Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII 9781904350705, 9781905981410

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Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII

For Mike

Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII The Wardrobe Book of the Wardrobe of the Robes prepared by James Worsley in December 1516, edited from Harley MS 2284, and his Inventory prepared on 17 January 1521, edited from Harley MS 4217, both in the British Library

Edited and with a Commentary by

Maria Hayward

First published 2007 by Maney Publishing Published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. © Maria Hayward, 2007 The right of Maria Hayward to be identified as author of this Work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Statements in Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII reflect the views of the author and not those of the publisher. ISBN 13: 978-1-904350-70-5 (hbk) ISBN 13: 978-1-905981-41-0 (pbk)

Contents acknowledgements page ix abbreviations of principal works cited page xi introduction page xvii I Henry VIII: The Man and his Image page 1 Henry VIII’s physical form ~ The king’s painted image ~ Charting change in the king’s appearance

II Henry VIII: European Prince and King of England page 9 Magnificence and the role of royal dress ~ Asserting royal authority through dress ~ Creating a sense of Englishness through dress ~ Henry VIII in a European context ~ Henry VIII’s interaction with the three leading European powers: the Papacy, the Holy Roman Empire and the Ottoman Empire ~ Royal wardrobes and royal style: analysis of four case-studies: Elegant conspicuous consumption of clothes: Francis I; Following French fashion: James V; Growing disinterest: Charles V and Masking failure: Christian II

III Creating Magnificence: The Role of the Great Wardrobe page 25 The great wardrobe: its function, premises and staff ~ The queen’s wardrobe ~ Great wardrobe documentation: warrants and accounts ~ Evidence of clothing provision found in other royal accounts ~ The price of magnificence: the budget for the great wardrobe ~ Selecting fabric for the king ~ Other royal fabric stores ~ Suppliers to the great wardrobe ~ An absence of objects made by the great wardrobe

IV The Cycle of Royal Life: Coronations to Funerals page 41 Coronations ~ The regalia ~ Coronation robes: the joint coronation of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon; Individual coronations: Henry VII and Edward VI, Mary I and Elizabeth I; Queen consorts: Elizabeth of York, Anne Boleyn; Henry’s other queens ~ Betrothals/Marriage by proxy: Henry VIII’s betrothals, Prince Arthur to Catherine of Aragon, Margaret Tudor to James IV of Scotland, Mary Tudor to Charles, Prince of Castile, Mary Tudor to Louis XII of France, Princess Mary to Francis, the Dauphin, Princess Mary and Charles V, Prince Edward and Mary, Queen of Scots ~ Marriage: Henry VIII: Catherine of Aragon, Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour, Anne of Cleves, Catherine Howard, Catherine, Lady Latimer (née Parr); Establishing the dynasty: Henry VII and Elizabeth of York, Prince Arthur and Catherine of Aragon, Margaret Tudor and James IV of Scotland, Mary Tudor and Louis XII of France ~ Christenings: Henry VII’s children, Henry VIII’s children, Other royal christenings ~ Churchings ~ Preparation for death: Henry VII ~ Obsequies: the living remembering the dead ~ Funerals and burial: Henry VIII, Henry VII; The Tudor queens consort: Mothers of sons: Elizabeth of York and Jane Seymour; The princess dowager: Catherine of Aragon; Execution and private burial: Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard; Surviving the king: Anne of Cleves and Catherine Parr; The king’s sisters: Mary and Margaret Tudor; Royal children: Infants; Adolescents

V Henry VII: Establishing the House of Tudor page 73 Male dress in the late fifteenth century ~ The Yorkist courts ~ Henry VII ~ The opulence of Henry VII’s court ~ Henry VII’s wardrobe ~ Elizabeth of York ~ Lady Margaret Beaufort ~ Henry VII’s children: Prince Arthur, Princess Margaret, Prince Henry, Princess Mary and Prince Edmund ~ Catherine of Aragon

VI Henry VIII’s Wardrobe Unlock’d page 95 Henry VIII’s wardrobe: male dress in the first half of the sixteenth century ~ Creating and defining the male image: gowns, doublets and hose ~ Variety in the male wardrobe: the glaudekin, gabardine, cloak, frock, coat, cassock and nightgown ~ Alternatives to the doublet: jackets and jerkins, chammers and shamews ~ Accessories: partlets, placards, stomachers, petticoats and tippets ~ Clothes for bathing ~ Sporting dress ~ Clothes for combat and the tilt yard: brigandines, bases and base coats, arming doublets and hose ~ The king’s linen: shirts, night shirts, night caps and handkerchiefs ~ Headwear ~ Footwear ~ Gloves ~ Girdles ~ Purses and pouches ~ Swords and daggers ~ Walking staffs ~ The king’s jewellery ~ The use of jewels on the king’s clothes ~ Material choices: textiles fit for a king ~ Rainbow colours: the significance of the colour of the king’s clothes ~ Patronage and perquisites: giving away the king’s clothing ~ Gifts and purchases: adding to the king’s wardrobe ~ A point of comparison: the wardrobe of James V

VII Henry VIII’s Ceremonial Wardrobe: Observing the Ritual Year page 129 The weekly cycle: Sunday observance ~ Days of estate, crown-wearing days and days for wearing purple and scarlet ~ Provision made by the great wardrobe for Candlemas, Palm Sunday and Maundy Thursday ~ Days of mourning ~ Mourning dress ~ Ceremonial robes: the order of the Garter, the order of the Golden Fleece and the order of St Michael ~ The king’s parliament robes

VIII Caring for the King’s Clothes: The Wardrobe of the Robes and the Laundry page 143 The king’s wardrobe of the robes: a route to success ~ The queen’s wardrobe of the robes ~ Ordering clothes for the king ~ Caring for the king’s clothes ~ Specific packing materials ~ Transporting clothes ~ Documentation ~ Perfuming the king, his clothes and his rooms ~ The physical context: buildings for storage and rooms for dressing ~ The royal laundry

IX Female Fashions at Henry VIII’s Court page 155 Choosing a queen ~ Queenship in early modern England ~ The court as a centre of female fashionable dress ~ The form and function of female clothes ~ Undergarments: smocks, shifts, bodies, farthingales and petticoats ~ Principal garments: the gown and the kirtle ~ Items worn in association with the gown and the kirtle: foreparts, sleeves, furs and tippets, stomachers, placards, partlets and neckerchiefs ~ Maternity wear ~ Outdoor dress: cloaks and special clothes for riding and walking ~ Informal wear: nightgowns ~ Mourning ~ Accessories: headwear and footwear

X An Expression of Individuality: An Analysis of the Wardrobes of Henry VIII’s Wives and Sisters page 177 Catherine of Aragon ~ Anne Boleyn ~ Jane Seymour ~ Anne of Cleves ~ Catherine Howard ~ Catherine Parr ~ The queen’s jewels ~ Looking outside his marriage vows: the king’s mistresses ~ Royal siblings: the king’s sisters: Margaret, queen of Scots and Mary, queen of France

XI The King’s Children: Dressed to Impress page 195 Consummation, pregnancy and birth ~ Establishing the queen’s chamber and the royal nursery ~ The staff of the nursery ~ Children’s dress ~ Clothing the king’s children: Lady Margaret Douglas, Princess Mary, the duke of Richmond, Princess Elizabeth and Prince Edward ~ Lady Jane Grey

XII The Henrician Court page 217 The court ~ The role of a favourite at the Henrician court: the duke of Suffolk, Thomas Wolsey, Thomas Cromwell ~ Symbols of status: the significance of noble robes ~ The ennoblement of peers ~ The creation of knights ~ The knights of the Bath ~ Membership of the order of the Garter ~ Court politics and foreign policy: meetings with the Emperor, 1520 and 1522, the Field of Cloth of Gold, 1520, the meeting at Calais in 1532 ~ Ambassadors ~ Godparenting ~ Gifts of clothing ~ Dress as an expression of treason ~ Noble prisoners and executions ~ Male youth culture at court ~ Revels, disguisings, mummeries and jousts ~ Celebrating Advent and Christmas ~ Courtly love: St Valentine’s day ~ Dress disguising royalty

XIII The Royal Household: Form, Function and Livery page 241 Form and function ~ Livery and retaining ~ Types of livery issued within the king’s household: the use of two-colour livery, large-scale provision of single-colour livery to the whole household, red livery coats, annual changes in livery colour, badges and livery collars and other symbols of office

XIV Livery for the Households of Henry VII and his Family page 253 Henry VII ~ Elizabeth of York ~ Lady Margaret Beaufort ~ The households of the king’s children ~ Royal charity

XV Henry VIII’s Household: The Domus Magnificencie and the Domus Providencie page 261 The household above stairs: the chamber, the privy chamber, the fool, the musicians, the chapel royal, the closet and the vestry and medical men ~ The household below stairs

XVI Outside the Household: The Stable, the Hunts and Beyond page 275 The stable and the master of the horse ~ The king’s ape ~ The king’s hunts: the buckhounds, the leash, the toils, the bows and the longbows, the falconers, hunt officers not provided for by the great wardrobe ~ The barge ~ Livery issued ‘out of court’: the great wardrobe; the king’s works; other government officials and links with cities: caps of maintenance

XVII Tudor Military Splendour page 289 The yeomen of the guard ~ The band of spears or pensioners ~ The gentleman pensioners ~ Royal messengers ~ The kings of arms, heralds and pursuivants ~ Military roles for Henry VIII’s nobility ~ The rank and file of the king’s military forces: flags and banners; Conduct coats: France, Scotland, Ireland, naval expeditions, garrisons ~ Royal entries as part of military campaigns

XVIII The Households of Henry VIII’s Wives, Sisters and Children page 301 The queen’s household ~ Acquiring a position within the queen’s household ~ The households of Henry VIII’s queens: Catherine of Aragon, Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour, Anne of Cleves, Catherine Howard, Catherine Parr ~ Short-term provision for the king’s sisters ~ The households of the king’s children: Princess Mary; the duke of Richmond; Princess Elizabeth and Prince Edward

XIX The Royal Artificers page 317 The principal artificers: the king’s tailor; the queen’s tailor; the king’s hosier; the queen’s hosier; the king’s skinner; the queen’s skinner; the king’s embroiderer; the queen’s embroiderer; the king’s silk woman; the queen’s silk woman ~ The minor artificers of the royal wardrobe: the king’s armourer to his spurrier: the king’s armourer; the king’s bit maker; the king’s coffer maker; the queen’s coffer maker; the king’s cordwainer; the queen’s cordwainer; the king’s cutler; the king’s feather maker or plumier; the king’s goldsmith; the queen’s goldsmith; the king’s jeweller; the king’s milliner; the king’s saddler; the queen’s saddler and the king’s spurrier

XX Making the Tudor Wardrobe page 345 Tailoring books ~ Patterns ~ Equipment ~ Selection and orientation of the top fabric ~ Linings ~ Interlinings and facings ~ Padding and stiffening ~ Sewing thread ~ Seams and hems ~ Fit and shaping ~ Fastenings: buttons, clasps, hooks, latchets and pins, dress hooks, lacing, points and girdles ~ Decorative techniques: paning, slashing, cutwork, pinking and clocking ~ Guards, borders, crests and edges ~ Applied trimmings or passementerie ~ Surface decoration: embroidery, quilting, stoolwork and goldsmith’s work ~ Creating a magnificent impression

XXI Transcription Notes page 367 The Wardrobe Book of the Wardrobe of the Robes prepared by James Worsley in December 1516, edited from British Library MS Harley 2284 page 369 The Inventory of the Wardrobe of the Robes prepared by James Worsley on 17 January 1521, edited from British Library MS Harley 4217 page 413 glossary page 433 index 1 Document Index page 437 index 2 Index to the Text page 447 colour plates following page 14

Acknowledgements

A

generous grant towards the cost of the illustrations and reproduction fees was awarded to me by the Barbara Whatmore Charitable Trust. Barbara Whatmore was very interested in and hugely supportive of the work of the Textile Conservation Centre (TCC) and she assisted Karen Finch in establishing the TCC up as a charitable trust. Further grants were received from the Peter Moores Foundation, the Mercers’ Company and the Pasold Research Fund. Much of the research has been funded by Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) and this book forms one of the publication milestones of the AHRC Research Centre for Textile Conservation and Textile Studies (2002–07). The Research Centre was based at the TCC and involved a partnership between the Universities of Southampton, Bradford and Manchester. Grateful thanks also go to the AHRC and to the Paul Mellon Centre for British Art for small awards in 2003 and to the British Academy for a small award in 2004. I also owe a huge debt of gratitude to the staff of the British Library, the National Archive, Kew, the John Rylands Library special collections, the library at Winchester School of Art and the Hartley library, University of Southampton. I must also thank the Master, Fellows and Scholars of St John’s College, Cambridge, for their permission to cite documents in their collection and Malcolm Underwood for allowing me access. Grateful thanks also go to colleagues at the Abbeg-Stiftung Foundation, Riggisberg, for allowing me to visit and study items in their collection. Many people have contributed to this book in a variety of ways. I am most grateful to all my colleagues at the TCC, University of Southampton, for their help and encouragement. In particular, I would like to thank Nell Hoare, for her ongoing support, Dinah Eastop for her constant interest and guidance and Chris Bennett for her help with the text. I would also like to thank Julia Bennett, Mary Brooks and Andrea Poole. In addition I would like to acknowledge the help that I have received from the following, who were all very generous with their time and knowledge: the late Janet Arnold, Claude Blair, Jütta von Bloh, Jim Bolton, Alison Carter, Wendy Childs, Siân Cooksey, Karen Finch, Hazel Forsyth, Steve Gunn, John Hodgeson, Anna Jolly, Santina Levey, Lesley Miller, Shelagh Mitchell, Lisa Monnas, Linda Newington, Bettina Niecamp, Harriet North, Susan North, Karen Parker, Johannes Pietsch, Mary Rose, Ann Saunders, Regula Schorta, Trish Skinner, Kay Staniland, David Starkey, Anne Sutton, June Swann, Malcolm Underwood, Elspeth Veale, Karen Watts, Mary Westerman, Joelle

Wickens, Chris Woolgar, Linda Woolley, Anna Wright and Robert Yorke. I would especially like to thank Dinah Eastop, Caroline Johnston, Jane Malcolm-Davies, Susan North and Ann Saunders for generously reading and commenting on drafts of the text and transcript. Their insightful and perceptive comments were invaluable in revising the book. However, my largest debt is to Alasdair Hawkyard, without whom this book would have been much poorer. Any remaining errors are my own. I must thank Liz Rosindale and Linda Fisher of Maney for seeing this book through to publication. Finally, I wish to thank Mike and my family for their interest, support and encouragement. Photographic Acknowledgements I am most grateful to Mike Halliwell for preparing the images for this book to such a high standard. I would also like to thank Shelagh Mitchell for undertaking the initial picture research. The source of each image is acknowledged in its caption and the images are reproduced by kind permission of their owners as follows: Figures 1.8, 4.3, 5.7, 6.1, 6.14, 7.7, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 10.5, 10.7, 11.5, 11.6, 11.8, 11.9, 12.7, 12.10, 12.11, 13.7, 15.8, 16.1, 16.8, 16.9, 17.1, 17.3, 18.2, 18.3, 19.1, 19.8, 20.7, 20.8; and Plates Ib, IIIa, VIc, VIIb, VIIIc are reproduced by Gracious Permission of Her Majesty the Queen. Figures 7.3, 20.4, 20.9 of the Medici burial clothes are reproduced from the Janet Arnold Collection by courtesy of her executors. Figures 6.5, 9.6, 9.7, 20.1, 20.2 of the Medici burial clothes are reproduced with the permission of Mary Westerman for the Janet Arnold slide archive and the Galleria del Costume, Palazzo Pitti. Abegg Stiftung, Bern 3.5, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 19.2, 19.3, 20.5, 20.6 Ashmolean Museum, Oxford 6.16, 16.7, 18.1, 19.11 The Duke of Bedford and the Trustees of the Bedford Estates Pl. IIIb Bern Historical Musem 5.1, 5.2 Bibliothèque de Méjanes, Aix-en-Provence 5.8 Bibliothèque Nationale de France 1.2 The Blair Charitable Trust, Blair Castle, Perthshire 2.5 Bodleian Library, Oxford 12.5, 15.7 British Library 1.1, 4.2, 15.3 British Museum 6.18, 8.4, 9.4, 11.3, 13.1, 15.2, 15.5, 19.5, 19.9 The Duke of Buccleuch and Queensbury, KT 10.1, 12.9

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acknowledgements

Cambridge University Library 4.1 College of Arms, London 4.4, 13.2, 15.4, 19.10; Pl. VIIIb Dean and Canons of Windsor Pls IVb, IVc Department of Conservation and Technology, Courtauld Institute of Art 20.12, 20.14 The Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth 7.1 Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 1.5, 4.5, 13.5, 14.2 Frick Collection, New York 12.6, 13.6 Galleria del Costume, Palazzo Pitti 6.5, 9.6, 9.7, 20.1, 20.2 Guildhall Library, City of London 3.1 Herzog-Anton-Ulrich Museums, Braunschweig 2.3 Isabella Gardner Museum, Boston 19.4 Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna Pl. VIb Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz) 8.5 Lambeth Palace Library 9.13 Magdalene College, University of Cambridge 5.4 Mauritshuis, The Hague 16.6; Pl. VIa Mercers’ Company 3.6 Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 13.4 Musée du Louvre, Paris 2.4 Museo del Prado, Madrid 2.6 MuseoThyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid Pl. Ic Museum of the Condé region, Chantilly, France 13.3 Museum of London 6.6, 6.9, 6.15, 9.12, 11.1, 11.2, 16.3, 16.4, 16.5, 20.10, 20.11 National Archive, Kew 2.2, 3.2, 3.3, 4.6, 7.5, 7.6, 14.1 and the back cover National Gallery, Ireland 15.1

National Gallery, London 9.1, 9.16, 12.8 National Gallery of Art, Washington 11.7 National Portrait Gallery, London Front cover: 1.3, 2.1, 5.5, 5.6, 6.8, 6.12, 7.2, 9.3, 9.8, 9.14, 9.15, 10.2, 10.6, 11.4, 12.1, 12.3, 12.4, 15.6, 16.2, 17.2; Pls Ia, Id, IIIc, IIId, IVa, Vb, Vc, VIIa, VIIIa National Trust 1.4, 7.4 New College, Oxford (Bridgeman Art Library) 12.2 Private Collection 8.1 Private Collection 20.3 Royal Albert Memorial Museum, Exeter 16.10 Royal Armouries, Leeds 1.6, 1.7, 6.10, 6.11, 11.10, 19.6, 19.7 St John’s College, Oxford 10.3 Saint Louis Art Museum, Missouri 9.5 Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Rüstkammer 6.2, 6.3, 6.4 Städelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt am Main 1.9 Textile Conservation Centre, University of Southampton 4.5, 9.2, 13.5, 14.2 Trinity College, Cambridge Pl. Va Vermögen und Bau Baden-Württemberg, Staatliche Schlösser und Gärten 6.7 Victoria and Albert Museum 3.4, 5.3, 6.13, 10.4, 16.17, 20.13 Wadham College, Oxford 9.2 Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool Pl. IIa Waterford Museum of Treasures 16.11 Westminster Abbey Muniment Room 4.7, 8.2, 8.3 Worshipful Company of Barbers Pl. IIb

Abbreviations of Principal Works Cited The following abbreviated forms have been used for manuscripts, book titles, journal articles and names of institutions cited more than once. Where a work has only been cited once, its full details are given in the endnotes. The place of publication of all books is London unless otherwise stated. This list takes the place of a bibliography. The principal primary sources, both manuscript and printed, have been annotated to provide additional detail on their significance to the text. Alçega, Pattern Book Alçega, J., de., Tailor’s Pattern Book 1589, introduction by J. L. Nevinson (Carlton, 1979). The earliest printed tailor’s book, reproduced in facsimile. Anderson, Hispanic Costume Anderson, R. M., Hispanic Costume 1480–1530, The Hispanic Society of America (New York, 1979). Anglo, Great Tournament Roll Anglo, S. The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster (Oxford, 1968). A visual record of the tournament held to celebrate the birth of Henry’s son in 1511. Anglo, Images Anglo, S., Images of Tudor Kingship (1992). Anglo, Spectacle Anglo, S., Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford, 1969). APC Dasent, J. R., et al., Acts of the Privy Council of England, 46 vols (1890–1964). Arnold, Patterns Arnold, J., Patterns of Fashion: the Cut and Construction of Clothes for Men and Women c. 1560– 1620 (1985). Detailed analysis and patterns of examples of sixteenth-century dress. Arnold, Queen Elizabeth Arnold, J., Queen Elizabeth’s Wardrobe Unlock’d (Leeds, 1988). Arnold and Westerman Bulgarella, ‘Innovative’ Arnold, J., and Westerman Bulgarella, M., ‘An innovative method for mounting the sixteenth-century doublet and trunk-hose worn by Don Garzia de’Medici’, Costume, 30 (1996), pp. 47–55. Ashelford, Visual History Ashelford, J., A Visual History of Costume: the Sixteenth Century (1983). Ashmole, Garter Ashmole, E., The Institution, Laws and Ceremonies of the Most Noble Order of the Garter (1672, 1971). Astle, Will Astle, T., ed., The Will of Henry VII (1775). Auerbach, Tudor Artists Auerbach, E., Tudor Artists (1954). Bäumel and Swann, ‘Die Schuhsammlung’ Bäumel, J., and Swann, J., ‘Die Schuhsammlung in der Dredener Rüstkammer: Ein Uberblick über die Geschichte und den Bestand’, Waffen-und Kostümkunde (1996), pp. 3–34.

Benecke, Maximilian Benecke, G., Maximilian I, 1459– 1519: An Analytical Biography (1982). Bentley, Excerpta Historica Bentley, S., Excerpta Historica (1831). Transcripts of a useful selection of household accounts and other sources. BHM Bern Historical Museum BIHR Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research. Bindoff, House of Commons Bindoff, S. T., ed., The House of Commons 1509–1556, 3 vols (1982). BJRL Bulletin of John Rylands Library. BL British Library, London. Additional — includes copies of Henry VII’s accounts and one bundle of warrants from Henry VIII’s great wardrobe. Arundel — includes a set of chamber accounts. Cotton — includes drawings of the king’s tents. Egerton — includes an inventory of the king’s jewels. Harley — includes James Worsley’s wardrobe book and inventory and half of the 1547 inventory of Henry VIII’s possessions. Royal — includes a number of documents recording the king’s jewels. Stowe — includes the inventory of Catherine Howard’s jewels. Blair, ‘16th century’ Blair, C., ‘A 16th century reference to the making of a coat of mail’, The Arms and Armour Society, 18.3 (2005), pp. 105–06. Blair and Pyhrr, ‘Wilton ‘Montmorency’ armor’ Blair, C. and Pyhrr, S., ‘The Wilton “Montmorency” armor: an Italian armor for Henry VIII’, The Metropolitan Museum Journal, 38 (2003), pp. 95–144. Blair, ‘Maximilian’ Blair, C., ‘The Emperor Maximilian’s gift of armour to King Henry VIII and the silvered engraved armour at the Tower of London’, Archaeologia, 99 (1965), pp. 1–52. BM British Museum. Bod Lib The Bodleian Library. Douce MS 363 English History b 192/1 Rawlinson MS D 775, 77c, 777 Boulton, Knights of the Crown Boulton, D’A. J. D., The Knights of the Crown: The Monarchical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe 1325–1520 (Woodbridge, 1989). Brewer, Death of Kings Brewer, C., The Death of Kings (2000). Brockliss, ‘Concluding remarks’ Brockliss, L. W. B., ‘Concluding remarks: the anatomy of the minister-favourite’, in

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abbreviations of principal works cited

J. H. Elliott and L. W. B. Brockliss, eds, The World of the Favourite (New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 279–309. Brooke and Crombie, Henry VIII Brooke, X., and Crombie, D., Henry VIII Revealed: Holbein’s Portrait and its Legacy (Liverpool, 2003). Brown, Four Years Brown, R., ed., Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, 2 vols (1854). Bruce, Making Henry Bruce, M. L., The Making of Henry VIII (1977). Buck, Clothes Buck, A., Clothes and the Child: a Handbook of Children’s Dress in England 1500–1900 (Carlton, 1996). Burke, ‘Presenting’ Burke, P., ‘Presenting and re-presenting Charles V’, in H. Soly, ed., Charles V 1500–1558 and his Time (Antwerp, 1999), pp. 393–477. Burnham, Cut Burnham, D. K., Cut my Cote (Toronto, 1973). Caley, ‘Extract’ Caley, J., ‘Extract from a MS in the Augmentation Office: Wardrobe account of Henry VIII’, Archaeologia, 9 (1789), pp. 243–52. Campbell, Art of Majesty Campbell, T., The Art of Majesty: Henry VIII’s Tapestry Collection (New Haven and London, forthcoming). Campbell, Materials Campbell, W., ed., Materials for a History of the Reign of Henry VII, 2 vols (1873–77). Transcripts of a useful selection of household accounts and other sources. Capwell, ‘Italian arming doublet’ Capwell, T. E., ‘A depiction of an Italian arming doublet, c.1435–45’, Waffen-und Kostümkunde (2002), pp. 177–95. Carmi-Parsons, ‘Family’ Carmi-Parsons, J., ‘Family, sex and power: the rhythms of medieval queenship’, in J. Carmi-Parsons, ed., Medieval Queenship (Stroud, 1994), pp. 1–12. Carter, ‘Mary Tudor’s wardrobe’ Carter, A., ‘Mary Tudor’s wardrobe, Costume, 18 (1984), pp. 9–28. Castiglione, Courtier Castiglione, B., The Book of the Courtier, ed. G. Bull (Harmondsworth (1967). Cavendish, Life of Wolsey Cavendish, G., The Life and Death of Cardinal Wolsey, ed. R. Sylvester, EETS, 243 (1959). Almost contemporary biography of Cardinal Wolsey. Chapman, Sisters Chapman, H. W., The Sisters of Henry VIII (1969). Chrimes, Henry VII Chrimes, S. B., Henry VII (1972, 1981). Clark, Medieval Horse Clark, J., ed., The Medieval Horse and its Equipment c.1150–c.1450 (1995). Collection of Inventories A Collection of Inventories and Other Records in the Royal Wardrobe and Jewelhouse and of the Artillery and Munitions in Some of the Royal Castles (Edinburgh, 1815). CoA College of Arms, London. MS M6, M13. MS M1bis, M6bis, M13bis, M16bis. MS I 7, I 14. MS Z.d.11 The 1539 New Year’s gift roll. Latin MS 239 Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe book for 1519–20. Collins, Jewels and Plate Collins, A. J., ed., Jewels and Plate of Queen Elizabeth I: The Inventory of 1574 (1955). Colvin, HKW Colvin, H. M., The History of the King’s Works, 6 vols (1982). CPR Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1485–94 (1956), 1494–1509 (1963).

Crawford, ‘King’s burden’ Crawford, A., ‘The King’s burden’, in R. Griffiths, ed., Patronage, the Crown and the Provinces in Later Medieval England (Gloucester, 1981), pp. 33–56. Crawford, Letters Crawford, A., ed., Letters of the Queens of England 1100–1547 (Stroud, 1994). Crowfoot, Pritchard and Staniland, Textiles and Clothing Crowfoot, E., Pritchard, F., and Staniland, K., Medieval Finds from Excavations in London: 4 Textiles and Clothing c. 1150–c. 1450 (1992). CSP Edward VI Knighton, C. S., ed., Calendar of State Paers, Domestic, Edward VI (1992). CSP Milan Allen, B., ed., Calendar of State Papers, Milan, 1385–1618 (1912). CSP Scotland Bain, J., et al., Calendar of State Papers Relating to Scotland and Mary, Queen of Scots (1898–1952). CSP Spanish Bergenroth, G. A., et al., Calendar of State Papers, Spanish (1862–64). CSP Venetian Brown, R., ed., Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 9 vols (1864–98). Cumming, ‘Great vanity’ Cumming, V., ‘“Great vanity and excesse in Apparell”: Some clothing and furs of Tudor and Stuart royalty’, in A. MacGregor, ed., The Late King’s Goods: Collections, Possessions and Patronage of Charles I in the Light of the Commonwealth Sale Inventories (London and Oxford, 1989), pp. 322–50. Cummins, Hound and Hawk Cummins, J., The Hound and The Hawk: The Art of Medieval Hunting (1988). Cunnington, Handbook Cunnington, C. W. and P., Handbook of English Costume in the Sixteenth Century (1954). Cyrus-Zetterström and Ekstrand, Royal Silks CyrusZetterström, U. and Ekstrand, G., Royal Silks (Stockholm, 2004). Davies and Saunders, Merchant Taylors Davies, M. and Saunders, A., The History of the Merchant Taylors’ Company (Leeds, 2004). Dillon, ‘Arms and armour’ Dillon, H. A., ‘Arms and armour at Westminster, the Tower and Greenwich, 1547’, Archaeologia, 51.1 (1888), pp. 219–80. Doran, Elizabeth Doran, S., ed., Elizabeth: The Exhibition at the National Maritime Museum (2003). Dunlevy, Dress in Ireland Dunlevy, M., Dress in Ireland (1989). EETS Early English Text Society. Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories Egan, G. and Pritchard, F., Medieval Finds from Excavations in London: 3 Dress Accessories (1991). Eichberger, Women Eichberger, D., ed., Women of Distinction: Margaret of York, Margaret of Austria (Mechelen, 2005). Evans, Dress Evans, J., Dress in Medieval France (Oxford, 1952). Evans, Jewellery Evans, J., A History of Jewellery 1100– 1870 AD (1970). Feuillerat, Revels Feuillerat, A., ed., Documents Relating to the Revels at Court in the Time of King Edward VI and Queen Mary (Louvain, 1914, reprinted 1963). Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation Flury-Lemberg, M., Textile Conservation and Research (Bern, 1988). Foister, Holbein Foister, S., Holbein and England (New Haven and London, 2004). Fraser, Six Wives Fraser, A., The Six Wives of Henry VIII (1992).

abbreviations of principal works cited FSL Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington. Furnivall, Boke Furnivall, F. J., ed., The Boke of Nurture (1867). Glanville, Silver Glanville, P., Silver in Tudor and Early Stuart England (1990). GM Guildford Muniment Room. Gordon, Wilton Diptych Gordon, D., ed., Making and Meaning: The Wilton Diptych (1993). Gunn, Charles Brandon Gunn, S. J., Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk c. 1484–1545 (Oxford, 1988). Hall, Chronicle Hall, E., The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Families of Lancaster and York (1809). This is the chief narrative source for Henry VIII’s reign and includes many descriptions of the clothes worn by the king, his household and court. Harris, Stafford Harris, B. J., Edward Stafford, Third Duke of Buckingham, 1478–1521 (Stanford, 1986). Harvey, Men Harvey, J., Men in Black (1995). Harvey, Elizabeth of York Harvey, N. L., Elizabeth of York: the Mother of Henry VIII (New York, 1973). Harvey and Mortimer, Funeral Effigies Harvey, A., and Mortimer, R., The Funeral Effigies of Westminster Abbey (Woodbridge, 1994). Hayward, 1542 Inventory Hayward, M. A., The 1542 Inventory of Whitehall: the Palace and its Keeper (2004). Hayward, ‘Gifts’ Hayward, M. A., ‘Gift giving at the court of Henry VIII: the 1539 New Year’s gift roll in context’, Antiquaries Journal, 85 (2005), pp. 125–75. Hayward, ‘Luxury’ Hayward, M. A., ‘Luxury or magnificence? Dress at the court of Henry VIII’, Costume, 30 (1996), pp. 37–46. Hayward, ‘Packing’ Hayward, M. A., ‘The packing and transportation of the goods of Henry VIII, with particular reference to the 1547 inventory’, Costume, 31 (1997), pp. 8–15. Hayward, ‘Repositories’ Hayward, M. A., ‘Repositories of splendour: Henry VIII’s wardrobes of the Robes and Beds’, Textile History, 29 (1998), pp. 134–56. Hayward, ‘Sign’ Hayward, M. A., ‘“The sign of some degree”?: The financial, social and sartorial significance of male headwear at the courts of Henry VIII and Edward VI’, Costume, 36 (2002), pp. 1–17. Hearn, Dynasties Hearn, K., ed., Dynasties: Painting in Tudor and Jacobean England 1530–1630 (1995). ‘Henry VIII’s jewel book’ Trollope, E., ed., ‘King Henry VIII’s jewel book’, The Associated Architectural Societies, 17.2 (1883–84), pp. 155–229. Hinton, Gold and Gilt Hinton, D., Gold and Gilt, Pots and Pins (Oxford, 2005). HMC Historical Manuscripts Commission. HO A Collection of Ordinances and Regulations for the Government of the Royal Household, published by the Society of Antiquaries (1790). A very useful collection of household ordinances. Hunniser, Period Costume Hunniser, J., Period Costume for Stage and Screen: Patterns for Women’s Dress 1500–1800 (California, 1991). Hutton, Rise Hutton, R., The Rise and Fall of Merry England: The Ritual Year 1400–1700 (Oxford, 1996). Ives, Anne Boleyn Ives, E. W., Anne Boleyn (Oxford, 1986). James, Kateryn Parr James, S., Kateryn Parr: the Making of a Queen (Aldershot, 1999). Jardine, Worldly Goods Jardine, L., Worldly Goods (1996).

xiii

Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother Jones, M. K., and Underwood, M. G., The King’s Mother: Lady Margaret Beaufort Countess of Richmond and Derby (Cambridge, 1992). JRL John Rylands Library, Manchester. Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies Kantorowicz, E. H., The King’s Two Bodies: a Study in Medieval Political Theory (1957, 1981). Kipling, Receyt Kipling, G., ed., The Receyt of the Ladie Kateryne, EETS, 296 (Oxford, 1990). Useful primary source describing the arrival of Catherine of Aragon and her marriage to Prince Arthur. Kipling, Triumph Kipling, G., The Triumph of Honour: Burgundian Origins of the Elizabethan Renaissance (Leiden, 1977). Knecht, Rise and Fall Knecht, R. J., The Rise and Fall of Renaissance France (1996). Jerdan, Rutland Papers Jerdan, W., ed., The Rutland Papers, Camden Society (1842). La Toison d’Or La Toison d’Or: Cinq Siècles d’Art et d’Histoire (Bruges, 1962). Laynesmith, Last Medieval Queens Laynesmith, J. L., The Last Medieval Queens: English Queenship 1445–1503 (Oxford, 2004). Leland, Collectanea Lelland, J., De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, ed. T. Hearne, 4 vols (1774). Includes a number of useful sources. Linthicum, Costume Linthicum, M. C., Costume in the Drama of Shakespeare and His Contemporaries (New York, 1936). Lisle Letters Byrne, M. St Clare, ed., The Lisle Letters, 6 vols (Chicago, 1981). Full transcripts of and commentary on the letters to and from Lord and Lady Lisle. Lloyd and Thurley, Images Lloyd, C. and Thurley, S., Henry VIII: Images of a Tudor King (Oxford, 1990). Loades, Chronicles Loades, D., Chronicles of the Tudor Kings (1990). Extracts from a number of Tudor texts with modern spelling. Loades, Tudor Court Loades, D., The Tudor Court (New Jersey, 1987). Lockyer, Habsburg and Bourbon Lockyer, R., Habsburg and Bourbon Europe 1470–1720 (1974). LP Brewer, J. S., Gairdner, J., and Brodie, R. H., eds, Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509–1547, 21 vols and addenda (1862–1932). This is the most important calendar of the extant documents from Henry VIII’s reign. LP Hen VII Gairdner, J., Letters and Papers of Richard III and Henry VII, 2 vols (1861–63). LRS London Record Society. LTS London Topographical Society. Lurie, Language Lurie, A., The Language of Clothes (1981). Martienssen, Katherine Parr Martienssen, A., Queen Katherine Parr (1975). Martin, ‘Sir John Daunce’ Sir John Martin, C. T., ‘Sir John Daunce’s accounts of money received from the Trasurer of the King’s Chamber’, Archaeologia, 47 (1883), pp. 295–336. Mertes, English Noble Household Mertes, K., The English Noble Household 1250–1600: Good Governance and Politic Rule (Oxford, 1988). Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies, Tudor Tailor Mikhaila, N., and Malcolm-Davies, J., The Tudor Tailor: Reconstructing Sixteenth Century Dress (2006).

xiv

abbreviations of principal works cited

Millar, Catalogue Millar, O., ed., ‘Abraham van der Doort’s Catalogue of the Collections of Charles I’, Walpole Society, 37 (1960). Millar, Holbein Millar, O., Holbein and the Court of Henry VIII, The Queen’s Gallery (1978). MMA Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. MoL Museum of London. Monnas, Merchants Monnas, L., Merchants, Princes and Painters: Silk Fabrics in Italian and Northern Painting 1300–1550 (New Haven and London, forthcoming). Murphy, Bastard Prince Murphy, B. A., Bastard Prince: Henry VIII’s Lost Son (Thrupp, 2001). Myers, Black Book Myers, A. R., ed., The Household of Edward IV: The Black Book and The Ordinance of 1478 (Manchester, 1959). Nevinson, ‘Portraits’ Nevinson, J. L., ‘Portraits of Gentleman Pensioners before 1625’, Walpole Society, 34 (1958), pp. 1–13. Nevinson, ‘Sixteenth century doublet’ Nevinson, J. L., ‘A sixteenth century doublet’, Documenta Textilia: Festschrift für Sigrid Müller-Christensen Herausgegeben von Mechthild Flury-Lemberg und Karen Stolleis (Munich, 1981), pp. 371–77. NG National Gallery, London. Nichols, Chronicle of Calais Nichols, J. G., ed., Chronicle of Calais, Camden Society, OS 35 (1846). Nichols, Epistles Nichols, F. M., ed., The Epistles of Erasmus, 2 vols (1904). Nichols, ‘Inventories’ Nichols, J. G., ed., ‘Inventories of the wardrobes and plate of Henry Fitzroy, duke of Richmond and the wardrobe stuff at Baynard’s Castle of Katherine of Aragon, princess Dowager’, Camden Miscellany, 3 (1855). Nichols, Literary Remains Nichols, J. G., ed., The Literary Remains of King Edward VI, 2 vols (1857). Norris, Costume Norris, H., Costume and Fashion: III.i The Tudors 1485–1547 (1938). NPG National Portrait Gallery, London. NS New Series. NUL Nottingham University Library Manuscripts Department. OED Oxford English Dictionary. Orsi Landini and Niccoli, Moda a Firenze Orsi Landini, R., and Niccoli, B., Moda a Firenze 1540–1580: Lo stile di Eleonora di Toledo e la sua influenza (Florence, 2005). Ortiz, Resplendence Ortiz, A. D., et al., Resplendence of the Spanish Monarchy: Renaissance Tapestries and Armor from the Patrimonial Nacional (New York, 1991). Pollard, Henry VIII Pollard, A. F., Henry VIII (1905). Pollard, Henry VII Pollard, A. F., ed., The Reign of Henry VII from Contemporary Sources, 3 vols (1913–14). PPC Nicholas, N. H., ed., Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council of England, 1368–1542, 7 vols (1834–37). PPE Nicolas, N. H., ed., The Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII (1827). Transcript of Henry VIII’s privy purse accounts. PPE Elizabeth Nicolas, N. H., ed., Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York: Wardrobe Accounts of Edward IV (1830). PPE Princess Mary Madden, F., Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary 1536–44 (1831). Pronay and Cox, Crowland Chronicle Pronay, N. and Cox, J., eds, The Crowland Chronicle Continuations (1986).

Pyhrr et al., The Armoured Horse Pyhrr, S. W., et al., The Armored horse in Europe 1480–1620 (New Haven and London, 2005). RA Royal Armouries, Leeds. Rangström, Lions Rangström, L., et al., Lions of Fashion: Male Fashion of the 16th 17th 18th Centuries/Modelejon Manligt Mode 1500-tal, 1600-tal, 1700-tal (Stockholm, 2002). RC Royal Collection. Reese, Master Reese, M. M., The Royal Office of the Master of the Horse (1976). Richardson, Mary Tudor Richardson, W. C., Mary Tudor: The White Queen (1970). Ridley, Love Letters Ridley, J., ed., The Love Letters of Henry VIII (1988). RL Royal Library, Windsor. Roberts, Holbein Roberts, J., Holbein and the Court of Henry VIII (Edinburgh, 1993). Rodríguez-Salgado, Armada Rodríguez-Salgado, M. J., Armada, 1588–1988 (1988). Rogers and Ward, Süleyman Rogers, J. M., and Ward, R. M., Süleyman the Magnificent (1988). Ross, Edward IV Ross, C., Edward IV (1974). Rot Parl Strachey, J., et al., Rotuli Parliamentorum, 1278–1504, 6 vols (1767–77). Rowlands, Age of Dürer Rowlands, J., The Age of Dürer and Holbein: German Drawings 1440–1550 (1988). Rowlands, Holbein Rowlands, J., Holbein: The Paintings of Hans Holbein the Younger (Oxford, 1985). Rowlands and Starkey, ‘Old tradition’ Rowlands, J. and Starkey, D. R., ‘An old tradition reasserted: Holbein’s portrait of Queen Anne Boleyn’, Burlington Magazine, 125 (1983), pp. 83–92. Russell, Field of Cloth of Gold Russell, J. G., The Field of Cloth of Gold: Men and Manners in 1520 (1969). Rutt, Hand Knitting Rutt, R., A History of Hand Knitting (1987). Scarisbrick, Henry VIII Scarisbrick, J., Henry VIII (1981). Scarisbrick, Jewellery Scarisbrick, D., Jewellery in Britain 1066–1837: A Documentary, Social, Literary and Artistic Survey (Norwich, 1994). Scarisbrick, Tudor Scarisbrick, D., Tudor and Jacobean Jewellery (1995). Scott, Visual History Scott, M., A Visual History of Costume: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (1986). SJC St John’s College, Cambridge. Skelton, Magnificence Skelton, J., Magnificence, ed. P. Neuss (Manchester, 1980). Snodin and Howard, Ornament Snodin, M., and Howard, M., Ornament: a Social History Since 1450 (New Haven and London, 1996). Snodin and Styles, Design Snodin, M., and Styles, J., Design and the Decorative Arts: Tudor and Stuart Britain 1500–1714 (2004). SoA Society of Antiquaries. Somers-Cocks, Princely Magnificence Somers-Cocks, A., ed., Princely Magnificence: Court Jewels of the Renaissance 1500–1630 (1980). Spufford, Great Reclothing Spufford, M., The Great Reclothing of Rural England: Petty Chapmen and Their Wares in the Seventeenth Century (1984). SP Bergenroth, G. A., et al., State Papers of King Henry the Eighth, 11 vols (1830–52).

abbreviations of principal works cited SR Luders, A., et al., Statutes of the Realm, 10 vols (1810–28). Stangl and Lang, Mönche und Scholaren Stangl, A., and Lang, F. T., Mönche und Scholaren: Funde aus 900 Jahren Kloster Alpirsbach 1095–1995 (Karlsruhe, 1995). Staniland, ‘Getting there’ Staniland, K., ‘Getting there, got it: archaeological textiles and tailoring in London, 1330– 1580’, in D. Gaimster and P. Stamper, eds, The Age of Transition: the Archaeology of English Culture 1400– 1600, Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph 15 (1997), pp. 239–49. Staniland, ‘Royal entry’ Staniland, K., ‘Royal entry into the world’, in D. Williams, ed., England in the Fifteenth Century (Woodbridge, 1987), pp. 297–313. Starkey, English Court Starkey, D. R., ed., The English Court from the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War (London and New York, 1987). Starkey, European Court Starkey, D. R., ed., Henry VIII: a European Court in England (1991). Starkey, Inventory Starkey, D. R., ed., The Inventory of King Henry VIII (1998). Full transcript of the 1547 inventory taken after Henry VIII’s death. Starkey, ‘Old blue gown’ Starkey, D. R., ‘Henry VI’s old blue gown: the English court under the Lancastrians and Yorkists’, The Court Historian, 4.1 (1999), pp. 1–28. Starkey, ‘Representation’ Starkey, ‘Representation through intimacy: a study in the symbolism of monarchy and court office in early modern England’, in I. Lewis, ed., Symbols and Sentiments: Cross-Cultural Studies in Symbolism (1977), pp. 187–224. Starkey, Six Wives Starkey, D. R., Six Wives: The Queens of Henry VIII (2003). Stow, Annales Stow, J., The Annales or Generall Chronicle of England (1615). Stow, Survey Stow, J., A Survey of London Written in the Year 1598, with an introduction by A. Fraser (Stroud, 1994). Streitberger, Court Revels Streitberger, W. R., Court Revels 1485–1559 (Toronto, Buffalo and London, 1994). Strickland, Queens of England Strickland, A., Lives of the Queens of England, ii (Chicago, New York and San Francisco, 1851). Strickland, Queens of Scotland Strickland, A., Lives of the Queens of Scotland and English Princesses Connected with Regal Succession of Great Britain (New York, 1859). Strong, Holbein Strong, R., Holbein and Henry VIII (1967). Strong, Portraits Strong, R., Tudor and Jacobean Portraits: National Portrait Gallery, 2 vols (1967). Strong, Splendour at Court Strong, R., Splendour at Court: Renaissance Spectacle and Illusion (1973). Strype, Memorials Strype, J., Ecclesiastical Memorials (Oxford, 1822). Sutton, ‘Coronation robes’ Sutton, A. F., ‘The coronation robes of Richard III and Anne Neville’, Costume, 13 (1979), pp. 8–16. Sutton, ‘Lovekyn’ Sutton, A. F., ‘George Lovekyn, tailor to three kings of England, 1470–1504’, Costume, 15 (1981), pp. 1–12. Sutton, Mercers Sutton, A. F., The Mercery of London: Trade, Goods and People, 1130–1578 (Aldershot, 2005).

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Sutton, Reburial Sutton, A. F., Visser-Fuchs, L., and Hammond, P. W., The Reburial of Richard Duke of York 21–30 July 1476, The Richard III Society (1996). Sutton and Hammond, Coronation Sutton, A. F., and Hammond, P. W., eds, The Coronation of Richard III: the Extant Documents (Gloucester and New York, 1983). Symonds and Preece, Needlework Symonds, M., and Preece, L., Needlework Through the Ages (1928). Tarrant, Development Tarrant, N., The Development of Costume (Edinburgh, 1996). Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle Thomas, A. H., and Thornley, I. D., eds, The Great Chronicle of London (1938). Thurley, Royal Palaces Thurley, S., The Royal Palaces of Tudor England: Architecture and Court Life 1460–1547 (New Haven and London, 1993). Thurstfield, Medieval Tailor Thurstfield, S., The Medieval Tailor’s Assistant (Bedford, 2001). TNA The National Archives (formerly The Public Record Office, Kew). This is the chief repository for records relating to Henry VIII’s wardrobe, court and household. E36: Exchequer: Treasury of Receipt: Miscellaneous Books. E101: Exchequer: King’s Remembrancer: Accounts, Various. E154: Exchequer: King’s Remembrancer: Inventories of goods and chattels. E315: Court of Augmentations and Predecessors and Successors: Miscellaneous Books. E403: Exchequer of Receipt: Issue Rolls and Registers. E404: Exchequer of Receipt: Warrants for Issue. LC2: Lord Chamberlain’s Department: Records of Special Events. LC5: Lord Chamberlain’s Department: Miscellaneous Records. LC9: Lord Chamberlain’s Department: Accounts and Miscellanea. OBS: Obsolete Lists, Indices and Miscellaneous Summaries and Reports Associated with The National Archive’s Holdings. SP1: State Papers, Domestic, Henry VIII. SP10: State Papers, Domestic, Edward VI. Tout, Chapters Tout, T. F., Chapters in the Administrative History of Medieval England, iv (Manchester, 1928). VAM Victoria and Albert Museum. Veale, Fur Trade Veale, E. M., The English Fur Trade in the Later Middle Ages, LRS (1966, 2003). WAM Westminster Abbey Muniments. Weir, Six Wives Weir, A., The Six Wives of Henry VIII (1991). Wilcox, Bags Wilcox, C., Bags (1999). Williams, Documents Williams, C. H., ed., English Historical Documents, 1455–1558, v (1967). Woolgar, Great Household Woolgar, C. M., The Great Medieval Household in Late Medieval England (New Haven and London, 1999). Wriothesley, Chronicle Wriothesley, A Chronicle of England, Camden Society, NS, 11 (1875). Young, Tournaments Young, A., Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments (1987).

Introduction

T

his book is modelled on Janet Arnold’s Queen Elizabeth’s Wardrobe Unlock’d (Leeds, 1988) in terms of its structure, format, approach and its close focus on the dress of one royal individual: hence the discussions of Henry’s physique, portraiture, personal wardrobe, jewellery, regalia and ceremonial robes. In addition to chapters on the great wardrobe, the king’s artificers and wardrobe of the robes, the book includes full transcripts of James Worsley’s wardrobe book commissioned in December 1516 and his inventory compiled in January 1521.1 Along with the inventory of the wardrobe of the robes taken after the king’s death in January 1547, the 14 extant volumes of great wardrobe accounts and various bundles of warrants, this wardrobe book and inventory represent the only other substantial record of the king’s clothes in English archives.2 However, in a number of small ways this book differs from Janet’s model. In part, this reflects the difference in the available evidence between the first and second halves of the sixteenth century, and in part it acknowledges that a monarch needs to be considered in the context of their court and household.3 For this reason, Henry VIII has been compared with his father, Henry VII, to provide historical context, and with the other rulers of Europe who were his social equals, in order to assess how they used clothes to define their royal image. The contents of this book also reflect developments in historiography such as the rise in interest in the structure and composition of early modern courts.4 Court ceremonial was linked to the annual cycle, while the pattern of coronations and funerals dictated royal dress and behaviour, just as strongly as personal inclination. For these occasions, royal dress was often intended to be seen in the context of the textiles used to furnish the rooms the king appeared in and, consequently, these furnishings have been referred to where relevant. Equally, the Henrician court was European in outlook, while demonstrating moments of marked insularity.5 All of these features created a magnificent court with Henry VIII at the centre. Finally, the book is chiefly concerned with the study of male dress, as there was a male monarch, an essentially all male household and a strongly masculine court. However, this male bias is tempered by the chapters on the dress of

Henry’s wives, their households and his children. Finally, there is increasing interest in the cut, construction and recreation of Tudor dress.6 In part, this was instigated by Janet Arnold who took patterns from extant garments and documented how they were made.7 This was the inspiration for the final chapter which presents some of the evidence on cut, construction and decorative techniques that can be drawn from the written sources. Some themes were not included in this book because they have been covered elsewhere. Consequently, there is not a chapter on the materials used by the king’s artificers because many facets of this topic have been addressed by a range of scholars, including Lisa Monnas on Italian silks, Anne Sutton on mercery and Elspeth Veale on fur.8 In contrast, the material on Henry VIII’s suppliers poses other challenges, including the volume of primary data and secondary sources. It is also a topic that would draw this book too far away from its original inspiration.9 The difficulties of working with the range of written and visual primary sources available to a historian of the mid Tudor period have been discussed elsewhere, so removing the need for a specific chapter on sources.10 However, the great wardrobe accounts, the chief source for this book, are discussed in detail. Shorter discussions on other key groups of sources appear in the relevant chapters. In addition, the list of Abbreviations of the Principal Works Cited (pp. xi– xv) has been annotated to highlight the most important manuscript and printed primary sources. Sixteenth-century textiles and dress have a specialist vocabulary, as does the court and the royal household. Consequently, this book is aimed at the readers with an interest in, and knowledge, of the period. However, the text is also intended to be accessible to readers with a more general knowledge and some additional information has been provided to assist them with the technical terms and other more period-specific detail. All dates are old style, with the year taken to begin on 1 January. For a discussion of measurements, dating and regnal years, see the Transcription Notes (pp. 367–68), while definitions of textile and dress terms are given in the Glossary (pp. 433–35). All lengths, prices and weights have been given in the original form. Metric conversions have been supplied for lengths and weights.

xviii

introduction

Some data has been presented in the form of tables. In most cases the material has been arranged alphabetically. However, where the tables refer to items of clothing, these have been grouped by type, such as outer garments, doublets and hose, associated items, accessories, headwear and footwear, and then listed alphabetically within these groupings. Quotations taken from primary sources retain the original spelling. Where the meaning is potentially ambiguous, an explanation has been provided in square brackets. A large number of quotations have been used in this book, to provide the reader with direct access to the original sources, but in some instances the quotations are placed in the notes to ensure

the flow of the main text. A number of quotations come from four primary sources. First, there are James Worsley’s wardrobe book and inventory which are transcribed at the end of this book and their reference numbers are cited as follows: the entry number prefaced with A in square brackets refers to BL MS Harley 2284, for example [A421] and the entry number prefaced with B in square brackets refers to BL MS Harley 4217, for example [B23]. The third is the 1542 inventory of the palace of Whitehall and the entry number is given in square brackets, for example [211]. Finally, the entries from the 1547 inventory, taken shortly after Henry’s death, are given in parentheses, for example (9987).

Notes 1 BL Harley MSS 2284 and 4217. 2 BL Harley MS 1419, ff. 398r–415v; Starkey, Inventory (14177–590). The 1542 inventory of the palace of Whitehall includes a short entry for the king’s clothes kept there, along with a much longer listing of clothes that had belonged to Jane Seymour; TNA E315/160, ff. 1r–2r, 94r–98v; Hayward, 1542 Inventory [1–28], [2095–259]. 3 Janet Arnold did discuss the key groups of women in Elizabeth’s service (the maids of honour and the ladies and gentlewomen of the bed chamber and privy chamber) but only in the context of gifts given to the queen. For a discussion of the Tudor court, see Starkey, English Court, and Loades, Tudor Court. 4 For example, A. G. Dickens, ed., The Court of Europe: Politics, Patronage and Royalty 1400–1800 (1977); J. Adamson, ed., The Princely Courts of Europe 1500–1750 (1999); The Society for Court Studies was established in 1996.

5 Including Starkey, European Court, and G. Richardson, Renaissance Monarchy: The Reigns of Henry VIII, Francis I and Charles V (2002). 6 Including J. Hunniset, Period Costume for Stage and Screen: Patterns for Women’s Dress 1500–1800 (California, 1991), Thurstfield, Medieval Tailor and Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies, Tudor Tailor. 7 Arnold, Patterns. A few of her patterns and replicas were included in Arnold, Queen Elizabeth. 8 For example, Monnas, Merchants, Sutton, Mercers and Veale, Fur Trade. 9 The London Record Society is keen to publish a selection of the great wardrobe accounts with a full analysis of the suppliers, set in the wider context of the London mercantile community. The latter will draw on recent scholarship such as Sutton, Mercers, and Davies and Saunders, Merchant Taylors. 10 For example, J. Arnold, A Handbook of Costume (1973), Lloyd and Thurley, Images, and Ashelford, Visual History.

i Henry VIII: The Man and his Image

H

ousehold ordinances, narrative sources and books of accounts make clear the social, political and religious role of textiles and dress in creating a suitable context for early modern royalty.1 This role was often articulated in terms of the need for royal magnificence, and it was expressed through court ceremonial. The ways in which textiles were used in these ceremonies find many parallels in the royal and princely courts across Europe, and England was no exception. Luxury textiles were expensive and highly prized. Giangiorgio Trissino’s observations after visiting the studiolo and grotta of Isabella d’Este, marchioness of Mantua, vividly illustrate this point. Trissino stated that ‘her true liberality can be understood by the splendour of her dress, the magnificent décor of the house, and by the beautiful — one might almost say, divine — fabrics with which the whole is adorned’.2 While such splendour was to be expected in Italy, a major producer of luxury silk textiles at this period, England was another matter. Some Italian visitors to England were pleasantly surprised by what they found, suggesting that their expectations had not been very high. The papal nuncio, Francesco Chieregato, wrote to Isabella d’Este, describing the jousts held by Henry VIII at Greenwich in July 1515: In short, the wealth and civilization of the world are here; and those who call the English barbarians appear to me to render themselves such. I here perceive very elegant manners, extreme decorum, and very great politeness; and amongst other things there is this most invincible King, whose acquirements and qualities are so many and excellent that I consider him to excel all who ever wore a crown.3

Henry VIII dominated his court and so it is fitting that this book should begin by looking at the man in terms of his physical build, his personality and how these changed over time. A number of contemporary descriptions have been quoted at length to provide a sense of the king and to emphasise the qualities admired or reproved by those who met him. These quotations also provide context for the portraits of the king painted by Hans Holbein the Younger and the other artists of the Tudor court.

Henry VIII’s physical form A sense of Henry VIII’s appearance can be derived from the descriptions of his physique, most of which date to the first 25 years of his 37-year reign. In terms of stature and colouring, Henry inherited the looks of his maternal grandfather, Edward IV, who Sir Thomas More described as ‘Princely to behold . . . of visage lovely, of body mighty, strong and clean made’.4 These physical traits were readily apparent in Henry even before his accession to the throne.5 As an adult, Henry was tall and statuesque. His armour made in 1515 indicates that he was at least 6 ft 1 in. (1.84 m) in height, and that he was broad-shouldered in an age when broad shoulders were symbolic of male strength.6 This physical trait was further emphasised by the cut of gowns and doublets at this period which stressed the shoulders and drew the viewer’s attention away from the waist. The king was not alone in having an impressive build: John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, was equally tall.7 Henry also shared his striking stature with his uncle Arthur Plantagenet, Lord Lisle. Late in 1533 Lisle asked the king for a suit of ‘hosting harness’ or field armour. On 20 January 1534 Sir Francis Bryan wrote to Lisle, noting that ‘at his Grace’s next repair to Greenwich . . . he will look one out for you himself’.8 The implication was that Henry would select one of his own armours for Lisle, indicating that they were a similar size.9 Filled with the spirit of optimism brought about by the accession of a new, young king, Lord Mountjoy described Henry in 1509 as having no wish for ‘gold or gems or precious metals, but virtue, glory, immortality’.10 Henry’s enlightened outlook was ascribed to his humanist education and his circle of friends which included Sir Henry Guildford and Sir Thomas More (Fig. 1.1).11 Henry had a wide range of intellectual interests and he often chose More as his companion, taking him:

2

the man and his image accomplishments of riding and throwing the dart he outstripped everyone’.16 Many of the descriptions emphasised the quality of Henry’s clothes and so provided ample justification for the money spent on his wardrobe. He was recognised as ‘the best dressed sovereign in the world: his robes are the richest and more superb that can be imagined: and he puts on new clothes every Holyday’.17 Henry’s use of his wardrobe to create a sense of magnificence was conveyed very powerfully when Pasqualigo, who accompanied the Venetian ambassador Sebastian Giustinian, described the king on St George’s day 1515. It is the detailed observations made by Giustinian that makes this description so telling about how Henry sought to create a particular visual impression with his clothes: he wore a cap of crimson velvet, in the French fashion, and the brim was looped up all round with lacets and gold enamelled aigletes. His doublet was in the Swiss fashion, striped alternately with white and crimson satin, and his hose scarlet, and all slashed from the knees upwards . . . round his neck he had a gold collar, from which there hung a rough-cut diamond, the size of the largest walnut . . . and to this was suspended a most beautiful and very large round pearl. His mantle was of purple velvet lined with white satin, the sleeves open with a train verily more than four Venetian yards in length. This mantle was girt in front like a gown, with a thick gold cord, from which there hung large garlands entirely of gold, like those suspended from a cardinal’s hat; over this mantle was a very handsome gold collar, with a pendant St. George entirely of diamonds . . . Beneath the mantle he had a pouch of cloth of gold, which covered a dagger.18

1.1 Henry VIII reading in his bedchamber in Henry VIII’s Psalter, c. 1540. The king wears a red, fur trimmed gown over a cloth of gold doublet and tawny hose. By permission of the British Library, Royal MS 2A XVI, f. 3

into his private room, and there some time in matters of astronomy, geometry, divinity and such other faculties, and some time in his worldly affairs, to sit and confer with him, and other whiles would he in the night have him up into the leads there to consider with him the diversities, courses, motions and operations of the stars and planets.12

Henry also excelled in music, tennis, dressage and the full range of martial skills which he honed through hunting, making him a fully rounded Renaissance prince. Hall’s description of Henry’s activities on his summer progress in 1511 makes this very plain.13 The king spent his time: in shooting, singing, dancing, wrestling, casting of the bar, playing at the recorders, flute and virginals, and in setting of songs, making of ballads and [he] did set two godly Masses, every of them of five parts, which are sung oftentimes in his chapel and afterwards in divers places. And when he came to Woking, there were kept both jousts and tourneys. The rest of his time was spent playing in hunting, hawking and shooting.14

John Taylor, clerk of Parliament, recalled seeing the king on 8 July 1513 practising archery in a garden with the yeomen of the guard. Henry ‘cleft the mark in the middle and surpassed them all, as he surpasses them in stature and personal graces’.15 Henry continued to be complimented on his sporting prowess late into the 1520s. In 1529 Erasmus observed that Henry ‘had such natural dexterity, that is the ordinary

Contemporary notions favoured blond or sandy hair, pale skin and blue eyes, so Henry was regarded as being very goodlooking in his youth. At the age of 24 he was said to be ‘the handsomest potentate I ever set eyes on . . . his complexion [is] very fair and bright, with auburn hair combed straight and short, in the French fashion, and a round face so very beautiful that it would become a pretty woman’.19 Sebastian Giustinian, the Venetian ambassador, writing on 10 September 1519, echoed these sentiments when he described Henry (aged 29) in the following terms: ‘he is much handsomer than any other sovereign in Christendom; a great deal handsomer than the King of France; very fair, his whole frame admirably proportioned.’20 Being used to praise of this kind meant that the king took criticism badly. At the time of Anne Boleyn’s trial, Lady Rochford testified that Anne had been critical of the king’s poetry and his virility. Such comments were newsworthy, and Eustace Chapuys recorded that ‘She was also charged, and her brother likewise, with having laughed at the king and his dress’.21 By the late 1530s Henry’s health began to decline and, with it, his physique. In the autumn of 1538 George Constantine observed to the dean of Westbury that ‘it grieveth me at heart to see his Grace halt so much upon his sore leg’.22 Once age saw the decline of his physical skills, courtiers resorted to classical comparisons to flatter the king. In 1540 Sir Thomas Chaloner described Henry to Charles V as the equal of Hercules, Pollux, Castor, Hector and Hippolitus.23 However, in December of that year, Marillac, the French ambassador, informed Francis I that the ‘King has taken a new rule of living; to rise between 5 and 6 a.m., hearing mass at 7 a.m., and then ride until dinner time, which is 10 a.m.’.24 This regime did not have lasting benefits. In February 1541 Henry had to postpone a visit to Dover because he suffered from ‘a slight tertian fever . . . one of his legs, formerly opened and

the man and his image kept open to maintain his health, suddenly closed, to his great alarm, for, five or six years ago, in like case, he thought to have died’.25 Although he recovered, Henry took to walking with a staff, and staffs became an integral part of his appearance. On 18 May 1542 when Lady Northumberland petitioned the king about her poverty, Robert Swift observed in a letter to the earl of Shrewsbury that Henry ‘bowed down upon his staff unto her’.26 The French ambassador Castillion described Henry VIII as ‘a wonderful man and has wonderful people about him, but he is an old fox’.27 In later life, he was troubled with poor sight, just as his paternal grandmother had been. Amongst his personal possessions in 1547 there were ‘a glasse to reade with set in wodde with a handell’ (3195) and ‘a Spectacle case of golde engraven with the Armes of England with twoo spectacles’ (2088).28 Equally, by 1542 he was ‘already very stout and daily growing heavier, he seems very old and grey . . . three of the biggest men to be found could get inside his doublet’29 (Fig 1.2). The impact of his increased size on his appearance was pronounced. In part, the emphasis that male dress placed on the shoulders, and the bulky image created by wearing layered clothing, turned Henry’s increasing size into a virtue, ensuring that he presented an even more impressive and imposing figure at court.30 In part, the king’s own bulk ensured the substantial male silhouette was copied at court.

1.2 Henry VIII in later life, by Cornelius Matsys, c. 1545. The ageing king wears the high-necked doublet typical of the 1540s under a gown with a fur collar. Bibliothèque Nationale de France

3

Late in 1546, letters sent by courtiers and ambassadors highlight the king’s poor health. In December 1546 the privy council informed Nicholas Wotton the king had a fever ‘upon some grief upon his leg’ but now he was ‘well rid of it’.31 The imperial ambassador, Van der Delft, was less optimistic when he wrote to Mary of Hungary on 24 December, noting that ‘the King is so unwell that, considering his age and corpulence, he may not survive another attack such as he recently had at Windsor’.32 On 10 January 1547 the French ambassadors wrote to Francis I with news that the king’s health was a little better but that they had ‘great reason to conjecture that, whatever his health, it can only be bad and will not last long’.33 Henry’s physical decline was also charted in Goodwin’s Annales of England and the Life of Herbert of Cherbury.34 Amidst all of this speculation, Henry died on 28 January 1547, aged 55, in the 38th year of his reign.

