u g h the bulk of evidence suggests the presence of a m o d e s t relationship between crime and e c o n o m i c factors (see O r s a g h & W i t t e , 1 9 8 1 ) and a mild t o m o d e r a t e associa­ tion b e t w e e n d r u g abuse and various e c o n o m i c indicators (see Brunswick, 1 9 8 8 ) . A further criticism of rational choice t h e o r y is t h a t a l t h o u g h t h e results of aggregate-level studies m a y be consistent w i t h the basic tenets of the e c o n o m i c a p p r o a c h (Brier & F i e n b e r g , 1 9 8 0 ; C o o k , 1 9 8 0 ) , individual-level studies are m u c h less supportive of the model's underlying assumptions (Piliavin, Gartner, T h o r n t o n , &Matsueda, 1986). R a t i o n a l choice t h e o r y has also been cited for failure t o distinguish b e t w e e n objective and subjective estimates of reward and punish­ m e n t . T h e mechanistic m o d e l p r o p o s e d by rational choice investi­ gators largely ignores the salient c o n t r i b u t i o n s m a d e by p e r c e p t i o n t o the h u m a n decision-making process, because it assumes t h a t the objective a n d subjective features of e n v i r o n m e n t a l contingencies are c o m p a r a b l e , if n o t identical. H o w e v e r , research shows this assump­ tion t o be e r r o n e o u s in the sense t h a t the subjective or perceptual features of a c o n t i n g e n c y arc generally superior t o the objective features in predicting future decision-making behavior ( W a l d o & Chiricos, 1 9 7 2 ) . A reasonable conclusion m i g h t therefore be t h a t a l t h o u g h choice could very well be i m p o r t a n t in the initiation and m a i n t e n a n c e of drug-seeking and criminal behavior, the m a n n e r in w h i c h decisions are m a d e is a far cry from the mechanical process p r o p o s e d by rational choice theory.

The Deterrence Hypothesis T h e deterrence hypothesis, w h i c h derives from the rational choice m o d e l , states t h a t legal sanctions discourage future d r u g and crimi­ nal involvement. T w o early p r o p o n e n t s of this theoretical perspec­ tive, Cesare Becaaria and Jeremy B e n t h a m , were of the o p i n i o n t h a t h u m a n m o t i v a t i o n was a rational, hedonistic (pursuit of pleasure,

32

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

avoidance of p a i n ) , contingency-based process. Gibbs ( 1 9 7 5 ) p r o ­ vides a m o d e r n translation of t h e deterrence hypothesis in w h i c h he postulates t h a t the d e t e r r e n t value of a particular p u n i s h m e n t is inversely proportional to the certainty (predictability of consequences), severity (harshness of consequences), and celerity (rapidity of con­ sequences) of t h a t p u n i s h m e n t . D e t e r r e n c e is t h o u g h t t o exert its influence o n h u m a n behavior by way of an internalization of societal n o r m s , concerns a b o u t legal r e t r i b u t i o n , and a fear of social disap­ proval (Grasmick & G r e e n , 1 9 8 0 ) . W h a t follows is a discussion of legal sanctions as impediments t o drug use and crime; according t o the deterrence hypothesis, legal sanctions should inhibit such activity. Research has fairly conclusively d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t legal sanctions d o n o t deter or inhibit future illegal d r u g usage (Meier & J o h n s o n , 1 9 7 7 ; Meyers, 1 9 8 0 ) . Erickson ( 1 9 7 6 ) interviewed a g r o u p of first-time offenders in T o r o n t o , C a n a d a , w h o w e r e awaiting hear­ ings for cannabis possession, and d e t e r m i n e d t h a t 8 4 % planned t o c o n t i n u e using marijuana despite the legal t r o u b l e t h e y were facing. C o n t r a r y t o the predictions of deterrence t h e o r y , m o r e severe sanc­ tions and a higher perceived certainty of p u n i s h m e n t seemed t o e n c o u r a g e , rather t h a n deter, stated plans for future cannabis use in this g r o u p of subjects. F u r t h e r , if legal sanctions deter future d r u g involvement, then d r u g use should increase w h e n legal sanctions are loosened or suspended. H o w e v e r , in countries w h e r e legal restric­ tions o n d r u g use have been relaxed or r e m o v e d , a decrease, rather t h a n the expected increase, in d r u g use activity has been observed (Ministry of Welfare, H e a l t h , and Cultural Affairs, 1 9 8 5 ) . F u r t h e r ­ m o r e , relaxation of the marijuana laws in 11 U . S . states d u r i n g the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s failed t o give rise t o a noticeable escalation in the rate of marijuana use in these states and jurisdictions ( J o h n s t o n , B a c h m a n , & O'Malley, 1 9 8 1 ) . Studies assessing the deterrent value of legal sanctions for the purposes of reducing criminal behavior are n o m o r e e n c o u r a g i n g t h a n research o n legal sanctions and d r u g use. T h e general consensus of cross-sectional studies indicates t h a t a l t h o u g h sanction certainty m a y influence an individual's future probability of e n g a g i n g in myriad criminal activities, the perceived severity of sanctions has little effect o n future criminal o u t c o m e s (Paternoster, 1 9 8 7 ; W a l d o & Chiricos, 1 9 7 2 ) . T h e results of longitudinal investigations furnish only m o d e s t s u p p o r t for sanction certainty and n o s u p p o r t for sanction severity as deterrents t o future criminal a n d d e l i n q u e n t behavior (Bishop, 1 9 8 4 ; Paternoster & l o v a n n i , 1 9 8 6 ; Piliavin et al., 1 9 8 6 ) . In a longitudinal panel study w i t h t w o follow-up evalu­

33

Choice

ations c o n d u c t e d o n e year apart, P a t e r n o s t e r ( 1 9 8 9 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t perceived severity h a d n o discernible effect o n subjects' deci­ sions t o offend or desist from offending, perceived certainty h a d a m o d e s t t o m o d e r a t e effect o n subjects' decisions t o smoke marijuana and engage in vandalism, and extralegal factors (moral values, oppor­ tunity, informal social control) outperformed b o t h perceived severity and perceived certainty in forecasting future criminal outcomes. Like the rational choice perspective, the deterrence hypothesis has a great m a n y limitations w h e n applied t o h u m a n behavior. Research has s h o w n t h a t the severity of p u n i s h m e n t is a p o o r p r e d i c t o r of d r u g use and crime, and the certainty of p u n i s h m e n t is only m o d e r ­ ately p r o g n o s t i c of future d r u g and criminal behavior. Research o n t h e p r o p o s e d relationship b e t w e e n sanction celerity a n d future de­ viance has been t o o sparse t o p e r m i t even a preliminary conclusion at this point. I n general, however, there is little convincing evidence t h a t legal sanctions discourage d r u g use or crime. H o w e v e r , this m a y be a consequence of h o w rational choice theory and the deterrence hypothesis define the decision-making process. As the reader m a y recall, e c o n o m i c theories of h u m a n behavior c o n t e n d t h a t people w e i g h their alternatives and t h e n select o p t i m a l solutions or courses of action. I t m a y well be t h a t choice and decision m a k i n g influence d r u g use and criminal activity b u t t h a t legal sanctions d o n o t exert their i n t e n d e d effect because the h u m a n decision-making process is m o r e complex, idiosyncratic, and biased t h a n rational choice t h e o ­ rists have hypothesized.

T h e Imperfect N a t u r e of the Choice Process T h e validity of the a s s u m p t i o n t h a t the h u m a n decision-making process is a rational, efficient, and o p t i m i z i n g enterprise has been b r o u g h t i n t o serious question by the results of studies o n s h o r t c u t decision m a k i n g ( C o r b i n , 1980) and pcrscverativc choice selection ( E i n h o r n & H o g a r t h , 1 9 7 8 ) . T h e r e is also ample evidence t o suggest t h a t serious crime tends t o be impulsive and s p o n t a n e o u s rather t h a n rational and profit oriented ( F a t t a h , 1 9 8 2 ) . T h e irrationaUty of the decision-making process leading t o d r u g use has also been discussed at length (Denoff, 1 9 8 8 ; Shorkey & S u t t o n - S m i t h , 1 9 8 3 ) . Research further indicates t h a t potential o u t c o m e s in a decisional matrix arc n o t given equal w e i g h t because subjects frequently lose sight of consequences t h a t are either distant or outside their sphere of c o n t r o l (Ainslic, 1 9 8 2 ) . These findings p o i n t t o several possible

34

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

routes of influence t h r o u g h which n o n r a t i o n a l factors m i g h t p o t e n ­ tially have an i m p a c t o n the h u m a n decision-making process. I n an effort t o address the process of criminal decision m a k i n g , J o h n Carroll ( 1 9 7 8 ) m a n i p u l a t e d the probability of success ( . 1 , . 3 , . 8 ) , the likelihood of capture ( . 0 5 , . 1 5 , . 4 ) , the a m o u n t o f m o n e y t o be g a i n e d if successful ( $ 1 0 0 , $ 1 , 0 0 0 , $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 ) , and t h e anticipated penalty if unsuccessful ( p r o b a t i o n , six m o n t h s incarceration, t w o years incarceration) in a series of crime scenarios and p r e s e n t e d t h e m t o g r o u p s of criminals a n d noncriminals. E x p o s i n g subjects t o 72 different crime o p p o r t u n i t i e s , Carroll d e t e r m i n e d t h a t b o t h crimi­ nals and noncriminals relied almost exclusively o n o n e or t w o of these four dimensions in rendering a c r i m e / n o crime decision. T h o u g h there w e r e n o significant offender/nonoffender differences in the n u m b e r of dimensions considered, offenders overestimated their chances of success, ability t o evade c a p t u r e , a n d anticipated payoffs relative t o the nonoffender control g r o u p . C o n s i s t e n t w i t h Carroll's conclusions, research has convincingly d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t criminals, particularly those w i t h extensive histories of criminal involvement, are m o r e confident in the ultimate success of their unlawful ventures and less concerned a b o u t arrest t h a n are n o n c r i m i ­ nals or criminals w h o have c o m m i t t e d fewer offenses ( H e n s h e l & Carey, 1 9 7 5 ; W a l d o & Chiricos, 1 9 7 2 ) . F r o m the results of Carroll's study w e m i g h t conclude t h a t h u m a n choice is m o r e a "psychological" p h e n o m e n o n , subject t o e r r o r and oversimplification, t h a n it is a mechanical process characterized by utilitarian analysis of life o p t i o n s . This tends t o s u p p o r t the formu­ lations of Slovic, Fischoff, a n d Lichtenstein ( 1 9 7 7 ) , w h o p r o p o s e an information-processing model of h u m a n decision making whereby the individual utilizes simple comparisons and partial examinations rather t h a n an all-inclusive review of alternatives. Similar trends have been identified in the t h i n k i n g of burglars ( H o u g h , 1 9 8 7 ; D . W a l s h , 1 9 8 6 ) , robbers (Feeney, 1 9 8 6 ) , shoplifters (Weaver & Carroll, 1 9 8 5 ) , commercial thieves (Gibbs & Shelly, 1 9 8 2 ) , a n d opiate addicts (Bennett, 1 9 8 6 ) . This m a y explain w h y rational choice t h e o r y and the deterrence hypothesis have accrued only limited empirical s u p p o r t in studies o n d r u g abuse and crime. Given t h a t the decision-making process appears t o o p e r a t e in a m a n n e r different from t h a t p r o p o s e d by e c o n o m i c theories of crime a n d d r u g abuse, it m a y be helpful t o take a look at h o w criminal offenders and d r u g abusers arrive at their crime- and d r u g - o r i e n t e d decisions. Floyd Feeney ( 1 9 8 6 ) examined the decision-making responses of 1 1 3 m e n from N o r t h e r n California w h o were charged w i t h r o b b e r y

Choice

35

a n d convicted of either r o b b e r y or robbery-related offenses. O f these m e n , 5 7 % listed " m o n e y " as their p r i m a r y m o t i v e for c o m m i t t i n g robbery. O t h e r expressed motives included anger ( 6 % ) , b o r e d o m ( 6 % ) , p o w e r ( 6 % ) , a n d the recovery of m o n e y the subjects t h o u g h t was o w e d t h e m ( 5 % ) . R o b b e r i e s w e r e apparently u n p l a n n e d in m o r e t h a n half the cases, and in a n o t h e r t h i r d only m i n o r p l a n n i n g t o o k place. C o m p a r i n g g r o u p s of experienced and inexperienced shoplifters, Weaver a n d Carroll ( 1 9 8 5 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t novice o r inexperienced shoplifters were deterred by fear, g u i h , a n d the pos­ sibility of a p p r e h e n s i o n , whereas the p r o s p e c t of arrest, fines, or incarceration rarely entered i n t o the deliberations of experienced shoplifters. I n reaUty, the only factor t h a t consistently i m p e d e d experienced shoplifters from capitalizing o n criminal o p p o r t u n i t i e s was t h e presence of strategic difficulties (e.g., size of the i t e m , security devices). Novices were characteristically d e t e r r e d in the face of even a single strategic roadblock, b u t experienced shoplifters conceived of strategic difficulties as challenges t o be o v e r c o m e and m a s t e r e d . As in the earlier s t u d y by Carroll ( 1 9 7 8 ) , the subjects, regardless of their prior level of experience, normally t o o k only o n e or t w o relevant dimensions into account w h e n analyzing t h e crimi­ nal o p p o r t u n i t i e s available t o t h e m . T r e v o r B e n n e t t ( 1 9 8 6 ) interviewed 135 EngUsh heroin addicts in an effort t o u n d e r s t a n d the initiation, c o n t i n u a t i o n , and cessation of opiate use a n d addiction. I n so d o i n g , he ascertained t h a t curiosity a n d peer acceptance w e r e the t w o m o s t p o p u l a r motives for initial h e r o i n involvement, w i t h just 6 of the 135 subjects stating t h a t they felt pressured i n t o using their first o p i o i d . O n e - t h i r d t o one-half of the sample, in fact, acknowledged t h a t the decision t o use h e r o i n p r e d a t e d their ingestion of opiates by days, weeks, o r even m o n t h s as they actively s o u g h t o p p o r t u n i t i e s for d r u g use. C o n c e r n i n g the onset of addiction, B e n n e t t observed t h a t physical addiction typi­ cally d i d n o t occur until at least a year after initial h e r o i n use and t h a t periods of abstention and occasional use b o t h preceded and succeeded addiction. M o r e o v e r , the decision t o c o n t i n u e u s i n g her­ oin was typically based o n a desire t o experience its pleasant or self-medicating effects rather t h a n o n the drive t o avoid t h e pain of w i t h d r a w a l . Like Feeney's ( 1 9 8 6 ) robbers a n d Weaver and Carroll's ( 1 9 8 5 ) shoplifters, Bennett's opiate addicts displayed self-determi­ n a t i o n , intentionality, p l a n n i n g , a n d deliberation in c h o o s i n g t o use h e r o i n , a l t h o u g h , also like the subjects in the Feeney and Weaver a n d Carroll studies, t h e decision-making models e m p l o y e d by these individuals w e r e biased, restricted, and shortsighted.

36

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE T h e Lifestyle M o d e l o f C h o i c e B e h a v i o r

T h e lifestyle m o d e l of choice behavior comprises three basic steps or stages: i n p u t , process, and o u t p u t . Input Stooge I t is well k n o w n t h a t the reliability of o u t p u t derived from a c o m p u t e r is largely d e p e n d e n t o n the q u a h t y of information entered into it. M u c h the same could be said of t h e h u m a n decision-making enterprise, a l t h o u g h c o m p a r e d t o a c o m p u t e r the h u m a n brain is a m u c h less efficient processor of information. Accordingly, the deci­ sion ( o u t p u t ) is a consequence of b o t h the informational i n p u t and the m a n n e r in which this information has been processed. F o u r primary forms of informational i n p u t are considered below: risk/ protective factors, exacerbating/mitigating factors, o p p o r t u n i t y , and target selection. Risk/Protective

Factors

Risk factors are historical-developmental conditions t h a t increase the individual's liability for future drug-seeking o r criminal behav­ ior; protective factors are variables t h a t decrease the individual's likelihood of engaging in future d r u g - or crime-oriented activity. Risk/protective factors influence h u m a n behavior b y n a r r o w i n g (risk) or e x p a n d i n g (protective) a person's range of o p t i o n s . T h e r e ­ fore, as D o n a l d West and David F a r r i n g t o n ( 1 9 7 3 ) discovered in a survey of data generated by a g r o u p of working-class L o n d o n y o u t h , risk factors a u g m e n t the probability of s u b s e q u e n t drug-seeking or criminal behavior w i t h o u t actually d e t e r m i n i n g future d r u g or crimi­ nal o u t c o m e s . This is reflected in the fact t h a t 1 3 % of the delinquents in their sample (including 17 repeat offenders) failed t o satisfy their criteria for high risk as represented by a family history of criminality and the presence of at least t w o of six adverse s o c i o d e m o g r a p h i c c o n d i t i o n s . These authors also identified several high-risk y o u t h w h o chose n o t t o engage in criminal behavior. T h o u g h these highrisk individuals were often socially maladjusted in o t h e r ways (e.g., substance abuse, social isolation, p o o r w o r k p e r f o r m a n c e ) , a handful appeared t o have escaped their b a c k g r o u n d s altogether t o b e c o m e h a p p y , successful, c o n t r i b u t i n g m e m b e r s of society. H i g h - r i s k paradigms have been p r o p o s e d in research o n b o t h d r u g abuse ( N e w c o m b , M a d d a h i a n , & Bentler, 1 9 8 6 ) and crime ( L o e b e r ,

37

Choice

1 9 9 0 ) , and studies suggest t h a t risk and protective factors m a y o p e r a t e from o p p o s i t e ends of the same c o n t i n u u m . H e n c e h i g h self-esteem m a y p r o t e c t an otherwise vulnerable y o u t h from engag­ ing in serious drug-sccking activity (Kandel, 1 9 7 8 ) , a n d low selfesteem m a y place an adolescent at increased risk for future d r u g involvement (Miller & Jang, 1 9 7 7 ) . S o m e high-risk p a r a d i g m s p r o p o s e a s u m m a t i v e effect for c o m b i n a t i o n s of risk factors. H e n c e Bry, M c K c o n , a n d P a n d i n a ( 1 9 8 2 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t the total n u m b e r of risk factors was m o r e predictive of alcohol, t o b a c c o , and cannabis use in a g r o u p of 9 7 3 h i g h school s t u d e n t s t h a n any o n e specific risk factor. P r o b i n g the relationship between six risk factors (low social status, large family size, paternal criminality, maternal psychiatric history, severe marital discord, and social service a d m i n i s t r a t i o n involvement) and criminal o u t c o m e , R u t t e r et al. ( 1 9 7 5 ) witnessed a synergistic effect: O n e risk factor was n o m o r e prognostic of crime t h a n a c o m p l e t e absence of risk factors, b u t the presence of t w o risk factors p r o d u c e d a fourfold increase in a subject's vulnerability t o delinquency, and three or m o r e risk factors elevated the subject's vulnerability t o delinquency in further multiplicative fashion. This brief review suggests t h a t risk factors serve an a u g m e n t i n g function by elevating a subject's habiUty for future d r u g or criminal activity, whereas protective factors t e n d t o insulate an already vul­ nerable individual from additional negative influences, t h e r e b y de­ creasing his or her chances of e n g a g i n g in future d r u g or criminal behaviors. Consequendy, risk and protective factors assume a promi­ nent position in the lifestyle m o d e l of choice behavior. I n effect, they cstabUsh the parameters of a person's choices by e x p a n d i n g or limiting his or her o p t i o n s . W h e t h e r risk factors operate in additive or multiplicative fashion is a q u e s t i o n t h a t requires further investi­ g a t i o n ; t h a t they are i m p o r t a n t in defining the limits of o u r deci­ sions, however, can hardly be contested. Expicerbatin£j/Miti£atin£i

Factors

Recall t h a t there are t w o p r i m a r y categories of c o n d i t i o n s : histori­ cal-developmental and current-contextual. Whereas historical-devel­ o p m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s establish an individual's risk for future d r u g a n d criminal involvement, current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s set the t o n e for his or her involvement in specific d r u g or criminal events. T h u s the effects of exacerbating/mitigating factors o n decision m a k i n g arc m o r e situational and transitory t h a n are risk/protective effects. This does n o t m e a n , however, t h a t the same variable c a n n o t serve b o t h a

38

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

risk/protective and exacerbating/mitigating function. T a k e , for in­ stance, t h e relationship between peers and d r u g abuse. T h e r e is ample evidence t o suggest t h a t peers play a salient facilitative role in early d r u g involvement (risk/protective factor), a l t h o u g h peers can also exert a contextual effect by either e n c o u r a g i n g (exacerbating influence) or discouraging (mitigating influence) the use of drugs in specific situational contexts. Setting effects also highlight the influence of current-contextual conditions o n drug-seeking and criminal-activity-oriented behavior. Drug-related setting effects are responses elicited or influenced by the environment in which drugs are taken. Setting effects have been d o c u m e n t e d with respect to the use of alcohol (Sher, 1 9 8 5 ) , marijuana (del P o r t o & Masur, 1 9 8 4 ) , and heroin (Zinberg, 1 9 8 4 ) , although stimulant drugs such as d-amphetamine m a y be less subject t o settings effects relative t o alcohol and marijuana (Zacny, Bodker, & de Wit, 1992). Felson and Steadman (1983) have investigated setting effects and crime; after reviewing 159 separate incidents of homicide and assault, they observed a pattern in which a verbal attack was followed by attempts t o influence the antagonist and then by physical retaUation w h e n persuasion proved ineffective. In a related study, Felson et al. (1984) determined that third parties wield situational influence over the behavior of persons engaged in arguments or altercations by either encouraging violence (exacerbating influence) or attempting t o medi­ ate the dispute (mitigating influence). N o t all current-contextual conditions exert consistent exacerbat­ ing or m i t i g a t i n g effects. T a k e , for instance, the current-contextua l c o n d i t i o n of m o n e y . T h e r e is n o simple association b e t w e e n a person's c u r r e n t financial situation and his or her inclination t o w a r d d r u g a n d / o r criminal activity. Interviews c o n d u c t e d w i t h offenders such as Feeney's ( 1 9 8 6 ) robbers a n d G i b b s a n d S h e l l s ( 1 9 8 2 ) c o m m e r c i a l thieves reveal t h a t m o n e y is n o t always the chief m o t i ­ vation for acquisition-type crimes. T h u s the greed stimulated by a large heist can sometimes lead t o an increased, rather t h a n decreased, level of s u b s e q u e n t criminality. M u c h t h e same can be said a b o u t the relationship between an individual's c u r r e n t financial status a n d use of d r u g s , in t h a t d u r i n g some stages of the d r u g lifestyle a windfall of m o n e y can lead t o increased d r u g use, whereas in a n o t h e r stage or context such n e w f o u n d fortune will have little i m p a c t o n the overall level of d r u g c o n s u m p t i o n (Faupel, 1 9 8 7 ) . T h e exacerbating and m i t i g a t i n g effects of current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s o n choice behavior constitute a complex, yet potentially e n l i g h t e n i n g , t o p i c for future research o n d r u g use and crime.