The king’s painted image Unlike his daughter Elizabeth, Henry VIII did not pass any legislation seeking to control the production or dissemination of his image. Even so, Henry undoubtedly intended his portraits to be magnificent and awe-inspiring. Holbein’s dynastic mural in the privy chamber at Whitehall, which depicted Henry with Jane Seymour and his parents, was described as leaving those that saw it ‘abashed and annihilated’.35 Even so, access to this image was strictly limited because relatively few people gained entrance to the privy chamber and not all of those that did succumbed to its spell. However, the printing press ensured that Henry VIII’s portrait was disseminated widely. This could be in the form of single woodcuts such as the illustration of the king’s coronation in Stephen Hawes’ pamphlet c. 1510 (Fig. 4.1) or pages in books, including Holbein’s frontispiece for the Coverdale Bible produced in 1535.36 Henry VIII’s portrait was developed and disseminated in a very different way to that of his rival, Francis I.37 Jean Clouet created an informal, half-length portrait of Francis I that was used both for portraits and official documents. In contrast, although Holbein developed a distinctive image that came to typify Henry’s portraiture, it did not replace the formal portraits of the king found in government documents and on the Great Seal. In official documents the king was depicted crowned, seated and dressed in his robes of estate.38 The same was true of the royal seal which presented two very traditional images of kingship, the dual roles of law giver and warrior. In 1525 letters patents were issued to Cardinal Wolsey authorising him to have a new great seal engraved ‘on the one side, where the King’s figure is graven sitting in majesty in a chair, crowned with a crown imperial’ and on the other ‘the King’s figure is graven on horseback holding a sword in his hand, a rose is to be graven under the sword and under the horse a greyhound running’.39 By Edward VI’s reign, the style of the king’s portraits on the coinage were considered very carefully, with the king’s dress playing an important part in creating the image that was presented to the populace. On

4

the man and his image

25 September 1551, the council wrote to Sir Edmund Peckham, high treasurer of the mints, stating that Edward VI ‘prefers the patterns of the 12d and 6d with Roman numerals, with the parliament robe and the collar of the order . . . The king and we think his face should be shown in three-quarters . . . We send a pattern, noted by his hand’.40 While Henry VIII’s likeness could be disseminated in various forms, his portraiture is most pertinent for a study of his clothes. The development of Henry’s portrait during his reign focuses around a fairly small group of seven images or patterns which were copied during his lifetime and after his death.41 These have been classified as follows: type one (c. 1520), three portraits probably produced by French artists (Pl. Ia); type two (c. 1527), a group of portraits, again by foreign artists;42 type three (c. 1535), including a portrait attributed to Joos van Cleve depicting Henry holding a scroll with an inscription form St Mark (Pl. Ib); type four (c. 1536), the Thyssen-Bornemisza portrait (Pl. Ic);43 type five (1537), the Whitehall cartoon with the king looking to the front (Fig. 6.8); type six (c. 1535–47), the late non-Holbein pattern, possibly the work of an Anglo-Flemish workshop (Figs. 1.3 and 6.12); and type seven (c. 1542), the final pattern, Henry in a cassock or coat holding a staff, with the exemplary portrait in the collection at Castle Howard and a good copy in the National Portrait Gallery (Pl. Id).44

1.3 Henry VIII, unknown artist, c. 1535–40. The king’s wide, lownecked doublet is worn with a shirt with a small, upright collar edged with a frill. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 3638)

There are only two full-scale images of Henry VIII definitely painted by Holbein: the portrait in the ThyssenBornemicza collection and the Whitehall cartoon, also known as the Chatsworth cartoon. Holbein achieved the creation of the king’s distinctive image, exemplified by the Whitehall cartoon, by lengthening the king’s legs below the knee, so making him appear even more imposing.45 There are many versions of Henry VIII’s later portraits but the largest group are of portrait type five, which was modelled on the Whitehall cartoon. These include full-length versions such as the portraits at the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool (Pl. IIa) or Chatsworth, and three-quarter-length pictures including those in the Galleria Corsini, Rome and at Blickling Hall, Norfolk (Fig. 1.4). The full-length pictures fall into two groups, depending on whether his gown is trimmed with white fur or dark fur. Most of his portraits present a three-quarter or frontal image, the latter style being echoed in the three miniatures produced of the king by Lucas Horenbout and painted c. 1535 (Fig. 1.5).46 Between 1542 and 1547 Henry VIII acquired several paintings including ‘a Table with the picture of the whole stature of the kinges Majestie in a gowne like crymsen satten furred withe Luernes’ (10718). While it is tempting to suggest that this is a version of the full-length image of the Walker Art Gallery type, it is impossible to make a positive identification. This was not the only portrait of the king listed in the 1547 inventory of his picture collection, which included two portraits of Henry (10612, 10665), in which he was described as ‘being yonge’. He also owned a double portrait of himself with Jane Seymour described as ‘a table like a booke with the

1.4 Henry VIII, by Hans Holbein. Blickling Hall, The Lothian Collection. The National Trust/NTPL John Hammond

the man and his image

1.5 Miniature of Henry VIII, by Lucas Horenbout, 1525–27. In this portrait the low neckline of the shirt echoes that of the doublet, as was fashionable in the 1520s. PD.19-1949, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge

picture of Kynge Henry theight and quene Jane’ (10613).47 There were also several miniatures in the jewel house, including ‘a Tablet of golde hauing on thone side the kinges Picture peynted’ (2661) and ‘a Harte of golde enameled with the kinges picture in it’ (2925). While most of the descriptions are frustratingly vague, it is evident that several portraits of the king have been lost, including ‘the phisnamy of kinge henrie theight . . . like an antique’ (16717) and an unfinished portrait (11672) kept in the new library at Whitehall. Paintings or ‘tables with pictures’ had a relatively small financial value in the first half of the sixteenth century and consequently their descriptions in the inventories of the period were often very brief. This can make identifying sitters, artists or extant pictures difficult.48 Taking Henry VIII’s own collection of 152 pictures that was housed at Whitehall in 1542, 59, or just over a third, were portraits. In most instances (52 portraits) the sitter was identified by name, with no further details given about their dress or the composition. Two notable examples were the portraits of ‘the Frenche king having a doublet of crymsen colour / And a gowne garnisshid with knottes made like peerle’ [671] and ‘the Frenche Queine Elienora in Spanysh aray and a Cappe on her hed / and an oringe in her hande’ [672]. Of the remaining seven portraits where the sitter was not identified by name or title, descriptions of the clothing or distinctive accessories were provided, so making it possible for the palace keeper to identify these images.49 As all of the images of Henry VIII and his family

5

were identified by name, hardly any additional information about their clothing was recorded. The development in the way pictures were described by the seventeenth century is indicated by the description of Holbein’s portrait of Henry (now in the Thyssen collection) in Charles I’s picture inventory: ‘the picture of King Henrie the 8th in his youth In a guilden dublett, with a glove on his right hand. In a reed and guilded frame. A Whitehall piece. 1 ft 0 ½ in by 8 ½ in.’50 The clothes depicted in the king’s portraits reflect Henry’s belief in his own magnificence, but they do not reflect fully the diversity of the king’s wardrobe in terms of colour or type of garment.51 This is compounded by the parallels between the king’s clothes in the Thyssen portrait, the Whitehall cartoon and the six versions of the king’s full-length portrait derived from the cartoon: the Walker Art Gallery, Liverpool; the Egremont collection, Petworth House; the Devonshire collection, Chatsworth House; Trinity College, Cambridge; the duke and duchess of Rutland, Belvoir castle and Parham house.52 The latter depict Henry VIII dressed in a red velvet gown embroidered with bands of couched rabask work, trimmed and lined with fur, either dark sable or pale lynx, worn over a high-necked doublet and a low-cut jerkin of cloth of silver, the skirts of which covered the upperstocks of his hose, but parted to reveal his codpiece, and flat slashed shoes. Gowns, doublets and hose of the types depicted in the king’s portraits can be traced in the great wardrobe accounts and warrants. It is possible that the officers of the wardrobe of the robes lent items to Holbein, but there is no direct evidence of this. Equally, it is likely that Holbein produced heavily annotated drawings of the king recording details of his clothes and jewellery, just as he did for his other sitters, such as William Parr, first marquess of Northampton (Fig. 17.1).53

1.6 and 1.7 Henry VIII’s foot combat armour, front and rear views, Greenwich, c. 1520. The armour clearly reveals Henry’s slim, athletic figure as a young man. The Royal Armouries, Leeds. © The Board of Trustees of the Armouries

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the man and his image

1.9 Simon George, by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1540. The understated but ornate self-coloured couched embroidery on George’s gown is very evident on his left shoulder, while the blackwork on his shirt collar indicates that this style of embroidery was popular by c. 1540. Inv. no. 1065. Städelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt am Main

1.8 Henry VIII’s armour, front view, Greenwich, c. 1540. The change in Henry VIII’s body shape is all too evident in this suit of armour. RCIN 72834. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Charting change in the king’s appearance Tailored clothes reflect the size and shape of the wearer and how that shape changes during a lifetime. Although the king’s clothes have not survived, the written sources describe the changes and these changes are made visible by objects and visual sources. It is possible to set the contemporary descriptions of the king’s changing vital statistics in context by measuring his suits of armour. Armour was designed to be a very good fit and as such it accurately reflects the shape of his body — only the codpiece was allowed to be exaggerated in its size, stressing the king’s virility.54 Consequently, these armours provide a record of his height and his youthful body at the start of his reign and then how his shape matured.55 The silver and engraved parade armour c. 1515 decorated by Paul van Vreland records the king’s height. It also provides a clear

indication of the king’s slim build as a young man (Figs 1.6 and 1.7). Taking one measurement, it is possible to trace his increasing waistline: 35½ in. (0.9 m) in 1515 (the silver engraved armour), 37¾ in. (0.95 m) in 1520 (the Greenwich armour), 41¾ in. (1.06 m) in 1527 (the Genouilhac armour), increasing to 52½ in. (1.33 m) in 1539–40 (the Windsor armour), equating to a probable waist measurement of 49 in. (1.2 m).56 Not only does the sequence of Henry’s armours provide direct evidence of Henry’s expanding body, individual armours provide evidence of alterations in order to accommodate these changes. The cuirass of the Tower armour, dating from 1540, was extended by 2¼ in. (5.7 cm), while the cuirass of the Windsor suit was enlarged by 21/8 in. (5.3 cm). The cuisses of the Windsor suit were also cut back to accommodate the king’s growing thighs (Fig. 1.8).57 Although the king’s armour can provide a lot of evidence about the king, it is necessary to look at his portraits to see that his hair was cut in a bob for the first half of his reign and then cropped close to his head. The latter reflected the influence of continental styles in England. In 1529 Charles V had his hair cut short in the Italian style shortly before travelling to Italy, and those attending on him were quick to emulate him at the imperial court. Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen had painted Charles with this shorter haircut by c. 1530.58 Stow recorded that in 1535 Henry ‘caused his own [hair] to bee polled’.59 After 1536 Henry was depicted with very short hair, as were other members of the court. This trend can be traced in a number of Holbein’s portraits, including the preparatory sketch of Simon George and the resulting portrait (Fig. 1.9).

the man and his image Henry had a short, trimmed beard for most of the time between 1519 and 1535. On 10 September 1519 Giustinian reported that on hearing that Francis I had a beard ‘he allowed his to grow, and as it was reddish, he then got a beard which looks like gold’.60 Stow recorded that Henry and Francis agreed not to shave their beards until they met in person.61 However, Sir Thomas Boleyn informed Wolsey on 16 November 1519 that people in France knew that Henry shaved his beard because of pressure from Catherine of Aragon.62 Catherine’s actions were seen as evidence of her supporting Spanish interests, but Boleyn managed to smooth matters and the French king’s mother declared that ‘Th[eir love] is nat in the berdes but in the harts’. On 10 November 1531 Lodovico Falier described Henry to the senate, stating that ‘His face is angelic rather than handsome; his head imperial and bald [cropped], and he wears a beard, contrary to English custom’.63 In 1535, Stow’s Annals recorded that ‘from henceforth his beard [was] to be notted and no more shaven’ and this is supported by the portraits of the king dating from the 1540s.64

7

The importance of the royal image is reflected in the number of mirrors that Henry owned. In part, this was because mirrors were novel and so highly prized. Mirrors also brought the owner much greater scope for self-scrutiny and personal grooming. On 20 February 1540 Melanchthon wrote to Henry to recommend Michael of Leipzig as being ‘a very excellent maker of mirrors’.65 Whether the king took Michael into his service is uncertain, but by 1547 Henry owned a number of mirrors, including ‘a small glasse sett in Siluer gilte’ (2328) and ‘a faire greate Lookinge steele glasse sette in crymysen veluette richelye enbrowdred with damaske pirles with knottes of blewe’ (10789). These mirrors would have ensured that the king was well aware of how he was ageing. At his accession he had been described as being not ‘a person of this world, but one who descended from heaven’.66 However, Henry described his own body in less poetic terms in his will: ‘And for my body which when the soul is departed, shall then remain but as a cadaver, and so return to the vile matter it was made of, were it not for the crown and dignity which God hath called us unto.’67

Notes 1 Sets of regulations, known as household ordinances, were drawn up to ensure that the royal household was run efficiently and economically, while still reflecting the king’s magnificence. The most important of these were the Black Book of Edward IV, c. 1471–72, which heavily influenced the ordinances drawn up under the Tudors, the Eltham Ordinances drawn up by Thomas Wolsey in 1526 and the revisions to the latter compiled by Thomas Cromwell in 1539; see Myers, Black Book, pp. 13–34. 2 Jardine, Worldly Goods, p. 413. 3 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, p. 918. 4 Lisle Letters, i, p. 13. The letters exchanged between Lord and Lady Lisle, who were resident in Calais, and John Husee, their factor in London, are possibly the best set of extant Tudor business letters. Lisle was implicated in the Botolph Conspiracy. His papers were confiscated, he was placed in the Tower and he died there on 3 March 1542. 5 On 5 October 1507 de Puebla, the Spanish ambassador, wrote to Ferdinand of Aragon and he stated that ‘There is no finer youth in the world than the Prince of Wales. He is already taller than his father, and his limbs are of a gigantic size’; Pollard, Henry VII, i, pp. 298–99. 6 Fraser, Six Wives, p. 54; to put this in context the average height of people in medieval London was 5 ft 7½ in. (1.72 m) for men and 5 ft 3 in. (1.60 m) for women. In the Tudor and Stuart periods, the average male height remained the same, with women decreasing to 5 ft 2¼ in. (1.58 m); A. Werner, London Bodies: the Changing Shape of Londoners from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day (1998), p. 108. 7 Fisher was described as being ‘tall and comly, exceeding the common and middle sort of men: for he was to the quantitie of 6 foote in height’; Strong, Portraits, i, p. 120. 8 Lisle Letters, i, p. 15; for this and the related correspondence, see ibid., ii, pp. 108, 114, 168, 171, 183–84. 9 On 6 May 1534 Husee wrote to Lord Lisle, noting ‘that this day I received by the King’s commandment an osting harness, complete for your lordship’; ibid., ii, p. 184. 10 Pollard, Henry VIII, p. 41. 11 According to Erasmus, ‘You would say that Henry was a universal genius. He has never neglected his studies; and whenever he has leisure from his political occupations, he reads, or disputes — of which he is very fond — with remarkable courtesy and unruffled temper’, ibid., p. 98. 12 W. Roper, The Life of Sir Thomas More, EETS (1935), p. 11. 13 Edward Hall’s Chronicle, The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Families of York and Lancaster was printed in 1548 by Richard Grafton. Hall was a stalwart supporter of the Tudors. He was MP for Wenlock in 1529, autumn reader at Grey’s Inn and a common-sergeant in 1533 and an under-sheriff of London on 2 June 1535. Hall’s will was proved on 25 May

1547 and it is likely that he died in April of the same year; see A. E. Pollard, ‘Edward Hall’s will and Chronicle’, BIHR, 9 (1932), pp. 171–77. At the time of his death Hall had completed the Chronicle up to 1532, with the rest of Henry VIII’s reign being completed posthumously. The level of detail found in Hall’s Chronicle indicates that he had access to household accounts and other documents, especially Gibson’s revels accounts; see S. Anglo, ‘Financial and heraldic records of the English tournament’, Journal of the Society of Archivists, 2 (1962), pp. 184–85; Anglo, Tournament Roll, p. 49. 14 Hall, Chronicle, p. 515. 15 LP i.ii, 2391. 16 Dillon, ‘Arms and armour’, p. 239. 17 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 1287. 18 Brown, Four Years, i, p. 85. 19 LP ii.i, 395. 20 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, p. 559; LP iii, 402. 21 Ives, Boleyn, pp. 238, 398. 22 LP xiv.ii, 400. 23 ‘Even Hercules of old could hardly have bent the yew bow so well with the sinewy strength of his arms . . . and in wrestling, Pollux would have been no match for him in striving for the wreath of oak leaves. Whenever he sought to turn the powerful neck of a warhorse, controlling it with cunning voice and hand, you would think he was Castor himself; and if he put on his shining armour, his splendid helmet with nodding crest and his gilded breastplate he would excel even Trojan Hector. When he hunted deer through the woods with nets and a pack of hounds, not even Hippolitus . . . could have surpassed him in glory’; Bruce, Making Henry, p. 194. In 1540 Melanchthon wrote to Henry, beginning his letter by comparing Henry to Alexander, Ptolemy, Philadelphus, Augustus and Mark Anthony; LP xv, 231. 24 LP xvi, 311. 25 LP xvi, 589. In a letter written on the same day to Montmorency, Marillac was blunter, attributing the problem to the king being ‘very stout and marvellously excessive in eating and drinking’; LP xvi, 590. 26 LP xvii, 331. 27 A. Weir, Henry VIII: King and Court (2001), p. 438. 28 The quantity of pairs listed in the 1547 inventory tallies with the painting by Jacob Cornelisz (1470–1533) called Woman Selling Spectacles, indicating that glasses were being made in bulk rather than being specially commissioned; see W. Winkler, ed., A Spectacle of Spectacles (Leipzig, 1988), pp. 18–20. The spectacles fitted onto the nose and could be held in place with ties. 29 Norris, Costume, p. 255.

8

the man and his image

30 The king’s reduced mobility was catered for with a pair of invalid chairs ‘for the kinges maiestie to sitt in / to be caried to and fro in his gallaries & Chambers’ kept at Whitehall [3676] and a chair for use ‘in the kinges howse whichh goeth vp and downe’ [3680]. 31 SP, xi, 394 (LP xxi.ii, 619). 32 LP xxi.ii, 606. 33 LP xxi.ii, 684. 34 ‘Henry, long since grown corpulent, was . . . of late lame by reason of a violent ulcer in his leg, the inflammation whereof cast him into a lingering fever which, little by little, decayed his spirits. He at length began to feel the inevitable necessity of death’ and ‘Our King, having laboured under the burden of extreme fat and [an] unwieldy body, and together being afflicted with a sore leg, took . . . his death bed’ respectively; Brewer, Death of Kings, p. 113. 35 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 209. 36 Sion College Library, no. 17 (now part of the Lambeth Palace collections); illustrated in Lloyd and Thurley, Images, p. 34. 37 Foister, Holbein, pp. 192–93. 38 For a detailed analysis of how Henry VIII’s portrait on formal documentation evolved, see Auerbach, Tudor Artists, pp. 25–37, 59–72. 39 LP iv.i, 1859. 40 CSPD Edward VI, 546. 41 For a very detailed analysis of the portrait types see Strong, Portraits, i, pp. 158–59. 42 See The Weiss Gallery, Tudor and Stuart Portraits 1530–1660, no. 2: a portrait of Henry c. 1520–30, of the English School, in which he wears a doublet of cloth of gold with a low, round neckline and slashed sleeves, under a fur-trimmed gown. 43 The Thyssen portrait is very small, measuring just 28 cm by 20 cm. 44 While Strong has attributed the Castle Howard version of this portrait to Lucas Horenbout, Rowlands, rejects this view; see Rowlands, Holbein, p. 146. 45 Rowlands, Holbein, p. 226. 46 Two versions are at Windsor, forming part of the Royal Collection, while the other is at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; see R. Strong, Artists of the Tudor Court: the Portrait Miniature Rediscovered 1520–1620 (1983), pp. 34–37. 47 In addition there was an overtly religious image of ‘the king his highnes standing vpon a Mitre with iij Crownes having a Serpent with vij heddes

going owte of it / having a Sworde in his hand wherin is written Verbum dei’ [726]. 48 Even an artist of Holbein’s calibre painted only a few portraits of the king, with the bulk of his sitters being drawn from the English nobility and foreigners in England, including the merchants of the Hanseatic League; Foister, Holbein, pp. 175–262. 49 The seven portraits are nos. 741, 747, 769, 771, 774, 776 and 798. The descriptions could be quite detailed: for example, ‘a woman in a French whode / and a Gowne like clothe of golde the slevis turnydvp with white and powdred with blac’ [798]. 50 Millar, Catalogue, p. 29. 51 Hayward, ‘Fashion’, pp. 169–71. 52 Illustrated in Brooke and Crombie, Henry VIII, pp. 74–75; Monnas, Merchants (forthcoming). 53 Monnas, Merchants (forthcoming); see S. Foister, ‘The production and reproduction of Holbein’s portraits’, in Hearn, Dynasties, p. 22; also Foister, Holbein, pp. 54–58. 54 However, in 1536 Chapuys reported that ‘according to the account given of him by the concubine, he has neither vigour nor virtue’; CSP Spanish, v.ii, 55 (LP xii, 901). 55 C. Blair, ‘New light on four Almain armourers: 1’, The Connoisseur, 144 (1959), p. 20; C. Blair, ‘New light on four Almain armours: 2’, The Connoisseur, 144 (1959), p. 244. 56 Blair and Pyhrr, ‘Wilton “Montmorency” armor’, p. 137. In 1535 John Dudley, master of the armoury, referred to some of the king’s armour ‘which was meet for his Grace three years past’; TNA SP1/95, f. 197 (LP ix, 187). 57 Blair, ‘New light 2’, p. 244; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, p. 486. 58 Musée Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Brussels. 59 Norris, Costume, p. 312. 60 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, p. 559. 61 Norris, Costume, p. 312. 62 LP iii.i, 514. 63 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, p. 293. 64 Norris, Tudor Costume, p. 312. 65 LP xv, 231. 66 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 336. 67 Pollard, Henry VIII, p. 340.

ii Henry VIII: European Prince and King of England

H

ans Holbein’s large group portrait Henry VIII and the Barber Surgeons presents the king dressed in red. His fur-lined cloth of gold robes of estate and the closed imperial crown emphasise his place at the pinnacle of English society and are beyond compare in England. The visual message was reinforced by the inscription which reads ‘To Henry the eight the best and greatest King of England . . . Defender of the Faith, and next to Christ, supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland’ (Pl. IIb). The words and image combine to assert Henry VIII’s personal magnificence. However, for Henry VIII to be seen in context, he must be compared with his peers, his fellow monarchs and princes of Christendom. This was certainly how Henry VIII saw himself. His growing collection of portraits at Whitehall included the Holy Roman emperor (10584), the kings of France, Spain, Scotland and Denmark (10639, 10584, 10702, 15366), the prince of Orange (10723), the archduke of Austria (15409), the dukes of Savoy, Bourbon and Saxony (10698, 10654, 10595), a former pope (15379) and the sultan of the Ottoman Empire (10728). Henry VIII was marking the rise of a new royal house in Europe. Henry VIII also displayed portraits of the English royal line from Henry V (10617) to Richard III (10650), so emphasising the house of Tudor as the rightful successors to the throne. Drawing strongly on evidence from letters, which is expanded by reference to inventories, accounts and portraits, this chapter begins by reviewing what magnificence meant to a sixteenth-century king.1 Henry VIII and many of the other rulers in Europe consciously used their clothes to reinforce their nationality, status and authority.2 Therefore, this chapter places Henry VIII in his social and political context by comparing him to his fellow monarchs and rulers in Europe.

Magnificence and the role of royal dress Magnificence is a difficult word to define because it encompasses a range of meanings and ideas.3 It stems from the Aristotelian concept or virtue meaning ‘liberality of expenditure combined with good taste’.4 However, magnificence can

also convey ideas of sovereign bounty or munificence, glory, greatness of reputation, sumptuous surroundings, grandeur or an imposing appearance. Consequently it was also used as a title, as with Lorenzo or Süleyman the Magnificent, and the Venetian ambassador referred to Henry VIII as ‘Lord Magnifico’.5 In spite of, or possibly because of, the gradations of meaning, the idea of magnificence as an essential royal trait recurred in contemporary writings ranging from household ordinances to drama. Magnificence developed as a political and social concept at the Burgundian court, and it was promoted in the early sixteenth century in Fillastre’s work Toison d’Or. It was regarded as the most important of the Burgundian virtues. As such, magnificence was a vertu generalle and justice was dependent on magnificence.6 Henry VII used the idea of magnificence to promote the validity and legitimacy of the Tudors, just as Edward IV had done to promote the house of York. Edward IV’s Black Book described the court of the biblical king Solomon, which was very magnificent, as ‘the exemplar of householding’ because: The trouth of Salamon is worthines was more than his fame did expresse; semyng also to her the euery master officer in his sober demenyng, his honestee, his riche araye, and all theyr mnerly cerimoniez don in that court, that eche of hem myzt be lykenyd to a king of her cuntree.7

When Holbein chose to depict Henry VIII as Solomon, the image must have been intended to bring this idea to mind (Pl. IIIa).8 Such an image linked magnificence to a certain style of rule. It also linked magnificence to the use of specific objects and the rich swathes of cloth in this picture help to emphasise Solomon’s wealth. Even so, there was always the danger of magnificence appearing as wasteful extravagance, which was just as open to criticism as parsimony was. Consequently, polemicists like Sir John Fortescue believed that magnificence was an essential facet of kingship. He identified the objects that typified royal grandeur in his book The Governance of England: riche clothes, riche furres, other than be wonned to fall vndre theyerely charges off his warderober, rich stones . . . and other juels and ornamentes conuenyent to his estate roiall . . . bie also horses off grete price, trappers, and do other such nobell and grete costes, as bi sitith is roiall mageste.9

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Fortescue’s text stresses the role of appropriate clothing and furnishings in asserting the monarch’s rightful place at the head of English society. This view was epitomised by Henry VIII’s sumptuary legislation which defined the king and his immediate family by their right to wear purple and cloth of gold.10 While the dress of the king could create distance between the monarch and his subjects, it could also create proximity on specific occasions, so emphasising the king’s role as primus inter pares, first amongst equals. This idea was demonstrated through the clothing Henry VIII provided for the revels and jousts, the livery he shared with the other Garter knights or as he processed to parliament. According to Hall, Henry VIII’s coronation banquet was ‘greater than any Caesar had known’, and on occasion Henry did take Julius Caesar as a role model. Other classical exemplars that caught the king’s imagination included Hercules, and he dressed as this classical hero at his meeting with Francis I at Guisnes in 1520.11 On this occasion Henry wanted to present himself as a rex magnificus in the true chivalric tradition that Hercules epitomised. Such an event allowed Henry to demonstrate his princely virtues or virtus of honour and justice because there was a strong link between magnificence and magnanimity, magnanimity and justice. John Skelton’s play Magnificence was written between 1515 and 1523. As the central character, Magnificence was compelled to face fortitude, one of the cardinal virtues, and adversity. Fairly early on in the play, Magnificence states that: For doubtless I perceive my magnificence Without measure lightly may fade Of too much liberty under the offence.12

It is telling that several references were made to the Merchant Taylors’ company of London, making the obvious link between tailors, clothes and a sumptuous appearance. Although Skelton implies that the tailors had a rather over-inflated opinion of their skills: What, will ye waste wind and prate thus in vain? Ye have eaten sauce, I trow, at the Tailors’ Hall.13

However, the play has been seen as criticising Henry VIII’s false magnificence in comparison with his father’s true magnificence which had a strict moral underpinning.14 Why was dress such a good vehicle for the expression of royal magnificence? In great part, it was the rarity of these expensive and sumptuous garments because no one else had access to such garments on such a scale. While a few members of the nobility, like Edward Stafford, duke of Buckingham, could rival the king’s wardrobe, not even he could sustain a comparable level of expenditure without complaint.15 Only slightly further down the social scale, access to silk clothing was limited to a very small group.16 Clothes have several other traits that make them ideal vehicles for royal magnificence. They can be transitional, marking the move from childhood to adulthood, from informal to formal or from one activity to the next. They can be ephemeral, as in the case of the revels clothing that was designed to create a temporary impression. They can be changeable, creating a particular image for one occasion or to convey a certain impression, and then worn in different combinations to create a new style. The evolving nature of

dress in this period can be considered on two other levels. First, there were fashionable or small changes in details of garments, decoration, colour or cloth type which took place on an annual basis. Second, there were changes which can be charted over a longer time period that can be seen in the change in the range of garments worn. These long-term trends have been styled tracht changes.17 The ability to replace and renew your wardrobe to reflect both sets of trends was the mark of the very wealthy.

Asserting royal authority through dress When two sixteenth-century monarchs met on peaceful terms it was important that they were accorded the same level of honour and etiquette. Henry VIII’s reign saw several occasions where he met with Francis I and Charles V, and each was orchestrated to ensure dignity was preserved. On Thursday, 8 June 1520, Henry VIII and Francis I met each other for the first time and their meeting was carefully choreographed to ensure that they were both mounted or on foot at the same time.18 This sense of equality was further emphasised by wearing identical clothes, as Henry VIII and Charles V did when they rode from Greenwich to London on 6 June 1522. En route they changed into coats of cloth of gold embroidered with silver ‘bothe of one suite’.19 They appeared together two days later on Whit Sunday and again they emphasised their unity by dressing alike: ‘themperor and the kyng with great honor both apparelled in cloth of siluer reysed, gounes and cotes and all their apparell white except their bonettes.’20 Equally, Henry VIII and Francis I both wore white and cloth of silver when they met in the autumn of 1532.21 Fictional representations of meetings between Francis and Henry, such as that depicted in the lower border of the Treaty to Withhold Consent to a General Council while the Pope Remains a Prisoner dated 18 August 1527, presented the same story.22 Both men wore gowns of cloth of gold over long-skirted doublets with a black bonnet and closed imperial crown. Francis’s gown was lined with ermine, Henry’s with sable and, while there were differences in the colour of their doublet, hose and jerkins, these differences were minimal. The overall impression was of equality. Henry VIII also met with the emperor Maximilian I during the 1513 campaign, but this was on slightly different terms to his meetings with Francis and Charles. On one level aximilian outranked Henry because an emperor outranks a king, yet on a more pragmatic level, Maximilian was being retained by Henry, he wore his livery and he was in receipt of wages. This complex relationship was expressed in the following terms when Maximilian met Henry and he was lodged in a tent of cloth of gold like the king: ‘as no Emperor had ever been soldier to a king, so no soldier before was ever lodged in such a tent.’23 Their ambiguous relationship continued after the 1513 campaign, as did Maximilian’s use of clothing as an expression of deference. On 18 January 1516 Sir Robert Wingfield wrote to Wolsey concerning his interview with the emperor. Wingfield noted that Maximilian was very pleased to have

european prince and king of england Henry’s support and on hearing the news ‘he put off his bonnet thrice’.24 Matters were very different when Francis I was captured by imperial troops at the battle of Pavia in 1525. Francis was held captive in Madrid, while awaiting ransom. When Charles came to visit Francis, he took off his hat but retained the little red bonnet he wore underneath, to convey a mixed message of courtesy while retaining the upper hand.25 Similarly, the finality of the English victory over the Scots at Flodden in September 1513 was expressed succinctly by Catherine of Aragon in terms of access to and control over the clothes of the dead king James IV. Catherine wrote to Henry from Woburn en route to the shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham to give thanks for the victory. She stated proudly that ‘your Grace shall see how I keep my promise, sending you for your banners a King’s coat’.26

Creating a sense of Englishness through dress Castiglione’s central character in his book The Courtier commented on the regional variations to be observed in styles of dress, noting that ‘some dress after the French style, others like the Spaniards and others again like the Germans; and there are those also who dress after the manner of Turks . . . It would, therefore, be rewarding to know, given all this confusion, what way is best’.27 He went on to state that ‘the French tend to be . . . overdressed and the Germans . . . their clothes are skimped’, while true elegance was embodied by the Italians.28 Perhaps not surprisingly, English dress did not feature on Castiglione’s list. However, references to English attitudes towards, and styles of, dress can be found in other sources such as the books of costume plates that started to be produced in central Europe by the mid sixteenth century.29 These books illustrated the styles of dress that characterised the different European countries and the accompanying text often made a link between dress, social standing and morality. The English had a strong sense of their own national identity which was often expressed by comparing themselves favourably with others. They had a reputation for ostentation in their dress which was exaggerated when Henry VIII met Francis I at the Field of Cloth of Gold in 1520. The size of the livery collars and other chains worn by the English attracted scathing comments from the Venetian ambassador.30 These collars denoted knighthood, certain posts in the royal household or at court and membership of the king’s council. However, in terms of dress, the basic garments were held in common throughout north-western Europe. Even so, there were subtle variations in details such as necklines, colour preference and styles of decoration that created the distinctive nature of dress at the different European courts. Equally, contemporaries were aware of characteristic styles of dress worn in other countries and the features which allow identification. And there was an interest in styles of dress derived from other countries.31

11

The English climate inevitably played a part in influencing what was worn and when. On 4 June 1529 Cardinal Campeggio, papal legate to the Tudor court, wrote to Jacobo Salviati, bishop of Verona and secretary to Clement VII, to inform him about events relating to Henry’s search for an annulment. However, as a postscript he noted that, ‘Here we are still wearing our winter clothing, and use fire as if it were January. Never did I witness more inconstant weather’.32 Some years earlier, the Venetian ambassador had observed in 1513 that ‘In England it is always windy, and however warm the weather the natives invariably wear furs’.33 The vagaries of the English weather were emphasised by Bartholomew Ticcioni. He ended his letter to Margaret of Savoy, asking the emperor to send him some money because ‘the weather is much hotter than he should have expected, and he can no longer wear with honour his winter clothes’. He also requested some silk for his clothing.34 This need for a range of clothes to reflect seasonal changes is very evident in Henry VIII’s wardrobe of the robes.35 Henry VIII had typical English colouring: pale skin, pale eyes and fair or sandy hair. This colouring appears to have influenced what colours of cloth the English bought and, consequently, what cloth was imported. Stephen Vaughan acknowledged that there were distinctive national tastes for certain colours when Sir William Paget commissioned him to buy some white damask in Brussels. After searching for some time, Vaughan reported that all he could find were ‘suche slubberyd cullours as I wold be shamyd to send yow’.36 Two days later Vaughan wrote to Paget again, stating that he: cannot get good white damask. All the good silks are sent into England. The Court here is nothing so gallant of women as our Court in England. Here are no dames that will wear whites. They be but counterfeits to our dames, so that whites, yellows, reds, blues and such fresh colours go from hence straight into England.37

The English fondness for bright, clear colours described by Vaughan was not restricted to women. Henry’s wardrobe warrants regularly included orders for doublets, hose and gowns in these ‘fresh colours’, including yellow, white, orange and carnation. While bright colours were popular, so was good black cloth. The portraits of Holbein, Bronzino and Titian all indicate the frequency with which their sitters opted to be painted dressed in black.38 Good or true black was expensive and it made an excellent foil for jewellery. As such it was favoured by rulers including René of Anjou and Philip the Good, as well as finding favour at the Spanish court.39 Although neither Henry VII nor his son were painted wearing black, it also played a very significant part in their wardrobes, both as young men and when they got older. In this the Tudor kings were echoing well established trends. Black was elegant and when embellished with ornate self-coloured embroidery, guards, slashing and passementerie it was far from understated. French styles of dress were influential at the English court. In a letter dated 17 November 1497, Andreas Franciscius described England and the English. He noted that ‘They dress in the French fashion, except that their suits are more full, and, accordingly, more out of shape’.40 This comment

12

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emphasises the role of France as the arbiter of fashion in northern Europe, while hinting that the English could not, or did not, always follow their lead. Consequently, news from France was always of interest. On 14 December 1514 Silvestro de’ Gigli, bishop of Worcester, described the meeting of Francis I and the pope at Bologna. He noted ‘silk and gold and new fashions in which the French are very clever’ which he attributed to ‘French vanity’. As might be expected, Francis was dressed in cloth of gold for the meeting. However, Francis was accompanied by 300 archers ‘who looked like bargemen, with dirty faces, with greasy and bald coats’. Their lack of gold livery collars caught Silvestro’s attention, as did the fact that ‘they showed no diminution . . . of their innate haughtiness’.41 Even so, the French influence at the English court was pervasive.42 By 1547 Henry had garments in a range of foreign styles in his wardrobe, including items in the French, Spanish, Italian and Turkish mode, as well as French and Milan bonnets. By adopting garments from other countries, Henry VIII could express a sense of his cosmopolitan taste, make overtures of friendship or make an alliance explicit. It is evident that these continental, slightly exotic styles, appealed to the king. As indicated above, there is also the question of how accurately foreign styles were copied and how far accuracy mattered. In addition to borrowing the style of a complete garment, it was also possible to adopt and adapt styles of ornament such as slashing. Consequently, the defining features of English dress in the mid Tudor period cannot be easily codified after so long, but the factors that were important can be drawn out of contemporary thought (Fig. 2.1). These include a fondness for both bright colours and black, low-cut necklines for women, a bulky, layered appearance for men, fur for warmth and status, some use of slashing but not in such an extreme form as found elsewhere in Europe, resulting in a style that was distinctive but not unduly elegant.

Henry VIII in a European context At the start of his Chronicle of Henry VIII’s reign, Hall summed up the state of play in Europe: Now after the death of this noble prince [Henry VII], Henry the VIII, sonne to Kyng Henry the VII beganne his reigne the xxii daie of April, in the yere of our Lorde 1509 and in the xviii yere of his bodily age: Maximian then beeyng Emperoore and Lewes the xii reignyng in Fraunce. And Fernando beeyng the kyng of Arragon and Castell, and kyng Iames the fourthe then rulyng ouer the Scottes.43

The emphasis placed on Henry’s fellow monarchs put Henry in his social and political context. Although England was on the periphery of the Continent physically in 1509, she was closely bound into Europe by trade, political affinity and religious allegiance. English kings before and after Henry consciously sought interaction with their European neighbours and links were made and maintained through marriage, alliances, the sending and receiving of ambassadors and trade. A new king presented an opportunity for reframing

2.1 Thomas Wentworth, first baron, 1549, attributed to John Bettes. Wentworth’s substantial image, created by the fur-lined black gown worn over his doublet, is very much in the English style. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 1851)

or reinforcing traditional allegiances. On 8 May 1509 the Venetian Sanuto described Henry VIII’s accession in more partisan terms when he stated that ‘This King . . . is liberal and handsome, the friend of Venice and the enemy of France’.44 This comment indicates the shifting pattern of alliances and the tenuous friendships which shaped the balance of power in Europe. England was undeniably a minor player when compared to France and Spain, but English monarchs could still influence the balance of power, even if only fleetingly.45 In an age of personal monarchy, the physical appearance and youth of the monarch played an important part in determining and reinforcing the royal image. When Henry VIII came to the throne he was a young king aged 17, set in the context of an ageing European monarchy: Louis XII of France (47), Ferdinand of Aragon (47), Maximilian I of the Holy Roman Empire (50). By 1516 this situation had changed. Henry was now 25 and his immediate rivals were Francis I of France, aged 22, and Charles I, king of Spain, aged 16 (soon to be the emperor, Charles V). This resulted in a spirit of rivalry expressed through feats of arms and armed conflict. In August 1519 Henry wrote to Pope Leo X, noting that if God granted

european prince and king of england Mary of Burgundy = Maximilian I d. 1482 d. 1519

Philip of Burgundy d. 1506

Francis I = Eleanor d. 1547 d. 1558

Charles V d. 1588 = Isabella of Portugal d. 1539

Margaret d. 1530 Regent of the Netherlands 1507_15, 1518_30

Isabella d. 1526 = Christian II of Denmark

13

Ferdinand of Aragon = (1)Isabella of Castile d. 1516 d. 1504 (2)Germaine of Foix d. 1538

Joanna 'the Mad' d. 1555

Ferdinand I d. 1564 = Anne of Hungary

Catherine = Henry VIII d. 1536 d. 1547

Mary d. 1564 = Louis II of Hungary Regent of the Netherlands 1531_55

Catherine d. 1578 = John III of Portugal

Family tree 1 The rulers of Europe in the mid-Tudor period

him a son before the expedition against the Turks departed, he would lead the army in person.46 Henry VIII described England as a little country in the corner of Europe.47 However, small boundaries could be compensated for by large claims and impressive titles. On 15 January 1535 Henry VIII declared in his privy chamber in the presence of Sir Thomas Audley, lord chancellor, Thomas, duke of Norfolk and treasurer of England, Thomas, earl of Wiltshire, keeper of the privy seal, and Thomas Cromwell, chief secretary and others that from this point he should be styled ‘Henricus Octavus, Dei gratia Angliae et Franciae Rex, Fidei Defensor et Dominus Hiberniae et in Terra Supremum Caput Anglicanae Ecclesiae’.48 For the first two decades of his reign, Henry VIII presented himself as a Renaissance prince through his use of court culture, through access to the English order of chivalry and through the use of his fashionable wardrobe. As part of his wish to be primus inter pares with Francis I and Charles V, he sought a papal title in recognition of his religious orthodoxy, on a par with the titles of the Most Christian King and the Most Catholic King, given to the kings of France and Spain. In 1521 Henry’s efforts were rewarded with the title of Defender of the Faith. However, the late 1520s saw a shift in Henry’s position within Europe from a highly orthodox stance to one which challenged and then rejected papal authority. Henry’s Break with Rome was brought about by a series of Acts of Parliament including the Submission of the Clergy (1532), the Act in Restraint of Appeals (1533) and the Act of Supremacy (1534). After this point Henry had to project an image of strong kingship that could resist challenges from external Catholic powers and internal opposition to religious change. His retention of many traditional facets of the royal liturgical

wardrobe helped to emphasise the elements of continuity in his reign.49

Henry VIII’s interaction with the three leading European powers The papacy and the Holy Roman Empire were at the heart of European politics in the early sixteenth century, but the Ottoman Empire was fast making its presence felt in the subtly shifting balance of power. On 18 June 1525 Hieronymous Niger reported how the pope rode from the Vatican to St John Lateran on 30 April on a Turkish horse. The horse could be seen to represent the newly formed treaty against the Turks between the pope, the emperor elect, the king of England, Archduke Ferdinand and the duke of Milan, but ‘it is commonly believed to be against France’.50 Not surprisingly the leaders of these three powers were represented in the English royal collection because they all impinged on Henry’s kingship to differing degrees. Henry owned a tapestry depicting ‘the Busshoppe of Rome and Themperor’ (13523) and stained clothes with ‘the picture of Charles themperor’ (10722) and ‘the picture of Solymaname the torque beinge his whole stature’ (10728). Although Henry had been a loyal supporter of the papacy at his accession, the situation had changed drastically by 1547. By then, Henry displayed examples of markedly anti-papal imagery in the form of ‘a table of the busshopp of Rome and the foure euaungelistes casting stones apon him’ (12321) which can be identified as Girolamo da Treviso’s Four Evangelists stoning the Pope.

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the papacy By the sixteenth century the papacy was well established as an ecclesiastical and secular power.51 According to the Great Chronicle the pope presented a cap and sword to a new monarch as an indication of papal support for their monarchy: ‘The effect and cause of the sond of the said capp & sword by auctorite whereof the kyng was admytted by the pope and his hool counsayll protectour and deffendour of ye Church of Cryst.’52 Leo X granted a sword and cap to Henry VIII, which was presented to him on 21 May 1514.53 Leonard Spinelly, of the pope’s chamber, was met when he landed on 19 May and accompanied to London where he deposited the cap and sword on the high altar of St Paul’s. On 21 May, Henry, accompanied by the nobility, the ambassadors of Spain, Venice, Saxony and Friesland and the captive duke of Longueville, and William Browne, lord mayor of London, went to St Paul’s. They processed, preceded by the pope’s sword and the king’s own sword. Then ‘The cap was put on the King’s head, and the sword girt about him by the Archbishop of Canterbury, after the order of the book’.54 Afterwards, the king held a dinner for the ambassadors and a Venetian observer noted that the Spanish ambassador did not stay because he was ‘ashamed of the peace made by his King with France’.55 James Worsley’s inventory taken in 1521 included entries for a sword and cap, which must be those presented to the king in 1514: ‘a Riche swerde that was sent the king from the popes holynes the hafte & shethe of siluer & gilt with a longe gyrdell of cloth of gold with bokelles pendauntes and studdes of siluer and gilt’ [B335] and ‘a Cappe of mayntenaunce of russet veluete with the holy goste enbrauderd with perles and a longe gyrdell of gold of damaske faste to the same’ [B336]. The pope also sent golden roses. In April 1510 Julius II wrote to William Warham to inform him that he was sending Henry a golden rose, which he had blessed and anointed with crism ‘et odorifero musco aspersam’. Warham had to present the rose to the king at a special mass, the details of which were outlined in the letter.56 Henry rewarded Dr Fisher ‘that brought an halowed Rose from the popes holynes’ on 8 July with £100.57 By 1521 two golden roses were listed in the royal jewel house: Red from the popes holynes in ao ijdo h viij . . . a Rose of gold wt ix braunches standing upon iij acornes & a corse safor in the toppe Red from the popes holynes by doctor hanyball a Rose of gold wt ix braunches standing upon iij lyons fete and a corse saphre in the toppe.58

Equally, the papacy could confer titles on kings in acknowledgement of their piety and support for the Catholic church. Henry VIII was keen to acquire such a title and on 25 August 1521 Wolsey informed Richard Pace that he was to present Henry’s book, Assertio Septem Sacramentorum, to the pope ‘covered with cloth of gold, subscribed by the king’s hand; wherein the King’s grace hath devised, inserted in the said book by the King’s own hand’.59 Several months later Pope Leo X conferred the title Fidei Defensor upon Henry VIII on 11 October. According to Lorenzo Campeggio the book was an ‘aureus libellus’, while John Clerk recorded that the pope had read it with enthusiasm.60 Although Leo X died on

2 December, Henry’s new title was celebrated in February 1522.61 By 1542 six copies of the king’s book were listed under the abbreviated title of Assertio Regis in the library at Whitehall (2420–25). The political role of the pope was very significant, both in terms of internal politics within Italy, as in the case of the election of Giovanni de’Medici as Leo X in March 1513, and the potential for patronage for his family and Medici clients, and in terms of European politics. Consequently, each papal election provoked much interest in Europe and Wolsey’s candidature was promoted at the elections in 1521 and 1523.62 Both Henry and Charles V supported Wolsey’s aspiration to be the second English pope. In 1523 Giulio de’Medici was elected and he took the name Clement VII. This papal election was to affect Henry on many levels. On 30 November Cardinal Gonzaga wrote to the king, apologising for not sending him any hawks and explaining that he had been prevented by the death of Adrian VI and the need to go to Rome.63 More significantly, Rome was sacked by imperial troops in 1527 and this had profound consequences for Henry when he sought an annulment from Charles V’s aunt, Catherine of Aragon (Fig. 2.2). On Sunday 29 June 1533 Clement VII celebrated mass, attended by the ambassadors of Ferrara, Milan, Venice and England who bore the water for the pope’s hands. On Wednesday 9 July the excommunication of Henry VIII was requested as a consequence of his marriage to Anne Boleyn. On Friday 11 July Henry’s excommunication was announced, unless he repudiated Anne and took Catherine of Aragon back by October of that year.64 Papal influence extended into England prior to the Break with Rome in several ways. The most visible reminder was the presence of an English cardinal in the person of Thomas Wolsey. However, more importantly, when Henry appealed to Rome for the annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon in 1529, Clement VII sent Cardinal Campeggio to preside over the hearing. Campeggio tried to persuade Catherine of Aragon to enter a convent as Louis XII’s wife had done, and ‘who still lived in greatest honour and reputation with God’.65 When all else failed, Campeggio adjourned the legatine court and Charles Brandon stated that ‘there was never a legate nor cardinal that did good in England’.66 Brandon would not be the last to express this view.

the holy roman empire Events in the Holy Roman Empire had a direct impact on Henry VIII in several respects. At the time of Henry’s accession, Maximilian I of Austria (1459–1519) was Holy Roman Emperor. He had been elected as emperor in 1493 aged 34, although he had held the title of King of the Romans since 1486. He married twice and had three legitimate children: Philip the Fair (1478–1506), Margaret (1480–1530) and Franz (1481), 12 illegitimate children and six grandchildren, including the future Charles V and Ferdinand I. While Maximilian was emperor, there were four major secular powers in Europe: France, Spain, the Empire and England. Consequently,

Pl. IA Henry VIII, unknown artist, c. 1520. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 4690) Pl. IC Henry VIII by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1536, cat. no. 191. © Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid

Pl. IB Henry VIII, by Joos van Cleve, c. 1535, RCIN 403368, LC16. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II Pl. ID

Henry VIII, unknown artist, c. 1542. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 163)

Pl. IIA Henry VIII, by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1536, (WAG 1350). National Museums of Liverpool (The Walker)

Pl. IIB Henry VIII and the Barber Surgeons, by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1540. By courtesy of The Worshipful Company of Barbers

Pl. IIIA Charles Brandon and Mary Tudor, attributed to Jan van Mabuse, Woburn Abbey. By kind permission of His Grace the Duke of Bedford and the Trustees of the Bedford Estates

Pl. IIIB Miniature of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1535. The Royal Collection © 2006, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Pl. IIIC Henry VII attributed to Michael Sittow, 1505. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 416)

Pl. IIID Elizabeth of York, unknown artist, 1500-03. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 291)

Pl. IVA Prince Arthur, Anglo Flemish School, c. 1500. Private collection; on loan to the National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG L221) Pl. IVB Henry VIII at prayer, from the Black Book of the Garter (MS DOC 162a). Reproduced by permission of the Dean and Canons of Windsor Pl. IVC Garter knights in procession, from the Black Book of the Garter (MS DOC 163). Reproduced by permission of the Dean and Canons of Windsor

Pl. VA Henry VIII processing to parliament, 1512. The Coronation Roll, Trinity College, Cambridge

Pl. VB Catherine of Aragon, unknown artist, c. 1530. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 163)

Pl. VC Anne Boleyn, unknown artist, c. 1530. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 668)

Pl. VIA Jane Seymour, by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1536. The Hague, 278. Royal Picture Gallery, Mauritshuis, The Hague

Pl. VIB Jane Seymour, by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1536. Vienna, GG 881. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Wien

Pl. VIC Detail of Henry VIII with Prince Edward and Jane Seymour, from The Family of Henry VIII, unknown artist, c. 1545. RCIN 405796 OM 43. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Pl. VIIA Mary Tudor, attributed to Master John, 1544. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 428)

Pl. VIIB Detail of Henry VIII arriving at Guisnes riding in procession with Wolsey, from The Field of the Cloth of Gold, unknown artist, c. 1545. RCIN 405794 OM 25. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Pl. VIIIA

Henry Howard, earl of Surrey, by William Scrots, c. 1545. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 5291)

Pl. VIIIB Detail showing Henry VIII on board ship from The Embarkation of Henry VIII at Dover, unknown artist. RCIN 405793, OM 24. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Pl. VIIIC Henry VIII jousting before Catherine of Aragon. The Westminster Tournament Roll, The College of Arms

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2.2 Detail from the Treaty to Withhold Consent to a General Council while the Pope Remains a Prisoner, 18 August 1527. The figures in clerical dress represent the Catholic church in captivity to the emperor after imperial troops had sacked Rome. The National Archive E30/1114

foreign policy and trade were governed by a shifting pattern of alliances and treaties. Maximilian was described in 1513 as being ‘of middle height, with open and manly countenance; pallid complexion; has a snub nose and grey beard. Is affable, frugal, an enemy to pomp. His attendants are dressed in black silk or woollen’.67 While on this occasion Maximilian’s household was in mourning for his wife, towards the end of his life Maximilian sought to save money by reducing his expenditure on the livery issued to his household.68 Maximilian was frequently short of money and he was described as ‘the man of few pence’. Pope Julius II went further and dismissed him as ‘light and inconstant, always begging for other men’s money which he wastes in chamois-hunting’.69 From 1514 Maximilian travelled with his coffin and he died five years later on 12 January 1519. His death raised the question of who would succeed him. In 1513 Maximilian had offered to secure Henry’s election as his successor. Henry declined, as he did in 1516 and 1517. However, in 1519 Henry put his name forward as the third candidate, standing alongside Charles V and Francis I.70 His motivation was undoubtedly the same as that of Francis I: the prestige of holding such an office and to prevent Charles V being elected.71

Henry and Francis prudently withdrew so Charles was elected unopposed, leaving only three secular powers in Europe. England was now in the advantageous position of holding the balance of power. Equally, some political theorists believed that England was an empire in its own right. In 1517 Cuthbert Tunstall told Henry that ‘the crown of England is an Empire of itself much better than now the Empire of Rome’.72 Calls for religious reform from within the Holy Roman Empire, most notably by Martin Luther, were to have a marked effect in England. While Luther’s beliefs were to transform Europe, his appearance belied this. In April 1521 Luther was described as being ‘of middle height, emaciated from care and study so that you can almost count his bones through his skin . . . He is affable and friendly, in no sense dour or arrogant’.73 Although Henry VIII did not share Luther’s religious beliefs, he was quick to see how the political implications of Luther’s ideas could resolve his marital problems. Luther was aware of Henry’s actions and when Henry’s first marriage was annulled he noted that ‘Junker Heintz will be God and do whatever he lusts’.74 While the Empire was made up of a number of princely states and cities, the region was associated with a distinctive style of dress. Slashing was the distinguishing feature of

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German dress and garments decorated with slashing were often described as being in the ‘Almain’ style. Even so, slashing is usually cited as developing as a consequence of the Swiss victory over Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy, at the Battle of Grandson in 1476. However, there is portrait evidence to suggest that slashing developed on women’s sleeves in Italy in the late 1480s.75 The style continued in Europe and on 8 August 1540 Sir Henry Wotton wrote to Henry from Brussels describing the military exploits of the duke of Cleves, adding that it ‘must needs be a good sight, to see a lantzknecht, his cap full of feathers, his doublet and hosen cut and jagged, his sword by his side, an arcabowse in his neck’.76 Examples of male dress decorated with slashing were illustrated in the costume book of Matthäus Schwarz, a citizen of Augsburg from 1496–1564 who kept a pictorial record of his own clothes (Fig. 2.3).77 The introduction of slashing to the English court has been linked to the marriage of Henry’s younger sister Mary to Louis XII of France. While this is hard to prove, a number of garments made in the ‘Almain style’ featured in

Henry’s accounts and inventories, especially in the 1510s and 1520s. However, by the 1540s the king no longer favoured this style of decoration.

the ottoman empire When Catherine of Aragon stated that ‘The King of France is the greatest Turk’, she was implying that Francis I was not to be trusted because of his tacit alliance with Süleyman the Magnificent.78 Under the leadership of Süleyman the Magnificent (1494–1566), the Ottoman Turks rose to be a very significant power in Europe. Süleyman was born on 6 November 1494 at Trebizond and he became sultan in 1520. Through his military campaigns in mainland Europe and the Mediterranean and as an ally to the French and the Lutheran princes in opposition to Charles V, he played a key role in European

2.3 Das Schwarzsche Trachtenbuch, inv. no. 1769. Published with the kind permission of the Herzog-Anton-Ulrich Museums, Braunschweig, Kunstmuseum des Landes Niedersachensen

european prince and king of england politics until the treaty of Chateau-Cambrésis in 1559. On 24 September 1526 Campeggio, the papal legate, wrote to Henry stating that ‘All Christendom is in danger from the Turk, now that the king of Hungary has been defeated and slain’.79 The impact of Süleyman’s sultanate was felt at Henry’s court in several ways. The threat of war was an underlying theme, as indicated when the duke of Norfolk wrote to Cromwell 16 April 1538, ‘I am sorry Christendom is likely to suffer by the Turk this summer, but am pleased that we are like to sit without business and that the King’s back friends [i.e. those who watch the king’s back] have more need of His Majesty than he of them’.80 However, the Turks also represented the exotic and arabesque (‘rabask’ work) and Moresque designs derived from Islamic sources were popular at the Tudor court. Henry’s doublet in the Thyssen portrait was couched with arabesque designs (Pl. Ic). Equally Turkish styles of dress, or what the English perceived to be Turkish styles, pervaded both fashionable dress and the costumes produced for the revels in the 1540s. Henry owned a number of gowns in the Turkish style, including ‘A Turquey gowne of Crimsen veluett of a newe making Embraudered with Venice golde and silver like vnto Clowdes lined with Crimsen Taphata faced with Crimsen satten’ (14194). Cawarden’s store of revels clothes included viij Cootes for Turkes of Clothe of golde with workes Videlicet purple blacke and grene garded vpon paliwise with Sarcennet longe sleues of clothe of golde And blewe satten thunder sleues of redd & white / Sarcennet Lozengewise viij hedde peces to the same Turkes fashion blewe redd and yellowe Sarcennette. (8627)

Süleyman earned his epithet through his sumptuous court and his military achievements. While Henry VIII excluded himself from English sumptuary law, Süleyman’s magnificent appearance was achieved by ignoring the Muslim sumptuary laws or hadith that stated that men were not to wear silk. Süleyman and his predecessor had access to Italian silks as well as to very high quality Ottoman silks, as indicated by a reference in a 1505 Bayazid Treasury inventory to ‘a gown of black Italian pile on pile velvet with roses, lined or trimmed with cotton and with sable furs’.81 In 1544 Jerome Maurand witnessed an audience with Süleyman who was dressed in a cream satin caftan and a turban with a bonnet of red velvet decorated with a brooch with a ruby the size of a walnut.82 A cream satin caftan in the Topkapi Saray, decorated with impressed lines and similar to the garment described above, has been tentatively identified as having belonged to Süleyman.83 The principal male garment of the Turkish court was the caftan which placed the emphasis on the quality of the fabric rather than the complexity of cut and construction. The caftan was usually full length but it could be made shorter for riding, hunting or fighting. The upper body was fairly fitted to the waist and then the skirts flared out. The sleeves could be either long or short; those with short sleeves often had matching full-length sleeves that were attached with buttons. Buttons running down the front from the neck to the waist were the usual method of fastening and they often looped into decorative frogging. Caftans could be quilted or fur-lined for warmth in the winter or just lined with cotton for summer wear.84 By the 1540s Henry VIII started to order cassocks which echoed elements of the caftan’s cut.

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As in western male dress, the visual impact was created by wearing several layers often of contrasting colours. The commander of the Ottoman fleet in 1533 was described as wearing ‘a gown of yellow satin and over that one of damask with great flowers in gold thread. Over that he had one in scarlet’.85 Unlike European monarchs, the Ottoman sultans did not wear a crown as a symbol of their authority, favouring a jewelled turban instead. However, Süleyman was quite prepared to adopt western symbols of authority to stress his intention to conquer Europe. In March 1532 Marino Sanuto was shown a crowned helmet that had been commissioned from Venetian goldsmiths by Ibrahim Pasha, grand vizier to Süleyman. The jewel covered helmet cost 144,400 ducats and it was decorated with four crowns. Süleyman wore the crowned helmet as he rode in procession outside the walls of Vienna in May of that year when his troops were camped outside the city.86 On auspicious or dangerous occasions Süleyman could wear a linen or cotton talismanic shirt decorated with prayers and verses from the Koran. In 1539 Hürrem Sultan sent a talismanic shirt to Süleyman while he was on campaign, urging him to wear it because ‘it had sacred names woven in it and would turn aside bullets’.87 While Henry’s shirts did not have such talismanic properties, they did acquire a degree of importance by being worn next to the king’s skin and so in direct contact with royalty.88

Royal wardrobes and royal style: analysis of four case-studies Sumptuous clothes could help establish and then maintain a successful monarch’s reputation for magnificence and strong rule, but clothes could not disguise weak government or poor political acumen. A brief analysis of the way in which four of Henry’s contemporaries used their wardrobes puts Henry’s own use of clothes into context. These four individuals typified the following approaches: a flamboyant use of clothes, the creation of a specific identity, a lack of interest in clothes for their own sake and the use of clothes to distract attention from weak or ineffective rule. Henry shared his approach to clothes with Francis I. For them, their clothes were integral to the creation and maintenance of a magnificent royal image.

elegant conspicuous consumption of clothes: francis i Unlike Henry VIII, Francis I was not the son of a king. He was born at Cognac on 12 September 1494. His father was Charles, count of Angoulême, from a junior branch of the Valois, and his mother Louise of Savoy was the daughter of the count of Bresse. As such he was the cousin of Charles VIII.

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After the death of Anne of Brittany’s short-lived son in 1512, Francis was styled as the dauphin.89 A combination of a natural love of clothes and a need to assert himself as the rightful heir may well explain how Francis used his wardrobe to define his rule. At the time of his accession Francis was 20. He was crowned on 25 January 1515 in Reims cathedral and after he went on pilgrimage to the priory of Corbeny to visit the shrine of Saint-Marcoul.90 On 8 February 1515 Charles Brandon wrote to Wolsey, asking for money because ‘I am fain to buy new array, for the King will have us at his coronation, and . . . to bring him at his entry, the which will not be done at little charge’.91 Francis made very effective use of the liturgical and ceremonial year to project certain, often contrasting, images of his kingship: humility, magnificence, wealth and informality. In April 1516 Lord Mountjoy wrote to Henry describing how Francis had gone in procession at Lyons, which was generally believed to have been ‘to pray for the victory against the Emperor’ and on that day ‘the King went barefoot and wore a gown of silver tinsel’.92 When Francis granted a public audience in Paris to the English ambassadors on 17 December 1518, he ‘was dressed in a robe of cloth of silver, figured with beautiful flowers, the lining being of Spanish heron’s feathers. His doublet was of very costly cloth of gold. He wore no crown; only his usual cloth cap’.93 As these and other sources make clear, Francis favoured white cloth of gold and silver for formal occasions. Francis and Henry shared the same build and the same attitude to their kingship. In 1520 Edward Hall described Francis as a ‘goodly prince, stately of countenaunce, mery of chere, broune coloured, great iyes, high nosed, bigge lipped, faire brested and shoulders, small legges, and long fete’.94 When courtiers sought agreement between England and France, they often made comparisons between Henry and Francis. In February 1542 Paget wrote to Henry telling him how the admiral of France had ‘entertained the writer by saying how like their masters were, not only in personage, but also in wisdom and affection, delighting both in hunting, in hawking, in building, in apparel, in stones, in jewels, and of like affection one to another’ (Fig. 2.4).95 Francis’s love of clothes was summed up by Marino Cavalli, the Venetian ambassador to France, in 1546: ‘His dress . . . is full of braids and trimmings, rich in precious stones and ornaments; even his doublets are woven with gold thread; his shirt is of fine quality and comes out through the doublet’s opening in accordance in French fashion.’96 For all its splendour on specific occasions, the French court had a degree of informality and a measure of easy access to the king and the king’s apartments not known in England. Members of Francis’s household wore their hats in his presence. Equally, the king could appear before ambassadors and other important dignitaries informally dressed. On 3 February 1517 Sir Robert Wingfield wrote to Henry, noting how Francis had ‘left to give audience to the Archbishop of Paris, which he did, booted and spurred and returned the same afternoon’.97 When Clarenceux herald was sent to France in April 1520 to proclaim the challenge for the jousts, Francis I met him on his arrival even though he was ‘coifed and in his nightgown’.98

2.4 Equestrian portrait of Francis I, by Jean Clouet, Musée du Louvre. Francis I wears a red textile base or skirt over his armour in this equestrian portrait, and the base is the same colour as the horse harness and trappings. Photo: RMN

Francis I’s first wife, Claude, was the eldest daughter of Louis XII. She died aged 24, having had seven children in eight years, five of whom lived beyond infancy. However, only two, Henry and Marguerite, outlived their parents.99 His second wife was Eleanor of Austria, queen of Portugal, and the widowed sister of Charles V. This marriage was linked to the Peace of Cambrai in 1529, the treaty which gave Francis I his freedom. Eleanor often chose to wear Spanish dress to emphasise her family ties to her French husband. Over 12 years later a meeting between Francis and Charles was arranged in January 1540, and Bonner reported to Cromwell that ‘Francis would have declared more mirth abroad than he could perceive in him. He had on a scarlet cloak and looked pale’.100

following french fashion: james v The relationship between England and Scotland was complex and exacerbated by their close proximity.101 Scotland was a small country, a fifth of the size of England, and consequently royal income from its landed estates was modest. Under James III, royal income was approximately £5,000 per annum,

european prince and king of england a tenth of English royal revenues. Although James IV and V were to double royal income, rising inflation and debasement undermined the benefits of this. Government centred on the monarchy but a strong government was limited by the frequent minorities and marked regional independence.102 Even so, Scotland had good economic and political links with France, the Netherlands and Scandinavia, and the court was heavily influenced by Renaissance culture. When James IV signed the Treaty of Perpetual Peace with Henry VII in 1502, he agreed to marry Margaret Tudor. Consequently, James IV was Henry VIII’s brother-in-law, and his son, James V, was Henry’s nephew. In spite of a planned meeting in 1541, uncle and nephew never met because James did not attend. The Scottish defeat at Flodden on 9 September 1513 resulted in the death of James IV and the accession of James V aged 18 months. His mother shared the regency with the young king’s uncle, John, duke of Albany, who had spent a lot of time in France. Albany’s aspirations to power during the minority of James V caused anxiety in several quarters. Jean de Planis wrote to Wolsey in October 1515, observing that for the opening of the Scottish parliament Albany had walked in state with the sword, the sceptre and his ducal coronet carried before him.103 Margaret’s role as regent during the early minority of her son James V was equally charged: although she was widow of one Scots king and mother of another, she was also English and a Tudor.104 Gifts of clothing to James V and his court became part of the struggle between Henry VIII and Francis I over who could exert influence in Scotland. A report sent to Henry dated 20 January 1524 noted ‘the Scots have pensions out of France and velvets and silks from the King’s wardrobe’.105 When Henry sent Lord William Howard to Scotland as his ambassador in

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October 1534, the king’s instructions stated that Howard should ‘practise with the lord Treasurer to get the measure of the king of Scot’s person, and cause garments to be made for him of such stuff as he shall carry with him for the purpose by such a tailor and brouderer as he shall carry with him for the intent and present them to the King with the horses assigned to him’.106 The fact that this approach worked indicates that James had inherited his mother’s fondness for clothes. Indeed, when he travelled to France to marry Madeleine, daughter of Francis I, he took the opportunity to go shopping. The Parisians noted that James could be seen ‘with a servant or two running up and down the streets of Paris buying every trifle himself and every carter pointing at him and saying “yonder goes la roy de Ecosse”’.107 In the same way, clothes of a particular style could be worn as an expression of allegiance with a specific country. In 1525 Henry held a triumph to celebrate the capture of Francis I and a mass was heard at St Paul’s cathedral. However, not everyone at the English court saw reason to celebrate: ‘The bishop of Scotland was muche marked this day, for whensoever he came to the Court before this time his apparell was sumptuous, his whodde was euer veluet or crimosyn Satyn: but after the takyng of the French kyng he wore onely blacke Chamlet, by whiche token men iudged his Frenche harte.’108 Scotland’s link with France was cemented by marriage. James V made his formal entry into Paris on New Year’s eve 1536 wearing a hat costing ten crowns and ‘ane cott of sad cramasy velvott . . . reschit all oer with gold cuttit out on plain clayth of gold freinyeit with gold and all cuttit out knit with horns and lined with red taffate’.109 The couple were married on New Year’s day and the bride wore ‘a precious close crown of gold upon her head, and under it a coif of gold set with

2.5 James V of Scotland and Mary of Guise, by unknown artist. SNPG O NO 41. Blair Charitable Trust, Blair Castle, Perthshire, Scotland

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stones very precious with other sumptuous apparel according to her degree’.110 However, Madeleine died six months later in July 1537, and the following year James took a second French bride, Mary of Guise (Fig. 2.5). Mary brought her trousseau from France, along with a French tailor, and she continued to order clothes from France after her marriage.111 James’s preference for a French bride, French dress and French allies signalled his wish to assert his own identity, free from his uncle’s influence.

growing disinterest: charles v According to Charles V (1500–56), he spoke ‘Spanish to God, Italian to women, French to men, and German to my horse’.112 Charles V, king of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor, was born in Ghent, the son of Philip the Fair (1478–1506) and Joanna the Mad (1479–1555). With the death of his grandfather Ferdinand of Aragon on 23 January 1516, Charles became the joint ruler of Spain with his mother, and he made his official entry into Valladolid in November 1517. A report sent to Henry from Saragossa on 30 June 1518 described how ‘the King with the company . . . dressed in cloth of gold a la Moresca’ took part in jousts and games of canes on St John’s day. The festivities continued on St Peter’s day but ‘because of the cost of the preceding day the King ordered that none should wear better than sarcenett’.113 Charles was elected as Holy Roman Emperor in 1519 and crowned in 1520. After this he travelled to Spain. At this point his dress combined Spanish elements with strands from European fashion.114 At the age of 20 he was described by the papal legate as ‘gifted with good sense and prudence far beyond his years; and indeed he has, I believe, much more in his head than appears in his face’.115 The creation and maintenance of Charles V’s imperial image drew on a number of elements including portraits, tapestries, armour, architecture, speeches, official letters, printed texts and woodcuts.116 Equally, when he chose, Charles could dress as magnificently as Henry or Francis. Early in February 1521 Spinelly wrote to Wolsey from Worms to tell him about the meeting there between the emperor who was ‘arrayed with a rich gown of cloth of gold furred with sables’.117 His personal livery colours were yellow, white and red, and this was often expressed for his own wardrobe as cloth of gold, cloth of silver and an appropriate red fabric. In the full-length portrait of Charles by Titian (Fig. 2.6) he is believed to be wearing the clothes of white, cloth of gold and sable that he wore for his coronation, although without the iron crown of the Holy Roman Emperor. However, unlike Henry VIII, Charles was described as being ‘rather simple in his clothing’ in everyday life.118 On 24 February 1522 Wingfield and Spinelly informed Wolsey that ‘Yesterday the Emperor and his brother, with a party of twenty, all arrayed in cloth without any manner of silk or cloth of gold, played at the jeu de cannes’.119 As his reign progressed, Charles increasingly favoured understated clothes, even for more formal occasions. On

2.6 Charles V and a hound, by Titian. Museo del Prado, cat. no. 409

15 March 1525 Sampson wrote to Wolsey from Madrid, informing him of how Charles V had responded to the news of his victory at Pavia, which he heard about on his 25th birthday. He went to hear mass and on the next day went in procession to the chapel of Our Lady ‘in a cape of black frieze’. Afterwards the emperor stated, ‘Now shall we go to have a solemn mass, giving thanks to God; and I would that we should make it much more solemn with good inward devotion than with any manner of outward pomp’.120 Later, when ‘advised to wear some fresh raiment, to show his joy’, Charles refused. In 1536 Charles’s choice of violet velvet for his entry into Rome met with a less than enthusiastic response, while in 1540 the French felt his black Italian cloak and a coat and cap of black cloth were inappropriate to his imperial rank for his entry into Paris.121

european prince and king of england

masking failure: christian ii Events in Denmark and Sweden in the early 1520s highlighted the consequences of weak royal rule. Denmark, like England, was on the periphery of early modern Europe, but the challenge to Christian II’s authority would have been a salutary lesson for other European monarchs. Christian II had been king of Denmark from 1513. While he appreciated the views of Erasmus, he also saw the appeal of the ideas promoted by Luther. However, he was married to one of Charles V’s sisters, so he was obliged to support the Catholic church. Having lost Sweden in 1521, Christian surrendered the Danish throne in 1522.122 The elector of Schleswig-Holstein took his place as Frederick I and Christian fled from Denmark with his queen in March 1523. By May they were in the Netherlands. On 4 June William Knight wrote to Wolsey, informing him that Christian would be in Calais shortly.123 On 15 June 1523 the exiled king of Denmark, his wife and their three children landed at Dover. However, Hall did not approve of their clothing, noting on their arrival that the Danish king, queen and their retinue were ‘poore and euil appareled’.124 Even so, two weeks later Henry VIII and Christian II confirmed the Anglo-Danish treaty made by their fathers.125 Henry also paid all of Christian’s expenses while he was in England.126 Christian’s ongoing need for financial support caused Margaret of Austria to write to Charles V on 18 October 1524. She had learnt that their allowance was 500 florins a month and the queen was allowed 2,000 florins a year for clothes. However, they currently spent over 800 florins a month, even though Margaret’s maître d’hôtel, Sonastre, had tried to establish some order in their household.127 The separate allowance for clothes emphasises just how important image was in

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maintaining the perception that Christian and his wife were the rightful rulers of Denmark as they travelled in Renaissance Europe. In contrast, Gustavus Vasa, who had challenged Christian II of Denmark’s right to rule over Sweden in 1521, used dress to establish a distinct identity for his new ruling house. Following two years as lord protector (1521–23), Gustavus was crowned king of Sweden after his election by the nobility. The re-establishment of the Swedish monarchy resulted in the development of a new court and administrative structure. Physically, Gustavus was about 5 ft 9 in. (1.8 m) tall with short fair hair cut in a fringe and a hand-trimmed beard, a small straight nose and slim legs, and Per Brahe described him as wearing ‘manly and powerful kingly apparel’.128 His court was modelled on the German-speaking courts of the Holy Roman Empire. His clothes were predominantly in the German style and his tailor, George Ballinger, was German. He favoured pluderhosen worn with the braquette or codpiece and a matching doublet. Pluderhosen were kneelength breeches or hose which were made from a number of panes, often heavily decorated with slashing. Gustavus was painted by an unknown artist c. 1557, dressed in a short back gown worn over a black doublet and long hose in the Almain style, all heavily embroidered with gold thread worked in fashionable Moorish designs of the types that can be seen in Henry VIII’s portraits.129 As in England, French fashions were also influential. Gustavus favoured the short gown or chammer, and after 1542 the manthar or French coat was a new introduction into Sweden. This development may have been linked to the embassy that Gustavus sent to Francis I. Gustavus defended his decision to wear clothes cut in foreign styles and made in bright colours by saying that he must follow the example of other rulers because ‘we Swedes are no more goats or swine than they are’.130

Notes 1 In the sixteenth century letters became increasingly important as a means of communication about business, politics and people’s private lives; see D. R. Starkey, Rivals in Power: Lives and Letters of the Great Tudor Dynasties (1990). Consequently, the evidence recorded in letters, both in terms of factual detail and private opinion, is invaluable. However, the personal nature of some letters does raise questions about the subjectivity of the writer and that two writers with inevitably record different details when describing the same event. On 3 May 1515, Peter Pasqualigo wrote a letter describing the May day celebrations when the queen rode out ‘richly attired in the Spanish fashion’. Nicholas Sagudino described Catherine at the same event as being ‘richly attired with 25 damsels mounted on white palfreys, their dresses slashed with gold lama’ (LP ii.i, 411 and 410). This pair of letters raises a further point: the role of the editor and translator in conveying the spirit and the terminology of letters not originally written in English. 2 For a discussion of how Henry used his tapestry collection, see Campbell, Art of Majesty. 3 This chapter develops the ideas put forward in Hayward, ‘Luxury’, pp. 37–46. 4 See the Shorter OED; also Skelton, Magnificence, p. 25. 5 Brown, Four Years, i, p. 90. 6 Kipling, Triumph, pp. 61, 163. 7 Myers, Black Book, p. 81. 8 RL 12188; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 150; Foister, Holbein, pp. 152–54.

9 C. Plummer, ed., Sir John Fortescue on The Governance of England (Oxford, 1885), p. 125. A similar point of view was presented in the Secretum Secretorum: ‘It sitteth to his dignite honourably to be clothed, and ever in faire garnementis and robes passing other in fairnesse. And he shold were dere, rich and straunge ornamentes. Fittyng also it is for a kyng to have a prerogative in his arraie above all others, wherby his dignite is worshiped and made faire, his pouste [power] or might not hurt, and due reverence to hym at all tyme yeve’; M. A. Manzalaoui, Secretum Secretorum: Nine English Versions (1977), pp. 36–37. 10 F. E. Baldwin, Sumptuary Legislation and Personal Regulation in England (Baltimore, 1926); Hayward, ‘Luxury’, pp. 37–46. 11 He was ‘apparelled like Hercules in a shirt of siluer of damaske written in letters of purple ye border enfemes et infauntes cy petit assurance’; Hall, Chronicle, p. 619. 12 Skelton, Magnificence, p. 80. 13 Ibid., pp. 151–52. 14 Gordon Kipling cites Maynard’s group portrait of The Family of Henry VII with St George and the Dragon as evidence of Henry VII’s spiritual magnificence (Fig. 5.7); Triumph, pp. 29–30, 65. 15 LP iii.i, 728; Harris, Stafford, p. 172. Stafford’s accounts for the year ending September 1520 (which included the Field of Cloth of Gold and Charles V’s visit to Canterbury) show that he has spent £4,200 on clothes; ibid., p. 102.

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16 In 1462, Francesco Sassetti, the director of the Medici bank, had 37 items in his wardrobe which were worth 485 florins, but none were made from silk; J. Bridgeman, ‘“Pagare le pompe”: Why Quattrocento sumptuary laws did not work’, in L. Panizza, ed., Women in Italian Renaissance Culture (Oxford, 2000), p. 217. 17 F. Redlich, ‘A needed distinction in fashion study’, Business History Review, 37 (1963), pp. 3–4; N. Harte, ‘State control of dress and social change in pre-industrial England’, in D. C. Coleman and A. H. John, eds, Trade, Government and Economy in Pre-Industrial England (1976), p. 141. 18 Hall, Chronicle, p. 610. 19 LP iii.ii, 2309. 20 Hall, Chronicle, p. 640. 21 On 31 October Carlo Capello noted that ‘the Frenche Kyng caused two gownes to be made of white velvet, pricked with gold of damaske, and the capes and vestes were of frettes of whipped gold of damaske very riche; whiche two gounes he sent to the Kyng of Englande, praying hym to chose the one, and to weare it for his sake, whiche gladly tooke it, an so that Tewesdaie, the twoo Kynges were both in one suite’; CSP Venetian, 1527–33, 823. 22 TNA E30/1114 (LP iv.ii, 3356.3). 23 Nevinson, ‘Portraits’, p. 3. Hall noted that ‘Themperour as the kynges soldoure ware a Crosse of sayncte George with a Rose . . . brought to a tente of cloth of gold and blewe veluet, and all blewe veluet was embroidered with HK of fyne golde’; Chronicle, p. 549. A narrative painting called The Meeting of Henry VIII and the Emperor Maximilian, c. 1545, by a Flemish artist is one of four narrative paintings owned by Henry (RC, inv. no. 20). It depicts Henry VIII and Maximilian as equals. 24 LP ii.i, 1413. 25 Anderson, Hispanic Costume, p. 43. 26 LP i.ii, 2268. 27 Castiglione, Courtier, p. 134. 28 Ibid., p. 135. 29 U. Ilg, ‘The cultural significance of costume books in sixteenth-century Europe’, in C. Richardson, ed., Clothing Culture 1350–1650 (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 49–62. 30 CSP Venetian, 1520–26, 67. 31 A. Ribeiro, ‘On Englishness in dress’, in C. Breward, B. Conekin and C. Cox, eds, The Englishness of English Dress (Oxford and New York, 2002), pp. 17–18. 32 LP iv.iii, 5636. 33 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 219. 34 LP ii.i, 1863. 35 See below, p. 97. 36 LP xix.ii, 745. 37 LP xix.ii, 751. 38 A. Hollander, Fabric of Vision: Dress and Drapery in Painting (2002), p. 127, where she notes the ‘symbolic importance and psychological effect’ of the use of black in dress and in art. 39 J. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (1924), p. 249. 40 C. H. Williams, ed., English Historical Documents, 1485–1558 (1967), p. 190. 41 LP ii.i, 1281. 42 As one observer noted, the English courtiers were ‘all French in eating, drinking and apparel, yea, in French vices and bragges, so that all the estates of England were by them laughed at, the ladies and gentlemen were dispraised, so that nothing by them was praised but it were after the French turne’; Hall, Chronicle, p. 597. 43 Ibid., p. 505. 44 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 331. 45 Francis Bacon observed in his essay Of empire written in 1597 that ‘During that triumvirate of kings, King Henry VIII of England, Francois I, King of France and Charles V, Emperor, there was such watch kept, that none of the three could win a palm of ground, but the other two would straight away balance it’; Seward, Prince, p. 78. 46 LP iii.i, 432. 47 Starkey, European Court, p. 13. 48 ‘Henry VIII, by the grace of God, king of England and France, Defender of the Faith and Lord of Ireland and Supreme Head of the Church of England on earth . . .’; LP viii, 52. 49 See below, pp. 129–33. 50 LP iv.i, 1430. 51 H. D. Fernandez, ‘The patrimony of St Peter: the papal court at Rome c.1450–1700’, in J. Adamson, ed., The Princely Courts of Europe (1999), p. 142. 52 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 274. 53 LP i.ii, 2527. 54 LP i.ii, 2929. 55 LP i.ii, 2930; also LP i.ii, 3003. Henry VIII rewarded Spinelly with a benefice worth £200 per annum. 56 LP i.i, 418.

57 TNA E36/215, p. 68. Henry reciprocated in May 1512, sending the pope a gift of 12 white caps; CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 168. 58 ‘Henry VIII’s jewel book’, p. 162. The second rose was delivered by Dr Thomas Hanibal, master of the rolls. 59 LP iii.ii, 1510. 60 LP iii.ii, 1592, 1574. 61 Hall, Chronicle, p. 174. 62 Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp. 107–10. 63 LP iii.ii, 3579. He added that he could ‘not send the hawks this year on account of the cold but will send them next year’. 64 LP vi, app. 3. 65 LP iv.ii, 4858. 66 LP iv.iii, 5780. 67 LP i.ii, 2391. 68 The norm consisted of winter and summer sets of clothes, slippers for indoor wear every three months and a pair of outdoor shoes every four weeks; Benecke, Maximilian, p. 124. 69 Seward, Prince, p. 64. His second wife, Bianca Maria, was frequently short of money. In her earliest surviving letter to Maximilian dated 26 March 1497, she informed her husband that she had had to pawn her underwear and household linen; Benecke, Maximilian, p. 95; also pp. 96, 103. 70 Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp. 97–105. 71 Knecht, Rise and Fall, pp. 105–07. 72 LP ii.ii, 2911. 73 Lockyer, Habsburg and Bourbon, pp. 199–20. Leo X issued a bull, Exsurge Domine, in June 1520 denouncing Luther and his beliefs, which began ‘Arise O Lord! And judge Thy cause. A wild boar has invaded Thy vineyard’; ibid., p. 119. 74 LP xvi, pp. 50–51. 75 Anderson, Hispanic Costume, p. 29. 76 LP xviii.ii, 20. 77 Herzog-Anton-Ulrich-Museum, Braunschweig. See G. Mentges, ‘Fashion, time and the consumption of a Renaissance man in Germany: the costume book of Matthäus Schwarz of Augsburg, 1496–1564’, in B. Burman and C. Turbin, eds, Material Strategies: Dress and Gender in Historical Perspective (Oxford, 2003), pp. 12–32. 78 G. Mattingley, Catherine of Aragon (1942), p. 179. 79 LP iv.ii, 2515. 80 LP xiii.i, 784. 81 Rogers and Ward, Süleyman, p. 164. 82 Ibid., p. 27. 83 Ibid., p. 174. 84 Ibid., pp. 165–66. 85 Ibid., p. 166. 86 Jardine, Worldly Goods, pp. 379–80. 87 Rogers and Ward, Süleyman, p. 175. 88 Starkey, ‘Representation’, pp. 204–07. 89 Francis was made a captain of a 100 lancers and he was admitted to the council; Knecht, Rise and Fall, p. 68. 90 Ibid., p. 96. 91 LP ii.i, 134. 92 LP ii.i, 1837. 93 The English ambassadors were also suitably splendid: the lord chamberlain wore a gown of crimson satin, lined with sables, bishop wore his rochet, Lord St John wore a gown of black satin, while the captain of Guisnes wore cloth of gold and sables; LP ii.ii, 4661. 94 Hall, Chronicle, p. 610. 95 LP xvii, 128. 96 R. J. Knecht, French Renaissance Monarch: Francis I and Henry II (London and New York, 1984), p. 94. 97 LP ii.ii, 2866. 98 LP iii.i, 748. 99 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 40. 100 LP xv, 115. 101 As Hall noted, in 1513 Henry and the council ‘forgat not the olde Prankes of the Scottes, which is euer to inuade England when the kyng is out’; Chronicle, p. 555. 102 J. Wormald, Court, Kirk and Community: Scotland 1470–1625 (1981), pp. 10–13. 103 LP ii.i, 1098. 104 Mary wrote many letters to her brother. In 1523, in spite of her noting that ‘all things is kept from me as far as the duke may’, she went on to write, ‘Now I will advertise you . . . he hath eight-and-twenty cannons’; L. O. Fraudenburg, ‘Troubled times: Margaret Tudor and the Historians’, in S. Mapstone and J. Wood, eds, The Rose and the Thistle: Essays on the Culture of Late Medieval and Renaissance Scotland (East Linton, 1998), p. 51. 105 LP iv.i, 43. 106 LP vii, 1350. 107 LP xi, 916.

european prince and king of england 108 Hall, Chronicle, p. 693. 109 LP xii.i, 12; Strickland, Queens of Scotland, i, p. 272. For a description of the wedding, see LP xi, 1395. 110 LP xii.i, 12. 111 R. K. Marshall, Costume in Scottish Portraits, 1560–1830 (1986), p. 30. 112 Martienssen, Katherine Parr, p. 178. 113 LP ii.ii, 4277. 114 For the definitive study of Spanish dress, see B. Carmen, Instrumentaria española en tiempos de Carlos V (Madrid, 1962). 115 C. Hare, A Great Emperor, Charles V, 1519–1558 (1917), p. 63. Philip Melanchthon observed that ‘more glorious and marvellous than all his successes was the Emperor’s control of his temper. Never a word or an action was the least overbearing’; ibid., p. 120. In middle age he was described by the Venetian ambassador as being ‘of moderate height and has a grave look. His forehead is broad, his eyes blue, with a look of energy, his nose aquiline and a little bent, his lower jaw long and projecting so that his teeth do not meet and one cannot hear the ends of his words distinctly’; Lockyer, Habsburg and Bourbon, p. 215. 116 Burke, ‘Presenting’, pp. 394–403. 117 LP iii.i, 1155. 118 Burke, ‘Presenting’, p. 409.

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119 LP iii.ii, 2067. 120 LP iv.i, 1189. 121 The French felt that ‘His Majesty ought to have dressed in the style appropriate to his rank and fame’; Burke, ‘Presenting’, p. 409. 122 Wingfield wrote to Wolsey in September informing him that ‘the Easterlings handle the king of Denmark roughly, and his own people have killed the governor . . . whereby appeareth that ill life and ill governance cometh often to ill end’; LP iii.ii, 2558. 123 LP iii.ii, 3075. 124 Hall, Chronicle, pp. 657–58. 125 LP iii.ii, 3142. 126 Nicholas Hurleton, clerk of the green cloth, received four receipts dated 2, 13 and 29 June and 29 July (three for £100 and one for £42) from Sir John Dauntsey; LP iii.ii, 3208. 127 LP iv.i, 747. 128 Rangstrom, Lions, p. 292. 129 Inv. no. Grh 467, National Museum, Stockholm; illustrated in ibid., pp. 26–27, 295. In 1548 Gustavus’s wardrobe contained 40 doublets, 25 outer garments, 65 pairs of breeches, 56 items of headwear, 13 pairs of shoes and a large selection of accessories; ibid., p. 291. 130 Ibid., p. 291.

iii Creating Magnificence: The Role of the Great Wardrobe

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lothing has been studied as an example of a semiotic system, in which clothes speak to both the wearer and the viewer.1 However, there is another language of clothes, the technical terminology used to describe the fabric types, colours and details of cut and construction. In the mid Tudor period, this specialist vocabulary was the regular working tool of the clerks who kept the great wardrobe’s accounts, the merchants who supplied the cloth and the tailors who converted cloth into clothes. However, their familiarity with both the materials and the clothes meant that details were often omitted from written records. For the modern reader, lack of familiarity with the handwriting and these technical terms in English or Latin, the latter often heavily abbreviated, can make the language of clothes of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries difficult to understand.2 The records of the great wardrobe are central to this research, although the clothes described within them are sadly lacking. This chapter evaluates the role of the great wardrobe as a repository of skills and goods. As both a building and a department of the royal household, it was central to the production of clothes for the king and his household and to the consumption of the large stocks of high quality silks and linen held there. The keeper, the yeoman tailor, the clerk and the porter were essential to the effective operation of the wardrobe and the creation of the warrants and volumes of accounts that recorded its business. The scale of the business handled and the quantity of money spent there by the king’s officers reflects the cost of Henry VIII’s magnificent appearance.3

The great wardrobe: its function, premises and staff By the late fifteenth century the great wardrobe was established as a fixed institution that was attached to the royal

household. Its peripatetic days following the king’s household were long gone.4 Even so, the role of the great wardrobe remained unchanged. The fourteenth-century wardrobe had five key functions: acquiring raw materials, converting the fabric and fur into clothes, storing of raw materials, distributing the completed garments and accounting for the money received and spent by the keeper.5 This list accurately describes the role of the early and mid Tudor keepers of the great wardrobe such as Sir Robert Lytton and Sir Andrew Windsor. The great wardrobe was located within the former home of Sir John Beauchamp and it consisted of a main building with shops, houses and a range of tenements. When Beauchamp died in 1360, the property was acquired by Edward III and the great wardrobe had moved in by October 1361. According to John Stow, Beauchamp’s: executors sold the house to King Edward III, unto whom the parson of St Andrew’s complaining that the said Beauchampe had pulled down divers houses, in their place to build the same house, where through he was hindered of his accustomed tithes, paid by the tenants of old time, granted him forty shillings by year out of that house for ever.6

The wardrobe buildings are identifiable on the Agas map of 1561–70 (Fig. 3.1).7 They were located within the ward of Baynard’s castle and the parish of St Andrew’s by the castle. The plot fronted onto Carter lane, to the north, St Andrew’s to the south, Puddle Dock hill to the west and Addle hill to the east.8 When the great wardrobe was inventoried after the king’s death in 1547 (14591–980), the principal rooms consisted of the parlour, the king’s chamber, the closet and the privy wardrobe. The entries for the workrooms were equally brief and they were minimally furnished as the following indicates: ‘The entrie: Ladders j (14668); The Skynnerie: Cheastes ij (14669), Tables j (14670), Trestelles ij (14671); The Taillorie: Greate Cheastes j (14672); The Countinghous: Cheastes withe ij Lockes j (14673), Chariottes j (14674), Coferstanderdes j (14675).’9 The great wardrobe consisted of a number of buildings, including workshops.10 It rented out some of its property to

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the role of the great wardrobe

3.1 Section from the Agas map showing the location of the great wardrobe on the north bank of the Thames. Guildhall Library, City of London

augment its income. Laurence Gower, clerk of the wardrobe, leased a property from the wardrobe for 36s a year between 1498 and 1511.11 In early January 1538 Sir Andrew Windsor wrote to Thomas Cromwell, complaining that the mayor of London had been trying to force his tenants to serve in the watch, pay taxes and ‘do all things as citizens should’. He added that ‘they have never done this’ because they were seen as belonging to one of the king’s palaces and so had exemption.12 The wardrobe had a permanent staff consisting of the keeper, the clerk, the porter and the yeoman tailor, who were all provided with livery.13 In addition, the chief royal artificers, such as the king’s tailor and skinner, who had salaried posts, were provided with workspace within the wardrobe but were not counted as part of its staff. The significance of the office of keeper can be seen in the scale of fees given to the staff of the wardrobe. In December 1526 Sir Andrew Windsor, keeper, received £100 a year, while Laurence Gower, clerk, was paid £18 5s and Richard Gibson received £6 1s 8d as porter and £9 2s 6d as yeoman tailor.14

The role of the keeper was described in the Black Book of Edward IV. He was required to ‘kepe his office continually in London among merchauntz and artifcers, hym selfe to com when the king or chaumbrelayn callith hym specially at the iiij festes of the yere as an officer of the chaumbre outward’.15 By the end of Henry VIII’s reign, far less emphasis was placed on the quarter days for delivering livery or purchasing cloth. In contrast, a significant percentage of cloth for the king’s own use was purchased directly by the king or the officers of the robes, so bypassing the keeper.16 In addition to buying cloth, the keeper sold surplus cloth to supplement his budget and to ensure that unwanted cloth did not take up valuable space. This was not a new practice. In 1330, 12 marramaz cloths of gold were bought for the coronation of Edward III’s queen, Philippa of Hainault. At the end of the accounting year, seven of the clothes remained unused and two were sold.17 When the careers of the keepers from the early and mid Tudor period are compared with that of Sir Ralph Sadler, it is noticeable that they spent their time focusing on the business of the wardrobe. In contrast, Sadler had a parallel, political

the role of the great wardrobe career, and so he relied periodically on a deputy. However, this apart, they are all had good administrative skills and strong connections within the London mercantile community. From 12 April 1478 Peter Curteys was acting keeper of the great wardrobe and he received a formal grant of office on 11 October 1480.18 He made the preparations for Edward V’s entry into London and began work on his coronation. He later recorded how some of the garments made for Edward V were altered for use at Richard III’s coronation.19 He lost his office at Michaelmas 1483 and it is likely that Robert Appulby succeeded him because he received Curteys’ other office as keeper of the privy palace of Westminster.20 On 24 September 1485 Curteys was reappointed as keeper of the wardrobe and the privy palace ‘in consideration of his true heart and service and of the great persecution, dangers and losses of goods sustained by him in the king’s cause, he having kept sanctuary at Westminster long time in sadness, punishment and fear, awaiting the king’s arrival’.21 On 25 May 1487 the grant was reissued.22 Nearly eight years later he received a general pardon for all the debts and arrears of the great wardrobe.23 Sir Robert Willoughby produced the accounts for Henry VII’s coronation.24 Avery Cornburgh accounted for the great wardrobe from 22 August 1486 and he died in post in February 1487.25 He was succeeded on 14 December 1493 by Sir Robert Lytton.26 Lytton died 1505 and he was succeeded by his stepson Andrew Windsor who received a grant during pleasure on 16 July 1506 but with pay from 20 April when he first held the office.27 He paid for the Revels held at Christmas 1508 and in May 1509 he spent £5,332 on cloth for Henry VIII’s coronation.28 The keeper and the master of the Revels continued to collaborate throughout the reign.29 Windsor accumulated land and offices while keeper. In August 1509, he was made steward and surveyor of the manor of West Thurrock, Essex, along with William Bollyngis, one of the barons of the exchequer.30 Three bills dating from 22 February 1514 relate to his land holding in Staffordshire and Derbyshire, and a bill linked the soldiers he raised from these counties, indicate his standing as a landowner.31 In 1518 Cardinal Wolsey informed the king that ‘there hath lately been a fray betwixt Pygot, your serjeant, and Sir Andrew Windsor’s servants for the seisin of a ward, whereto they both pretend titles’.32 He continued in the office until his death on 30 March 1543.33 On 26 April 1543 Sir Ralph Sadler, who was heavily involved in negotiations concerning the proposed marriage between Prince Edward and Mary, queen of Scots, wrote to Henry VIII thanking him for ‘disburdening him of the office of secretary and, in recompense, giv[ing] him the office which lord Windsor had in the Wardrobe’.34 In the following month, Sadler, ‘the king’s councillor’, was formally appointed as keeper.35 On 13 July Sadler tried to avoid being sent to the Scottish court. He stated that his wife was ‘most unmeet for the purpose, having never been brought up at Court, and she is great with child, so that he cannot convey her hither this summer, and in winter the journey is too long and foul for any woman’. He proposed Lady Edgecombe as an alternative.36 Sadler had to rely on a deputy. He asked that Wriothesley could have this role and for it to be a joint appointment

27

because Wriothesley was ‘such a friend as would not take any part of the fee from him or meddle with the office when he is in England’. In February 1544 Sadler was appointed as high treasurer of the wars against Scotland.37 Six months later Sadler received a grant in fee of £450 4s 9d for lands he had been given in December 1540.38 In the following October, Sadler, along with John Hales, was named as keeper or clerk of the hanaper of chancery.39 Sadler held the office of keeper until 1553 and he had the necessary skills to manage the finances and supplies of the great wardrobe. However, Sadler would always need the support of a capable deputy and clerk.40 The clerk oversaw the administration of the business undertaken by the great wardrobe. This involved collating the warrants sent to the keeper, recording who supplied materials and services and writing up the accounts that were audited at the end of the financial year. The clerks regularly monitored expenditure because a significant volume of business went through the great wardrobe and the keeper often overspent the money. In April and May 1530, Sir Andrew Windsor received two payments of £300 for the surplusagium or overspend on his account.41 The problem recurred and on 25 August 1537 John Gostwick wrote to Thomas Cromwell, informing him that ‘People daily call on me for arrears due to them on the account of the Great Wardrobe, especially Addington’s wife [the king’s silk woman] for money due last Michaelmas’.42 The clerk was provided with the materials necessary for drawing up the great wardrobe’s accounts. In the year 1487– 88, the clerk received parchment, paper, ink, wax, red thread and needles, along with a leather bag to keep all that year’s papers in, costing £6 4s 2d.43 The pattern of office-holding suggests that the clerkship of the wardrobe was a desirable post because there was marked interest in acquiring the office and, once in post, an individual stayed in it. William Misterton received the office on 3 August 1457.44 On 21 November 1485, Henry VII renewed the grant.45 He was succeeded on 24 April 1488 by Laurence Gower.46 In January 1522, William Guisnam was granted the first vacancy of the office with a fee of 6d a day.47 Eighteen months later Roger More received a grant in reversion of the clerkship.48 In 1523 Richard Stoughton received a further reversion of the office, on surrender of the patent granting the office to Roger More.49 In spite of this, Gower was still in post in September 1525 when he was named in the annual account of Sir Andrew Windsor.50 He was buried in St Andrew by the Wardrobe. Laurence Gower compiled an account of the great wardrobe’s overspend from Michaelmas 1536 to 1539. In the year 1538–39, the wardrobe owed £3,943 12s ½d to Sir Ralph Warren, William Lock, Lettice Worship, the king’s silk woman, William Hewetson, John Malt, the king’s tailor, Thomas Abingdon, the king’s skinner, Robert Acton, the king’s saddler, and Andrew Wright, the king’s painter. In the following year, five of these individuals, along with Anne Cowper, the king’s silk woman, and William Hilton were owed a total of £4,709 7s 2½d. Money was also owing for ‘the obsequy of the Empress, as plainly appeareth in the book parcels thereof made containeth the sum of £341 12s 1d’. The grand total came to £8,994 11s 4d.51

28

the role of the great wardrobe

The porter’s chief role was ‘to keep the door’ or control access to the wardrobe because the fabrics stored there were expensive and it was important to ensure that only approved personnel could come and go at will. As indicated by the career of Richard Gibson, the office of porter was often held in conjunction with another office such as that of yeoman tailor.52 Gibson held these posts during Henry VII’s reign: on 22 January 1501 he was appointed as yeoman tailor and on 22 May 1504 as porter.53 On 13 June 1509 he was reappointed by Henry VIII and the wording of the grant suggests that he was not the first to combine these offices.54 In November 1534, Ralph Worsley, a relative of Henry VIII’s yeoman of the robes, was made porter after Gibson’s death, with wages of 4d a day and livery.55 By 1543 the office had changed hands again. In that year John Patrick, who was described as ‘porter of the Kynges Wardropp in Lundon’, was laid to rest in St Andrew by the Wardrobe.56

The queen’s wardrobe The chief difficulty with studying the queen’s wardrobe during Henry VIII’s reign is the lack of documentary evidence. Hints about its organisation and staffing have to be gleaned from what limited records there are. While some material survives from Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe, much of it is fragmentary and undated.57 In contrast, there are several sets of accounts for Catherine Parr, making it possible to piece together how the queen’s wardrobe functioned. The queen’s wardrobe was smaller and much less formally structured than the great wardrobe. This is not surprising as there were periods without a queen consort. Consequently, much of the responsibility for buying cloth devolved to the yeoman of the queen’s robes. He also received cloth periodically from the great wardrobe and the king’s wardrobe of the robes. Most of the cloth used for liveries was bought as required, with some of it being channelled through the wardrobe of the robes. Baynard’s castle was built by Henry VII in 1500–01.58 It fronted onto the river and Thames street and it was situated between Blackfriars and Paul’s wharf. It acted as a repository for the queen’s goods, as well as being the formal base for her wardrobe of the robes and for stocks of cloth. Catherine Parr’s accounts include an entry for Mr Fritton riding from Oking to London ‘for certeyn the Quenes Graces furde gownes from Baynardes’ in October 1544 and a sumpterman received 2s 8d in the following month ‘for his ch[arges going] with the sumpter horse from Ok[ing for certain] gowns for the Queen’s [Grace from Ba]ynardes Castell’.59 Henry VIII granted the castle to all of his wives apart from Jane Seymour and it acted as their London residence. Baynard’s castle was granted briefly to the duke of Richmond and it passed to Catherine Parr’s brother, William Herbert, in 1546.60 Baynard’s castle fronted onto the Thames and was not far from the great wardrobe.61 Even so, the accounts of Mark Milliner make it clear that he delivered items directly to the officers of the queen’s robes as they travelled with Catherine Parr.62 Items were regularly delivered to Whitehall, Greenwich, Ampthill, Oatlands, Guildford, Windsor and Hampton Court.

Catherine Parr’s accounts show that she was served by the same core group of artificers as the king — a tailor, skinner, embroiderer, goldsmith, saddler — but without the keeper and other wardrobe officials. The accounts for 1543–44 and 1544–45 have been summarised in Table 3.1, listing the chief artificers and suppliers and showing the scale of their business with the queen.63 While the accounts for 1544–45 are fragmentary, they support the pattern of business seen in 1543–44. They also indicate that Catherine Parr did not settle her debts promptly, a habit reflected in the bundle of unpaid bills found amongst her papers after her death (1752–66). Catherine Parr’s accounts also show that the expenditure relating to the queen’s clothes and livery for her household was managed by her chancellor, her receiver general and most importantly, her treasurer, Wymond Carew. In the year 1544–45, he made a payment of £50 against a bill for £102 18s 10d presented by Richard Benam, saddler, and he settled in full Peter Richard’s account for spangles costing £24 12s 10½d.64 Catherine spent heavily on her wardrobe and the livery for her household, as her household accounts for 1543–44 demonstrate. At the end of the account is an entry for the queen’s silk woman, Mistress Vaughan, who had supplied silk goods worth £336 10s 3d to the following: £186 12s 5d to the wardrobe, £128 13s 6d to the stable, 16s to the tailor, 62s 8½d to the coffer maker, 65s 3½d to the embroiderer and £14 4d for other items and in reward.65 It is hard to compare Catherine’s overall expenditure on her wardrobe with that of her husband because Henry VIII’s accounts do not survive for 1543–44 or 1544–45. However, his expenditure in 1542–43 was £7,263 13s 6½d, essentially double that of his wife. The queen’s wardrobe must have accounted for its expenditure in a similar way to the great wardrobe because in May 1544 a payment of 40s was made by the queen to the clerk of the wardrobe for paper, pens, ink and three or four ledgers ‘as allowed at the audit’.66 This formed part of a pattern of accounting. In the same month Walter Bucher received £5 10s from Wymond Carew for paper and ink ‘as accustomed’.67

Great wardrobe documentation: warrants and accounts Warrants ordering clothes from the great wardrobe were dated and addressed to the keeper.68 These warrants listed the garments the recipient was to receive, the types, colour and costs of the fabrics to be used and whether any fur, headwear or footwear were to be provided. They were usually written in English on vellum or paper, signed by the king and sealed (Fig. 3.2). However, in the final years of Henry VIII’s reign, documents were signed by the stamp rather than by the king, and subscribed by a member of the household: in October 1545 a warrant for ‘watche lyveries to the yeomen waighter’ in the Tower was subscribed by the comptroller of the household.69 The king’s own warrants were treated in the same way, as indicated by a warrant dated January 1546 for ‘certain stuff and workmanship delivered for your Majesty’s apparel’, subscribed by Richard Cecil, the yeoman of the robes.70

the role of the great wardrobe

29

Table 3.1: Expenditure within Catherine Parr’s wardrobe in 1543–44 and 1544–45 Artificers

1543–44

1544–45

Tailor Skinner

John Scut £143 1s 1d Catherine, wife of Thomas Addington, late queen’s skinner £241 8s 8d Guillaume Brellant £422 8s 4d

John Scut: for the queen £17 16s 11d; for others £10 17s 4d For the queen £8 3s

Embroiderer Silk women

Mistress Shakerley £56 4s 7d Mistress Vaughan £336 10s 3d

Goldsmith Milliner Saddlers Mercers

Peter Richardson £867 14s 10d ~ William Hobson, groom saddler £23 3s 3d Richard Baynam, yeoman saddler £201 18s 10d Edward Steward £111 16s William Lock £546 4½d Simon Loo £26 1s 8d

Drapers

~

Shoemaker

Godfrey Lowley £42 2s 7d

Hosier Wardrobe of the robes

Robert Hardy £20 11s 2d provision of stuff for the queens use £90 2s 4½d; livery for the queens servants £85 14s 6d; the maundy £21 19s 11½d £201 12s 4d £18 £25 15s 3d

New Year’s gifts Cloth for the queen’s barge Necessaries bought for the wardrobe Total

£3,980 15s 9½d

An old debt £160; the queen’s apparel £40 9s; for others £12 15s; badges £29 13s 4d; work for the stable £19 8d Things delivered for the queen £74 11s 2d; for other persons £10 17s 11½d; for the stable £72 15s 4d; an old debt £35 Peter Richardson £13 12s 6½d Mark Milliner £26 3s 4d William Hobson, the queen’s saddler £19 12s 4d The yeoman saddler: an old debt £61 18s 10d; for the queen £104 4s 10d Silk for the queen £164 10s 6½d; silk for others £48 15s 9d; other cloth £45 10s 8½d; stuff supplied to the stable £15 14s; an old debt £146 4½d Hewetson cloth for the queen’s sumpters £10 13s George Hysus woolen cloth for certain persons £12 5s Shoes slippers and buskins for the queen £15 9s 7d For others 45s 3d ~ ~ £465 10s 4½d ~ ~ £1,615 6s 2d

3.2 A warrant subsidiary to the account of the great wardrobe. The National Archive, Kew, E101/418/5 Henry R

To the kyng our Souereigne lord

We will and charge that ye deyuer vnto our trusti and welbeloued seruaunt Thomas Rider one of the gentilmen vsshers of our Chambre these parcelles Followeng / Fyrst v yerdes of Fyne Blak For a gowne And as myche blak Buge As wyll Fur the same And thre yards of Blak Satten For A dublett and ten Ellys of lynnen Holland clothe For sherttes at xijd the Ell / Item A yard and a half of Tawny Carsey the price of iiijs And a yard di of whight carsey price iiijs / Item too hattes of Blak price iijs iiijd Item ij Blak Bonettes price vjs And this oure Warraunt shall be your dyssharge in this behalve yeven vnder our Signe At our Mannor of Grenewiche the xxxti daye of Julye the vijthe yere of our Reigne. To oure keper of our Great Warderobe Sir Andrew Wynsore knyght

30

the role of the great wardrobe

Warrants were issued regularly for the king’s robes, his wardrobe of the beds, the chapel, the stable, the king’s children and events such as the maundy celebrations, Candlemas and the festivities of order of the Garter. Livery was provided to several groups within the royal household including the footmen, the henchmen, the musicians, the officers of the hunts and the yeomen of the guard. Individuals also received livery, many of whom only feature once or twice in the surviving documentation. However, individuals who regularly received a grant of clothing could be given a warrant dormant which meant that on a given date each year they would be provided with an issue of clothing. It is evident from a comment on a warrant issued to Thomas Westby, clerk of the closet, dated 22 May 1532 that warrants sometimes got lost. The warrant noted that 7 yards (6.4 m) of scarlet broad cloth for a gown and hood were ‘to be taken of our gift owt of our grete wardroppe wherof we dyd signe vnto hym a bill the last yere which he affermeth to be lost’.71 There was also a possibility of misinterpreting written orders for clothes, as indicated in the letter from John Husee to Lady Lisle on 23 February 1538: ‘And where your ladyship writ that there was fault found because Mistress Frances’ sleeves were not turned up with tinsel, and that her kirtle was not silver, I followed your ladyship’s bill of proportion in it, for if your ladyship had written so to have had it should not a ‘lacked.’72 In general the warrants instigate the making of clothes or furnishings, so the warrant predates when the items were made. However, on occasion, it is evident that items were included on warrants after they had been made. This is most noticeable with the king’s warrants, once he ordered his clothes on a six-monthly basis.73 While this method of ordering allowed the tailors to plan their work, it did not provide any freedom to add in items that were needed at short notice. Two examples of this are the red mourning robes ordered for the king after Jane Seymour’s death in October 1537, but listed on a warrant dated 8 March 1538 and the coat of mail and brigandine ordered for the king for the invasion of France which began in May 1544 but listed on a warrant dated 26 February 1545.74 The great wardrobe operated on an accounting year that ran from Michaelmas to Michaelmas rather than following the regnal year. The annual accounts consolidated all of the information recorded in the warrants and so provide an overview of who received what and when. The format of the accounts changed during the reign of Henry VII.75 Prior to his reign, the accounts first listed the sources of the great wardrobe’s income, then recorded the quantities of cloth bought and from whom, starting with drapery and then listing the furs, mercery and miscellaneous items; then listed the wages of the tailors and skinners employed by the keeper and finally recorded the general expenses of and repairs to the wardrobe and its associated buildings. However, during Henry VII’s reign details were recorded under the name of the recipient, listing the supplier, the goods and the person who would make up the item if appropriate. The annual accounts were compiled so that they could be audited in order to produce an accurate assessment the expenditure. Indeed, the accounts have been described as ‘narrow in scope and specific

in purpose’ because these were financial documents produced by accountants who were chiefly concerned with making accurate records of expenditure.76 The great wardrobe produced two types of annual accounts. Both were written in secretary hand, the official business hand used by royal clerks, and almost all of them were written in Latin.77 First, there were summary accounts which consisted of 12 to 18 sheets of paper, and 16 of these survive from the possible 37 years of Henry VIII’s reign, written in Latin.78 These accounts recorded the money received by the keeper, the total spent and the difference between the two. There are also two extracts from the pell accounts which record how much money came to the great wardrobe from this source.79 Second, there are the particular accounts (Fig. 3.3). These formed much larger volumes than the summary accounts. They were usually written on parchment and 15 survive from the possible 37 years.80 The accounts included all the warrants issued and so provide information on the garments made, the makers, the suppliers of the cloth, furs and accessories, details about colour, yardage and the cost. The accounts include good copies that were produced at the end of each year as part of the auditing process and rough

3.3 Folio from a great wardrobe account. The National Archive, E101/417/4, unfoliated

the role of the great wardrobe copies that the keeper would have kept during each working year. The latter include some of the accounts submitted by the craftsmen working for the great wardrobe. A few warrants have gone into private hands, especially collectors of autographs of historical figures.81 Although quite a substantial amount of documentation survives for the great wardrobe from the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII, very few of the accounts have been published.82 The account books have a standard format, starting with the receipts from the exchequer, followed by the amount of cloth remaining on account, a list of the warrants and a record of the total payments made upon the warrants, details of material delivered for summer and winter livery to the lord treasurer, the barons and other officers of the exchequer and the officers of the wardrobe, fees paid to the rector of St Andrew’s, Baynard’s castle, the keeper, the clerk, the yeoman tailor and the porter, expenditure on paper, parchment and wax, and finally a list of cloth remaining.

Evidence of clothing provision found in other royal accounts Not all of the king’s clothes or the liveries provided for the royal household were ordered through the great wardrobe. The king’s privy purse accounts, the chamber accounts, the accounts of the lord chamberlain and of the revels all include orders for clothing. While these accounts provide the date, a description of the item purchased, often the name of the supplier and the price paid, the entries can be frustrating if they only provide a general description of the items or list multiple items but just record the total price paid. There are four sets of royal privy purse accounts: those of Elizabeth of York, Henry VIII, Princess Mary and Edward VI.83 As the name suggests, these accounts recorded private payments on items for the account holder or for those they favoured. Some livery was paid for via the king’s privy purse, which was administered by the groom of the stool. In 1530, 40s was given to John Wood, keeper of the goshawks, for his fellows and himself to buy their liveries.84 The king also paid for the clothing provided for Thomas Smith, a page of the chamber, who went to Calais with him in 1532.85 In 1537 a list of payments made by Sir Thomas Heneage, groom of the stool, covered all those who were ‘at your Majesty’s wages, exhibition and finding’. The remit was wide-ranging and included £40 per annum for Lady Margaret Douglas, for her clothes and those of her attendants, Cokkes, a footman with the late princess dowager (Catherine of Aragon), 4d a day, and two coats a year for James ‘late of the bottle with Queen Anne [Boleyn]’, 40s and 22s 6d for a coat, along with coats for 15 falconers, six archers, four players at interludes and Owen Flod, crow keeper.86 Other clothing was funded by the chamber. This included livery provided for groups as in the case of livery of broadcloth delivered to Sir John Dudley for the armourers on a number occasions including 15 April 1538 or for individuals

31

including £10 a year in January 1539 to Piero le Doux, the king’s cook for his livery.87 A few items were even funded by the court of augmentations, as in the case of the livery provided on 20 July 1541 for Thomas Tyrrel and Jason Johnson, royal messengers.88 Some payments also went through Thomas Cromwell’s hands as indicated in his papers. In the autumn of 1532 he received warrants dated 3 October ordering him to provide 21 red camlet coats guarded with velvet for the minstrels, and another with the same date for the delivery of coats costing 15s to John Reed, Thomas Freer, Anthony Fever and Nevill Derby.89 In March 1533 he made payments to Avery, yeoman of the crossbows, for livery coats, and to Richard Gresham and William Botry for silks and velvets.90 However, an undated document which the editors of Letters and Papers ascribe to c. 1533 but which must date closer to 1530 indicates that even at this stage in his career he had a key role in overseeing the livery of the king’s household. Henry Norris, groom of the stool, sent a letter to him stating that ‘the King commands that you shall apparel all of his minstrels in red camlet, with H and K embroidered after the old sort’.91

The price of magnificence: the budget for the great wardrobe The chief sources of the great wardrobe’s income were the exchequer, the chamber, the sale of unused cloth and rent collected from the properties owned by the wardrobe (Table 3.2). This funding could be supplied either by assignment or by prest. The draft declaration of the account for the year spanning the end of Henry VII’s reign and the start of his son’s reign (1508–09), recorded that silks held in stock were sold to John Fligh, Hugh Denys and William Smith,92 while the account for 1510–11 listed the wardrobe as having 15 tenants.93 Henry VII observed in his will that the expenses of his household and wardrobe ‘have continually had for the bering of the charges of the same, so large and sure assignments, that we trust there is little or nothing owing in behalf’.94 Even so, Henry VII’s household accounts and other papers reveal that balancing the income and expenditure of the great wardrobe was a recurring problem. The keeper frequently needed additional funds to balance his accounts. On 26 June 1498 Sir Robert Lytton received £904 15s 6d for the debts of the wardrobe over two years.95 Further payments of £71 3s 6½d and £159 7d were made to him on 11 June 1502 and 30 May 1503 respectively.96 In both cases, the practice of submitting accounts for two-year periods allowed the king to address the overspend before the final account was submitted. However, in some instances back payments were very late indeed. On 5 July 1505, £2,015 19s 11d was paid ‘for the provision of our wardrobe in the first year of our reign’.97 In view of the premium placed on the royal wardrobe and the appearance of the household by the Tudor kings, it is not surprising that the cost of royal magnificence was high.

32

the role of the great wardrobe Table 3.2:

Date Henry VII 1486–88 E101/413/1 1490–92 E101/413/6 1492–94 E101/413/10 1494–95 E101/413/15 E101/414/1 1498–99 E36/209 1502–03 E101/415/10 1504–06 E101/416/2 1506–07 E101/416/5 Henry VIII 1511–12 E101/417/5 1511–12 E101/418/20 1514–15 E101/418/20 1515–16 E101/418/20 1516–17 E101/418/9 E101/418/20 1517–18 E101/418/11 1518–19 E101/418/14 E101/418/20 1519–20 E101/418/20 E101/419/3 1524–25 E101/419/12 1526–27 E101/419/18 1527–28 E101/420/5 1530–31 E101/420/13 1531–32 E101/421/2 1534–35* E101/422/2 1538–39 E101/422/11 1539–40** E101/422/20 1542–43 E101/423/6 1543–44 E101/423/9

The income and expenditure of the great wardrobe during the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII Receipts

Method of funding

Source of funding

Expenditure

Balance

£4,632 1s 7d Missing £4,054 10s 0d

a, p [16] Missing

1,2,3 Missing

£5,386 8s 10½d Missing £3,533 3s 11d

£754 7s 3½d Sp Missing £521 6s 1d Dt

Missing £2,018 14s 6d £2,206 17s 11½d £2,128 16s 1½d £2,5— £1,530 15s ½d

a, p Damaged

1, 3 1, 3

Missing £560 8s ¾d Dt

Damaged a, p

Damaged 1, 3

Missing £1,458 6s 3¼d £1,655 9s 11½d £1,617 12d Missing £1,235 1s 8 ¼d

£8,365 17s 10¾d Missing £4,023 2s 0d Missing

Not given Missing a [3] a [3]

1, 3, 4, 5, 6 Missing 1, 7 1, 2, 7 [but 7 = 0]

£8,335 15s 4½d Missing £3,822 12s 4d £3,034 3s 6½d

£30 2s 6¼d Dt Missing Worn/faded £12 5s 2¾d Dt

£4,035 8s 8d Missing £4,039 14s 6d

a Missing a

1, 2, 3, 7 [but 7 = 0] Missing 1, 2, 3, 7 [but 7 = 0]

£4,025 12s 7d £4,025 12s 7d £4,031 12s 0d

£9 16s 1d Dt £9 16s 1d Dt £7 2s 6d Dt

£4,156 1s 3½d £4,156 1s 3½d

a [4] a

1, 2, 3 1, 2, 3

£4,727 2s 1¼d £4,727 2s 1¼d

£571 0s 9¾d Sp £571 0s 9¾d Sp

£3,413 19s 5¾d £3,413 19s 5¾d £215 19s 11dPartial total £2,662 9s 8¼d £1,766 8s 6d £1,652 9s 10d £1,734 1s 2½d £1,887 16s 5½d £1,653 4s 11d Missing £1,794 13s 9d £3,239 19s 6¾d

Missing Not recorded Missing Missing Missing a a Missing Missing Missing a a

(1), 2, 3 1, 2, 3, 7 Missing 1, 2, 3, [lost] 1, 2, 3 1, 2, 3 1, 2, 3 Missing 1, 2, 3 Missing 1, 2, 3 1, 2, 3

£3,402 4s ¼d £3,402 4s ¼d Missing £2,893 10s 4½d £3,064 2s 7d £3,428 5s 1d £5,103 19s 1d Missing £6,362 12s 1½d Missing £7,263 13s 6½d Missing

£11 19s ¾d Dt £11 19s ¾d Dt Missing £231 1s 2¼d Sp £1,297 14s 0d Sp £1,775 10s 4d Sp £3,369 17s 10¾d Sp Missing £4,709 2s 2½d Sp Missing £5,468 19s 9½d Sp Missing

Missing £295 13s 4 ¼d Dt

* damaged; ** heading only Key: Method of funding: a = assignment; p = prest; [] = number of prests Sources of funding: 1 = exchequer; 2 = foreign receipts; 3 = rents; 4 = silk sales; 5 = silk sales from the store; 6 = treasurer of the king’s chamber; 7 = king’s coffers Balance: Dt = recorded on the document at Debet but meaning underspent; Sp = recorded on the document as Superplus but meaning overspent

How high can be determined by consulting the great wardrobe accounts (Table 3.2). The figures can be put in context by the concluding note in the James Worsley’s inventory. He was the yeoman of the robes, and his inventory ended with that the king’s clothes being valued at £10,380 2s 4½d ‘ouer and besides the goldsmith werke precious stones and perles’.98 This figure indicates the cost of the king’s wardrobe over a period of five years. Although some items, such as his coronation robes, were made before the time covered by the inventory, the practice of regularly replacing most items in the wardrobe means that the majority of what was present had been bought during the time Worsley was keeper. At his accession, Henry VIII had access to his father’s wealth and contemporaries commented on his extravagance. In 1515 Henry was described as ‘a youngling’ who ‘wastes his father’s patrimony’, while in 1519 ‘he gambled with the French hostages, occasionally . . . to the amount of six or eight thousand ducats a day’.99 By the end of his reign, Henry VIII’s finances were far from secure, resulting in the debasement of the coinage and his agents securing a series of loans from the

Fuggers and other European bankers. The accounts of the great wardrobe demonstrate that credit finance underpinned many of Henry VIII’s transactions with his suppliers and makers, especially towards the end of his reign. Even so, the amount that Henry VIII spent on his wardrobe put his clothes in a class of their own. This explains why clothes were given as gifts to the king because they had an appreciable financial value. Although Table 3.2 indicates that the great wardrobe kept within its budget in the early part of Henry VIII’s reign, it is evident from other sources that this was as a result of some financial juggling. On 6 March 1512 Andrew Windsor received £1,100 15s 2½d to pay the creditors of the wardrobe.100 Two years later, he was given a further £1,573 11s 4d on 25 June 1514 for the surplusage of his account made last Michaelmas.101 In December 1515 Henry VIII assigned a block of lands to pay for the expenses of his household and to provide £1,540 for the expenses of the wardrobe.102 These figures also make it clear that the great wardrobe was overspent in some of the years where the accounts are missing or damaged.

the role of the great wardrobe Thomas Cromwell’s accounts show that he was heavily involved in making the accounts of the great wardrobe balance. His account for 1533 included a payment of £3,591 14s 1d made to various creditors.103 On 28 June 1535 Andrew Windsor received a mandate from the king to make payments to the following: John Malt, the king’s tailor, Thomas Addington, the king’s skinner, Lettice Worship, his silk woman, William Croughton, his hosier, Henry Cornelius and Henry Johnson, his cordwainers, and to William Spurier, for ‘making robes, doublets etc and stuff for the king’, also for satin delivered to the queen, for gowns, coats made for Culpepper the king’s page, for three officers of the wardrobe of the robes, the two royal barbers, the five grooms of the privy chamber and to Mark, Philip and Culpepper of the privy chamber, 67 yeomen of the guard and the king’s fool.104 A week later on 2 July Windsor wrote to Cromwell sending him a list of creditors, asking for money to pay them ‘for they make much calling for it daily’.105 In October he recorded ‘the great calling of divers for payment for the Great Wardrobe’.106 In December 1537 Cromwell reminded himself ‘to declare the payment of the debts of the Great Wardrobe; and also the Queen’s burial’.107 Two months later he was faced with paying the debts of the great wardrobe and Anne Boleyn.108 Towards the end of Henry VIII’s reign, it is evident that the cost of royal magnificence consistently exceeded the funds allocated to the wardrobe. On 9 July 1540 John Gostwick wrote to Henry VIII concerning the money he had dispersed, without a warrant, as Cromwell had done previously. He had made a payment of £2,970 18s 11d which was the remainder of what the wardrobe owed, in addition to the £6,030 2s 4d already paid.109

Selecting fabric for the king Four individuals selected cloth for the great wardrobe and the other royal textile stores: the keeper, the king’s tailor, the king himself and the yeoman of the robes. How active the keeper was in the business of the great wardrobe, including the purchase of cloth, would depend on whether he was resident in London and undertook the office in person, as Sir Andrew Windsor did, or if he was frequently absent and so relied on a deputy, like Sir Ralph Sadler. In the early history of the great wardrobe, the king’s tailor, accompanied by a clerk, attended many of the English fairs including St Ives, Boston, Winchester, Bury St Edmund’s and King’s Lynn to buy fabric.110 Some holders of the office of king’s tailor at this period were essentially administrators, such as Roger de Ros, while others like Germanus earned their living as a tailor.111 While the king’s tailor could select the cloth bought by the wardrobe, the tailor could also bypass the great wardrobe and supply cloth direct. The entries for the king’s clothes in the accounts show a change in the role taken by the king’s tailor. Stephen Jasper, William Hilton and John de Paris all worked with the cloth provided by the great wardrobe or the wardrobe of the robes. However, John Malt provided most of the cloth that he needed to make Henry

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VIII’s clothes. James Worsley’s inventory indicated that he was already providing cloth to the wardrobe of the robes by 1522. On 24 August Malt was paid 73s 4d for 22 yards (20.1 m) of green taffeta at 3s 4d the yard [B711]. There is evidence to suggest that some suppliers showed their silks to the king and he made his own selection. When he went to France in 1513, Henry VIII bought cloth from local merchants. While in Calais he bought 25 yards (22.8 m) of white cloth of gold, 18½ yards (16.9 m) of green cloth of gold and 25 yards (22.8 m) of white silver satin cloth of gold from one ‘Charowchon’, merchant of Florence. The king paid 46s 8d a yard for the cloth out of money that was intended for the ‘provision of our warres’.112 In October Henry VIII gave cloth of silver and green velvet to Gibson in the Staple Chamber at Calais.113 Sir John Dauntsey also paid Richard Smith, yeoman of the robes, for a number of other purchases including a piece of purple velvet bought from an Antwerp merchant for £14 and 37 ells (25.5 m) of white damask priced at 5s the ell from a Dutch man.114 The king also planned royal masks and selected the materials. On 23 August 1519 Henry was at Havering at Bower. He called Richard Gibson to him ‘and ordered Sir William Compton to make out letters to William Botry, mercer, to deliver to Gybson silk according to his previous instructions’.115 Henry VIII granted licenses to foreign merchants on the understanding that the king should have ‘first sight and choice of them’.116 This wording clearly underlines the king’s personal involvement in selecting cloth from the Italian merchants who brought prized textiles to England. The business records of the Bardi and Cavalcanti provide details of these merchants and their factors taking silks to the king for him to select his purchases.117 It is less certain how easy it was for English merchants to gain access to the king. However, a list of tasks drawn up in 1542 by John Gates, groom of the robes, indicates that the intervention of a member of the wardrobe or the royal household was the key to success. Gates recorded that he needed ‘to show the King Nalinherst silks’, suggesting that Gates was acting as an intermediary to ensure Nalinghurst’s cloth came directly to the king’s attention.118 Another way to catch the king’s eye was give him a gift at the New Year. The 1539 gift roll records the following examples: By Sir John Gresham to pares of gloves & viij souereyns — ix li. By Sir Richard Gresham iij roolles of camerike in a case. By William locke a salte siluer and gilte standing on a mountte — xviij oz.119

One other individual who knew the king’s taste and was present when the king selected cloth was the yeoman of the robes. He also bought cloth for the king. Richard Smith featured periodically in the chamber accounts. On 15 May 1513 he was paid £26 0s 8d for cloth he had bought for the king, while he received £239 10s on 22 October 1514 for sables and £411 16s 2d for silks on 30 October 1516.120 The yeoman of the robes could also act as a supplier to the great wardrobe. John Fligh, Henry VII’s first yeoman of the robes (1486–1504) featured in the account for 1502–03 supplying holland and linen in his own right and damask, satin and velvet with Hugh Denys, groom of the stool.121 Fligh continued to supply linen in his own right and silks with Denys in 1504–05. Fligh was

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the role of the great wardrobe

succeeded by Richard Smith, a merchant tailor who had supplied the great wardrobe before he became yeoman of the robes in 1504: cloth, cotton, kersey and sarsenet in 1498–99, russet in 1502–03, cloth for Elizabeth of York’s funeral, kersey in 1504–05, cloth, hose, kersey and medley in 1505–06 and cloth for Henry VII’s funeral. His volume of trade with the great wardrobe increased with Henry VIII’s accession. Smith supplied brushes, cloth, cotton, kendal, London russet, medley, motley, russet, satin, scarlet and tilsent satin in 1510– 11 and with some fur and ready made goods in other years, he featured in the accounts for 1516–17, 1517–18, 1521–22 and 1523–25.122 In marked contrast, there are no indications that any of Smith’s successors as yeoman, James Worsley, John Parker, Anthony Denny or Richard Cecil, supplied any cloth to the great wardrobe or the robes either directly or via the chamber.123

Other royal fabric stores While the great wardrobe was the largest Tudor royal fabric store, it was not the only one.124 In fact, in the course of Henry VIII’s reign, there were at least two other stores of cloth. Both of these predominantly held silk, with some good quality linen and small quantities of fur and passementerie (Figs 3.4 and 3.5). The first was the store of silk administered by the staff of the king’s wardrobe of the robes, and there is evidence to

3.5 A fragment of a sixteenth-century Italian silk alto et basso (pile on pile) velvet, 3091. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Christoph von Viràg)

3.4 A fragment of an Italian, sixteenth-century cloth of tissue or brocatelle with a couched border. Cloth of tissue of this type is listed in James Worsley’s wardrobe book and inventory (see transcripts). 853B-1892. © V&A Images, Victoria and Albert Museum London

suggest that this store was in place in Henry VII’s reign.125 A series of warrants from 1486 to 1506 record that John Fligh and Richard Smith, Henry VII’s yeomen of the robes, received fabric from the great wardrobe as well as buying cloth from London-based merchants and from the ships of foreign merchants.126 The preamble to James Worsley’s wardrobe book of 1516 to 1520 mentioned the silks held within the wardrobe of the robes at the Tower and a number of entries record the suppliers of the cloth and the makers who converted it into clothes for the king and his court. In addition, the inventory taken of Worsley’s charge in 1520 referred to a store of silks kept at Greenwich.127

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Table 3.3: Cloth delivered to the great wardrobe by James Worsley on 26 May 1519 Cloth type

Lengths

Colours

Yardage

Braband cloth A1642–43 Camlets A1628–34 Damask A1518–63

2 7 46

48 yards (43.9m) 62⅝ yards (57.3 m) 698 yards (638.3 m)

Diaper A1639–41 Holland A1644 Linen A1645–48 Linen, coarse A1649 Sarsenets A1604–23

3 1 4 1 20

Satin A1358–1457 Tartarons A1624–27 Tilsent A852–53 Tilsent damask gold A804, 822 Tilsent damask silver A808–09, 840 Tilsent silver A802–03 Tilsent Venice gold A789–801, 805–07, 810–21, 823–39, 846–51, 854–55 Tilsent Venice silver A841–45 Velvet A1110–33, 1137–42 Velvet checked A1134–36 Velvet pirled A1104 Velvet upon velvet A1108 Velvet upon velvet pirled A1105–07, 1109

98 4 2 2 3 2 53

1 — white 2 — green, white 7 — black, blue, crimson, green, russet, white, yellow 1 — white 1 — white 1 — white 1 — white 7 — blue, changeable, crimson, green, russet, white, yellow 5 — blue, green, orange, white, yellow 3 — blue, carnation, crimson 1 — white 2 — black, blue 2 — green, white 1 — blue 9 — black, blue, crimson, green, purple, russet, tawny, white, yellow 1 — white 4 — green, orange, purple, yellow 1 — green and white 1 — blue and green 1 — tawny 3 — green, russet, tawny

5 30 3 1 1 4

Worsley delivered cloth directly to the king’s tailor. He also supplied cloth to the great wardrobe (Table 3.3). Finally, he also provided silks for use by the tailors creating costumes for the king’s revels. For the masques held at Ardes and Calais in June 1520, he provided 79½ yards (72.7 m) of crimson velvet for ten cloaks and doublets with placards and wide sleeves, 39 yards (35.6 m) of yellow tinsel satin for lining the sleeves and making cloaks, while some was delivered to the earl of Devon, Nicholas Carew and Henry Bryan for their hose, 254¾ (232.9 m) yards of blue satin for long gowns and mantles and 73 yards (66.7 m) of black tinsel satin.128 On 24 February 1530 John Parker, yeoman of the robes, received a delivery of cloth including cloth of silver and gold tinsel bought from Anthony Carsidony for the king’s use.129 However, the 1547 entry for the wardrobe of the robes does not include any cloth, suggesting that by this point the wardrobe had been superseded by the Whitehall silk store. In contrast, the entry for the revels lists a number of short lengths and remnants of silk including cloth of gold and silver, tilsent and sarsenet and fine linen (8672–8726). Second, in the 1530s and 1540s there was the silk house at Whitehall.130 This store was developed by Thomas Alvard, the first keeper of Whitehall. Between May 1531 and April 1532, Alvard spent £2,759 13s 4d on silks and furnishings.131 He also distributed the cloth to royal artificers, as Worsley had.132 However, the significance of this store is illustrated by the list of instructions that Nicholas Bristow, clerk of the wardrobe of the robes and beds and clerk to Sir Anthony Denny, keeper of the palace, drew up in 1538. He was a stickler for detail and systems and drew up a strict procedure for recording the delivery and use of bolts of silk kept in the recently established Whitehall silk store.133 The list is worth quoting in full: 1. 2.

no silks to be delivered without Bristow being present; the clerk should note whether the silk being delivered were of the old store or the new store;

27¼ yards (24.9 m) 24¾ yards (22.6 m) 44¼ yards (40.5 m) 40 yards (36.5 m) 425⅞ yards (389.4 m) 2,153⅝ yards (1969.3 m) 31¼ yards (28.6 m) 5⅞ yards (5.4 m) 11⅞ yards (10.9 m) 25 yards (22.9 m) 32⅝ yards (29.8 m) 615¾ yards (563.1 m) 25⅞ yards (23.6 m) 220½ yards (201.6 m) 38⅛ yards (34.9 m) 12¾ yards (11.6 m) 6½ yards (5.9 m) 31¾ yards (29.1 m)

3. the rolls of silks must be marked with details of their contents and the name of the supplier; 4. at the time of delivery, the clerk must write the name of the person to whom they were delivered, to what use and at what price, upon the bill of contents, in the book of silk kept by Sir Anthony Denny and a copy must be given to Bristow; 5. the price paid by the king must be written on the labels; 6. bills for money for silks must be comptrolled by Bristow; 7. bills must not be paid unless Bristow is present and he is to enter their names into the journal book; 8. all warrants are to be made by Bristow; 9. immediately upon the receipt of a bill, Bristow must make a remembrance of it and in what title he is discharged; 10. no stuff is to be delivered by Hewetson, Mrs Vaughan, Mr Lock or any other which ought to be allowed by Denny without a bill signed by Denny or his deputy, which the clerk is to enter in the book of remembrance; 11. the clerk is to have a receipt for all money delivered for his master’s use; 12. no man shall have a key to the clerk’s study except his master or deputy. In August 1535, Thomas Cromwell acknowledged receipt of cloth of gold and cloth of silver, crimson and purple satin and black velvet from Anthony Denny that was to be sent to Margaret, queen of Scots.134 It is most likely that these silks came from the Whitehall silk store. The marginal notation on the 1542 inventory of Whitehall records the quantity of silk in Denny’s hands in 1542 and how it was distributed to the king, Catherine Parr and the royal children between 1542–47 (see Tables 6.5, 10.7 and 11.1). In addition to the 1542 inventory, there are several other smaller documents that probably relate to the Whitehall silk store. These include a short undated volume titled ‘A Book of the remainder of the silks and

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velvets’. A delivery of black velvet by William Lock on 13 April 1537 indicates that the book was in use immediately after Sir Anthony Denny’s formal appointment as keeper.135 There is a second, also undated, 44-page manuscript titled ‘James Rufforthe hys booke for pellettes and Silkes’ which records a much fuller list of silks including tissues, cloth of gold, cloth of silver and tinsel.136 A number of the entries were annotated with a cross or short written notes recording cloth leaving the store such as ‘md xxxvui peces and Remts gon sins the first note taken’.137 Deliveries continued to be made to the silk store after Henry’s death in January 1547. By this time the store was in the care of James Rufforth and it was housed in the secret wardrobe. In 1549 a range of silks were supplied by the Venetian merchant Dominico Erizo (16184–97, 16223–33, 16258– 61, 16312–16).138 They included 40 yards (36.6 m) of ‘clothe of siluer purple with workes’ (16228) and 18 yards (16.5 m) of ‘Black vellat raysed with siluer’.