Choice

39

Opportunity D r u g use and crime are infrequent in situations w h e r e t h e o p p o r ­ t u n i t y for such behaviors is Umitcd. As G o l d m a n ( 1 9 8 1 ) n o t e s , d r u g use is a choice t h a t depends o n the individual's familiarity w i t h d r u g s , access t o financial resources, and o p p o r t u n i t y t o p u r c h a s e , p r e p a r e , a n d use these chemical substances. T h r e e expressions c o m ­ m o n l y used t o describe the behavior of d r u g addicts, getting over, hustling, a n d copping, in fact, illustrate the effect of choice a n d o p p o r t u n i t y o n the routine daily activities of s o m e o n e c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g lifestyle. Getting over refers t o the fact t h a t even persons addicted t o h e r o i n are able t o finance their use of drugs a n d sustain themselves w i t h o u t necessarily resorting t o predatory forms of criminal activity ( M o o r e , 1 9 7 7 ) . T h e h e r o i n addict is an o p p o r t u n i s t w h o creatively finances his or her d r u g habit w i t h n o n p r e d a t o r y crime, legitimate e m p l o y m e n t , c o n t r i b u t i o n s from family and friends, a n d miscellaneous h u s t h n g (Goldstein, 1 9 8 1 ) . Hustling, as well, entails choice, calculation, and sensitivity t o o p p o r t u n i t i e s (Agar, 1 9 7 3 ) . Research ftirther indicates thsx copping d r u g s , a t e r m used t o describe the m a n n e r in w h i c h users pay or barter for d r u g s , is similar in m a n y ways t o the r o u t i n e activities of the b a r g a i n - h u n t i n g American c o n s u m e r (Stephens & S m i t h , 1 9 7 6 ) . T h e relationship b e t w e e n o p p o r t u n i t y a n d crime is revealed in studies s h o w i n g t h a t bank robberies multiply in direct p r o p o r t i o n t o the a m o u n t of currency available in banks ( G o u l d , 1 9 6 9 ) , a u t o thefts rise in accordance w i t h increases in the n u m b e r of u n p r o t e c t e d a u t o m o b i l e s (Wilkins, 1 9 6 4 ) , and shoplifting rates climb in response t o expansion of t h e absolute n u m b e r and accessibility of self-service grocery stores ( D . P . Walsh, 1 9 7 8 ) . O n e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the positive correlation observed b e t w e e n a m b i e n t t e m p e r a t u r e a n d violent criminality is t h a t there are m o r e o p p o r t u n i t i e s for h u m a n interaction, a n d t h u s conflict, d u r i n g the w a r m e r m o n t h s of the year ( A n d e r s o n & A n d e r s o n , 1 9 8 4 ) . I n ftirther s u p p o r t of an o p p o r t u ­ nity-based t h e o r y of crime, Felson and C o h e n ( 1 9 7 7 ) r e p o r t t h a t the burglary rate rose a n d fell b e t w e e n 1 9 5 0 and 1 9 7 2 in response t o t h r e e variables, t w o of w h i c h (percentage of " p r i m a r y individual" h o u s e h o l d s a n d m o b i l i t y of p r o p e r t y targets) can be viewed as p r o v i d i n g offenders w i t h increased o p p o r t u n i t i e s for crime. N e w ­ m a n ' s ( 1 9 7 2 ) "defensible space" t h e o r y of crime p r e v e n t i o n focuses o n r e d u c i n g criminal o p p o r t u n i t i e s by increasing surveillance. Al­ t h o u g h research o n the defensible space t h e o r e m is mixed, there is reasonably g o o d s u p p o r t for the n o t i o n t h a t o p p o r t u n i t y - r e d u c i n g

40

D R U G S A N D C R I M E IN L I F E S T Y L E P E R S P E C T I V E

procedures such as the surveillance techniques advocated by N e w ­ m a n register a discernible preventive effect ( M a c D o n a l d & Gifford, 1989). Target

Selection

Closely related t o the issue of o p p o r t u n i t y is the n o t i o n of t a r g e t selection. W i t h regard t o d r u g use, this involves the choice of a substance of abuse; w i t h regard t o criminal behavior, it entails identification of a p r o p e r t y target or victim. A great deal has been w r i t t e n a b o u t the " d r u g of c h o i c e " concept in traditional d r u g t r e a t m e n t circles. An increasing rate of p o l y d r u g abuse (Gawin & E l l i n w o o d , 1 9 8 8 ; W a s h t o n & G o l d , 1 9 8 6 ) a n d studies s h o w i n g d r u g of choice t o be ineffective for classifying d r u g users ( N e w c o m b , Fahy, & Skager, 1 9 8 8 ; Walters, in press), however, have led s o m e experts t o question the d r u g of choice concept. M o s t d r u g users have considerable experience with a wide variety of substances and are m o r e t h a n willing and able t o find substitutes if their preferred drugs are unavailable ( Z i n b e r g , 1 9 8 4 ) . H e r o i n addicts, in fact, have been k n o w n t o regulate their usage patterns in response t o changes in the available supply a n d s u b s e q u e n t price of h e r o i n . This m a y entail r e d u c i n g the a m o u n t of heroin c o n s u m e d , replacing h e r o i n w i t h a less expensive or m o r e procurable substance (such as alcohol), or e n t e r i n g a m e t h a d o n e m a i n t e n a n c e p r o g r a m (Silberman, 1 9 7 8 ) . Suidies c o n d u c t e d in b o t h N e w York City (Waldorf, 1 9 7 6 ) and L o n d o n (Stimson & O p p e n h e i m e r , 1 9 8 2 ) indicate t h a t m a n y active narcotics addicts successfully abstain from opiates for periods of a week t o several m o n t h s w i t h only m i n o r discomfort. Availability, cost, and preference are a m o n g the factors taken i n t o account by these persons w h o g o a b o u t the process of deciding w h e t h e r t o use h e r o i n or o t h e r drugs. Criminals also consider a n u m b e r of factors in their deliberations relative t o identifying potential targets. Several of the m o r e c o m ­ m o n l y studied dimensions include proximity, accessibility, p o t e n t i a l yield, a n d t i m i n g . H o u g h ( 1 9 8 7 ) examined crime survey data o n burglaries in E n g l a n d and Wales for the years 1 9 8 2 and 1 9 8 4 and discovered that proximity and accessibility were key factors in target selection, a l t h o u g h the selection process usually was poorly p l a n n e d , clumsy, and largely o p p o r t u n i s t i c . I n fact, m o r e t h a n half the at­ t e m p t s e n d e d in failure, p r o v i d i n g further c o r r o b o r a t i o n for Car­ roll's ( 1 9 7 8 ) a r g u m e n t t h a t the decision-making process culminat­ ing in a criminal o u t c o m e is oversimphfied and error filled. T h e

41

Choice

accessibility of a particular target and the absence of capable guardians against crime (Cohen & Felson, 1979) also provide opportunities for crime (Kennedy & Forde, 1990). W i t h respect t o proximity and accessibility, it is know^n that persons arc at increased risk for criminal victimization if their lifestyles bring t h e m into close and regular contact w^ith strangers in potentially conflict-promoting situations (Garofalo, 1987). Target selection as well as risk/protective factors, exacerbat­ ing/mitigating factors, opportunity, and a host of unspecified input variables set the stage for the next phase of the decision-making sequence: the organization and processing of input information. Process

Stage

T h e information-processing a p p r o a c h t o behavioral decision mak­ i n g maintains t h a t people e m p l o y individualized strategies in con­ s t r u c t i n g decisions b u t t h a t these strategics consist primarily of simple c o m p a r i s o n s and partial examinations (Slovic et al., 1 9 7 7 ) . A c c o r d i n g t o Becker ( 1 9 6 8 ) , the economics of h u m a n decision m a k i n g d e m a n d t h a t a set of alternatives be generated, a set of o u t c o m e s o r payoffs be delineated, a n d the probability of achieving these o u t c o m e s or payoffs be calculated. T h e individual is said t o follow a utilitarian a p p r o a c h t o decision m a k i n g w h e r e b y the advan­ tages a n d disadvantages of o n e course of action are w e i g h e d against the advantages and disadvantages of o n e or m o r e o t h e r courses of action. U n f o r t u n a t e l y for the decision maker, as well as for rational choice t h e o r y , decisions a b o u t d r u g use a n d crime, as well as m o s t o t h e r behaviors, are n o t normally this efficient. T h e h u m a n decisionm a k i n g process is, in fact, crude, flawed, and potentially biased. Accordingly, t o c o m p r e h e n d this process wc m u s t take i n t o account the developmenta l context, innate fallibility, reinforcement history, a n d m o t i v a t i o n a l parameters of the decision-making process. Developmental

Context

T h e decision-making m o d e l p r o p o s e d by lifestyle t h e o r y holds t h a t choice takes place w i t h i n a developmenta l context. I n o t h e r w o r d s , a n e w b o r n infant does n o t make choices, at least n o t in the w a y we normally conceive of choice. H o w e v e r , w i t h neurocognitive d e v e l o p m e n t and an e x p a n d i n g array of e n v i r o n m e n t a l experience the individual cultivates the ability t o engage in informed decision m a k i n g . M o s t 1 8 - m o n t h - o l d children have n o t learned t h a t t a k i n g from others is w r o n g , whereas the average 8-ycar-old, because of

42

D R U G S A N D CRIME IN LIFESTYLE

PERSPECTIVE

b o t h neurological m a t u r a t i o n and e n v i r o n m e n t a l experience, is cog­ nizant of the cultural proscription against stealing. T h e 16-year-old is even m o r e aware t h a t stealing is w r o n g , and the 25-year-old is m o r e aware yet. W i t h d e v e l o p m e n t and m a t u r a t i o n c o m e awareness and an unfolding ability t o choose from a shifting set of alternatives. Jean Piaget's (1963) theories of cognitive development have helped shape o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h o w the h u m a n decision-making process w o r k s . W e k n o w from research c o n d u c t e d in the field of develop­ m e n t a l psychology, m u c h of w h i c h has been influenced by Piaget, t h a t t h e h u m a n o r g a n i s m moves t h r o u g h several stages of cognitive a n d m o r a l d e v e l o p m e n t . By age 7, the child has shifted from an egocentric view of the w o r l d t o an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the fundamental laws of n a t u r e and cause and effect; by age 1 1 , the individual has progressed t o a stage wherein he o r she can appreciate a n d use abstract concepts and formulate hypotheses a b o u t the w o r l d (Piaget, 1 9 6 3 ) . As t o choices c o n c e r n i n g d r u g use and crime, research has s h o w n t h a t children as y o u n g as 5 years can grasp the c o n c e p t of m o t i v e a n d intentionality (Berndt & B e r n d t , 1 9 7 5 ) , and children as y o u n g as 6 are k n o w n t o place greater emphasis o n i n t e n t i o n (accidental versus purposeful) t h a n o n level of d a m a g e (large versus small) in assigning m o r a l j u d g m e n t s t o behavior. T h e s e findings suggest t h a t m a n y children possess the foundational prerequisites of informed decision m a k i n g by the t i m e they are 5 or 6 years of age. A question for which there is n o simple answer at this time pertains t o the age at which a person becomes an informed decision maker. Dalby ( 1 9 8 5 ) , arguing that the age of informed consent and criminal responsibility varies because cognitive development varies, visualizes the age of criminal responsibility, similar in m a n y ways t o the concept of informed decision making, as a range extending from mid-childhood (age 7) t o mid-adolescence (age 14). T h o u g h researchers will hkely c o n t i n u e t o expend energy t o p i n p o i n t the age at w h i c h i n f o r m e d choice crystallizes, a more productive approach m i g h t be t o investigate h o w this process evolves and matures over time. I t w o u l d seem likely t h a t t h e early signs of i n f o r m e d decision m a k i n g surface a r o u n d age 2 , w h e n the child begins to internalize aspects of his or her external environment (Piaget, 1963). This evolving ability t o make decisions expands as the child comes into contact with familial and extrafamilial sources of information, the latter of which include peers, the media, and experience with the criminal justice system. T h e result is that choice behavior develops and the individual's options expand as a consequence of cognitive m a t u r a t i o n and an ever-widening sphere of environ­ m e n t a l experience.

43

Choice Fallibility

T h e h u m a n decision-making process will never be able t o m a t c h the c o m p u t e r in t e r m s of speed, accuracy, and precision, because of the flawed n a t u r e of the h u m a n decision-making enterprise. Car­ roll's ( 1 9 7 8 ) w o r k w i t h adults a n d Cimler a n d Beach's ( 1 9 8 1 ) w o r k w i t h adolescents conclusively d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t the decision-mak­ i n g m o d e l s people normally utilize are unsophisticated, inefficient, a n d subject t o errors of b o t h omission a n d c o m m i s s i o n . A significant loss of information often accompanies a t t e m p t s t o o r g a n i z e , synthe­ size, a n d c o m b i n e divergent bits of k n o w l e d g e i n t o a c o m p a c t c o n c e p t u a l framework for the p u r p o s e s of synthesis a n d storage ( R e i t m a n , 1 9 7 4 ) . W h a t this means is t h a t the h u m a n decision m a k e r docs n o t always or even usually derive the optimal solution t o a problem. I n direct contrast to the proficiency of the computer, the h u m a n decision maker is fallible, imperfect, and seriously limited in terms of h o w m u c h information he or she can store, retain, and process. This explains n o t only w h y rational choice theory has received less than maximal empirical support, but also w h y some people choose t o engage in behaviors that seem patently self-destructive. Reinforcement

History

W e k n o w from learning t h e o r y t h a t people t e n d t o engage in those actions for w h i c h they have been reinforced in the past and refrain from e n a c t i n g behaviors for w h i c h they have been p u n i s h e d pre­ viously. Therefore, n o t all o p t i o n s or potential solutions are given equal w e i g h t in any o n e situation, o w i n g t o the fact t h a t people prefer solutions t h a t have been reinforced in t h e past even t h o u g h they m a y n o t be o p t i m a l in the present situation. T a k e , for example, the p e r s o n w h o has an a r g u m e n t w i t h his o r her spouse a n d views alcohol as the o p t i m a l solution t o his or her p r o b l e m based o n p r i o r experience (i.e., alcohol has eliminated b a d feelings for t h e individ­ ual in similar situations in the past). This s h o r t - t e r m solution t o the p r o b l e m of negative affect, however, will likely create m a n y m o r e l o n g - t e r m p r o b l e m s for t h e individual o n c e he or she recovers from the influence of the alcohol. A person's t i m e h o r i z o n (Wilson & H e r r n s t e i n , 1 9 8 5 ) is i m p o r ­ t a n t t o t h e extent t h a t it divulges h o w he or she evaluates t h e potential consequences of his o r her c o n d u c t . S o m e people consider only the i m m e d i a t e consequences of a particular course of action, whereas others take certain l o n g - r a n g e considerations i n t o account.

D R U G S A N D CRIME IN LIFESTYLE

44

PERSPECTIVE

In fact, o n e sign of m a t u r i t y is the abiUty t o delay gratification and w o r k t o w a r d l o n g - t e r m satisfaction. I m p o r t a n t individual differ­ ences have been n o t e d w i t h respect t o t i m e horizons in t h a t persons w h o o p t for small immediate rewards t e n d t o be at greater risk for delinquency and o t h e r forms of acting-out behavior t h a n are persons w h o choose delayed, b u t larger, rewards (Mischel, 1 9 7 4 ) . Similar t o Mischel's w o r k o n delay of gratification a n d delinquency, research studies reveal a connection between expectancies and d r u g use. Christiansen a n d G o l d m a n ( 1 9 8 3 ) , for instance, observed t h a t alco­ hol-related expectancies of enhanced social and physical pleasure from d r i n k i n g predicted higher levels of alcohol c o n s u m p t i o n in adolescents tested o n e year later. M o r e recently. W o o d , N a g o s h i , and D e n n i s ( 1 9 9 2 ) n o t e d a relationship between positive o u t c o m e expectancies, particularly the expectancy t h a t alcohol w o u l d exert a disinhibiting effect, and d r i n k i n g patterns and p r o b l e m s in a sample of 2 3 1 alcohol-using college students. Experiences arising from c o n t i n u e d involvement in a d r u g or criminal lifestyle are also capable of affecting a person's appraisal of specific rewards and p u n i s h m e n t s . Individuals ensconced in a d r u g or criminal lifestyle frequently see increasing rewards as a conse­ quence of their involvement in this lifestyle a n d d i s c o u n t or belittle the rewards t o be found in a n o n d r u g or noncriminal lifestyle (Walters, 1 9 9 2 b ) . I n like fashion, t h e fear of p u n i s h m e n t a n d t h e significance attached t o the negative l o n g - t e r m consequences of d r u g (Bennett, 1986) or criminal (Feeney, 1986) involvement t e n d t o diminish w i t h a person's experience in one of these lifestyles. T o a large extent, finding reinforcement in being " o r d i n a r y , " as Bier­ nacki ( 1 9 9 0 ) observed in a g r o u p of 1 0 1 opiate addicts w h o aban­ d o n e d their d r u g habits w i t h o u t benefit of t r e a t m e n t , is a cardinal feature of relapse prevention, w h e t h e r the focus is o n a d r u g lifestyle or a criminal o n e . I t is imperative t o keep in m i n d , t h e n , t h a t lifestyle t h e o r y conceives of h u m a n beings as active participants in their o w n learning e n v i r o n m e n t s , interacting w i t h and influencing their sur­ r o u n d i n g s as m u c h as their s u r r o u n d i n g s influence t h e m . Validation M o t i v a t i o n w o u l d appear t o be indispensable t o a science of h u m a n behavior. C o n s i d e r i n g the fact t h a t motives activate and direct behavior, it is difficult t o conceive of h u m a n behavior in their absence. Secondary organizing motives i m p o r t a n t in d r u g - s e e k i n g behavior center o n three primary t h e m e s : e n h a n c e m e n t , c o p i n g , and

45

Choice

social motives (Critchlow, 1 9 8 6 ; Leigh, 1989). T h e first t w o themes, e n h a n c e m e n t and c o p i n g , arc of p r i m e consideration in the develop­ m e n t of a d r u g lifestyle. Motives for criminal lifestyle involvement, o n the other hand, are of four primary types: anger/rebellion, power/ c o n t r o l , excitement/pleasure, a n d greed/laziness (Walters, 1 9 9 0 ) . I t is a fundamental premise of lifestyle t h e o r y t h a t offenses c o m m i t t e d w i t h i n the purview of the criminal lifestyle are a function of o n e or m o r e of these four motives. T h e secondary o r g a n i z i n g motives for d r u g and criminal involve­ m e n t enter i n t o the decision-making matrix t h r o u g h a process referred t o by lifestyle theorists as validation. Validation affords t h e d r u g abuser or criminal offender a psychological rationale for his or her actions. H e n c e a substance abuser m a y justify the use of drugs by p o i n t i n g t o the pleasant and intoxicating feelings p r o d u c e d by these substances ( e n h a n c e m e n t motive) or the facility w i t h w h i c h these chemicals alleviate stress and frustration (coping m o t i v e ) . T h e criminal offender, o n the o t h e r h a n d , m a y validate his or her criminal actions by citing societal injustice (anger/rebellion), referencing a desire t o exert control over others ( p o w e r / c o n t r o l ) , seeking thrills a n d i m m e d i a t e gratification (excitement/pleasure), or satisfying the desire t o accumulate material wealth w i t h as little w o r k as possible (greed/laziness). T h o u g h validation m a y n o t always be w i t h i n the individual's i m m e d i a t e awareness, it is nonetheless a conscious p r o c ­ ess and s o m e t h i n g the individual can be m a d e c o g n i z a n t of w i t h m i n i m a l p r o d d i n g and assistance. Output

Stage

T h e o u t p u t stage of the decision-making m o d e l consists princi­ pally of the decision t o engage in a particular behavior or t o refrain from e n g a g i n g in t h a t behavior. Boiled d o w n t o its simplest form, o u t p u t involves the decision t o use or n o t use a particular d r u g , t o c o m m i t or n o t c o m m i t a specific criminal act. T h e o u t p u t stage m a y also give rise t o t h e decision t o perform o n e set of behaviors over a n o t h e r , often i n c o m p a t i b l e , set of behaviors. H e n c e , if a person remains at h o m e t o study for a test, this w o u l d preclude t h a t individual's g o i n g d o w n t o w n and h a n g i n g o u t w i t h dcUnqucnt peers, at least for the period in which he or she is s t u d y i n g for the test. A d d i t i o n a l plans a n d considerations covered d u r i n g t h e o u t p u t stage include t h e selection of associates ( w h o the individual will use d r u g s w i t h ; w h o he or she will choose as a crime p a r t n e r ) , settings ( w h e r e the person will use d r u g s ; w h e r e he or she will c o m m i t the

46

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

c r i m e ) , a n d precaurionary measures ( h o w the p e r s o n will avoid g e t t i n g c a u g h t by parents, teachers, police, or o t h e r s ) . T h e o u t p u t stage defines the behavioral consequences o f the i n p u t a n d processing stages. A l t h o u g h t h e o u t p u t derives from the t w o stages t h a t precede it, the t h i r d stage c a n n o t be predicted w i t h absolute certainty from k n o w l e d g e of the first t w o stages even if o n e w e r e t o identify all m a n n e r of i n p u t and u n d e r s t a n d fully h o w this i n p u t has been processed. This is because lifestyle t h e o r y is n o n d e ­ terministic and allows for the appearance of r a n d o m events and atypical occurrences. F u r t h e r m o r e , the o u t p u t stage can influence itself t h r o u g h an informational feedback l o o p (Pearson & W e i n e r , 1 9 8 5 ) w h e r e b y the subject considers future decisions in light of the perceived success or failure of past decisions. A l t h o u g h t h e lifestyle m o d e l of h u m a n decision m a k i n g is n o n d e t e r m i n i s t i c in n a t u r e , adequate u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h o w information is entered i n t o the e q u a t i o n and t h e n processed can g o a l o n g w a y t o w a r d explaining w h y an individual chooses o n e specific course of action over o t h e r available o p t i o n s at any particular p o i n t in t i m e .

Conclusion E c h o i n g t h e conclusions of Speckart a n d Anglin ( 1 9 8 6 ) , t h e present discussion suggests t h a t choice plays a vital role in b o t h d r u g use and criminal activity. T h e p r o b l e m w i t h choice lies n o t in its existence b u t in t h e way it has been envisioned. C h o i c e , as a correlate of d r u g use and crime, has traditionally been c o n s t r u e d t o be a rational process characterized by an evaluation of alternative solu­ tions a n d t h e selection of an " o p t i m a l " course o f action. T h e p r o b l e m w i t h this conceptualization of t h e choice process is t h a t , as research has convincingly d e m o n s t r a t e d , this is n o t h o w the h u m a n decisionm a k i n g process operates. H u m a n decision m a k i n g is limited rather t h a n c o m p r e h e n s i v e , biased rather t h a n m e t h o d i c a l , a n d driven by motives rather t h a n by logic. F u r t h e r m o r e , it stands t o reason t h a t e r r o n e o u s , biased, motive-based decision m a k i n g is particularly characteristic of d r u g abusers and serious criminals. I n c o n t r a s t t o historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s , w h i c h , at best, provide potential markers and parameters of the d r u g - c r i m e rela­ t i o n s h i p , choice appears t o speak m o r e directly t o issues of d r u g crime overlap, because d r u g a n d criminal choices are based o n t h e same flawed and error-filled decision-making process. T h e decision t o c o m m i t a crime, for instance, leads t o follow-up decisions de­

Choice

47

signed t o s u p p o r t tiiis behavior, o n e of w^hich m i g h t be t o use d r u g s . Abusable substances can therefore be used prior t o the c o m m i s s i o n of an offense t o e h m i n a t e fear a n d o t h e r deterrents t o criminal action, or after the c o m m i s s i o n of a successful crime as p a r t of the "victory" celebration. Either way, the circle s o o n completes itself, as s o m e o n e previously c o m m i t t e d t o a criminal lifestyle initially im­ bibes drugs t o further his or her criminal lifestyle b u t ends u p drifting i n t o a d r u g lifestyle because of the positive reinforcement this lifestyle has t o offer. Similar choice-based transitions occur w h e n s o m e o n e chooses t o c o m m i t a crime in o r d e r t o s u p p o r t a d r u g hfestyle.