Suppliers to the great wardrobe London was the centre for English trade and it was the main source of luxury goods supplied to the Tudor court. The court was served by a network of English merchants supplemented by a group of alien merchants, chiefly from Italy and the Hanse. The Londoners were keen to ensure that their position was safeguarded against unlicensed traders of the type that accompanied the French ambassadors in 1518. The ambassadors, led by Bonnivet and the bishop of Paris, had come to negotiate a marriage treaty and the surrender of Tournai, and they, along with much of their entourage, were housed at the merchant taylors’ hall. According to Hall their retinue included: a great numbre of rascals & pedlers, & Iuellers, and [they] brought ouer hattes and cappes and diuerse merchaundise vncustomed, all vnder the coloure of the trussery of the Ambassadours . . . When these lordes were in their lodgynges, then the French harder men opened their wares & made the Taylers hal lyke to the paunde of a parte’ ‘many an Englishman grudged, but it auailed not.139

While the Londoners did not welcome these rival traders, the king was anxious to encourage European merchants with high-quality wares to come to England. Between July and December 1546, Henry VIII granted licences to five Italian, French and Flemish jewellers, allowing them to bring ‘all manner of jewels, pearls and precious stones . . . of skins and sable furs . . . clothes and new gentleness of fashion . . . as he or they shall think best for the pleasure of us [and] our dearest wife, the Queen . . . ’.140 A lot of cloth changed hands at the European cloth markets and the volume of trade there was always of interest to the king. On 7 August 1538 William Lock wrote to Henry VIII from Antwerp, reporting that cloth sales at the market had been very good.141 Even so, there were sometimes problems of availability, especially of the more luxurious fabrics. John Husee explained to Lady Lisle in a series of letters that he could not get the type of cloth of gold that she wanted in London. On 22 May he noted that ‘There will be no cloth of

gold like the other. Mr Locck’s is all plain’, while on 26 May he informed her that ‘There is no cloth of gold to be had such as you wish. Unless you will have plain cloth of gold, you must provide it from Antwerp or elsewhere’.142 As this example demonstrates, the full range of types and colours of cloth was rarely available all year round in any large European city. On 31 July 1546, Stephen Vaughan sent 17¼ ells (11.9 m) of black velvet and 16 ells (11.1 m) of black damask at 13s and 6s the ell to Lord Cobham, and in his letter he wrote, ‘I marvel that you buy silk here, where is neither so good choice as in London, nor is it so good cheap the money considered’.143 The great wardrobe accounts provide a very good indication of who was supplying the king and his court with cloth. However, they do not provide a complete picture. A number of sales were made directly to the king and to the wardrobe of the robes.144 Worsley’s inventory includes a number of entries recording the purchase of silks and how this cloth was then allocated to the king’s tailor and hosier. The group of suppliers who traded directly with the wardrobe was much smaller and was dominated by the Italian merchants such as Anthony Bonvisi, Peter Francis de Bardi, Anthony Carsidony and Nicholas Venasses. The key English suppliers were William Botry, Richard Gresham and William Lock. Another way of looking at the Italian merchants trading in London is to consult their business papers which are particularly rich for the London house of the company of Peter Francis de Bardi and Giovanni Cavalcanti for the period 1521 to 1531.145 These include two principal accounts, three letter books and a register of the cloth they sold. Taking one English merchant supplying the wardrobe, Sir Richard Gresham, mercer of London, was licensed on 5 April 1516 to export cloth and other English merchandise not belonging to the staple of Calais and to import silk and gold cloths, woad, alum and wine.146 He was listed as a supplier to the great wardrobe in the extant accounts for 1510–11, 1521–22, 1523–25 and 1526–27. However, his business with the wardrobe was modest in terms of the quantity of cloth and the range of goods: linen and sarsenet in 1510–11, lockram and velvet in 1521–22 and velvet only in 1523–25 and 1526–27. In contrast Gresham was recorded in Worsley’s inventory as supplying the wardrobe of the robes with more silk fabrics, namely camlet [B718–20, 734], damask [B687, 695], satin [B638–39, 643–44, 657–61, 673] and velvet [B540–41, 567–70, 573, 583]. These silks had to be shipped to England and it was always possible for the cargo to be lost or damaged during transit. On 4 February 1542 he was paid £1,116 6s 6d for velvets, damasks and satins bought from him by the king.147 On 31 October 1545 Wriothesley wrote to Paget, noting that Gresham had a new delivery of silks: ‘he has brought home certain silks of which many be wet; and offers to sell them to the King but is content to bear the loss. They are velvets, satins, damasks and sarsenets.’148 Thomas Gresham (c. 1518– 79) was Sir Richard’s second son.149 He was not listed in any of the extant great wardrobe accounts and was listed just once in the 1547 inventory as having bought a ‘fayer greate table Dyamounte ring’ for Edward VI from Erasmus Skeetz (3687).150 However, his portrait of 1544 demonstrates the elegant black clothes favoured by the merchants associated with the royal court (Fig. 3.6).

the role of the great wardrobe

3.6 Sir Thomas Gresham aged 26, unknown artist, Flemish School, 1544. Gresham’s doublet and gown are heavily embroidered in black silk, so creating a sense of understated wealth and taste. MCPC Catalogue no. 043. By courtesy of the Mercers’ Company

An absence of objects made by the great wardrobe The great wardrobe accounts record the details of hundreds of items of clothing from Henry VIII’s reign, yet extant clothing from the mid Tudor period is the least well represented group of source material for this research. What garments do survive are frequently in very poor condition or fragmentary, so

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making their conservation and interpretation challenging, or they have been altered or repaired, so changing their original appearance.151 However, garments in poor condition can often reveal a lot about construction methods, the materials used for interlinings and stiffenings that would be concealed in new garments. The simple truth is that there are no known surviving garments from Henry VIII’s wardrobe. While something might be found in the future, currently a hawking glove in the Ashmolean is the closest it is possible to come to clothing worn by the king.152 English royal dress was not collected in the way it was in Swedish Royal Armouries or the ducal wardrobe at Dresden, so there is no comparable collection of clothing associated with the Tudor monarchs. Most items of English royal dress were recycled but some pieces, possibly with sentimental value, were retained. An old gown ‘of purpull veluete syngle that was king Henry the vijth’ was listed in his son’s wardrobe book of 1516 [B78], as were the garter and parliament robes of prince Arthur [B13–18]. The same garter robes were listed in 1547 inventory (14177–78). This practice was not restricted to Henry VIII. Elizabeth I’s wardrobe of the robes inventory dated to 1600 included a selection of Edward VI’s clothes: his robes of the order of St Michael, one kirtle for the Garter, a kirtle and hood for parliament, three gowns, three frocks, two coats, two riding coats, a jerkin, three doublets with hose, a selection of buckles, aglets and buttons and a dagger.153 A selection of Mary’s clothes were also present, including five French gowns, a gown, a loose gown, seven kirtles, five French kirtles and two foreparts. In November and December 1623 an inventory was taken at Denmark house on the Strand of the objects in the charge of Richard Brown.154 His charge included a selection of Henry VIII’s clothes that were listed after Anne of Denmark’s coronation robes. These were predominantly outer garments, consisting of two robes for the order of St Michael, three short gowns, four cloaks, ten coats, a nightgown and a cassock. Finally, there were ‘two chests with sleeues and peeces of garments the chests being almost full of them but utterly unusefull and of noe value’, ‘seauenteene Borders of gould wrought upon Holland like enbr[audered] which were king Henry his bands’ and ‘A Grene veluet coffer with king Henry his Shirts in the same’.155 It is possible that these clothes were a relic of when Denmark house had been the home of the duke of Somerset, Edward VI’s first protector, because Somerset had acquired some of the late king’s possessions.156 Almost all of these items were still at Denmark House in 1649 and they were sold in the Commonwealth sale.157 At this point Henry VIII’s wardrobe ceased to exist.

Notes 1 Lurie, Language of Clothes. 2 For a discussion of this problem in relation to dress terminology in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see Scott, Visual History, p. 18. 3 For the artificers who worked there, see below, pp. 317–29.

4 Tout, Chapters, iv, pp. 349–437; K. Staniland, ‘Clothing provision and the Great Wardrobe in the mid-thirteenth century’, Textile History, 22.2 (1991), pp. 239–52. 5 Tout, Chapters, iv, pp. 412–13.

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the role of the great wardrobe

6 Stow, Survey, p. 340. 7 A. Prockter and R. Taylor, The A to Z of Elizabethan London, LTS (1979), p. vi. 8 L. B. Ellis, ‘Wardrobe place and the Great Wardrobe’, Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, NS, 9 (1948), p. 247. The representation of the great wardrobe on the Agas map does not compare well with other descriptions of the site; see Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 67. 9 Hayward, ‘Repositories’, pp. 148–49; for a history of the Elizabethan wardrobe, see Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 163–65. 10 For a description of the buildings at the end of the fifteenth century, see Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, pp. 66–70. 11 TNA E36/209, f. 6; E101/417/4, unfoliated. 12 LP xiii.i, 25. 13 See below, p. 283. 14 LP iv.ii, 2745. 15 Myers, Black Book, p. 114. 16 See below, pp. 33–36. 17 L. Monnas, ‘Silk cloths purchased for the Great Wardrobe of the kings of England, 1325–1462’, Textile History, 20.2 (1989), p. 284. 18 CPR 1476–85, p. 198. 19 P. Tudor-Craig, Richard III (1973), p. 32. 20 Myers, Black Book, p. 295. 21 CPR 1485–94, p. 26; he was first granted these offices by Edward IV, see CPR 1467–77, pp. 295, 475. Hugh Conway was mentioned in the warrant dated 21 September 1485; CPR 1485–94, p. 22. 22 Ibid., p. 176. 23 CPR 1494–1509, p. 13. 24 TNA LC 9/50, f. 140r. 25 Campbell, Materials, ii, p. 163. 26 CPR 1485–94, p. 455. 27 CPR 1494–1509, p. 470. A draft of his accounts as keeper survives for the year running from Michaelmas 1508 to Michaelmas 1509;, LP i.i, 877. Also see Bindoff, House of Commons, iii, pp. 633–36. 28 Streitberger, Court Revels, pp. 65–66. 29 Ibid., p. 63. 30 LP i.i, 158.57. 31 TNA SP1/231, f. 201 (LP Additional i, 113). 32 LP ii.ii, app. 38; Pollard, Henry VIII, p. 119. 33 Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 329. 34 LP xviii.i, 458. 35 LP xviii.i, 623.61. 36 LP xviii.i, 880. 37 LP xix.i, 141.26. 38 LP xix.ii, 166.70. 39 LP xx.ii, 707.48. 40 A. J. Slavin, Politics and Profit: a Study of Ralph Sadler, 1507–1547 (1966); ODNB online, see www.oxforddnb.com. 41 LP v, p. 319. 42 LP xii.ii, 576. 43 Campbell, Materials, ii, p. 495. 44 CPR 1452–61, p. 358. 45 CPR 1485–94, p. 24. 46 Ibid., p. 224. For a biography, see Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, pp. 346–47. 47 LP iii.ii, 2016.18. 48 LP iii.ii, 3214.30. 49 LP xvi, 1391.68. 50 LP iv.i, 1673. 51 LP xiv.ii, 238.ii. 52 See Bindoff, House of Commons, ii, pp. 207–08. 53 CPR 1494–1509, pp. 221, 350; Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 71. 54 LP i.i, 94. 55 LP vii.ii, 1498. 56 I. Darlington, ed., London Consistory Court Wills, LRS, 3 (1967), no. 192, p. 117. He was also listed as receiving the residue of Philip Hampton’s goods, in his will dated 3 June 1543; ibid., no. 188, p. 113. 57 See below, pp. 178–80. 58 Colvin, HKW, iv.ii, pp. 50–52. 59 LP xix.ii, 688. 60 Thurley, Royal Palaces, pp. 36, 78. 61 Wyngaerde drew Baynard’s castle in his view of London, illustrated in ibid., p. 36. 62 TNA E101/424/4. 63 TNA E315/161, ff. 210r-15r (1543–44) and E101/424/2. 64 TNA E101/424/3, mm. 5r, 7r. 65 TNA E315/161, f. 212r. 66 Ibid., f. 43r. 67 Ibid., f. 45v. On 9 December 1544 William Kenett agreed to deliver all the queen’s accounts for the year ending Michaelmas 1544 to Anthony

Bourchier. In return, Bourchier agreed to acquit him of all money received by him as the deputy of his late master, Thomas Twesell; LP xix.ii, 722. 68 TNA E101/417/3 (1–34 Hen VIII), E101/417/6 (3–4 Hen VIII), E101/ 418/1 (4–27 Hen VIII), E101/418/5 (6–8 Hen VIII), E101/420/1 (18–35 Hen VIII), E101/423/11 (35–36 Hen VIII) and BL Additional MS 18,826 (2–6 Hen VIII). 69 LP xx.ii, 706.78. 70 LP xxi.i, 148.70. 71 TNA E101/420/1, no. 35. 72 Lisle Letters, iv, 861. 73 See below, p. 81. 74 Blair, ‘16th century’, pp. 105–06; TNA LC 9/51, f. 256v and E101/423/ 10, f. 39r. 75 Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 50; for a review of the history of the great wardrobe prior to this, see K. Staniland, ‘The Great Wardrobe accounts as a sources for historians of fourteenth century clothing and textiles’, Textile History, 20.2 (1989), pp. 275–81. 76 R. A. Griffiths, ‘The king’s court during the Wars of the Roses: continuities in an age of discontinuities’, in R. G. Asch and A. M. Birke, eds, Princes and Patronage and the Nobility (Oxford, 1991), p. 46. 77 There are two extant exceptions, one from the reign of Henry VII and one from the reign of Henry VIII. Both are particular accounts: TNA E36/209 and E101/417/4. 78 TNA E101/417/5 (3 Hen VIII), E101/418/9 (8–9 Hen VIII), E101/418/11 (9–10 Hen VIII), E101/418/14 (10–11 Hen VIII), E101/418/20 (11–12 Hen VIII), E101/419/3 (11–12 Hen VIII), E101/419/12 first page only (16–17 Hen VIII), E101/419/18 (18–19 Hen VIII), E101/420/5 (19–20 Hen VIII), E101/ 420/13 (22–23 Hen VIII), E101/421/3 (23–24 Hen VIII), E101/422/2 (26–27 Hen VIII), E101/422/11 (30–31 Hen VIII), E101/422/20 heading only (32–33 Hen VIII), E101/423/6 (34–35 Hen VIII) and E101/423/9 (35–36 Hen VIII). 79 The pell was a department within the exchequer; TNA E101/417/8 (3–6 Hen VIII) and E101/419/12 (13–14 Hen VIII). 80 TNA E101/417/4 (2–3 Hen VIII), LC9/51, ff. 1r-36v (8–9 Hen VIII), LC9/51, ff. 37r-93v (9–10 Hen VIII), LC 9/51, ff. 94r-143v (13–14 Hen VIII), E36/224 (16–17 Hen VIII), E101/419/20 (18–19 Hen VIII), LC 9/51, ff. 144r192v (19–20 Hen VIII), E101/420/14 (22–23 Hen VIII), E101/421/3 (23–24 Hen VIII), E101/421/16 (25–26 Hen VIII), E315/455 (27–28 Hen VIII), LC 9/51, ff. 193r-234v (27–28 Hen VIII), LC 9/51, ff. 235r-end (29–30 Hen VIII), E315/456 (30–31 Hen VIII) and E101/423/11 (35–36 Hen VIII). 81 Two warrants, one for the wardrobe of the beds dating from 12 January 1498 (lot 8) and the other from 14 December 1533 for six sackbut players (lot 17), came up for sale at Christies on 3 December 2003; see Christies Sale Catalogue, The Spiro Family Collection: Part 1: English Historical Documents and Letters — 3 December 2003, London, King Street. Grateful thanks go to Susan North for drawing this sale catalogue to my attention. 82 The one exception is TNA E101/418/1; published as Caley, ‘Extract’, pp. 243–52. 83 See PPE Elizabeth (abridged edition of BL Harley MS 4780), PPE (BL Additional MS 20,030, LP v, pp. 747–62), PPE Princess Mary (BL Royal MS 17b.xxviii, LP xix.ii, 796) and TNAE101/426/8; Dale Hoak has identified TNAE101/426/8 as an audited version of Edward VI’s privy purse account for 1550–51, see D. Hoak, ‘The secret history of the Tudor Court: the king’s coffers and the king’s purse, 1542–1553’, Journal of British Studies, 26 (1987), pp. 223–24. Although Mary was extravagant, she also checked her accounts and signed each page, just as her grandfather had done; Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 332. 84 PPE, p. 15. 85 Ibid., pp. 170, 183, 219, 238, 259, 265. 86 TNA SP1/241, f. 262 (LP Additional i.i, 1284). 87 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 17v (LP xiii.ii, 1280), f. 57v (LP xiv.ii, 780). 88 LP xvii, 258. 89 LP v, 1285. 90 LP vi, 228. 91 LP vi, 420. 92 TNA SP1/2, f. 59 (LP i.i, 877.1). 93 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 94 Astle, Will, p. 13. 95 TNA E404/83, not numbered. 96 TNA E404/84, not numbered and ibid., not numbered. 97 TNA E404/85, 113. 98 BL MS Harley 4217, f. 25r. 99 LP ii.i, 1105; Pollard, Henry VIII, p. 121. 100 TNA E36/215, p. 167. 101 Ibid., p. 319. 102 LP ii.i, 1363. 103 LP vi, 717. 104 LP viii, 937. 105 LP viii, 978. 106 LP ix, 725. 107 LP xii.ii, 1151.

the role of the great wardrobe 108 LP xiii.i, 187. 109 LP xv, 862. 110 Staniland, ‘Great Wardrobe’, p. 241. 111 In 1251 Germanus made a fur-lined cloak for Henry III. 112 BL Stowe MS 146, f. 94r. 113 Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 77. 114 BL Stowe MS 146, ff. 97r, 98r. 115 LP iii.i, 436. 116 This was not an innovation under the Tudors; see Monnas, Merchants, ch. 8; Sutton, Mercers, pp. 1, 3. 117 C. Sicca, ‘Fashioning the Tudor Court’, in M. A. Hayward and E. Kramer, eds, Textiles and Text: Re-establishing the Links Between Archival and Object Based Research (2007), forthcoming. 118 LP Additional i.ii, 1573. 119 FSL MS Z.d.11, m. 1v; Hayward, ‘Gift giving’, p. 167. 120 TNA E36/215, pp. 251, 341, 477. 121 Fligh died in 1504, but the great wardrobe accounts indicate that his namesake, possibly his son, continued to trade with the great wardrobe alone and with Hugh Denys: linen in 1505–06 and satin in 1510–11, while his partnership with Denys followed a similar pattern in 1505–06. However, in 1516–17, 1517–18, 1521–22, 1523–25 they only sold satin. 122 He supplied bonnets, boots, broad cloth, budge, cloth, cotton, frieze, hose, kersey, medley, motley, russet and scarlet in 1516–17; broadcloth, canvas, cloth, coney, cotton, damask, hose, frieze, fustian, hose, Kendal, lamb, leather, London russet, motley, russet, scarlet, velvet, worsted; furring gowns with hoods, jackets; making doublets, jackets in 1517–18; broadcloth, cloth, cotton, cottoned cloth, fustian, hose, kersey, linen, medley, Milan bonnets, motley, partlets and scarlet in 1521–22 and broadcloth, cloth, cotton, medley and motley in 1523–25. 123 While Streitberger states that Parker supplied cloth to the wardrobe of the robes, the documents he cites as evidence for this (TNA E101/425/2 and 3) actually list clothes given to Parker as perquisites by the king; Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 305. 124 L. Monnas, ‘The stores of textiles in the inventory of Henry VIII’, in D. R. Starkey, P. Ward and M. A. Hayward, eds, The Inventory of King Henry VIII, iv (forthcoming). 125 Indeed, there is a passing reference to this in Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 70. 126 BL Additional MS 18,825; Streitberger, Court Revels, pp. 16, 305. 127 BL Harley MS 4217, f. 1r.

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128 LP iii.ii, p. 1554. 129 LP iv.iii, 6243. 130 Hayward, 1542 Inventory, pp. 36–37. 131 TNA E351/3322, p. 3. 132 Bod Lib English History MS b 192/1, f. 13v. 133 LP xiii.ii, 1201. 134 BL Titus MS B.1, 423 (LP ix, 218). 135 BL Cotton MS App. 89, ff. 47r–53v. The book lists velvets, damasks and satins. 136 TNA E101/419/16. 137 Ibid., p. 8. 138 Erizo supplied cloth of gold, cloth of silver, tinsel and velvet. 139 Hall, Chronicle, pp. 593–94. 140 LP xxi.i, 1383.96 and LP xxi.ii, 476.56, 90 and 94. 141 LP xiii.ii, 47. 142 LP xiv.i, 1014, 1026. 143 LP xxi.i, 1376. 144 See above, pp. 33–36. 145 C. M. Sicca, ‘Consumption and trade of art between Italy and England in the first half of the sixteenth century: the London house of the Bardi and Cavalcanti company’, Renaissance Studies, 16.2 (2002), p. 165. 146 LP ii.i, 1740. 147 TNA E315/250, f. 55r. 148 LP xx.ii, 697. 149 I. Blanchard, ‘Sir Thomas Gresham c. 1518–1579’, in A. Saunders, ed., The Royal Exchange, LTS, 152 (1997), pp. 11–19. 150 SoA MS 129, f. 229r. 151 Scott, Visual History, p. 13. 152 Also M. A. Hayward, ‘“Unlocking one facet of Henry VIII’s wardrobe”: an investigation of the base’, in M. A. Hayward and E. Kramer, eds, Textiles and Text: Re-establishing the Links Between Archival and Object Based Research (2007), forthcoming. 153 BL Stowe MS 557, ff. 5r-10r; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 252–54. 154 SoA MS 137. I am most grateful to Kay Staniland for drawing this document to my attention. 155 Ibid., f. 35v. 156 Cumming, ‘Great vanity’, pp. 322–50. 157 Ibid., p. 329; see O. Millar, ed., The Inventories and Valuations of the King’s Goods 1649–1651, Walpole Society, 43 (1972), pp. 102–04, entries 148–63.

iv The Cycle of Royal Life: Coronations to Funerals

H

enry VIII’s life was punctuated by a series of births, marriages and deaths that shaped both his destiny and that of the country. The format of these events — encompassing christenings, marriages, churchings, coronations and funerals — was controlled by tradition and the specific details were often described in household ordinances and the accounts produced by the royal heralds. Special clothing was provided for the royal protagonists, while bulk orders of livery were supplied to their household for coronations and funerals. In this cycle, a funeral can be seen as the starting point because a royal death initiated the new reign and ended the old. However, this chapter begins with the ritual marking the start of a new reign, the coronation, and moves through the reign towards death and a funeral. Royal magnificence on these occasions was emphasised with dress, jewellery and associated textiles, while spectacle was used to support contemporary ideas of the sanctity of kingship. Sir Francis Bacon expressed this by comparing princes ‘to heavenly bodies, which cause good or evil times, and which have much veneration but no rest’.1 Specific clothes were associated with the different ceremonies, their style and materials dictated by tradition. Much of the evidence for what was worn and by whom comes from four main sources: the accounts of the lord chamberlain who oversaw coronations and funerals, the accounts of the great wardrobe, official accounts prepared by the heralds and comments from independent observers. Each of these highly significant events is considered in generic terms and Henry VIII’s participation is discussed. Henry’s experience of these ceremonies is then compared with that of the other members of the house of Tudor. This makes it possible to assess how far these occasions were dictated by precedent and how far they were tailored to suit specific agendas.

Coronations The coronation marked the relationship between the visible, material aspects and the invisible, immaterial aspects of early modern kingship.2 Elizabeth I put this duality into words when she described herself a few days after the death of her sister Mary: ‘I am but one bodye naturallye considered though by hys [God’s] permission a bodye politique to governe.’3 The liturgy, through the conference of the sacrament of coronation, provided the means by which this transformation occurred, while the robes and regalia symbolised the process. English coronations were held on a Sunday. They were the culmination of a three-day cycle of events starting with the monarch’s arrival at the Tower of London for a series of rituals there, his procession through London to Westminster and the coronation itself. The anointing and crowning were followed by a banquet in Westminster hall and a tournament held in the Westminster palace yard. The king’s champion’s chief royal duty was performed at the coronation. The king’s champion was a hereditary post which rested since 1377 in the hands of the Dymoke family of Scrivelsby, Lincolnshire. In June 1509 Sir Robert Dymoke issued the traditional challenge at Henry’s coronation, just as he had previously at the coronations of Richard III and Henry VII: The seconde course beyng serued: in at the haule doore entered a knight, armed at all poyntes, his bases rich tissue embroidered, a great plume & a sumptuous of Oistriche fethers on his helmet, sittyng on a great courser, trapped in tissue and embroidered with tharmes of England and of Fraunce, and an herauld of armes before hym.4

All Tudor coronations were celebrated in Westminster abbey. However, the possibility of crowning Catherine Howard at York in 1541 as the culmination of the progress to the north was considered. The timing of a queen’s coronation was often linked to her being pregnant or having had a child.

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coronations to funerals

On 26 January 1540 Sir William Eure wrote to Cromwell, informing him that ‘the queen of Scots, now with child, is to be crowned on Sunday 1 February’.5 On 10 April that year the French ambassador wrote to Francis stating that Catherine Howard was thought to be pregnant and that ‘if it be found to be true, [the King would] have her crowned at Whitsuntide. Already all the embroiderers that can be got are employed making furniture and tapestry, the copes and ornaments taken from the churches not being spared’.6 Excommunication was a very serious matter for any individual threatened with it, especially an anointed monarch. Pope Julius II excommunicated James IV of Scotland but the pope’s death in February 1513 prevented him expelling James from the faithful. The task of excommunicating him fell to Leo X, as one of the first acts of his pontificate. Consequently, after recovering James’s body at Flodden, Henry VIII sought papal approval for holding a funeral ceremony in St Paul’s cathedral. Permission was withheld on the grounds that James was an excommunicate and Henry acknowledged that ‘it is due punishment for one who hath perjurously broken his league’.7 Henry VIII was threatened with excommunication twice, in July 1533 and in August 1535, and he would have been well aware of the consequences.8

queen did not have an orb.12 Most important was the difference in the quality of the stones used, as indicated by the description of the queen’s crown: ‘the bordour [was] set with vj Saphures not all of a fynes the less Saphures vj Balacys not fyne iiij small balacys of litle value xxiiij bigge pearlis not fyne and viij small perlis.’13 The queen’s crown was also worn with ‘a Cappe . . . of purple vellat with a roll in it’ (6). However, references to the queen wearing a circlet instead of a crown appear in several of the narrative accounts. Catherine of Aragon’s circlet was listed in the 1521 inventory as ‘a Cerclet of golde newe made for the Quene at the Coronacion sett with a fayre Emerade iiij fayre Saphures iiij Rosis of Diamoundys iiij balacys all set in Rosis and xiiij perlis like of a sorte’.14 This circlet was still part of the queen’s regalia in 1547 (8), along with a sceptre with a dove on the knop (7). Edward VI, being a minor, needed a smaller, lighter crown and one was made for him ‘against his coronacion’. The gemstones and pearls were taken from caps and collars that had belonged to his father. The crown had a:

The regalia

After making it, Everard Everdes, the king’s goldsmith, had 36 of the 81 garnishing pearls, 39 of the 100 small garnishing pearls and four of the 24 pearls of unspecified type left over (3680–82). In addition, a second new piece of regalia was commissioned for the duke of Somerset, acknowledging his role as Protector. He had a coronet with six ‘Trafelles of gold every one having foure peerles and a small pointed diamounde’, three ‘Saphires sett In Collettes of golde’ and three ‘small Ballaces vnsett’ (3683–85). The Tudor regalia was destroyed during the Commonwealth because, without a monarchy, there was no need to preserve it. In France, Francis I established the idea of the inalienability of the French regalia and crown jewels. This was possibly as a consequence of Mary Tudor removing the celebrated diamond, called the Mirror of Naples from France after the death of Louis XII.15 This ruling was evident after the death of the dauphin, when Mary Stuart returned the diamond and pendant pearl that Francis I had bought for her at a cost of 65,000 ducats.16

As Sir John Eliot noted in The Boke Named the Governor, the regalia was the most potent symbol of Tudor kingship. The coronation provided the context in which the monarch received the regalia ‘in an open and stately place before all their subjectes’ so ensuring ‘perpetuall reverence, whiche is fountayne of obedience’.9 The crown was the most significant item of Tudor regalia because Henry VII adopted the closed, arched imperial crown, surmounted with a cross. This form replaced the open crown traditionally worn by English kings, so reinforcing the idea of the imperium, or empire, of English kings.10 The description of the crown’s border in 1547 gives a good indication of the quantity and quality of gemstones used: ‘The border garnished with vj Ballaces v saphires fyve pointed Dyamountes Twentie Rubies Nyneteene perles and one of the crosses of the same Crowne garnished with a greate Saphire an Emerade crased iiij ballaces and nyne perles nott all of one sorte and three Saphires’ (1). The points of the crown consisted of alternating crosses and fleur-de-lis, some of which were embellished with enamelled figures including ‘an Image of our ladie and her child’ and ‘an Image of a king’. The king’s crown was worn with ‘a Capp of purple vellat lyned with blacke satten’ (1). The rest of the regalia consisted of a pair of gold bracelets set with ballaces and pearls (2), a sceptre with a dove on the top (3), a gold rod (4) and an orb (5). A list of jewels from 1528 also included a reference to ‘a ruby ring the King was sacred with’.11 The regalia of the queen consort was smaller and lighter than that provided for the king, in recognition of the weaker female form and of the queen consort being inferior to the king. The consort had less regalia and, unlike the king, the

nether Border sett with ix pointed diamountes and ix Settes of peerles and v peerles in every sett being vppon the same border certeyne Borders of Antiques of golde sett with viij rocke Rubies and xx peerles with foure borders which make the Crown Imperiall sett with iiij Emerades iiij Rubies and iiij diamountes with lxxj peerles and with a Lardge Ballace in the toppe percede sett with a litell crosse of golde in the toppe of the Ballace enameled. (3279)

Coronation robes Eliot identified a second reason for public coronations: ‘we be men and nay aungels, wherefore we knowe nothinge but by outwarde significations.’ He added that ‘reporte is nat so commune a token as apparayle’.17 Eliot’s comment emphasises the part played by the monarch’s robes in the coronation. These were the first set of formal robes made for a new monarch at the start of their reign. A queen regnant wore a sequence of robes very similar to those made for a king with just minor concessions made for female modesty at the time of

coronations to funerals anointing. In contrast, the robes for a queen consort reflected her subsidiary role by there being fewer sets of garments and their being less magnificent. Distinct sets of robes were required for the specific days of the coronation and at set times on the day of the coronation itself. The style of these robes was laid down in the Liber Regalis which was drawn up in Richard II’s reign and formed the basis of the Little Devise. Worsley’s wardrobe book included an entry for the king’s ‘Coronacion Robes of purpull Veluete’ which were valued at £200 and consisted of ‘a kyrtell furred with menever’, ‘a Taberd furred with menever’, ‘a hode furred with menever & a Cappe of estate’ and ‘a Mantell furred with Ermynes’ [B1–4]. The public nature of the coronation ensured that the robes were made of the very best quality materials. This is evident in a letter sent by Magdalene of France, the first wife of James V, as she prepared for her coronation in Scotland: ‘Tell the King . . . that I commend myself very humbly to his good grace . . . and remind him of the pearls he promised me. Send me also the paternosters to accompany my robe, for it has none . . . I pray you to let the martin with which my robe is to be furred be beautiful.’18 The first coronation portraits to survive from the Tudor period are those of Elizabeth I.19 However, the picture of Richard II in majesty painted c. 1395 shows the young king wearing his coronation mantle of crimson velvet lined with ermine, with a cape of ermine.20 Although now lost, the building accounts for Whitehall record that painters were paid for ‘drawing and setting owte with colours the coronacion of our seide soverigne lorde’.21 Henry VIII commissioned these murals celebrating his coronation for the low gallery at Whitehall. During the fifteenth century, English queens were provided with white robes, symbolising purity, as they travelled from the Tower to Westminster. For example, Margaret of Anjou wore ‘white damask poudred with gold, riche perles and precious stones’.22 In a similar vein, Anne Neville, Richard III’s queen, wore a mantle and kirtle made from 27 yards (24.6 m) of white cloth of gold furred with miniver and ermine with a mantle lace of Venice gold and white silk.23 A drawing of Anne wearing these robes has been preserved in the English version of the Rous Roll.24 Queen consorts continued to wear white under the house of Tudor. Henry VII’s ordinances laid down the procedures for a queen’s coronation as follows: ‘and as for her array for her body, shee must bee in her sircote of white damaske, or white cloth of gould, with a mantle of the same poudred with ermines . . . shee must bee bare harded and bare visaged till she come to Westminster, that all men may see her.’25 The wearing of royal robes was a sign of the right to rule. Thus their misappropriation was irrefutable evidence of aspiration to royalty. The complaints brought against the duke of Albany in March 1516 included the charge that he would not allow Queen Margaret to have custody of her son and that he ‘wears himself the robe royal and the cap of maintenance, has the sceptre carried before him, acts in all points like a king, and appropriates the revenues of the Crown, so that it is much to be expected that he will destroy the young King, now that her son, the young Duke, is dead, most probably through his means’.26 Albany’s assumption

43

of royal dress and income were seen as clear signifiers of an intention to usurp royal power.

the joint coronation of henry viii and catherine of aragon The coronations of the monarch and their consort could be separate events or they could have a double coronation as Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon did (Fig. 4.1), which echoed that of Richard III and Anne Neville on 6 July 1483. Joint coronations were unusual and so Henry’s decision to have a double coronation marked him out from the other Tudors. Henry and Catherine’s coronation began on Friday 22 June 1509 and for his vigil he wore a doublet of cloth of gold of damask satin under a long gown of purple velvet furred with powdered ermine and open at the sides. On Saturday 23 June they processed from the Tower to Westminster. The coronation itself took place on Sunday 24 June, Midsummer’s day, when the couple walked from the palace of Westminster to Westminster abbey. Like his father before him, Henry VIII was provided with the traditional set of coronation clothes. The descriptions record not only the materials and construction of these garments but also indicate their significance:

4.1 Woodcut depicting the coronation of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon, from the pamphlet ‘A Joyfull Medytacyon . . . of the coronacyon of our moost naturall soveragne lorde’ by Stephen Hawes, c. 1510. Both are dressed in the traditional coronation robes, and Catherine of Aragon’s hair hangs down loose over her shoulders, as required by the household ordinances. Cambridge University Library, Sel. 5.55. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

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coronations to funerals

ij Shirtes wherof one shall be of lawne the other of Crymesyn Tartaryn they bothe largely open behynde and before & ouer the Shulders & the boughtes of the Armes and laced with Anlettes of Siluer and gilte And with laces Agglett with siluer & gilt. a large breche to the myd thigh pynched together before and behynde. a breche belte of veluet to gather the same togider. a payr hosyn of Crymesyn Satyn vampesshed. a Coote of Crymesyn Satyn largely openyd as the Shertes ben to the which Cote his hosen shall be laced with Ryban of Silke. a Sircote cloth of crymysyn Satyn furred with menyver pure Wherof the handes Coller and the Spayrs shall be garnysshed with ryban of golde. a hoode of Astate furred with menever pure purfilled with Ermyns. A grete mantell of Crymysyn Satyn furred with pure menyver And a grete lace of Silke with ij Tasselles also of Crymysyn. a litill hatt or Cap of astate of Crymysyn Satyn ermyned & garnysshed with Ryban of gold. a payr of lynnen Gloves to be put uppon the kinges handes aftir he is anoynted. a Tabard of white Tartaryn after the Shape of a dalmatyk to be putt uppon the kinges Coote when he is anoynted. A Coyff to be put vppon the kinges hed whiche the kyng shall were viij dayes after. A payr of Sabatons. A Cap of blacke veluet for the fillyng of the Crowne And an other of blak Satyn for to sitte strayte uppon his hed under that. the kinges Roobes of purpyll veluet. the kinges Robes ageynst the parliament of Crymesyn veluet.27

Catherine of Aragon was provided with less clothing than her husband, but the garments she did receive mirrored his colour and materials. For her entry into the Tower and for the coronation procession when she was borne to Westminster, she wore: a kirtill and a mantell with a Treyne of white cloth of Golde, the kirtill furred with menever pure and the mantell with Ermyns powdred with a mantellace of White Silke & Golde with botones and Tasselles of the same And Ryban of gold of venyce for the same mantell And the seid kirtill garnysshed with lxx Aunelettes of Siluer & gilte.28

For succeeding stages of the coronation itself she had two sets of velvet robes, the first of purple and the second of crimson, which were very similar to those provided for the previous day.29 According to Hall, Catherine’s litter was ‘borne on twoo White Palfries the Litter couered and richely appareled, the Palfries Trapped in White clothe of gold, her persone appareled in white Satyn Embrodered, her heire hangyng doune to her backe, of a very great length, bewtefull and goodly to behold, and on her hedde a Coronall, set with many riche orient stones’.30 The Great Chronicle recorded that she was dressed ‘In a Rych mantell of cloth of Tyssu, In her here wyth a cerculet of sylke gold & perle abouth hir hede . . . hir mantell & furre of powderid ermyns withyn the same’.31 In addition, like her husband she had ‘A payr of Sabatons couered in crimesyn cloth of Golde lyned with Crymseyn Satyn garnysshed with Ryban of venyce golde’.32 Canopies were traditionally carried over queens of England as they made their way to be crowned. In 1509 The Great Chronicle noted that there was a sudden heavy shower of rain as Catherine of Aragon passed a tavern called the Cardinal’s Hat and her canopy was not ‘sufficient to deffend hyr ffrom wetyng of hir mantell’.33 Two groups within the king’s household did not receive the standard red livery. They were the henchmen and the footmen. Their role in the coronation procession required something more impressive. Henry was accompanied by nine henchmen provided with two sets of clothing and a courser

with saddles and trappers covered with crimson velvet and fringed with green and white silk.34 For their first set of clothing the henchmen wore gowns of white cloth of gold and doublets of crimson satin, and for their change of attire they were given gowns of crimson velvet lined with white sarsenet and doublets of green satin.35 The king’s footmen were provided with doublets of green satin and jackets of white cloth of gold.36 This provision echoes the style of his father’s coronation but varied in the details. Henry VII had seven henchmen, who were also provided with two gowns: first ‘partie gownes of Cloth of gold white and grene’ and then gowns of crimson velvet ‘wrought with Goldsmythe worke’.37 His four footmen received the same, but jackets rather than gowns.38 Lady Margaret delighted in her grandson’s coronation. To ensure that she could see him in his finery, she paid 2s 10d ‘for the hyre of the howse in the Chepesyde where my lades and the princesse of Castell stode whan ye kyng and the Quene came frome the Toure to Westminster to be crowned’.39 In addition, her household accounts show that she attired herself and her women in new, tawny-coloured clothes made from a variety of types of cloth. One of her servants, Robert Fremingham, received 4s 8d for his costs going from Greenwich to London three times to buy the silk.40 He bought 41 yards (37.5 m) of tawny satin and 25 yards (22.8 m) tawny damask from William Lock, 32½ yards (29.7 m) of tawny satin from Richard Clifford, 29½ yards (26.9 m) of tawny damask, 20½ yards (18.7 m) of tawny velvet, 24 yards (21.9 m) of black velvet and five pieces of tawny camlet from Lewis Harpesfield and four plain bonnets of black velvet from Mistress Stanhope.41 Robert Hilton’s view of the wardrobe at Hatfield shows how the cloth was distributed: seven gowns of tawny satin for her gentlewomen taking between 12 and 13½ yards (10.9 m–12.3 m) of cloth, a gown of tawny velvet for Mistress Parker and gowns of tawny damask for the other six, while her three chamberers, Jane Walter, Margaret Stukeley and Perot Doren, each received gowns of tawny camlet.42 In contrast, her chief male officers were dressed in russet: Master Parker and Master Zouche had gowns of russet damask, while Master Stanhope had a gown of russet satin.43 Textiles were also used to decorate the ceremonial route and to drape the coronation church. The great wardrobe accounts noted that ‘the kynges pulpytte at Westmynster Church oughte to arayed Steyers Reyles and all with Red Worsted’. In addition, red worsted was used to drape ‘the Sieges Royall in the same as in the myddes thereof to be arrayed with cloth of Golde and with Quysshyns of the same’. Finally, ‘asmoche Raycloth be purveyed fore as shall serue vnder foote from the marble chayre in Westmynster halle into the pulpytt in Westmynster church goyng out of the grete Gate of the palaice and entring at the weste dore of the church and at the west dore of the Quere’.44 Tapestries also played a significant role at Tudor coronations.45 The ambassadors from Aragon and Castile, who attended the joust after the coronation, were impressed because they ‘had neuer seen the kyng in harneys’. Hall, the chronicler, recorded that ‘ye Spanish Ambassadours desyred to haue some of the badges or deuises which were on the kynges trapper: his grace therof knowing, commaunded Euery of

coronations to funerals them to take therof what it pleased them, who in effect toke all or the more parte: for in the beginning they thought that they had bene counterfeit, and not golde’.46 An indication of the cost of the coronation can be gleaned from the king’s book of payments. John Shirley, the cofferer, received £1,000 on 24 May ‘on a warrant signed towards the expenses of the king’s coronation’, while Henry Smith was given £100 on 3 June.47 On 8 July Andrew Windsor received £3,000 towards the great wardrobe’s expenses for the coronation and on 26 August he was allocated a further £2,322.48

individual coronations: henry vii and edward vi Not surprisingly, Henry VII’s coronation followed the pattern of his Yorkist predecessors, so reinforcing the legitimacy of his claim to the throne.49 Indeed the ‘litle devise of the coronacion of . . . Prince Henrie the vijth’ was copied from that drawn up for Richard III.50 So on 27 October Henry dined with Thomas Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth palace, and then he processed to the Tower of London. He stayed there overnight and created new knights of the Bath. An entry for 87 ells (59.6 m) of Flemish cloth ‘for the Bathe at westminster’ costing 54s 10½d provide a hint of the provision made for these ceremonial baths.51 The following day Henry VII walked, bare-headed, under a canopy from the Tower to Westminster hall, dressed in a purple velvet robe edged with ermine. Henry VII was anointed and crowned on Sunday 30 October 1485 at Westminster abbey. The tournament planned for the next Sunday was postponed until 13 November.52 Henry VII’s coronation robes were made by his tailor, George Lovekyn. They consisted of a ‘longe mantelle with a trayne of crimson satin furred with menever’ with a matching hood, kirtle and cap of estate, a similar long mantle of purple velvet with a train furred with powdered ermine, with a matching hood, kirtle, sircote and cap of estate and the king’s parliament robes made from crimson velvet, also with a hood, kirtle and tabard.53 Lovekyn made a number of other items for Henry VII, his henchmen and his footmen, with the bill for his labour coming to £15 4s 4d. Earlier in the same set of accounts there is a list of payments for materials which helps to fill out the brief descriptions given in Lovekyn’s list. These included 43¾ yards (40 m) of crimson velvet required ‘for the parliament Robe’ costing £67, along with three buttons for the mantlelace (8s) and a mantlelace of crimson silk (3s 8d). In addition to the formal robes, Henry VII received a range of other garments that played a traditional role in the coronation. For these Lovekyn required 6 yards (5.4 m) of crimson satin for a dalmatic for the king (£4), 3 yards (2.7 m) of cloth of gold ‘for capes off estate and a skabard of a swerde’ (£6), ¾ yard (0.68 m) of cloth of gold for the king’s sabatons (30s) lined with the same quantity of crimson satin, 3 yards (2.7 m) of crimson sarsenet ‘for a Sherte for the king’, a piece of sipers

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for another shirt, ¾ yard (0.68 m) of holland for a pair of gloves for the king and an ell (0.67 m) of the same for a coif.54 Sir Robert Willoughby, joint steward of the household, spent £1,506 18s 10¾d on preparations for the coronation.55 Provision was also made within the great wardrobe as indicated by the account of the keeper, Alvered Corneburgh. For the period 22 August 1485 to 2 February 1486 Alvered made payments of approximately £1,300.56 In August 1487 Henry paid £39 4s 1d for ‘robes for our chancellor and chancellery against our coronation’.57 In contrast to his grandfather, the accounts for Edward VI’s coronation provide the most complete record of the clothes worn by a Tudor king on being crowned. Edward VI succeeded his father on 21 January 1547 and he was crowned a month later on 20 February (Shrove Sunday). On the proceeding day, Edward had processed through London dressed in white velvet and cloth of silver under a crimson canopy. The accounts record that the clothes were very traditional but also indicate that they were subtly different from those provided for his father: In primis A riche gowne of cloth of golde and all ouer Imbrodered with damaske with a square cape furred with Sable. Item a gyrkyn of whit welvit wrought with venis Syluer garnished with precios stones as Rubyes dymondes and Treuloves of perles. Item a doblet of whit welvit according to the Same Imbrodered venis Silver garnisshed with Like precios stones and pareles. Item a whit welvit cape garnished with Lyke precios stones and pereles. Item a payre of Buskins of whit welvit. Item his horse capparison of Crimson Saten Imbrodered with parles of damaske golde.58

This list of clothes compares well with the account of the young king’s procession through London: The kynges Royall Majestie walking a lytell before his canopy, because the people might the better see his grace, his highness being richly apparelled with a riche gowne of cloth of silver all over embrodered with damaske golde, with a girkyn of white velvett, wrought with Venyce silver, garnished with precious stones, as rubies and diamonds, with true-loves of pearles, a doblet of white velvet according to the same, with like precious stones, and perles, and a pere of buskenes of white velvet. His horse caparison [was] of crymoysyn sattyn, imbrodered with perles and damaske gold.59

On the Sunday, Edward came by boat to the privy stairs at Westminster where the stairs were lined by the gentleman pensions who were ‘apparelled all in Red Damaske, with their Pole Axes in their Hands, and the Guard in their rich Coates, likewise with their Holbardes, standing on either Side by all the Way when his Grace should pass’.60 He was then taken to the room where the court of augmentations met, where he put on his ceremonial robes: A Robe of Crimson velvet with a long Trayne, furred with powdered Ermynes throughout. A Surcoat of the same, furred with Mynver pure, the Coller, Skirts and Sleevehands garnished with Ribbons of Gold, with Two Taberds, Four fingers broad, with a Hood, likewise powdred, which were called his Parliament Robes, wearing on his Head a Capp of Blue Velvuett.61

Edward prostrated himself before the high altar in the abbey and then he was ‘unarraied and unclothed by his Great Chamberlaine’ and ‘apparelled in a Coate of Crimson Satten, open and buttoned before and behind, on the Shoulders and the Elbowes, with a Coyfe of Gold on his head’.62 After the anointing, his shirt was laced up, a linen coif was place on his

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head and a pair of linen gloves was placed on his hands. He was dressed in ‘a Robe of crymsyn Saten with a Longe trayne furred with poudered ermyns’ and ‘a Syrcote of the same furred with mynvur puere with ij Taberdes of the Same eged with pouderyd ermyns iiij fyngeers brode’. This was accompanied by ‘a hode of crymsyn Saten furred with powdered ermins as face as yt was tourned downe around a boute his neke’. He was then crowned.63 The young king made a final change of clothes, dressing in ‘other Royall Apparel, as a Surcote of Purple Velvet furred with Ermynes, etc a rich Cronne was also sett upon his Head’.64 More specifically, the ‘Royal Apparel’ consisted of: A robe of purple velvet with a Longe trayne furred through out with poudered Ermyns And also on his showlders and a Lytill beneth with Lyke ermyns [and] a Syrcot of the same veluet furred with mynever pure with ij tabardes set on the Same furred with Lyke ermines with a hood of the same also furred with ermyns so farre as yt was turnide downe abowt the necke.

Finally, four caps and a hat of maintenance were made for Edward’s coronation at a cost of £15 18s 4d.65 Three were made from purple velvet and lined with crimson satin, while one cap and the hat were made from crimson satin. The hat was decorated with ‘a greate bawle of damaske golde’, while each of the caps was ornamented with ‘a great rose of gold raised’.

mary i and elizabeth i Both of Henry VIII’s daughters were crowned as queens in their own right. Mary I ordered a set of cloth of gold coronation robes or robes of estate for her coronation in 1553.66 The cloth of gold was woven with Tudor roses and fleur-delis. Elizabeth I was crowned on 14 January 1559, and in a spirit of frugality rather than sisterly love Elizabeth recycled her sister’s coronation robes. She wore the same mantle and kirtle but had the bodice of the kirtle remade to give it a more fashionable V-shaped waistline.67 The robes consisted of ‘one Mantle of Clothe of golde tissued with golde and silver furred with powdered Armyons with a Mantle lace of silke and golde with buttons and Tassells to the same [and] one kirtle of the same tissue the traine and skirts furred with powdered Armyons the rest lined with Sarceonet with a paire of bodies and sleeves to the same’.68 The first extant Tudor coronation portraits come from Elizabeth’s reign. The two versions seem to derive from an image contemporary with the coronation. The earlier of the two is a miniature of Elizabeth in her coronation robes, painted c. 1559–70s, by an artist from the English school. Even though a miniature, the artist attained a high level of detail on her clothing, possibly indicating that he had access to the robes.69 The half-length portrait of Elizabeth in her coronation robes dates from c. 1600.70 In addition there is a sketch of Elizabeth’s coronation procession drawn in c. 1560–70 which depicts Elizabeth being carried in a litter that ‘was trimmed down to the ground with gold brocade’.71

queen consorts Elizabeth of York Elizabeth was crowned on St Catherine’s day, Sunday 25 November 1486. It is very likely that the choice of date — the feast of a major intercessory female saint — was intentional on the part of Henry VII.72 The timing was also significant because Elizabeth was crowned barely two months after the birth of their first child, Henry’s son and heir. The ceremony was suited to Elizabeth’s status but the separate coronation was intended to indicate that Henry’s claim to the throne was valid in its own right rather than being dependent upon his wife. As she travelled to the Tower by barge on the Friday, Elizabeth was entertained by a series of aquatic pageants, a feature that was repeated for Anne Boleyn’s coronation.73 The representatives of the livery companies met Elizabeth in barges that had been ‘freshely furnyshed with Baners and Stremers of Silk richely besene — the Armes and Bagges of ther Crafts’.74 Elizabeth’s arrival by river was a departure from usual practice of the queen making her entry into the City on horseback and riding to the Tower. The next day she was carried in a litter from the Tower to Westminster. Her master of the horse, Sir Roger Cotton, was given £40 to buy eight coursers in Flanders for the chair or litter to serve the queen at her coronation.75 Elizabeth was accompanied by the king’s mother, Lady Margaret Beaufort, rather than her own mother or her sisters. This and the change in style of her arrival may have been intended to indicate that Elizabeth’s coronation was a break with the Yorkist traditions and as such was a means of establishing the new royal house. For her coronation, Elizabeth of York, like other English queens, was provided with several sets of robes. So ‘on the Morne, the Day of the Coronation, she was appareled in a Kirtill and a Mantell of Purple Velvett furred with Ermyns with a Lace afor the Mantell. On her Hair [she wore] a Serklett of Golde richely garnyshede with Perle and precious Stonys’.76 This compares well with the section in Henry VII’s ordinances which described the robes worn by a queen on the morning of her coronation: ‘and in the morne [she is] to be arrayed with kirtle, sircote and mantle of plaine purple velvet . . . and the estate that beareth the trayne to have her sircote, and mantle of plain purple velvett like as the Queene, saving not of soe deepe a colour.’77 The emphasis placed on subtle gradations of colour indicates contemporary appreciation of such distinctions. Later that day, Elizabeth was: rially apparelde, having about her a Kyrtill of whithe Cloth of Golde of Damaske, and a Mantell of the same Suete furrede with Ermyns, fastened byfor her Breast with a great Lace curiously wrought of Golde and Silk, and riche Knoppes of Golde at the Ende tasselled; her faire yelow Hair hanging downe pleyne byhynd her Bak, with a Calle of Pipes over it. She had a Serklet of Golde richely garnyshed with precious Stonys uppon her Hede.78

Fragmentary accounts survive for Elizabeth’s coronation. These include payments of 13s 4d to Griffiths White, spurrier, 42s 7d to John Massy, tawyer, 24s to John Bromhall, joiner, for staves for her canopy, £65 10s 2d to John Ring,

coronations to funerals skinner, £17 to Roger Barlow for worsted, £4 1s 9d to Robert Drayton, for fur, 65s 4d to Thomas Ludury, lorimer, for bits, £54 12s 9d to William Rothwell, mercer, for scarlet and £97 8s 4d Walter Povey, tailor, for scarlet and ray.79 While this list provides many insights into the range of craftsmen involved in preparing for Elizabeth’s coronation, it cannot be the full list of materials because, for example, there is no cloth of gold. A separate bill recorded that £65 10s 2d was also paid to Ring, for ermine, miniver pure and powderings of him bought for furring ‘of dyvers of ye quenes robes ayenst her coronacion’.80 The other extant payments for the queen’s coronation included scarlet and the furring of the henchmen’s gowns. At the coronation banquet, the duke of Bedford’s clothes and horse trapper were embroidered with dragons and red roses, both symbols of Henry VII’s heritage.81 Henry VII attended his wife’s coronation and remained for the banquet afterwards but, in order to ensure that she was the focus, he was screened from view on a ‘goodley stage covered and well besene with Clothes of Arras and wele latyzede’.82 Even so, the king was ‘as a comely and roiall Prince, apparailled accordingly’.83 Jousts were held to celebrate her coronation and on 5 October 1487 Sir Richard Guildford received 100 marks towards their cost.84

Anne Boleyn At the time of her coronation, Anne was six months pregnant. According to Archbishop Cranmer her coronation was held after the marriage ‘which took place about St Paul’s day [25 January] last’ because ‘the condition thereof doth well appear, by reason she is now somewhat big with child’.85 Chapuys reported how Anne and her father had disagreed about her dress. Anne added a length of fabric to the skirt of her gown. Her father desired her to remove it in order to emphasise her condition. On 28 April 1533 Henry VIII appointed Lady Cobham to attend upon Anne at her coronation. Lady Cobham had to provide her own mount but she was assured of harness for her horse by the master of the queen’s horse and of her robes by the keeper of the great wardrobe.86 At the same time orders were drawn up detailing what need to be prepared for Anne. These included a kirtle and mantle of cloth of gold furred with ermine with a lace of silk and gold with tassels, to be worn with a gold circlet garnished with precious stones for the day of the procession through London. She was to wear a kirtle and mantle of purple velvet furred with ermine for the day of the coronation with a lace. Livery was to be given according to the precedents of the great wardrobe.87 When on 19 May Anne Boleyn travelled from Greenwich to the Tower by barge, her journey was ‘enlived by barges with musicians, a dragon and terrible monsters and wylde men castyng fyer, and makyng hideous noyses’.88 She remained at the Tower until the end of the month.89 Her coronation, unlike that of her husband, was accompanied by a series of pageants in London held on Saturday 31 May, at the king’s request for his ‘moste deare and welbeloued wyfe Quene Anne’.90 The City companies not only paid for the pageants, they added to the spectacle by their attendance. ‘The mayor, aldermen and crafts of London are to do their service as accustomed, and

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the streets between the Tower and Westminster are to be garnished with tapestry, arras and silk, and the banners, standards and pennons of the crafts to be ready to garnish the barges and stand where the wardens be of each occupation.’91 Anne rode from the Tower to Westminster. She was followed by ‘fower chariotts, with ladies . . . rytchlie behanged and also divers other ladies and gentlewomen riding on horsebacke all in gounes made of crymson velvet’.92 A warrant for a litter for Queen Anne Boleyn (but almost certainly not the one used for the coronation) allowed 32½ yards (29.7 m) of crimson velvet at 13s 4d the yard (0.91 m), lined with 19 yards (17.3 m) of crimson damask, 46s 8d for making the litter and 33s 4d for painting it.93 One description of the procession through London described her riding in ‘an open litter of white cloth of gold, drawn by two palfries in white damask’.94 Anne was anointed and crowned by Archbishop Cranmer with the crown of St Edward the Confessor on Whit Sunday (1 June).95 Observers noted that ‘she wore a surcote and mantle of white cloth of tissue, the latter furred with ermine. Her hair hanging down, but on her head was a coif with a circlet of rich stones’.96 She was accompanied by the leading ladies of the court with ‘the olde Dutches of Norfolke bearing upp her traine in a robe of scarlett with a cronett of golde on her bonett . . . and after her tenne ladies following in robes of scarlett furred with ermins and rounde cronettes of gold on their heads; and next after theim all the Queenes maides in gounes of scarlett edged with white lettushe furre’.97 The sketch depicting the coronation banquet is unflattering of Anne. However, it does indicate her place at the centre of attention, a position reinforced by the fact that ‘the King and divers ambassadors looked on from a little closet out of the cloister of St Stephen’s’ for the banquet.98 It gives only a fleeting impression of her dress (Fig. 4.2). However, after the coronation banquet she ‘withdrew her selfe with a fewe ladyes . . . to her chamber; and there shifted her [changed her clothes], and after went into her barge secretely to the king’.99

4.2 Part of a seating plan showing Anne Boleyn at her coronation banquet, unknown artist, 1533. Anne Boleyn is depicted sitting in state under a cloth of estate wearing her regalia. By permission of the British Library, MS Harley 41, f. 12r

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Anne dressed in the French fashion for her coronation, as a sign of her support for France. This was reinforced by 12 members of the household of the new French ambassador, Jean de Dinteville, leading her coronation procession. They were dressed in blue velvet with blue and yellow sleeves, while their horse trappers were of blue sarsenet decorated with white crosses. Francis I allowed de Dinteville 500 gold écus (£100) to cover the cost.100 Nevertheless, her coronation medal issued a year after the event depicted Anne wearing an English gable head-dress and her bodice having a square neckline filled in with a partlet with a round neckline and no collar, tight-fitting upper sleeves.101 Undoubtedly, the choice of the English hood was intentional, and the aim was to present her as an English woman with English taste. Of the nobility present at her coronation, the duke of Suffolk acted as high steward and he wore a doublet and hose covered with pearls and rode a horse with a crimson velvet trapper. Lord William Howard was dressed all in crimson and he rode a horse with a purple velvet trapper with the white Howard lion embroidered on it and slashed to reveal the white satin lining.102 As lord chancellor, Sir Thomas More was allowed £20 to buy a new gown enabling him to appear dressed in a style suited to his office.103 Although Anne scrupulously adhered to the traditional coronation clothes, her efforts to catch the public eye and favour were not as successful as she might have wished. Many disapproved of the king’s divorce from Catherine of Aragon. Of Anne’s gown, it was said to be ‘covered with tongues pierced with nails, to show the treatment which those who speak against her might expect’. By the same token ‘The letters H. A. were painted in several places, for Henry and Anne, but were laughed at by many’.104

Henry’s other queens Only two of Henry VIII’s queens were crowned. However, this was not what the king had planned. Following Jane Seymour’s proclamation as queen at Greenwich on 4 June 1536, there was a celebratory procession ‘with a great traine of ladies following after her’.105 A coronation for her was planned for the autumn of that year but it was postponed on account of plague.106 According to Paget and Rich, the king ‘perceiving how the plague had reigned in Westminster, and in the Abbey itself, he stood in a suspense whether it were best to put off the time of the queen’s coronation. “Wherefore” he quoth “It were good that all my council be assembled here to determine upon every thing touching the same coronation”’.107 According to Husee, the likely date was 29 October, the Sunday before All Hallows.108 This was a view that he shared with Henry, Lord Mounteagle.109 On 18 September 1536 Chancellor Audley asked Cromwell ‘if the Coronation go forward at Hallowmass’.110 At this point, £320 had been spent on the coronation but it was postponed.111 It is most likely that Henry would have rearranged Jane’s coronation shortly after Edward’s birth had she lived. There is some evidence that Henry VIII considered crowning Catherine Howard at York in 1541 on his progress to meet with his nephew James V of Scotland. On 16 September 1541

Henry entered York where he was lodged at the King’s manor. According to Marillac he had sent from London ‘his richest tapestry, plate and dress, both for himself and his archers, pages and gentlemen, with marvellous provisions of victuals from all parts. This seems to betoken some extraordinary triumph, like an interview of Kings or a coronation of his Queen’.112

Betrothals/Marriage by proxy A feature of diplomacy in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries was international peace treaties providing for marriages between the children of the various parties. In February 1527 Sir Gregory Casale and Sir John Russell, the English ambassadors in Spain, informed Wolsey that they had promoted the suit of the duke of Richmond for the hand of Catherine de Medici ‘upon our own mind’.113 Betrothals and the matrimonial rite could be carried out per verba de praesenti (one with immediate effect) or per verba de futura (one with future effect). Betrothals enabled monarchs to contract marriages for their children even when very young. The practice of contracting betrothals played a crucial role in determining the succession and in developing foreign policy. In January 1527 noted that Henry VIII offered Mary’s hand in marriage to Francis I in return for a pension, the county of Guisnes and an annuity of salt. As part of the negotiations, the king sent his picture along with that of Mary to Francis I.114 In contrast, in October 1528 Cardinal Campeggio noted that Mary was heir to the throne. However, he observed that ‘they have thought of marrying the princess, by dispensation from His Holiness, to the king’s natural son, if it can be done. At first I myself had thought of this as a means of establishing the succession, but I do not believe that this design would suffice to satisfy the king’s desires’. Such a marriage would have been incestuous but there is evidence to suggest that Henry VIII considered it. 115 On 9 December 1539, Philip, Count Palatine, made an offer for Mary’s hand in marriage and enquired as to the size of her dowry. The count was required to disclaim the throne unless Henry died without a male heir.116 Such proxy marriages could always be repudiated. Selecting a spouse, either personally or for offspring, required the exchange of portraits, visits by ambassadors and the presentation of gifts, usually in the form of jewellery. A gold ring with the letter M set with black diamonds and dating from the second half of the fifteenth century has traditionally been identified as the engagement ring of Mary of Burgundy, daughter of Charles the Bold. She married Maximilian in 1477. A second ring, also with the letter M, is thought to be the ring worn by Mary of Hungary on her wedding day.117 Even though what is known about betrothals is often limited, they adhered to standard procedures and verbal forms. However, betrothals did not necessarily result in marriage, so the expenditure on clothing, jewellery, feasting and jousting represented a calculated risk.

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henry viii’s betrothals Henry VIII was betrothed twice, under very different circumstances. First, he was betrothed to Catherine of Aragon, his brother’s widow, and then nearly 40 years later he was betrothed to Anne of Cleves. Following the premature death of Prince Arthur in April 1502, a papal dispensation enabling Catherine of Aragon to marry Arthur’s younger brother Henry was required. In October 1502 Robert Sherborne, dean of St Paul’s, delivered the bull granting the dispensation. The duke of Estrada wrote to Catherine’s mother, observing that ‘The King wishing to make the marriage very solemn, will communicate the bulls to the principal personages of the kingdom, who usually assemble in Westminster on the Day of All Saints’.118 On 25 June 1503 Catherine and Henry were betrothed ‘at the Bishop of Salisbury’s place in Fleet Street’, three days before Henry’s twelfth birthday.119 Henry said, ‘I am rejoiced . . . to contract matrimony with thee Catherine and take thee for my wife and spouse and all other for thee forsake during my and thine lives natural’.120 However, Henry repudiated their betrothal on 27 June 1505, the day before his 14th birthday, in the presence of the bishop of Winchester. Henry declared that ‘I do not intend in any way to approve, validate or ratify that pretended contract by anything that I have said or may say, or have done or may do’.121 In comparison, the details of Henry’s second proxy marriage are minimal. In 1539 Sir Anthony Browne, master of the horse, was sent to celebrate the marriage on the king’s behalf with Anne of Cleves. Browne was dressed in white satin as befitted a bridegroom.122

prince arthur to catherine of aragon The marriage of Arthur and Catherine of Aragon was formally agreed by treaty in July 1497. Two years later, on 19 May 1499, the young couple were formally betrothed at Bewdley, Herefordshire. The Spanish ambassador represented Catherine at the ‘nuptial ceremony per verba de praesenti between the said Prince and Princess of Wales’ which was presided over by the bishop of Coventry and Lichfield.123 The ceremony was formal: After the power had been read, the Prince of Wales took, with his right hand, the right hand of Doctor de Puebla; and Richard Peel [Pole], Lord Chamberlain of the Prince and Knight of the Garter, held the hands of both in his hands. In this position, the Prince declared that he accepted De Puebla In the name and as the proxy of the Princess Katherine, and the Princess Katherine as his lawful and undoubted wife.124

margaret tudor to james iv of scotland Negotiations for Margaret’s marriage with James IV of Scotland began in 1498 when she was only nine. Lady Margaret Beaufort and Queen Elizabeth of York pressed for a

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delay because ‘they fear the King of Scots would not wait, but injure her, and endanger her health’.125 Concern was based on Lady Margaret’s own experience: she married at 12 and she was only a year older when she had her first and only child.126 Possibly as a consequence of these doubts, Henry VII considered other potential sons-in-law. On 17 November 1498 Raimondo de Soncino noted that Henry VII was ‘more inclined towards the eldest son of Denmark, who is fourteen years old’.127 The betrothal took place on St Paul’s day (25 January), 1502, within Queen Elizabeth of York’s apartments at Richmond palace. ‘Furst the king the qwene with ther noble Childern except the prince hard the high masse.’128 The bishop of Rochester preached the sermon and James IV was represented at the ceremony by the archbishop of Glasgow, the earl of Bothwell and ‘the elect of Murrey’. After the mass the party moved from the chapel to the queen’s great chamber and it was there that Margaret made her pledge: ‘I Margaret the furst begoten doughter of the right Excellent Right Hie and myghty prince and princesse Henry be the grace of god king of Ingland and Elizabeth qwene of the same wittandly and of deliberate mynde hauyng xij yeres complete in Age in the Moneth of Nouembre last bepast contracts matrimone.’129 No descriptions survive of what Margaret wore. The heralds present noted that ‘The lord bothmle [Bothwell] sent to the officers of armes the gowne of cloth of gold that he ware when he was Fyanced in the name of his souuerayne lord and a C crownes’. The gown was accepted but the money was sent back.130 Henry VII presented plate to the archbishop of Glasgow, a gold cup, 1,000 crowns of gold and ‘a goodly bagge of Crymson veluet wele garnyshed’ to the elect of Murrey, ‘A purse with jC crownis of gold and a gown of fine satyn’ to the king of arms of Scotland and ‘to diuerse vthires gentill men . . . gownys of veluet’.131 After this, ‘the trumpettes standing on the ledis at the chambre ende blew up And the lowde Noise of mynstrelles pleid in the best and most Joiful manner’ and then ‘the qwene toke her doughter the qwene of scottes be the hand and dyned both at oon messe Couered’.132 The marriage was celebrated with a tournament at which ‘The duc of Bokyngham Richely besoon his horsse furst trapped with a Riche demy trapper embrawderd with castelles after chaunged his horsse and an other Richer trapper of blew and Crimson weluet with garters and other his bagis of nedel warke’.133 This was followed by a banquet and ‘Incontinent after the Pryses were given, there was in the Hall a goodly Pageant, curiously wrought with Fenestrallis, having many Lights brenning in the same in Manner of a Lantron out of which sorted divers Sortes of Morisks. Also very goodly Disguising of Six Gentlemen and Six Gentlewomen, which danced divers Dances’.134 Several payments made to John Atkinson and John English who had organised the pageants at Prince Arthur’s wedding to Catherine of Aragon suggest that they had a hand in the entertainments at the betrothal.135

mary tudor to charles, prince of castile The Chronicle of Calais recorded that ‘the lordes on bothe partyes concluded the marriage betwixt the duke of Burgoyne

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and the lady Mary dowghtar to kynge Henry the Seventhe, where on seynt Thomas day the Apostle was great triumphe made in Calles’.136 However, Margaret of Savoy did not confirm the treaty until 1 October 1508. On Sunday 17 December 1508, Mary aged 12, was betrothed to Charles of Austria, prince of Castile, and married by proxy, at Richmond palace. A description of the revels held to celebrate the marriage was published in English and Latin by Pynson.137 Charles’s place in the ceremony was taken by Sieur de Berghes, the emperor’s chamberlain and a leading noble of Brabant. He gave Mary a gold ring which was placed on her middle finger. Charles was made a knight of the Garter, in absentia, and he sent his bride a gift of a ring decorated with a K (for Charles in its Latin form, Karolus) made from diamonds surrounded by diamonds and pearls. The ring was engraved Maria optimam partem elegit que non auferetur ab ea (Mary has chosen the best part, which will not be taken away from her).138 In spite of these fine words, Mary was just one of ten women that Charles undertook to marry before he actually married Isabel of Portugal. Other gifts of jewellery sent to Mary came from Margaret of Austria (a balas ruby set with pearls) and the emperor, Maximilian (a brooch with a large diamond and a ruby set with pearls).139 A jewel known as le riche fleur-de-lys and valued at 50,000 crowns was given to Henry VII as a gift by the Flemish ambassadors.140 The preparations for the marriage of Mary to Charles in 1508 included the selection of the jewellery that she was to wear on her wedding day: a coronelle for her hedde, of golde and stone a goodlie devise for her necke, set with stone and perle a goodlie gurdille of goolde, of as goodly facion as may be devised ij braselettes of golde, set with stone and perle.141

She was also to have ‘a faire coffer of Iverye to lay in her jewels’. Ladies were appointed to give attendance on her and ‘to have charge to devise for the apparel of her person on the advice of the Lady Mistress’.142 A list of clothing to be provided for Mary was also drawn up under headings including garments ‘in the English facion’ and ‘in the facion of Milan’.143 The arrangements for the marriage lapsed on the final sickness and death of Henry VII. In February 1514 the marriage between Mary and Charles was mooted, once again, and Henry VIII was anxious that Mary should be dressed ‘in the fashion of those parts’.144 In order to ensure this, Henry contacted Margaret of Savoy ‘praying her to devise for the making thereof after such manner as shall be please her, all things being queenly and honourable’. Dr Knight acted as the king’s envoy during these preparations, and he noted that he had ‘received a book containing the apparel of my Lady’s chambers and stables and an account of her plate, but not of her apparel, and that he was expressly commanded to keep the said book secret till the King’s pleasure was further known’. However, on 3 April 1514 Knight wrote to Wolsey signalling that there was a problem and noting that ‘Those about the Prince of Castile would gladly hinder his marriage with the Lady Mary, saying he is a child, and she is a woman full grown’. The wedding did not take place. ‘So thus the kynge of Englande reteyned styll hys syster and all the preparacion

that he had done for her conueyaunce, whyche was verye costely.’145 On 30 July 1514 Mary renounced her marriage with Charles and negotiations began for her marriage to Louis XII of France.

mary tudor to louis xii of france Fourteen days after the renunciation of her marriage to Charles, Mary, then aged 18, was betrothed to Louis XII of France, aged 52. The impetus behind the marriage was Louis’s wish to have peace with England. A minute written by Bishop Fox and dating from May 1514, which predates the formal renunciation of Mary’s marriage to Charles by several months, recorded the agreement by the king of France to accept jewellery and furnishings to the value of 200,000 crowns, as Mary’s dowry.146 The betrothal ceremony took place on 13 August 1514 at Greenwich palace. Archbishop William Warham officiated, with the duke of Longueville representing Louis.147 The duke gave Mary a gold ring which she placed on the fourth finger of her right hand. The clothes worn by Mary and Catherine of Aragon (as English princess and English queen consort) were very similar, denoting the friendship and now complimentary status of the two women.148 An eye-witness described the consummation of the marriage by proxy in a letter dated five days later: ‘The bride undressed and went to bed in the presence of many witnesses. The marquess of Rothelin, in his doublet, with a pair of red hose, but with one leg naked from the middle of the thigh downwards, went into the bed, and touched the Princess with his naked leg. The marriage was then declared consummated.’149 After this Mary got dressed again in a gown of cloth of gold and purple satin worn with an ash-coloured kirtle and then went to hear mass. Mary and Catherine also wore caps of cloth of gold ‘covering the ears in the Venetian fashion’. On the following day the duke of Longueville was released and amongst the parting gifts Henry gave the duke the gown that he had worn at his sister’s wedding which was valued at 300 ducats. Before her departure, Mary attended a banquet where she wore cloth of gold and the diamond known as the Mirror of Naples given to her by Louis. Catherine accompanied Mary on her journey to Dover later that year.

princess mary to francis, the dauphin On 28 February 1518 the Venetian ambassador informed the doge that he had been presented to the two-year-old Princess Mary. He noted that the ‘greatest marks of honour [were] being paid her, universally, more than to the Queen herself’.150 Royal marriages were often linked to the needs of foreign

coronations to funerals policy and the proposed alliance of the princess Mary to the dauphin was a direct consequence of the Universal Peace which was celebrated in 1518. The treaty had initially focused upon the return of Tournai to France upon receipt by Henry of a large sum of money. However, the birth of a son to Francis I on 28 February 1518 led to articles of marriage between the dauphin and Princess Mary drawn up and sealed by 9 July, with the ceremony taking place in the queen’s great chamber at Greenwich on 5 October.151 After the betrothal the king went to the high altar of the chapel at Greenwich and swore his oath to the treaty. Mary stood in front of her mother and she was ‘dressed in cloth of gold, with a cap of black velvet on her head, adorned with many jewels’.152 The ambassador noted that Wolsey ‘placed on her finger a small ring but in which was set a large diamond’. He went on to record that ‘the whole of the choir being decorated with cloth of gold, and all the court in such rich array that I never saw the like’. A public celebration was held at St Paul’s, and in October 1518 Sir Edward Belknap was paid for making ‘of an hall place in the body of Powles Church for the marriage of the Princess’.153 Henry presented gifts to the French ambassadors including ‘a rich robe of cloth of gold, lined with cloth of silver, made for the King’s own use’ to the Lord Admiral and clothes worth 500 crowns to each of the gentlemen in waiting from the French king.154 On 6 June 1520 the treaty made at the Field of Cloth of Gold was ratified, confirming the marriage of Mary to the dauphin, including sums of money to be paid to England and the need for an arrangement with Scotland, to be made by Wolsey and the duchess of Angoulême.155

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over four years, with the first payment in each of the first two years to be made in jewels.158 On 16 June the English ambassadors to the emperor wrote to Henry that Charles was anxious for his approval of the Portuguese marriage. They sought to mollify the king by adding that ‘since ye may have with much thank my lady Princess in your hand, which is a pearl worth the keeping’.159

prince edward and mary, queen of scots On 10 March 1543 the privy council noted that negotiations were in hand for the marriage of Mary queen of Scots to Henry VIII’s son, Prince Edward ‘the goodliest child in the world’.160 Ten days later the English ambassador to Scotland, Sir Ralph Sadler, reported a conversation with Sir George Douglas in the aftermath of the English victory at Solway Moss: ‘“Well” quoth I, “Mr Douglas, the king’s majesty hath had large offers, as ye know, both for the government of the realm, and to have the child [Mary Stuart] brought into his hands, with also the strongholds, according to your promises”.’161 As a consequence of Henry’s ‘rough wooing’, Edward was betrothed to Mary on 1 July 1543. The marriage treaty made provision for Mary to be assigned dower lands in England with an annual value of £2,000 upon consummation of the marriage, rising to £4,000 in the event of the prince’s death.162 Mary’s infancy was stressed in a letter from Sadler to the council when he referred to her being ‘a little troubled with the breeding of teeth’.163

princess mary and charles v The marriage treaty was signed at Windsor in 1522: Henry VIII’s daughter Mary was then six and Charles V, the emperor, was in his early 20s. Wolsey wrote to Tunstal and Wingfield on 3 April 1525, stating, ‘I send you herewith an emerald, which my Lady Princess sendeth to the emperor. You at the delivery of the same, shall say “that her grace hath devised this token for a better knowledge to be had whether his majesty doth keep constant and continent to her, as with God’s grace she will to him”’.156 The choice of an emerald was significant because the stone was believed to fade if the wearer was unfaithful. The ring was delivered to the emperor on 24 May ‘which he put on his little finger, and said that he would wear for her sake’.157 However, later that year he married Isabel of Portugal. The negotiations for this marriage revealed how Charles was bound to Henry VIII in respect of the marriage to Mary: a loan and indemnity to be repaid to Henry amounting to 130,000 ducats a year and other loans he had made in anticipation of receiving her dowry of 1,000,000 ducats. In contrast Isabel’s dowry consisted of 900,000 doubles d’or Castillaines, each equal to 365 maravedis, of which 160,732 were for her dowry and 151,319 was a loan to the emperor during the revolt in Castile. The money was to be paid in instalments

Marriage Erasmus’s essay on marriage was read by Lord Mountjoy. On being asked his opinion of it, Mountjoy told Erasmus that ‘I like it so much that I have made up my mind to marry’.164 However, finding a suitable partner was not always straightforward. Many of the royal and noble families were closely interconnected, so raising the question of consanguinity. This could be addressed by the grant of a papal dispensation, but this became a central issue when Henry questioned the validity of his marriage to his older brother’s widow, Catherine of Aragon. Ultimately, Henry sought to have his marriage annulled, and he promoted a range of arguments to support his claim. These included asking the pope to sanction his bigamous marriage to Anne Boleyn.165 Other impediments to marriage included one of the individuals having a precontract with someone else, as in the case of Anne of Cleves being promised to the duke of Lorraine. A royal marriage did not need to be a public occasion. The household ordinances stated that ‘it must be knowne whether the King will marrie openly or priviely’.166 Marriage to a king gave a woman her status as a queen consort. It was a rite of passage and in turn it provided an opportunity for the king to

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reaffirm his position as the rightful monarch. Consequently, marriage was a confirmation of legitimacy and the right to rule. For a queen consort, marriage was the ceremonial start of her new regal life, ideally followed by coronation, childbirth and death. For the queen, marriage was a route to pregnancy and motherhood. The role of the queen consort was to provide legitimate children to secure the royal line and to create further alliances through marriage. However, no children were born after 1537 to Henry or indeed any Tudor monarch. The last Tudor marriage took place in July 1554 when Henry’s daughter Queen Mary married Philip in Winchester cathedral. Marriage was seen as being the right path for a woman, especially a queen regnant. This is evident from Elizabeth I’s response to the Speaker of the House of Commons on 28 January 1563 after they had petitioned her that she should marry: ‘The weight, and greatnes of this Matter might cause in me being a woman wanting both witt and memory some feare to speake, and bashfulness besides, a thing appropriate to my Sex.’167 Wedding clothes for the bride and the groom were very important. The bride’s wedding clothes usually formed a significant part of her trousseau and the cost of this trousseau reflected both on her and her male relatives. On 8 June 1468, Edward IV agreed the payment of £2,450 6s 8d for his sister Margaret of York’s trousseau, her household goods and livery for her retinue.168 During the fifteenth century, white became increasingly common as the colour for the bride’s wedding clothes. When Margaret married Charles the Bold in 1468 she wore white silk, and in 1477 Charles’s daughter Maria wore white silk damask embroidered with gold with a short ermine-lined cloak when she married the future Maximilian I in 1477.169 White was associated with virginity, and more particularly with the Virgin Mary, and distinct parallels can be drawn between the clothes worn by queens for their marriage and coronation, and the representations of the Virgin at her Assumption. White cloth of gold/silver was expensive and often difficult to obtain, which further enhanced its appeal. It was less common for the groom to wear white before the mid sixteenth century. When Elector Maurice of Saxony married Agnes of Hesse in 1543, he wore ‘black velvet stockings and doublet embroidered with silver lacework with gold zindel underneath’ with ‘a black floral-patterned velvet coat with edging of silver lace-work and with silver ribbons on the sleeves’.170 However, five years later his brother Augustus was dressed in white silver brocade woven with a design of pomegranates which he wore with a pair of knitted white silk stockings. In contrast, James IV of Scotland provided the pretender Perkin Warbeck with a ‘spousing’ gown of white damask at the time of his marriage to Catherine Gordon, daughter of the earl of Huntley in 1498.171 The double portrait of James V and Magdalene of France, perhaps depicting them in their wedding clothes, shows him wearing a white satin doublet and hose with a short blue velvet gown furred with sable, while she wore a white damask gown embroidered with gold.172 For his second marriage to Mary of Lorraine, James V

wore ‘ane hat thrummit with gold’ decorated with ‘hostage federis’ and ‘ane Image with ane rubie to the King’s Grace’s bonnet’. He was dressed in a ‘coat of Venice satin, rich with silver’.173 They had a joint portrait painted at the time of their marriage and they were dressed in a similar style and colour (Fig. 2.5). Only one of Henry VIII’s children married. The gown worn by Mary at her wedding has been tentatively identified as ‘one frenche gowne of riche golde tissue with a border of purple satten allover enbrodered with purles of damaske golde and pearle lined with purple Taphata with small pearle taken of[f]’.174 If the suggestion is correct, it is telling that she not only kept this gown but that it was listed amongst the ‘Gownes late Queene Maries’ in the 1600 inventory of her sister Elizabeth’s wardrobe of the robes. As the description indicates, pearls were very popular in the early sixteenth century and they were often worn at royal weddings. Extensive use of pearls was made to decorate the wedding dress of the princess Mary of the Netherlands who married Louis of Hungary in 1521.175 However, not all royal marriages attracted a lot of attention. Henry VIII’s marriages were private affairs, with few present, and their dates and times hard to fix. When on 24 November 1533 his illegitimate son, the duke of Richmond, married Lady Mary Howard, the imperial ambassador noted that ‘there is no other news except the duke of Richmond is to be married tomorrow to the duke of Norfolk’s daughter’.176 His next dispatch is lost, but he never mentioned it again. The little information extant about the French queen’s marriage to the duke of Suffolk on 13 May 1515 (their second ceremony in just over two months) may reflect national and international outrage at the union (Pl. IIIa).

henry viii Henry married six times (Fig. 4.3). Each time he selected his own wife, indeed in the case of his first, he may have gone against his father’s wishes. The ceremonies declined in lavishness as his reign progressed with the exception of his marriage to Anne of Cleves. He married two brides from abroad and four English women. On their landing in England, foreign brides were customarily received by noblemen selected by the monarch for the task. Anne of Cleves was received in this manner, but there was no need for such a reception for Catherine of Aragon, who had lived in England since 1501. Henry’s first and last brides were widows, neither of whom had children from their previous marriages. It was quite common in the sixteenth century for one or both partners in a marriage to have been married before and have children from that relationship. All of Henry’s wives, bar Catherine of Aragon, had to consider Henry’s children from earlier marriages. Equally, the dower lands passed from one queen to the next, along with the jewellery and the chapel goods. The latter is very clearly demonstrated in the 1542 inventory of Whitehall palace by the entry for the chapel stuff of the late Catherine Howard and its subsequent delivery to

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Charles V that ‘The other day the Lady told a priest who wishes to enter her service that he must wait a little until she had celebrated her marriage with the King. She keeps the Queen’s jewels and there is nothing said about returning them’.181 On 22 February Chapuy reported the rumour that Thomas Cranmer ‘married the King to the Lady, in the presence of the father, mother, brother and two of her favourites and one of his priests’.182 Later he mentioned how ‘On St Matthias’ Day [24 February] the Lady received the King at dinner in her chamber richly ornamented with tapestry and the most beautiful sideboard of gold that was ever seen’. The king was heard to comment that Anne had a ‘grand dote and a rich marriage’.183 Subsequently, Chapuys stated that ‘On Saturday, Easter Eve, dame Anne went to mass in Royal state, loaded with jewels, clothed in a robe of cloth of gold of frieze . . . she had in her suite 60 young ladies and was brought to church, and brought back with the solemnities, or even more, which were used to the Queen’.184 On 28 May Cranmer, who notwithstanding Chapuy’s report had not officiated at the marriage, recognised it. Its informality is indicated in the records of the heralds under the heading ‘for the largeese for the sayd officers’: 4.3 Miniature of Henry VIII by Lucas Horenbout, c. 1525, RCIN 420640 GR 2. The clothes worn by the king are very similar to those in Figure 1.5. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

That ys to wytte l li for the moost honorable and ioyous marriage and l li for the qeynes excellent coronation as euer hath been due at suche like tymes Memorandum that the sayd officers dooth remyt vnto the moost honorable bontefulnesse of the kinges highness the l li for the moost honorable marriage forbycause they were not present.185

Jane Seymour Catherine Parr.177 The role of a queen was to provide a son and heir quickly, to be a fair landowner, to remain free of debt and to eschew English politics.178

Catherine of Aragon Catherine and Henry were not betrothed at the time of Henry VII’s death on 21 April 1509. But within eight days of his accession, Henry sent Bishop Fox, of Winchester, to the Spanish ambassador to expedite their marriage. Fox explained to the ambassador that ‘You must remember now the king is king and not prince. One must speak in a different way in this matter than when he was prince . . . Until now things were discussed with his father and now one must treat with him who is king’.179 Henry presented matters differently to Margaret, the regent of the Netherlands, on 27 June 1509. His letter, sent three days after his coronation and 16 days after his marriage, explained that the marriage was his father’s final wish: ‘he, being then on his death bed . . . gave us express command that he should take in marriage the Lady Catherine . . . which we would not, neither in this nor a thousand other things whatsoever they be, disobey or infringe.’180 They married in the oratory of the friary church at Greenwich: she wore white and had her hair loose, both symbolic of her virginity.

Anne Boleyn Henry married Anne Boleyn secretly before sunrise on 25 January 1533. On 9 February 1533, Eustace Chapuys told

On 18 March 1536 Chapuys informed the emperor’s minister Granville that ‘The new amours of this king with the young lady [Jane Seymour] of whom I have before written still go on, to the intense rage of the Concubine [Anne Boleyn]’.186 Two months later on 20 May he noted that ‘Mrs Semel [Jane Seymour] came secretly by river this morning to the king’s lodging and that the promise and betrothal was made by 9 o’clock. The king means to keep it secret till Whitsuntide, but everyone begins already to murmur suspicion’.187 Henry married Jane on 30 May 1536 (that is, 11 days after Anne’s execution). Husee wrote to Lady Lisle on 31 May, noting that ‘The king was married yesterday in the Queen’s closet at York place’.188 According to Sir John Russell in a letter he wrote to Lord Lisle, ‘the king hath come out of hell into heaven, for the gentleness of this, and the cursedness and unhappiness of the other’.189 Russell also observed after attending Henry’s marriage to Jane ‘that the richer she [Jane] was in apparel, the fairer and goodly lady she was and appeared; and the other [Anne] he said was the contrary, for the richer she was apparelled, the worse she looked’.190 It has been suggested that Henry wore white for the wedding.191

Anne of Cleves The king’s second foreign marriage was planned in some detail. The French ambassador wrote to Francis I to inform him that ‘On the 5th of November [1539], the king told his lords that he expected the arrival of his spouse in about twenty

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days, and that he proposed to go to Canterbury to receive her’. Anne was welcomed all along her route to England, starting at Antwerp where ‘many English merchants met her grace four miles without the town in fifty velvet coats and chains of gold’.192 The king’s clothes for the days preceding the ceremony, which coincided with Anne’s arrival in the country, and the day of the wedding itself were recorded by Hall.193 For their formal meeting two days later at Shooter’s hill on 3 January, Henry VIII was ‘mounted on a goodly courser, trapped in rich cloth of gold traversed lattice wise square, all over embroidered with flat gold of damask, pearled on every side of the embroidery, the buckles and pendants were all of fine gold’. This level of opulence was exceeded in the king’s attire, which Hall described in detail: His persone was apparelled in a coate of purple velvet, somewhat made lyke a frocke, all over enbrodered with flat gold of damaske with small lace mixed betwene of the same gold, and other laces of the same so goyng trauerse wyse, so that the ground lytle appered:about whyche garment was a rych garde very curiously enbrodered, the sleves and brest were cut lyned with cloth of golde, and tyed together with great buttons of Diamonds, Rubyes, and Orient Perle, his swoorde and swoorde gyrdle adorned with stones and especiall Emerodes, his night cappe garnished with stone, but his bonet was so ryche of Iuels that few men could value them. Besyde all this he ware in baudricke wyse a collar of such Balystes and Perle that few men ever saw the lyke.194

For the wedding on 6 January, the king appeared at eight o’clock in the morning, ‘his Grace beyng apparelled in a gowne of cloth of gold, raised with great flowers of syluer, furred with blacke Jenettes his coat Crymosyn sattyn all to cutte and embrodered & tied with great Diamondes, & a ryche Coller about his necke’.195 He had changed his clothes within an hour, when ‘the kyng with a goune of ryche Tyssue lyned with Crymosyn Veluet embroidered, came to his closet’.196 Anne dressed in her native fashions when she arrived in England, for the days preceding the ceremony and on her wedding day. On 3 January she ‘issued out of her tent beyng apparelled in a ryche gowne of clothe of golde reised, made rounde without any trayne after the Dutche fassyon, and on her head a kall, and ouer that a round bonet or cappe set full of Orient perle of a very proper fassyon, and about her necke she had a partelet set full of riche stone which glystered all the felde’. The clothes worn by her attendants echoed Anne’s: ‘After her fashion, her ladies and gentlewomen were apparelled very rich and costly with chains of divers fashions.’197 On her wedding day, Anne ‘was apparelled in a gowne of ryche cloth of gold set full of large flowers of great & Orient Perle, made after the Dutche fassion rownde, her here hangyng downe, whych was fayre, yelowe and long. On her hed a Coronall of gold replenished with a great stone and set about full of braunches of Rosemary, about her necke and middle, Iuelles of great valew & extimacion’, which she wore all day, but she changed after dinner. She then wore ‘a gowne lyke a mannes gowne, of Tyssue with longe sleues gyrte to her, furred with ryche Sables, her narrowe sleeues were very costly, but on her head she had a cap as she ware on the saturdai before with a cornet of laune, which cap was so ryche of Perle and Stone, that it was iudged to be of great valew’.198 Henry and Anne were married privately on 6 January 1540 in the queen’s closet at Greenwich. Later ‘she went publicly

in procession’.199 On the following Sunday Anne’s wardrobe had undergone a change. At the jousts held to celebrate the marriage, Hall noted that ‘On whiche daie she was appareiled after the Englishe fassion, with a Frenche whode, whiche so set furth her beautie and good visage, that euery creature reioysed to behold her’.200 On 4 July 1540, when Henry was seeking to justify the annulment of his marriage to Anne, he noted that ‘there is but one imp of his body’.201 According to Lord Russell, the king asked him ‘if he thought her the woman so fair and of such beauty as report had been made of her; to which he answered that he took her not for fair but to be of a brown complexion’.202 Sir Anthony Browne revealed that after the king had seen Anne on New Year’s day he ‘deferred sending the presents that he had prepared for her, viz., a partlet furred sables and sable skins for her neck, with a muffler furred and a cap, but sent them in the morning by Sir Anthony Denny with a cold message’.203

Catherine Howard On 12 July 1540 Joan Bulmer told Catherine Howard that people were aware that Henry VIII planned to annul his marriage to Anne of Cleves and that ‘it is thought that the King will set Katherine Howard in the same honour’.204 Joan sought a post in Catherine’s household, adding, ‘for I trost the quyne of Bretane wyll not forget her secretary’. Henry married Catherine on 8 August at Hampton Court.205 A week later the French ambassador noted that the king had been hunting, but now had a larger court which ‘verified what hitherto when as in doubt touching the Queen who has succeeded the sister of the duke of Cleves; for this morning prayers were made in the churches for the King, the Queen and Prince Edward’.206 Early in 1541 the ambassador observed that on 19 March Henry had gone from ‘Westminster to Greenwich by water, accompanied by the mayor and crafts masters of London, with the solemnity and triumph at the first passage of new queens; for she who is queen at present had not yet passed under the Bridge’.207

Catherine, Lady Latimer (née Parr) Following Catherine Howard’s execution, Francis I’s ambassador noted that ‘the common voice is that this King will not be long without a wife, for the great desire he has to have further issue’.208 At first sight Lady Latimer must have seemed an unpromising choice, as she had not had any children by her previous marriages. This point was made clear in a letter by Chapuys who had ‘heard in a good quarter that the said lady [Anne of Cleves] would like to be in her shirt, so to speak, with her mother, having especially taken great despair at the King’s espousal of this last wife, who is not so nearly so beautiful as she, besides that there is no hope of issue, seeing that she had none with her two former husbands’.209 On 10 July 1543 Cranmer issued a marriage licence for Henry’s final marriage, authorising the king ‘(who had deigned to take the Lady Katherine, late wife of Lord Latimer, deceased) to have the marriage solemnised in any

coronations to funerals church, chapel or oratory without the issue of banns’.210 They were married two days later. The ceremony was celebrated in an upper oratory called ‘the Quynes Pryevey closet’ at Hampton Court.211 Unlike Henry’s marriages to Anne Boleyn, Jane Seymour and Catherine Howard, the ceremony was not a private one. Those present included Sir Anthony Denny, the ladies Mary, Elizabeth and Margaret Douglas, Catherine, duchess of Suffolk, Anne, countess of Hertford, Joan, Lady Douglas and Anne Herbert. It is not known what Henry or Catherine wore. An observer recalled ‘the putting on of the wedding ring’. He also recorded their vows: ‘Then, releasing and again clasping hands, the lady Katharine likewise said “I, Katharine, take thee Henry to be my wedded husband, to have and to hold from this day forward . . . to be bonayr and buxome in bed and at board, till death us depart”’. Chapuys described the wedding as taking place ‘privately and without ceremony’.212

establishing the dynasty: henry vii and elizabeth of york Elizabeth of York was in Yorkshire at the time of Henry Tudor’s landing in 1485 and his victory at Bosworth. Although their marriage had been promoted by Lady Margaret Beaufort, it was not a certainty.213 Nevertheless, they were married on 18 January 1486 after receiving a dispensation from the bishop of Imola, the papal legate. Imola’s dispensation was confirmed in a bull dated 27 March 1486 issued by Pope Innocent VIII. There are no extant detailed descriptions of the wedding beyond the brief references made by Bernard André.214 However, amongst the plate delivered to the king at the New Year in 1486 there was an entry ‘for the quenes weddyng ryng’ at a price of 23s 4½d.215 On 28 February 1486 Piers Curteys, gentleman usher of the chamber, received £95 3s 6½d for stuff bought for the king’s use against Christmas and his marriage.216

prince arthur and catherine of aragon Catherine’s entry into London on 11 November 1501, on her arrival from Spain, was marked by a series of pageants which included references to the provision of children and heirs to the throne. These were appropriate for a royal entry preceding a marriage.217 Catherine’s wedding clothes had been made for her before her departure from Spain, and their luxury and singularity was the subject of comment: And aftir theim rode the Princes upon a great mule richely trapped aftir the manour of Spayne, the Duke of Yorke on her right hande and the Legate of Rome on her left hande. She was in riche apparell on her body aftir the manour of her contre, and upon her hed a litill hatte of a praty

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brede with a lase of golde at this hatt to steye hit, her heere hanging down abowt her shoulders, which is faire aburne, and in maner of a coyfe betwene her hede and her hatt of a carnacion colour, and that was fastenyd from the myddis of her hed upwardes so as men might weell se all her heere from the myddill parte of her hed downward.218

Elizabeth of York’s privy purse accounts refer to the preparations made for Arthur. These include a payment of £47 made on 24 November 1502 to John van Delf and Alexander Hove, goldsmiths, in full payment of stuff made for the prince’s wedding.219 Equally, Henry VII ordered a jacket of crimson cloth of gold ‘wrought in the stool’ for him which may well have formed part of his wedding clothes.220 Arthur came to the city four days before the wedding and lodged with the bishop of Salisbury. On the night before the wedding, he slept in the wardrobe and on the day he entered St Paul’s at the south door ‘and the princes houshold seruantes to geue there attendaunce and convey hym to the hault place’.221 Henry VII also ordered 100 jackets with bases and sleeves for the yeomen of the guard that were made from green and white cloth, as opposed to satin or damask, and so were described as being ‘of the second sort’.222 Green and white were the Tudor livery colours.223 The author of The Great Chronicle recorded that ‘my lord prince and my foresaid lady pryncesse beyng both clad in whyte satyn, maryed’. Catherine’s gown had a train which ‘my lady Cecyle systir unto the Quenys Grace’ bore.224 A more detailed account recorded that: The garmentes of the Lord Prince and Princes bothe were of whight saten, but for the straunge dyversitie of rayement of the countreth of Hispayne to be discryvyn: she were that tyme and daye of her maryage uppon her hed a coyf of whight silk with a bordre of goold, perle, and precious ston, beyng of an unche and an half of brede, the which covered the great parte of hir visage and also a quantite of her body toward her wast and myddill; her gown very large, bothe the slevys and also the body with many plightes, moch litche unto menys clothyng; and aftir the same fourme the remenant of the ladies of Hispayne were arayed; and beneth her wastes certayn rownde hopys beryng owte ther gownes from ther bodies aftir their countray maner.225

The notes drawn up in advance of the wedding included the following requirement: Item affor the careclothe. Item it shalbe of white Bawdeken and prouided by my lord Chambrelain and by hym delyuerd to the princes Chamberlain And the Spice and wynes to be prouided by my lord Stuard and deliuerd to the princes Chambrelain and his officers thy to haue thordering of the same. And that the Carecloth be holden by iij lordes to be assigned by my lord Chambrelain.226

As part of the preparations Henry VII ordered a new cloth of estate ‘of rich cloth of gold tissue with portcullises, roses and Ss, lined with buckram, with fringe of gold and silk . . . the valances lined with crimson damask’.227 Horses and all of their accoutrements were also provided for the wedding, including: a Riche Litter [to] be redy to receyue and convey the said princesse to the west door of the churche of paules. thre hensmen in side sadelles and harnesse all of oon sute be arredied by the maistre of the quenes horse to folowe next to the said princesse litter. a faire palfrey with a pillion richely arreyed and ledde in hand for the said princesse doo folowe next vnto the said hensmen. xj palfroys in oon sute be ordeyned for uche ladies attending vpon the said princese as shal folowe next vnto the said pillion. v Chares diuersely apparailled fir the ladie and gentilwomen be redy the same tyme at the said Tower wherof oon of the chief must be richely apparailled and garnysshed for the said princesse.228

The festivities following the marriage included dancing. To demonstrate their accomplishments, ‘the Lady Princes and

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oon of hir ladies with her in apparell aftir the Spanyssh guyse cam doun there dauncyng othir two baas daunces’.229 Then Arthur’s younger brother Henry and his sister Margaret graced the dancefloor and stole the show: ‘Thirde and last cam doun the Duke of York, havyng with him the Lady Margaret his sister on his hond, and dauncyd two baas, daunces. And aftirward he, perceyvyng himself to be accombred with his clothis, sodenly cast of his gowne and dauncyd in his jaket.’230 A joust completed the celebrations and the duke of Buckingham took a leading role in this. The colour of his tent stressed his loyalty to the house of Tudor, while the livery worn by his servants stressed his own identity: ‘the Duke of Bokyngham [was] in his pavylion of silke, whight and grene, beyng iiij square with propir turrettes and pynacles of curyous werk, set full of red rosys of the Kinges bagges, the which pavylyon was borne and upholdid and also conveyed with right many of his servantes on foote in jakettes of silke, blak and red.’231

margaret tudor and james iv of scotland For Margaret’s journey to Scotland in 1503, she ‘was richly drest, mounted upon a faire Palfrey’.232 She heard mass in York, ‘Then cam the Quene richly arrayed in a Gowne of Cloth of Gold, a ryche Coller of precyouses Stones and a Gyrdle wrought of fin Gold haunting gon to the Yerth’.233 For one of their meetings, James IV ‘was arrayed of a Jakette of blak Velvett borded of the Selfe, and the Lists of the said Bordeur wer of Cramsyn Veluyt, fourred with whytt’.234 The marriage took place on 3 August 1503. The chief warrant for her wedding clothing dated the previous June cost £60 19s 9½d, but this figure did not include the cost of much of the fabric.235 As Margaret was still in mourning for her mother, the first part of the warrant provided her with a black satin gown, with a black satin purfil and lined with the same and a matching kirtle and pair of sleeves, a nightgown with sleeves and a purfil of black velvet, hoods and frontlets of black velvet, black sarsenet for a frontlet for riding and a tippet. The black was alleviated with a tawny damask kirtle bordered with crimson velvet and pairs of sleeves made from green and tinselled green satin, crimson, green and tawny sarsenet. On 7 August Margaret wore ‘a ryche Gonne of Cloth of gold with a purfill of black velvet and a rich Coller of Perle and Stone’, and on 13 August she attended church ‘arayed in a Gonne of Porple fygured Velvett, brothed of Thred of Gold fourred with rmynes, a grett Rebras beneath, and had on a ryche Coller of Pyerrery and a ryche Gyrdelle’.236 In addition, her trousseau included five special gowns that were all lined or trimmed with fur: black satin with hanging sleeves lined with ermine, with powdering for the collar, vents and sleeves; tawny cloth of gold tissue furred with powdered ermine and another of cloth of gold with raised work and lined with the same; purple velvet lined with shanks and with

a broad purfil of pampilion; purple velvet on velvet with a wide purfil of powdered ermine with powdering for the collar, vents and sleeves and a gown of crimson satin bordered with cloth of gold furred with black budge and shanks. She had a nightgown of black velvet, a short gown of black velvet, a gown of cloth of gold with raised work and lined with the same and a gown of purple cloth of gold, along with seven other gowns of velvet, camlet and satin. These could be worn with kirtles of cloth of gold of dornix, green satin, black satin and tawny damask. Margaret’s coronation as queen of Scotland preceded her marriage to James later the same day. She was ‘cronned with a varey ryche Cronne of Gold garnished with Pierrery and Perles’. Their clothes were sumptuous and alike in many of the details. James wore: a Gonne of Whit Damaske, figured with Gold and lynned with Sarsenet. He had on a Jakette with Slyffs of Cramsyn Satyn, the Lifts of Blak Velvett, under that sam a Doublet of Cloth of Gold, and a Payre of Scarlette Hosys. Hys Shurt brodered with Thred of Gold, hys Bonnet Blak, with a ryche Balay, and hys Swerd about hym . . . The Qwene was arayed in a rich Robbe, lyke Hymselfe, bordered of Cramsyn velvet, and lyned of the self. Sche had a varey riche Coller of Gold, of Pyerrery and Perlces, round her Necke, and the Cronne apon hyr Hed: Her Hayre hangyng. Betwyx the said Cronne and the Hayres was a varey riche Coyffe hangyng downe byhynd the whole length of the Body.237

As custom dictated, she ‘deliverd hyr Robbe of Maryage to the Officers of Scotlaund’, and the heralds claimed it. ‘But on the morow she gaffe them the Somme of xl Nobles for largesse, and they brought ageyn the said Robbe into the warderobe of the sayd Qwene, as she desyred in hyr Recompensing.’238 For her journey, Henry VII issued her with ‘Thre Fotemen wer allwayes ny hyr varey honestley appoynted; and had in their Jaketts browdered Portecollys’.239 These footmen were provided with livery that was identical to that issued to the footmen with Prince Henry: doublets of tawny and black velvet, gowns of tawny medley and caps, hats, shirts, hose, leather points and double-soled shoes. On the following day they received their more formal livery which they would wear as they accompanied the princess to Scotland: doublets of black velvet, green satin and green damask, jackets of white cloth of gold and black velvet paned, jackets of black velvet with embroidered crowned portcullises, glaudekins of tawny cloth.240 The costs of the two sets of livery were £11 9s 3½d and £20 9s 6d. One of their specific duties was to accompany her litter which was ‘convayed by two Fotemen arrayed as the others, one varey riche Lyttre borne by two faire Coursers varey nobly drest. In the wich Litere the sayd Qwene was borne in the Intryng of the goode Townes or other ways to her good Pleysur’.241

mary tudor and louis xii of france The clothes that Mary wore for her marriage were carefully orchestrated in advance by her brother and her husband. In September 1514 Louis XII wrote to Wolsey about his forthcoming marriage and in particular about the clothes being

coronations to funerals made for Mary, noting that Marigny and Jehan Perreal of Paris were to have oversight of her clothes ‘à la mode de France’.242 Louis’s concern highlights contemporary ideas about the elegance of the French style. It was important for Mary to be appropriately dressed so that she cut a figure in her husband’s court. A number of warrants, receipts and inventories survive, providing details of the trousseau that Henry VIII gave to his sister. On 1 October 1514 a list was drawn up of the clothes and plate delivered to Mary.243 In the following week a series of bills recorded the receipt of payment for goods for her trousseau.244 On 12 October three inventories of the goods provided for the queen of France were compiled: the plate for her chapel, buffet and kitchen, the furniture for the chapel and her clothes, hangings and stable stuff.245 The inventory of Mary’s gowns included garments in the French fashion, the Milanese fashion and the English fashion.246 Two inventories of Mary’s trousseau survive. The first had headings for apparel devised for the French queen, gowns of the French fashion, after the Milan fashion, after the English fashion, as well as reference to livery provided for her footmen in three qualities.247 The other document written in French lists robes and petticoats of the English fashion, robes, bonnets and ‘esquillettes’ of the Milanese fashion, manteaux, hoods and ‘scabelles’ delivered at Abbeville on 12 October 1514, their receipt being acknowledged by Thomas Bohier, A. de Beaune and Henry Bohier.248 Another inventory listed the chapel stuff, clothing, linen and tapestries belonging to Mary and delivered there earlier to Louis XII by Sir Andrew Windsor.249 For their first meeting at Abbeville Mary and Louis both wore crimson and cloth of gold. French custom required the clothes of the king and queen to be of the same colour and fabric when they appeared in public together.250 However, for her formal entry into Abbeville Mary wore a gown of white gold brocade of the English style with a new style of frontlet on her head. Having emphasised her lineage during her entry into the town, Mary wore a gown of French style of cloth of gold trimmed with ermine for her wedding on 9 October, the feast of St Denis, in the great hall of the Hôtel de la Gruthuse. By adopting French dress, she demonstrated her new allegiance to her husband and his country. Members of the English delegation accompanying Mary to France described the wedding, and more importantly the gifts of jewellery given to her by Louis. On the Monday she received ‘a marvellous great pointed diamond with a ruby almost two inches long, without foil’. A ruby followed on the Tuesday, and on the Wednesday a great diamond and a tablet with a great round pearl.251 Following the marriage she was crowned queen of France on 5 November with the crown of Jean de Navarre at St Denis. Although her clothing was not mentioned, it was noted that ‘the Dolphyn all the season held the croune ouer her hed, because it was of greate waight to her greuance’.252 Mary formally entered Paris on 6 November, because an uncrowned queen of France could not enter the city. She was met by the Paris city guard and she was carried ‘in a chayre couerd about in white cloth of golde . . . on her hed a coronal all of greate perles, her necke and brest full of Jueles’.253 A series of pageants were positioned along

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the ceremonial route from Porte St Denis to the palace. The pageants were devised by Pierre Gringore to celebrate the occasion, which was recorded in a manuscript illustrated with seven miniatures.254 In a letter to Wolsey, the earl of Worcester described how Louis ‘hath a marvellous mind to content and please the queen . . . and is devising new collars and goodly gear for her . . . He showed me the goodliest and the richest sight of jewels that ever I saw . . . And another coffer also there was that was full of goodly girdles, collars, chains, bracelets, beads of gold and other divers goodly jewels’.255 After the death of her husband on 31 December 1514, Mary was required to wear the white mourning of French queens, as ‘une Reine Blanche’. She wore white during the month that she passed in solitude at the Hotel de Cluny, next to the Convent de Cluny and then she wore black. Some who saw Mary wearing the black velvet hood and white gown found them very becoming, including the Venetian ambassador who described her as ‘the most beautiful and attractive woman ever beheld’.256 Sir Robert Wingfield wrote to Henry on 14 January, advising that ‘if the Queen of France be with child, she be kept from danger. If she be a maid as I verily think she is to obtain possession of her person’.257 Henry spent considerably on his sister’s trousseau. An undated bill or account of John Ring, skinner, recorded his charges for furring gowns for the French queen that amounted to £84 19s 6½d.258 The gowns of white cloth of gold of tissue were furred with ermine, yellow cloth of gold after baudekin furred with ermine, crimson cloth of gold of damask furred with mink, yellow tilsent damask gold furred with pampilion, purple cloth of gold of tissue furred with sable, black velvet furred and decorated on the collar and cuffs of powdered ermine and another six gowns. Further garments were ordered by a warrant dated 3 December 1513.259 Edward Bensted also paid £221 6s 8d towards the costs of her marriage to embroiderers, silk women and tailors, one of whom was French.260 Henry had not settled all the outstanding bills by the time she was widowed. Not surprisingly, Sir Charles Brandon took care to receive the widowed French queen ‘with her dower apointed, and all her apparel, iuels and husholdes stuffe deliuered’.261

Christenings On account of the high infant mortality rate and to safeguard their souls, children were christened soon after birth. Parents rarely attended. English royal christenings required the silver font kept at Canterbury to be brought to London. On 19 December 1518 a payment of £4 was made to the prior of Christchurch Canterbury for carrying and re-carrying the font to Canterbury.262 The household ordinances stipulated how a royal child should be christened.263 They stated that ‘a Dutches to beare the child, and a Dutches to beare the crisome on her shoulder; on a kercheife of fine ermines; and if it bee a Prince, an Earle to beare his trayne; and if it bee a Princesse, a Countesse to beare her trayne’.264 The infant was to be ‘borne in a rich mantle of cloth of gould furred with ermins; a traine

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thereon borne upp’.265 As confirmation was carried out at the same time as the christening, two sets of godparents were required, and the ordinances also stipulated the role of the parents, the godparents and what should be done with the gifts. The account of the christening of Princess Bridget, the seventh daughter and youngest child of Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville, who was born on 10 November 1480, echoes the household ordinances. Bridget was christened on St Martin’s day, the day after her birth, and the record noted that ‘The Lorde Matrauers . . . Hauinge A Towell aboute his necke’ and ‘My lady Matrauers dyd bere A Ryche Crysom Pynned Ouer her lefte breste’.266 In anticipation of the birth of a son Henry issued a warrant to the great wardrobe on 12 March 1510. The warrant ordered red say to cover the steps of the font which was to be delivered to Ralph Jennet and William Cheyney, yeomen of the wardrobe of the beds. Linen was supplied for the base of the font, with 2 ells (1.3 m) of sipers or linen for a strainer, 4 ells (2.6 m) to cover the font and 6 ells (3.9 m) of good linen cloth for ‘aprons and napkins for the four gentlemen and the sergeant of our vestry, according to the old use and custom in that case heretofore used’ along with lior, ribbon, gilt nails and hooks.267 The child was to be wrapped in a bearing cloth as indicated by a delivery made to the king’s nursery of 8 yards (7.3 m) of purple velvet for a ‘beryng payne’ with a long train on 29 September 1510.268

henry vii’s children There is very little evidence relating to the christenings of Henry VII’s children. Prince Arthur was christened at Winchester cathedral and pride of place in the procession belonged to ‘my Lady Cicily the quenes Eldist Sister bering the Prynce wraped in a mantell of crymesyn clothe of golde furred with Ermyn with A trayne which was borne by my Lady the Marquesse of [. . .] and Sir John Cheyney supported the myddill of the same’.269 Unusually, Elizabeth of York was present ‘in the churche abyding the comyng of the Prynce’, and she witnessed her son being put in the font, ‘as the officers of Armes put on their cotes and all the torcheis were light . . . from thence the Prynce was had to his traverse’.270 Nicholas Kingston, gentleman usher of the chamber, was paid £18 12s ‘for the christening of our first born son’ on 1 October 1486.271 This included £5 11s for making a font, 44s for railing the church with iron and timber, seven pieces of say for draping the font and erecting a gallery from the queen’s lodging to the prince’s lodging. A warrant dated nearly five years later on 1 September 1491 recorded the payment of £6 3s 4d for stuff delivered to Benjamin Digby, yeoman of the queen’s beds for the christenings of Margaret and Henry: 8 ells (5.2 m) of cloth to go around the font, nine pieces of lawn, six within the font and three covering the font, four pieces of sipers, two for the edge of the font and two ‘for seling of the window where my lord Henry was chaunged’, dressing the font for the two christenings and lior to hang the cloth of estate.272

henry viii’s children In comparison to his own christening, the evidence is more detailed for the christenings of four of Henry VIII’s children: Henry, Mary, Elizabeth and Edward. Prince Henry, the king’s shortlived first son, was held at Richmond on Sunday 5 January 1511, four days after his birth.273 He was christened at the friary church, which was hung with arras in the body of the church and on the south side.274 The French king gave the prince a salt weighing 51 oz and a cup of 48½ oz of fine gold, £10 to the midwife and a chain worth £30 to the Lady Mistress. On 8 January 1511 Catherine of Aragon told Margaret of Savoy about the birth and christening: ‘Catherine mande à Marguerite qu’il lui est né un fils le premier jour de l’an; qu’il a été baptise et a eu pour marraine ladite Marguerite, representie par la Comtesse de Surrey.’275 The French, papal, Spanish and Venetian ambassadors attended the christening, and the Frenchman followed ‘the advice of Winchester and the Great Chamberlain’ who had advised him that ‘it would be well to present a chain of 200 crowns to the Prince’s nurse’.276 Princess Mary was born 18 February 1516 at four in the morning at Greenwich, and she was christened two days later at the church of the Grey Friars. As was traditional, the church ‘was hung with cloth of needlework garnished with precious stones and pearls’.277 Mary was carried by the countess of Surrey, with the duke of Norfolk at the head and the duke of Suffolk at her feet.278 The heralds recorded that ‘from the churche dore to the coorte gate stode the garde in theyr best cootes & other of theym of the kynges seruauntes to the number of ijC & xv & euery of them holdyng a torche’.279 On Princess Elizabeth’s birth, Catherine of Aragon refused to send Anne Boleyn the christening robe that she had brought from Spain, stating, ‘God forbid that I should ever be so badly advised as to give help, assistance, or favour, directly or indirectly in a case so horrible as this’.280 At her christening, the dowager duchess of Norfolk carried Elizabeth who was dressed ‘in a mantle of purple velvet, with a long train furred with ermine’ into the Grey Friars’ church at Greenwich.281 On 15 September 1533 Chapuys informed Charles V that ‘The daughter of the lady has been named Elizabeth, not Mary. The christening has been like her mother’s coronation, very cold and disagreeable both to the Court and to the city, and there has been no thought of bonfires and rejoicings usual in such cases’.282 Prince Edward was the last of Henry’s children. After Edward’s birth John Husee wrote to Lord Lisle, saying, ‘I pray Jesu send his Grace long to prosper and live, and the King’s Higness many more sons’.283 He was baptised on 15 October 1537 in the chapel royal at Hampton Court, three days after his birth. The young prince was taken from the queen’s apartments by the marchioness of Exeter, the duke of Norfolk and the duke of Suffolk (Fig. 4.4).284 Edward was dressed in a white gown with a long train, which was carried by William Fitzalan, eleventh earl of Arundel and Lord William Howard.285 After the christening Edward was brought to his mother’s chamber ‘in the presence of the kyng and the quene

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4.4 The baptism of Edward VI. The prince was carried to his christening by his godparents under a cloth of estate. MS M.6, ff. 77v–78r. The College of Arms

there had the blessyng of them bothe all myghty godes owr Ladyes and sens George’.286 The inclusion of the king’s daughters in the ceremony allowed Henry to emphasise the dynastic security of his family. Twenty-four trumpeters were present and ‘the sergeauntes of the trumpettes with all the company of that office [were] to be redy with their trumpette to stande & to sounde as they shalbe appoynted by the Lord chamberleyn’.287 After his christening, Edward was proclaimed as duke of Cornwall.288 The christening marked a significant point in the rise of the Seymour family. As a consequence, two of Jane’s brothers were honoured: Edward being made earl of Hertford and Thomas knighted on 18 October. The preparations necessary for a royal christening can be seen from a warrant dated 16 October 1539, the day after the prince’s christening. The warrant recorded that Ralph Warren provided ray cloth for the base of the font, William Hewetson supplied 18 pieces of red English say of the largest size, while John Baven sold 12 pieces of red ribbon and 12,000 gilt nails for the christening. In addition, six men were paid at a rate of 12d a day for four days’ work, along with three horses and food for them, with the total coming to £31 11s 8d.289

other royal christenings The form of royal christenings was used for the children of the king’s close relatives. Lady Frances, so named in honour of Francis I, was the daughter of Mary Tudor (the ‘French queen’) and the duke of Suffolk. She was born on Thursday 17 July and christened on the following Saturday, when ‘The font was hanged with a rich canopy powdered with roses half red and half white with the sun shining and fleur-de-lys of gold and the French Queen’s arms in four places in the same canopy, all of needlework’.290 The level of pageantry and formality reflected Mary’s status as the queen dowager of France and the king’s sister. This was also reflected in the choice of godparents: the Queen Catherine and Princess Mary stood as the child’s godmothers, in absentia: ‘In the said chancel were, as deputies, for the Queen and Princess, Lady Boleyn and Lady Elizabeth Grey.’291

Churchings A queen’s churching was symbolic of her purification after the birth of her child and it marked her return to court life. The length of time between birth and churching depended on the health of the mother or the gender of the baby. Eleanor of Castile (Edward I’s queen) lay in for 40 days for a son and just 30 for a daughter.292 Elizabeth of York was ill after the birth of Prince Arthur, at Winchester: ‘After that the Quene was purified and hole of an Agu that she had.’293 Elizabeth also paid for a religious foundation in the form of a chapel dedicated to the Virgin Mary in Winchester in thanksgiving to God for her safe delivery.294 Holy water was believed to be efficacious in helping the mother recover, as indicated by Sir John Wallop in a letter dated 18 December 1536: Against my lady’s lying in I have sent her two bottles of water which I brought from Avignon, meet for that purpose, especially when she comes near churching time for she shall be so much the more readier by five or six days if she shall use the virtue of the same, which is restraintive and draweth together like a purse . . . Furthermore when a woman’s breasts be long it raiseth them higher and rounder.295

Churching served as a thanksgiving for a safe delivery. It also provided an opportunity to re-enact the churching of the Virgin Mary as celebrated on Candlemas. As for all women, the ceremony for the queen’s churching took place at the door to the chapel or closet. She would be greeted by the priest with the words, ‘Enter the temple of God, adore the Son of the Holy Virgin Mary who has given you the blessing of motherhood’.296 In previous centuries, the queen wore new clothes for her churching. The clothes ordered for Edward III’s queen for her churching, after the birth of her first son at Woodstock, consisted of three suits of clothes, one of red velvet, one of red and gold ‘diaspinus’ and one of purple velvet trimmed with miniver and gold squirrels. These garments were more impressive than the clothes that had been ordered for Philippa’s coronation, in recognition of the significance of the birth of the heir to the throne.297 Unfortunately, there are no references to special clothes being ordered for the churching of any of Henry VIII’s wives, and no descriptions of the ceremonies have come to light. However, the churching of Edward IV’s queen, Elizabeth Woodville, after the birth of their first child in February 1466 is known to have been magnificent.

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The procession included heralds and pursuivants, and the queen ‘went to church in stately order, accompanied by many priests bearing relics and by many scholars singing and carrying lights . . . Above her was a canopy. Behind her were her mother and maidens and ladies to the number of sixty’.298 After the birth of Prince Henry in 1511, Hall noted that ‘before the Quenes churchinge, the kyng rode to Walsingham. The Quene beyng Churched or purified, the kyng and she remoued from Rychemonde’.299 Churching was rarely described in much detail. For example, Henry’s sister Margaret, queen of Scots, after her delivery at Harbottle castle, wrote to the duke of Albany, head of the council in Scotland, to inform him that ‘by the grace of Almighty God I am nowe delivered and have a cristen sowle, being a yong lady’.300 Lord Dacre decided to move her from Harbottle on 16 November, where her presence was ‘uneasefull and costelye by occasion of farre cariage of everything’, and take her to Morpeth ‘after her grace have sought the churche and be purified’.301 Sadly, Jane Seymour did not survive long enough after Prince Edward had been delivered to be churched. She died within 12 days of his birth, having received extreme unction.

Tudor coat of arms, supported by a dragon and a greyhound, was placed in the centre of the cloth, with eighteen alternating badges of roses and portcullises (two of the roses are now missing) stitched on the velvet cross. The crimson velvet has a black warp, a yellow weft and a crimson silk pile warp.308 The hearse cloth was made from four widths of cloth of gold stitched together with an additional half loom width added to each long side.309 The cloth of gold has a silk warp and weft with a pile warp and binding warp. The metal threads consist of a silver gilt metal strip wrapped round a yellow silk core (gold on a silver/copper alloy) and the hearse cloth has examples of single, double and triple wrapped filaments on silk cores. All of the metal threads are S wound, with the exception of the double and triple threads. The core fibres were silk and they were all pale yellow or white in colour.310 While there are no references to where the Cambridge hearse cloth was made, it was very similar in design and materials to a pair of cloths ordered on 8 February 1505. Stephen Jasper, the king’s tailor, made a pall of white cloth of gold tissue with a cross of crimson velvet and a pall of black

Preparation for death: Henry VII On 20 November 1504 Henry VII settled £10 a year on the University of Cambridge in return for a service to be held at the church of St Mary the Great in Cambridge for him. Henry VII’s provision for a requiem service was ‘for the good and prosperous estate’ of Henry VII ‘during his lif . . . and after the deceas of the said kyng . . . then and from thensforth as long as the world shall endure to hold and kepe the said Anniversarie yerely’. It further stipulated that the ‘Chancellor, Maisters and Scolers of the said Universite of Cambridge and their Successours shall yerely for ever . . . provide ordeigne and have at every suche Annversarie an herse to be sette in the myddes of the same churche before the high Crucifixe . . . covered and apparelled with the best and moost honourable stuffe to the said Universite belongyng for the same’.302 The first service was held on 11 February 1505. This marked the anniversary of the death of Elizabeth of York. The university’s accounts recorded a payment in February 1505 of 3s 4d to ‘Joanni Spencer pro vehactione palli funeralis rege’ and another payment of 20d ‘pro cera ad exequias domini regis’.303 This pattern continued until 1509 when the service was held on 11 February and again on 21 April after Henry VII’s death. Henry VIII gave an offering of 6s 8d at the ‘masse of Requiem for his fader late king Henry the vijth’ in 1511.304 A hearse and a hearse cloth were required to be present during the service. The hearse cloth was listed in an inventory of 1513 that recorded ‘alle the Jewelles that longyth to the Universitie lyinge in ye Universite chapell vestary’ and it was described as ‘a palle of clothe of Tyssewe’.305 It survives and it measures 431 cm by 310 cm (Fig. 4.5).306 The cloth was made from black cloth of gold with a woven pomegranate design and red velvet which formed a central cross. The cross was made from a half loom width of cut pile silk velvet.307 The

4.5 The hearse cloth of Henry VII, c. 1504–05. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Photo: © The Textile Conservation Centre, University of Southampton

coronations to funerals cloth of gold tissue with a cross of crimson velvet. Both were lined with buckram and additional buckram was provided for laying between the palls for freighting. They was embellished with 36 roses and portcullises worked on crimson satin. The labour and a small amount of the materials cost £4 9s 9d.311 On the same day a suit of vestments was ordered, consisting of vestments for priest, deacon and subdeacon with apparel of green cloth of gold baudekin and five altar cloths of baudekin of diverse colours for the friars at Richmond which were decorated with two crucifixes flanked by Mary and John, three portcullises with crowns imperial embroidered at the feet of the crosses, three crosses, two portcullises and two roses with crowns imperial and five portcullises and eight roses.312 The implication is that these textiles were intended to be used to celebrate a similar service to that at Cambridge, but in the chapel at Richmond. The most obvious sign of Henry VII’s preparations for death is the chantry chapel he built at Westminster abbey which was initially intended for the reburial of Henry VI, who Henry VII sought to have canonised as a Lancastrian royal saint (Fig. 4.6).313 As late as 1530 two inventories of Henry’s jewels included entries for ‘a silver gilt box containing the ring wherin Henry VI espoused his queen’.314 The ring was not listed in the 1547 inventory, or possibly was described in different terms. However, the chapel came to house the double tomb of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York.315 On 10 August 1528 Archbishop Warham was granted a license to alienate land to the annual value of £20 to the use of the prior and convent of Christchurch, Canterbury, for the support of one or two secular chaplains to pray for Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon and the souls of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York.316 The services continued from 1510 to 1548, when they were banned by Edward VI. They were revived by Mary but ceased after 1558.

Obsequies: the living remembering the dead Obsequies formed part of the routine observations for the dead. They were held on the seventh and 30th day after death and the first year’s anniversary. In November 1502 Elizabeth of York made an offering of 5s ‘at the obyt of the Kinges Fader holden at Westminster’.317 Within court circles, funeral rites or ceremonies were observed for foreign royalty and they followed a similar format to royal funerals but on a smaller scale. Consequently, black livery was issued to a group of mourners, a hearse and banners were provided and a chief mourner was appointed. The details of a number of foreign obsequies observed during Henry VIII’s reign appear in the lord chamberlain’s accounts: Louis XII, king of France in 1515; Ferdinand V, king of Aragon on 28 February 1516; Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, on 11 February 1519; Louise of Angoulême, lady regent of France, on 27 October 1531 and Isobel, wife of Charles V, on 6 June in 1539. After Henry VIII’s death early in 1547, the Protector Somerset

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4.6 Overall image of the interior of the cover of the founding indenture of Henry VII’s chantry chapel, Westminster abbey, 1504, showing the velvet chemise binding with a silk damask lining and tassel. The National Archive, E33/1

honoured Francis I, king of France, with an obsequy on 20 June 1547.318 All the obsequies were held at St Paul’s, with the single exception of those for Louise of Angoulême, performed at Waltham abbey. A bill of receipt dated 13 February 1515 by Sir Andrew Windsor for £91 11s 8d survives for the obsequies of Louis XII from Sir John Dauntsey.319 The cost was relatively modest in comparison to other royal obsequies including Louise of Angoulême (£180 11s 6d), Isobel of Portugal (£342 1d) and Francis I (£649 18s 4d). The king was rarely the chief mourner at these occasions. His absence enabled a member of the nobility to represent him. At the obsequies for Louis XII, the duke of Norfolk was the chief mourner and he received 10 yards (9.1 m) of black cloth for his gown, slope and mantle. He was accompanied by the lord Steward, the lord Chamberlain, the marquess of Dorset, the earl of Devonshire and Lords Mounteagle and Herbert, all of whom received 6 yards (5.4 m) for a gown and hood. Garter king of arms also received 6 yards (5.4 m) for a gown and hood, while Norrey king of arms, Somerset and Carlisle received 4½ yards (4.1 m) each for gowns and hoods. A majesty cloth was made from 16¾ yards (15.3 m) of black sarsenet with four valances trimmed with 3 lb 6 oz (1.53 kg) of

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black silk fringe and with the celure lined with green buckram. Thirteen and a half pieces of black cloth were hired to hang the choir of St Pauls from the high altar to the choir door on both sides, to provide a cloth before the high altar, to cover the inner and outer bars about the hearse and to place upon the ground within the outer bars and to cover the furniture and the cushions where the mourners were. After the service, refreshments were provided: two hippocras bags, 1 lb 3 oz (0.53 kg) of cinnamon, 10 oz (0.28 kg) of ginger, 11 lb (0.31 kg) of sugar, ½ oz (0.014 kg) of grain, 1 oz (0.028 kg) of nutmeg, 1 oz (0.028 kg) of cloves, 4 gallons (18.16 b) of wine and 20 lb (9.07 kg) of comfets.320 The duke of Norfolk was also the chief mourner at the obsequies of Ferdinand and Maximilian, but he was accompanied by different members of the nobility on each occasion: the duke of Suffolk, the marquess of Dorset, the earls of Surrey, Shrewsbury, Devonshire, Worcester, the imperial ambassador, Lord St John, Sir John Peche, Sir Andrew Windsor for Ferdinand, and Dorset, the earl of Kent, the Lord Darcy, Lord Fitzwater, Lord Cobham, Sir Thomas Lovell, Sir Henry Marney, Sir Andrew Windsor, Sir John Cutte, Robert Knollys for Maximilian. In addition, at the latter, offerings of 6s 8d were provided for Wolsey, the chancellor of England, and ‘to my lord legate of Rome, a crown each [worth 4s 4d] to the three ambassadors and 5s for “my lord Norfolk”’.321 European observers took note of the solemnity of the obsequies held in London for royal dignities. On 25 February 1519 Sebastiano Giustinian told the doge about the ‘very sumptuous obsequies have been celebrated here for the Emperor. His demise is held in small account’.322 Similarly, on 8 June 1539 Thomas Boys wrote to Lord Lisle, noting that on this day: the goodliest solemnities were done for the Empress at Paul’s and in every church in London. All Paul’s was hung with black cloth with the arms of the Emperor and the Empress, and there was made in the church a goodly rich hearse with the arms of the Empire. My lord Chauncellor represented the King; the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with nine earls were mourners; and there were ten bishops with their mitres.323

The hearses provided for funerals in England were traditional in their form, as was the case with the hearse at the funeral of Abbot John Islip in Westminster abbey 1532 (Fig. 4.7).324 In contrast, royal funerals in Europe incorporated elements of Renaissance design. The obsequies held for Ferdinand of Aragon in Brussels in March 1516 included a triumphal car drawn by four white horses with gilded unicorns’ horns. They were draped with the badges of the countries that he had conquered and inscribed ‘Ferdinando Regi, Betico, Parthenopaeo, Cantabrico, Africano, Indico, Catholico Invicto’.325 The funeral effigy was dressed in armour and held a sword, while Ferdinand’s crown was born on a cushion on a white horse following behind. On the second day his achievements were represented by 14 horses draped with the insignia of his kingdoms and 14 standard bearers carrying flags of the same arms. This imagery was magnified in the pageant car drawn in Charles V’s obsequies held in Brussels in 1558.326 The car was decorated with the pillars of Hercules, his motto Plus oultre, with Faith holding the cross seated on a stone labelled Christus and the flags of all the countries that Charles had ruled over.