4. Cognition

Τ

" i h e limits of the h u m a n decision-making apparatus have been considered in detail in C h a p t e r 3. Given these limits, it w o u l d s t a n d t o reason t h a t the t h i n k i n g patterns a person uses t o s u p p o r t and justify choices and decisions regarding d r u g use and criminal activity are equally flawed. T h i s , in fact, is precisely w h a t has been observed w h e n this issue has been subjected t o empirical scrutiny. Albert Ellis ( 1 9 6 2 ) , the founder of rational e m o t i v e ther­ apy, has cogently a r g u e d t h a t e m o t i o n a l and behavioral p r o b l e m s are g r o u n d e d in flawed t h i n k i n g . These t h i n k i n g p a t t e r n s , which b e c o m e increasingly a u t o m a t i c w i t h practice, form the f o u n d a t i o n of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle by virtue of their ability t o elicit s u p p o r t from o t h e r s and justify d r u g - and crime-oriented activities. T h e p o w e r of t h o u g h t t o reinforce a d r u g or criminal lifestyle is therefore the focal p o i n t of discussion in this chapter. 49

50

D R U G S A N D CRIME IN LIFESTYLE

PERSPECTIVE

Cognitive Correlates of Drug Abuse and Crime Irrational t h i n k i n g and d r u g use are linked t o the extent t h a t characteristics k n o w n t o place a person at risk for substance abuse, m o s t notably low self-esteem (Daly & B u r t o n , 1 9 8 3 ) , anxiety ( H i m l e , T h y c r , & Papsdorf, 1 9 8 2 ) , depression ( N e l s o n , 1 9 7 7 ) , a n d e m o ­ tional distress ( S m i t h , H o u s t o n , & Z u r a w s k i , 1 9 8 4 ) , are highly correlated w i t h indices of irrational thinking. This does n o t neces­ sarily m e a n , however, t h a t d r u g use and irrational t h i n k i n g are causally connected. I n an effort t o unravel t h e mysteries of t h e putative relationship between irrational t h i n k i n g a n d d r u g use, M a r t i n Denoff ( 1 9 8 8 ) perused interview data o n juveniles enrolled in a private residential d r u g t r e a t m e n t p r o g r a m . S u b s e q u e n t data analyses revealed t h a t m o t h e r - and father-interactive variables a n d irrational t h i n k i n g accounted for 2 9 % a n d 1 7 % of the variance in a frequency measure of d r u g abuse, respectively, however, family structure and parental absence were only minimally related t o the d r u g abuse criterion m e a s u r e . T h e greatest levels of d r u g abuse w e r e observed in subjects w h o viewed their p a r e n t s ' approval as c o n d i ­ tional a n d w h o e n g a g e d in excessive a m o u n t s of catastrophizing and approval-seeking self-talk. I n a sample of adult male subjects u n d e r ­ g o i n g t r e a t m e n t for alcohol abuse, R o h s e n o w et al. ( 1 9 8 9 ) deter­ m i n e d t h a t irrational beliefs correlated w i t h p r o b l e m avoidance, t h e u r g e t o drink, and susceptibility t o relapse d u r i n g a s i x - m o n t h follow-up period. Because irrational beliefs are often c o n s t r u c t e d o n t e n u o u s foun­ dations of unrealistic and faulty expectations, research o n expectan­ cies a n d d r u g use (some of which was m e n t i o n e d briefly in C h a p t e r 3) w o u l d appear t o have s o m e t h i n g t o c o n t r i b u t e t o o u r u n d e r ­ s t a n d i n g of the cognitive features of d r u g use and abuse. I t has been s h o w n t h a t children as y o u n g as 12 display clear expectancies con­ c e r n i n g the effects of c o n s u m i n g alcoholic beverages o n behavior even before they have had any direct experience w i t h alcohol (Chris­ tiansen, G o l d m a n , & I n n , 1 9 8 2 ) . C o n s e q u e n t l y , acculturation m a y be as influential as personal experience in defining d r u g expectancies. O t h e r studies suggest t h a t expectancies m e a s u r e d d u r i n g early a d o ­ lescence reliably predict d r i n k i n g patterns a n d p r o b l e m s at followups one year (Christiansen & Goldman, 1983) and t w o years (Smith, R o e h l i n g , G o l d m a n , & Christiansen, 1 9 8 7 ) later. T h e expectancy t h a t alcohol will facilitate social relationships a n d eliminate negative affect, an expectancy clearly influenced by b o t h peer a n d parental factors (Biddle, Bank, & MarUn, 1 9 8 0 ) , is c o m m o n t o persons w h o

51

Cognition

later experience p r o b l e m s w i t h alcohol or o t h e r drugs ( B r o w n , G o l d m a n , I n n , & A n d e r s o n , 1 9 8 0 ) . Expectancies are tied in w i t h n o t only the choice features of d r u g use b u t the cognitive features as well a n d therefore provide a potential link b e t w e e n the choice and c o g n i t i o n branches of lifestyle theory. Research o n the cognitive features of crime and delinquency was given a much-needed boost by Sykes and Matza's (1970) pioneering w o r k o n techniques of neutralization. Arguing that delinquents learn t o justify and rationalize their behavior by interacting with other law-violating juveniles, Sykes and Matza observed five primary forms of rationaUzation or neutralization (denial of responsibiUty, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of society, and appeals t o higher loyalties) in the thinking of youthful offenders. H e n d e r s o n and H e w s t o n e (1984) interviewed 4 4 violent offenders and determined that these individuals regularly justified their participation in various intrusive criminal acts by attributing their behavior t o external circum­ stances (situation, behavior of the victim). Rapists frequently neutralize or justify their sexual violence by positioning their victims in the role of contributory influence (Burt, 1 9 8 3 ) , and child molesters have been k n o w n t o neutralize feelings of guilt by convincing themselves that the children benefited from the experience (Stermac & Segel, 1989). Utilizing a 16-item self-report measure of delinquency, Guerra (1989) determined that high-delinquency black youth exceeded low-delin­ quency black youth in minimizing the significance, severity, and ulti­ m a t e consequences of their deviant behavior. Benson (1985) observed a similar pattern in a sample of adult white-collar criminals.

The Lifestyle Model of

Drug- and Crime-Oriented Thinking

Specific t h o u g h t s can be conceptualized as falling along three primary dimensions or continua: rational versus irrational, controlled versus a u t o m a t i c , a n d self-educating versus self-justifying. T h e s e can be a r r a n g e d in three-dimensional space by p o s i t i o n i n g t h e m at r i g h t angles t o o n e a n o t h e r (see F i g u r e 4 . 1 ) . M o s t people's t h i n k i n g falls a l o n g t h e full length of each d i m e n s i o n , a l t h o u g h s o m e of us e n t e r t a i n m o r e rational t h o u g h t s , arc m o r e deliberate in o u r think­ ing, and are m o r e interested in self-advancement t h a n others of us. T h o s e w h o b e c o m e involved in negative lifestyles, w h e t h e r of t h e d r u g , crime, or g a m b l i n g variety, s p e n d an i n o r d i n a t e a m o u n t of time in the irrational/automatic/self-justifying quadrant of Figure 4 . 1 .

52

D R U G S A N D C R I M E IN L I F E S T Y L E P E R S P E C T I V E controlled ^^^^^^^^^^^^^clfjustifying

rational

irrational

self-educating automatic

Figure 4 . 1 . Three Dimensions of Human Cognition T h i s is because the irrational/automatic/self-justifying style of think­ ing provides a person w i t h the o p p o r t u n i t y t o c o n t i n u e functioning in a negative lifestyle w i t h o u t having t o confront, face, or even acknowledge the full destructive potential of this lifestyle. T h e rational versus irrational continuum considers the quality of information u p o n which a t h o u g h t is based. A rational t h o u g h t is one that is free of distortion rather than biased, factual rather than fanciful, and comprehensive rather than limited. As noted in the review of choice and decision making presented in Chapter 3, very few thoughts achieve consummate rationality, although m a n y cognitions d o , in fact, ap­ proach this ideal. Someone committed t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle gravitates t o w a r d the irrational pole of this c o n t i n u u m , wherein think­ ing is biased, myopic, and technologically flawed. I n considering the rational versus irrational branch of the lifestyle model of cognition it is imperative that rationality n o t be confused with logic. W h e r e logic is concerned with rules and the application of these rules, rationality provides an index of the accuracy of information entered into a logical equation and u p o n which decisions are based. Consequently, whereas a small child, an actively psychotic person, or a brain-damaged patient may display disturbed logic, a person consumed with d r u g or criminal lifestyle activities is simply irrational. A second d i m e n s i o n o n which cognitions differ is the degree t o w h i c h an individual's t h o u g h t s are controlled versus a u t o m a t i c (Strayer & K r a m e r , 1 9 9 0 ) . All people, as a consequence of repeti­ t i o n , engage in a u t o m a t i c t h i n k i n g . This m a y occur at w o r k (e.g., e n g a g i n g in a repetitive j o b task), at h o m e (e.g., eating a meal at a certain t i m e each d a y ) , o n the road (e.g., s t o p p i n g at a blinking red light before p r o c e e d i n g ) , or elsewhere. A l t h o u g h a u t o m a t i c think­

Cognition

53

ing is adaptive t o the extent t h a t it permits the rapid execution of routine and repetitive taslcs, it becomes problematic w h e n the thoughts b e i n g a u t o m a t i z e d are negative, destructive, or self-defeating. I n d i ­ viduals i m m e r s e d in a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle repetitively engage in the same destructive activities because their actions are based o n negative t h o u g h t s t h a t have been rehearsed a n d repeated so often t h a t they have become a u t o m a t i c . Just as t r e a t m e n t s h o u l d be directed at teaching the individual t o identify and challenge irra­ tional t h i n k i n g , so t o o m u s t intervention reinforce t h e person's capacity for controlled t h o u g h t . T h e t h i r d d i m e n s i o n along w h i c h t h o u g h t s m a y vary is the degree t o w h i c h t h e individual strives for self-education versus self-justifi­ cation. T h e self-educating person examines the m o t i v a t i o n b e h i n d his or her beliefs a n d seeks t o develop a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of his or her w o r l d . T h e self-justifying individual, o n the o t h e r h a n d , denies t h a t there is any m o t i v a t i o n b e h i n d his or her t h i n k i n g a n d seeks t o p r o t e c t his or her ideas from t h e o n s l a u g h t of reality. As w i t h the o t h e r t w o d i m e n s i o n s , people's t h i n k i n g falls a l o n g the entire s p e c t r u m of possibilities, from t h o u g h t s t h a t arc largely self-educational in n a t u r e t o t h o u g h t s t h a t are heavily laden w i t h self-justifying motives. S o m e o n e c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle will engage in an excessive a m o u n t of self-justification while avoiding self-education. E x p a n d i n g one's repertoire of self-educat­ ing t h o u g h t s requires t h a t o n e learn t o b e c o m e m o r e receptive t o n e w information and m o r e critical of one's o w n t h o u g h t s a n d beliefs. T h e lifestyle m o d e l of d r u g - and crime-oriented t h i n k i n g has been noticeably influenced by Yochelson and S a m e n o w ' s ( 1 9 7 6 ) w o r k o n t h e criminal personality. Based o n observations gleaned from several t h o u s a n d interviews c o n d u c t e d w i t h h a r d e n e d criminal offenders, these researchers derived a descriptive m o d e l of 5 2 t h i n k i n g errors. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , s o m e of these t h i n k i n g errors w e r e actually m o r e behavioral or affective in n a t u r e , and others were difficult t o opera­ tionalize or w e r e of d u b i o u s clinical value. By starting w i t h five of Yochelson and S a m e n o w ' s t h i n k i n g e r r o r s — a d d i n g , s u b t r a c t i n g , and modifying w h e r e necessary—and c o n d u c t i n g b o t h clinical and research investigations, a colleague and I derived a system of eight t h i n k i n g styles relevant t o b o t h d r u g abuse and crime: mollification, cutoff, e n t i t l e m e n t , p o w e r o r i e n t a t i o n , sentimentality, s u p e r o p t i ­ m i s m , cognitive indolence, and discontinuity (Walters & W h i t e , 1 9 8 9 b ) . T h e s e eight patterns form the g r o u n d w o r k of the t h i r d C (cognition) a n d provide a potential avenue t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e n a t u r e of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n m i g h t be studied.

54

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

Mollification T h e cognitive p a t t e r n of molUfication is conveyed in s t a t e m e n t s t h a t justify a n d rationaUze drug-seeking a n d c r i m e - o r i e n t e d behav­ ior. Mollification is similar in m a n y ways t o Sykes a n d M a t z a ' s ( 1 9 7 0 ) neutralization hypothesis, a l t h o u g h , in line w i t h H a m l i n ' s ( 1 9 8 8 ) critique of Sykes and Matza's w o r k , mollification is viewed in lifestyle t h e o r y as a cognitive strategy t h a t succeeds rather t h a n precedes the behavior it is designed t o justify. O f course, mollifica­ tions used t o justify o n e activity after the fact can serve t o excuse future episodes of related negative c o n d u c t . T h e p r o b l e m from a t h e r a p e u t i c s t a n d p o i n t is t h a t t r u t h s , half-truths, a n d u t t e r false­ h o o d s are w o v e n i n t o the fabric of a mollification, t h e r e b y shielding it from t h e light of objective scrutiny and t u r n i n g an i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t o a d e b a t e over differences of o p i n i o n . T o avoid t h e political a n d philosophical diversion techniques t h a t often a c c o m p a n y mollifica­ t i o n , therapists w o u l d be well advised t o a p p r o a c h this t h i n k i n g style from t h e s t a n d p o i n t t h a t it is irrational t o use s o m e o n e else's i m m o r a l , illegal, or unethical actions t o justify or excuse one's o w n irresponsible behavior. Mollification comes in several forms. Yochelson a n d S a m e n o w ( 1 9 7 6 ) refer t o o n e p o p u l a r expression of mollification as the "victim s t a n c e . " Persons utilizing this version of mollification seek t o as­ suage guilt a n d anxiety consequential t o d r u g or criminal activity by a d o p t i n g the m i n d - s e t t h a t they h a d n o choice b u t t o participate in these activities because they w e r e and still are victims of nefarious social-environmental c o n d i t i o n s . W h e t h e r t h e culprits are m a d e o u t t o be t h e media, g o v e r n m e n t , or their o w n early h o m e environ­ m e n t s , persons c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle are adept at shifting blame o n t o others as a tactic for avoiding responsibility for their o w n actions. A second way in which mollification is c o m m o n l y expressed is t h r o u g h minimization of harm d o n e t o oneself and others. A n adoles­ cent well acquainted with the d r u g lifestyle may justify her consump­ tion of drugs by selectively pointing t o research in support of her belief that drugs d o n o long-term damage t o the h u m a n body. Mollification is also present in the thinking of an offender w h o minimizes the seriousness of a criminal act such as bank robbery by inferring that because he never used a weapon ( t h o u g h it m a y have been displayed), n o one was harmed. By discounting any psychological trauma he m a y have caused the patrons and staff of the bank, such an offender has adopted a narrow definition of h a r m (i.e., actual physical injury) as a

Cognition

55

w a y of c o u n t e r a c t i n g feelings of guilt t h a t s o m e t i m e s occur as a consequence of involvement in a serious criminal act. A t h i r d c o m m o n form of mollification involves n o r m a l i z i n g one's negative behavior. A juvenile arrested for a u t o theft m a y normalize his c o n d u c t by p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t all of his friends—in fact, everyone h e k n o w s — e n g a g e in this behavior. T h e only difference b e t w e e n h i m and everyone else is t h a t he was u n f o r t u n a t e e n o u g h t o g e t c a u g h t . T h e implication here is t h a t because rule-violating behavior is c o m m o n , t h e individual is s o m e h o w excused from his o w n crimi­ nal actions. Persons c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g lifestyle also rely o n n o r m a l i z a t i o n as a m e a n s of mollifying irresponsibility a n d d r u g use, as in the following example: John began smoking marijuana and ingesting amphetamine pills (white cross) while still in grade school. It was his contention that "everyone used drugs" and so there couldn't possibly be anything wrong with this behavior. He especially enjoyed introducing novices to marijuana and other drugs as a means of justifying his own use of these same substances. He reasoned that if a significant portion of his peer group used these substances, some of whom were good students, then there couldn't possibly be any harm in his using these substances himself By age 18, John began selling marijuana in an effort to support his growing depend­ ency on cocaine, and one of his favorite rationalizations was that he was just a merchant providing people with a product they wanted. "After all," he asserted, "if I didn't sell it to them, someone else would." Criminal mollification is s o m e t i m e s expressed in the form of transferring b l a m e t o the victim. This m a n e u v e r is based o n t h e c o n c e p t of a just w o r l d (Lcrner, 1 9 7 0 ) a n d c o n s e q u e n t belief t h a t if s o m e t h i n g b a d h a p p e n s t o s o m e o n e , particularly a n o t h e r p e r s o n , t h a n t h a t p e r s o n m u s t have deserved it: Robert was a longtime bank robber who delighted in jimiping over the teller counter when robbing a bank. When confronted in therapy with the realization that this behavior may have created psychological prob­ lems for the people in the banks he robbed, particularly the tellers, he stated that he never intended to hurt anyone and that if they suffered psychological problems as a result of the robberies it was because they were weak people who would have suffered psychological problems anyway. He would follow this up by asserting that the tellers should have known the risks associated with working in a bank when they were hired, and so if they suffered any long-term negative effects it was their own fault.

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Cutojf Like m o s t people, d r u g abusers and criminals are responsive t o deterrents. U n l i k e the average person, however, s o m e o n e c o m m i t ­ ted t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle has developed t h e capacity t o eliminate deterrents quickly from consideration. This is w h a t Yo­ chelson and S a m e n o w ( 1 9 7 6 ) refer t o as the "cutoff." Lifestyle t h e o r y also uses the t e r m implosion t o describe this particular style of t h o u g h t because it seems t o capture m o r e precisely the flood of anger a n d e m o t i o n that characterizes the cutoff process. I t has been observed t h a t persons invested in a d r u g or criminal lifestyle typically have t r o u b l e dealing effectively w i t h stress and frustration (Black & G r e g s o n , 1 9 7 3 ) . U n d e r such circumstances the individual is apt t o rely o n i m p l o s i o n t o eliminate fears, anxieties, and o t h e r deterrents t o irresponsible action. T h e r e are t w o p r i m a r y forms of i m p l o s i o n available t o the individual: internal cutoffs, such as a simple phrase, i m a g e , or musical t h e m e ; a n d external cutoffs, such as d r u g s and alcohol. T h e phrase m o s t often used by those involved in d r u g use and criminal activity t o eradicate the influence of deterrents is " F u c k it." T h e anger t h a t fuels this particular feature of implosive c o g n i t i o n rises t o a crescendo as the individual feels o v e r w h e l m e d by stress and frustration; this subsequently contributes t o a b u i l d u p of tension, w h i c h t h e n encourages activation of the "fuck it" mentality, w h i c h cuts off deterrents t o irresponsible or criminal action. This process is illustrated in the following case example: Julie was a long-term heroin addict who for the first time in her life wanted to adopt a drug-free lifestyle. However, because she lacked certain basic social, cognitive, and life management skills she continued to encounter frustration and negative feelings. The first several times she was able to avoid successfully the temptation to use heroin, but eventu­ ally the pressure and anger got to be too much and she heard herself say, "Fuck it." The automatic thoughts and behaviors associated with her past drug use then took over and before she knew it she was fixing a syringe with heroin and sticking it into one of the few good veins she had left. I n t e r n a l cutoffs can also take the form of m e n t a l images or musical t h e m e s . W h e t h e r the image is positive or negative, it serves the same function as the simple phrase: namely, t o i m p l o d e deterrents t o d r u g use or crime. T h e use of a musical t h e m e t o obliterate deterrents t o criminal action is d e m o n s t r a t e d in this case vignette:

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Rick had committed dozens of convenience store robberies prior to being arrested and placed in a state penitentiary. However, experience had done very little to settle the fear that gripped him each time he entered a convenience store for the purpose of robbery. Over the years, he had developed a technique designed to eradicate the fear and anxiety that normally precedes a criminal act and prevents most people from engaging in this type activity. This technique consisted of subvocally humming a few bars of theme music from a popular western TV show. In less than five seconds. Rick would feel in complete control of his fears and had no trouble conducting a successful robbery. Twenty years later. Rick still gets butterflies in his stomach whenever he enters a convenience store, but now, rather than eliminating these feelings, he employs them as a reminder of where his life would be had he not abandoned the criminal lifestyle. T h o u g h i m p l o s i o n is an internalized cognitive process, it is clearly responsive t o external stimuli. D r u g s and alcohol are t w o such stimuli. Criminally inclined subjects m a y use alcohol t o elicit a false sense of c o u r a g e , h e r o i n t o calm their nerves before c o m m i t t i n g a crime, or cocaine t o m a k e themselves feel m o r e alert a n d invulner­ able. T h e b o t t o m line, however, is t h a t in each case the d r u g is used t o eradicate the fears, anxieties, a n d uncertainties t h a t u n d e r n o r m a l circumstances w o u l d dissuade the individual from engaging in criminal activity. I n interviews c o n d u c t e d w i t h 30 active burglars, Paul C r o m w e l l a n d his associates ( 1 9 9 1 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t their subjects often c o n s u m e d alcohol, s m o k e d marijuana, or ingested h e r o i n t o eliminate fear a n d anxiety before burglarizing a residence. D r u g s m a y also serve a cutoff function in the case of future d r u g use, as exemplified by t h e individual w h o plans t o limit h i m - or herself t o t w o drinks and ends u p i m b i b i n g five times t h a t m u c h o n the s t r e n g t h of t h e implosive value of the first t w o drinks. This is referred t o by practitioners a n d investigators in the substance abuse field as a " p r i m i n g effect" (Bradley et al., 1 9 8 9 ) . Entitlement Whereas mollification is used t o justify d r u g and criminal behavior after the fact, e n t i t l e m e n t furnishes the individual w i t h permission t o engage in such activities in the first place. E n t i t l e m e n t , w h i c h has its basis in t h e egocentricity of c h i l d h o o d , is m a r k e d by a global sense of o w n e r s h i p or privilege ( H o o k & C o o k , 1 9 7 9 ) . M o s t people eventually a b a n d o n this primitive sense of e n t i t l e m e n t , t h o u g h t h e y m a y h a r b o r circumscribed expressions of e n t i t l e m e n t even i n t o

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a d u l t h o o d . T h e d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles, o n the o t h e r h a n d , give rise t o a global sense of e n t i t l e m e n t t h a t k n o w s n o b o u n d s and typically does n o t respond t o corrective feedback. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the e n t i t l e m e n t associated w i t h the d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles differs from t h e periodic e n t i t l e m e n t expressed b y a n o n - d r u g abuser o r n o n c r i m i n a l in b o t h degree and scope. T h r e e attitudes serve as the framework for e n t i t l e m e n t : o w n e r ­ ship, uniqueness, a n d t h e misidentification of w a n t s as needs. Own­ ership refers t o the fact t h a t persons involved in a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle d o n o t respect social b o u n d a r i e s or the personal space of o t h e r s . M a n y times these individuals d o n o t realize t h a t t h e y have h a r m e d o t h e r people, because they believe t h e y are entitled t o act in w h a t e v e r m a n n e r they d e e m fit. Feeney ( 1 9 8 6 ) reports t h a t m a n y of the robbers he interviewed insisted t h a t there was n o t h i n g w r o n g w i t h their behavior because they were simply recovering funds o w e d t h e m . T h e stance assumed by m a n y offenders u p o n their release from prison also reflects a clear a t t i t u d e of e n t i t l e m e n t : As he prepared to leave prison after serving 9 years of a 20-ycar sentence for rape, Bruce knew exactly what he was going to do. He would look up a nxunber of old friends and then they would have one of the longest-running parties in recorded history. After all, hadn't he just spent nearly 10 years of his life confined in a state penitentiary, away from the people he cared about and called family? H e reasoned that society "owed him" and that he was entitled to a good time. It was not long before Bruce was back in custody, facing charges of attempting to rape an off-duty policewoman. Persons c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle are t h e curators of the d o u b l e standard. H e n c e , a l t h o u g h m a n y criminal offenders see the need for law enforcement, they d o n o t t h i n k t h a t t h e law should restrict their o w n activities; m a n y such individuals genuinely believe t h a t they are above the laws a n d dictates of society. A d r u g abuser or serious criminal m a y express irritation w i t h a y o u n g e r sibling w h o verbalizes an interest in using drugs or helping o u t w i t h a criminal act, b u t see n o t h i n g w r o n g w i t h e n g a g i n g in these activities h i m - or herself. This last p o i n t reflects n o t only e n t i t l e m e n t b u t t w o additional t h i n k i n g patterns as well—sentimentality (being t h e " g o o d g u y " by steering a y o u n g e r sibling away from negative behaviors) and s u p e r o p t i m i s m ( c o n t i n u i n g t o e n g a g e in negative behaviors o n the s t r e n g t h of the belief t h a t o n e can " g e t away w i t h i t " ) . Feelings of uniqueness a n d privilege can often be traced t o early

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experiences w i t h i n the h o m e , w h e r e the p e r s o n has been m a d e t o feel special, extraordinary, o r superior t o o t h e r children. T h o u g h these early experiences d o n o t cause the e n t i t l e m e n t t h i n k i n g asso­ ciated w i t h a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle, they m a y facilitate t h e evolution of this t h i n k i n g style by instilling an a t t i t u d e of b e i n g above the rules t h a t g o v e r n o t h e r people's behavior. A t h i r d cognitive t r e n d e n c o m p a s s e d b y t h e m o r e general c o n c e p t of e n t i t l e m e n t is the misidentification of wants as needs. As a m e a n s of p r o c u r i n g permission t o use d r u g s a n d t o violate the rules of society, persons c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle excuse their c o n d u c t o n the g r o u n d s t h a t their actions are driven b y needs over w h i c h t h e y have n o voluntary control. Criminally involved persons often convince themselves t h a t they " n e e d " t h e m o n e y t h e y o b t a i n illegally in o r d e r t o finance a n e w car, take a vacation, or keep u p w i t h the latest c l o t h i n g trends in a g r a t u i t o u s effort t o justify the act p r i o r t o its c o m m i s s i o n . T h e misidentification of w a n t s as needs is frequently a p a r t of the e n t i t l e m e n t expressed by persons involved in a d r u g hfestyle as well: Maty had begun using tranquilizers such as Valium and Librium during college as a way of dealing with the anxiety she experienced in both social and academic situations. After college, she took a job as an advertising executive and increased her use of tranquilizers to combat the rising pressure that accompanied this high-profile job. She held this position for six years, imtil both the pressure and the drug use got to be too much, at which point she quit her job and entered a drug rehabilitation program. It was not until she gave up the belief, based in entitlement, that she needed the drugs to function "normally" that she truly began to enter the early stages of recovery. W h e n people convince themselves t h a t t h e y need s o m e t h i n g , they are, in effect, g r a n t i n g themselves permission t o d o w h a t e v e r it takes t o satisfy t h a t need. T h e separation of wants from needs is conse­ q u e n t l y an i m p o r t a n t step in the change process. Power

Orientation

L o w self-esteem is c o m m o n t o t h e d r u g and criminal lifestyles. Given t h a t d r u g - and crime-involved persons are o r i e n t e d t o w a r d t h e external e n v i r o n m e n t , it makes g o o d intuitive sense t h a t t h e i r m o o d s s h o u l d shift in response t o c h a n g i n g e n v i r o n m e n t a l contin­ gencies. W h e n such persons arc in c o n t r o l of a situation t h e y feel

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p o t e n t , virile, a n d exhilarated. Feeney's ( 1 9 8 6 ) r o b b e r s , for instance, expressed sentiments s h o w i n g t h a t they found r o b b i n g people at g u n p o i n t t o be a very rewarding and gratifying experience. D a v i d McClelland a n d his associates have d e t e r m i n e d t h a t m a n y heavy drinkers display p o w e r - o r i e n t e d interests a n d fantasies designed, p e r h a p s , t o c o m p e n s a t e for inner feelings of worthlessness a n d fear (McClelland, Davis, Kalin, & W a n n e r , 1 9 7 2 ) . Paul J. Goldstein ( 1 9 8 1 ) reports t h a t hustling and c o p p i n g behaviors n o t only provide h e r o i n addicts w i t h a source of income b u t also p r o m o t e a sense of e n v i r o n m e n t a l control a n d influence t h a t can b e c o m e self-reinforc­ ing over t i m e . P o w e r is therefore seen as an i m p o r t a n t m o t i v a t o r of b o t h d r u g and criminal lifestyle activities. W h e n an individual w h o places a p r e m i u m o n external c o n t r o l fails t o exert c o n t r o l over an e n v i r o n m e n t a l event or situation, he or she is faced w i t h w h a t Yochelson and S a m e n o w ( 1 9 7 6 ) refer t o as the "zero state." Physically impotent, weak, and powerless are adjectives c o m m o n l y used t o describe the zero-state experience. Settings w h e r e d r u g addicts and criminals are c o m m o n l y found, including jails, prisons, and d r u n k tanks, eUcit zero-state feehngs by illustrating just h o w little control the individual has over his or her i m m e d i a t e environment. Zero-state feelings are typically eliminated by thoughts and actions designed t o take control of a situation, a p h e n o m e n o n k n o w n as "power thrusting" (Yochelson & Samenow, 1976). T h e power orientation, therefore, comprises t w o interrelated processes: the zero state and the power thrust. Some individuals have become so sensitive to zero-state feelings that they power thrust at the first hint of a negative affective state and give the appearance of p o w e r thrusting for n o apparent reason. I t is the contention of lifestyle theory, however, that the zero state and power thrust g o hand in hand, and that nearly all power thrusts can be traced back to a stimulatory zero state. T h e p o w e r t h r u s t can be expressed in several forms, the m o s t o b v i o u s being physical. H e r e the individual either physically assaults a n o t h e r person or engages in p r o p e r t y destruction. T h e verbal p o w e r t h r u s t is characterized by frequent a r g u m e n t s and conversations designed t o p u t s o m e o n e else d o w n or m a k e oneself appear t o be m o r e intelligent or educated t h a n is actually t h e case. T h e m e n t a l p o w e r t h r u s t entails r e w o r k i n g a situation over in one's m i n d so t h a t o n e comes o u t o n t o p and s o m e o n e else is embarrassed or humili­ ated. T h o u g h the m e n t a l p o w e r t h r u s t m a y reflect greater self-con­ trol t h e n either the physical or verbal p o w e r t h r u s t , it is by n o m e a n s a satisfactory response t o zero-state feelings in t h a t , like the physical and verbal p o w e r t h r u s t s , it reinforces the b o n d b e t w e e n the zero

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state and the p o w e r thrust. U n t i l the individual learns t o cope w i t h zero-state feelings in ways o t h e r t h a n by p o w e r t h r u s t i n g , he or she will c o n t i n u e t o be victimized b y his or her irrational power-seekin g behavior. This is clearly delineated in the following case history: Tim was a 15-year-old bully who sought to exert power and control over his environment at every turn. It got to the point where his parents could no longer control his behavior and had him admitted to a treatment unit for behaviorally disordered juveniles. A disruptive influence on the unit, Tim would regularly put other residents down and would take positions in arguments that not even he agreed with. He argued simply to be in control of situations, and he rarely "lost" an argument because he wouldn't stay around long enough to hear the other person's point of view. Furthermore, if there was something he wanted he would simply take it. On the unit he would intimidate and threaten and, in the rare instances when this did not get him his way, he would become physically aggressive, punching a wall if the conflict was with a staff person or assaulting the other person if the conflict was with a peer. P o w e r thrusts d o not always follow along the physical-verbal-mcntal c o n t i n u u m . Within the context of the d r u g lifestyle, the power thrust can be seen as an attempt by the individual t o gain a sense of control over his or her feehng state t h r o u g h the use of mood-altering sub­ stances. T h e specific m o o d a d r u g promotes may be less important than the fact that the d r u g facilitates a change in m o o d . T h e power thrust can also be visual, in the sense that it might involve attracting attention t o oneself t h r o u g h the clothing one wears or the way one acts. Some­ times the power thrust is symbolic, as displayed in the actions of the 42-year-old female w h o serves as the subject of the next case vignette: A product of the Woodstock generation, Winny had spent the past 25 years in and out of various drug treatment facilities with very little success. It did not bother her that many of her friends and family considered her a "dope fiend," a label that, in fact, she seemed to regard with a certain degree of pride. Winny went out of her way to attract attention to herself through the unusual, outdated clothes she wore and the company she kept. This, however, did nothing to alleviate the depression and powerlessness she felt when she could not control her life. Eventually she engaged in the ultimate power thrust, overdosing on a combination of tranquilizers, cocaine, and heroin. I n addition t o p r o v i d i n g the individual w i t h constructive ways of m a n a g i n g zero-state feelings, t r e a t m e n t needs t o w o r k t o w a r d a

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r e o r i e n t a t i o n o f t h i n k i n g in w h i c h external c o n t r o l is n o l o n g e r valued above all else and is gradually replaced b y a m o r e realistic c o n t r o l goal, t h a t of self-discipline. Sentimentality Because some of the actions in which people engage are incompatible with the positive images they m a y have fashioned for themselves, they m u s t find ways t o reconcile obvious discrepancies between their behav­ ior and their positive self-views. O n e way this m i g h t be accomplished is t h r o u g h a thinking style k n o w n as sentimentaUty (Yochelson & Samenow, 1976). T h o u g h all hvunans display sentimentality from time t o time, persons involved in a d r u g or criminal lifestyle must often g o t o greater lengths in atoning for their behavior because their transgres­ sions are usually m o r e extreme and the consequences ostensibly m o r e far-reaching than those of the average citizen. Like mollification, senti­ mentality is designed t o justify behavior after its occurrence; however, whereas mollification entails justification o n the basis of various envi­ ronmental considerations, sentimentality involves justification o n the basis of one's o w n abilities and g o o d nature. T h e white-collar offenders interviewed by Benson (1985) utilized both mollification and senti­ mentality t o neutralize guilt b r o u g h t o n by their violations of societal rules. Bennett's (1986) heroin addicts did m u c h the same thing in justifying their involvement in a drug lifestyle. Sentimentality, as it pertains t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle, con­ sists of a self-centered a t t e m p t by the individual t o p a t t e r n a n d p r o m o t e a positive image of him- or herself, thereby denying, ignoring, or trivializing the negative consequences of his or her lifestyle decision. D r u g abusers and criminals frequently focus their senti­ mentality o n the small, the injured, and t h e helpless. T h u s defense­ less children, w o u n d e d animals, and infirm elders are often the beneficiaries of d r u g abusers' or criminals' self-centered a t t e m p t s t o project positive personal images. W i t h t h e hospitalized d r u g abuser or the incarcerated criminal, sentimentality often takes t h e form of concern for the patient's or inmate's family or children, a l t h o u g h prior t o the separation m a n y such individuals have little t i m e for their families because their priorities lie elsewhere. T h i s exposes the selfish core a n d false nature of s e n t i m e n t a h t y , a fact t h a t is b o r n e o u t fiirther in the following case vignette: Mike had a long history of alcohol abuse that had been a source of embarrassment and turmoil for his wife and three young children.

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However, in Milce's own mind he was the consmnmate family man. H e would tell himself that his family never had to apply for welfare and that he always attended his children's birthday parties, even if he had to interrupt a drinking binge to be there. Mike never really understood the psychological pain he put his family through until he was confronted by his wife and kids in a particularly intensive session of family therapy that had been set up through the employee assistance program sponsored b y Mike's employer.

Sentimentality m a y also appear in an aesthetic o r artistic form, as represented by an individual's involvement w i t h art, m u s i c , o r literature. T h e p r o b l e m w i t h these particular expressions of senti­ m e n t a l i t y is t h a t a l t h o u g h a person m a y d a b b l e in these activities from t i m e t o time—chiefly w h e n hospitalized o r incarcerated—he or she frequently loses interest in these diversions once t h e o p p o r ­ t u n i t y for m o r e i m m e d i a t e a n d self-indulgent activities appears as a consequence of release back t o t h e c o m m u n i t y : Jim was an accomplished artist, or at least so he thought. While in prison, he would spend much of his time in the recreation department, painting landscapes that he either imagined in his mind or saw in books and magazines. H e would brag to other inmates that he was going to be a professional painter upon his release from prison and that he had several offers from galleries for his paintings. Whether this was true or not, upon his release from prison Jim abandoned painting, professional or other­ wise, and began writing bad checks to cover the lavish lifestyle of drugs, women, and fun to which he believed he was entitled. O n his return to prison after only six months in the community, Jim resumed his painting career as if he had never left.

O n e q u e s t i o n often raised w h e n t h e topic of sentimentality is b r o a c h e d is h o w t o discriminate b e t w e e n sentimentality a n d t r u e caring and concern. T h e m o s t obvious difference is that sentimentaUty is selfish a n d e g o centered, whereas genuine social concern is selfless a n d o t h e r centered. M o s t people display b o t h sentimentality a n d t r u e concern, a n d m a n y actions s u b s u m e a c o m b i n a t i o n o f the t w o . However, it should be pointed o u t that sentimentahty catmot b e distin­ guished from genuine care a n d concern w i t h any degree o f accuracy or confidence except b y t h e individual h i m - o r herself. T h e goal of i n t e r v e n t i o n is t o assist clients i n c o m i n g t o t e r m s w i t h t h e i r negative behavior by instructing t h e m in ways in w h i c h they m i g h t strip away t h e sentimentality that clouds their self-awareness and inhibits their will t o change. Without active intervention directed specifically at

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sentimentality, the client, in all likelihood, will c o n t i n u e t o view h i m - o r herself as a g o o d person w h o does n o real h a r m t o others a n d therefore requires n o change in behavior. Superop

timism

S u p e r o p t i m i s m consists of an unrealistic appraisal of one's ability t o avoid the negative consequences of one's behavior (Yochelson & S a m e n o w , 1 9 7 6 ) . T h o u g h g r o u n d e d in fantasy, s u p e r o p t i m i s m , at least initially, is based o n several facts. I t is a fact, for instance, t h a t criminals get away w i t h the majority of their offenses. W h e n we consider t h a t r o u g h l y half of all crimes g o u n r e p o r t e d (Eck & Riccio, 1 9 7 9 ) a n d t h a t only 5 2 % of t h e violent crimes a n d 1 6 % of the p r o p e r t y crimes r e p o r t e d t o police are actually cleared by arrest ( M a g u i r e & Flanagan, 1 9 9 1 ) , we can see t h a t offenders have a 7 5 % chance of g e t t i n g away w i t h a serious violent crime and a 9 2 % chance of g e t t i n g away w i t h a significant p r o p e r t y crime. Similarly, because of t h e remarkable recuperative p o w e r s of the h u m a n b o d y a n d the resilience of the h u m a n spirit, the average individual can c o n s u m e large quantities of alcohol and o t h e r d r u g s a n d n o t neces­ sarily experience the negative consequences of the d r u g lifestyle for m a n y m o n t h s or even years. T h e result is t h a t s u p e r o p t i m i s m devel­ ops as a consequence of involvement in a d r u g or criminal lifestyle in which early success encourages the t a k i n g of even greater risks o n the s t r e n g t h of the belief t h a t o n e will be able t o avoid the negative consequences of this lifestyle indefinitely. M o s t criminals realize t h a t there is a chance they will eventually get c a u g h t (Katz, 1 9 7 9 ) , b u t m o s t convince themselves t h a t it will n o t be at the present time. As a case in p o i n t , only 2 1 % of t h e r o b b e r s interviewed by Feeney ( 1 9 8 6 ) considered apprehension a risk they s h o u l d concern themselves w i t h in p l a n n i n g their m o s t recent r o b ­ bery. This superoptimistic attitude tends t o g r o w w i t h experience in a criminal lifestyle, as s h o w n in a study by R . A. Siegel ( 1 9 7 8 ) . Siegel discerned that psychopathic and nonpsychopathic offenders achieved c o m p a r a b l e results o n a card-sorting task w h e n the probability of p u n i s h m e n t was very high or very low, b u t t h a t the g r o u p h i g h in p s y c h o p a t h y (a c o n c e p t t h a t seems t o parallel the criminal lifestyle in m a n y respects) achieved significantly lower w i n n i n g s and substan­ tially lower response suppression w h e n the probability of punish­ m e n t was uncertain. Siegel interprets these findings as s u p p o r t i n g a cognitive interpretation of criminal behavior in w h i c h magical and superstitious t h i n k i n g p r e d o m i n a t e s in persons w h o s h o w clear

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allegiance t o a criminal lifestyle (i.e., psychopathic offenders). T h e self-destructive aspects of s u p e r o p t i m i s m are depicted in the follow^­ ing case vignette: Sarah had never held a legitimate job for longer than two weeks, and she was informed by her probation officer that if she violated the conditions of her probation one more time she would be spending the next six months in jail. Her voracious appetite for benzodiazepine (Xanax) and opioids (Dilaudid) had led her into a number of illegal activities, includ­ ing shoplifting and periodic work as a prostitute. With each successful shoplifting escapade she became increasingly self-confident, to the point that she stopped taking even basic precautions. It was not long before she was apprehended attempting to boost a television set from a large department store, when the set's cord dropped from beneath the over­ sized dress she was wearing to conceal the item. The police were unsym­ pathetic to her protestations that she would never engage in this behavior again and took her to the police station for booking. Just as it is i m p o r t a n t t o discriminate between sentimentality a n d t r u e care and concern, it is vital t h a t the individual be able t o distinguish b e t w e e n s u p e r o p t i m i s m and a healthy sense of self-con­ fidence. Self-confidence and n o r m a l o p t i m i s m are based in reahty and help t o direct individuals t o w a r d realistic goals; s u p e r o p t i m i s m is based in fantasy and is u n p r o d u c t i v e because it deceives individu­ als i n t o believing they can realize fantastic goals w i t h m i n i m a l effort. Needless t o say, a l t h o u g h the superoptimistic individual m a y suc­ ceed for a p e r i o d of t i m e , his or her luck will eventually run o u t , w h i c h in the e n d only makes the ultimate failure t h a t m u c h m o r e d r a m a t i c and tragic. Such was the case w i t h J e r o m e , the subject of the next case v i g n e t t e : Jerome was a 19-year-old PCP smoker when he was brought into the hospital emergency room in a quasi-psychotic state. Several days later, when he was more coherent, he described his descent into a drug lifestyle. He had seen friends and acquaintances suffering personal, family, and physical problems as a consequence of their use of PCP and other drugs, but he kept telling himself that it couldn't happen to him because he could control his use of drugs. Of course, the fact that he had used PCP 30 or 40 times before he had his first negative experience simply added to the superoptimism that seemed to grow each time he used drugs. It would take several more trips to the hospital emergency room for Jerome to realize that each time he ingested PCP he was gambling with his future; he eventually abandoned the drug lifestyle and entered college.

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Cognitive

Indolence

Persons initially involved in a d r u g or criminal lifestyle m a y t e n d t o be cautious in evaluating d r u g or criminal o p p o r t u n i t i e s . O v e r t i m e , however, these individuals b e c o m e progressively lazier and m o r e uncritical of their t h o u g h t s a n d plans. W a r n i n g signs they m a y have heeded in the past are n o w i g n o r e d or overlooked as the individuals m o v e i n t o the m o r e advanced stages of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. R e a s o n i n g powers are directed at achieving t h e swiftest possible results, regardless of w h a t this m i g h t m e a n in t h e l o n g r u n . S h o r t c u t t h i n k i n g also becomes increasingly prevalent as c o m m i t ­ m e n t t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle g r o w s . Because of t h e lazy, uncritical a p p r o a c h a d o p t e d by m o s t early- a n d advanced-stage d r u g abusers and criminals in the face of everyday p r o b l e m s , their lives get o u t of c o n t r o l rather quickly. T h o u g h they m a y find s h o r t - t e r m solutions t o their p r o b l e m s , their m y o p i c a p p r o a c h t o p r o b l e m solving eventually creates even m o r e serious p r o b l e m s for t h e m in the l o n g run. D r u g s m a y alleviate anxiety, stress, and frustration for a brief p e r i o d of t i m e , b u t they rarely solve the l o n g - t e r m p r o b l e m s t h a t plague those w h o misuse d r u g s . C o n t i n u e d d r u g abuse s u b s e q u e n t l y leads t o further deterioration of these p e r s o n s ' abilities t o think critically and solve p r o b l e m s effectively. I n this respect, d r u g s are b o t h a cause and an effect of cognitive indolence. T h e e n d result is an individual w h o has difficulty c o n d u c t i n g an objective review of his or her behavior and w h o generally comes across as lazy and irresponsible in interpersonal situations: Samantha enjoyed the effect marijuana had on her behavior, and she would while away the hours smoking this substance with a small circle of friends. When high on marijuana, she and her friends would discuss their plans for the future, though they often neglected the details and logistics of how they might carry these plans out in a realistic fashion. Nearly everyone in the group had rejected family, work, and financial responsibilities. Responsibility was particularly frightening to Saman­ tha—so frightening, in fact, that she entered a treatment program so that she would not lose her social security benefits. However, she dropped out of treatment after several days because, she said, she viewed it as irrelevant to her situation and life goals. In reality, she didn't want to invest the energy required to complete the program successfully. Saman­ tha rationalized that nobody in society cared and went back to the only place where she felt accepted—her small circle of pot-smoking friends.