4.7 Miniature of the funeral of John Islip, abbot of Westminster, 1532, showing the mourners around his hearse. Abbot Islip’s mortuary roll, Westminster Abbey Muniment Room. By courtesy of the Dean and Chapter

Funerals and burial More than any other ceremony in the early modern period, royal funerals emphasised the dual nature of kingship.327 The provisions associated with death in Tudor England were more varied than for the other occasions discussed in this chapter. They included funerals, prayers and obits for the dead and obsequies for foreign royalty. The funerals of kings, their queens consort and their children were all of the same type: they were public and they were controlled by the heralds.328 The cost and the scale of royal funerals reflected the status of the dynasty: Prince Arthur’s funeral in 1502 cost about £600 and Elizabeth of York’s in 1503 over £3,000. Even the funerals of short-lived royal offspring were expensive. In October 1495 John Shaa received payments of 1,000 marks (£333 6s 8d) and £318 9s 7d for ‘the burial of our daughter Elizabeth’.329 The household ordinances provide a full account of how the king’s body should be dressed for burial: Furst his body [should be] washyd and clensyd after sporgyng. Thanne the bodie bawmed yff it may be gete wrapped in lawn or Raynes. Then hosen shert and shone with rede leder and doo oon them hys surrecote cloth . . . hys cape of astate on hys hede layd apon a feyr borde on a clothe of gold richely hys hondys on hys bely with a septure ther in on hys face a kerchyff and soo shewd on to hys lordes and gentills by the space of ij dayes and more yff the wedder will suffice. Than take hym away and bowell hym wrappe hym in Raynes well trameled in Roppis of silke / thanne in tarteron trameled / and thenne in veluet and soo in clothe of gold will trameled thanne lede hym and coffre hym / and yf ye carry hym maake an ymage like hym clothyd in a surcote with a mantell of astate the lassess goodly lyng on the body hys septure in hys hond / and a crown on hys hede / and soo cary hym in a chare opyn . . . Item before the fore hors of the chare his owne herould in hys cote armour and thenne a lorde or a knyght for his body Rydyng with the kynges corse present that is to sey on a courser trappet withe his armes his harneys vpon hys bassenet or salet crowned a shyld and a spere till he

coronations to funerals come to the place of his enterryng and at masse the same be offred be some natable prince.330

The funeral effigy was used to represent the change in the nature of the monarch’s body, from the visible physical form to the invisible spiritual form. It also stressed the continuity of the monarchy, with the effigy dressed in royal robes and wearing regalia. The figure was carved to resemble the king and represent him as the body lay in state.331 The role of the poor mourners was distinct and prescribed in the early Tudor funerals. These poor men carried torches and said prayers for the soul of the deceased because the prayers of the poor were believed to be the most efficacious in speeding the passage of the soul through Purgatory. By the time of Elizabeth I’s funeral in 1603, the Church of England had rejected the doctrine of Purgatory, and the gentleman pensioners from the royal household took the place formerly occupied by poor men in her funeral procession.332 As with coronations, a set of traditional perquisites were given at royal funerals. According to a marginal note on the 1547 inventory, a cloth of estate made of blue velvet fringed with purple silk and without any arms taken from the wardrobe at Greenwich ‘did serue at the buriall of king henry the viijth at whiche tyme it was a fee to the gromes of the pryvey chambre and so takin by theym’ (9296). Royal funerals signified the end of a reign and the start of another. They also marked the dissolution of a household and the appointment of another, with new possibilities for patronage and promotion. After the chief officers of Henry VII’s household had broken their staffs of office and dropped the pieces into the grave: All the heraudes did [take] of theire cotearmours and did hange them uppon the Rayles of the herse: cryinge lamentably in French ‘The Noble kynge Henry the Seaventh is deade’. And as soone as they had so done, everie heraud putt on his cotearmour againe and cryed with a loude voyce ‘Vive Le noble Roy Henry le VIIIme’ whichh is to say in englyshe tonge ‘God send the noble Kynge Henry the eight longe life’.333

henry viii In 1517 Henry VIII declared a wish to be buried at Windsor ‘when the most high God called him out of the world’. In January he contracted the Florentine sculptor, Pietro Torrigiano, then living in the precinct of Westminster abbey, to make a tomb of white marble and black touchstone for himself and his wife, one quarter larger than that Torrigiano was making for the king’s parents.334 The tomb was to be completed in four years at a cost of £2,000 under the direction of Cardinal Wolsey. Nothing came of this. In 1529 Henry confiscated the components of a tomb started for Wolsey. This had not been finished by the time of the king’s death in 1547. The chronicler Hall wrote ‘in the monethe of January, he yielded hys spirite to almightie God, and departed thys worlde, and lyeth buryed at Wyndsore’.335 His corpse needed to be prepared and: commandment was given to the apothecaries, chirgeons, wax-chandlers and others, to do their duties in spurging, cleansing, boweling, cering, embalming, furnishing, and dressing with spices the said corps; and also

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for wrapping the same in cerecloth of many folds over the fine cloth of rains and velvet, surely bound and trammel’d with cords of silk: which was done and executed of them accordingly, as to the dignity of such a mighty prince it appertaineth.336

In his will Henry stated that he wished to be buried in the Garter chapel, ‘midway between the stalls and the high altar, in a tomb now almost finished in which he will also have the bones of his wife, Queen Jane’.337 In addition, he wanted 13 poor men, who were to be called poor knights, to be given 12d a day and to receive a long white robe each year. Quarterly obits would be held at which £10 would be distributed in alms. Henry’s body initially lay in state in the privy chamber at Whitehall for five days: Then was the Corps in the Chest had into the midst of his privy Chamber and set upon tressels with a rich pall of Cloath of gold and a Cross thereon, with all manner of lights thereto requisite, having divine service about him with Masses, obsequies and prayers, and continually watche being made by his Chapelrys Ordinary and Gentlemen of his Privy Chamber to the number of 30 persons.338

St James’s palace was put at the disposal of Catherine Parr as the queen dowager. The great chamber, along with a presence chamber, the queen’s own chamber and a closet were provided with black hangings, foot carpets and cupboard cloths.339 The preparations for Henry VIII’s burial on 14 February 1547 brought his household together in its final service for its late master. Two weeks earlier, the duke of Somerset and the other executors had appointed five men ‘to have the speciall charge of all thinges necessarie for thenterrement’.340 Shortly afterwards, a list of orders was prepared to ensure the smooth passage of the funeral cortege as it progressed from London to Windsor, reminiscent of those produced for the Field of Cloth of Gold.341 The great wardrobe was heavily involved supplying mourning livery for the household and black hangings for the king’s apartments, as well as banners and decorations for the hearse.342 The chapel royal provided the services and the music, while the altar of Whitehall palace chapel was ‘adorned with al manner of plate and jewels of the revestry . . . And the high altar very richly adorned with plate and jewels and other ornaments’.343 Henry VIII’s effigy was described in the following terms: the picture was made veray like unto the Kinges Majesties person, both in stature favowre forme and apparell, the which was laid a long uppon the Cophyn with twoo greate Cussyns under his head. The Crowne Emperiall of Englande of goulde sett with precious stones, and under that a night cappe of blak satten sett full of stone and golde, was uppon his heade. His shurte as it apperid abought the coller and handes seem to be of fynne goldsmithes worke. The picture was apparrellid with robes of crymsyn velvet furred with mynifer powdred with armyns, the colore of the Garter with the George abought his nekk, a crymsyne satten dublett embroydered with gold, twoo bracelleetts of golde abought his wrests sett with stone and perle a fayre armering sworde by his side, the septure in his right hande and the balle in the lefte hande a payer of new gloves, with many rings sett with rych stones on his fyngers.344

The accounts of Henry’s funeral included payments for a pair of sabatons made of incarnate cloth of gold ‘with works’ which were lined with crimson satin and a pair of shoes made of crimson velvet. Both the shoes and the sabatons were made by Henry Johnson, Henry’s cordwainer, at 3s the pair.345 Henry’s courser, ‘the whiche the Master of the Horse leades in his hande to the Buryall’, was caparisoned in a trapper of purple cloth of gold, with the reins and stirrup leathers

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covered in cloth of gold.346 Many of the craftsmen in the king’s employment were involved, including Anthony Toto, the king’s painter, who decorated a series of banners and two majesty cloths.347 The coffin was accompanied by four banners dedicated to saints, particularly venerated by the late king: the Trinity, Our Lady, St George and Mary Magdalene. In marked contrast, the four banners provided for Edward VI’s funeral in 1553 presented the arms of the order of the Garter, the Red Cross, the arms of his mother, Queen Jane Seymour and the arms of the queen dowager, Catherine Parr. This was the first time that an English royal funeral did not have devotional banners. Instead the emphasis was placed on secular heraldry. The funeral of Mary I reverted to traditional practice, but it was to prove the last time when a group of banners with religious iconography would be displayed at an English royal funeral. On the day after the funeral, that is, 15 February 1547, a full account was compiled of the fabrics supplied for the funeral.348 The final cost of the funeral, authorised by the privy council, was £2,314 15s 8d.349 A fraction of the cost could be recouped by recycling some of the materials. Amongst a group of unallocated items at Whitehall there were ‘xxviij Ingoldes of silver conteyneng golde comyng of the kinges burul apparell poids MlDx oz di’ (3501). By 28 July 1547 the recovered metal had been moved from Whitehall to the mint.

henry vii Henry VII’s funeral followed a very similar model to that described above. He initially intended to be buried in St George’s chapel, Windsor, which had become the mausoleum for the royal family in the late fifteenth century and which was also the chapel for the order of the Garter. However, in 1498 Henry VII changed his mind and in his will of 1509 he expressed a wish to be buried in Westminster abbey, it being the place of his coronation, as well as the burial place of St Edward the Confessor and other English kings. On a more personal level, it was also the resting place ‘of our Great dame memorie, Quene Kateryne, wif to King Henry the Vth and daughter of Charles of France’.350 Henry VII died on 21 April 1509.351 The Greyfriars’ Chronicle noted, ‘Thys yere the xxii day of Aprill dyde kynge Henry the VIIth at Richmonde, and browth to London over the brygge and soo to Powlles the furst nyght [9 May], and the next day [10 May] to Westmynster nobylly and there buryd’.352 His effigy was ‘apparelled in his riche robes of astate with crowne on his hed, ball and sceptre in his handes’.353 The accounts noted that John Ring was paid 13s 4d for furring ‘the robe to go on the effigy with powdered ermine, along with 2 caps of estate that come from Rome with ermine’.354 The style of the robes caused John Leland to observe that the effigy was ‘crowned and richly apparelled in his Parliament robes’.355 At the conclusion of the funeral service the effigy was removed from the hearse and ‘all the Royal Ornametes [were] taken from the said Corps soe that everie Man might see the said Corps coffered in a Coffin of Bordes, which was covered from

over with Black Velvett, havinge a Crosse of Whyte Satten . . . within the which Coffyn the verie Corps of the kynge lay enclosed in Lead’.356 The list of warrants for fabric and other items for the funeral was drawn up only on the day of the funeral itself, 9 May 1509.357 The final entry in Henry VII’s book of payments was entered posthumously on 1 July 1509 and recorded that his son spent £8,474 4s 6d on the funeral itself.358 The nine henchmen and their master received doublets of black satin, lined with linen and canvas, hose, caps, silk girdles, ten dozen silk points, ten pairs of buskins, ten pairs of double-soled shoes, ten pairs of spurs and ten gowns with hoods.359 The mourning gowns for the poor men cost £18 16s 8d, while the black hangings made for the palace of Richmond amounted to 16s 6d. For going to Richmond to bring Lady Margaret ‘knowledge of the honourable service done about king Henry VII in conveying his corpse from thence to Westminster by the space of 3 days’, Robert Merbury was paid 2s.360 The female mourners headed by the king’s mother were well attired. Lady Margaret Beaufort, the king’s daughter-in-law, Catherine of Aragon and Princess Mary received 16 yards (14.6 m) of cloth to make a mantle, surcote, kirtle, slops and hood, as well as four mantellets and six kerchiefs. The king’s sister-in-law, Catherine, received the same amount of cloth but only two mantellets and four kerchiefs. Provision was made for Lady Margaret’s female attendants: her ladies, Lady Jane (16 yards (14.6 m)) and Lady Willoughby (14 yards (12.8 m)); her gentlewomen, Mistresses Clifford, Parker, Fowler, Stanhope, Jane and Radcliff (8 yards (7.31 m) each) and her chamberers, Perott Doren, Jane Walter (3½ yards (3.2 m) each). In addition, special pillion saddles covered with black velvet, fringed with black silk were made for Catherine of Aragon and the Princess Mary by Nicholas Mayor for £25.

the tudor queens consort Mothers of sons: Elizabeth of York and Jane Seymour Elizabeth’s funeral in 1503 was a defining moment for the Tudor dynasty. She died at the Tower of London on 11 February 1503, very shortly after the birth of her last child. Henry VII looked to the earl of Surrey, treasurer of England, and Sir Richard Guildford, comptroller of the household, to organise her funeral, while he ‘hym self toke with hym certayne of his secretist and preuely departyd to a solitary place to passe his sorows and wold that no man shuld resorte to hym’. Then ‘Sir Charles Somerset and Sir Richard guylforde sent / the best confort to all the quenes servauntes that hath ben seen of a soueraigne Lord with as good wordes’.361 There was a short delay between the time of the queen’s death and the completion of the mourning livery. In the interim, Lady Elizabeth Stafford, as chief mourner, and all the other ladies ‘in suche most sadde and symplest clothyng that they had hauyng on there heddes thredyn kerchyffes hangyng on their shulders and close under their chyns and this

coronations to funerals daily vntill their sloppes mantelles hoddes and paris were made and ordenyd’.362 Once the livery had been completed, ‘all these ladyes Rode alone in their sloppes and mantelles euery horse ledd with a man a fote without hode in a demy blak gowne’. The large number of women mourners playing a public role reflected that the deceased was female. However, the female members of the family always had a role to play because the Ryalle Book required ‘all the ladies of his blood’ to kneel around the hearse of a royal prince.363 The traditional heraldic banners were made for the queen, which ‘were all whyte in token that she dyed in Childbed’.364 The henchmen played a significant role in the funeral: ‘On the fore horse and the tyller ij charyott men and on the other iiij horses / iiij henchmen in blak gownes and mornyng hodes on their heddes euery horse hauyng iiij loozenges of the quenes Armes beten in oyle collers vpon sarcenet with fyne gold.’365 Some of the female mourners wore the Tudor livery colours, as in the case of ‘xxxvij virgins all in whyte lynnen hauyng chapplettes of whyte and grene on their heddeseuich holdyng a burnyng taper of wax’.366 The queen’s sister Catherine was the chief mourner, and accordingly she was provided with 16 yards (14.6 m) of cloth for her mantle, sircote, slop, kirtle and hood. She also received mauntlettes and kerchiefs. The household of her only surviving son, Henry, duke of York, was provided with livery with the list headed by 13 gentlewomen, and also included his schoolmaster, Mr Holt. In all, 9,485½ yards (9,8673.5 m) of cloth were bought ‘at divers prices’ amounting to £1,483 15s 10d. For her effigy, William Botry provided ‘ix yerdes crymsyn Saten for a garment for the said pikture at xs the yerde’ and ‘a yerde j qrt blac veluet to bordure ye same garment price the yerde xs’.367 For the funeral Sir Robert Hatton received £433 6s 8d on 16 March and £2,389 0s 7d on 31 May.368 A warrant dated 2 April ‘for the interment of the Queen’ records that the great wardrobe supplied red and green cloth of gold for 15 palls, red velvet for two cushions and white cloth of gold for part of the cross on the hearse cloth of black cloth of gold. The cost came to £61 11s 3d.369 Jane Seymour married Henry late in May 1536. Just over a year later on 12 October 1537 she bore him a son, Edward, surviving the delivery by just 11 days. On 24 October Sir John Russell told Cromwell how the king planned to go hunting the following day, ‘if she amend he will go; and if she amend not, he told me this day, he could not find it in his heart to tarry’.370 The duke of Norfolk encouraged Cromwell to go to Hampton Court ‘to comfort our good master, for as for our mistress, there is no likelihood of her life’.371 Jane died of puerperal fever and septicaemia. The duke of Norfolk and Sir William Paulet organised the funeral. On 1 November they informed Cromwell: These noblemen, we trust, will be ready to give attendance at Hampton Court, and so to Windsor: — My Lords of Norfolk, Suffolk, Marquess [of] Dorset, Marquess [of] Exeter, the earls of Surrey, Oxford, Rutland, Wiltshire, Sussex, Hertford, Southampton, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord Chamberlain, if your Lordship have passed letters for them, as we trust you have.

To ascertain whether the number of mourners was appropriate, they referred to the records for the interment of Queen Elizabeth of York in 1503:

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At the interment of Queen Elizabeth were 7 marquesses and earls, 16 barons, 60 knights and 40 squires, besides the ordinary of the King’s household, which is more than we may be certain of. Therefore we have named more persons hereafter, that you may chose them and others at the King’s pleasure. Please it your lordship to write speedily that they maybe ready to set forwards with the corpse Friday morning, 9th November, which is the uttermost day of our appointment.372

On Monday 12 November the cortege, with her coffin with an effigy and four banners of the life of the Virgin Mary, left Hampton Court for burial at Windsor.373 The heralds recorded that: all the Ladyes and gentlewomen did put of their sumptuous Appareill and token on them thabbytt of mornyng — levyng of their bonnettes richly appareled and toke white kerchers to appareill their heddes which attyrement is callyd parrys heddes with white kerchers coueryng over their sholders so knelyng abowt the said herse . . . then folowed viijth noble Ladyes morners as Countesses and baronessis in blak . . . then the Corps luyng in the Charet was coveryd wit a Riche pall and theruppon an Image for the Representacion of the Quenes grace lying in her here and in the robes of Astate with a Ryche crowne of gold vpon her hed And a Septre in her Ryght hand.374

Mourning for the queen was not restricted to the court. Sir Richard Gresham arranged for 1200 masses to be said for the soul of our most gracious queen. And whereas the lord mayor and aldermen were lately at Paul’s and there gave thanks unto God for the birth of our prince . . . I do think it convenient that there should also be at Paul’s a solemn dirge and mass; and that the mayor and aldermen should pray and offer for her grace’s soul.375

For the journey from Hampton Court to Windsor, George Lovell and Robert Hawkes were issued with black gowns and black staves ‘to lede the way directly as conducters’, and they were followed by ‘ijC poore men in blak gownes and hoodes havyng the Quenes badge on their left sholders’.376 Each of the female mourners was given ‘v yardes of blak cloth for their horse trappers at iiijs the yerd’, and they were accompanied by ‘A foteman in demy gownes bare heddyd’.377 Once at Windsor, ‘ther was a goodly canapye of blew veluet frynged with blew sylke and golde with vj staves blew layd in oyle borne over the corps’.378 The registrar of the order of the Garter, Dean Aldrich, spoke of Jane’s blessed state as Mater in caelo gaudeat.379 Hall noted that ‘the kinges maiestie kept his Christmas at Grenewich in his mournyng apparell, and so was all the Courte till the morow after Candlemas day and then he and all other chaunged’.380 Although strictly speaking she was not a queen, it is appropriate to mention the funeral of Lady Margaret Beaufort in this context because of the status she had enjoyed as Henry VII’s mother. Lady Margaret barely survived her son by two months, dying on 29 June 1509, but she did live to see her grandson crowned king of England. On 3 July her body was removed from Cheyneygates, a house owned by the abbot of Westminster, to the abbey refectory, and it remained there for six days before being taken to the Lady Chapel where her funeral was held.381 None of the royal accounts for her funeral survive, but it is evident that at least some of the provision for her funeral came from within her wardrobe of the robes at Hatfield. Robert Hilton’s records noted that 5¾ yards (5.2 m) of her own black satin was used for ‘covering my lady’s cophin’ and 2 yards (1.8 m) of white damask were provided to make the cross.382 The total cost of her funeral came to £1,021, which reflects her place in Tudor society.383

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The princess dowager: Catherine of Aragon Catherine of Aragon had been ill for some time before her death at Kimbolton on 7 January 1536. The news was most welcome at court and, according to Hall, ‘Quene Anna ware yelowe for the mournyng’ on the Sunday after Catherine’s death.384 However, Chapuys stated that it was the king who ‘was clad all over in yellow, from top to toe, except the white feather he had in his bonnet’.385 Her death provided Henry with the final opportunity to emphasise her status as the princess dowager of Wales.386 Catherine was buried in Peterborough cathedral on 24 January 1536, with the level of ceremony that Henry deemed appropriate to her rank as princess dowager and the widow of his late brother. By selecting the Benedictine abbey of Peterborough (situated in the Fenland, far from the capital and court), Henry ignored Catherine’s request to be buried within a convent of the Observant Friars (preferably at Greenwich or Richmond, which might have embarrassed him). He also decided against having a hearse set up in St Paul’s cathedral. When Ralph Sadler queried this, reminding the king that he had provided a hearse for his sister Mary, Henry answered that this was because Mary had been a queen.387 An indignant Chapuys informed Charles V that ‘They do not mean to bury her as Queen’.388 The heraldry on the banners provided by the Painter-Stainers’ company for the funeral depicted the arms of Spain and Wales, but not England: for iiij large Banners with Images bettyn with fyne golde in hoyle havynge in skottchyns of Armes in euery banner one of the trynetye one of oure lady one of sanct george And one of sancte kateryne — each ¾ yard by ½ yard on blue double sarsenet fringed with silk £10 13s 4d for iiij banner rollis on[e] kynge Henry the vijth with his mariage on[e] of kynge fernande hir father with his mariage on[e] of prince arthur And hir selfe and on[e] of hir armes alone betten with fyne golde in oyle on[e] double sarsenet with silk fringe £8 x bannerrolls of dessentes one of the kyng on[e] of the emperoure on[e] of Spayne on[e] of price arthur on[e] of richemond and somerset on[e] of lancaster and Spayne one of portyngale and lancaster on[e] of castile on[e] of aragon and on[e] of granada £15.389

Henry disingenuously tried to persuade Chapuys that the funeral was appropriate. He offered him black livery for himself and his servants. However, Chapuys declined the mourning cloth ‘which the king wishes to give me, and would gladly by this means bind me to be present at the interment, which the king greatly desires but . . . I will not go since they do not mean to bury her as Queen’.390 He boycotted the interment on that score. There had never been any likelihood of the French ambassador or his retinue attending, and Henry never contemplated offering them black livery.391 A range of funerary textiles were produced for Catherine of Aragon’s funeral. However, unlike with the funerals of Elizabeth of York and Jane Seymour, where the hearse clothes and clothes of estate were either made specially within the great wardrobe or taken from one of the royal wardrobes of the beds, Catherine’s were made by the Painter-Stainers, including ‘a large magestye clothe of blacke sarsnet lynede with bokeram conteynyng vj yerdis in lengyth and vj yerdis in bredith wroght with a large dome the iiij evangelistes & iiij large skochins of armes with crownalls bettyn golde’ costing

£12, and ‘xx yerdis of valance of blacke sarsnet doble wrytyn with lettres of golde And with Serten armes and bages’ costing £3 6s 8d. They also provided ‘a magestye clothe of blake tuke for the hearse at Sawtry [abbey in Huntingdonshire] with the 4 evangelists and 4 coats of arms’, ‘12½ yards of valances of tuke with letters of gold and arms and badges’ and ‘16 yards rachments for the hearse written with letters of gold on black tuke’.392 Catherine did have a funeral effigy and the king appointed the mourners.393 The chief mourner was Lady Eleanor Brandon, and Catherine, duchess of Suffolk, was the second mourner.394 Several of the king’s letters informing people of their appointment as mourners at Catherine’s funeral have survived, including one sent to Lady Bedingfield on 10 January. As her role was to accompany the body from Kimbolton to Peterborough, she needed to be at Kimbolton by 25 January. Confident that Lady Bedingfield would not dare decline, Henry sent sufficient black cloth with the letter for her, two gentlewomen, two gentlemen and eight women. This suggests that Lady Bedingfield had to organise and pay for the cloth to be made up in appropriate garments. A habiliment of linen for her head and face was also promised.395 However, not all the king’s letters received a positive response. John St John requested that his wife should be excused from this duty on two grounds. First, she ‘has been lately sick of breeding young bones and not yet well recovered’, and second, as he was in Catherine’s service he had ‘all such horses and servants with me, as my said poor wife should be furnished with’.396 An anonymous account of the burial gives a good indication of how long it took for the mourning apparel to be made for Catherine’s ladies: ‘On the Wednesday after the robes of the Queens 10 ladies were completed, who had not till then made any mourning, except with kerchiefs on their heads and old robes.’397 The full extent of the mourning issued to female mourners can be assessed from several extant lists of the noble female mourners which are headed by her daughter, Princess Mary.398 They were provided with items supplied by the queen’s silk woman, and Mary received the most: three fine mantles, three fine double barbs, three frontlets, three pasts, three rolls and 15 ells (9.5 m) of very fine holland for 12 kerchers.399 At the other end of the list were ten women who were drawn from Catherine’s household: Mistress Twyford, Mistress Laurence, Mistress Darrell, Mistress Brown, Mistress Fynes, Mistress Mary, Dorothy Wheeler, Margery Atwell, Elizabeth Atwell and Dorothy Doltes.400

Execution and private burial: Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard Two of the king’s wives were executed: Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard. They were buried with little ceremony. A list of dispersements for August 1536 by John Gostwick mentions four payments that throw light on Anne’s imprisonment and execution. Gostwick paid the lieutenant of the Tower £100 ‘for a composition for such jewels and apparel as the late Queen had in the Tower’; the bill for food and drink provided for Anne amounted to £25 4s 6d; Anne had been allowed £20 ‘to give in alms before her death’ and the executioner from Calais received £23 6s 8d in reward and clothing.401 The bodies of Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard

coronations to funerals were buried in the chapel of St Peter ad Vincula, within the walls of the Tower of London and close to the place of their execution. Anne had been accompanied to her execution by four ladies in waiting, one of whom carried her head to the chapel, while the other three helped to move her body. Anne’s clothes were removed then as perquisites for the Tower officers, and her body was placed in an elm box made to hold bow-staves.402 She was buried close to the four men who were implicated in her fall and had been executed the day before. Less detail is known about the burial of Catherine Howard. She was executed on Monday 13 February 1542. Catherine’s ‘body was then covered with a black cloak and her ladies took it away’.403

Surviving the king: Anne of Cleves and Catherine Parr Two of Henry’s wives survived him: Anne of Cleves and Catherine Parr. Catherine Parr died on 5 September 1548, six days after giving birth to a daughter, and she was buried at Sudeley Castle, Gloucestershire. She had a fairly simple funeral at which Lady Jane Grey was the chief mourner, and the funeral sermon was preached by Catherine’s almoner, Miles Coverdale. When her coffin was opened in 1782, witnesses noted that her body was dressed in rich clothes and wrapped in ‘cerecloth [that] consisted of many folds of coarse linen, dipped in wax, tar, and perhaps some gums: over this was wrapt a sheet of lead fitting exactly close to the body’.404 Anne of Cleves survived until 16 July 1557, dying in Chelsea and being buried in Westminster abbey on 3 August. Under Mary I, she had conformed with her stepdaughter’s Catholicism. Her conformity was reflected in the choice of banners made for her funeral. These included: a great banner of her arms on sarsenet 40s 4 banners of saints on sarsenet £6 16 baneroles wrought on sarsenet with gold and silver 15s 2 dozen scutchions on buckram in fine gold 48s 5 dozen on buckram in parte gold 100s 6 dozen on paper royal 38s 9 dozen on paper royal in colours 90s.405

Mary would have approved the selection, even if she had not actually made it herself and she met the costs of her stepmother’s funeral.

the king’s sisters: mary and margaret tudor The king’s sisters received very different funerals. The younger sister Mary was to die first. She died on 25 June 1533. For 25 days her coffin lay in state in the chapel at Westhorpe. Her coffin was covered with a cloth of blue velvet. Her effigy was dressed in the robes of the queen of France. She was buried at Bury St Edmund’s abbey on 21 July. At the Dissolution her coffin was moved from the abbey church to the parish church in the town. Henry also ordered a funeral service with a hearse for her in Westminster abbey on 10 and 11 July. Henry covered the charges of the heralds and pursuivants

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for ten days’ attendance in Suffolk as well as the cost of the black cloth, banners and pall produced in the great wardrobe. However, it is not possible to tell how much her husband, the duke of Suffolk, spent because his accounts do not survive.406 The elder, Margaret, died on 18 October 1541. She was buried at Perth in Scotland at her son James V’s expense. Henry heard the news as his summer progress to the north drew to a close. His failure to mark his sister’s death with a service at Westminster probably tells us nothing about his feelings towards Margaret, but it could reflect his displeasure at the king of Scot’s failure to keep their rendezvous at York. James did not behave well with regards to his mother’s estate. Although, ‘She asked that lady Margaret Douglas, her daughter, might have her goods’, the Scot’s king sought to withhold them from his half-sister.407

royal children Infants Several of Henry VIII’s siblings died in infancy and were accorded funerals. His own shortlived son and namesake was similarly mourned in 1511. However, on other occasions Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn gave birth prematurely, and the records make no mention of any formal funeral. The evidence is equally scant for funerals being provided for the young children of the house of York. No documents exist for the funerals of Edward IV’s children who died young, Margaret in 1472, George in 1479 and Edward in 1484, nor for Richard III’s son.408 Princess Elizabeth, the second daughter of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York, died in 1495. Her funeral was arranged by Cardinal Morton, Lord Daubenny, Lord Dynham, Sir John Ryssley, Sir John Litton, and John Shaa.409 Her body was accompanied from Eltham by 40 poor men in black gowns and hoods to Westminster, where another 60 awaited the arrival of the cortege. She was buried in the abbey and ‘the graue is on the Right syde of the aultre and before saint edwardes shryn the fete towchyng ner to the fundacion of the shryn’.410 The hearse was accompanied by a number of scutchions, bannerols, lozenges and pencils: In primis the peynter lx and xij large schochyns of gold betyn on papir Roiall lozenge wise price the piece xijd Item vj Smalle schochyns of gold for the hers viijd Item xxx lozenges of gold betyn on bokeram for the draught hors and the chare and a lytyll oon for the fore hers hede xxd Item a C lozenges of couleur iijd Item viij banerolls of the kynges armes to garnyshe the hors xiijs iiijd Item xxiiij pyncell for the garnyshyng of the same vjd.

In addition, ‘ther wer iiij great banners had owt of the kynges garderobbe’.411 Henry VIII’s younger brother Edmund, duke of Somerset, was born on 20 February 1499 and died a little over a year later on 19 June 1500 at Hatfield, a house belonging to the bishop of Ely. Three days later his body was ‘brought and conveyed honourably through fflete strete with many noble personages, the Duke of Bokyngham beyng the Chief

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mournour, the Mair and all the Craftes In their lyuereys standyng In ffletestrete after their orders’.412 As chief mourner, Buckingham received 10 yards (9.1 m) of black cloth costing 4s the yard. However, while the accounts do not mention the provision of cloth for Henry as duke of York, members of his household were provided with livery: Mr Geoffrey, his chaplain, received 4½ yards (4.1 m) at 3s 4d the yard, Mr Skelton, chaplain, received 4 yards (3.6 m) at 3s 4d the yard and ten of his yeomen and grooms were given 3 yards (2.7 m) each. In addition to the royal and noble mourners, gowns and hoods were provided for 100 ‘poor men to bear torches’. The hearse was draped with a ‘bier cloth of cloth of gold’ and ‘ij ells of bukram to be kytt in ij peces’ were provided ‘to help the Corse in to ye ground’.413 Like his sister, his grave was close to the shrine of St Edward the Confessor in Westminster abbey. In May 1501 the king paid £242 11s 8d ‘for the burial of prince Edmund over and besides the abbot and convent of Westminster unrewarded’.414 After four and a half months into Catherine’s first pregnancy, Henry told Ferdinand of Aragon that ‘the child in the womb was alive’.415 But their daughter was delivered on 31 January 1510 stillborn. No records of a funeral have been found. Prince Henry was born on New Year’s day 1511, but died seven weeks later. According to Hall, Catherine, ‘like a natural woman, made much lamentation’, while Henry, ‘like a wise Prince took this dolorous chance wondrous wisely’.416 The young prince was buried with 180 poor men dressed in black, accompanied by the choristers of the Chapel Royal on 27 February.417 Black cloth was supplied for the mourners costing £379 14d, along with additional payments for making gowns, the banners for the hearse and black cloth to cover three barges. Black cloth, amounting to 327¾ yards (299.6 m), was supplied to hang round the choir and the rails about the hearse at Westminster. In contrast 6 ells (3.9 m) of linen were bought ‘for towels for laying the body in the ground’. Entries in the king’s book of payments relating to the prince’s funeral included a payment of £35 13s 4d made on 30 February 1511 to the almoner for the interment and burial, 40s for the king’s offering at the burial and £759 6s ½d to Andrew Windsor for full payment of the costs of the burial.418 In October 1513 Catherine suffered a miscarriage quite early in her pregnancy. In February 1515 Catherine wrote to her father to tell him that she had had a son, but ‘a prince which lived not long after’.419 On 11 November 1518 Catherine gave birth to a daughter, who was either stillborn or died shortly after birth.420 Similarly, Anne Boleyn miscarried twice, in the autumn of 1534 and in January 1536.421 None of these babies are known to have received burial.

Adolescents Henry VIII’s older brother Arthur and his illegitimate son, Henry, died while adolescents. Prince Arthur died at Ludlow on 2 April 1502. When his parents heard the news, Elizabeth of York spoke to her husband with ‘full great and constant comfortable words’, reassuring him that ‘God had left us yet a fair prince and two fair princesses and that God is where he was and we are both young enough’.422 The prince of Wales’s funeral was organised by the earl of Surrey, who also acted as the chief mourner. Surrey was given 81 yards (74 m) of cloth for his gentlemen, yeomen and grooms, and 6 yards (5.4 m) for his mourning mantle. Catherine’s Spanish ladies shared 30 yards (27.4 m) between them, while Lady Darcy and other women attending on the princess received 33 yards (30.1 m). In all, the great wardrobe bought 2,786½ yards (2,548 m) of cloth costing £337 2s 2d. Laurence Gower, John Rogers, John Nele and Henry Dixson accompanied five carts loaded with black cloth from London to Ludlow for which they were rewarded with 3 yards (2.7 m) each. The prince’s body was taken to the parish church on ‘the foulest, cold, windy and rainy day and the worst [road] I have seen’.423 A series of requiem masses were celebrated there and en route to Worcester cathedral where he was buried on the south side of the choir and a special chantry chapel was built for his tomb. In London for his soul ‘the ffriday next folowyng . . . was kept a Generall procession . . . And at Powles was doon a Solempne Dirige; where the Mair and his brethren were present in blak, and offred on the morne at Masse’.424 The king’s illegitimate son, Henry Fitzroy, duke of Richmond, died on 23 July 1536. Richmond, who had married the daughter of the duke of Norfolk, was buried at Thetford priory, Norfolk, in the ducal vault.425 His father-in-law noted that ‘The King’s pleasure was that his body should be conveyed secretly in a closed cart’.426 A memorandum was drawn up concerning the amount of black cloth to be issued to his household. Chapuys observed that just ‘two persons clothed in green who followed at a distance’.427 These were George and Richard Cotton, respectively the young duke’s governor and comptroller of his household. It is significant that they were dressed in green rather than black or the duke’s livery of blue, yellow and white. Richmond’s father-in-law, his brother-in-law (the earl of Surrey) and his widow attended the funeral. On the dissolution of the priory in 1540, Norfolk transferred Richmond’s body to Framlingham church in Suffolk. Masses were said for Richmond’s soul. In April 1537 John Husee mentioned receiving a certificate from the Friars of Calais stating that they had undertaken half of the masses expected of them.428

Notes 1 2 3 4

Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, p. 496. Ibid., p. 337. TNA SP 12/1/7. Hall, Chronicle, p. 509.

5 6 7 8

LP xv, 114. LP xvi, 712. CSP Venetian, 2, 340; Chapman, Sisters, p. 78. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp. 318, 320, 334.

coronations to funerals 9 H. H. S Croft, ed., The Book Named the Governour (1883), pp. 188–201. 10 Henry VII also changed the design of the groat, half-groat, sovereign and real to represent the monarch wearing a closed imperial crown; see Anglo, Images, p. 119, and C. J. Challis, The Tudor Coinage (Manchester, 1978), pp. 47–51. 11 LP iv.ii, 5114. 12 Laynsmith, Last Medieval Queens, p. 107. 13 ‘Henry VIII’s Jewel Book’, p. 160. 14 Ibid., p. 160. 15 One of Henry VIII’s collars was set with ‘xvj faire Dyamountes wherof the Regall of Fraunce is one’ (2746). 16 Evans, Jewellery, p. 100. 17 Croft, The Book, pp. 188–201. 18 Strickland, Queens of Scotland, i, p. 295. 19 See below, p. 46. 20 Westminster abbey, London; illustrated in Gordon, Wilton Diptych, pl. 26. 21 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 208. 22 Laynesmith, Last Medieval Queens, p. 92. 23 Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 160. 24 BL Additional MS 48,976, no. 62; illustrated in Sutton, ‘Coronation robes’, p. 10. 25 HO, p. 123. 26 LP ii.i, 1672. 27 TNA LC 9/50, ff. 217r–218r. For Richard III in 1483, see ibid., ff. 14v–15r, and Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, pp. 100–01. 28 TNA LC 9/50, f. 218v. For Anne Neville, see ibid., f. 15r, and Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 101. 29 TNA LC 9/50, f. 219r. 30 Hall, Chronicle, p. 508. 31 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 340. 32 TNA LC 9/50, f. 219r. 33 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 340. 34 TNA LC 9/50, 217r. 35 Ibid., f. 218r. 36 Ibid., f. 217r. 37 Ibid., f. 141r. 38 Ibid., f. 217r. 39 SJC D102.1, f. 17r. 40 Ibid., f. 14v. 41 Ibid., f. 14r. 42 SJC D91.4, pp. 6, 10, 11, 14. 43 Ibid., p. 12. 44 TNA LC 9/50, f. 217v. For Henry VII’s coronation, 4,989 ‘staves of ray clothe’ costing £62 7s 3d for the same purpose; ibid., f. 134r. 45 J. Band, ‘The survivial of Henry VIII’s History of Abraham tapestries: an account of how they were perceived, used and treated over the centuries’, in F. J. Lennard and M. A. Hayward, eds, Tapestry Conservation: Principles and Practice (Oxford, 2005), p. 21; Campbell, Art of Majesty (forthcoming). 46 Hall, Chronicle, p. 514. 47 TNA E36/215, pp. 9–10. 48 Ibid., pp. 17, 22. 49 S. Anglo, ‘The foundation of the Tudor dynasty: the coronation and marriage of Henry VII’, Guildhall Miscellanea, 2 (1960), pp. 3–11. 50 Given in full in Jerdan, Rutland Papers, pp. 2–24; Anglo, Spectacle, pp. 12–13. 51 TNA LC 9/50, f. 143r. 52 Chrimes, Henry VII, pp. 58–60. 53 TNA LC 9/50, ff. 142r–v. 54 Ibid., f. 141v. 55 Campbell, Materials, 2, pp. 2–29. 56 Ibid., pp. 163–80. 57 TNA E404/47, 129. 58 CoA MS I7, f. 63v. 59 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 322. 60 Ibid., p. 322. 61 Ibid., pp. 322–23. 62 More specifically he was dressed in ‘ij shertes one of Lane ye other of Crymsyn Sarsenet wyde in the collers’, ‘a bryche of cameryke to the myde thigh gathered to gethers before And behinde and a breche belt of crymsyn velvet Set to the Same’, ‘a payre of hossen of crymsen Sarsenet vampes and all’ and ‘a cote of crymsyne satyn furred with mynyver puere purfled with ermynes to the same the Lege opened before behinde and on euery showlder tyen with Smale Ryben wherof the coller skyrtes and Slevis and handes wher garnyshed with Rybande of golde’; ibid., p. 323. 63 William Green had recoverd the coronation chair with 18 yards (16.4 m) of white bawdekyn flowered with gold and trimmed with white silk fringe and 6 oz (0.17 kg) of penny-width ribbon; TNA LC 2/3.i, p. 33. 64 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 328.

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65 TNA LC2/3.i, p. 29. 66 TNA LC 5/32, f. 237. 67 J. Arnold, ‘The “coronation” portrait of Queen Elizabeth I’, The Burlington Magazine, 120 (1978), pp. 727–41; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 255. 68 BL Stowe MS 557, f. 11r; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 255. 69 Private collection; Doran, Elizabeth, p. 42. 70 NPG 5175; Doran, Elizabeth, p. 43. 71 CoA MS M6, f. 41v; Doran, Elizabeth, pp. 43–44. 72 Laynesmith, Last Medieval Queens, p. 89. 73 Anglo, Spectacle, pp. 49–50. 74 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 218. 75 TNA E404/79, 375. 76 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 222. 77 HO, p. 124. 78 Leland, Collectanea, iv, pp. 219–20. 79 TNA E101/425/19; Campbell, Materials, i, pp. 253–54. 80 Ibid., p. 253. 81 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 225. 82 Ibid., p. 225. 83 Ibid., p. 217. 84 TNA E404/79, 38. 85 LP vi, 661. 86 BL Harley MS 283, f. 96r (LP vi, 395). 87 LP VI, 396. 88 Hall, Chronicle, p. 799. In a twist of fate, when she was taken to the Tower on 2 May 1536, Sir William Kingston told her that ‘“you shall go into your lodging that you lay in at your coronation”. “It is too good for me” she said’; Wriothesley, Chronicle, i, p. 36. 89 Bod Lib Rawlinson MS D. 775. 90 Anglo, Spectacle, pp. 247–61. 91 LP vi, 396. 92 Wriothesley, Chronicle, p. 19. A list of the officers appointed to serve the Queen on the day of her coronation was drawn up; LP vi, 562, 701. 93 LP vi, 583. 94 LP vi, 601. 95 LP vi, 584. 96 LP iv, 601. 97 Wriothesley, Chronicle, p. 20. 98 LP vi, 601. 99 Hall, Chronicle, p. 802. 100 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 220. 101 In the Department of coins and medals, British Museum; illustrated as pls 36 and 37 in Rowlands and Starkey, ‘Old tradition’, p. 90. 102 LP vi, 554. 103 R. Marius, Thomas More (1985), pp. 438–40; Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 221. 104 LP vi, 585. 105 Wriothesley, Chronicle, p. 44. 106 LP xi, 501, 528. 107 LP xi, 501. 108 Lisle Letters, iii, 769 (LP xi, 454). 109 LP xi, 454. 110 LP xi, 465. 111 Colvin, HKW, iv.ii, p. 291. A docket signed by the king recorded a payment of £300 to Edmund Peckham, cofferer of the household ‘to be employed against the coronation’; LP xi, 516. 112 LP xvi, 1183. 113 LP iv.ii, 2875; quote from Murphy, Bastard Prince, p. 85. 114 LP iv.ii, 2773. 115 C. Given-Wilson and A. Curteis, The Royal Bastards of Medieval England (London and New York, 1984), p. 175. 116 LP Additional i.ii, 1425–27. 117 Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Kunstkammer, inv. no. Pl. 131; illustrated in Eichberger, Women of Distinction, p. 187. 118 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 239. 119 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 323. 120 Leland, Collectanea, iv, pp. 261–62. 121 Bruce, Making Henry, p. 165. 122 Reese, Master of the Horse, p. 141. 123 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 207. 124 Ibid., p. 208. 125 Laynsmith, Last Medieval Queens, p. 211. 126 It was more usual to wait for the marriage to be consumated once the bride was 14; Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, p. 95. 127 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 203. 128 CoA MS M1bis, f. 87v. 129 Ibid., f. 84v. 130 Ibid., f. 88v. 131 Ibid., f. 89r.

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132 Ibid., f. 87v. 133 Ibid., f. 88r; Leland, Collectanea, iv, pp. 262–64; Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 40. 134 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 263. 135 S. Anglo, ‘The court festivals of Henry VII: a study based upon the account books of John Heron, treasurer of the Chamber’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 43 (1960), p. 24. 136 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 303. 137 The Solempnities & triumphes doon & made at the Spouselles and Marriage of the Kynges doughter the Lady Mary to the Prynce of Castile Archduke of Austrige (London, 1508). 138 Richardson, Mary Tudor, p. 44. 139 Ibid., p. 43. 140 Bruce, Making of Henry VIII, p. 212. 141 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, p. 61. 142 BL Cotton Vitellius MS C.XI, f. 150r. 143 Ibid., f. 157r. 144 BL Galba MS B. v., 10 (LP i.ii, 2656). 145 Hall, Chronicle, p. 567. 146 TNA SP1/9, f. 38r (LP i.ii, 2958). 147 LP i.ii, 3146. 148 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, pp. 190, 199–200. 149 BL Harley MS 3,462, f. 142 (LP i.ii, 3171). 150 LP II.ii, 3976. 151 LP ii.ii, 4480. The accounts of the feast held on 7 October has survived; see LP ii, pp. 1514–15. 152 LP ii.ii, 4481. 153 LP ii.ii, p. 1479. 154 LP ii.ii, 4491. 155 LP iii.i, 861. 156 LP iv.i, 1240. On 7 April Tunstall and Wingfield recorded the delivery of ‘a token from the Princess to the Emperor’; LP IV.i, 1250. 157 LP iv.i, 1378. 158 LP iv.i, 1391. 159 LP iv.i, 1421. 160 LP xviii.i, 258. 161 LP xviii.i, 305. 162 LP xviii.i, 804.2. 163 LP xviii.i, 810. 164 Bruce, Making Henry, p. 133. 165 Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp. 159–60. Henrys’ letter to the pope has not survived, but the contents are hinted at in a letter sent to the king by his secretary, William Knight. 166 HO, p. 123. 167 TNA SP 12/27/37, f. 153r. 168 TNA E404/74/1, no. 35; Ross, Edward IV, pp. 259–60. 169 J. Bäumel, ‘Wore a white dress of silver cloth: of princely bridegrooms’ costumes’, in L. Rangström et al,, Lions of Fashion: Male Fashion of the 16th 17th 18th Centuries (Stockholm, 2002), p. 375. 170 Ibid., p. 375. 171 LP Henry VII, pp. 327–29; Bruce, Making Henry, p. 68. 172 Strickland, Queens of Scotland, i, p. 281. 173 Ibid., p. 330. 174 BL Stowe MS 557, f. 8r; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 254. Identifed as being Mary’s wedding gown by Carter, ‘Mary Tudor’s wardrobe’, p. 16. 175 Spufford, Power and Profit, p. 123. 176 LP vi, 1460. 177 Hayward, 1542 Inventory, p. 127. 178 Crawford, ‘King’s burden’, p. 53. 179 Bruce, Making Henry, p. 223. 180 LP i.i, 84. 181 LP vi, 142. 182 LP vi, 180. 183 LP vi, 212. 184 LP vi, 351. 185 TNA 36/113, f. 34r. 186 LP x, 495. 187 LP x, 926. 188 Lisle Letters, iv, 848a (LP x, 1000). 189 Ibid., iii, 713 (LP x, 1047). 190 LP x, 1134; Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 414. 191 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 160. 192 Ibid., p. 183. 193 See Hall, Chronicle, pp. 834–37. 194 Ibid., p. 834. 195 Ibid., p. 836. 196 Ibid., pp. 836–37. 197 Ibid., p. 835. 198 Ibid., p. 836. It has been suggested by Schmid that the painting of Anne of Cleves painted by Holbein in the Louvre (inv. no. 1,348) depicts her in her

wedding clothes, although Rowlands doubts that this is the case; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 146. 199 Hall, Chronicle, p. 837. Hall noted that ‘about her mariyng ryng was written: God send me wel to kepe’, p. 836. 200 Ibid., p. 837. 201 LP xv, 836. 202 LP xv, 850.6. 203 LP xv, 850.7 204 LP xv, 875. 205 Starkey, Six Wives, p. 649. David Starkey has affirmed the identification of a minature of Catherine Howard in the royal collection on the basis of her jewellery and has suggested that the picture was painted just after her marriage; ibid., p. xxv. 206 LP xv, 976. 207 LP xvi, 650. 208 LP xvii, 100. 209 LP xviii.i, 954. 210 LP xviii.i, 854; Starkey, Six Wives, p. 713. 211 LP xviii.i, 873; also described by Chapuys, CSP Spanish, vi.ii, 183. 212 LP XVIII.i, 955. 213 Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, p. 11. 214 J. Gairdner, ed., Memorials of Henry VII, RS 10 (1858), p. 38. 215 Campbell, Materials, i, p. 264. 216 TNA E404/79, 332. 217 Kipling, Receyt, p. 29. 218 Ibid., p. 32. 219 PPE Elizabeth, p. 66. 220 TNA E101/415/7, no. 53. 221 CoA MS M13bis, 6v–7. 222 TNA E101/415/7, no. 54. 223 See below, p. 245. 224 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 310. 225 Kipling, Receyt, p. 43. 226 CoA MS M 13 bis, f. 8v. 227 TNA E101/415/7, no. 53. 228 CoA MS M13 bis, f. 5r. 229 Kipling, Receyt, p. 57. 230 Ibid., pp. 57–58. 231 Ibid., p. 54. 232 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 267. 233 Ibid., p. 274. 234 Ibid., p. 284. 235 TNA E101/415/10, ff. 19v–21v. 236 Leland, Collectanea, iv, pp. 286, 300. 237 Ibid., pp. 293–94. 238 Ibid., p. 297. 239 Ibid., p. 267. 240 TNA E101/415/10, ff. 17v–18r. 241 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 267. 242 BL Caligula MS D. VI. 141 (LP i.ii, 5462). 243 TNA SP1/9, f. 136 (LP I.ii, 3326). 244 TNA SP1/230, f. 266 (LP i.ii, 3343). 245 LP i.ii, 5490. 246 LP i.ii, 5491, 5492. 247 LP i, 5491. 248 BL Cotton MS Vitellius C. XI, ff. 158r–161r (LP i, 5492). The manuscript is very faint. 249 LP i, 5490. 250 Richardson, Mary Tudor, p. 92 251 LP i.ii, 5495. 252 Hall, Chronicle, p. 571. 253 Ibid., p. 571. 254 BL MS Cotton Vespasian B II; see C. R. Baskervill, ed., Pierre Gringore’s Pageants for the Entry of Mary Tudor into Paris (Chicago, 1934). 255 H. Ellis, ed., Original Letters Illustrative of English History, Second Series, i (1827), p. 233 (LP i.ii, 3331). 256 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, p. 237. 257 LP ii.i, 26. 258 TNA E101/56/10/6, no. 216. 259 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 41 (LP i.ii, 2487). 260 LP ii.ii, App. 6. 261 Hall, Chronicle, p. 582. 262 TNA E36/216, p. 52. 263 Staniland, ‘Royal entry’, pp. 297–313. 264 HO, p. 126. 265 Ibid., p. 126. 266 P. E. Routh, ‘Princess Bridget’, The Ricardian, 49 (1975), pp. 13–14. 267 TNA E101/417/3, no. 84 (LP i.i, 394.1). 268 LP i.i, 578. 269 CoA MS M6, f. 17v; Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 205.

coronations to funerals 270 CoA MS M6, f. 29r. 271 TNA E404/79, 201 and 200. 272 TNA E404/81, not numbered. 273 BL Additional MS 6,113, f. 79v (LP i.i, 670). 274 His godparents were Louis XII of France, William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, and Margaret, duchess of Savoy (with the bishop of Winchester acting as deputy for the king of France and the countess of Surrey for the duchess of Savoy). For the child’s confirmation, the earl of Arundel was his godfather. 275 LP i.i, 673. 276 LP i.i, 675. 277 BL Harley MS 3504, f. 232 (LP ii.i, 1573). 278 Her godparents were Cardinal Wolsey, Lady Catherine and the duchess of Norfolk. At her confirmation, Margaret, countess of Salisbury, acted as her godmother. 279 CoA MS M6bis, f. 85v. 280 LP vi, 1009; CSP Spanish, 1531–33, p. 756 (LP vi, 918). 281 Starkey, European Court, p. 100. Her godparents were Cranmer, the archbishop of Canterbury, the old duchess of Norfolk and the old marchioness of Dorset, while the marchioness of Exeter was her godmother for her confirmation; LP vi, 1111. 282 LP vi, 1125. 283 Lisle Letters, iv, 1024 (LP xii.ii, 922). 284 Edward’s godparents were Archbishop Cranmer, the duke of Norfolk and his elder sister, the princess Mary. Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, was godfather at his confirmation. The princess Elizabeth bore the chrism and, being four and a half, she was carried by Edward Seymour. 285 CoA MS M6, f. 82v. 286 LP xii.ii, 911. 287 CoA, MS M6, f. 24r. 288 J. Loach, Edward VI (New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 5–6. 289 TNA LC 9/51, f. 271v. 290 Symonds and Preece, Needlework, p. 235. 291 LP ii.ii, 3489. 292 K. Staniland, ‘Welcome, Royal Babe! The birth of Thomas of Brotherton in 1300’, Costume, 19 (1985), p. 13. 293 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 207. 294 A. Crawford, ‘The piety of late Medieval English Queens’, in C. M. Barron and C. Harper-Bill, eds, The Church in Pre-Reformation Society (Woodbridge, 1985), p. 52. 295 LP xi, 1342. 296 R. Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (1984), p. 59. 297 S. M. Newton, ‘Queen Philippa’s squirrel suit’, Documenta Textilia: Festschrift für Sigrid Müller-Christensen Herausgegeben von Mechthild Flury-Lemberg und Karen Stolleis (Munich, 1981), pp. 343–44. 298 A. R. Myers, ed., English Historical Documents, iv (1969), p. 1168; Ross, Edward IV, pp. 258–59. 299 Hall, Chronicle, p. 517. 300 BL Caligula MS B.VI, f. 119r. 301 Ibid., f. 112. 302 H. Tait, ‘The hearse cloth of Henry VII belonging to the University of Cambridge’, JWCI, 19 (1956), p. 294. 303 Ibid., pp. 294–95, and M. M. Condon, ‘God save the king!: Piety, propaganda and the perpetual memory’, in T. Tatton-Brown and R. Mortimer, eds, Westminster Abbey: The Lady Chapel of Henry VII (Woodbridge, 2003), pp. 59–98. 304 TNA E36/215, p. 118. 305 Tait, ‘Hearse cloth’, p. 296; L. Monnas, ‘Tisues in England during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries’, CIETA Bulletin, 75 (1998), p. 67. 306 In the collection of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. There is a second, slightly smaller Henrician hearse cloth in the Ashmolean Museum, ref. Loan 241 (on loan from the Bodleian Library). 307 J. D. Wickens, ‘Contract for Eternity: the Investigation and Documentation of a Hearse Cloth Made in 1504/5 for Henry VII’ (b.1455–d.1509) (unpublished MA Dissertation, University of Southampton, 2003). 308 The crimson pile was dyed with a mixture of lichen purple and kermesic acid; ibid., p. 64. 309 The widths of the lengths of cloth of gold in mm are as follows: 569, 570, 572, 568, 568, 562, 572, 570, and the half-widths: 272, 273; widths of the velvet in mm: 268, 267, 275, 258; ibid., p. 17. 310 Ibid., p. 55. 311 TNA LC 9/50, f. 231v. 312 Ibid., f. 232r. 313 See Colvin, HKW, iii.i, pp. 210–22; T. Tatton-Brown and R. Mortimer, eds, Westminster Abbey: The Lady Chapel of Henry VII (Woodbridge, 2003). 314 LP iv.ii, 5114 and LP iv.iii, 6789. 315 This type of provision could be made by others for the monarch. On 5 April 1519 Anne Seyntledger, widow, sought a licence to establish a

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perpetual chantry in the chapel of St Mary, Monklee, Devon, to pray for the souls of Henry and Catherine, as well as Anne and her family; LP iii.i, 160. 316 LP iv.ii, 4620–21. 317 PPE Elizabeth, p. 55. 318 TNA LC 2/1, ff. 145r–183v. 319 TNA SP1/231, 238 (LP Additional i, 130). 320 TNA LC 2/1, ff. 145r–v. 321 Ibid., ff. 146r, 147v. 322 LP iii.i, 96. 323 LP xiv.i, 1088. 324 WAM the Islip Roll; illustrated in Sutton, Reburial, p. 4. 325 LP ii.i, 1687.ii. 326 J. and L. van Duetecum produced an engraving of the car; illustrated in Strong, Splendour at Court, pl. 86. 327 ‘Enclosed in the coffin of lead, which itself was encased in a casket of wood, there rested the corpse of the king, his mortal and normally visible — though now invisible — body natural; whereas his normally invisible body politic was on this occasion visibly displayed by the effigy in its pompous regalia: a persona ficta — the effigy — impersonating a persona ficta — the “Dignitas”’; Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, p. 421. 328 P. S. Fritz, ‘From “public” to “private”: the royal funerals in England, 1500–1830', in J. Whaley, ed., Mirrors of Mortality: Studies in the Social History of Death (1981), pp. 61–65; also N. Llewellyn, ‘The royal body: Monuments to the dead for the living’, in L. Gent and N. Llewellyn, eds, Renaissance Bodies: The Human Figure in English Culture c. 1540–1660 (1990), pp. 218–40. 329 TNA E404/82, not numbered. 330 CoA MS I14, f. 18r. 331 After the death of Francis I ‘the forms and fashions of service were observed and kept just as was customary during the lifetime of the king; the table being set by the officers of the commissary; the service carried by the gentleman servants, the bread-carrier, the cupbearer and the carver, with the usher marching before them and followed by officers of the cupboard, who spread the table with the reverence and sampling that were customarily made’; P. Binski, Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation (1996), p. 61. 332 Elizabeth I’s funeral procession was drawn by Clarenceaux king of arms; BL Additional MS 5,408. 333 BL Harley MS 3,504, ff. 259r–v. 334 LP iii.i, 7. 335 Hall, Chronicle, p. 868. Compare with Sutton, Reburial. 336 Strype, Memorials, ii.ii, p. 289. 337 LP xxi.ii, 634. 338 R. Strong, Holbein and Henry VIII (1967), p. 68. 339 Strype, Memorials, ii.ii, p. 290; PRO LC2/2, ff. 9v, 86r. 340 APC, ii, pp. 8–9. 341 TNA SP 10/1, no. 17 (CSP Edward VI, 16). 342 Ibid., no. 18 (CSP Edward VI, 17) and LR2/2. 343 A contemporary description of the funeral appears in Strype, Memorials, ii.ii, pp. 289–311. 344 Harvey and Mortimer, Funeral Effigies, p. 8. 345 TNA LC2/2, f. 8v. 346 Ibid., f. 6r. 347 Ibid., f. 8v. 348 TNA SP10/1, no. 18, ff. 88r–89v (CSP Edward VI, 18). 349 APC, ii, p. 79. 350 Brewer, Death of Kings, p. 111. 351 Ibid., p. 111. The Holinshed Chronicle recorded the king’s final illness in the following terms: ‘the king began to be diseased of a certain infirmity which thrice a year, but especially in the spring time sore vexed him. The sickness which held the king daily more and more increasing he well perceived that his end drew near. He was so wasted with his long malady that nature could no longer sustain his life and so he departed out of this world’; ibid., p. 111. 352 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 330. 353 Harvey and Mortimer, Funeral Effigies, p. 7. 354 TNA LC 2/1, f. 96v. 355 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 304. 356 Ibid., pp. 308–09. 357 TNA SP1/1, f. 11 (LP i.i, 19). 358 TNA E36/214, p. 348. 359 TNA LC 2/1, f. 97r. 360 SJC D102.1, f. 12r. 361 CoA MS M6, f. 17r. 362 Ibid., f. 17v. 363 F. Grose, ed., The Antiquarian Repertory, i (1807), pp. 308–09. 364 CoA MS M6, f. 18v. 365 Ibid., f. 18v. 366 Ibid., f. 19v. 367 TNA LC 2/1, ff. 36r–80v. 368 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 231. 369 TNA E101/415/10, f. 16v.

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370 LP xii.ii, 977. 371 LP xii.ii, 972. 372 LP xii.ii, 1012. 373 CoA MS M6 ff. 1–3.; Wriothesley, Chronicle, i, pp. 70–71. 374 CoA MS M6, ff. 1v, 2v, 5v. 375 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 172. 376 CoA MS M6, f. 7r. 377 Ibid., f. 8v. 378 Ibid., f. 10v. 379 Nichols, Literary Remains, i, p. xxv. 380 Hall, Chronicle, p. 825. 381 Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, pp. 236–37. 382 SJC D91.4, pp. 5, 13. 383 SJC D4.7, p. 38; this figure is strikingly close to the estimate made of her funeral costs in January 1509 (£1,033), when it was feared that she was dying; see Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, p. 237. 384 Hall, Chronicle, p. 818. 385 CSP Spanish, 1536–38, pp. 19, 28 (LP x, 141, 199). 386 Shortly after her death Sir Edmund Bedingfield wrote to Cromwell to inform him that ‘the bowelling and cering is already done in the best manner’; LP x, 41. 387 LP x, 76. 388 LP x, 141. 389 CoA MS M6bis, f. 114v. 390 LP x, 141. 391 LP x, 76. 392 CoA MS M6bis, ff. 114v–115r. 393 Her effigy was to be ‘a cast or puffed Ymage of a princesse apparailled in her Robes of Estate with a Coronall upon her hed . . . with Rings Golves and Juells upon her handes’; see W. Illingworth, ‘Copy of an original minute of council for preparations for the ceremonial of the funeral of Queen Catherine the divorced wife of King Henry the Eighth’, Archaeologia, 16 (1809), p. 24. 394 Fraser, Six Wives, p. 231; LP x, 282. 395 LP x, 65. 396 LP x, 57.

397 LP x, 284. 398 CoA MS I14, ff. 77r–80r. 399 CoA MS M6bis, ff. 48v–51r. 400 CoA MS M6bis, ff. 50v–51r. 401 LP xi, 381. 402 LP xi, 381. 403 LP xvii, 124. 404 T. Nash, ‘Observations on the time of death and place of burial of Queen Katherine Parr’, Archaeologia, 9 (1789), pp. 1–15. 405 CoA MS I 14, f. 117r. 406 Richardson, Mary Tudor, p. 263. 407 LP xvi, 1307. 408 A. F. Sutton and L. Visser-Fuchs, ‘The royal burials of the house of York at Windsor’, The Ricardian, 11 (1998), pp. 366–67. 409 CoA MS I14, f. 15v. 410 Ibid., f. 17v. 411 Ibid., f. 18r. 412 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 216. 413 TNA LC 2/1, ff. 4r–v, 6r. 414 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 124. 415 CSP Spanish, ii, p. 24. 416 Hall, Chronicle, p. 519. 417 LP i.i, 707. 418 TNA E36/215, pp. 105, 109. 419 CSP Spanish, 1509–25, pp. 270–73. 420 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 1103. 421 Uncertainty over pregnancy was also common; see LP vii, 1193. 422 Crawford, Letters, p. 156. 423 Paul, Catherine of Aragon and her Friends, p. 15. 424 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 223. 425 Chapuys recorded that ‘I have just this moment heard that the Duke of Richmond died this morning, which is not a bad thing for the interests of the Princess’ (LP xi, 148); Murphy, Bastard Prince, pp. 176–77. 426 Ibid., p. 176. 427 LP xi, 221. 428 Lisle Letters, iv, 939 (LP xii.i, 947).

v Henry VII: Establishing the House of Tudor

H

enry VII was a usurper and the founder of a new royal house. He needed to present himself and his family as the legitimate rulers of England. Both he and his household drew on the royal style established by the Lancastrian and Yorkist courts and on Burgundian ideas of magnificence. Central to the success of his government were his personality, his personal image and his court. Henry VII was parsimonious. In contrast, his son Henry VIII, and his granddaughters, Mary I and Elizabeth I, were often tempted into extravagance, whether they could afford it or not. All four indulged in clothing and jewellery. However, while Henry VII was careful with his money, he was politically shrewd and he had experienced life on a shoestring at several European courts. He was well aware of the need to dress according to his station.1 Henry VII’s reign, which lasted from 1485 to 1509, straddles the cusp between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Consequently, it tends to suffer at the hands of traditionally organised studies on dress history which focus on specific centuries.2 Henry VII is often included in books on the sixteenth century, so grouping him with the other Tudor monarchs, even though the style of dress worn by the king and his subjects had much more in common with the fifteenth century. Equally, the range of colours and types of cloth and the quantities of clothes owned by individuals has very little in common with dress by the middle of the sixteenth century or even by the 1530s. As a consequence, Henry VII tends to look dowdy in comparison with his children and grandchildren. Therefore it is more logical to compare him with his immediate predecessors, Edward IV and Richard III. Although only a small number of great wardrobe accounts survive for Edward IV’s and Richard III’s reigns, they provide enough evidence to get a sense of their clothes.

Male dress in the late fifteenth century The late fifteenth century was typified by a return to a simpler style of male clothing than that seen in the preceding decades. Emphasis was placed once again on the true shape of the human body, with clothes tailored to the natural shoulder and waist lines. More subtle, dark, strong colours and darker furs were used, and new effects were created by layered clothing. This simplified style has been described as ‘attenuated minimalism’.3 This simplification reflected quite a marked change in style in male dress in the 1480s. The gown was the principal garment and, while it retained its simple cut, it began to get fuller. The gown also developed a roll collar or lapels that could be faced with fur. Because the gown covered the doublet and hose, there is limited visual evidence as to what these looked like, and the accounts suggest that they were fairly understated because they were not the focal point of the outfit. The gown was usually worn with a brimless wool cap and square-toed shoes. Men generally wore their hair long, at least to shoulder length, and they were usually clean shaven.4 There are very few examples of male dress from this period, and those that do survive have been altered, so making their original cut and construction hard to distinguish. In 1476 the Swiss ransacked the tents and baggage of Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy, at the battles of Grandson and Nancy. Amongst the Burgundian Booty, there were several items of male dress.5 These included a man’s semicircular cape made from red cloth of gold with a large pomegranate design with roses in asymmetric waves (Fig. 5.1).6 The design has a very long repeat: it is 2.8 m long and 0.57 m wide. The fabric had been arranged so that the pattern would be seen best from the back, suggesting that the original use of the material had been as a

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establishing the house of tudor

cope. The red velvet elements of the design consist of three heights of cut and uncut pile and the areas of single height cut pile are scattered with uncut loops of gold thread in two heights.7 The velvet is thought to be Italian and to date from c. 1430.8 The booty also included a man’s coat in red satin, fitted in the upper body and with no collar (Fig. 5.2).9 It has long sleeves, which are very full in the head, while the lower section is more fitted. The coat’s skirts are full and would

have come to the wearer’s mid-thigh. It is made from fifteenth-century satin, which was probably made up after 1476. Traditionally, it has been suggested that the silk was taken from the Burgundians by the Swiss at the Battle of Grandson. The satin is a 10-end warp satin with a displacement of three woven in widths of 0.6 m. The coat is lined with a dark grey linen woven in a 2/1 twill that was piece-dyed and waxed.10 However, it was altered to make it conform with the styles that were fashionable in the 1530s.11

The Yorkist courts

5.1 Mid to late fifteenth-century man’s cloth of gold cloak. Bern Historisches Museum, BHM 23

Only one great wardrobe account survives from the reign of Edward IV (1461–83). Even so, it is possible to get a sense of how much he was spending on textiles and dress from other sources. In the period from April 1461 to September 1462, George Darrell, the keeper of the great wardrobe, spent £4,784 2s 10½d on clothes and cloth. This exceeded the allocation for the great wardrobe by £1,481 11s 5¾d, but it did include Edward’s coronation.12 Between September 1462 to April 1465, Edward spent an average of £2,000 a year on his wardrobe and that of his household. Edward IV’s sister Margaret of York had married Charles, has duke of Burgundy, in 1468. Her wedding party included John Paston III, who was very impressed by the Burgundian court. Interest in European styles of clothing would have been reinforced when Edward IV spent a period in exile in Bruges at the Burgundian court from 1470–71. There is a list of the clothes produced for Edward IV by George Lovekyn between 1470–72.13 This included a jacket of cloth of gold lined with satin valued at £13 6s 8d, 14 yards (12.8 m) of black damask for a gown trimmed with velvet and a robe of gilt tawny satin lined with velvet priced £32 6s 8d.14 Edward IV’s extant great wardrobe account runs from 18 April to 29 September 1480. It records the clothing and shoes ordered for the king under eight warrants (Table 5.1).15 While these items represent a very small sample of the clothes ordered for him, it reveals that he had a considerably smaller range of garments than Henry VII. The clothes delivered to Edward IV’s wardrobe of the robes included a long gown

Table 5.1:

Date of warrant

Items ordered

11 May 1480 2 June 1480 19 July 1480 24 July 1480

1 long gown, 1 doublet, 3 demi-gowns, 4 tippets Shoes 1 demi-gown, 1 jacket 1 demi-gown, 4 doublets, 2 long gown, 24 shirts, 2 pairs of hose, 4 pairs of socks; shoes and boots 1 doublet, 2 long gowns 6 bonnets, 1 demi-gown, 1 gown, 2 hats, 2 tippets 1 base of a jacket, 8 bonnets, 2 doublets, 4 hats, 3 loose gowns, 3 pairs of hose, 1 stomacher, 1 straight gown 1 cloak, 4 pairs of hose, 2 tippets; shoes and boots

6 August 1480 17 August 1480 Undated

5.2 Late fifteenth-century man’s red satin coat, with sixteenthcentury alterations. Bern Historisches Museum, BHM 20a

Clothing ordered for Edward IV in the 1480 account

Undated

establishing the house of tudor made of blue cloth of gold upon a satin ground lined with green satin, a black satin doublet, a demi-gown of black velvet lined with purple satin and a demi-gown of green velvet lined with black damask. While the warrants recorded the colour and type of linings provided for the garments there is little indication of the interlinings or the decoration employed. The linings were often of contrasting colours. There are also some references to the provision of ribbons and laces, some of which was used to make points and girdles. The range of colours and fabrics used was also quite limited (Table 5.2). The figures in Table 5.3 represent the quantities of cloth bought during the year and cloth remaining in the wardrobe at the end of the accounting year. The quantities of high quality red and scarlet woollen cloth indicate that wool was still an important part of élite dress at this period. The small amount of tartaryn represents the last vestiges of a cloth that had been popular in previous centuries. Velvet was predominant over satin and damask, a trait that persisted at the Tudor court. The relatively small amount of cloth of gold and silver was intended for the king and his immediate family.

Table 5.2: Analysis of the colour and fabric type of the clothes ordered for Edward IV in 1480 Colour

Number of items

Fabric

Number of items

Black Blue Crimson Green Purple Tawny Unspecified White

24 (54.4%) 2 (4.6%) 2 (4.6%) 7 (15.9%) 4 (9%) 1 (2.3%) 2 (4.6%) 2 (4.6%)

Camlet Cloth of gold Damask Puke Satin Unspecified Velvet

1 (2.3%) 5 (11.3%) 2 (4.6%) 4 (9%) 11 (25) 2 (4.6%) 19 (43.2%)

Table 5.3:

Silk, woollen cloth and fine linens recorded in the 1480 account16

Type

Quantity

Baudekyns of silk Camlets Cloth

7 pieces 1,092¼ yards (998.7 m) Scarlet 209½ yards (191.6 m); Cloth in grain 28½ yards (26.1 m); Cloth of divers colours 170⅜ yards (155.8 m); White cloth 43¾ yards (40 m) = 452⅛ yards (413.4m) 270¾ yards (247.6 m) 17⅞ yards (16.3 m) 198⅜ yards (181.4 m) Lawn — 5 pieces; Holland 2,369½ ells (1,634.9 m); Flemish cloth 2 ells (1.4 m); Brussels cloth 707¾ ells (488.4 m) (at the rate of 120 ells to the 100) = 5 pieces and 3,079¼ ells (2124.7 m) Changeable and other colours 795¾ yards (727.6 m) 633⅜ yards (597.2) 5⅞ yards (5.4) Single 1,312½ yards (1200.2 m); Double 149⅝ yards (136.8 m) = 1,462⅛ yards (1,336.9 m) 12 pieces; 4,928½ yards (4,506.6 m); 3,079¼ ells (2,124.7 m) (at the rate of 120 ells to the 100)

Cloth of gold Cloth of silver Damask of silk Linen

Sarsenet Satin of silk Tartaryn Velvet Total

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A portrait of Edward IV by an artist from the Anglo-Flemish school depicts him wearing a black doublet, black bonnet and a sumptuous gown of black cloth of gold with a large pomegranate design.17 According to the Crowland Chronicle, at Christmas 1482 the king appeared: clad in a great variety of the costliest clothes, very different in style from what used to be seen hitherto in our time. The sleeves of the robes hung full in the fashion of the monastic frock and the insides were lined with such sumptuous fur that, when turned back over the shoulders they displayed the prince (who always stood out because of her elegant figure) like a new and incomparable spectacle set before the onlookers.18

This supports the view of Gabriel Tetzel, who believed Edward IV’s court to be ‘the most splendid Court that could be found in all Christendom’.19 Such splendour came at a price, and the estimated annual expenditure of Edward IV’s household varied between £10,000 and £12,000 a year.20 He also spent heavily on jewellery. A bill dated 5 September 1478 included some quite modest items: a flower of gold garnished with a fleur-de-lis of diamond costing £6 and four rings of gold garnished with four rubies at 10s each.21 Edward IV dressed his sons in a style befitting their rank. He gave his son ‘the right highe and mighty Prince Richard Duke of York’, two gowns on a warrant dated 2 June 1480: one of black satin lined with purple velvet and another of green satin lined with black sarsenet.22 There is not much evidence about the clothes worn by Richard III during his short reign (1483–85). Beyond his coronation robes, details of just five of his gowns are known. The most spectacular was a gown made from cloth given to him by his wife Anne, of purple cloth of gold patterned with roses and garters. The other four were all made of crimson cloth of gold and were lined with satin, damask or velvet, all in green.23 However, the implication of these rich clothes is that Richard, like his brother, also used his wardrobe to emphasis his right to rule and to assert his kingship.