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T h e t h i n k i n g of persons involved in d r u g and criminal lifestyles often gravitates tow^ard "get-rich-quick" schemes because m a n y such individuals desire material success b u t d o n o t wish t o invest the t i m e a n d effort required t o attain it t h r o u g h legitimate channels. Even in situations w h e r e they m i g h t benefit from a d o p t i n g a m o r e critical a t t i t u d e , persons affiliated w i t h a d r u g or criminal lifestyle charac­ teristically assume a lazy or nonvigilant a t t i t u d e . I n o n e study, in w h i c h a g r o u p of incarcerated offenders was exposed t o an avcrsive o n e - s e c o n d t o n e , 9 0 % selected a nonvigilant a p p r o a c h t o a task (listening t o a n i g h t c l u b comic) w h e n the aversive t o n e could n o t be avoided. H o w e v e r , w h e n the t o n e could be avoided, 7 5 % of t h e sample c o n t i n u e d w i t h t h e nonvigilant m o d e despite t h e fact t h a t a vigilant a t t i t u d e w o u l d have aided t h e m in t e r m i n a t i n g t h e aversive stimulus ( H a r e , 1 9 8 2 ) . Nonvigilance is e p i t o m i z e d in the following case v i g n e t t e : Jake was serving a six-month sentence in a federal prison camp for embezzling money from the fast-food restaurant where he worked while attending a local college. With a measured I Q of 125 and a pleasing disposition, Jake had what it took to be a success. However, lack of effort, procrastination, and a nonvigilant approach to situations had left him 36 credits short of a bachelor's degree after four years of college. H e subsequendy left the university to work in the auto industry. Though he drew a good salary, he soon became bored and quit. After several months of wandering through the American Southwest, he returned to his hometown near Detroit, where he enrolled part-time in a local college program and went to work at a fast-food restaurant. Always one to take advantage of shortcut opportunities, Jake began to steal money from the cash register imtil one day, because of nonvigilance, he was literally caught with his hand in the till. I n w o r k i n g w i t h a client w h o has a p r o b l e m w i t h nonvigilance a n d cognitive indolence, a useful intervention t e c h n i q u e is t o p i n the individual d o w n t o specifics. Because cognitive indolence, like t h e o t h e r seven t h i n k i n g styles, is a p a t t e r n e d t h o u g h t process, it con­ tinues t o evolve as the lifestyle unfolds. Statements such as "I'll get t o it t o m o r r o w " and " I t will eventually w o r k o u t " reflect t h e lack of critical reasoning found in cognitive indolence, a p a t t e r n t h a t will c o n t i n u e t o p r o s p e r if such statements are n o t challenged. C o g n i t i v e indolence impedes t h e c h a n g e process by p r o v i d i n g an escape h a t c h for t h e negative self-statements t h a t serve the d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles. P e r s o n s in a d r u g or criminal lifestyle m u s t be c o n f r o n t e d

68

D R U G S A N D CRIME IN LIFESTYLE

PERSPECTIVE

w h e n they procrastinate, o p p o s e d w h e n they take s h o r t c u t s , and m a d e t o be m o r e specific w h e n they offer vague generahties in place of concrete strategies and plans. W i t h o u t such corrective action, cognitive indolence will c o n t i n u e t o g r o w and the individual will have n o reason t o challenge his or her lazy, irresponsible t h i n k i n g . Discontinuity Just because s o m e o n e involved in a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle desires and pursues change is n o guarantee t h a t c h a n g e will occur. D r u g - and crime-involved subjects are inclined t o lose sight of l o n g - t e r m goals in their single-minded p u r s u i t of i m m e d i a t e grati­ fication and the exploration of d r u g and criminal o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Even if the individual actively rejects the i m m e d i a t e gratification of d r u g s and crime, he or she m u s t still overcome years of prior learning in w h i c h s h o r t - t e r m desires have been placed ahead of l o n g - t e r m goals. L e a r n i n g new ways t o cope w i t h life situations can be an extremely a r d u o u s task and o n e t h a t requires a great deal m o r e patience, perseverance, and effort t h a n a person currently or pre­ viously c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle is used t o exercis­ ing. H e n c e such an individual will display inconsistency, lack of focus, and p o o r goal a t t a i n m e n t , because he or she lacks internal direction and self-discipline. This is w h a t lifestyle theorists refer t o as discontinuity. T h e lack of persistence and the unpredictability t h a t characterize d r u g and criminal lifestyles can be traced back ro early d e v e l o p m e n ­ tal factors. As W e r n e r ( 1 9 5 7 ) has postulated, the h u m a n o r g a n i s m moves from a state of global undifferentiation, t o o n e of differentia­ t i o n , t o o n e of integration. T h e y o u n g child is, by n a t u r e , discon­ t i n u o u s . T h e i n a t t e n t i o n of infancy occurs because the o r g a n i s m c a n n o t differentiate itself from the external e n v i r o n m e n t . W i t h differentiation comes further m o v e m e n t away from this primitive state of egocentricity, a l t h o u g h it is n o t until the individual achieves i n t e g r a t i o n t h a t h e or she develops t r u e a u t o n o m y . A p e r s o n at risk for future p r o b l e m s of either a d r u g or criminal n a t u r e is viewed t o be less a u t o n o m o u s and m o r e externally o r i e n t e d t h a n those w h o d o n o t abuse drugs or engage in serious criminality (Buikhuisen, Bon­ tekoe, Plas-Korenhoff, & van B u u r e n , 1 9 8 4 ) . This external orienta­ t i o n n o t only places the individual at increased risk for future d r u g and criminal o u t c o m e s b u t also makes the individual m o r e suscep­ tible t o e n v i r o n m e n t a l distraction:

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Maria began using alcohol and marijuana when she was 14. By age 16 she had added crack cocaine and the psychostimulant ice to the list of drugs she imbibed regularly. She would talk a great deal about her plans for the future, but rarely followed through on these intentions. During these conversations Maria would jump around from subject to subject, making it difficult for others to understand her and leading many of them to avoid her altogether. Feeling isolated, Maria sought solace at crack houses, where her use of crack and ice only served to make her thoughts and actions even more discontinuous and fragmented. T h e lack of i n t e g r a t i o n that gives rise t o an external o r i e n t a t i o n also facilitates the d e v e l o p m e n t of a process k n o w n as c o m p a r t m e n ­ talization. A child naturally c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z e s seemingly i n c o m p a t ­ ible experiences. An individual w h o never fitlly realizes the integration stage of h u m a n cognitive d e v e l o p m e n t is therefore at risk for engag­ ing in extensive c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z a t i o n d u r i n g a d u l t h o o d . C o m p a r t ­ mentalization lends itself t o future d r u g and criminal o u t c o m e s because it provides the individual w i t h the o p p o r t u n i t y t o isolate, a n d therefore avoid, the responsibilities associated w i t h adult living. C o n s e q u e n t l y , the individual does n o t have t o deal w i t h the less savory aspects of his or her behavior because they can be neatly and conveniently classified as uncharacteristic anomalies ("not m e " ) . O f course, a l t h o u g h c o m p a r t m e n t a l i z a t i o n a n d t h e external o r i e n t a t i o n m a y have their roots in early developmental experiences, b o t h evolve further in s u p p o r t of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle because they are c o n v e n i e n t ways of evading responsibility for one's actions. W i t h regard t o intervention, discontinuity interferes w i t h a per­ son's ability t o carry o u t initially g o o d i n t e n t i o n s , because, a l t h o u g h the individual m a y desire change at a specific p o i n t in t i m e , he or she has difficulty m a i n t a i n i n g this c o m m i t m e n t in the face of shifting e n v i r o n m e n t a l contingencies. T h e external o r i e n t a t i o n and c o m p a r t ­ mentalization t h a t form the basis of discontinuity aggravate t h e individual's vulnerability t o negative life events because he or she is u n a b l e t o exercise c o n t r o l over his or her behavior because of a lack of b o t h integration and cognitive m a t u r i t y . This is explicitly dis­ played in the following case v i g n e t t e : When he was released from prison for the second time, Roland told himself that he would never forget the prison experience and would use the memory of it to avoid any future legal problems. Prison soon faded from memory, however, as Roland became familiar once again with life on the streets. Within two weeks Roland's conception of prison was

70

DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE nothing more than a surrealistic nightmare that had no impact whatso­ ever on his behavior. It was not long before he was back in trouble and back in prison.

T h i s unfortunately all-too-familiar story captures the attitudes and beliefs of m a n y persons w^ho leave prison w^ith the best of i n t e n t i o n s b u t w i n d u p in t r o u b l e shortly thereafter because t h e y lack the skills a n d perseverance necessary t o achieve l o n g - t e r m success. C o n f r o n t ­ ing the discontinuity of the d r u g and criminal lifestyles is therefore an i m p o r t a n t step in any p r o g r a m of i n t e r v e n t i o n designed t o convert g o o d intentions i n t o reahstic action.

Conclusion I t is clear t h a t d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles are s u p p o r t e d by a c o m m o n set of beliefs. H o w e v e r , just because these lifestyles share t h e same eight t h i n k i n g patterns does n o t m e a n t h a t the cognitive features associated w i t h d r u g a n d criminal involvement are identical. T h i n k i n g tends t o vary as a function of the behavior it is designed t o s u p p o r t a n d p r o m o t e . Mollifications indigenous t o a d r u g lifestyle are invented for the p u r p o s e of legitimizing p a t t e r n e d d r u g use and the irresponsibility t h a t often accompanies such use, whereas molli­ fications t h a t are part of a criminal lifestyle arc formed in an effort t o justify angry feelings by finding fault w i t h others o r w i t h society in general. Likewise, the p o w e r o r i e n t a t i o n observed in a d r u g lifestyle concerns the individual's need t o gain a sense of c o n t r o l over his or her m o o d a n d the d r u g use v e n u e , whereas in a criminal setting the p o w e r o r i e n t a t i o n has t o d o w i t h attaining p o w e r a n d c o n t r o l over o t h e r s . W h e n it comes r i g h t d o w n t o it, h o w e v e r , mollification, p o w e r o r i e n t a t i o n , and the o t h e r six t h i n k i n g p a t t e r n s are m o r e similar t h a n they are different w h e n c o m p a r e d across t h e d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles, and they g o a l o n g way t o w a r d explaining the d r u g - c r i m e overlap. I t s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t the eight t h i n k i n g patterns r e s p o n d t o b o t h d e v e l o p m e n t a l and experiential contingencies. As I have p o i n t e d o u t several times in this chapter, t h e eight t h i n k i n g patterns have their r o o t s in early developmental issues. Persons w h o e n c o u n t e r diffi­ culty w i t h w h a t lifestyle theorists refer t o as the early life tasks ( P e r s o n X Situation interactions) are placed at increased risk for future d r u g a n d criminal o u t c o m e s . By the same t o k e n , environ­ m e n t a l experiences m a y also place a person at increased risk for

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future d r u g and criminal i n v o l v e m e n t by s u p p o r t i n g o n e o r m o r e of the eight t h i n k i n g patterns. T h e p o w e r o r i e n t a t i o n , for instance, is inspired by early interactions in an e n v i r o n m e n t w h e r e physical prowess a n d p o w e r are prized over intellectual a c u m e n . A certain percentage of persons exposed t o this type e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d a smaller percentage of persons n o t so exposed, will t h e n elect t o e n g a g e in d r u g and crime activities sufficient t o enter i n t o t h e early stages of lifestyle d e v e l o p m e n t . Experiential contingencies enter the picture as the individual begins t o form a c o m m i t m e n t t o a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle a n d gradually finds it necessary t o justify and rationalize his o r h e r lifestyle-based activities. Occasionally, this experiential effect is a direct consequence of a d r u g or criminal event; for example, the pharmacological action of cocaine m a y directly stimulate t h e devel­ o p m e n t of grandiosity a n d the t h i n k i n g p a t t e r n of s u p e r o p t i m i s m . M o r e often, h o w e v e r , the experiential effect can b e traced t o actual involvement in lifestyle activities, as is the case w i t h cognitive indolence, w h i c h tends t o g r o w as the individual avoids adult responsibilities. I n u n d e r s t a n d i n g the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n it is i m p o r t a n t , therefore, t o r e m e m b e r t h a t as a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle evolves, the t h i n k i n g patterns t h a t s u p p o r t this lifestyle b e c o m e increasingly i n t e r t w i n e d a n d mutually d e p e n d e n t . C o n s e q u e n t l y , d u r i n g the m o r e advanced stages of lifestyle d e v e l o p m e n t , expres­ sions o f o n e t h i n k i n g p a t t e r n t e n d t o activate o n e o r m o r e o t h e r t h i n k i n g p a t t e r n s , w h i c h , in t u r n , facilitate a cross-fertilization of related lifestyles such as those t h a t sustain d r u g and criminal activity.

5. C h a n g e

τ

i he overriding purpose of Hfestyle intervention is t o stimulate, p r o m o t e , and enlist a client's adaptive resources. Whereas a d r u g or criminal lifestyle encourages entrenchment, adaptation fosters change. Lifestyle intervention branches off into t w o distinct tracts, also k n o w n as the structural and functional models of interven­ tion. T h e present discussion is organized around the structural model, the three primary goals of which are (a) t o modify and manage current-contextual conditions, (b) to accentuate choice options and decision-making competence, and (c) t o identify and challenge irra­ tional and self-defeating forms of ideation as a means of generating rational alternatives t o drug- and criminal-activity-oriented thinking.

Condition-Based Change Strategies Based o n research showing that current-contextual conditions may have greater relevance t o the drug-crime connection than historical­ 73

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DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

d e v e l o p m e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s , t h e present discussion will examine ways in w h i c h current-contextual conditions m i g h t be effectively m a n ­ aged. N e g a t i v e affect, interoceptive and exteroceptive cues, avail­ ability, a n d interpersonal situations have been implicated as i m p o r ­ t a n t in relapse t o b o t h d r u g abuse (Bradley et al., 1 9 8 9 ; M a r l a t t , 1 9 7 8 ) a n d crime (Cusson & Pinsonneault, 1 9 8 6 ; W e s t & Far­ r i n g t o n , 1 9 7 3 ) . Research suggests t h a t a variety of different tech­ niques m i g h t be useful in m a n a g i n g current-contextua l c o n d i t i o n s , b u t affect regulation, cue control, access r e d u c t i o n , relationship modification, and substitution are the procedures t h a t have the greatest level of d o c u m e n t e d efficacy in this regard. Affect

Regulation

I t has been p r o p o s e d t h a t stress causes negative affect, w h i c h , in t u r n , elevates the risk of relapse in persons w h o customarily alleviate stress-linked negative affect by ingesting chemicals (self-medication) or e n g a g i n g in o t h e r forms of acting-out behavior (e.g., delinquency a n d c r i m e ) . Analyzing 3 1 1 relapse episodes suffered by treated alcoholics, h e r o i n addicts, cigarette smokers, overeaters, a n d c o m ­ pulsive gamblers, C u m m i n g s , G o r d o n , and M a r l a t t ( 1 9 8 0 ) dis­ cerned t h a t negative e m o t i o n a l states (depression, anger, and frus­ t r a t i o n ) accounted for 3 5 % of the relapses suffered by these subjects. T h e retrospective accounts of 30 inpatients enrolled in an alcohol t r e a t m e n t p r o g r a m revealed t h a t negative e m o t i o n a l states such as anger/frustration and depression accounted for 4 7 % of the initial lapses and 8 0 % of the r e p o r t e d episodes of d r u g use following t h e initial lapse (Schonfeld, R o h r e r , D u p r e e , & T h o m a s , 1 9 8 9 ) . C u s s o n and P i n s o n n e a u l t ( 1 9 8 6 ) ascertained t h a t depression, b o r e d o m , a n d frustration w e r e i m p o r t a n t in e n c o u r a g i n g the r e s u m p t i o n of crimi­ nal activity in a g r o u p of ex-offenders w h o h a d been living crime-free in the c o m m u n i t y for several years. Pithers et al. ( 1 9 8 3 ) surmised t h a t anger and a desire for p o w e r b r o u g h t o n by negative life events w e r e i m p o r t a n t themes in t h e reports of rapists w h o relapsed, whereas depression and isolation were m o r e c o m m o n precipitants of relapse in pedophiles. Given t h a t negative affect appears t o be largely a consequence of e n v i r o n m e n t a l stress, the logical a p p r o a c h t o t r e a t m e n t w o u l d be t o instruct d r u g abusers and criminals in such stress m a n a g e m e n t techniques as relaxation training, exercise, assertiveness, a n d anger c o n t r o l . T h e stress-reducing properties and capabilities of relaxation t r a i n i n g (Davidson & Schwartz, 1 9 7 6 ) , m e d i t a t i o n ( S h a p i r o &

Change

75

W a l s h , 1 9 8 4 ) , a n d biofeedback ( K h a t a m i , M i n t z , & O ' B r i e n , 1 9 7 8 ) are well d o c u m e n t e d . T h e applicability of these procedures t o the t r e a t m e n t of d r u g abuse a n d criminality remains an o p e n q u e s t i o n , b u t t h e r e is s o m e evidence t h a t relaxation training (Marlatt & M a r q u e s , 1 9 7 7 ) , biofeedback ( D e n n e y , B a u g h , & H a r d t , 1 9 9 1 ) , aerobic exercise ( M u r p h y , P a g a n o , & M a r l a t t , 1 9 8 6 ) , a n d assertive­ ness t r a i n i n g (Chancy, O ' L e a r y , & M a r l a t t , 1 9 7 8 ) m a y be of s o m e assistance t o persons a t t e m p t i n g t o extricate themselves from a d r u g lifestyle, a n d t h a t desensitization (Bancroft, 1 9 7 0 ) a n d role-playing procedures (Sarason, 1 9 6 8 ) m a y be of s o m e value in p r e v e n t i n g former offenders from relapsing i n t o a criminal lifestyle. Cue

Control

Just as negative affect can be a t t r i b u t e d t o stressful life events, u r g e s , cravings, a n d w i t h d r a w a l s y m p t o m s are largely a consequence of exteroceptive (external) and interoceptive (internal) stimuli o r cues. T h e o p p o n e n t process m o d e l of tolerance a n d w i t h d r a w a l s y m p t o m a t o l o g y i m p u t e s the subjective experience of craving t o exteroceptive (external) cues t h a t elicit a d r u g - o p p o s i t e or c o m p e n ­ satory effect designed t o prepare t h e o r g a n i s m for d r u g ingestion (S. Siegel, 1 9 8 8 ) . C o n s i s t e n t w i t h this v i e w p o i n t , research shows t h a t alcohol has a s t r o n g e r effect o n h e a r t rate (Drafters & A n d e r s o n , 1 9 8 2 ) a n d cognitive functioning (Shapiro & N a t h a n , 1 9 8 6 ) w h e n it is served in settings n o t typically associated w i t h alcohol c o n s u m p ­ t i o n , p r e s u m a b l y because m a n y of t h e ethanol-related cues k n o w n t o give rise t o a d r u g - o p p o s i t e effect are absent. T h e fact t h a t h e r o i n addicts a n d patients prescribed m o r p h i n e have overdosed o n opiate levels they h a d previously been able t o tolerate w h e n u s i n g these substances in an unfamiliar setting is ftirther evidence in s u p p o r t of the validity of t h e o p p o n e n t process m o d e l of d r u g tolerance a n d w i t h d r a w a l s y m p t o m a t o l o g y (Siegel, H i n s o n , K r a n k , & McCuUy, 1982). Interoceptive a n d exteroceptive cues m a y be as i m p o r t a n t in the evolution of a criminal lifestyle as they are in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a d r u g lifestyle. P i t h e r s , K a s h i m a , C u m m i n g , Beal, and Buell ( 1 9 8 7 ) , for instance, d e t e r m i n e d t h a t 6 9 % of the rapists and 5 7 % of the pedophiles t h e y studied displayed deviant sexual preference as meas­ u r e d by t h e penile p l e t h y s m o g r a p h (a c o m m o n l y e m p l o y e d instru­ m e n t for measuring sexual arousal), with rapists exhibiting greater arousal t o visual depictions of rape t h a n t o scenes of consensual sexual intercourse and pedophiles recording extreme arousal in the

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presence of child-related cues. In carrying o u t such research, m o s t investigators indicate partiality t o w a r d a u d i o t a p e p r o c e d u r e s , in t h a t they p e r m i t greater modification of relevant stimulus parameters (e.g., age of victim, use of force) than d o videotape p r o c e d u r e s . F o r this same reason, m o s t clinicians prefer the use of audiotapes in t h e t r e a t m e n t of sex offenders. I t has been n o t e d in clinical research o n sex offender g r o u p s t h a t the probability of relapse is substantially reduced in situations where the cues associated w i t h the subject's deviant sexual arousal have been addressed t h r o u g h c o u n t e r c o n d i ­ t i o n i n g ( Q u i n s e y & Marshall, 1 9 8 3 ) . T h e r e are t w o basic procedures useful in m a n a g i n g the interocep­ tive a n d exteroceptive cues associated w i t h d r u g abuse and crime: cue avoidance and cue exposure. I t is n o t e w o r t h y t h a t only 1 2 % of the o p i a t e - d e p e n d e n t servicemen detoxified in V i e t n a m relapsed u p o n their return t o the U n i t e d States ( R o b i n s , D a v i s , & G o o d w i n , 1974) in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h a 9 0 % rate of relapse in detoxified addicts w h o are r e t u r n e d t o the e n v i r o n m e n t s in w h i c h they acquired their habits (Cushman, 1974). T h e remarkably low rate of relapse achieved by r e t u r n i n g V i e t n a m veterans has been ascribed t o a change in the stimulus parameters t h a t control d r u g use: t h a t is, m a n y of the e n v i r o n m e n t a l cues t h a t s u p p o r t e d h e r o i n use in V i e t n a m were n o longer present once the individuals r e t u r n e d t o the U n i t e d States (S. Siegel, 1 9 8 6 ) . C o n s e q u e n t l y , geographic change has been used and found m o d e r a t e l y efficacious in controlling relapse in opiate addicts living in D e t r o i t , M i c h i g a n ( R o s s , 1 9 7 3 ) ; San A n t o n i o , Texas ( M a d d u x & D e s m o n d , 1 9 8 2 ) ; and Sweden ( F r y k h o l m , 1 9 7 9 ) . T h e principal limitation of cue avoidance as an intervention for cuerelated craving is t h a t e n v i r o n m e n t a l or g e o g r a p h i c change is n o t always possible. F o r this reason o t h e r stimulus c o n t r o l p r o c e d u r e s , such as cue exposure, m u s t be considered. Extinction, or cue exposure, is a behavioral t e c h n i q u e wherein the subject is exposed t o the cues t h a t elicit craving b u t is prevented from e n g a g i n g in the behavior ( d r u g use, crime) t h a t will satisfy the craving. C o n t i n u e d presentation of the cue in the absence of the p r o h i b i t e d behavior leads t o a gradual w e a k e n i n g of the cue-behav­ ior b o n d and a c o r r e s p o n d i n g r e d u c t i o n in urges and craving. Blakey a n d Baker ( 1 9 8 0 ) exposed persons w i t h past histories of alcohol abuse t o a series of alcohol-related cues, such as the sight a n d smell of e t h a n o l and trips t o their favorite p u b , w i t h o u t allowing t h e m t o drink. After an initial period of increased craving a n d anxiety, Blakey and Baker discovered t h a t the u r g e t o drink gradually d i m i n i s h e d and eventually extinguished altogether. Thinking along parallel lines.