Henry VII Henry Tudor was the only son of Edmund Tudor, earl of Richmond, the half-brother of King Henry VI, by Lady Margaret Beaufort. He was born, several months after his father’s death, at Pembroke castle on 28 January 1457. On his mother’s remarriage, he was entrusted to his uncle, Jasper Tudor, earl of Pembroke. In 1461 Edward IV seized Pembroke castle. Bedford went into exile, while Henry entered the household of Sir William Herbert who was granted Bedford’s confiscated lands.24 On the murder of Henry VI in May 1471, Henry Tudor became the heir of the house of Lancaster. On 2 June 1471 Henry went into exile for 13 years in Brittany. The Breton Chambre des Comptes includes a reference to Henry in the wardrobe accounts of Duke Francis II from May or June 1472. The accounts recorded the delivery: to my lord of Richmond, [of] a long robe by gift of my said lord [the duke] seven ells of fine [?] black velour, costing 4 royals an ell, £35, for lining the upper arms, half a third of black, costing 23d; and for the lining four ells of changeable taffeta at 2 royals an ell, costing £10, and the making of each, sum, £45 13s 4d. To him for a short robe

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establishing the house of tudor Edward IV d. 1483 Margaret Edmund Tudor Earl of Richmond = Beaufort d. 1509 d. 1456

Henry VII = Elizabeth of York d.1509 d. 1503

Arthur d. 1502

Henry VIII* d. 1547

Edward V d. 1483

Richard, Duke of York d. 1483

Margaret d. 1541

Mary d. 1533

Family tree 2 The family of Henry VII

[pourpoint], an ell and a half of black damask at £4 an ell, and padding, 1 écu, [total] £7 2s 10d.25

Following his attainder by Richard III early in 1484 he fled to France dressed as a servant. A year later, supported by Charles XII of France, he sailed from Harfleur on 1 August and on 7 August landed at Milford Haven. He met and defeated Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth on the 22nd and was crowned king on 30 October. A sketch survives of Henry as a young man with shoulderlength hair and wearing a felt cap with a turned-up brim with a single brooch. He wears a doublet with a round neck and no collar, with an embroidered band of decoration around the neck and a centre-front opening worn with a gown, but there is essentially no detail of the gown’s construction. While the clothes are of the period, the sketch was drawn, or rather copied, by Jacques Le Bourcq de Valenciennes, Hainault Herald, in the mid sixteenth century, thus raising doubts as to the accuracy of both the likeness and the clothes.26 Henry VII’s appearance was described by Polydore Vergil: His body was slender but well built and strong; his height above average. His appearance was remarkably attractive and his face was cheerful, especially when speaking; his eyes were small and blue, his teeth few, poor and blackish; his hair thin and white; his complexion sallow. His spirit was distinguished, wise and prudent; his mind was brave and resolute and never, even at moments of the greatest danger, deserted him. He had a most pertinacious memory.27

In 1498 the Spanish envoy, Pedro de Ayala, explained to Ferdinand and Isabella ‘one of the reasons why he leads a good life is that he has been brought up abroad. He would like to govern England in the French fashion, but he cannot . . . The king has the greatest desire to employ foreigners in his service. He cannot do so; for the envy of the English is diabolical, and, I think, without equal’.28 Possibly one of the reasons that he continued to employ the Parisian George Lovekyn as his tailor was because Lovekyn provided him clothes in the French style. In fulfilment of a long-standing arrangement negotiated by his mother, Henry VII married Elizabeth of York on 18 January 1486, their first son Arthur being born on 19 September. Elizabeth was crowned two months later on 25 November 1487. Two years later Princess Margaret was born

on 29 November 1489 and their second son followed in 1491 when Prince Henry was born. Others were to follow and in April 1497 Lady Margaret stated ‘Blessed be god the kyng the quene and alle oure swet chyldren be yn good hele’.29 In 1504 Hernan duque de Estrada recorded Henry VII’s devotion to Prince Henry, adding that ‘certainly there could be no better school in the world that the society of such a father as Henry VII. He is so wise and attentive in everything; nothing escapes his attention’.30 Andrea Trevisano, the Venetian ambassador to the doge described his meeting with Henry VII in September 1497. It was a time of heightened sensibilities at court because it coincided with Perkin Warbeck’s invasion. The ambassador wore crimson damask, while ‘His Majesty wore a violet coloured gown, lined with cloth of gold, and a collar of many jewels, and on his cap was a large diamond and a most beautiful pearl’. He also met Elizabeth of York who was ‘dressed in cloth of gold’.31 To reinforce the sense of dynastic potential of the Tudors, Trevisano was also introduced to Lady Margaret Beaufort and Prince Arthur. While the Yorkist pretender Perkin Warbeck was at the court of Margaret of York in the Netherlands, Margaret had provided him with a guard dressed in the blue and murrey livery of the house of York.32 He had all the trappings of the prince that he pretended to be. On his attempt to raise England against Henry VII, ‘He put aside he habit in which he had disguised himself in this place, and clothing himself in gold, he set out with some of the king’s men’.33 On 25 November 1498, shortly after his imprisonment, Henry gave Warbeck one set of clothing. Warbeck received a doublet of black damask, two linen shirts and two pairs of kersey hose costing 29s 3d.34 This gift of livery visually subjugated Warbeck to Henry VII’s authority by making him a member of the royal household. About the same time, Henry VII paid £7 13s 4d to Robert Southwell for horses, saddles and other necessaries for bringing Warbeck’s wife, Lady Catherine Gordon, a cousin of James IV, to London.35 She was placed in the service of Elizabeth of York, and later of Catherine of Aragon.36 Henry VII provided Lady Catherine with clothing in a warrant dated 10 October 1498, including a black velvet gown furred with mink, a black cloth gown furred with lettice and a plain

establishing the house of tudor bonnet of black velvet.37 She also received clothes from two further warrants dated 12 November 1502 and 16 April 1503.38 Henry VII managed his displays of authority with care. For his meeting with the ambassadors after his defeat of the Cornish rebels at Blackheath in 1497, he sought to stress his royal status: it was noted that ‘The King was well arrayed with a very costly jewelled collar’.39 However, when he made his formal entry into London he adopted a different approach: ‘He did not enter the city with any triumph, whereas on the former occasion when he returned it was his wont to come with pomp, neither did he choose any of the resident ambassadors to go out to meet him, saying that he had not gained a worthy victory.’40

The opulence of Henry VII’s court In the winter of 1496–97 the Venetian ambassador stressed the continuity in form between the court of Henry VII and those of his predecessors by noting that he ‘does not change any of the ancient usages of England at his court, keeping a sumptuous table’.41 Although Henry VII has been accused of avarice, he knew when to be extravagant, unlike his heir, for whom extravagance was habitual.42 This is graphically demonstrated by the Stonyhurst vestments purchased by Henry VII for his chantry in Westminster abbey.43 A set of 29 copes and chasubles was ordered, but only a single cope, a chasuble and a chalice veil have survived. The extant cope reveals that the cloth of gold was woven to shape with Henry’s badges of the Tudor rose on scrolling stems linking three crowned Beaufort portcullis (Fig. 5.3). The vestments were made by Anthony Corsi of Florence and the Bonvisi of Lucca, while the orphries were embroidered under the direction of Robinet and Morse. Edward IV acquired a lot of jewellery and plate. In his slightly longer reign, Henry VII bought considerable more. Between 1491 and 1509 it has been estimated that he spent £200,000 on jewels and plate.44 There are no extant inventories from Henry VII’s jewel house or his wardrobe of the robes and beds taken either during his lifetime or posthumously. However, it has been inferred that 735 of the 887 entries in the 1521 jewel house inventory had belonged to Henry VII.45 It is possible to trace the items marked with the HE monogram for Henry and Elizabeth of York within the inventories of Henry VIII, and these initials are chiefly found on two groups of objects: furnishings and plate. The turnover in the jewel house was rapid. The halfcentury that elapsed between the inventories of 1521 and 1574 saw the disappearance of 11 out of every 12 of the items listed in 1521.46 In 1521 there were 22 pieces of plate with the HE monogram.47 By 1532, when another inventory was taken on the death of the keeper, Robert Amadas, the number had fallen to 14.48 This figure had halved to just seven in 1547.49 While this is a very small sample, it highlights the trend of recycling precious metals, either as coinage during a shortage of specie, or being reworked when pieces became outmoded or damaged. The only piece of jewelled plate marked with HE in 1521 that remained in the jewel house in 1547 was a holy

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water stock decorated with five small point diamonds, 13 small rubies, one coarse emerald and 19 pearls [31].50 More personal items marked HE appear in two lists of Henry VIII’s jewels, dating from the middle of his reign: 35 long buttons, a ring, two gold tooth picks, a gold dial with HE on one side and a portcullis on the reverse and a round, silver-gilt hand warmer.51 Analysis of Henry VII’s purchase of tapestry reveals how his taste had been influenced by his exile on the Continent.52 In 1485 he bought a set of tapestries depicting The Story of Troy from the Greniers in 1485. Henry also owned a set depicting Esther and Ahasuerus which he may have chosen on account of the analogy with his own marriage. Henry VII was equally careful to use pageantry to create magnificence at his court. This display required objects such as ‘an arminge Swourde whiche was kinge henrie the vijth his swourde with pomell parcel guilte oure ladie of Bolloigne on thone side set in golde and the Crosse of Saincte George on thother side with a Chape of golde’ (14442). It also required the co-ordination of events at court. On 9 December 1485 Richard Guildford, master of the armoury, received £50 2s 2d for jousts at Westminster.53 In the following year Richard Pudsey was paid £10 for items for a disguising held on Twelfth Night.54 On 15 February 1494 Walter Alwyn was paid £14 13s 4d for full payment for the disguising at Christmas.55 Richmond palace, ‘Rich Mount’, was the focal point for much royal display. Henry VII developed the palace after the loss of Sheen on 30 December 1497. He used the finished building for the first time for the wedding celebrations of Arthur and Catherine of Aragon when it was described as an ‘earthly and second paradise of our reign of our region of England, and . . . of all the great part and circuit of the world, the lantern spectacle and beauteous exemplar of all lodgings’.56 The order of the Garter figured prominently in the ritual of Henry VII’s court. Of his robes for the European orders, there is no record. However, the letter acknowledging his receipt of the order of the Golden Fleece is dated 16 October 1491.57 On 24 November 1502 he ordered garter livery for Maximilian, king of the Romans. The black velvet mantle was lined with white satin. It was embroidered with a garter of damask gold and fastened with a lace of Venice gold and Damascene buttons. It cost £28 7s 5d.58 Maximilian’s garter has survived (Fig. 7.4). In March 1487 Henry VII presented to the lords and knights of the order ‘our livery for this present year of such suit of cloth, fur and multitude of garters as to their estate hath been used and accustomed’.59 Two years later the king provided Garter robes ‘of sanguine cloth in grain, damask, garter with letters and rolls of junkes’ for Elizabeth of York, whose gown was furred with wombs of miniver pure, Lady Margaret Beaufort, whose robes were furred with miniver pure, and to the other members of the order.60 In 1499–1500 his garter robes consisted of 6½ yards (5.9 m) of blue cloth for a gown and a hood lined with 18½ yards (16.9 m) of white damask and embellished with 240 garters with letters of gold and a roll for the hood, costing £18 6d.61 On 29 April 1503 Elizabeth of York paid 100s to Friar Hercules for gold and his making a lace and buttons for the king’s garter mantle.62

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establishing the house of tudor

5.3 The Stonyhurst cope, of velvet cloth of gold brocaded with loops of silver and silver-gilt woven to shape, c. 1495–1505, on loan to the Victoria and Albert Museum. © V&A Images, Victoria and Albert Museum, London

The part played by the nobility in enhancing the splendour of the royal court was significant. In 1500 when Henry VII met Archduke Philip at Calais, the duke of Buckingham was dressed ‘in soo large and so riche a gowne of clothe of golde [and] his courser richly trapped and the trapper enramplished with littel prety belles of silver and gilt, of a very goodly fascyon’ (Fig. 5.4).63 The earl of Northumberland wore ‘a large and a riche gowne of clothe of golde; the erlle of Suffolke in an other garment of clothe of golde, and a hatte of silke garnysshed with a cheyne of gold, and the goodliest plumashes off whit austriche feders that ever I saw’.64 At the marriage of Arthur and Catherine of Aragon in 1501 Buckingham wore a gown ‘wrought of nedyll work and sett upon cloth of tyssu furrid with sablys’ and valued at £1,500.65 He was also the chief challenger at the jousts held to celebrate the wedding, where he appeared ‘in a chappell hangid or curteynyd abowth whyth white and grene satyn palid, brawderid Right goodly upon every side and ende whith iiij grete Rede Rosis, and the coveryng thereof payntid with azure, and set at every corner whyth a gilt pynnakyll’.66 A warrant dated 27 June 1502 included an entry for 2 yards (1.8 m) of black velvet for bordering a gown of crimson velvet ‘which we have given to a painter’. This perhaps is evidence that the king was providing his clothing for a painter producing a portrait.67 A garment of this type was certainly more luxurious than anything Henry VII was giving as livery. In the portrait painted by Michael Sittow in 1505 (Pl. IIIc), Henry VII was depicted wearing a richer gown of red cloth of gold

with sleeves edged (and possibly lined) with white fur, a tippet of dark brown fur, worn over a black doublet and a cap of black felt with a deep turned up brim but no decoration. Interestingly, his only jewellery was the collar of the Golden Fleece.68 In the terracotta bust by Pietro Torrigiano, c. 1509, he wears a doublet fastened down the centre front with a very small stand collar.69 Two years after his death, Torrigiano was commissioned to cast full-size effigies for the tombs of Henry VII (Fig. 5.5), Elizabeth of York and Lady Margaret Beaufort which he had completed by the time of his return to Florence in 1522.70 Henry VII is shown dressed in a long gown, worn with a fur tippet and felt cap.

Henry VII’s wardrobe Four sets of great wardrobe accounts survive out of a possible 24 volumes from Henry VII’s reign. These accounts indicate how regularly the king ordered clothing and other items for himself and of how much he spent (Table 5.4). The accounts date from 1498–99, 1502–03, 1504–05 and 1505–06, that is the second half of his reign. They inevitably provide a view of Henry VII as an older, established monarch. In addition there are 54 warrants from ten accounting years headed ‘for our use’ ordering clothes, shoes, lengths of cloth and furnishings for his use that have survived as a suppliment to the accounts.

establishing the house of tudor

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Table 5.4: Overview of the number and value of the king’s warrants in the extant great wardrobe accounts Date

Date of warrants

1498–99 14 warrants: 29 October, 6 November, 12 December 1498, 28 January, 26 February, 2 March, 3 & 13 April, 14, 15, 24 & 26 May, 4 & 21 June 1499 1502–03 12 warrants: 6 November (2), 24 December 1502, 4 January, 15 &16 March, 4 April, 31 May, 2, 21 & 27 June, 20 July 1503 1504–05 9 warrants: 2 & 27 November, 11& 24 December 1504, 5 January, 8 & 20 February, 26 March 1505 [check against hard copy] 1505–06 16 warrants: 6, 12 & 21 May, 9 June, 8 & 21 July, 31 November, 6 & 18 December 1505, 15 January, [. . .], 28 March, 8 April, 18 June, 29 July, [. . .] 1506

5.4 Edward Stafford, third duke of Buckingham, unknown artist. Master and Fellows, Magdalene College, Cambridge

5.5 Henry VII by Torrigiano, 1512–18. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 290)

Cost £362 9s 7½d

£333 7s 10½d [plus 20 July] £88 10s 2d

£285 6s 4d

Of these 11 which are undated or the date is only partially legible, two come from the accounting year 1492–93, 12 from 1493–94, one from 1494–95, one from 1496–97, three from 1497–98, two from 1498–99, 14 from 1501–02, 10 from 1502– 03, one from 1505–06 and eight from 1508–09. While the warrants enhance the chronological overview of the reign when compared with the account books, they shed no light on what the king was wearing before 1492, and even after that year the data is limited. The large clusters of warrants from 1493–94 and 1501–02 probably provide a fair reflection of the total number of warrants issued, while for the other years the much smaller number of warrants can only hint at the garments the king was ordering. On 30 August 1485, eight days after his victory at Bosworth, clothing was delivered to Henry VII. The order was very opulent: a long gown of rich cloth of gold priced at £6 2s the yard and lined with black satin, two short gowns of purple cloth of gold, also lined with black satin, doublets of black and crimson satin, linen for shirts and a long gown of tawny velvet lined with violet satin.71 The total value of the delivery came to £336 18s 4d, and it included horse harness, as well as clothes for the henchmen. On 30 January 1486 Nicholas Barley, skinner, received £181 14s 8d for furs for the king and for furring clothes. His charges covered furring a gown of purple velvet with ermine, two pairs of boots with martens, a gown of black velvet with sables, a gown of cloth of gold with pinked ermine, a gown of purple velvet with ermine and a gown of cloth of gold furred with ermine for the queen.72 On 28 February 1486 a payment of £95 3s 6½d was made to Peter Curteys, gentleman usher of the chamber, for stuff bought for the king’s use against Christmas and ‘our marriage’.73 On 8 September 1486, Anthony Gyle, ‘our cordwainer’, received £15 for stuff delivered for the king’s use.74 Several months later on 17 February 1487, John Fligh, yeoman of the robes, paid for 5 yards (4.5 m) of black satin two doublets, linen and buckram for lining for the king.75 Six days later Fligh, paid for 2 yards (1.8 m) of crimson satin to cover a pair of brigandines.76 In May 1490 Marone Stroes, a Florentine, got £225 6s 8d for silk and silk goods sold by him: 13¼ yards (12.1 m) of

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purple velvet hatched with gold priced at £35 6s 8d, a threequarter jacket costing £20, and 12¾ yards (11.6 m) of cloth of tissue costing £170.77 In 1492–93 Henry ordered a glaudekin of black velvet and black velvet to line a gown of cloth of gold and a riding gown of black velvet.78 It is quite possible that these pieces were part of a substantial purchase made on 27 May 1492 when £3,800 was delivered ‘for diverse peces of cloth of gold, and for certain and many precyouse stones and riche perlis bought of Lombardes for the garnyshing of salades, shapnes and helemytes agenst the King’s noble voyage’.79 While there are quite a large number of warrants from the 1493–94 accounting year, none are long and some are in poor condition. New additions to the king’s wardrobe included a glaudekin and jacket of tinselled black satin, riding gowns of crimson and black velvet, doublets of crimson and black satin and a slightly less glamorous black bonnet ‘with Erys’.80 During the period 1494–95 Henry VII received a cloak of crimson and a glaudekin furred with budge.81 The warrants for 1496–97 are quite fragmentary and only one, dated 16 March 1497, may have been an order for the king’s personal use. He also required black velvet for covering seven horse harnesses with a fringe of silk and gold and buckles of copper and gilt.82 During the period 1497–98, several items were made for the king in black satin. A black satin lining was put into a gown of purple velvet upon velvet hatched with gold, and Henry VII ordered a black satin bag.83 In the following year, the king took a modest delivery of two tippets of black velvet lined with black sarsenet, black budge to fur the base of a jacket and six brushes, as well as black satin to line a gown of crimson velvet furred with budge, a sleeveless jacket of cloth of gold of damask patterned with fleur-de-lis and two pairs of hose made from crimson cloth in grain.84 The accounting year 1501–02 encompassed the marriage and death of Prince Arthur. Some spectacular garments were supplied for his marriage in November 1501. Two warrants about that time are worth considering in detail. The first dated October included a jacket of cloth of gold of damask furred with martens and a glaudekin of tawny velvet furred with budge. Fur linings were also put into glaudekins of crimson and black velvet. The finishing touch was provided by two pairs of orange leather shoes lined with black velvet.85 The second dated in November was much more extensive: a riding gown of crimson velvet furred with martens; a glaudekin and jacket of gold damask wrought in the stool furred with black budge; long gowns of purple cloth of gold of satin furred with sables and crimson velvet upon velvet furred with black budge and purple cloth of gold of tissue furred with ermine and crimson satin; a glaudekin of crimson velvet upon velvet, two hats of tawny silk and two black bonnets.86 Not long after the prince’s death, the warrants ordered black garments, including a glaudekin of black velvet furred with black budge, a riding hood of black satin lined with black velvet, black ribbon for girdles and covering three bearing swords with cloth of gold.87 During the year orders were placed for a gown possibly intended for hunting made from 12 yards (10.9 m) of green velvet lined with black satin and in conjunction with a pair of hunting spurs and two black hats.

These orders are unusual for the king who never hunted with the passion shown by his son Henry VIII.88 Of the dated warrants, all that relate to the account for 1502–03 are extant. This was the year that was overcast by the death of Elizabeth of York, and this had a telling effect on the king’s wardrobe. Blue was the royal colour of mourning, and on 15 March 1503 Henry VII ordered a cloth of estate of blue velvet lined with buckram and fringed with silk.89 On 4 April 1503 he requested 24½ yards (22.4 m) of blue velvet for the ‘our use’ when meeting ambassadors at St Paul’s.90 There was also a group of items that may have been linked to the obsequies for Elizabeth of York, including an order for 8½ yards (7.7 m) of sarsenet to line a glaudekin of blue velvet ordered on 21 June 1503.91 Henry VII also received 2 yards (1.8 m) of black satin for lining ‘a book of ours of blue velvet’. The other warrants at the time were all for black items: doublets, long jackets, riding gowns and glaudekins.92 However, before her death garments made from tawny featured on the king’s warrants, including a gown and jacket of tawny tinselled satin, the former furred with black budge and the latter with martens.93 Quite a modest number of orders were placed for the king in the period 1504–05. Over its 12 months the predominant colour ceased to be black. On 2 November 1504 a range of black items were ordered, including a long glaudekin of black satin and furred with black budge in addition to making a glaudekin of tinselled satin, a jacket of crimson velvet furred with black budge and laying in a fur of sables into a jacket of cloth of gold upon satin. 5 January 1505 saw further orders including a long gown of crimson velvet furred with jennets, the skirts of which were lined with buckram and a glaudekin of crimson velvet furred with black budge. While Henry ordered new large items he also asked for smaller items such as a pair of night buskins and a new tippet of black velvet furred with sables on 26 March in addition to the translation a long gown of purple cloth of gold tissue. The formal accounts for 1505–06 cover 14 months, and included a number of plain black items or black being used as a lining or a trimming, but also a selection of garments to emphasise the traditional aspects of royalty.94 The latter included the purchase of black budge for furring the body of a jacket of quilted cloth of gold on damask on 12 May 1505, laying in a lining of black velvet into a gown of purple cloth of gold, making a jacket of purple tinsel, furring with black budge and making and furring a jacket of purple tinsel with sables on 21 July. An order placed on 30 November for a jacket of crimson cloth of gold of damask furred with black budge and a jacket of black tilsent, also furred with budge, may provide insights into what Henry VII wore for Christmas that year. In June 1506 he ordered the laying in a fur of sables into a gown of black satin, in addition to a russet satin for a glaudekin and a black velvet glaudekin. Just one warrant for this period survives, dated 15 March 1506 and ordering a gown of violet in grain with martens so forming part of the king’s annual maundy warrant.95 This period also saw the unexpected visit to England in January 1506 of Philip the Fair, king of Castile. For their first meeting Henry VII rode a ‘hors of bay, trappyd with nedyll warke; a gown of purpuyr velvyt, a cheyn with a jeorge of dyamondes, and a hood of purpuyr

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establishing the house of tudor velvyt, whych he put not of at the mettyng . . . hys hatt and hys bonett he avalyd’.96 In contrast Philip of Castile was dressed all in black: ‘a gown of blak velvytt, a blak hood, a blak hatt, and hys hors harnes of blake velvytt.’97 Lady Margaret’s accounts indicate that she interested herself in the making of the king’s shirts. Whether she did this in the lifetime of Elizabeth of York is uncertain. However, on 8 April 1507 she paid 2d to John Pyk for his costs riding ‘with cloth for the kynges shertes ij daies’.98 The final group of eight warrants comes from 1508–09, the last accounting year of the reign. The orders included a number of garments eminently suited to his regal status: a jacket of crimson satin furred with sables, a gown of purple velvet upon velvet pirled furred with black budge, laying furs into a gown of cloth of gold after camlet and a glaudekin of russet velvet upon velvet.99 While there were also a number of black garments, including a short riding glaudekin of black velvet, the overall impression of his wardrobe in 1508–09 was more colourful than it had been in previous years.100 Henry VII ordered clothing for himself, his family and his household from the great wardrobe and much of the evidence for his provision derives from the wardrobe warrants and particular accounts of the keeper of the great wardrobe. The first thing that is apparent looking at the orders placed by Henry VII (Table 5.5) and Henry VIII (Table 6.1) is the marked increase in; the number of garments and accessories ordered, the range of colours and types of cloth, and by implication the cost. The origins of Henry VIII’s style and use of dress is to be found at his father’s court, and undoubtedly at the courts of his predecessors. The surviving evidence is patchy, but there is sufficient to gain a good indication of how Henry VII dressed himself and others. Several things are clear from looking at the documents. First, there is a far larger number of warrants ordering clothes for ‘our use’ for Henry VII than there is for Henry VIII. For example, 16 warrants in 1499–1500 and ten in 1503–04. In contrast, Henry VIII tended to order his cloths in bulk twice a year from the great wardrobe. Henry VII ordered items of clothing in smaller quantities but more frequently. Both men supplemented the provision made via the great wardrobe with additional items paid for either via the chamber or the privy purse. These purchases were usually for a small number of items, at relatively low cost. Henry VIII also commissioned pieces directly via the wardrobe of the robes.101 Second, Henry VII’s orders for clothes are less detailed than those provided for Henry VIII. A more limited range of fabrics appears in the warrants and accounts of Henry VII’s great wardrobe than does in those of Henry VIII. Henry VII favoured satin, velvet with single- and double-height pile and damask, with smaller amounts of tinselled satin and cloth of gold. These fabrics with metal thread were used for outer garments in acknowledgement of their high cost and prestige. In July 1486 Henry VII paid 200 marks for 20 yards (18.2 m) of fine cloth of gold that he bought from a Florentine merchant, Thomas Guidetti.102 Rarely is it indicated whether the fabric was patterned: in 1498–99 he had a jacket made from 5¼ yards (4.8 m) of satin tinselled, a gown made from 18 yards (16.4 m) of crimson

Table 5.5: Summary of the clothing and footwear made for Henry VII in the great wardrobe Garment type

1498–99

1502–03

1504–05

1505–06

Outer garments Cloaks Glaudekins Glaudekins, long Glaudekins, short Gowns Gowns, demi Gowns, long Gowns, riding Jackets Jackets, bases for Jackets, long Jackets, riding

~ 1 ~ 1 3 1 3 1 8 1 ~ 1

1 5 ~ ~ 1 ~ 1 2 3 ~ 2 ~

~ 3 1 ~ ~ ~ 1 1 3 ~ ~ ~

1 5 ~ ~ 2 ~ 2 2 6 ~ ~ ~

Doublets and hose Doublets Hose

4 4

5 ~

2 ~

5 ~

~ 3 4 ~

~ 4 3 1

2 2 3 ~

2 4 ~ ~

2

5

1

4

Headwear Bonnets Caps of maintenance Hats Hoods

4 ~ 2 ~

2 ~ 3 1

2 2 4 ~

12 ~ 3 ~

Footwear and spurs Boots Boteaux Buskins, demi Buskins, long Buskins, night Pinsons Shoes, double soled Shoes, velvet covered Slippers Slippers, night Spurs

6 4 ~ ~ ~ 12 12 ~ 12 ~ 8

8 4 ~ ~ ~ 12 12 4 12 ~ 6

~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2

2 ~ 3 4 1 5 9 ~ 5 1 2

Associated items Partlets Stomachers Tippets Tippets, long double Accessories Bags

velvet upon velvet, hatched with gold and a jacket of cloth of gold of damask with fleur-de-lis, suggesting that many were plain. 103 This fondness for tinselled fabrics can be found elsewhere in Europe. For example, Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta from Rimini was buried in 1468 in a doublet made from a brocaded velvet with uncut gold thread loops.104 In addition, Henry VII favoured fine wool dyed in a range of colours including scarlet, in grain, and also in violet for his maundy observances. This selection of fabrics finds parallels with Edward IV’s wardrobe and in the contemporary French court. The 1483 inventory of the clothes of Charlotte of Savoy, wife of Louis XI, contained gowns made from shot silk trimmed with velvet, cloth and figured satin and lined with taffeta.105 Henry VII had a liking for black and garments of that colour figure in almost all of the surviving warrants. Black was a significant colour for the élite in fifteenth-century Europe. This was especially true at the Burgundian court, as can be seen in the illustration on the dedication page of the

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Chroniques de Hainault, 1447–50. Philip the Good stood in the centre of the scene dressed all in black. He was flanked by his colourfully dressed courtiers, while his chancellor, Nicholas Rollin, echoed the duke’s style and was clothed in black.106 Black was an expensive colour to achieve, thus good quality garments in black were beyond the purses of all but the rich and powerful. Even so, Henry VII did not wear black to the exclusion of all else. He also ordered a number of items in tawny and a lesser number in crimson, purple and plain cloth of gold. Occasionally he also had items made in russet. Tawny was prevalent throughout English society and also at the court of James IV of Scotland.107 Two other colours were reserved for specific activities: blue for Garter robes and violet for his maundy robes. Surface decoration, even if considered in the broadest sense of the term, was uncommon. Indeed, very little use was made of embroidery, guards or slashing. The most common form of decoration was an applied border around the hem of a cloak, which was either self-coloured or in a striking contrast, such as a cloak made from scarlet in grain, bordered and partially lined with black velvet and the remainder lined with black satin.108 Fur was also used with restraint and the repertoire was limited. Budge was most prevalent, with some sable and lamb. The budge was mostly black, but Henry VII did make more use of white budge and lamb more than his son would. Even so, on occasion he did purchase sable, as indicated by a payment to John Fligh, yeoman of the robes, of £3 10s for tawing ten timbers of sables and 20s for five skins.109 Small quantities of miniver, lettice and calibre were also purchased, which were used almost exclusively on the gowns and kirtles ordered for the king’s wife and daughters. The male wardrobe consisted of a fairly limited range of garments: the glaudekin, gown, demi-gown, doublet (usually with a tippet), jacket, cloak, tippet, riding gown, hose and stomacher. Even so, there had been a significant increase in the variety of garments available between the reigns of Edward IV and Henry VII. This proliferation of styles provided more choice for the discerning male. The long gown, of which the glaudekin was a variant, was the garment most commonly ordered by Henry VII and also worn by his sons and most of the men in his household. The doublets favoured by the king in later years often had a collar made from a contrasting fabric and were usually worn with a tippet and a stomacher, the latter frequently being lined with scarlet. In contrast, there are very few references to hose and very little detail was recorded about those that are mentioned. This may reflect that hose were quite plain and understated because they were generally covered by the long gown. In contrast, Henry VIII’s hose were more visible and consequently more significant in the king’s overall appearance. Henry VII also received a regular delivery of black satin bags, with black bag rings, presumably worn looped over his belt or girdle. These girdles could be quite ornate, as in the case of the fragmentary silk velvet belt of Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta (d.1468). There are ten fragments of the girdle varying in length and 4 cm in width. They are tablet woven with stripes of velvet and gold loops and 1 cm long fringes along each selvedge.110 Purses or bags continued to be

popular as fashion accessories into the sixteenth century, but the introduction of the pocket into men’s clothing during Henry VIII’s reign in the 1530s led to their supersession. The quantity of apparel owned by individuals escalated under the Tudors. Why this escalation occurred is hard to explain. Even so, certain observations can be made. Henry VIII’s wardrobe contained a much wider variety of luxury cloths than his father’s, in a bigger range of colours and with far more surface decoration and fur. The number of different types of garments and varieties of each type of garment also increased. By the middle of his reign, Henry VIII spent far more on his clothes than his father had — his spending on himself increased from approximately £300–400 a year to £1,500 for a single six-month period and on his wardrobe as a whole from about £1,500 to more than £3,000.

Elizabeth of York Elizabeth was the eldest daughter of Edward IV and Elizabeth Woodville, being born on 11 February 1465. Elizabeth was blonde and pretty. In 1476, when affianced to the dauphin of France, she wore clothes in the French style.111 At Christmas 1484 ‘far too much attention was given to dancing and gaiety and vain changes of apparel presented to Queen Anne and the lady Elizabeth . . . who were alike in complexion and figure’.112 This association with Anne reflects an attempt by Richard III to present a united family front after the political upheavals of the previous 18 months.113 As part of his bid for the throne, Richard III had declared her illegitimate. Not withstanding this impediment and her consanguinity to Henry VII, the pair married on 18 January 1486 in advance of a papal dispensation issued on 2 March 1486. In comparison to the increasing variety of garment types available to men (see Tables 5.1 and 5.5), late fifteenthcentury female dress consisted of a very limited range of garments, and there was remarkably little change in their overall form or profile until the end of the first decade of the following century. The gown had a fitted bodice, flattening the wearer’s bosom and a square neckline. Sleeves often had large cuffs, while the skirt was often cut with a train that could be looped up to reveal the kirtle. The waistline was at the natural level, with a girdle worn around the hips. A hood covered their hair.114 The evidence relating to Elizabeth of York’s wardrobe is meagre. In a later copy of a half-length portrait by an unknown artist dating from c. 1500–03 she is shown wearing a crimson gown, probably made of velvet, with a fitted bodice with a square neck and long, fitted sleeves with fur cuffs. With this she wore the English gable headdress (Pl. IIId).115 Charles I’s picture inventory listed a now missing portrait of her ‘in a black dressing adorn’d with gould and pearls in a goulden habbitt with white ermin’.116 Her portrait was also included in the dynastic image that Holbein created for the privy chamber at Whitehall. The general appearance of the painting is known from a seventeenth-century reproduction by Remigius van Leemput (1607–75).117 The picture provides a full-length

establishing the house of tudor image of Elizabeth in a gown of tawny cloth of gold with a deep border of miniver around the hem, tight-fitting sleeves with turned-back cuffs of the same fur. The bodice is tightfitting with a square neckline, and it is also trimmed with miniver and partially in-filled with a linen partlet. On her head she is wearing an English gable headdress with long lappets hanging down over her shoulders, and the main, black velvet section of the hood hanging down her back. She was also depicted in the transept window of Great Malvern priory church and the royal window at Canterbury.118 The gilt bronze effigy on her tomb cast by Torrigiano shows her in a simplified form of the gown and gable headdress.119 It is constructive to compare the portraits of Elizabeth of York with two images from the late fifteenth century. In the devotional triptych painted for Sir John Donne by Hans Memlinc c. 1477, Lady Donne wears a gown similar in style to that of Elizabeth, with an ermine collar and ermine trimming the hem on her gown in the Flemish style, but this decorative technique was also to be found in England.120 In a portrait of Margaret of Austria painted by a Netherlandish artist c. 1493–95, Margaret wears a gown of cloth of gold with a neck that is almost square but with a slight downward turn at the corners, with a simple headdress of a type that developed into the French hood in the sixteenth century. Of some interest is that Elizabeth of York is never depicted wearing the sideless surcote, which had very deep armholes, heavily flared skirt resting on the hips that was worn by queens until the sixteenth century. It could be fur lined or fur trimmed as in the case of the surcote worn by Queen Margaret in the Hugo van der Goes altarpiece showing James III of Scotland adoring the trinity.121 There are very few references to Elizabeth in the great wardrobe documents. When provision was made for her by Henry VII it was generally not for her personally but for her wardrobe of the beds or ceremonial provision, such as velvet for her taper and her palm. This practice continued under Henry VIII. An entry in the accounts for the Michaelmas term 1485 records several items of clothing for the queen, including 10 yards (9.1 m) of crimson velvet and 6 yards (5.5 m) of russet damask costing £20 4s.122 At the same time she received a fur lining for a gown made from 64 timbers of ermine skins, costing £54 2s, which was supplied by Gerard Venmer and Hildebrand Vain, while Richard Storey, the queen’s skinner, received £31 14s for setting in powderings and furring a gown for the queen. Shortly after Richard Smith received £11 5s 6d for black damask and crimson satin bought for the queen.123 Henry did order the occasional small gift for ‘our dearest wife’, such as 9½ yards (8.6 m) of crimson satin for a kirtle in September 1497 and a pair of fur-lined night boots in an undated warrant.124 The wardrobe accounts for 1486 also include a few items provided by Henry VII ‘for her own use’.125 A range of mercery was delivered to John Fligh by Thomas Fuller in February 1486 included 10 yards (9.1 m) of black velvet costing £8 and 12 yards (10.9 m) of purple velvet costing £12 12s for two gowns for Elizabeth.126 A payment was made to Richard Smith, yeoman of the queen’s wardrobe, for £11 5s 6d for silks, and £20 to John Yotton, her secretary, to pay her

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creditors.127 The king’s privy purse records that £20 was delivered to the queen for a gown in July 1501.128 In the following year, the king bought furs for the queen costing £20.129 Further insights into her wardrobe can be gleaned from Elizabeth’s privy purse accounts, which included purchases of clothes for herself, her children and some members of her household. Elizabeth made regular purchases of new garments as well as paying for repairs to her clothes and for moving her clothes from one house to another. Her gowns were often made of black velvet, although there are references to some of crimson satin. The accounts usually do not record many details, but there is a hint that the queen favoured gowns with wide sleeves, because Robert Ragdale lined a gown of black velvet with wide sleeves with black sarsenet for her.130 She also wore wool gowns, and to keep them presentable she had them reshorn. Elizabeth of York had gowns made specifically for riding. Robert Johnson made such a gown from 13 yards (11.8 m) of black satin, with an edging and cuffs of black velvet, a lining of black buckram and sarsenet for the vents.131 Her gowns were usually decorated with a deep border of fabric, usually in a contrasting weave or colour. On 2 May 1502 Elizabeth bought black tinsel satin for the edge of a black velvet gown costing 45s 10d and black satin to edge a gown of crimson velvet for 11s.132 They could also have a purfil, as in the case of a gown of russet velvet with a purfil of cloth of gold of damask and a gown of purple velvet with a purfil of cloth of gold.133 Parallels for these styles of decoration can be found in the wardrobe of Charlotte of Savoy which included a gown described as ‘à grant queue’, the rest with collars and trimmed at the hem with a deep band of fur (the depth determined by the length of the skins if they were used set upright).134 For outside wear Elizabeth had a new cloak in June 1502 of black damask, lined with black sarsenet and edged with black velvet.135 All of the fabric was supplied by Henry Bryan of London and the cloak cost 3s 4d to make. The gowns were worn with a kirtle. Elizabeth’s accounts include a number of references for new kirtles, including 12d for lining and hemming a kirtle of black satin in February 1503.136 The queen received a limited range of underwear, including scarlet petticoats costing 8d each and linen petticoats costing 12d which were provided by Robert Ragdale.137 Anne Saye supplied three smocks on 2 August 1502 priced at 3s 4d in total, while Thomas Humberston made six pairs of socks and Richard Justice provided white fustian for socks.138 Elizabeth also made smaller purchases from a variety of suppliers. These included laces, ribbon and lengths of sarsenet for girdles costing 40s bought on 3 October from Mistress Bourne at Langley, and 6 yards (5.5 m) of sarsenet for two tippets from Ellis Hilton costing 12s. The range of footwear Elizabeth ordered was similar to that provided for Lady Margaret Beaufort: 12 pairs of single-soled shoes with laten buckles (12s), six pairs of double-soled shoes with laten buckles (6s), two pairs of buskins (8s) and two pairs of buskins (8s).139 Her preferred supplier for headwear was Mistress Lock. Elizabeth sent Edmund Calverd from Richmond to London to Mistress Lock for a bonnet on 25 May 1502, while she provided ‘frontlets, bonnets and other stuff’ on 31 January 1503.140 Elizabeth’s privy purse accounts provide little

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evidence of specific pieces of jewellery bought by her, but there are a number of payments to the two pages of the chamber who were responsible for looking after her jewels.141 However, it is quite possible that she owned more ornate pieces like the ‘collere of rubies set with threis of perle’ that belonging to Margaret of Denmark, wife of James III.142 Elizabeth of York died on 11 February 1503, shortly after giving birth. When Henry VII heard of her death he ‘privily departed to a solitary place, and would no man should resort unto him’.143

Lady Margaret Beaufort Lady Margaret Beaufort was the mother of Henry VII and grandmother of Henry VIII.144 Born on 31 May 1443, the daughter of John Beaufort, duke of Somerset and Margaret Beauchamp, she married three times: to Edmund Tudor, halfbrother of Henry VI, in c. 1456, to Sir Henry Stafford, the second son of Humphrey, duke of Buckingham, in 1458, and to Thomas, Lord Stanley, in 1472. Her only child, Henry VII, was born in 1457. In 1499 she took a vow of chastity and established a separate household at Collyweston, while her husband continued to live at Lathom. A small group of images exist of Lady Margaret Beaufort (Fig. 5.6). Her style of dress is the same throughout: she was dressed in a black gown with a white linen gable headdress with a tippet worn over a coif, a wimple covering her neck and chin and a pleated barb which reached from her chin down onto her chest. This style of dress was semi-religious in its connotations and it served to enhance her reputation for piety and as a stalwart supporter of her son. Indeed it served a similar function to the style of dress adopted by Margaret of Austria in the late 1510s.145 The effigy by Pietro Torrigiano on her tomb at Westminster abbey was made ‘according to a patron drawen in a cloth’ commissioned from Maynnart Wewyck, a Dutch painter, by her executors. All of the surviving portraits of Lady Margaret were painted after her death, but some seem to derive from a portrait painted during her lifetime about 1500.146 Another image, probably also created before her death in 1509, was owned by Henry VIII: ‘a Table with the picture of the Duches of Richmounte and Darbie sittinge vppon her knees’ (15406). Several versions of this are known.147 At her death she owned plate and great jewels worth £4,213 4s 3½d; small jewels valued at £250 3¼d; chapel stuff assessed at £1,193 18s 2d; the wardrobe of the beds valued at £982 14s 1½d; the wardrobe of the robes coming to a more modest £126 19s 7d; silk and napery worth £158 3s 4½d; palfreys and chairs coming to £100 and £3,595 8s 9½d in ready money.148 Quantities of her goods were sold and the probate costs of her will amounted to £80 which was paid to the archbishop of Canterbury.149 An allowance of £81 8s 3½d was made ‘for stuff appraised at a higher sum than it can be sold for and for stuff lost’. Her bequests were to her immediate family: ‘certein plate of gold Iuelles and other stuff’ worth £490 5s for Henry VIII, £202 10s for Catherine of Aragon, £25

5.6 Lady Margaret Beaufort, unknown artist. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 551)

2s 6d for Margaret, queen of Scots, and £82 8s 4d for Princess Mary. Unlike Elizabeth of York, a number of the accounts for Lady Margaret’s household have survived. While there are gaps, they provide a glimpse of her personal wardrobe and the provision that she made for her household (Table 5.6). The accounts are detailed and especially valuable because the clerk made an annual summary of her expenditure. While he was not consistent in the headings that he used, the figures provide an overview of her levels of expenditure on items such as cloth, fur and metal thread. There is little about Lady Margaret’s clothing in the accounts for 1498–99. Those for 1505 record that she bought 2¾ yards (2.5 m) of dark tawny for a nightgown and 24 white lamb skins costing 2s 6d to line her night slop.150 She had a gown of black damask furred with 50 pinks and no less than 300 fine pinks, and a bonnet of ermine with 200 powderings.151 Smaller items included furring, a pair of sleeves for a gown costing 4d, a kirtle and pair of sleeves costing 14d, a kirtle with grey poots costing 8d and lining the pleats of her mantle with cotton.152 Her purchases in 1507 included 14s 10½d for 1¾ yards (1.6 m) of scarlet for a petticoat.153 Her petticoats were furred with three skins of black lamb costing 6s. She also ordered a new gown of black cloth trimmed with black velvet and lined with black buckram. In the following year, her orders included 20 yards (18.2 m) of black velvet for gowns for her at 10s 4d the yard, costing £10 6s 8d, and 6,000 pins costing 3s.154

establishing the house of tudor

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Table 5.6: Summary of Lady Margaret Beaufort’s expenditure on dress and textiles from her household accounts Date

Summary details recorded in the account books

1498–99

Cloth of gold, silks, furs, woollen cloth & other necessaries £258 17s 5½d; goldsmiths work and jewels £43 3s 4d; gold wire and embroiderer’s work £23 9s; dives stuff bought £102 11s; saddles with necessaries to them belonging £25 21d Certain pieces of woollen cloth bought for poor folk £24 4s; furs £4 26s 8½d; cloth of gold £9 18s; diverse silks bought as velvet, damask, satin, camlet, sarsenet and others £39 10s 1d Certain pieces of wool and divers pieces of frieze bought for poor folk £13 8s 10½d; certain pieces of linen and canvas £20 14s 9d; gold and gold wire and working silk and ribbon £47 5s 4½d; certain silks including satin, damask £110 2s 4d; velvets £41 16s 5d; fustian and buckram £10 3s 3d; certain other necessaries £8 17s 1½d; furs for my lady £6 14s 2d Certain pieces of woollen cloth and divers pieces of frieze and cotton for the poor £59 9s 7d; certain pieces of linen cloth £17 17s; silks, as velvets damasks, satins, sarsenet £32 11s 6d; cambric £6 8s 4d; cottons, canvas and buckram £14 10s 11d; cloth of gold £90 1s; certain raw silk for my lady £5 3s 10d; gold wire and damask gold 73s 2½d; pieces of diaper £3 15s 11d; furs £9 9s Certain stuff bought for my lady’s almsmen, women and children £6 16s 9d; divers silks bought as damask, satin, camlet, sarsenet £66 13s 11d; other stuff and necessaries bought for £15 5½d; sipers 9s 4d; furs and the wages of certain skinners £14 14s 7d; gold wire, silver wire, silks, fringes, ribbon £21 3s 1½d; worsted, fustians and buckrams £6 8s 2d; woollen cloth and frieze £29 15s 8¾d; diaper and linen £24 15s ¼d; canvas £7 16s 11d; packthread and other thread of divers colours 12s 4d Stuff bought for her alms men, women and children 10s 9½d; certain stuff bought and other apparel for my lady’s maundy £8 18s 7d; velvet, satins and damasks £82 10s 2d; other stuff bought £8 14s 10d; other stuff including pearls £7 14s 8d; plate and jewels £38 8s ½d; furs £7 15s 1d; working silks 45s 3½d; working metal thread £16 10s; linen cloth £11 4½d; woollen cloth £10 3s ½d; worsted £6 3s 4d; kersey 38s; cloth of gold £112 7s 6d My lady’s maundy £10 11s 8d; cottons and friezes of diverse colours for poor folk and the store of the wardrobe £14 11s 6d; furs as lamb and budge 44s; stuff bought as certain woollen cloth, girdles, ribbons £17 0s 7½d; thread, needles £2 8s 2d; linen £20 7s ½d; linen and diaper bought of Hammond Nicholson hardwareman £92 18s 4d; other cloth 27s 6 ½d; velvet £41 5s; satin £37 10s; sarsenet 6s; certain gilt gold, round gold, flat gold, silver wire £30 12s 6d; raw silk £12 4s 8d Frieze and cottons, bonnets bought from Robert Hilton for my lady’s almsmen and poor folk £23 13s; woollen cloth bought for the wardrobe £5; linen and canvas £3 13s ½d; certain furs £11 10s 7d; black velvet, black satin, russet damask £113 12s 2½d; working gold, gold of Venice, silver wire, raw silk £38 16s 4d Divers velvets, satins, damasks, sarsenet £136 4s 11d; certain bonnets, frontlets £3 11s 4d; Robert Hilton for provision of stuff £68 10s 3d

1502–03 1503–04 1504–05 1505–06

1506–07

1507–08

1508–09 1509

In addition, there are several inventories of Lady Margaret’s household goods, including her wardrobe of the robes at Collyweston at time of her death in 1509. It provides a remarkable insight into the size, composition and value of the wardrobe of one of the leading women in the country. She owned 20 gowns, all black, seven of which were valued at £39 5s 8d, three petticoats, six mantles plus one hood and tippet and one cloak. Along with some furs, a selection of lengths of cloth of gold and other silks, her wardrobe of the robes was valued at £126 19d 7s.155 In addition, in ‘my lady’s chamber’ there were further lengths of silk and linen, along with two tippets of crimson and one ‘old broken gown’. The 1509 inventory reveals that Lady Margaret favoured two styles of gown: a gown with a train which could either be half or full length which usually took 11 yards (10 m) of fabric, and the round gown which did not have a train, thereby requiring less cloth, merely 8 yards (7.3 m). Whichever style, most of her gowns were edged with fur, often of a contrasting colour. The accounts of her cofferer record regular purchases of fur made on her behalf. Like Elizabeth of York, she owned a riding gown. The black velvet gown had an ‘oute edge lynede with blake bokeram’, possibly as a concession to its use while riding.156 Her three petticoats were all scarlet. One was plain but the other two were furred with either black or white lamb. All of her mantles bar one were made from black cloth. The one exception was ‘a mantill of Tawny clothe single cont ij yerdes’.157 In March 1509, John Nicholas received 8s 2d for 50 pinks, 12 skins of leather, 2 lb (0.9 kg) of white thread, the hire of a workman for a day and a night furring Lady Margaret’s gown of satin, and for his own board wages for a fortnight.158 The quantity of black clothing is remarkable. It indicates a number of things: her wealth, her maturity and her piety. It may also have been a response to the deaths

of Prince Arthur and Elizabeth of York and her possible association with the mourning ordinances of 1503.159 The accounts also provide information about Lady Margaret’s use of accessories. She made regular purchases of sipers, as indicated in a payment to Mistress Stanhope of 7s 2d for sipers and pins in 1505.160 In 1506 a silk girdle bought for her from Haymond Glass, hardwareman, cost 20d.161 A range of footwear also appears in the accounts. Maydwell, a shoemaker in Stamford, provided a pair of slippers and a pair of shoes, as well as ‘setting’ or shaping a pair of buskins for Margaret.162 In August 1504 Robert Hilton submitted a bill for making a pair of buskins of orange leather for ‘my lady’ costing 6d.163 The bill also included a pair of shoes made from the same leather, two pairs of slippers and two pairs of shoes. Amongst a group of items listed under the heading ‘Small trash’ there were two pairs of gloves edged with powdered ermine and a pair of knitted gloves.164 Lady Margaret’s delight in gloves can be seen in a letter she wrote to on 25 April 1497 to the earl of Ormond on his return from an embassy to Burgundy: ‘I heartily thank you that you list so soon remember me with my gloves which were right good save that they were too much for my hand. I think the ladies in that part be great ladies all, and according to their great estate have great personages.’165 There is also evidence of Lady Margaret’s personal jewels. In July 1504 Lady Margaret paid £20 to Sir Hugh Ashton for jewels bought in France.166 From her household accounts for 1506 there were payments to John Mondy, goldsmith, for four rings of gold wire for 27s, setting of four rubies and making the four rings for 16s and enamelling the chain, buckle and pendant of a girdle, 9s 6d.167 She paid 13s for a flower with a diamond, 12s 4d for a flower with a ruby and 20s for making them.168 Jewels of this type were popular throughout the

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fifteenth century, as indicated by a surviving example of a white enamelled brooch in the shape of a rose with a tourmaline set in the centre.169 On 28 January 1509 John Vauntrix received 28s for a brooch of gold having three personages and 8s for the fashioning, and 29s for a gold brooch with Our Lady of Pity and 8s for the fashioning.170 Short sight in later life seems to have been a family failing inherited by her son and grandson. In 1507 John Veryght, goldsmith, was paid 23s 4d for making a pair of spectacles of gold.171 By 1509 she owned ‘oon greate Case with spetakilles’.172 At her death a number of her personal jewels were in the custody of Mistress Fowler, including several which made a punning reference to her name, such as ‘oon pomaunder of golde fasshynede to a peare with a wrethe of white & rede & a margarett in thende’.173 She also had five great pearls and ‘oon pece of the holy cross sett in golde with peerless and preciouse stones’.174 Lady Margaret was one of the last ladies of the Garter, that is she was a member of the Garter in her own right, not as the wife of a Garter knight. At the time of her death, she owned ‘a olde scarlet gowne with garters having a longe trayn’.175 Like others, she adorned her household and chapel fittings with garters: she had ‘ij bunches of Garters for vestments’ priced at 8s 4d.176 Her possession of parliament robes is not listed in her wardrobe book, but these can be inferred from the ‘Stringes for parliament Robys’. A very few references to Lady Margaret occur in her son’s great wardrobe accounts. These are linked mainly to religious ceremonies, as with Elizabeth of York, and her inclusion at such occasions at this level, including the Candlemas celebrations in 1497 indicates her authority at Henry VII’s court.177 She also took part in maundy ceremonies of her own. The sum of 12s was spent on 3 yards (2.7 m) of tawny cloth for ‘my lady’s maundy gown’ in 1502.178 In 1506 her maundy gown, made of tawny cloth, cost 14s.179 In addition, 68s 3d was distributed between 63 poor folk, 84 pairs of women’s hose (32s 8d), 73 caps (35s 6d) and 63 pairs of shoes (17s 8d).180 Robert Hilton was a key supplier of cloth for Lady Margaret and her household. He provided cloth on three occasions in 1504.181 However, other purchases were made in London, as indicated by the payment of 3s 2d made to Sir Thomas Cheston for the carriage of a chest full of silks from London to Cheston and then on to Hatfield. On another occasion 10d was paid to Richard Addeton for ‘time and botehire’ in London to provide velvet.182 Some of her cloth came from further afield. In 1508 Thomas of Boston supplied several lengths of silk, and he also received a payment of 6s 8d for transporting silk bought for her in Calais.183 The implication of a number of the entries is that Hilton may also have been Lady Margaret’s tailor. If he was, he did not enjoy an undivided monopoly as other tailors are mentioned in the accounts. In 1505 an unnamed tailor received a payment of 20d ‘for sewing my ladys gere for iiij dayes’ and another 12d for helping to make Mistress Perot’s gowns, kirtles and petticoats.184 In 1508 Robert Long was paid 4s 3d for riding from Hatfield to London and back with two horses over three days ‘to get mistress Benet silk woman to my lady’s grace with the expenses for her and her servant’.185

The view of Lady Margaret’s wardrobe at Hatfield taken by Hilton provides a clear indication of the amount of cloth that she had in store and how it was distributed. Her stock consisted of 70¼ yards (64.2 m) of black velvet, 66 yards (60.3 m) of black satin, 88½ yards (80.9 m) of tawny satin, 16½ yards (15 m) of black damask, 4¾ yards (4.3 m) of tinselled satin, 68¼ yards (62.4 m) of black sarsenet, 20½ yards (18.7 m) of tawny velvet, 80½ yards (73.6 m) of tawny damask, 35½ yards (32.4 m) of russet damask, 12¼ yards (11.2 m) of russet satin, 3 yards (2.7 m) of yellow satin, 2 yards (1.8 m) of white damask, 57 yards (52.1 m) of tawny camlet, 18 yards (16.4 m) of black camlet and nine rolls of buckram.186 The distribution of the cloth was carefully recorded. During 1508–09: 3 yards of black satin to Master Treasurer for his new year’s gift, one doublet for Master Parker taking 3 yards, one doublet for master Zouche taking 3 yards, a coat for Master Parker, whereof the other half is tinselled satin needing 4½ yards, a doublet for Master Parker, whereof the other half is tinselled satin taking 1½ yards, stomachers for my lady requiring 1 yard, one edge, collar and cuffs for a gown of black velvet needing 1¾ yards, a pair of sleeves for a kirtle taking ¾ yards, the overbodies and sleeves of a gown for my lady furred with ermine needing 2 yards, two gowns for my lady using 22 yards, half a doublet for master parker, the other half being tawny satin needing 1½ yards and a ‘covering my lady’s cophin’ using 5¾ yards coming to 49¾ yards of satin.187

Ever prudent, Lady Margaret gave some of her clothes away as was customary as gifts, while in other cases the fabric was recycled. When Hilton compiled his view of the wardrobe at Hatfield he noted under the heading ‘Black velvet’, ‘to mistress Mabell Clifford one gown lined with black damask given unto her by my ladies grace’, while another black velvet gown had been used to edge the gowns of three of her ladies and to provide the body and sleeves of a gown for Mistress Clifford.188

Henry VII’s children The aspirations of the Tudors and the fragility of these hopes are summed up in Elizabeth of York’s words of comfort to Henry VII on learning of the death of Arthur. She reminded him that ‘his mother had never no more children but him only, and that God by his Grace had ever preserved him, and brought him where he was. Over that, howe that God had left him yet a fayre Prince, two fayre Princesses and that God is where he was, and we are both young ynoughe’.189 The idea of the continuity of the house of Tudor was reinforced by the creation of family images, an idea copied by Henry VIII. The strongest image is presented in the altarpiece of Henry VII, Elizabeth of York and their seven children with St George and the Dragon c. 1505–09. It is conceivable that this altarpiece was intended for St George’s chapel, Windsor (Fig. 5.7). A reduced version of this image forms the central motif of the illumination on the ordinances of the Confraternity of the Immaculate Conception of London, 1503. The king and queen kneel at an altar together with their children, looking upwards towards Joachim and Anne at the Golden Gate.190 Both these groups depicted the members of Henry VII’s family, living and

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5.7 The Family of Henry VII with St George and the Dragon, unknown artist of the Flemish School, c. 1505–09. RCIN 401228 OM 19 WC 2054. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

dead. A depiction of a smaller family group of Henry VII, Elizabeth of York, Prince Arthur along with the donors Sir Reginald Bray, Sir Thomas Lovell and Sir John Savage survives in the stained glass window at Great Malvern.191 Later Henry VIII included the long-dead Jane Seymour in pictures of himself with his three children. Henry VII and Elizabeth of York had seven children, three sons and four daughters, three of whom did not survive infancy. For much of the reign, John Fligh, Henry VII’s yeoman of the robes, undertook the delivery of the clothes ordered by the king for his children. When they were very young, provision for the new infants also included furnishings for the royal nursery and livery for the women in attendance there. Provision was made for the birth of Arthur in Winchester in 1486 and establishing the royal nursery.192 On 8 June 1487, a payment of £46 was made to Lady Elizabeth Darcy as lady mistress and the others attending Arthur.193 Early in 1488 Henry VII also provided livery for the women attendant on his son: Lady Elizabeth Darcy, the lady mistress, Catherine Gibbs, the nurse, Elizabeth Wood, gentlewoman, and two unnamed gentlewomen rockers each received 3 broad yards (2.7 m) of velvet for a gown.194 Later in the year, the nursery staff were paid as follows: the lady mistress 40 marks,

the nurse £20, Elizabeth Wood £6 13s 4d, Amy Boteler and Emelyn Hobbes £3 6s 8d and Alison Biwimble 53s 4d.195 In July 1489 the prince’s nurse received £15 for her wages for three-quarters of a year.196 In May 1490 Alice Davy was paid as nurse to Princess Margaret.197 Much later, on 3 July 1515 Henry VIII gave his childhood nurse, Anne Luke, an annuity of £20.198 As the king’s children grew up, the range of tasks undertaken by some of the women working in the nursery changed, but a few individuals remained in post. On 15 March 1498, the half-year wages of the women attendant upon Henry, Margaret and Mary were paid at a rate of 33s 4d each to Jane Coling, Frideswyde Putnam, Margery Gower, Jane Care, Alice Skidmore and Alice Biwimble.199 In the following year, Anne Crown, mistress of the nursery, received on 19 February 3 yards (2.7 m) murrey in grain, with the same to Joanne Case, and 15 yards (13.7 m) tawny cloth for five gowns for gentlewomen of the nursery costing £7 5s.200 In 1496–97 Elizabeth Denton was mistress of the nursery and she received 3 broad yards (2.7 m) in grain for a gown, as did Anne Skeron, nurse to the lady Mary and Jane Coling, Frideswyde Putnam, Margery Gower, Joanne Case, Alice Skidmore and Alice Biwimble.201 The only reference to provision for ‘our dearest

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daughter Katherine’ is in the form of the warrant ordering furnishings for her nursery dated 8 February 1503.202 Arthur, as heir to the throne, was naturally the chief focus of these warrants, where he is styled simply as ‘the prince’. Prince Henry assumed this appellation in the great wardrobe warrants and accounts after Arthur’s death on 2 April 1502. Until 1502, Henry was often included in joint warrants with his two sisters, Margaret and Mary, and briefly in 1492–95 with his sister Elizabeth and in 1499 with his brother Edmund, duke of Somerset. In a warrant dated 10 August the great wardrobe provided 20 ells (13.8 m) of linen cloth at 3s 4d the ell for shirts, smocks and biggins for Henry, duke of York, ‘our derest seconde sonne’, and Princesses Margaret and Mary.203 Henry VII’s children were clothed appropriately and befitting their status. When young, they were dressed richly but never to the point of excess. This applied to Arthur as well as to Henry. Black figured prominently in their wardrobes, as it did with their father, but not to the exclusion of other colours. As the older sister, Margaret invariably received more clothes than Mary. While they were sometimes given matching items, such as the gowns of green velvet edged with purple tinsel in August 1498, they could also receive complementary items such as in April 1495 when the king ordered a gown of tawny velvet edged with black tinsel for Margaret and a gown of black velvet edged with tawny tinsel for Mary.204 However, there was also some variety, such as the tabbed sleeves and French hoods. Periodically, there were references to garments being modified to keep pace with the children’s growth, to repairs and to furs being taken out and put in, in response to the seasons. Henry VII also funded the ceremonial events that marked his children’s lives: in February 1499 red worsted and linen to drape the font used at the christening of Edmund, in 1501 12 score yards (219.5 m) of blue woollen cloth 2 yards (1.8 m) broad to lay on the processional route to St Paul’s for the marriage of Arthur to Catherine of Aragon, and in 1503 a multitude of riches for the marriage of Margaret to James IV.205

prince arthur There were two portraits of Prince Arthur in Henry VIII’s catalogue of pictures in the 1540s: ‘oone table with the Picture of Prince Aurthure’ [695] and one of Arthur wearing ‘a rede Cappe with a broche vpon it and a collor of red and white Rooses’ [763]. There are several extant portraits of Arthur, all of which are half-length depicting his head and shoulders. They include a portrait of him c. 1500 of the Anglo-Flemish school in which he holds a white gillyflower in his right hand. He is dressed in a red velvet doublet trimmed with gold, with a low round neckline and no collar, worn over a linen shirt, also with a low, round, neckline and under a gown of cloth of gold trimmed with sable (Pl. IVa).206 On his head he wears a black hat decorated with a single gold jewel decorated with three pendant pearls. The stylistic evidence suggests that the picture

was probably painted while negotiations for his marriage were in progress. Arthur was born prematurely on 19 September 1485 at Winchester. On his presentation to the Spanish ambassadors in 1488, they said that ‘He appeared to us so admirable that, whatever praise, commendation, of flattery any might be capable of speaking or writing would only be the truth in his case’.207 For such an occasion, even as a child, Arthur needed a formal wardrobe, and he had one. Three warrants for his clothes exist covering the eight months from 3 September 1487. The small quantities of cloth required reflected his size, but the clothes are still very formal in terms of colours and fabrics. The earliest only lists three lengths of fabric without specifying any garment, but comparison with the other two warrants suggests that they were intended to make a gown of black velvet, a gown or coat of black damask and two crimson velvet bonnets.208 On 26 November 1487 the king ordered a black velvet gown furred with pampilion, a crimson velvet gown furred with ermine, satin coats of black and ‘argentine colour’ (blue) lined with white cloth and two black velvet bonnets for him.209 The high percentage of black garments is still noticeable in April 1488 when he received a black satin coat, a black velvet bonnet and a gown of black velvet. However, hints of colour also appeared: the gown was lined with purple satin and he had a second gown of green damask.210 On 24 January 1492 Henry VII bought a bow for ‘my lord prince’ costing 6s 8d.211 Several months later, Nicholas Barley, skinner, was paid £6 17s 8d for ermine for a gown of tawny velvet and for furring a gown of crimson velvet for Arthur.212 His chief residence was Ludlow castle, Shropshire. As prince of Wales he ‘governed most discretely, and after most righteous order and wisdom . . . upholding and defending the poor and rightful quarrels; repressing malice and unlawful dispositions; amplifying and increasing the laws and services of Almighty God’.213 In 1497 Arthur met the Milanese ambassador who recollected of him: ‘The Prince of Wales [was] about eleven years of age, but taller than his years would warrant, of remarkable beauty and grace and very ready at speaking Latin.’214 On 30 October 1498 he entered London in a manner befitting the prince of Wales: ‘Ridyng In a goune of Cremesyn velvet borderid with cloth of Gold, and afftyr hym Rode vj ffolower all clad In Cremesyn velvet withouth bordurs.’215 In 1500 the Spanish ambassador informed Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain that ‘Now it has pleased God . . . that not a doubtful drop of blood remains in this kingdom, except the true blood of the king and queen, and above all, that of the lord prince Arthur’.216 However, it was noted that in mid February 1502 Arthur ‘began to decay’.217 In late March he became seriously ill, dying on 2 April. His death had not been expected. On 16 April 1502 Lady Margaret Beaufort paid Mistress Windsor 10s for 2 oz (0.05 kg) of damask gold and 2s 6d for flat gold used to make two garters, one of for him and the other for his brother.218 Some of Arthur’s robes passed to Prince Henry. The wardrobe book kept by Worsley listed Arthur’s parliament robes, then valued at £100. They consisted of ‘a kyrtell furred with meneuer’ [B15], ‘a Taberd

establishing the house of tudor furred with meneuer’ [B16], ‘a Hode & a Cappe of estate furred with meneuer’ [B17] and ‘a mantell furred with ermyns’ [B18]. Arthur’s ‘Robes of sainte George’ were also listed valued at just £50: they consisted of ‘a Gowne of crimosyn veluete lyned with white dammaske’ [B13] and ‘a mantell of blewe veluete lyned with white dammaske’ [B14]. The lesser valuation for the Garter robes is to be explained by the use of silk rather than fur for the lining. Arthur’s parliament robes do not seem to have survived long but his garter robes were still within the wardrobe of the robes in 1547 which listed ‘A mantell of Blewe veluett lyned wythe white Dammaske’ and ‘A kirtell and A hoode of Crimsen vellatt Lyned with Dammaske’ (14177–78).