Change

77

R o n a l d Κ. Siegel ( 1 9 8 4 ) presented cocaine-dependent subjects w i t h vials c o n t a i n i n g a w h i t e p o w d e r y substance t h a t duplicated the o d o r and appearance of "street" cocaine. After several trials h e noticed t h a t the craving for cocaine began t o d w i n d l e , as d i d drug-seeking behavior. C u e exposure techniques m i g h t be m o s t efficacious if utilized in conjunction w i t h a standard regime of t r e a t m e n t , as was observed in a g r o u p of c o c a i n e - d e p e n d e n t Veterans A d m i n i s t r a t i o n patients ( O ' B r i e n , Childress, McLellan, & E h r m a n , 1 9 9 0 ) . A p r o c e d u r e k n o w n as m a s t u r b a t o r y satiation has p r o v e n m o d e r ­ ately efficacious in extinguishing the deviant fantasies a n d a b e r r a n t activities of male sex offenders. Therapists utilizing this a p p r o a c h instruct t h e client t o m a s t u r b a t e in the presence of an a p p r o p r i a t e stimulus or sexual fantasy (e.g., adult female) t o t h e p o i n t of ejaculation. F o l l o w i n g ejaculation, the client is advised t o c o n t i n u e m a s t u r b a t i n g for 5 0 m i n u t e s t o an h o u r t o the deviant stimulus o r fantasy (e.g., p r e p u b e s c e n t m a l e ) . This exposure t o a deviant stimu­ lus or fantasy w h e n in a n o n a r o u s e d state is the extinction phase of the t r e a t m e n t p r o g r a m . If by chance the offender s h o u l d b e c o m e aroused t o this deviant stimulus or fantasy, h e is instructed t o switch back immediately t o the a p p r o p r i a t e imaginal cue. M a s t u r b a t o r y satiation a n d a related p r o c e d u r e k n o w n as verbal satiation have also been found t o be effective in the t r e a t m e n t of sexually a b e r r a n t behavior (Abel & A n n o n , 1 9 8 2 ) , a l t h o u g h research o n these proce­ dures has been plagued by m e t h o d o l o g i c a l p r o b l e m s and oversights, r a n g i n g from small sample sizes t o the presence of n u m e r o u s u n c o n ­ trolled influences. Access

Reduction

H a v i n g access t o drugs or possessing the o p p o r t u n i t y t o violate the law are necessary prerequisites of d r u g use a n d crime. I t makes g o o d intuitive sense, t h e n , t h a t limiting a person's access t o d r u g s or criminal o p p o r t u n i t i e s m a y serve a behavioral m a n a g e m e n t func­ t i o n . T h e rate of liver cirrhosis (a reasonably g o o d public health indicator of alcohol a b u s e ) , for instance, shows reasonably g o o d c o n c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e availability of alcohol in cross-national studies o n alcoholism (Crowley, 1 9 8 8 ) . Crowley ( 1 9 8 8 ) found further evidence in favor of an availability-drug abuse nexus w h e n he p r o b e d the relationship b e t w e e n prescription d r u g availability a n d serious substance abuse. In this study Crowley discerned t h a t prescriptions for pharmaceutical cocaine, benzodiazepine, m e t h a q u a l o n e , and o t h e r abusable medications w e r e 2 t o 1 7 times m o r e frequent, and

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the p r o p o r t i o n of adults classified as "involved a n d dysfunctional" d r u g abusers three t o four times m o r e prevalent ( 2 4 . 3 % versus 6 . 8 % ) , in a C o l o r a d o ski c o m m u n i t y c o m p a r e d w i t h the C o l o r a d o state average. T h e fact t h a t m a n y heroin addicts place the availability of opiates near t h e t o p of the their lists of reasons for initially u s i n g h e r o i n ( S i m p s o n & M a r s h , 1 9 8 6 ) a n d for relapsing after a p e r i o d of t r e a t m e n t a n d / o r voluntary abstinence (Meyer & M i r i n , 1 9 7 9 ) lends further credence t o t h e t h e o r y t h a t there is a c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n d r u g availability a n d rate of substance abuse. Availability or access has also been studied w i t h respect t o the p r o p o s e d link b e t w e e n criminal o p p o r t u n i t i e s a n d o u t c o m e s . B r o w n a n d Airman ( 1 9 8 3 ) report t h a t burglarized h o m e s exhibit fewer signs of occupancy, fewer physical barriers (locked d o o r s or alarm systems), a n d fewer psychological or symboUc barriers (fences or w a r n i n g signs) t h a n d o n o n b u r g l a r i z e d h o m e s . H o m e o w n e r s in St. Louis ( S c h i m e r m a n , 1 9 7 4 ) and Seattle (Seattle L a w & Justice P l a n n i n g Office, 1 9 7 5 ) w h o participated in a t a r g e t - h a r d e n i n g cam­ paign by m a r k i n g h o u s e h o l d items w i t h indelible ink a n d advertising this fact in a p r o m i n e n t place (e.g., front d o o r , picture w i n d o w ) experienced 2 5 % - 3 3 % fewer burglaries than nonparticipating house­ holds. G e r m a n y and G r e a t Britain i m p l e m e n t e d o p p o r t u n i t y - r e d u c ­ i n g procedures by e q u i p p i n g n e w a u t o m o b i l e s w i t h locking steering c o l u m n s , which led t o a m a r k e d decrease in t h e theft of n e w cars ( M a y h e w , Clarke, S t u r m a n , & H o u g h , 1 9 7 6 ) . Research o n "defen­ sible space" t h e o r y indicates t h a t criminals are also d e t e r r e d by modifications of architectural design in w h i c h t h e level of surveil­ lance afforded tenants a n d h o m e o w n e r s is e n h a n c e d ( M a c D o n a l d & Gifford, 1 9 8 9 ) . Availability functions o n b o t h m o l a r ( c o m m u n i t y / s o c i e t y ) a n d molecular (individual) levels. Financial i n d e p e n d e n c e , for example, m a y facilitate delinquency by p r o v i d i n g individual adolescents w i t h p r e m a t u r e a u t o n o m y from adult c o n t r o l (Cullen et al., 1 9 8 5 ) . T h e r e is also evidence t h a t a sharp rise in financial c o n d i t i o n created by participation in a successful criminal v e n t u r e m a y p r o m o t e acceler­ ated d r u g use in opiate addicts w h o m a y have previously m a i n t a i n e d themselves o n low t o m o d e r a t e doses of heroin (Faupel & Klockars, 1 9 8 7 ) . T h e s e t w o studies intimate t h a t m o n e y m a y e n c o u r a g e devi­ ant behavior by loosening or destabilizing environmental constraints, such as parental supervision or life structure, t h a t normally discour­ age substance use and crime, w h i c h in the l o n g r u n leads t o an increase in t h e availability of d r u g and criminal o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Avail­ ability has been s h o w n t o be i m p o r t a n t in initiating substance use

79

Change

d u r i n g t h e early stages of d r u g involvement (Gillmore et al., 1 9 9 0 ) a n d in m a i n t a i n i n g such use once t h e p e r s o n has e n t e r e d t h e ad­ vanced stages of a d r u g or addictive lifestyle (Barrett, Joe, & Simpson, 1990). Modifying

Interpersonal

Relationships

Social pressure, including verbal coercion and entering into relation­ ships with persons involved in regular d r u g use, was the single m o s t powerful determinant of relapse cited by a g r o u p of heroin addicts in a study by Marlatt and G o r d o n ( 1 9 8 0 ) . Social influence m a y also have been operating in a group of criminally persistent E n g h s h males followed u p by West ( 1 9 8 2 ) . West notes that a m u c h larger portion of this g r o u p was still associating with an all-male peer g r o u p at age 18 o r 19 in comparison w i t h a g r o u p of previously delinquent y o u t h w h o h a d successfijlly abandoned serious criminal behavior. After reviewing 159 separate incidents of homicide and assault, Felson and Steadman (1983) concluded that the perpetrators were frequently responding t o verbal attacks by the antagonists/victims, in that serious violence was m o r e prevalent in situations where the antagonists were aggressive or in possession of weapons. I n a follow-up t o this study, Felson et al. (1984) determined that the perpetrators struck m o r e blows w h e n bystanders, usually friends or family m e m b e r s , supported or encour­ aged violence than w h e n bystanders attempted t o mediate the disputes. G e o g r a p h i c c h a n g e has been k n o w n t o s u p p o r t abstinence a n d prevent relapse in opiate addicts ( M a d d u x & D e s m o n d , 1 9 8 2 ; R o s s , 1 9 7 3 ) , a l t h o u g h there is n o w a y t o d e t e r m i n e w i t h any d e g r e e of certainty w h e t h e r t h e o u t c o m e s of these studies were caused by changes in interpersonal relationships or the evasion of drug-related cues. I t stands t o reason, h o w e v e r , t h a t if s o m e o n e w e r e t o avoid initiating c o n t a c t w i t h persons involved in a negative lifestyle, t h e n h e or she w o u l d have a better chance of r e m a i n i n g d r u g - or crimefree t h a n s o m e o n e w h o maintains regular c o n t a c t w i t h d r u g users or active criminal offenders. C u s s o n a n d P i n s o n n e a u l t ( 1 9 8 6 ) n o t e t h a t several of the ex-offenders they interviewed a t t r i b u t e d their success in r e m a i n i n g crime-free t o t h e fact t h a t t h e y eschewed prior criminal associations. O f course, d o d g i n g prior d r u g o r criminal c o m p a n i o n s will have little effect if t h e individual simply replaces these old affiliations w i t h a n e w g r o u p of d r u g or criminal c o h o r t s . S u p p l a n t i n g lifestyle-based relationships w i t h a supportive n e t w o r k of valued friendships is therefore an essential step in the process of lifestyle c h a n g e .

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Positive interpersonal relationships can be helpful in p r o v i d i n g a constructive focus for s o m e o n e interested in resisting future d r u g or criminal t e m p t a t i o n . Family s u p p o r t , for instance, has been s h o w n t o g u a r d against relapse in d r u g users ( W e r m u t h & Scheldt, 1 9 8 6 ) and criminal offenders (Cernkovich & G i o r d a n o , 1 9 8 7 ) . F o r m e r alcohol abusers (Tuchfeld, 1 9 8 1 ; Vaillant & Milofsky, 1 9 8 2 ) and ex-offenders (Irwin, 1 9 7 0 ; Shover, 1 9 8 3 ) w h o have a b a n d o n e d a d r u g or criminal hfestyle r e p o r t t h a t their actions w e r e m o t i v a t e d by the f o r m a t i o n of n e w intimate relationships or the reestablishment of old i n t i m a t e relationships. T h e d e v e l o p m e n t of positive relation­ ships, however, presupposes the capacity for personal responsibility, s o m e t h i n g t h a t can be learned t h r o u g h behavioral c o n t r a c t i n g and c o n t i n g e n c y m a n a g e m e n t procedures. Research suggests t h a t in­ creased personal accountability, as signified by a reduced n u m b e r of arrests ( D o u d s , Engelsjord, & C o U i n g w o o d , 1 9 7 7 ) , decreased d r u g relapse (Fraser, H a w k i n s , & H o w a r d , 1 9 8 8 ) , e n h a n c e d c o m m i t m e n t t o e m p l o y m e n t ( D o c t o r & P o l a k o w , 1 9 7 3 ) , and increased respon­ sibility ( D o u d s et al., 1977) are frequently observed in adolescents and y o u n g adults t a u g h t basic behavioral c o n t r a c t i n g a n d contin­ gency m a n a g e m e n t skills. Substitution If o n e is t o give u p a pleasurable or reinforcing activity, such as d r u g use or crime, t h e n o n e m u s t find a suitable replacement. F o r m e r d r u g abusers and offenders are often surprised at h o w m u c h free t i m e they have once they a b a n d o n a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. T h e y m u s t learn t o pack this "spare" t i m e w i t h constructive activities or risk r e t u r n i n g t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle o u t of b o r e d o m . Vaillant and Milofsky ( 1 9 8 2 ) n o t e t h a t nearly half the abstinent m e n they interviewed h a d found one or m o r e substitutes for alcohol. I n studies of persons w h o have exited an alcohol-based d r u g lifestyle w i t h o u t benefit of formal t r e a t m e n t , it has been s h o w n t h a t t h e availabihty of and desire for non-alcohol-related substitute activities is an i m p o r t a n t feature of relapse prevention ( L u d w i g , 1 9 8 5 ; T u c h ­ feld, 1 9 8 1 ) . R e v i e w i n g the literature o n s p o n t a n e o u s remission in persons w h o h a d previously abused alcohol, t o b a c c o , or opiates. Stall and Biernacki ( 1 9 8 6 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t craving was charac­ teristically h a n d l e d by engaging in substitute activities, such as j o g g i n g , m e d i t a t i o n , or a b s o r p t i o n in work. C u s s o n a n d P i n s o n n e a u l t ( 1 9 8 6 ) r e p o r t t h a t an interesting and meaningful j o b was viewed by the ex-offenders in their s t u d y as

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Change

i n s t r u m e n t a l t o their c o n t i n u e d avoidance of criminal t e m p t a t i o n . I r w i n ( 1 9 7 0 ) examined the decisions of 15 male ex-convicts t o a b a n d o n the criminal lifestyle and d e t e r m i n e d t h a t c o n s u m m a t i o n of a satisfying relationship w i t h a w o m a n and c o m m i t m e n t t o extravocational a n d extradomestic activities w e r e largely responsible for their c o n t i n u e d desistance from crime. Certain quahties of a person's leisure-time activities s h o u l d also be taken i n t o account in d e t e r m i n i n g their value as facilitators or inhibitors of future criminal involvement. A g n e w and Petersen ( 1 9 8 9 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t partici­ p a t i o n in unsupervised peer-related social activities (dating, visiting friends, " h a n g i n g o u t " ) predicted an increased rate of delinquency, whereas e n r o l l m e n t in organized and adult-supervised activities ( w o r k o n the school newspaper, organized sports) predicted a decreased rate of delinquency. T h e r e is also some evidence t h a t persons w h o r e t u r n t o a criminal lifestyle shortly after their release from prison d o so o n the s t r e n g t h of the belief t h a t they have " n o t h i n g t o lose" (Shover, 1 9 8 3 ) . C o n s t r u c t i n g a social b o n d w i t h significant o t h e r s , if n o t w i t h conventional society, provides the individual w i t h " s o m e t h i n g t o lose," t h e r e b y a u g m e n t i n g his or her chances of r e m a i n i n g crime-free in the c o m m u n i t y (Cusson & P i n s o n n e a u l t , 1 9 8 6 ; Shover, 1 9 8 3 ) .

Choice-Based Change Strategies T h e t w o p r i m a r y features of choice behavior directly amenable t o intervention are o p t i o n s a n d decision m a k i n g . T h e goal of lifestyle intervention w i t h reference t o the o p t i o n s function of choice-based c h a n g e strategies is t o enlarge the client's fund of available o p t i o n s . T h i s can be accomplished, in p a r t , t h r o u g h the dissemination of i n f o r m a t i o n a n d the teaching of skills t h a t expand a client's reper­ toire of feasible alternatives. T h e goal of lifestyle intervention w i t h respect t o the decision-making function of choice-based c h a n g e strategies is t o reinforce and b r o a d e n the client's decision-making c o m p e t e n c e b y s t r e n g t h e n i n g his or her resolve t o evaluate thor­ o u g h l y various life o p t i o n s and alternatives. Option

Expansion

O p t i o n - e x p a n d i n g intervention techniques are designed t o aug­ m e n t a client's repertoire of o p t i o n s , alternatives, a n d possibilities. T h i s is normally accomplished t h r o u g h skill d e v e l o p m e n t .

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Lateral

Thinking

Skills

Psychologists c o m m o n l y partition t h i n k i n g i n t o its c o n v e r g e n t a n d divergent forms. C o n v e r g e n t or vertical t h i n k i n g consists of a p a r i n g d o w n of o p t i o n s and alternatives as a m e a n s of arriving at an o p t i m a l solution. D i v e r g e n t or lateral t h i n k i n g , o n the o t h e r h a n d , entails e x p a n d i n g the range of contingencies a n d o p t i o n s by consid­ ering as m a n y different potential solutions as possible. E d w a r d de B o n o ( 1 9 7 7 ) offers several techniques designed t o enhance a partici­ pant's lateral t h i n k i n g or creativity skills. O n e such t e c h n i q u e in­ volves having the client generate alternative perceptions, descrip­ t i o n s , a n d interpretations of selected stimuli, such as g e o m e t r i c shapes a n d figures, altered or a m b i g u o u s p h o t o g r a p h s , a n d w r i t t e n stories. D e B o n o also utilizes practical exercises t o teach clients h o w t o suspend j u d g m e n t , restructure perceptual p a t t e r n s , a n d challenge accepted concepts. A l t h o u g h there is a d e a r t h of l o n g - t e r m o u t c o m e data currently available o n de Bono's lateral t h i n k i n g p r o g r a m , h e reports s o m e success in u s i n g the p r o g r a m t o i m p r o v e t h e institu­ tional behavior of incarcerated delinquents (de B o n o , 1 9 8 1 ) .

Social Skills Researchers have linked social skills deficits t o p r o b l e m d r i n k i n g ( H o v e r & Gaffney, 1 9 9 1 ) , illicit d r u g use ( L i n q u i s t , L i n d s a y , & White, 1 9 7 9 ) , and criminal behavior (Freedman, Rosenthal, D o n a h o e , Schlundt, & McFall, 1978). Spence and Marzillier ( 1 9 8 1 ) ascertained t h a t offenders w e r e less proficient in certain social skill areas—establishing eye c o n t a c t a n d initiating conversa­ tions w i t h s t r a n g e r s — t h a n w e r e nonoffenders. Social skills t r a i n i n g (SST) m i g h t therefore be an alternative o r adjunct t o t r a d i t i o n a l t h e r a p y by virtue of its ability t o e x p a n d t h e client's o p t i o n s in specific social contexts. Studies assessing this possibiUty have f o u n d SST capable of p r o d u c i n g favorable o u t c o m e s in b o t h alcohol abusers (Eriksen, Bjornstad, & G e r t e s t a m , 1 9 8 6 ) a n d juvenile offenders (Sarason & Sarason, 1 9 8 1 ) . H o w e v e r , a l t h o u g h s h o r t t e r m changes in t a r g e t e d social skills ( T w e n t y m a n , Jensen, & Kloss, 1 9 7 8 ) a n d institutional behavior (HolUn, Huff, C l a r k s o n , & E d ­ m o n d s o n , 1 9 8 2 ) have been r e c o r d e d , t h e r e is little evidence of l o n g - t e r m r e d u c t i o n s in criminal recidivism ( H o l l i n & H e n d e r s o n , 1 9 8 4 ) or d r u g use ( H a w k i n s , C a t a l a n o , G i l l m o r e , & Wells, 1 9 8 9 ) .

83

Change Life Skills

M a n a g i n g m o n e y , s h o p p i n g for food, and c o n d u c t i n g a j o b search are all skills m o s t people take for g r a n t e d . H o w e v e r , for those previously c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle, t h e p r o s p e c t of having t o balance a checkbook or secure an a p a r t m e n t can be genuinely frightening. Life skills training m a y help p r e p a r e clients for life in t h e c o m m u n i t y b y p r o v i d i n g t h e m w i t h a greater w e a l t h of o p t i o n s . O r e g o n ' s C o r n e r s t o n e p r o g r a m , for instance, instructs drug-involved offenders in basic w o r k , food p r e p a r a t i o n , m o n e y m a n a g e m e n t , a n d nutritional skills (Field, 1 9 8 5 ) . T r e a t m e n t staff also e n c o u r a g e clients t o develop leisure-time interests as a replace­ m e n t for d r u g - b a s e d rituals. P r e - / p o s t t e s t i n g o f the various C o r n e r ­ s t o n e educational m o d u l e s has revealed increased k n o w l e d g e a n d social/occupational skills as a consequence of participation in t h e p r o g r a m , b u t has yet t o address t h e p r o g r a m ' s l o n g - t e r m benefits, if i n d e e d there are any (Field, 1 9 8 5 ) . A recent literature review, h o w e v e r , finds life skills training effective in r e d u c i n g cigarette s m o k i n g , marijuana use, a n d p r o b l e m d r i n k i n g in j u n i o r h i g h school s t u d e n t s for periods o f u p t o t h r e e years ( D u s e n b u r y & B o t v i n , 1992). Educational

Skills

A. Walsh ( 1 9 8 5 ) reports t h a t offenders w h o earned a general h i g h school equivalency d i p l o m a ( G E D ) as a c o n d i t i o n of parole w e r e significantly less likely t o be rearrested ( 1 6 % ) d u r i n g a 3V2-year p e r i o d of follow-up t h a n w e r e parolees w h o failed t o c o m p l e t e t h e p r o g r a m ( 3 2 % ) or offenders w h o w e r e never required t o enroll in the first place ( 4 4 % ) . M o s t studies have found, h o w e v e r , t h a t educational p r o g r a m s in prison m a y lead t o academic benefits b u t rarely t o l o n g - t e r m gains w i t h respect t o reduced recidivism ( L i n d e n & Perry, 1 9 8 2 ) . Enrolling an offender in a G E D or college p r o g r a m in t h e absence of any real change in t h i n k i n g a n d behavior p r o b a b l y accomplishes litde m o r e t h a n creating a m o r e e d u c a t e d criminal. Q u e s t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g the relationship b e t w e e n e d u c a t i o n a n d drink­ i n g and t h e value of educational e n r i c h m e n t p r o g r a m s in r e d u c i n g alcohol abuse have also been raised (Mulford, 1 9 7 0 ) . H o w e v e r , there is evidence t h a t positive o u t c o m e s are attainable if arrange­ m e n t s are m a d e for transition t o a c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d academic p r o g r a m (Seashore, Haberfield, Irwin, & Baker, 1976) and if training

84

D R U G S A N D CRIME IN LIFESTYLE

PERSPECTIVE

in problem solving, moral reasoning, and cognitive self-management accompanies the academic curriculum (Ayers, D u g u i d , M o n t a g u e , & Wolowidnyk, 1980). Occupational

Skills

Research o u t c o m e s o n the relapse-retarding effects of j o b t r a i n i n g are mixed. F o r example. S m i t h ( 1 9 8 0 ) d e t e r m i n e d t h a t offenders participating in a w o r k release p r o g r a m were significantly less likely t o receive a n e w felony conviction in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h a g r o u p of n o n p a r t i c i p a t i n g offenders ( 2 6 % versus 4 7 % ) , b u t A n d e r s o n ( 1 9 8 5 ) reports t h a t a j o b training p r o g r a m h a d n o appreciable effect o n first-year recidivism rates, and J o h n s o n and G o l d b e r g ( 1 9 8 3 ) w e r e unable t o discern an antirecidivism effect for a t r a i n i n g p r o g r a m in w h i c h vocational training was c o m b i n e d w i t h an O u t w a r d B o u n d experience. Research suggests t h a t occupational skills t r a i n i n g m a y p r o d u c e the m o s t favorable results w i t h m i n o r i t y subjects, ostensibly because of their greater disadvantage in finding e m p l o y m e n t (Beck, 1 9 8 1 ) , and persons w h o have been c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle for extended periods of t i m e , because they p r o b a b l y never acquired basic j o b and e m p l o y m e n t skills in the first place (Jeffrey & Woopert, 1974). Competence

Enhancement

Decisions can be m a d e using a variety of different m e t h o d s . T h e simplest, and perhaps m o s t p o p u l a r , m e t h o d is t o list a n d contrast the advantages (benefits) and disadvantages (costs) of each alterna­ tive. F o r persons interested in a m o r e t h o r o u g h cost-benefit analysis, it is possible t o weigh the likely consequences of a particular course of action by assigning a numerical value t o the perceived significance of each consequence. T a k e , for instance, a w o m a n w h o states she w a n t s t o stop s m o k i n g b u t w h o s e assessment of the e n j o y m e n t of s m o k i n g ( + 15) o u t w e i g h s her perceived negative consequences of c o n t i n u i n g t o s m o k e — s u n d r y health considerations ( - 4 ) , the finan­ cial cost of cigarettes ( - 3 ) , and the social/interpersonal p r o b l e m s cigarette s m o k i n g can cause ( - 6 ) . This n o t only illustrates w h y m a n y clients relapse, b u t also reveals the limitations of a simple cost-bene­ fit analysis of perceived o u t c o m e s . N o n e t h e l e s s , the decision-making process can be i m p r o v e d , b u t it requires t h a t individuals learn t o give consideration t o b o t h priorities (values) and expectancies (goals).

85

Change Values-Based

Intervention

Values have their foundation in early childhood experience, and parents and peers play a vital role in shaping a child's value system. Incidents occurring during adolescence and early adulthood, how­ ever, also influence value development. Agents of formal social control (school authorities, police, the courts) can exert particularly powerful effects on the organization and expression of values. Plac­ ing negative social sanctions on normative experimental drug use, for example, may actually promote, rather than inhibit, future drug use by encouraging the labeled adolescent to adopt a deviant value system in order to cope with feelings of social alienation and rejection (Kaplan, Johnson, & Bailey, 1986). The adoption of antisocial values in reaction to the negative labels society assigns its youthftil lawbreakers is envisioned as a precipitating cause of crime and delinquency escalation in some quarters (Elliott, Ageton, & Canter, 1979). Values would appear to be especially important in treatment planning, given that some scholars view interventions for drug use and crime to be largely a matter of values clarification and values reorientation (Bush, 1983). Values clarification is a procedure that allows for the identifica­ tion, exploration, and review of personal values as a way of defining one's priorities in life. This approach has been successfully imple­ mented with school-age children faced with moral issues or dilem­ mas (Casemont, 1983), nurses involved in the treatment of AIDS patients (Farrcll, 1987), and juveniles participating in a hospitalbased program for dually diagnosed (psychiatric and physical) pa­ tients (Franklin, 1986). Linkenbach (1990) describes a values clari­ fication program employed at the Colorado State University Center for Alcohol Education in which subjects are instructed in how they might actuahze myriad life options and improve their decision-making competence. This is accomplished through treatment in a nonthreaten­ ing environment where empowerment and values reorientation are emphasized and powerlessness and anomie minimized. Using a more traditional model, Brown and Peterson (1990) discuss the implications of values reorientation and spirituality in the treatment of alcohol abuse problems. Values clarification appears to exert a potential mitigating effect on drug abuse and crime by helping to identify priorities, changing the strength of values that promote deviance, and reinforcing values that support desirable behavior (Rokeach, 1983).

D R U G S A N D CRIME IN LIFESTYLE

86

Goal-Setting

PERSPECTIVE

Intervention

Research confirms t h a t impulsivity (Brook, W h i t e m a n , G o r d o n , & B r o o k , 1 9 8 3 ) a n d inadequate f o r e t h o u g h t o r planfulness (Shedler & Block, 1 9 9 0 ) are p r o g n o s t i c of future drug-related difficulties. F u r t h e r m o r e , d e l i n q u e n t children and adolescents given a choice b e t w e e n a small immediate reward and a larger delayed r e w a r d o p t for t h e i m m e d i a t e reward t o a significantly greater extent t h a n d o n o n d e l i n q u e n t children and adolescents (Mischel, 1 9 7 4 ) . W i l s o n a n d H e r r n s t e i n ( 1 9 8 5 ) refer t o this as a person's t i m e h o r i z o n , the d e v e l o p m e n t of w h i c h has its roots in the early parent-child relation­ ship. Expectancies w o u l d appear t o play a key role in the decision t o use drugs a n d c o m m i t crime in light of the fact t h a t the probability of a behavior such as d r u g use or crime is a complex function of the expected consequences of d r i n k i n g or crime, the subjective value assigned each consequence, the anticipated probability t h a t each consequence will occur, and the subjective expected i m m e d i a c y of each consequence. T h e results of studies assessing the decision-mak­ ing crireria used t o effect a choice of d r u g abuse ( R o h s e n o w , Beach, & M a r l a t t , 1978) or crime (Carroll, 1978) suggest t h a t the negative consequences of d r u g - and crime-related activities are generally a p p o r t i o n e d less w e i g h t than the positive consequences because they t e n d t o be less i m m e d i a t e and therefore m o r e difficult t o anticipate. .

Expectancies could theoretically be modified t h r o u g h reinforce­ m e n t a n d extension of the individual's t i m e h o r i z o n . T h e t i m e h o r i z o n , as represented by a subject's willingness t o delay gratifica­ t i o n , evolves over t i m e , so t h a t as a child m a t u r e s he or she becomes increasingly m o r e wilhng t o delay i m m e d i a t e gratification in ex­ change for a m o r e satisfying future r e w a r d (Mischel, 1 9 7 4 ) . F o r s o m e reason, c o m p l e t e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of which c o n t i n u e s t o elude investigators, the time horizons of drug-involved a n d d e l i n q u e n t children d o n o t m a t u r e at the same rate as d o the t i m e h o r i z o n s of m o r e socially responsible children. This d e v e l o p m e n t a l lag m a y be the cause of deviance, a consequence of it, or b o t h . W h a t we d o k n o w is t h a t a short time h o r i z o n corresponds w i t h deviance, and m a n y d e v i a n c e - p r o m o t i n g resolutions, such as the decision t o use or reuse drugs (Marlatt & G o r d o n , 1 9 8 5 ) , b r i n g t o bear a conflict b e t w e e n the positive i m m e d i a t e effects and the negative l o n g - t e r m consequences of such c o n d u c t . Expectancies as they are, the positive s h o r t - t e r m effects of d r u g use and crime normally prevail over the negative l o n g - t e r m consequences of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle in persons h a r b o r i n g short time h o r i z o n s .

87

Chanpie

A conceivable redress for impulsivity, an abbreviated t i m e hori­ z o n , and a weak Ufe direction are t r a i n i n g in goal setting. I n such training, an individual is t a u g h t t o differentiate b e t w e e n s h o r t - , i n t e r m e d i a t e - , and l o n g - t e r m consequences a n d h o w t o establish and w o r k t o w a r d short-, i n t e r m e d i a t e - , a n d l o n g - r a n g e goals. I n t e r v e n ­ tion techniques designed t o bolster the ability t o resist t e m p t a t i o n a n d delay gratification therefore figure p r o m i n e n t l y in p r o g r a m s dedicated t o the d e v e l o p m e n t of goal-setting and g o a l - a t t a i n m e n t skills. R o l e playing and m o d e l i n g are also indispensable in the effective i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of the goal-setting t e c h n i q u e . Goal-setting interventions t h a t clearly e m b r a c e role playing and behavioral re­ hearsal strategies have been found particularly efficacious in reduc­ i n g t h e aggression of a g r o u p of male s t u d e n t s referred by their teachers for disruptive and potentially violent behavior ( L o c h m a n , B u r c h , C u r r y , & L a m p r o n , 1 9 8 4 ) . Investigating the function of m o d e l i n g in teaching delay of gratification t o juvenile offenders, S t u m p h a u z e r ( 1 9 7 2 ) discerned t h a t delinquents exposed t o h i g h delay m o d e l s exhibited increased delay of gratification themselves.

Cognition-Based Change Strategies Because d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles are s u p p o r t e d , reinforced, a n d m a i n t a i n e d by the cognitive styles discussed in C h a p t e r 4 , these patterns m u s t be addressed t h r o u g h c o g n i t i o n - b a s e d intervention strategies such as self-regulation, cognitive reframing, a n d rational r e s t r u c t u r i n g . Equally c o g e n t for t h e p u r p o s e s of relapse p r e v e n t i o n is finding the p r o p e r m e n t a l attitude for change. The Attribution

Triad

A t t r i b u t i o n is a process w h e r e b y an individual draws causal infer­ ences a b o u t a n o t h e r person's motives and intentions from observa­ tion of t h a t person's behavior. People also m a k e a t t r i b u t i o n s a b o u t their o w n behavior. Lifestyle t h e o r y p r o p o s e s a system of t h r e e interrelated a t t r i b u t i o n s k n o w n as the attribution tnad, w h i c h is viewed t o be a cognitive p r e c o n d i t i o n for change. I t is hypothesized t h a t persons lacking any p o r t i o n of this triad will possess insufficient m o t i v a t i o n or confidence t o c o m m e n c e , let alone c o m p l e t e , the c h a n g e process. T h e a t t r i b u t i o n triad is c o m p o s e d o f a belief in the necessity of c h a n g e , a belief in the possibility of c h a n g e , a n d a belief in one's ability t o effect change.

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DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

Belief in the Necessity of Change Before a person can change his or her behavior, that individual m u s t acknowledge that a problem exists and must take responsibility for solving that problem. Lifestyle theorists recognize that conditions outside one's personal control contribute t o the onset and exacerbation of problem situations. H o w e v e r , the individual m u s t accept ftill respon­ sibility for his or her role in the problem and m u s t labor t o rectify the t h o u g h t s , behaviors, and feelings that often frustrate the change pro­ cess. These issues speak directly t o the "assignment of blame" c o m p o ­ n e n t of the attribution triad, which finds its expression in a belief in the necessity of change. If people blame the balance of their problems o n external factors (other people's actions, nefarious environmental con­ ditions, bad luck), they will possess insufficient motivation t o change their behavior. I n fact, such persons typically conclude that it is their environment, n o t themselves, that needs modification. Reality w o u l d dictate, however, that we come t o grips with o u r responsibiUties as a prerequisite of behavioral change. F r o m the perspective of lifestyle theory, the development of a belief in the necessity of change requires the helping professional and cUent t o w o r k t h r o u g h a three-step procedure. T h e first step is for the practitioner t o educate the client about choice and personal responsi­ bility. O n c e this has been accomplished, the next step is for the practitioner t o demonstrate t o the cUent that despite the wide variety of problem situations the client has encountered in his or her life, there is one factor that has been c o m m o n t o all of these problems—that is, the client. Therefore, if the cUent desires that change take place, he or she m u s t accept responsibility for his or her o w n role in the develop­ m e n t and continuation of these problems. T h e third step is for the professional t o challenge thinking patterns used by the client that minimize personal responsibility—mollification and sentimentality in particular. It is crucial that the therapist lay bare the irrational and self-defeating roots of these thinking patterns and help the client w o r k t o w a r d the goal of rational thinking and constructive behavior. T h o u g h n o n e of these steps is guaranteed t o inspire a belief in the necessity of change, they can be helpful in establishing the proper conditions for an evolving sense of personal responsibility. Belief in the Possibility of Change Like a belief in the necessity of c h a n g e , belief in t h e possibility of c h a n g e is a p r e c o n d i t i o n for cognitive and behavioral change. Simply

89

Change

h o l d i n g t o the conviction t h a t o n e is responsible for a particular p r o b l e m a t i c behavior will have Uttle bearing o n future t r e a t m e n t o u t c o m e s if o n e does n o t also beheve t h a t c h a n g e is theoretically possible a n d personally attainable. T h e first t w o c o m p o n e n t s of t h e a t t r i b u t i o n triad are nonetheless c o m p l e m e n t a r y . Fisher a n d Farina ( 1 9 7 9 ) , for instance, r e p o r t t h a t patients furnished a biological o r genetic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a p r o b l e m behavior w e r e m u c h less likely t o cope constructively w i t h t h e p r o b l e m and its future consequences t h a n w e r e patients p r o v i d e d a social learning i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I t is also w o r t h n o t i n g t h a t subjects receiving t r e a t m e n t for i n s o m n i a are better able t o avoid relapse if t h e y are led t o a t t r i b u t e i m p r o v e m e n t t o their o w n actions (relaxation training a n d t i m e m a n a g e m e n t ) rather t h a n t o an o p t i m a l d o s e of sleeping m e d i c a t i o n ( D a v i s o n , T s u j i m o t o , & Glaros, 1 9 7 3 ) . Likewise, subjects receiving intrinsic self-help t r a i n i n g in s m o k i n g cessation m a d e fewer external attribu­ tions for success a n d r e m a i n e d abstinent longer t h a n d i d subjects t r e a t e d solely o r principally w i t h nicotine g u m (Harackicwicz, Sans o n e , Blair, Epstein, & M a n d e r l i n k , 1 9 8 7 ) . T h e possibility of change can be illustrated succinctly u s i n g Ellis's ( 1 9 6 2 ) rational emotive imagery t e c h n i q u e . After instructing the client t o visuaUze a recent situation in w h i c h he or she felt angry, depressed, or fearful a n d having t h e client rate this feeling o n a scale from 1 t o 10 ( 1 representing a very low level of e m o t i o n a n d 10 a h i g h level), t h e therapist guides the client d o w n the scale, o n e r u n g at a t i m e , until he o r she reaches the b o t t o m of the scale (i.e., level 1). O n c e this has been accomplished, the therapist asks t h e client if he o r she was able t o descend the scale successfully a n d , if s o , t o w h a t t h e client attributes his or her success. T h e m o s t c o m m o n explana­ t i o n p r o v i d e d b y cUcnts w h o have successfully c o m p l e t e d this task ( a n d m o s t are capable of m o v i n g d o w n at least four or five levels) is t h a t t h e y n e g o t i a t e d it by c h a n g i n g their t h i n k i n g . T h i s illustrates b o t h the possibility of change a n d fact t h a t t h i n k i n g or c o g n i t i o n is o n e avenue t h r o u g h w h i c h change m i g h t be reahzed. T h e practi­ t i o n e r m i g h t also reinforce a belief in t h e possibility of c h a n g e by having t h e client speak w i t h others w h o have successfully exited a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle. Belief in One's Ability

to Effect

Change

A p e r s o n m a y realize b o t h the necessity a n d possibility of c h a n g e a n d still n o t be in a position t o c h a n g e because of a lack of confidence in his or her ability t o d o so. T h i s particular b r a n c h of t h e a t t r i b u t i o n

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triad derives from Albert Bandura's ( 1 9 7 7 ) w o r k o n self-efficacy, a c o n c e p t h e defines as a person's perceived confidence in his o r her ability t o cope w i t h a specific prospective situation. T h e situational specificity of t h e self-efficacy c o n c e p t is p o r t r a y e d in the results of a study by R i s t and Watzl ( 1 9 8 3 ) , in w h i c h subjects r e c o r d i n g l o w self-efficacy scores in alcohol-related situations displayed a higher rate of relapse t h a n did subjects claiming r o b u s t self-efficacy in these same situations. H o w e v e r , self-efficacy for non-alcohol-related situ­ ations failed t o c o r r e s p o n d t o a p r o p e n s i t y for relapse. I t has also been n o t e d t h a t self-efficacy is m o s t strongly correlated w i t h relapse during the first several m o n t h s of the posttreatment period (Rychtarik, Prue, Rapp, & King, 1992). Research o n self-efficacy as an intervention for conduct-disor­ dered behavior, delinquency, and crime is less extensive t h a n re­ search exploring the use of self-efficacy in the t r e a t m e n t of substance abuse p r o b l e m s , b u t w h a t has been d o n e u p t o this p o i n t is generally s u p p o r t i v e of self-efficacy theory. Perry, Perry, a n d R a s m u s s o n ( 1 9 8 6 ) , for instance, d e t e r m i n e d t h a t a g r o u p of aggressive elemen­ tary school children r e p o r t e d greater self-efficacy in p e r f o r m i n g aggressive behaviors and lower self-efficacy in situations r e q u i r i n g their inhibition of aggressive impulses t h a n did nonaggressive chil­ dren. Failing t o enhst s u p p o r t for the self-efficacy hypothesis w i t h aggressive adolescent males, Elizabeth C u d d y and C y n t h i a F r a m e ( 1 9 9 1 ) witnessed concordance between positive o u t c o m e expectan­ cies and aggressiveness b u t n o relationship w h e n self-efficacy and aggressiveness were cross-lagged in g r o u p of aggressive and n o n a g ­ gressive m i d d l e school boys. T h e first step for therapists teaching self-efficacy t o clients is t o o b t a i n an accurate measure of this particular cognitive p r e c o n d i t i o n for change. O n c e areas of low self-efficacy have been identified, t h e next step is t o provide remediation. Goldfried and R o b i n s ( 1 9 8 2 ) describe cognitive strategies potentially capable of e n h a n c i n g selfefficacy, and M a r l a t t and G o r d o n ( 1 9 8 5 ) review ways in which self-efficacy m i g h t be reinforced in persons w h o have been c o m m i t ­ ted t o a d r u g lifestyle. M a r l a t t and G o r d o n ' s r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s include forming a w o r k i n g alliance w i t h the client, breaking tasks d o w n i n t o manageable units so t h a t the client can experience success, avoiding the willpower a r g u m e n t (i.e., d r u g abuse a n d criminal activity are consequences of a weak will) in favor of a focus o n skill d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d p r o v i d i n g the client w i t h a steady stream of feedback and positive reinforcement.

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Change Self-Regulation

I t has been i m p h e d t h a t substance abusers a n d ex-offenders w h o lack the ability t o self-monitor their behavior, regulate their im­ pulses, a n d m a i n t a i n goal-oriented attitudes arc at increased risk for relapse (Miller, 1 9 9 1 ) . Self-regulation and self-control w o u l d there­ fore appear t o be potentially viable vehicles of cognitive-behavioral i n t e r v e n t i o n . T r a i n i n g in self-regulation normally e m b o d i e s such techniques as stimulus c o n t r o l , self-monitoring, self-reward, and self-punishmcnt ( E m m e l k a m p , 1 9 8 6 ) . R a t e c o n t r o l , setting limita­ t i o n s , modification of social relationships, and o t h e r self-regulation procedures have been found effective in reducing alcohol c o n s u m p ­ tion and alcohol-related p r o b l e m s in college s t u d e n t s ( W e r c h , 1 9 9 0 ) a n d y o u n g adult felons ( M c M u r r a n & W h i t m a n , 1 9 9 0 ) . Given t h a t self-monitoring has been k n o w n t o effect behavioral c h a n g e by focusing the individual's a t t e n t i o n o n the behavior in q u e s t i o n ( E m m e l k a m p , 1 9 8 6 ) , it m a y be a particularly p r o m i s i n g t e c h n i q u e if used as an adjunct t o o t h e r cognitive-behavioral procedures a n d strategies. Cognitive

Reframing

C o g n i t i v e reframing is a clinical technique designed t o shift a client's p e r c e p t i o n or i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of an event, situation, or person. As such, it is o n e way in which a practitioner m i g h t intervene in the case of historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s . I n o t h e r w o r d s , al­ t h o u g h it m a y n o t be possible t o change an event t h a t has already transpired, it is possible t o modify or reframe an individual's view of t h a t event. C o g n i t i v e reframing is particularly p o p u l a r w i t h therapists w h o w o r k w i t h families. E x t e n d i n g family-based cogni­ tive reframing procedures t o the p r o b l e m of delinquency, Alexander, W a l d r o n , B a r t o n , and M a s ( 1 9 8 9 ) assert t h a t negative a t t r i b u t i o n s arc m o r e characteristic of families t h a t raise o n e or m o r e d e l i n q u e n t offspring t h a n of families p r o d u c i n g well-adjusted children. Alexan­ d e r and his colleagues c o n t e n d t h a t effective family i n t e r v e n t i o n requires t h e reframing of family p r o b l e m s and issues in an effort t o shift t h e focus away from a seemingly incorrigible juvenile t o trans­ actions o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n the family t h a t give rise t o a c t i n g - o u t behavior o n t h e p a r t o f t h a t juvenile. P r e p a r i n g the client for the possibility of future lapses and rein­ t e r p r e t i n g these slips as predictable experiences t h a t s h o u l d elicit a

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c o p i n g response rather t h a n despair or frustration can also be conceptualized as a form of cognitive rcframing. M a r l a t t a n d G o r ­ d o n ( 1 9 8 5 ) m a i n t a i n t h a t w h e n lapses are r e a t t r i b u t e d t o external, u n s t a b l e , specific, controllable factors, the risk of relapse is substan­ tially reduced. Investigations have s h o w n t h a t p r e p a r i n g clients for lapses a n d slips a n d rcframing these lapses a n d slips as learning experiences can lower t h e rate of relapse in b o t h alcohol abusers ( R o d i n , 1 9 7 6 ) and heroin addicts (McAuliffe & C h ' i e n , 1 9 8 6 ) . O f course, this a p p r o a c h is n o t foolproof; if misused, it can actually precipitate a relapse. H e n c e rcframing lapses and sUps as m a n a g e a b l e p r o b l e m s m a y reduce the probability o f relapse in persons c o m m i t ­ t e d t o behavioral change. H o w e v e r , such rcframing m a y a r m cUents w h o are less t h a n fully c o m m i t t e d t o t h e change process w i t h justification for using drugs or e n g a g i n g in crime at s o m e p o i n t in t h e future. F o r this reason, the therapist should use such an a p p r o a c h judiciously, a n d only after he or she has s o m e sense o f t h e client's m o t i v a t i o n for change. Cognitive

Restructuring

As o p p o s e d t o cognitive rcframing, w h e r e the emphasis is o n shifting perspective or relabeling a situation, cognitive r e s t r u c t u r i n g involves a reconfiguration of t h o u g h t c o n t e n t , expectancies, and a s s u m p t i o n s so as t o d i s r u p t the eight t h i n k i n g p a t t e r n s t h a t s u p p o r t a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. T h o u g h cognitive r e s t r u c t u r i n g has been found effective in addressing p r o b l e m s of b o t h d r u g ( O e i & Jackson, 1 9 8 2 ) a n d criminal ( R u b y , 1 9 8 4 ) n a t u r e s , there is a need for as m u c h structure as possible in the utilization of such a p r o c e d u r e . M a u l t s b y ( 1 9 7 5 ) provides such s t r u c t u r e by listing five q u e s t i o n s that can be used by clients t o determine whether a particular t h o u g h t , belief, or idea meets certain criteria for rationality: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Does Does Does Does Does

it it it it it

meet with objective reality? serve to protect the client's life and health? lead the client to achieve long- and short-term goals? help the client avoid conflict with others? make the client feel the way he or she wants to feel?

If at least three of these questions can be answered in the affirmative, t h e n the belief is said t o be rational. I n earlier w o r k , I applied these five questions t o the eight t h i n k i n g styles described in C h a p t e r 4 ,

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a n d discovered t h a t all eight fell well s h o r t of rationality as m e a s u r e d b y M a u l t s b y (Walters, 1 9 9 0 ) . I n fact, m o s t failed t o satisfy even a single o n e of these five criteria for rational t h i n k i n g .

Conclusion A l t h o u g h surface differences m a y exist b e t w e e n d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles, t h e m a n n e r in which t r e a t m e n t is carried o u t w i t h clients from these t w o g r o u p s deviates o n l y slightly. T h i s is because t h e c u r r e n t - c o n t e x t u a l c o n d i t i o n s , choices, a n d cognitive t h i n k i n g pat­ terns t h a t c o n t r i b u t e t o a d r u g lifestyle dovetail w i t h t h e currentcontextual c o n d i t i o n s , choices, and cognitive patterns t h a t define a criminal lifestyle. W h a t is m o r e , there is a massive a m o u n t of crossover between these t w o lifestyles—that is, m a n y individuals are simultaneously c o m m i t t e d t o b o t h lifestyles or b o u n c e back and forth b e t w e e n t h e t w o . I t is also n o t u n c o m m o n t o find lifestyle t r a n s f o r m a t i o n as e p i t o m i z e d by t h e t h i n k i n g of s o m e o n e w h o stops u s i n g d r u g s only t o start selling t h e m . As the fundamental decisions a n d cognitive p a t t e r n s differ o n l y marginally b e t w e e n lifestyles, it is easy t o sec h o w an individual can g o from being addicted t o drugs t o b e i n g addicted t o selling d r u g s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , t r e a t m e n t ap­ proaches t h a t focus o n the p r o b l e m area, be it drugs or crime, will t e n d t o be less effective t h a n procedures t h a t address t h e u n d e r l y i n g lifestyles and t h e m e s t h a t link these t w o sets of behaviors. T r e a t m e n t s h o u l d therefore p r o c e e d along t h e lines of lifestyle overlap, cross­ over, a n d transfer, focusing o n t r e a t m e n t issues c o m m o n t o b o t h p r o b l e m areas.

6. T h e D r u g - C r i m e Connection Reconsidered

O

ne of the primary objectives of a scientific piece of w o r k is t o take a thesis or idea and develop it t o the point of advancing knowledge o n a particular subject or issue. I n this text I have introduced and examined the possibility that d r u g abuse and criminal activity constitute overlapping lifestyles linked by a c o m m o n or related set of current-contextual conditions, choices, cognitions, and change strategies. T h o u g h lacking a definitive conclusion o n the etiology, development, and amelioration of deviant behavior, there is ample evidence t o suggest the presence of a robust, t h o u g h variable, relation­ ship between drugs and crime. Accordingly, drugs m a y cause crime in one situation, be a consequence of crime in a second situation, and be completely unrelated t o crime under a third set of conditions. A n o t h e r possibihty, and one that finds preliminary support in the present investigation, is that d r u g abuse and crime are joined by commonalities in the lifestyles that support both. O n e w a y of assessing a theory's w o r t h m i g h t be t o g a u g e its ability t o predict relationships n o t currently observed and t o establish goals 95

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a n d procedures for change. T h e degree t o w h i c h a t h e o r y successfully forecasts future events and relationships is a m e a s u r e of its utility from a research-analytic p o i n t of view. T h e extent t o w h i c h it allows for clarity of expression, c o n t i n u i t y of assessment a n d t r e a t m e n t , a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n of effective intervention strategies is an estimate of its clinical utiUty. A t h e o r y s h o u l d consequently be j u d g e d o n its m e r i t s — n a m e l y , its utility t o researchers a n d clinicians—because m o r e e p h e m e r a l criteria, such as the theory's relationship t o " a b s o ­ lute t r u t h , " are unrealistic a n d u n a t t a i n a b l e . M o r e o v e r , as H c i s e n ­ b e r g a n d Einstein observed in the physical sciences, t r u t h and k n o w l e d g e are relative concepts t h a t vary according t o h o w they are construed and measured. Lifestyle theory, like other theories that have been advanced over the years t o explain the drug-crime connection, should therefore be evaluated against a criterion of usefulness. A feature of the lifestyle m o d e l t h a t speaks t o its utility is the unified explanation it offers for d r u g abuse, crime, a n d t h e d r u g crime c o n n e c t i o n . D r u g abuse and criminal activity are conceptual­ ized as overlapping lifestyles t h a t , a l t h o u g h distinct, are nonetheless b o u n d by a c o m m o n set of current-contextual c o n d i t i o n s , choices, c o g n i t i o n s , and change strategies. Historical-developmental c o n d i ­ t i o n s , the focus of m o s t traditional perspectives o n the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n , n o t only fail t o explain d r u g - c r i m e overlap, b u t in m a n y cases s h o w o p p o s i n g patterns for these t w o forms of deviant behav­ ior. This implies t h a t a l t h o u g h m a n y of the factors t h a t place a p e r s o n at risk for future d r u g or criminal o u t c o m e s differ initially, the lifestyles t h a t evolve from participation in d r u g use a n d criminal activity exhibit a converging p a t t e r n over t i m e , perhaps because of the c o m m o n a l i t y in choices a n d cognitions t h a t s u p p o r t b o t h life­ styles. T h u s developmenta l issues, in w h i c h t h e d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles appear t o follow similar patterns of progression (see Wal­ ters, 1 9 9 0 , 1 9 9 2 a ) , are also of interest t o researchers investigating t h e n a t u r e of t h e d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n . E m o t i o n s a n d m o t i v a t i o n s are o t h e r constituents of lifestyle the­ o r y t h a t are potentially capable of advancing o u r k n o w l e d g e a b o u t the d r u g - c r i m e question. Existential fear w o u l d appear t o be o n e such factor. I n lifestyle t h e o r y , existential fear is seen as t h e p r i m a r y m o t i v a t i n g force b e h i n d h u m a n behavior a n d the d e v e l o p m e n t of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. Existential fear, w h i c h makes its appear­ ance at b i r t h , is experienced by the n e o n a t e as a primitive fear of nonexistence. T h i s s o o n spills over i n t o o t h e r areas of a y o u n g child's life and often inspires the expression of related fears, such as fear of a b a n d o n m e n t , c h a n g e , failure, c o m m i t m e n t , and responsibility. T h e

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individual nevcrtiieless has a choice: H e o r she m a y m a s t e r existen­ tial fear t h r o u g h self-discipline or strive t o escape this fear by r e t r e a t i n g i n t o a d r u g , criminal, or o t h e r lifestyle. M o s t people exhibit a c o m b i n a t i o n of these t w o p a t t e r n s , t h e relative i m p o r t a n c e of each defining a person's u n i q u e style of behavioral adjustment. Lifestyle t h e o r y p u r p o r t s t o assist the individual by a c k n o w ­ ledging the presence of existential fear and reinforcing the individ­ ual's adaptive resources. A d a p t a t i o n is a w a r d e d a p r o m i n e n t place in lifestyle t h e o r y b y virtue of t h e fact t h a t it serves as the antithesis of a d r u g o r criminal lifestyle. Lifestyle t h e o r y defines a d a p t a t i o n as t h e modification of one's behavior in accordance w i t h n e w informa­ t i o n derived from one's interaction w i t h t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . T h i n k i n g plays a key role in this process, in t h a t effective a d a p t a t i o n p r e s u m e s a balance of values a n d expectancies. T h i s contrasts sharply w i t h a d r u g or criminal lifestyle, in w h i c h hedonistic values a n d s h o r t - t e r m expectancies p r e d o m i n a t e . T h e p a r a d o x is t h a t t h e longer the indi­ vidual hides from existential fear t h r o u g h d r u g o r criminal lifestyle involvement, the s t r o n g e r t h e fear b e c o m e s , t h o u g h its expression is often disguised. T h e reader's u n d e r s t a n d i n g of adaptability and its relationship t o existential fear a n d deviant behavior m i g h t be assisted by a brief review of Jean Piaget's ( 1 9 6 3 ) w o r k o n assimilation a n d accommodation. Piaget t h e o r i z e d t h a t early cognitive a n d m o r a l skills unfold as a consequence of a child's interaction w i t h his o r her e n v i r o n m e n t . Assimilation a n d accommodation are t h e t e r m s Piaget used t o explain this interactive relationship. A c c o r d i n g t o Piaget, a y o u n g child learns b y a d a p t i n g existing m e n t a l representations o r schemas t o n e w i n f o r m a t i o n a n d situations. Assimilation involves t h e absorp­ t i o n o r i n c o r p o r a t i o n of n e w i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o an existing schema (e.g., hairy four-legged animals t h a t bark are assimilated i n t o t h e schema d o g ) . A c c o m m o d a t i o n occurs w h e n the child confronts infor­ m a t i o n that h e or she cannot fially imderstand using an existing schema, a n d t h e n modifies an existing cognitive structure t o a c c o m m o d a t e , integrate, a n d u n d e r s t a n d the n e w experience (e.g., e n c o u n t e r i n g a hairy four-legged animal that purrs encourages the development of a n e w s c h e m a , c a t ) . F o r P i a g e t , h u m a n c o g n i t i v e d e v e l o p m e n t exists as an o n g o i n g series of assimilations a n d a c c o m m o d a t i o n s t h a t e n h a n c e t h e individual's adaptive resources by reinforcing his or her cognitive capabilities. E n v i r o n m e n t a l c h a n g e is c o n s e q u e n t l y vital t o future cognitive m a t u r a t i o n in t h a t it provides the subject w i t h n e w learning experiences and t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o develop his o r her adaptive resources.

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PERSPECTIVE

Lifestyle t h e o r y asserts t h a t assimilation and a c c o m m o d a t i o n are ways in w h i c h the individual manages his o r her existential fear o f change and uncertainty. S o m e persons a t t e m p t t o m a s t e r this fear by a d a p t i n g t o their e n v i r o n m e n t ; others handle the fear by escaping i n t o lifestyle routines of p r e d e t e r m i n e d roles a n d reactions. S o m e ­ o n e w h o takes the a d a p t a t i o n / m a s t e r y r o u t e assimilates n e w infor­ m a t i o n i n t o existing schemas a n d a c c o m m o d a t e s his or her t h i n k i n g t o d a t a for w h i c h n o schema currently exists. T h i s , in t u r n , reinforces the person's adaptive resources by e x p a n d i n g his o r h e r sphere o f k n o w l e d g e and repertoire of skills and o p t i o n s . At the o t h e r extreme are persons w h o m a n a g e their fear by retreating i n t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. H e r e the individual continues assimilating n e w information i n t o existing schemas, b u t , because of low a c c o m m o d a ­ t i o n , distorts experiences a n d perceptions in o r d e r t o fit t h e m i n t o preexisting cognitive sets. Because a lifestyle furnishes an individual w i t h established rules, roles, relationships, a n d criteria for success a n d failure, it serves as an alternative t o adaptive living, t h o u g h in the e n d it leaves the individual even m o r e vulnerable t o existential fear and its derivatives. M o s t children learn t o m a n a g e their fear by e n g a g i n g in role play and fantasy. I n fact, these actions can be seen as adaptive in y o u n g children or prcadolesccnts. H o w e v e r , given a supportive base of o p e r a t i o n s (secure a t t a c h m e n t ) , adequate behavioral self-control ( m o d e r a t e sensation-seeking tendencies), a n d a reasonable d e g r e e of self-confidencc (positive self-image), m o s t children eventually aban­ d o n role play and fantasy as their principal avenues of p r o b l e m m a n a g e m e n t in favor of personal responsibility a n d adaptive living. T h e r e are, m o s t assuredly, n u m e r o u s conditional factors—person, situational, and interactive—capable of influencing a person's deci­ sion t o cither master or run from the existential fear of c h a n g e . Personal choice variables, however, s h o u l d n o t be overlooked. Life­ style t h e o r y contends that a l t h o u g h we m a y n o t be free t o c h o o s e the c o n d i t i o n s of o u r lives, w e are free t o a d o p t particular attitudes t o w a r d these conditions and t o i m p l e m e n t strategics designed t o limit the effects these conditions have o n o u r behavior. T o u n d e r s t a n d lifestyle t h e o r y is t o realize t h a t this is an evolving system subject t o confusion and m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . S o m e of this can be a t t r i b u t e d t o the fact t h a t the lifestyle concept was incompletely developed in several of the earlier writings o n this subject, in t h a t the original focus was o n the lifestyle criminal or d r u g abuser as a real-life entity. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , m a n y professionals c o n t i n u e t o t h i n k along these lines a n d d o n o t u n d e r s t a n d t h a t lifestyle t h e o r y cur­

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rently conceives of lifestyles—drug, criminal, or otherwise—as cari­ catures t h a t few people achieve in the absolute. Just as c a r t o o n caricatures o f politicians a n d celebrities exaggerate p r o m i n e n t physi­ cal characteristics of t h e persons being l a m p o o n e d , so t h e c o n c e p t of d r u g and criminal lifestyles magnifies the behavioral features of deviant activities. T o avoid any further confusion, I have eliminated t h e t e r m s lifestyle drug abuser a n d lifestyle criminal from this text and replaced t h e m w i t h descriptive analogues (e.g., persons c o m m i t t e d t o a d r u g lifestyle, individuals e n g a g e d in criminal lifestyle activi­ ties). I t is a person's relative distance from the d r u g or criminal ideal, n o t w h e t h e r h e or she e m b o d i e s all features of t h e caricature, t h a t defines t h a t person's c o m m i t m e n t t o a d r u g or criminal lifestyle. T h e principal reason a d r u g or criminal lifestyle exists as a carica­ t u r e rather t h a n as a real-life entity is that, like any lifestyle, it is g u i d e d by specific roles and rules t h a t n o o n e could possibly follow w i t h o u t deviation. S o m e people, however, are m o r e clearly c o m m i t ­ ted t o this ideal t h a n o t h e r s , a n d this is represented pictorially by the subject's relative distance from the caricature (see F i g u r e 6 . 1 ) . Lifestyle t h e o r y delineates the boundaries o f lifestyle allegiance by drafting an arbitrary circle a r o u n d the caricature a n d classifying subjects falling w i t h i n this circle as significantly c o m m i t t e d t o t h e lifestyle ideal. I t is imperative t h a t the reader keep in m i n d , h o w e v e r , t h a t lifestyle t h e o r y takes a d y n a m i c view of h u m a n behavior and holds t h a t a subject's distance from the ideal is constantly c h a n g i n g . T h i s occurs as a consequence of the push and pull of forces t h a t d r a w the individual t o w a r d the ideal (i.e., the reinforcing and gratifying aspects of a d r u g or criminal lifestyle) and the person's o w n efforts at self-control a n d avoidance of lifestyle activities. Persons situated in the overlapping z o n e b e t w e e n t h e d r u g and criminal lifestyles (see Figure 6.1) are said t o be simultaneously c o m m i t t e d t o the d r u g a n d criminal lifestyle ideals.

Conclusion T h e results of this inquiry i n t o the nature of the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n indicate t h a t (a) t h e relationship b e t w e e n d r u g abuse a n d c r i m e is g e n u i n e , meaningful, and quantifiable; a n d (b) t h e r e arc three p a t h w a y s t h r o u g h which this relationship is expressed. T h e m o s t c o m m o n l y cited, t h o u g h n o t necessarily m o s t heavily trav­ ersed, p a t h w a y b e t w e e n d r u g abuse a n d crime e m a n a t e s from situ­ ations in w h i c h d r u g use causes crime, by loosening i n h i b i t i o n s .

100

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DRUGS AND CRIME IN LIFESTYLE PERSPECTIVE

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ο

οο ο ο ο

φ drug l i f e s t y l e caricature Ο criminal l i f e s t y l e caricature ο individual subjects Figure 6 . 1 . The Overlap Between Drug and Criminal Lifestyles d i s t o r t i n g j u d g m e n t , fostering criminal associations, or creating a " n e e d " for m o n e y . T h e second pathw^ay of d r u g - c r i m e overlap runs from crime t o d r u g s and occurs in situations w^here crime expands a person's d r u g use o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h r o u g h the provision of increased access t o m o n e y , neutralization of stabilizing forces such as life s t r u c t u r e , or extrication from conventional social c o n t r o l s .

The Drug-Crime Connection Reconsidered

101

T h e t h i r d p a t h w a y t h r o u g h w h i c h the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n is expressed involves a reciprocal interaction of d r u g a n d criminal lifestyle issues. Instead of existing as a direct causal link, like the t w o previously m e n t i o n e d p a t h w a y s , the reciprocal r o u t e of overlap b e t w e e n d r u g abuse and crime arises from the interactive nexus t h a t forms b e t w e e n these t w o forms of social deviance. Even t h o u g h surface differences m a y exist between the d r u g and criminal life­ styles, the s u p p o r t i n g t h e m e s , rituals, and t h i n k i n g patterns are clearly related. H e n c e , a l t h o u g h initial risk factors, as represented by research o n historical-developmental c o n d i t i o n s , m a y differ for d r u g abuse a n d crime, the d r u g - c r i m e c o n n e c t i o n g r o w s as a person's c o m m i t m e n t t o o n e or t h e o t h e r of these t w o lifestyles g r o w s . F o r the sake of accuracy. Figure 6.1 should be p o r t r a y e d in t h r e e - d i m e n ­ sional space, w i t h an e x p a n d i n g zone of overlap b e t w e e n the d r u g a n d criminal lifestyles as t h e subject's c o m m i t m e n t t o either lifestyle begins t o unfold. T h e future of lifestyle t h e o r y therefore rests w i t h its ability t o explain the u n d e r l y i n g lifestyle t h a t ties t o g e t h e r m a n y forms of socially deviant a n d n o n d e v i a n t behavior a n d serves as an alternative t o a d a p t a t i o n in response t o existential fear.

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Index

Access reduction, 7 7 - 7 9

Accommodation, 97-98

" A d d i a i o n - p r o n e " personality, 1 2 - 1 3

Affect regulation, 7 4 - 7 5

Age, 10

Assimilation, 9 7 - 9 8

Attachment, 2 1 - 2 2

Attribution triad, 8 7 - 9 0

belief in one's ability t o effect

change, 8 9 - 9 0

belief in the necessity o f change, 8 8

belief in the possibility o f change,

88-89

A u t o n o m i c response, 1 1 - 1 2

Behavioral contracting, 8 0

C o g n i t i v e rcframing, 9 1 - 9 2

C o g n i t i v e restructuring, 9 2 - 9 3

Crime:

as a cause o f drug abuse, 4 - 5 , 1 0 0

definition of, viii

in substance abuse treatment popula­

tions, 2-3

Cross-cultural effects, 1 4 - 1 5 , 1 9

C u e control, 7 5 - 7 7

cue avoidance, 7 6

cue exposure, 7 6 - 7 7

Current-contextual conditions, 2 4 - 2 7

Deterrence hypothesis, 3 1 - 3 3

Development:

effects o n decision-making process,

41-42

o f the drug and criminal lifestyles,

20-23

D r u g abuse:

as a cause o f crime, 3 - 4 , 9 9

definition of, viii

123

124

D R U G S A N D C R I M E IN L I F E S T Y L E

Drug-crime relationship:

evidence for the, 2 - 3

nature o f the, 3 - 7

D r u g use in criminal populations, 2

E m o t i o n a l issues, 2 5 - 2 6 , 9 6

Exacerbating/mitigating factors, 3 7 - 3 8

Existential fear, 9 6 - 9 8

Expectancies, 4 4 , 5 0 - 5 1 , 8 6

Fallibility, 3 3 - 3 5 , 4 3

Family environment, 1 6 - 1 7

General deviance model, 1 8 - 1 9

Goal-setting, 8 6 - 8 7

Heredity, 11

Historical-developmental conditions,

12-24

Informed decision-making, 4 2

Interpersonal relations, modification

of, 7 9 - 8 0

Lateral thinking, 8 2

Learning, 2 7 , 4 3 - 4 4

Lifestyle m o d e l o f choice behavior:

input stage, 3 6 - 4 1

o u t p u t stage, 4 5 - 4 6

process stage, 4 1 - 4 5

Media, 1

Modeling, 19-20

Object relations, 2 3

Opportunity, 1 5 , 3 9 - 4 0

Peer relations, 1 7 - 1 8

PERSPECTIVE

Person χ Situation interaction, 9 , 2 0 ­

21, 23-24

Personality, 1 2 - 1 3

Poverty, 1 5 - 1 6

Power thrust, 6 0 - 6 1

Priorities, 8 5

Rational choice theory, 3 0 - 3 1

Reciprocal m o d e l o f drug-crime ef­

fects, 5, 101

Reinforcement history, effects o n deci­

sion-making process, 4 3 - 4 4

Risk/protective factors, 3 6 - 3 7

Self-image, 2 3

Self-regulation, 9 1

Sensation seeking, 2 2

Shared influence m o d e l , 1 8 - 2 0

Skills training:

educational skills, 8 3 - 8 4

life skills, 8 3

occupational skills, 8 4

social skills, 8 2

Social class, 1 5 - 1 6

Stimulus modulation, 2 2

Stress management, 7 4 - 7 5

Substitution, 8 0 - 8 1

Target selection, 4 0 - 4 1

Thinking:

controlled vs. automatic, 5 2 - 5 3

rational vs. irrational, 5 2

self-educating vs. self-justifying, 5 3

Thinking errors, 5 0 - 5 1

Thinking styles:

cognitive indolence, 6 6 - 6 8

cutoff, 5 6 - 5 7

discontinuity, 6 8 - 7 0

entitlement, 5 7 - 5 9

mollification, 5 4 - 5 5

power orientation, 5 9 - 6 2

sentimentality, 6 2 - 6 4

superoptimism, 6 4 - 6 5

"Third-variable" explanation o f drug-

crime effects, 5-6

Index

"Three Cs," 6 - 7 T i m e horizon, 4 3 - 4 4 T y p e I/Type II alcohol abuse, 1 4

125 Validation, 4 4 - 4 5 Value-based intervention, 8 5

Zero state, 6 0 Urbanization, 15

About the Author

Glenn D . Walters has spent t h e past t w o years as a staff p s y c h o l o ­ gist a n d c o o r d i n a t o r of t h e substance abuse p r o g r a m at t h e Federal C o r r e c t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e in Schuylkill, Pennsylvania, an adult male m e d i u m security federal prison. After receiving a B.A. in psychology from L e b a n o n Valley College in 1 9 7 6 , an M . A . in clinical psychol­ o g y from I n d i a n a University of Pennsylvania in 1 9 7 8 , a n d a P h . D . in counseling psychology from Texas T e c h U n i v e r s i t y in 1 9 8 2 , he c o m p l e t e d a one-year internship at D w i g h t D a v i d E i s e n h o w e r A r m y Medical C e n t e r in F o r t G o r d o n , Georgia. S u b s e q u e n t t o his intern­ ship, he was assigned t o t h e m e n t a l health directorate o f t h e U . S . Disciplinary Barracks in F o r t L e a v e n w o r t h , K a n s a s , w h e r e h e re­ m a i n e d until his discharge from t h e miUtary in A u g u s t 1 9 8 4 . H e t h e n t o o k a p o s i t i o n w i t h t h e Federal B u r e a u of Prisons, first at t h e U n i t e d States Penitentiary in L e a v e n w o r t h , Kansas, t h e n at t h e Federal C o r r e c t i o n a l I n s t i t u t e in F a i r t o n , N e w Jersey, a n d finally at t h e F e d e r a l C o r r e c t i o n a l I n s t i t u t i o n in Schuylkill. H i s c u r r e n t p r i m a r y research interests include investigations i n t o t h e genetic 127

128

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PERSPECTIVE

correlates of crime, attempts t o i m p r o v e criminal assessment, and extension of lifestyle t h e o r y t o substance abuse, compulsive g a m ­ bling, a n d o t h e r behaviors k n o w n t o overlap w i t h the criminal lifestyle.