princess margaret Margaret was born on 28 November 1489 and was baptised two days later on St Andrew’s day. She was named after St Margaret, an English princess who married a king of Scots in the eleventh century. Her father destined her to follow the same course. By the treaty of Ayton in 1502, the marriage between her and James IV of Scotland was arranged and on 8 August 1503 it was celebrated. From 1502 Margaret was styled ‘queen of Scots’. Henry VII knew that the richness of Margaret’s trousseau reflected his own wealth and status. Clothes, furnishings, stable and chapel stuff were ordered on 11 warrants between November 1502 and June 1503 at a cost of £303 19s 10d.219 At the tournament held in November 1494 to celebrate the creation of Henry as the duke of York, Margaret wore a velvet gown.220 The women of her household wore gowns of white damask with crimson velvet sleeves. For the marriage of Prince Arthur in 1501 she had gowns made from cloth of gold.221 During the period covered by her extant privy purse accounts, Elizabeth of York provided some clothing for her daughters. Perhaps not surprisingly, she bought more for her elder daughter Margaret. Between 14 June 1502 and 12 February 1503 Margaret received four items from her mother. These included two pairs of sleeves. One pair of sleeves made from orange sarsenet were brought from Westminster to London by boat for her in July 1502.222 The other pair made from black sarsenet cost 4d.223 Larger items included paying for the ‘upperbodying, sleeving and lining’ of a gown of black velvet and hemming a kirtle for Margaret.224 The most expensive item Elizabeth paid for was the furring of a gown of crimson velvet and the provision of two skins of pampilion for the cuffs, half a fur of shanks for performing the gown and four tavelins of shanks for the collar and vents.225

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nowe dothe grow’.226 A drawing of Prince Henry as a young child, probably a copy datable to c. 1515–25, depicts him in clothes of the period (Fig. 5.8): a short coat with a square neck and a bonnet, very similar to that his own son was depicted wearing.227 On 1 January 1494 Henry VII paid 14s for horses bought for ‘my lord Harry’.228 The boy’s elevation as duke of York ten months later was an assertion that Perkin Warbeck, who had called himself duke, was a fraud. On the day that he became duke, Prince Henry was also made a knight of the Bath. On 20 October 1494 a writ was issued ‘for attendance upon our second son Henry for to take with and under him the order of the bath’.229 Eleven days later the earl of Northumberland received £2 6s 8d for the robes of a knight of the bath that he wore when he assisted at the creation of Prince Henry as a knight of the order and as duke of York.230 In spite of his young age, Henry was the centre of attention: ‘At about thre in the afternoon the duke of York, called Lord Henry, the king’s second son, came through the city. A child of about four years of age, he sat on a courser and rode to Westminster to the king with a goodly company.’231 Later Henry VII picked his son up and placed him on a table so people could see him, a gesture which emphasised both his youth and his significance. A challenge was also issued for a joust to celebrate the

prince henry Prince Henry, born on 28 June 1491, was the second son and the third child of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York. According to John Skelton, ‘The rose both white and Red, In one Rose

5.8 Drawing of Henry VIII as a little boy, unknown artist. Bibliothèque de Méjanes, Aix-en-Provence

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‘creation of duke unto the right high and excellent prince my lord Henry’.232 On the first day of the jousts, the challengers wore green and white, the Tudor livery colours, while on the second day the challengers wore blue and murrey, Henry’s colours as duke. Following Henry’s installation as a knight of the Garter on 19 May 1495, Sir Charles Somerset was given £13 6s 8d for offerings and expenses.233 Later that year, on 27 October, Henry VII paid £7 10s for ‘diverse yards of silke bought for my Lorde of York and my Lady Margarete’.234 By a warrant dated 1496–97 he was provided with a gown of black camlet furred with black budge, a coat of black satin and a petticoat of scarlet. An old fur of budge was repaired so that it could go back into a gown.235 On 4 December his father also ordered a crimson velvet gown furred with black budge for him, possibly to be worn at Christmas.236 On 1 April 1498 John Fligh was paid 4s 4d for a tippet of sarsenet for Prince Henry.237 In the following month Henry was given a riding gown of green velvet lined with black satin, a doublet of crimson satin and a pair of tawny buskins.238 At the end of the year a set of formal robes were made for him consisting of a long crimson velvet gown furred with ermine with 2,800 powderings, a black velvet gown furred with sable, crimson velvet bonnets, scarlet petticoats and a doublet of tawny satin.239 Like his elder brother’s Garter livery for 1499, his consisted of a blue cloth gown and a matching hood, but Henry’s only had 160 garters.240 Later in the year he received 7 yards (6.4 m) of black velvet for a glaudekin lined with tawny damask, 3½ yards (3.2 m) of black velvet for a coat, 1¾ yards (1.6 m) of black satin for a jacket and 1½ ells (1.1 m) of sarsenet to repair the lining of a gown.241

Table 5.7: Overview of the orders of clothes for Prince Henry in the extant great wardrobe accounts and loose warrants Date

Date of warrants

Temp Henry VII 4 December 1497(the duke of York), 8 August 1498 (the king’s children) Temp Henry VII 10 August [. . .] — the king’s children 1497–98 [. . .], 13 April (the king’s children), 3 May (the duke of York), 21 July (the king’s children), 7 September 1497 (the king’s children on the king’s warrant) 1498–99 6 & 16 November 1498, 6 February (the king’s children), 11 April (the duke of York), 8 August 1499 (the king’s children) 1501–03 10 November (2) 1501, 12 & 14 February, 25 August, 24 November 1502, 11 March, 12 June 1503 1502–03 24 November 1502, 12 March, 12 June, 25 August 1503 1504–05 1 February 1505 (2) 1505–06 4 July, 12 December 1505, 26 January, 15 August 1506 (2) 1508–09 7 October 1508

Cost Values not given Values not given Values not given

£134 8s 6½d

Values not given

£61 3s 10½d £16 13s 5d £118 7s ½d Values not given

Henry was brought up with his sisters and younger brother. In 1499 Erasmus described meeting at Greenwich the royal children: In the midst stood Prince Henry, now nine years old, and having already something of royalty in his demeanour in which there was a certain dignity combined with singular courtesy. On his right was Margaret, about eleven years of age, afterwards married to James, King of Scots; and on his left played Mary, a child of four. Edmund was an infant in arms.242

In November 1501 Henry played a key role at his brother’s wedding. For the occasion he was attired sumptuously.243 He had two long gowns, three glaudekins, a riding gown, one gown, three jackets, four doublets, eight pairs of hose, three tippets, five bonnets, as well as boot, shoes and spurs. One of the long gowns was of tawny cloth of gold of tissue furred with ermine, with a glaudekin of purple velvet furred with jennets and another of crimson velvet upon velvet hatched with gold and furred with budge. His horses were appropriately caparisoned. Henry received a saddle for his courser and a saddle and harness covered with crimson velvet embroidered with gold for his hoby. There was also a purple velvet saddle and harness.244 Henry was allowed livery for four footmen and two minstrels, in blue and yellow. (These were the colours given to Mary on becoming princess of Wales.245) His lute player, Giles Duwes, got 16 yards (14.3 m) of good black camlet for a gown ‘for the solemnization of the marriage of our dearest son’.246 Two of his household officers, Sir Thomas Brandon and Sir John Druby, received 150 yards (137.2 m) of tawny cloth and the same of blue cloth, costing 3s 4d the yard ‘for gowns for 100 persons appointed to attend upon our dearest and rightly beloved son the duke of York as Marshal of England at the marriage of our dearest son the prince’. On 14 February 1502 Henry received a fashionable cloak of crimson in grain bordered with black velvet and 12 pairs of knit hose.247 Following his elder brother’s death in the following April he succeeded to the dukedom. For his formal investiture, his father ordered 15½ yards (14.1 m) of white damask to line a gown and hood of crimson velvet for his son and for himself a mantle made from 20 yards (18.2 m) of blue velvet and lined with 19½ yards (17.8 m) of white damask and 21¼ yards (19.4 m) of white satin to line a gown and hood of crimson velvet.248 In August he had a doublet and jacket of black and black budge to perform a gown of black velvet furred with budge, and in November a jacket of crimson and black velvet.249 Henry VII ordered a doublet of white cloth of gold for ‘the prince’ on his own warrant dated 24 December.250 The following year saw his creation as prince of Wales and earl of Chester on 18 February 1503. Henry went into mourning on the death of his mother in February 1503.251 His mourning consisted of a long gown of black cloth furred with black budge, with a matching hood and tippet, a riding gown of black cloth, also furred with budge and a cloak of black cloth lined with black satin bordered with black velvet. The order also included two black satin doublets and a sleeveless jacket of black velvet lined with sarsenet. In addition he received 12 pairs of hose, 12 pairs of gloves and shoes, two tippets of black sarsenet and a horse house or trapper of blue velvet ‘for his nag’. He received a further order of mourning dated 12 June 1503 with another

establishing the house of tudor long gown just with a tippet of black cloth, a doublet of black satin and new black linings being put into a jerkin of black velvet and a riding gown of black cloth.252 On 14 January 1504 Henry Wyatt, master of the jewel house, prepared an indenture recording the jewellery issued to Ralph Pudsey for Henry’s use.253 The indenture was periodically amended and by January 1509 had 47 entries. The most expensive, a cross set with five table cut diamonds, was valued at £13 6s 8d. A list of Henry VIII’s jewels dating from 1528 listed ‘divers brooches and aglets, which were the King’s when his Grace was prince’ and an inventory from two years later included a garter from his youth.254 The fact that he kept them suggests that Henry may have felt a sentimental attachment to pieces from his childhood, that is if he had not forgotten about their existence. Lady Margaret Beaufort lavished presents on her grandson. In March 1506 she bought him a horse costing £6 13s 4d.255 She also gave him a new saddle and harness which was made by one Palmer at a cost of 10d. The harness was made of stoolwork ‘bordered about with black velvet’ costing 10s, with nine gilt buckles and pendants on the saddle and six gilt flowers on the harness.256 She bought him another saddle for his first public appearance jousting in June 1507, and in 1508 she sent him a gift after he had been ‘running at the ring’.257 On 1 February 1505 comes the first real hint of Henry’s abiding passion for sport. The warrant issued then included a black satin arming doublet with a matching partlet and waist girdle. The doublet and the sleeves, apparently made separately, were lined with linen and canvas. The order also included two dozen white and green silk points, a pair of arming spurs and a pair of arming shoes.258 The rest of the warrant tempered sumptuous items with prudent reworking of garments: making a jacket of tinselled satin lined with black sarsenet, a jerkin of crimson velvet hatched lined with black satin, a jacket and gown of crimson velvet furred with black budge and bordered with cloth of gold worked in the stool, and mending a long gown of purple velvet and making two jackets from an old glaudekin. In December 1505 Henry VII ordered a range of new clothes and accessories for his son including hose and shoes. A number of existing items were furred: a glaudekin of crimson velvet with jennets, a riding gown of purple velvet with libards, a glaudekin of purple velvet with black budge, a jacket of crimson velvet without sleeves with black budge and two jackets of black velvet with black budge.259 This order could well have been connected with the unexpected arrival in England of Archduke Philip and his wife Joanna. A further warrant issued on 26 January 1506 included some sumptuous garments, a doublet of cloth of gold, scarlet hose, a doublet of russet satin and a black velvet riding gown, which were appropriate to the reception of Philip and Joanna. On 9 February 1506 Henry VII made Ferdinand a knight of the Garter. The king paid for a mantle and hood of crimson velvet, lined with white satin, for Ferdinand of Castile.260 Ferdinand reciprocated by making Prince Henry a knight of the Golden Fleece. In August 1506 a warrant included a black velvet nightgown furred with martens, a black velvet jerkin furred with black budge and a black satin doublet.261

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It looks as though Henry VII used clothing as a means to promote Prince Henry, as his heir apparent and the future king. The final surviving warrant from Henry VII’s reign, ordering clothing for the prince dates from October 1508. It includes a glaudekin of crimson velvet furred with black budge, a jacket of purple tilsent of the new making without sleeves furred with ermine and a jacket of yellow cloth of gold after camlet making with a base furred with black coney.262

princess mary Princess Mary was born in the spring of 1496. The earliest warrant for her, dating from 6 November 1498, was for black satin for a kirtle, crimson velvet for a gown edged with mink and furred with calibre, black velvet for a gown furred with 27 ermine backs for the edge of the gown and with miniver pure.263 On 8 August 1499, she received a range of items, including gowns of purple tinsel satin and blue velvet and kirtles of tawny, crimson and green.264 For the marriage of Prince Arthur, Mary had two new dresses, one of russet velvet, the other of crimson velvet, to be worn with a green satin kirtle and matching sleeves. In contrast, her older sister received gowns made from cloth of gold.265 She received just two items from her mother: a gown of black satin and a kirtle on 14 June as well as some clothes from the great wardrobe later in November.266 The delivery from the great wardrobe included a black velvet gown with sleeves furred with mink, a black satin kirtle lined with black cloth and linen for the upper bodies and crimson velvet to decorate the hem, scarlet for a petticoat, linen for smocks, rails, kerchers, 1,000 pins and sipers. Four months after her mother’s death in 1503, under a warrant dated 26 June, Mary received a range of clothes: black cloth for two gowns edged with black velvet, black cloth for another gown and miniver and ermine for furring the gown, two kirtles of black satin and black damask bordered with black velvet, a black worsted kirtle, a bonnet of powdered ermine, linen for three smocks, three biggins, kerchers and rails.267 Under the next warrant over a year later, Mary got a sumptuous gown of cloth of gold furred with miniver pure and ermine. Powderings were provided for furring the collar, cuffs and purfil of the gown and a fur of poots for the upper bodies and sleeves. Grey furs for the collar, cuffs and purfil of another gown were also supplied. After 1504 she received clothes on warrants issued roughly every six months and while black was a recurrent theme it was usually tempered with pale fur or trimmed with another colour. On 16 June 1505 she was given a gown of black tilsent with an edge of crimson velvet, a gown of black velvet with an edge of cloth of gold and lined with black sarsenet and making a kirtle of green satin.268 In the following January she received mink skins for the collar, cuffs and purfil and edge of a gown of black tinsel and black velvet for the upper body of the gown and a fur of shanks for the purfil.269 That summer, she was given black sarsenet for lining and performing a gown, crimson velvet for the collar, cuffs of the gown, black cotton to line

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the purfil, black damask for a kirtle lined with black cotton and edged with crimson velvet for the edge of the kirtle. One of the last warrants authorized for her by her father gave her a bonnet of powdered ermine in February 1509.270

prince edmund Prince Edmund lived for 16 months after his birth on 20 February 1499.271 There are very few references to clothing ordered for him. Even so, one of the earliest appears on a shared warrant dated 8 August 1499 where he is mentioned after his older brother but before his two sisters. The order consisted of 1½ yards (1.3 m) of black damask for a coat, two pairs of knitted hose and a crimson velvet hat.272 As the extant account book reveals, he received a black velvet hat instead.273 He died a little under a year later on 19 June 1500.

Catherine of Aragon Following the death of Prince Arthur in 1502, Henry VII reluctantly assumed responsibility for the widowed Catherine of Aragon. Her father, Ferdinand, had failed to pay her dowry in full and her father-in-law refused to pay her dower until her dowry had been settled. In 1504, the year after her betrothal to Prince Henry, Henry VII gave her a new headdress, ‘a St Peter in gold’ and £100 a month.274 Even so, her position remained parlous. By December 1505 she had received only two new dresses in five years. She admitted ‘that which troubles me more is to see my servants and maidens so at a loss, and that they have not the wherewith to get clothes’.275 She wrote to her father on 22 April 1506: about my own person, I have nothing for chemises; wherefore . . . I have now sold some bracelets to get a dress of black velvet, for I was all but naked; for since I departed thence [from Spain] I have nothing except two new dresses, for till now those I brought from thence have lasted me, although now I have nothing but the dresses of brocade.276

Notes 1 As Geoffrey Elton stated, ‘The Tudor court, with its red-coated guard and its vast expenditure on silks, satins, and velvets, was always a gorgeous affair, and ceremonial was one thing on which Henry invariably spent in a prodigal manner’: G. Elton, England Under the Tudors (New York, 1954), p. 43. 2 Cunnington, Handbook; Scott, Visual History; Ashelford, Visual History; and Norris, Costume. 3 C. Breward, The Culture of Fashion (Manchester, 1995), p. 19. 4 Scott, Visual History, p. 18. 5 R. L. Wyss, The Burgundian Booty and Works of Burgundian Court Art (Berne, 1969), pp. 114–15. 6 BHM 23. 7 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, pp. 442, 462. 8 So the cope may not have come from the battle of Grandson as is often suggested; Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, p. 443. 9 BHM 20a. 10 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, pp. 156, 461. The photographs of the coat prior to conservation indicate that the support has stiffened the skirts of the coat, causing them to fall in stiffer folds than originally intended. 11 K. Christie, ‘Neuentdeckungen im Bernischen Historischen Museum: Der sogenannte Burgunderrock (BHM Inv. 20)’, Waffen-und Kostümkunde (2004), pp. 83–92. I am most grateful to Karen for discussing the gown with me and for providing me with a copy of her article. 12 Ross, Edward IV, p. 261. 13 Lovekyn’s inventory has been transcribed and printed, see Sutton, ‘Lovekyn’, pp. 1–12. 14 A. F. Sutton, ‘Order and fashion in clothes: the King, his household and the City of London at the end of the fifteenth century’, Textile History, 22.2 (1991), pp. 253–76. 15 PPE Elizabeth, p. 146. 16 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 134–35. 17 Hearn, Dynasties, p. 37, pl. 2. 18 Pronay and Cox, Crowland Chronicle, p. 149; Ross, Edward IV, p. 262. 19 M. Letts, ed., The Travels of Leo of Rozmital, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, 108 (Cambridge, 1957), pp. 46–47. 20 Ross, Edward IV, p. 280. 21 TNA E28/91; Ross, Edward IV, p. 263. 22 Nicolas, Edward the Fourth, p. 156. 23 A. Sutton, ‘The court and its culture in the reign of Richard III’, in J. Gillingham, ed., Richard III: A Medieval Kingship (1993), p. 81. 24 R. L. Storey, The Reign of Henry VII (1968), pp. 52–53.

25 M. C. E. Jones, ‘“For my lord of Richmond, a pourpoint . . . and a palfrey”: Brief remarks on the financial evidence for Henry Tudor’s exile in Brittany, 1471–84’, The Ricardian, 13 (2003), p. 284. 26 Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 334, pl. 5. 27 D. Hay, ed., The Anglica Historia of Polydore Vergil AD 1485–1537, Camden Society, 74 (1950), pp. 145–46. 28 CSP Spanish, i, 177; Pollard, Henry VII, ii, p. 4. 29 Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, p. 148. 30 CSP Spanish, i, p. 238. 31 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 161. 32 Kingsford, Chronicles of London, p. 203; Hall, Chronicle, p. 464; Harvey, Elizabeth of York, p. 167. 33 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 177. 34 TNA LC9/50, f. 10v. 35 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 115. In the accounts she is referred to as Catherine Huntly, reflecting that she was the daughter of George Gordon, second earl of Huntly. 36 W. E. A. Moorhen, ‘Lady Katherine Gordon: a Genealogical puzzle’, The Ricardian, 11 (1997), p. 192. 37 TNA E36/209, f. 6r, costing £15 0s 9½d. 38 TNA E101/415/10, ff. 5v–6r, 15v. 39 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 187. 40 Ibid., i, pp. 186–87. 41 C. A. Sneyd, ed., A Relation, or Rather a True Account of the Island of England . . . about the year 1500, Camden Society (1847), p. 46. 42 Chrimes, Henry VII, pp. 298–307; Kipling, Triumph, pp. 3–10. 43 L. Monnas, ‘The vestments of Henry VII at Stonyhurst College: Cloth of gold woven to shape’, CIETA Bulletin, 65 (1987), pp. 69–80; and L. Monnas, ‘New documents for the vestments of Henry VII at Stonyhurst College’, The Burlington Magazine, 131 (1989), pp. 345–49. 44 Ross, Edward IV, p. 264, n. 1. 45 Glanville, Silver, p. 24; drawn from Hayward, The Possessions of Henry VIII, p. 58. 46 Collins, Jewels and Plate, p. 82. 47 ‘Henry VIII’s jewel book’; there were 22 pieces listed in 12 entries, weighing 1,517¼ oz (43 kg). 48 TNA E36/85 (LP v, 1799); there were 14 pieces listed in six entries, weighing 1,357¾ oz (38.5 kg). 49 SoA MS 129, ff. 7r–144v; there were seven pieces listed in four entries, weighing 411¼ oz (11.65 kg). 50 Two gilt pots chased with HE survived until 1574; Collins, Jewels and Plate, no. 577, p. 388. 51 LP iv.ii, 5114; LP iv.iii, 6789. 52 Campbell, Art of Majesty (forthcoming).

establishing the house of tudor 53 TNA E404/79, 321. 54 Ibid., 311. 55 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 96. 56 CoA MS M13, f. 61v. 57 La Toison d’Or, p. 149. 58 TNA E101/415/10, f. 8v. 59 TNA E101/412/20, no. 24. 60 Campbell, Materials, ii, pp. 497–98. The bishop of Winchester received robes furred with miniver pure, miniver gross and byse, as did the other garter knights, while the king was given a robe ‘made of cloth of fine white blanket, furred with wombs of miniver pure, garter with letters of silk and rolls of junks. 61 TNA E36/209, f. 19v. 62 PPE Elizabeth, p. 8. 63 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, pp. 50–51. 64 Ibid., p. 51. 65 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 311. 66 Ibid., p. 311. 67 TNA E101/415/7, no. 8. 68 The portrait should be compared Michael Sittow’s portrait of Philip the Fair, painted by an artist of the Netherlandish school c. 1493–95. Philip wore a close-fitting black cap, a gown of cloth of gold trimmed with ermine wearing the collar of the Golden Fleece. 69 VAM. The clear similarity of the king’s features between this bust and the king’s gilt bronze funeral effigy, also by Torrigiano, has led Peter Lindley to conclude that the bust and funeral effigy were both closely modelled on the king’s death mask; Harvey and Mortimer, Funeral Effigies, p. 53. 70 A. P. Darr, ‘The sculptures of Torrigiano: the Westminster Abbey tombs’, The Connoisseur, 200 (1979), pp. 177–84. 71 TNA E404/79, 384; Campbell, Materials, i, pp. 179–81. 72 TNA E404/79, 326 and 325. 73 Ibid., 332. 74 Ibid., 280. 75 Ibid., 174. 76 Ibid., 254. In 1486 Thomas Fuller provided a yard (0.9 m) of black velvet costing 8s 4d for the king’s brigandine; ibid., p. 41. 77 TNA E404/80, 647 and 648. 78 TNA E101/413/11, no. 12. 79 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 90. 80 TNA E101/413/11, nos. 15, 22, 36, 67. 81 Ibid., no. 12. 82 Ibid., no. 47. This may also include harness for the henchmen. 83 TNA E101/412/15, no. 21, E101/413/11, no. 50 and E101/414/8, no. 45. 84 TNA E101/413/11, no. 63. 85 TNA E101/415/7, 78. 86 Ibid., no. 53. 87 Ibid., no. 31. 88 Ibid., no. 13. 89 Ibid., no. 140. 90 Ibid., no. 135. 91 Ibid., no. 106. 92 Ibid., nos. 124, 139. 93 Ibid., nos. 150, 159. 94 TNA E101/416/3. 95 TNA E101/412/15, no. 11. 96 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 263. 97 Ibid., p. 263. 98 SJC D91.19, p. 16. There is no evidence that she, unlike Catherine of Aragon, ever made the shirts herself. Anne Boleyn, declined to make any; Starkey, Six Wives, pp. 433–34. 99 TNA E101/416/7, not numbered. 100 Ibid., not numbered. 101 See below, pp. 145–46. 102 TNA E404/79, 294. 103 TNA E36/209, ff. 7v, 9r, 23r. 104 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, pp. 454, 470. The upper sections of the doublet were lined and partially quilted, while the skirts were unlined. Relatively little of the doublet has survived but elements that are still extant include the buttons, buttonholes and the eyelets for lacing on the hose. 105 Evans, Dress, p. 61. 106 Harvey, Men, pp. 54–55. 107 Scott, Visual History, p. 18. 108 TNA E101/416/3, f. 19r. 109 TNA E404/79, 322. 110 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, p. 471. 111 Harvey, Elizabeth of York, p. 29. 112 A. F. Sutton, ‘The court and its culture in the reign of Richard III’, in J. Gillingham, ed., Richard III: A Medieval Kingship (1993), p. 80; Pronay and Cox, Crowland Chronicle, p. 175.

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113 R. A. Griffiths, ‘The king’s court during the Wars of the Roses: Continuities in an age of discontinuities’, in R. G. Asch and A. M. Birke, eds, Princes, Patronage and the Nobility: The Court at the Beginning of the Modern Age (Oxford, 1991), p. 62, n. 71. 114 Scott, Visual History, p. 18. 115 Chrimes believed this to be the picture listed in the 1542 inventory, Henry VII, p. 335. 116 Millar, Catalogue, p. 109. 117 RC; illustrated in Hearn, Dynasties, pp. 40–41. 118 Her image at Malvern is very fragmentary. 119 Philip Lindley is of the opinion that her funeral effigy was used as the model for the gilt bronze tomb effigy made by Torrigiano, while Sir Roy Strong has observed that all of Elizabeth’s portraits are based on a lost original that must have borne a strong resemblance to the funeral effigy; Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 335; Harvey and Mortimer, Funeral Effigies, pp. 44–48. 120 NG; illustrated in Scott, Visual History, pl. 115. 121 Tarrant, Development, p. 48; also compare with the pellote, or sideless surcote, worn over the saya, a tighter fitting garment seen in the extant garments of Leonor of Castile, Queen of Aragon. 122 Campbell, Materials, i, p. 227. 123 Ibid., p. 228. 124 TNA E101/414/8, no. 45 and E101/413/11, no. 14. 125 Campbell, Materials, ii, p. 176. 126 TNA E404/79, no. 41. 127 Ibid., no. 386. 128 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 124 129 Ibid., p. 129. 130 PPE Elizabeth, p. 35. 131 Ibid., pp. 68–69. 132 Ibid., p. 9. 133 Ibid., p. 16. 134 Evans, Dress, p. 61. 135 PPE Elizabeth, p. 19. 136 Ibid., p. 93. 137 Ibid., p. 22. 138 Ibid., pp. 34, 66. 139 Ibid., pp. 85–86. 140 Ibid., pp. 13–14, 92. 141 Ibid., pp. 29, 40, 44, 59–60, 87. 142 Scott, Visual History, p. 107. 143 Crawford, Letters, p. 156. 144 Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother. 145 The key image of this type was produced in the late 1510s by Bernard van Orley. It is in Bourg-en-Bresse, Monastère royal de Brou, inv. no. 975, 16 AB; illustrated in Eichberger, Women, p. 83. 146 Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, p. 293; Strong, Artists of the Tudor Court, p. 39, pl. 13. 147 These include the full-length portrait of Lady Margaret kneeling in prayer by Roland Lockey, c. 1597, at St John’s College, Cambridge. 148 TNA E101/417/1, mm. 1–2. A breakdown in the distribution of her money can be found in SJC D91.15, f. 59v. 149 TNA E101/417/1. 150 SJC D91.21, pp. 7, 17. 151 Ibid., p. 13. 152 Ibid., p. 32. 153 SJC D91.19, p. 40. 154 Ibid., pp. 73, 79. 155 SJC D91.2, pp. 1–6. 156 Ibid., p. 2. 157 Ibid., p. 4. 158 SJC D102.1, f. 7v. 159 These are cited in full below, see pp. 00–00; BL Additional MS 45,133, f. 141v. This is one of a number of copies of the ordinances, but it is considered to be the most authentic; Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, p. 187, n. 54. 160 SJC D91.21, p. 25. 161 Ibid., p. 93. 162 SJC D91.20, p. 24. 163 Ibid., p. 169. 164 SJC D91.5, p. 4. 165 TNA SC1/51/189; Crawford, Letters, p. 151. 166 SJC D91.20, p. 162. 167 SJC D91.21, p. 119. 168 Ibid., p. 146. 169 There is an early fifteenth-century example belonging to the Warden and Fellows of All Souls College, Oxford; illustrated in Eichberger, Women, pp. 184–85. Similar jewellery in the form of flowers appears in the 1499 inventory of Margaret of Austria. 170 SJC D102.1, f. 4r.

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171 SJC D91.19, p. 9. 172 SJC D91.11, p. 1. 173 SJC D91.10, p. 1. The white represented Elizabeth of York, the red Henry VII, and the flower was a reference to herself. 174 SJC D91.15, f. 56r. 175 SJC D91.2, p. 3. 176 SJC D91.11, p. 1. 177 TNA E101/413/11, no. 52. William Grey, yeoman of the chaundry, received a yard (0.91 m) of purple velvet to bind the tapers of Henry VII, Elizabeth of York and Lady Margaret. 178 SJC D91.20, p. 16. 179 SJC D91.21, p. 101. 180 Ibid., pp. 107, 109. 181 SJC D91.20, pp. 150, 167, 181. 182 SJC D91.21, p. 22. 183 SJC D91.19, p. 108. 184 SJC D91.21, p. 32. 185 SJC D91.19, p. 72. 186 SJC D91.4, pp. 3–15. 187 Ibid., p. 5. 188 Ibid., p. 3. 189 Chrimes, Henry VII, p. 303. 190 Christ Church Oxford, MS 179, f. 1r; illustrated in Laynesmith, Last Medieval Queens, pl. 8. 191 Chrimes, Henry VII, pp. 333, 335–37. 192 Campbell, Materials, ii, pp. 176–77. 193 TNA E404/79, 211. 194 TNA E101/412/20, no. 10. 195 TNA E404/79, 39. 196 TNA E404/80, 643/260. 197 Ibid., 487. 198 LP ii.i, 658 and 659. 199 TNA E404/82, not numbered. 200 TNA E36/209, f. 20v. 201 TNA E101/414/8, no. 27. 202 TNA E101/415/7, no. 144. 203 TNA E101/413/11, no. 31. 204 TNA E101/412/15, no. 18; E101/414/8, no. 32. 205 TNA E36/209, f. 14v, E101/415/7, no. 56 and E101/415/10, ff. 6r–v, 19v–21v. 206 Private collection; illustrated in Hearn, Dynasties, no. 1, p. 36. 207 CSP Spanish, 1485–1509, p. 11. 208 TNA E101/412/20, no. 22. 209 Ibid., no. 13. 210 Ibid., no. 25. 211 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 88. 212 TNA E404/81, no. 14. 213 Starkey, Six Wives, p. 76. 214 CSP Milan, i, p. 539. 215 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 288. 216 LP Henry VII, p. 113. 217 LP iv.iii, 5773.13. 218 SJC D91.20, p. 21. 219 TNA E101/415/10. She also shared two warrants with Mary during this period with a total value of £15 5s 10d. 220 LP Hen VII, i, p. 395; Chapman, Sisters, p. 24. 221 TNA E101/415/7, no. 51. 222 PPE Elizabeth, p. 34. 223 Ibid., p. 93. 224 Ibid., p. 20. 225 Ibid., p. 89. 226 Anglo, Images, p. 92.

227 Bibliothèques de Méjanes; Starkey, European Court, p. 37; Bruce, Making Henry, p. 240. 228 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 95. 229 TNA E404/81, not numbered. 220 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 99. 231 Loades, Chronicles, p. 60. 232 LP Henry VII, i, p. 388; Bruce, Making Henry, p. 44. Heron’s Chamber accounts recorded two payments of £66 13s 4d in October 1494. 233 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 103. 234 Ibid., p. 105. 235 TNA E101/413/11, no. 11. 236 TNA E101/412/15, no. 16. 237 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 116. 238 TNA E404/82, not numbered. 239 TNA E36/209, f. 8v. In the same month he received four pairs of knitted closed hose and two pairs of long hose; ibid., f. 12v. 240 Ibid., f. 19v. His range of footwear can be gauged from a warrant dated 6 February 1499: 16 pairs of double-soled shoes, a pair of high pinsons, a pair of low pinsons, a pair of slippers and a pair of night boteau. 241 TNA E101/412/15, no. 18. 242 Nichols, Epistles, pp. 201–02. 243 TNA E101/415/7, no. 52. 244 Ibid., no. 39. 245 Ibid., no. 50. 246 Ibid., no. 67. 247 Ibid., no. 37. 248 Ibid., no. 29. 249 Ibid., nos 94 and 157. 250 Ibid., no. 150. 251 Ibid., no. 141. 252 Ibid., no. 113. 253 TNA E101/415/11; F. Palgrave, The Ancient Kalendars and Inventories of the Treasury of his Majesty’s Exchequer, iii (1836), pp. 393–99. 254 LP iv.ii, 5114; LP iv.iii, 6789. 255 SJC D91.21, p. 155. 256 Ibid., p. 103. This compares well with a saddle and harness in the ‘Almain’ fashion that was ordered for Henry in February 1505 by his father. It was covered with black velvet, had ten gilded buckles and pendants and it cost £5 15s 4d; TNA LC 9/50, f. 231r. 257 SJC D91.19, pp. 34, 93. 258 TNA LC 9/50, f. 230r. 259 TNA E101/416/3, f. 15r. 260 Ibid., f. 20r. The satin and making cost £9 3s. 261 Ibid., ff. 28v–29r. 262 TNA E101/416/7, not numbered. 263 TNA E36/209, ff. 9r–v. 264 Ibid., f. 28r. 265 TNA E101/415/7, no. 51. 266 PPE Elizabeth, p. 22; TNA E101/415/10, f. 6v. 267 Ibid., f. 26v. She also received two partlets of black satin, a bonnet and a frontlet of black velvet. 268 TNA E101/416/3, f. 10v. 269 Ibid., ff. 16v–17r. 270 TNA E101/416/7, not numbered. 271 See above, pp. 67–68. 272 TNA E101/412/15, no. 18. 273 TNA E36/209, f. 27v. 274 CSP Spanish, i, p. 375. 275 BL Cotton MS Vespesian, c. XII, f. 207; quoted in Crawford, Letters, p. 166. 276 BL Egerton MS 616, f. 17; quoted in Crawford, Letters, p. 168.

vi Henry VIII’s Wardrobe Unlock’d

J

AMES WORSLEY’s inventory recorded four items given to Henry VIII by Francis I in 1520:

a gowne of purpull veluete lyned with white tissewe . . . Cx li, a Cloke of tissewe lyned with purpull cloth of gold of damaske . . . Cxl li, a shamer of cloth of tissewe lyned with cloth of gold of dammaske welted with white cloth of tissewe . . . C iiijxx li and a Frocke of blacke veluete & cloth of gold tissewe lyned with purpull sarcenet . . . set with xxiiij payr of aglettes of gold xl li besides the goldsmiths werke [B68-71].

These garments demonstrate the quality and value of the king’s wardrobe, the ways in which clothes formed part of the pattern of royal gift exchange and how examples of French fashionable dress, such as the chammer, came into the king’s possession. The king’s wardrobe was continually evolving and Henry VIII was able to order any style of clothing from his tailor that was available, and he did so on such a regular basis that his clothing reflected seasonal or annual changes in colour and fabric as well as changing nuances in style. The ways in which the king used his wardrobe were dictated by the requirements of the annual cycle, such as the days for wearing purple, crimson, mourning, and the Garter livery and the ritual cycle of royal lives, starting with coronation and ending with a funeral. However, at other times the king had more freedom over what he wore and the value of his clothing can be seen in other terms: financial, sartorial, residual — all of which are linked to the concept of the culture of appearance and the hierarchy of appearances.1 Status was implied by wearing a wider variety of clothes or more layers of clothing and by having special clothes for specific occasions. The size of an individual’s wardrobe is revealing about their disposable income. In most instances they will have multiple examples of the same type of garment. Consequently, the lack of variety of garments will mean that acquisition will always peak regardless of the size of the disposable income. However, the regularity of Henry’s purging of his wardrobe meant that there was always an incentive to buy more. In his report on England on 10 September 1519 Sebastiano Guistinian noted that Henry spent ‘16,000 ducats for the wardrobe, for he was the best dressed sovereign in the world’.2

Continually wearing new clothes is impressive, and the rapidity of the changes is noticed by those familiar with the wearer. Display of this sort is most impressive in an urban environment or the sort of close-knit context typified by the royal household.3 Such an urban context was also likely to ensure that exotic items entered the king’s wardrobe as in the case of ‘a garment of white lynnen clothe of Indian making enbrawdered with white Silke’ (11589).

Henry VIII’s wardrobe: male dress in the first half of the sixteenth century The first half of the sixteenth century saw the continued proliferation of garment types for men, marking the shift from the limited wardrobe of the late fifteenth century to diversity both in the range of different garments and variants of type of garment (Table 6.1). Both trends were very evident in Henry VIII’s wardrobe, as was an increasing emphasis on decoration which became more elaborate as time progressed. Jewellery together with a growing range of accessories contributed to the magnificent appearance of the king. Yet male dress was also emphatically masculine with the bulky profile, the emphasis on the shoulders and the codpiece. Castiglione’s courtier knew about the social significance of clothes and Henry VIII betrayed an awareness of this in his selection and use of clothes. Evidence of Henry’s wardrobe can be derived from a variety of sources. The 14 extant great wardrobe accounts are analysed here (Table 6.2). In addition, there are warrants from several years where no accounts survive. This information has been evaluated below but not included in the tables because it is not possible to tell if any of the warrants have been lost. Two inventories are also considered: James Worsley’s inventory dating from 1516–21 and the 1547 inventory. With the latter, it is often not possible to tell exactly which items were acquired in 1546–47 and which had been there longer. All of these sources combine to provide a sense of

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Table 6.1: Overview of Henry VIII’s orders of clothing Garments Outer garments – Cassocks – Chammers – Cloaks Cloaks Riding cloaks Spanish cloaks – Coats Coats Coats for harness/ of mail Demi-coats Hawking coats Hunting coats Riding coats Short coats Stalking coats Tennis coats – Frocks – Gabardines – Glaudekins – Gowns Gowns Long gowns Nightgowns Spanish gowns – Mantles – Shammews – Slops (gown) Doublets, jerkins and hose – Doublets Almain doublets Arming doublets Doublets Doublets with bases – Hose Almain hose Arming hose Base stocks Boot hose Double hose Hose Kneebands Netherstocks Slops, pairs of Socks Stocks, pairs of – Jerkins – Petticoats

1510–11 1516–17 1517–18 1521–22 1523–25 1526–27 1527–28* 1530–31 1531–32 1533–34 1535–36 1537–38 1538–39 1543–45 ~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ 1

~ ~

~ 1

~ 1

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

10 ~

~ ~ ~

2 ~ ~

1 3 ~

2 ~ ~

2 ~ ~

3 ~ ~

4 ~ ~

4 ~ ~

7 ~ ~

8 ~ ~

4 ~ ~

6 ~ ~

7 ~ ~

7 ~ 3

7 1

11 ~

14 ~

6 ~

1 ~

10 ~

1 ~

3 ~

1 ~

9 ~

7 ~

4 ~

9 ~

3 1

~ ~ 1 7 ~ ~ ~ ~ 5 6

1 ~ ~ 10 1 3 2 ~ 1 ~

~ ~ ~ 14 10 5 1 ~ 3 ~

~ ~ ~ 8 3 6 ~ ~ ~ ~

~ 1 ~ 1 14 1 ~ 6 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 1 2 2 ~ 4 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 2 3 1 ~ 2 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 1 2 1 ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 8 3 2 ~ 1 ~ ~

~ 4 ~ 3 4 1 ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 4 2 2 ~ 1 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 6 4 ~ ~ 4 ~ 1

~ ~ ~ 5 2 ~ ~ 1 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~

4 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1

8 ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~

3 1 1 ~ 1 ~ ~

5 ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~

6 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

9 ~ 1 ~ ~ 3 ~

3 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

2 4 2 ~ ~ ~ ~

4 3 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

5 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~

5 5 2 ~ ~ ~ ~

7 3 2 ~ ~ ~ ~

13 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

5 ~ 5 4 ~ ~ ~

~ 5 23 ~

~ 1 29 4

1 1 28 ~

~ ~ 28 ~

~ ~ 29 ~

~ ~ 32 ~

~ ~ 8 ~

~ ~ 22 ~

~ ~ 17 ~

~ ~ 27 ~

~ 1 26 ~

~ ~ 20 ~

~ ~ 29 ~

~ 10 53 ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 25 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 29 ~ ~ ~ ~ 4 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 26 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

1 ~ ~ 1 ~ 87 ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~

14 ~ ~ ~ ~ 51 ~ ~ ~ 13 ~ 4 ~

27 ~ 36 ~ ~ 47 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~

30 ~ 49 1 ~ 67 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

44 ~ 24 ~ ~ 50 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~

36 ~ 60 1 ~ 110 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

30 ~ 47 3 ~ 72 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 7

1 2 21 6 ~ 106 ~ ~ ~ ~ 5 ~ 7

7 ~ ~ 2 ~ 111 ~ ~ 1 ~ 49 ~ 9

~ ~ ~ 2 ~ 104 ~ 2 2 ~ 68 ~ 3

~ 1 92 5 ~ 322 24 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 12

Bases Bases Bases for cassocks Sleeves Arming sleeves Sleeves

4 ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

9 ~

1 ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ 1

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ 1

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ 4

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

~ ~

3 ~

Associated items Half stomachers Long partlets Partlets Placards Stomachers Tippets

~ 1 1 ~ 6 ~

~ ~ 5 ~ 50 ~

~ ~ 3 2 30 ~

~ ~ 4 ~ ~ ~

~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~

~ ~ 2 ~ 8 ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

6 ~ 6 ~ 20 ~

~ ~ ~ ~ 22 ~

~ ~ ~ ~ 30 ~

~ ~ 2 ~ 40 5

~ ~ ~ ~ 20 3

~ ~ 6 ~ 29 8

~ ~ ~ ~ 92 ~

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Table 6.1: Continued Garments

1510–11 1516–17 1517–18 1521–22 1523–25 1526–27 1527–28* 1530–31 1531–32 1533–34 1535–36 1537–38 1538–39 1543–45

Headwear Bonnets Bonnets of estate Caps Hats Hoods Night bonnets Night caps Riding bonnets Riding caps Riding hoods Stalking bonnets

~ ~ ~ 18 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 3 ~

4 ~ 1 6 ~ 11 4 4 ~ ~ ~

32 ~ ~ 5 6 2 ~ ~ 2 ~ 2

5 ~ ~ ~ ~ 4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

7 ~ 1 2 4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 3 2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 2 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 3 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 3 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

1 ~ ~ 1 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 2 5 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ 1 ~ 3 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

* The warrant for 1 January 1529 is included in the account for 1527–28, but has been recorded as a separate year because it inflates the figure for 1527–28.

the quality and scale of the king’s wardrobe. It is worth noting that, while the scale is impressive, it is in keeping with the wardrobes of previous English kings. For example, in the early years of his reign Edward III received between 60 and 100 garments from the great wardrobe a year in addition to the padded jousting tunics made by his armourers.4 While many of the images of the king present him wearing sumptuous garments in contrasting colours and fabrics, the great wardrobe accounts make it clear that Henry often ordered a set of clothes, such as a cloak, coat, doublet and hose, all in the same colour, but with subtle gradations of fabric type and ornamentation. The 1547 inventory listed ‘a Gowne of white satten and quilted with a square Cape hauing a brode garde embraudered with veanice silver the same gowne Lined with purple satten and Taphata’ (9919) and ‘a doblet of Like white satten quilted with a garde of white vellat embraudered with veanice golde and Lined with fustian’ (9920). Such sets of clothes would have allowed the king to make very effective use of appearing dressed in one colour. The impact of such dressing can be seen in the full-length portrait of the unknown young man dressed all in red in the Royal Collection (Fig. 6.1). Henry VIII selected this style of dress for special days, such as May Day 1515 when he was ‘dressed entirely in green velvet, cap, doublet, hose, shoes and everything’.5 By the 1530s and 1540s he ordered groups of garments — up to seven or eight items — in the same colour which could have been worn in various combinations to suit his mood or the nature of the occasion. While it is anachronistic to think of this as the forerunner of ‘co-ordinating separates’, ordering clothes in this way gave the king increased flexibility in how he used his clothes. Full dress and undress are terms that are more readily used in association with the eighteenth century. However, even if they were not fully articulated and defined by social etiquette in the Tudor period, styles of informal dress that were worn at home or when in private were starting to develop in the form of the nightgown or loose gown. However, the loose-fitting nightgown was not for sleeping but for informal wear. Even though a number of gowns of this type were ordered by the king, there are very few references to Henry wearing one. A rare example was when George Cavendish informed Henry VIII of Wolsey’s death in 1530: ‘sir harry Norres called me again commaundyng me to come in to the kyng, who stode

behynd the doore in a nyght goun of Russett velvett, furred with Sabelles, byfore whome I kneled doun . . . the space of an houer.’6 England’s temperate climate has consistently required clothing to be adapted to reflect seasonal changes in temperature. Wearing more or less layers was one solution for the more affluent, while having fur linings for winter and silk linings for summer was another. Evidence of the latter can be found in the great wardrobe accounts when the king’s tailor and skinner were paid to remove or lay in linings. However, more detailed evidence appears in Worsley’s wardrobe book that listed ‘Cotes and Jaquettes furred for wynter’, ‘Cotes and Jaquettes Lyned for somer’, which on subsequent folios were just described as ‘Cotes and Jaquettes Lyned’ and a small group of garments described as ‘Cotes and Jaquettes syngle’.7 The group of one coat and three jackets furred for winter were lined with coney and budge.8 The garments lined for summer were lined with sarsenet and satin. The items described as ‘single’ were unlined with the exception of ‘a half a Cote of purpull veluete pyrled lyned with saten’ [B192].

Creating and defining the male image: gowns, doublets and hose The gown, doublet and hose were the staple garments of the male wardrobe at the end of the fifteenth century and they still were at the time of Henry VIII’s death. However, each of these garments underwent changes during our period and emphasis was placed increasingly on variety, novelty and the quantity of surface decoration. The front-opening, loose-fitting gown was the principle male outer garment. As such, it was likely to be made from the most expensive fabric an individual could afford and it would be the primary focus for decoration. James Worsley’s wardrobe books provide a clear indication of the variety and potential for making the gown individual to its wearer. In addition to the new orders, 128 gowns made from 27 different fabrics were recorded including 52 made from velvet, 15 from satin and 14 from tilsent. There is also evidence of a wide range of decorative and construction features such as borders [B113],

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Table 6.2: Analysis of Henry VIII’s wardrobe by colour, fabrics and decoration Date and cost

Details

1510–11 £657 9s 4d

Colours: green, russet, black Fabrics: satin, velvet, cloth of gold, tilsent Decoration: there are few references to decoration, some embroidery in metal thread and appliqué and fringe to decorate coats; also some over-lining, usually with sarsenet Examples: a jacket of purple velvet with demi sleeves with a border of goldsmith’s work, a glaudekin of crimson satin embroidered with cloth of gold 1516–17 Colours: black, crimson, red, russet Fabrics: satin, velvet, velvet and tilsent paned £984 5s 10½d Decoration: decoration chiefly paning, welting with some borders; a small amount of embroidery, mainly on hose Examples: a mantle of white satin cut upon cloth of gold lined with white tilsent and embroidered with gold and a gown of crimson satin slashed lozenge-wise upon cloth of gold furred with sables; a half or demi coat of purple velvet pirled and cloth of gold of tissue garnished with pearls and gold 1517–18 Colours: green, crimson, russet, white Fabrics: satin, velvet, cloth (for hose) £725 6s 2½d Decoration: multiple borders the main from of decoration; in May increasing amounts of embroidery, some slashing, a few borders Examples: a doublet and coat of black tilsent embroidered on cloth of gold and red velvet, a doublet of yellow gold baudekyn covered with green velvet, slashed and lined with green sarsenet 1521–22 Colours: black, white, russet, tawny Fabrics: satin, velvet, tilsent; cloth (for hose) £425 17s 2½d Decoration: in February welting used for coats and doublets, a few references to guards; in July chiefly welting, borders, some doublets described as being ‘tuffed with linen’ Examples: a chammer of crimson tilsent damask gold double welted lined with frieze and furred with lizards; two fur lined, leather stalking coats, one of red leather 1523–25 Colours: white, russet, black and purple Fabrics: satin, velvet, tilsent, tissue, cloth of silver; cloth and linen (for hose) £719 16s 0d Decoration: in February and July, multiple borders, welts and crests Examples: a jerkin of white leather with three borders of purple, white and black velvet; a short coat of white leather with sleeves, with three welts of purple, white and black velvet 1526–27 Colours: black, purple, white, green Fabrics: satin, velvet, cloth of gold, cloth of silver, tissue; cloth and linen (for hose) £702 17s 7d Decoration: multiple borders, edges and welts, often in combination, and embroidery, both couching and appliqué Examples: a jerkin of green leather bordered with one border and two welts of green velvet; a doublet of green taffeta edged with green velvet; a doublet of green sarsenet edged with green velvet 1527–28 Colours: black, white, purple Fabrics: satin, velvet; cloth and linen (for hose) £579 0s 8d* Decoration: mainly borders with a few examples of crests and jags; some embroidery and slashing Examples: a coat of embroidered purple satin full of cuts lined with buckram furred with sables; a jacket of black taffeta with 2 swelling borders of black velvet; a riding coat of black satin embroidered full of cuts and tied with aglets 1530–31 Colours: black, white, crimson, russet Fabrics: satin, damask; cloth and linen (for hose) £803 1s 1d Decoration: less references to decoration than in the previous warrant but there are examples of edges, borders and embroidery Examples: two doublets of white satin edged with white velvet lined; a cloak of scarlet cloth with a wide border of crimson velvet; a short coat of russet cloth with a broad border of russet velvet embroidered lined 1531–32 Colours: black, white, russet, green Fabrics: satin, damask, velvet; cloth and linen (for hose) £950 7s 3d Decoration: welts, borders and a few edges; embroidery, especially metal thread embroidery Examples: a long gown of black damask embroidered with Venice gold and furred with sables; a pair of hose of white cloth in the German fashion, with slashes and welts; a jacket of tawny velvet with a wide and two narrow borders of velvet furred with white lamb and luzards 1533–34 Colours: black, crimson, purple, white Fabrics: satin, damask, taffeta, velvet; cloth, kersey and linen (for hose) £891 16s 8d Decoration: guards, borders, slashing, embroidery, especially using metal thread, fringe Examples: a Spanish cloak of purple velvet, guarded and lined with the same velvet, embroidered and fringed with Venice gold; a coat with half sleeves of crimson velvet, embroidered, slashed, tuffed out with crimson sarsenet 1535–36 Colours: black, carnation, crimson, green, russet, white Fabrics: satin, velvet, damask, taffeta; cloth and linen (for hose) £1,362 2s 2d Decoration: guards, edges, slashing, embroidery using metal thread, also couched silk cord, fringe Examples: two doublets of yellow satin, one embroidered with gold, the other with silver, lined with yellow or white sarsenet and crest cloth and on the shoulders five pairs of buttons of Venice gold and white silk 1537–38 Colours: black, white, red, russet Fabrics: satin, velvet, damask, taffeta; cloth and linen (for hose) £1,951 8s 2½d Decoration: guards, edges, embroidery, silk or metal buttons, ruffed hose Examples: a gown of crimson velvet embroidered all over with damask gold and pearls and stones; a coat of green damask embroidered with silk edged with velvet; two pairs of hose of black cloth with ruffs lined with black sarsenet and eyelet holes 1538–39 Colours: black, white, crimson, russet Fabrics: satin, velvet, damask, taffeta, sarsenet; cloth and linen (for hose) £2,240 4s 0½d Decoration: guards, edges, slashing; embroidery, often worked with gold cord, passamayne Examples: a doublet of satin striped with gold, with passamayne cords of Venice gold, slashed, with black sarsenet under the slashes; a short coat of grey cloth guarded with russet velvet with cords and buttons of silk 1543–45 Colours: black, white, purple, crimson Fabrics: satin, velvet, damask, tissue; cloth and linen (for hose) £2,551 5s 9d Decoration: guards, welts, slashing; embroidery, couched cord, passamayne, clocks, fringe Examples: a cassock of crimson velvet, embroidered all over and striped with gold; a Spanish cloak of crimson velvet new frised with two passamaynes of Venice gold; a frock of black damask cut with clocks and with welts for the clocks of velvet and guarded with three guards

‘burgion’ guards [B108], clocks [A123], crests [B104], edges [B115], welts [B33], ruffed sleeves [B49], straight sleeves [A12], wide sleeves [B19], high collars [A3], round capes [A23], square capes [A103] and sleeves with rolls [A110]. Gowns varied in length and references to short gowns, demi-gowns (also referred to as short or half-gowns) and long gowns can be found in Henry’s inventories and accounts.

However, in most instances the term is left unqualified, and so unless the quantity of cloth is stipulated, it is impossible to tell what length the gown was. Even so, in most instances these gowns would have been mid-thigh to knee length. By 1547 some of the king’s gowns were specifically described as long gowns, for example, ‘A long Gowne of black veluett enbraidered and fringed with venice golde and lyned with

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6.2 Yellow damask gown with black velvet guards belonging to Prince Elector Maurice of Saxony, front view, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Rüstkammer, Inv. no. I 1. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Christoph von Viràg)

6.1 Portrait of a young man dressed all in red, unknown artist, Flemish School, c. 1548. RCIN 405752, HC 314. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

black Satten’ (14183). A few were considered to be short, as in the case of ‘A short gowne of blacke veluett embraudered with a brode garde and ij weltes stitched one with venice golde furred with lowe Boudge’ (14205). Near contemporary examples include the short velvet gown of Wilhelms von Bayern which is heavily embroidered with metal thread.9 Gowns usually had sleeves. These could be long, short and puffed or hanging sleeves with a slit to allow the wearer’s arm through (Figs 6.2, 6.3 and 6.4). In general, the accounts make no reference to the sleeves but a few references to straight sleeves do appear by 1547, suggesting that this was a distinctive, new development: ‘A Turquey gowne of black veluett with streight Sleves Enbrauddered with ij Burgonion gardes

6.3 Back view, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Rüstkammer, Inv. no. I 1. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Christoph von Viràg)

of venice golde and blacke silke furred with Conyes’ (14200). The gown often had a deep collar that folded back and which was referred to in inventories and accounts as a cape: ‘a gowne of blacke frized vellat with a square Cape allover

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6.4 Side view. Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Rüstkammer, Inv. no. I 1. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Christoph von Viràg)

embraudered with vencie gold and Cordauntes of the same and fringed / with a narrow frindge of veanice golde the Cape and ventes lined with like stuffe and embraudered the rest Lined with blacke satten’ (9918). Spanish gowns, just like Spanish cloaks, feature in Henry VIII’s wardrobe in the last few years of his life. A depiction of an ambassador sent to the court of Charles V wearing a Spanish gown c. 1519 appears in the autobiography of Sigmund von Herberstein written in 1560.10 Examples were listed in the 1547 inventory including ‘a spanishe gowne of purple Damaske lined with purple Taphata faced with purple satten with xlij paire of aglettes of golde’ (14207) and ‘A shorte spanyshe gowne of Crimsen Satten garded with iij weltes of Crimsen veluett formed downe with venice golde with ij borders embraudered with venice gold furred with Sqirrelles and faced with Sables’ (14206). Other exotic styles drawing on foreign inspiration included the Turkey or Turkish gown: ‘A Turquey gowne of Tawnye veluett of newe making Enbraudered with A brode garde and ij small gardes of venice golde and Tawney Silke lyned withe Tawney Taphata and faced withe Tawny Satten’ (14196). The evolving cut of the doublet can be seen in Henry’s portraits. The low, round neckline of the 1500s and 1510s developed into a high neckline with a standing collar by the

1540s. In 1541 a number of the king’s doublets were described as having a collar, often of a contrasting colour, as in the case of ‘a dublet of white satten pulled out and lined with white sarsenet embroidered and frogged with damask and venys siluer with a coler of golde’.11 The crimson satin doublet made for Don Garzia de’Medici, has a round stand collar, the upper edge of which is trimmed with snips of c. ¼ in. (6 mm) deep. There are two buttons on the collar, 11 on the centre-front and two on each sleeve at the wrist.12 The doublet was fairly fitted to the body, with a natural waistline and long skirts as indicated when Henry VIII summoned Pasqualigo to Greenwich on May day 1515. ‘The king was dressed for hunting and he asked, “The King of France, is he as tall as I am?” I told him there was but little difference. He continued, “Is he as stout?” I said he was not; and he then inquired, “What sort of leg has he?” I replied “Spare”. Whereupon he opened the front of his doublet, and placing his hand on his thigh, said: “Look here and I also have a good calf to my leg”.’13 Doublets could have integral or detachable sleeves and they usually fastened with buttons or ties.14 Doublets were often made with matching hose and they could be worn under a jerkin and over a waistcoat or petticoat. There were 134 doublets listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book made from 29 types of fabric with 25 of velvet, 23 of tilsent and 17 of satin. Only a few specific construction details were recorded by him: a high collar [B225], a placard and foresleeves [A256] and wide sleeves [A84]. The king’s doublets were often very richly decorated: for example, ‘a doublet of purpull syluer tynsell maylyd the foreslevys and placard garnysshed with fyvtie and thre dyamundys set in gold and with roullys of perle to the same doublet euery Roulle havyng thre perles set in gold, a hundryth and twelve / the brest being botonyd with twelfe botons of gold blake Inamyled.’15 As with the king’s hose, during the 1520s, some of his doublets were made in the ‘almain’ style such as ‘an almayn doblet of tylsent with oken Levis lyned with blake sarcenet tufted with fyne lynen cloth’ [B260]. Hose were an integral part of any male outfit and they were often made to match the doublet that they were worn with (Fig. 6.5). The terminology used to describe hose was evolving in this period, and it does not appear to have been used in a consistent manner. Dress history books often distinguish the component parts as follows: the upperstocks or breeches, the netherstocks or stockings and the codpiece. References to netherstocks do appear in warrants and inventories as in the following example from the 1547 inventory: ‘6 paier of nether stockes for hose of yellowe Taphita with viij paier of nether stockes withowt fete of redde Bawdkin’ (8642). However, entries in the accounts and wardrobe books were often less precise. The word hose was often used to describe the complete garment but it could also denote either the upperstocks or netherstocks. Equally, the word stocks was often not qualified with the term ‘nether’ or ‘upper’, but it was used in such a way as to indicate that the writer was referring to the upper stocks — this is indicated by several factors including the amount of fabric being used (usually 1¼ yards (1.1 m)), the context (‘stocks for two pairs of leather hose’), the quality

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6.6 Codpiece, 1540–60, made from layers of brown twill woven wool cloth, found at Worship Street, London. C547. Museum of London

6.5 Doublet and hose of Don Garzia de’ Medici, 1562, reproduced with the permission of Mary Westerman for the Janet Arnold slide archive, Galleria del Costume, Palazzo Pitti

of the fabric being supplied, usually cloth of gold, cloth of silver, satin and velvet, and that a matching doublet was also ordered. References to codpieces are lacking. The reason for this omission is that the codpiece was considered an integral part of the upperstocks and as such did not need particular reference. Portraits emphasise the changing profile of the codpiece throughout Henry’s reign, indicating that the codpiece was often heavily padded and ornately decorated. Extant codpieces in the collections of the Museum of London indicate that the simple codpieces were made from layers of fabric stitched together (Fig. 6.6) and that they could be secured to the main section of the upperstocks in a number of ways, usually using laces or points.16 The codpieces with the hose of Augustus, Elector of Saxony, and Don Garzia de’Medici have a more complex construction and method of attachment.17 While the codpiece on fashionable hose was chiefly intended for show and more practically, it covered the front opening of the hose, on armour and military dress the codpiece performed a much more practical role. In 1547 the king’s armouries listed ‘two half breches with Codpeces of stele’ (8358) and 369 ‘Kodpeces of stele’ (8424).

The upperstocks or breeches changed in shape and style during Henry’s reign, and several distinctive types can be found in his accounts and wardrobe books. Worsley’s wardrobe book indicates that Henry had 79 pairs of hose and the upperstocks were made from 22 fabrics and four pairs of ‘Almain’ hose. In addition, the entries for hose made by William Croughton or Hosier in Worsley’s wardrobe book indicate that he was provided with cloth to make 39 pairs of hose, for stocking 30 pairs of hose and for welting eight pairs of hose. He was chiefly working with cloth of gold, tilsent, tissue and velvet. The upperstocks of the hose were often made to match a doublet and as doublets became increasingly ornate so did the hose: ‘a payer of proper stocks of hosen of crymsen satten embraderyd with threds of venys gold lined with crymesen sarsenet’18 and ‘one paire of crimesen golde tincell [hose] with Borders of Damaske golde embrawderid with passemaine fringid’ (14266). The most distinctive style of upperstocks worn by the king was known as ‘Almain’ hose, that is, hose in the German style. This was a highly distinctive style that was popular with the king for the period between 1521 and 1538. While the accounts identify ‘Almain’ hose, they do not always highlight the specific characteristics of the style. The accounts for 1523– 25 included two pairs of hose, one pair of purple cloth stocked with purple cloth of gold tissue and welted with cloth of silver and black tinsel and one pair of white cloth in the ‘Almain’ fashion, stocked and embroidered with white black and purple satin, lined with linen and flannel.19 However, slashing

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was a key element of the design as indicated in the entry for a pair of hose of white cloth, the upperstocks slashed, made in the ‘Almain’ style.20 By the time the 1547 inventory was compiled, no pairs were described as being in the ‘Almain’ fashion. Three pairs of hose of this type, or pluderhose, can be seen in the chapel dedicated to the Sture family in Uppsala cathedral. These hose consisted of panes of velvet, with an inner lining of silk, all gathered into a cuff at or just above the knee. The hose of Svante Sture had black velvet panes lined with a grey-green taffeta and both fabrics were used to make the codpiece. The velvet was lined with red-brown fustian and the hose had a pocket. Nils Sture’s hose had panes, knee bands and a codpiece of black velvet which were lined with black worsted. In a similar style, Erik Sture’s hose had panes of black velvet and a codpiece of black velvet and brown taffeta. The same taffeta, possibly originally plum-coloured, was also used as the lining. The lengths of the breeches were 60 cm, 60 cm and 68 cm respectively.21 According to the antiquarian John Stow, Henry VIII wore netherhose cut from ‘ell broad taffety’ unless ‘by great chance there came a pair of Spanish silk stockings from Spain’.22 A warrant from 1510–11 included entries for 2¼ yards (2 m) of woollen cloth to make two pairs of hose and 3½ yards (3.2 m) of woollen cloth to make another three pairs of hose.23 Henry VIII also had linen hose. On a warrant dated 6 January 1539 Croughton was paid 40s for 12 pairs of linen hose and 13s 4d for four pairs of quilted linen hose.24 Knitted silk hose made on the Continent were highly prized and, as Stow hinted, they found their way into Henry’s possession especially in the 1540s. On the warrant dated 27 March 1543 Croughton was paid 10s for lining with linen ten pairs of knitted hose and working with ‘oilet holes’ and 20s for ‘dyinge 12 par knytt hoose in le skarlett lined with lined and with oilet holes’.25 The warrant also showed a payment 30s for three pairs of hose bought from Milan, lined with white cloth and linen and with eyelet holes and ties around the knee with ribbon. In 1547 the ‘kinges owne warderobe howse’ at Whitehall contained ‘xij paier of hooses of blacke silke knitte’ (9926). Knitted wool hose were made in England, and in 1519 hose knitted in Nottinghamshire cost 5d a pair.26 On 20 December 1532, 7s 6d was ‘paid to parker of the Robes for a payer of nyte hosen for the king’.27 These types of hose were held up with garters and the king’s wardrobe warrants contain regular entries for garter ribbon. In contrast, Eric XIV of Sweden (1533–77) favoured handknitted silk or chamois leather hose. An inventory of his clothes taken in 1566 listed 27 pairs of silk hose or stockings including ten pairs of red, eight of black, four of violet, as well as pairs in pink, yellow, brown and ash grey. His hose made of chamois leather were equally brightly coloured and the red pairs were slashed to reveal a gold and green lining. Eric also had 15 pairs of hose cut from cloth, but the choice of colours remained consistent: black, grey, violet, red and pink.28 There are several extant examples of netherstocks including a pair of linen netherstocks found at Alpirsbach, without feet but with a codpiece. The hose measure 102 cm in length and 78 cm around the waist (Fig. 6.7).29 There are also pairs of leather or chamois leather netherhose such as the chamois

6.7 Pair of linen hose, c. 1490–1529, Kloster Alpirsbach (K-12-823). © Vermögen und Bau Baden-Württemberg, Staatliche Schlösser und Gärten. Photo: Adi Bachinger, Karlsruhe

leather hose from Svante Sture’s pluderhose. These measure 102 cm at the waist and 50 cm in length, while those worn by his brother Erik were 68 cm long. They were lined with undyed fustian.30 The mercenary’s uniform believed to have been made for Andreas Wild von Wynigen and preserved in Berne Historical Museum consists of a doublet, hose and beret. The attribution of the garments cannot be supported and it is most likely that they are a sixteenth-century copy, possibly made by von Wynigen’s grandson.31 The netherstocks are made of yellow fulled wool and have brown soles to the integral feet, while the upperstocks are also of yellow fulled wool lined with linen, which has been slashed. Puffs of yellow silk have been pulled through the slashes. As usual, the upperstocks have a codpiece.32 There is another pair of red and cream striped hose with shoes made in one, in the collection at Ambras in the Tyrol. It is quite possible that some of Henry VIII’s arming hose were made in this style, although it is unlikely that they were distinguished from normal hose in the accounts.33

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The grave of Don Garzia de’Medici, the 11th child of Cosimo I and Eleanor di Toledo, who died in 1562, provides a good example of trunk hose (Fig. 6.5).34 The hose were made of panes of crimson velvet lined with crimson satin and interlined with linen, decoration in the form of couched lines of metal-wrapped thread, for each leg there are 13 panes, nine single panes at the front and back and around the hip and five cut as a group for the inside leg/crotch area. The hose have a slashed, padded, velvet codpiece, lined and bound with crimson satin and two eyelet holes. The yellow silk knitted hose or upperstocks of Elector Augustus of Saxony, c. 1552–55, are slashed and the yellow taffeta interlining has been pulled through the slashes and this technique has also been applied to the codpiece. Eyelet holes are worked in the waistband and some of the matching yellow ties are still present.35 Slops were baggy or loose-fitting breeches or hose which do not feature often in Henry VIII’s wardrobe. On 22 November 1532 6s 8d was paid out of the privy purse ‘to Cicyll for a pyer of sloppes for the kinges grace’.36 In the account for 1535–36 there was a pair of hose, ‘upperstocked with purple velvet, made like slops, embroidered and tied above the knee with a cord of silk and gold, lined with purple sarsenet and white cloth’.37 Slops appear in the last three extant Henrician accounts: 1537–38, 1538–39 and 1543–45. On the warrant dated 27 March 1544 one pair of slops of black satin lined with black velvet buttoned up the leg with buttons of black silk and drawn at the knee with black silk lace possibly worn with the 12 knee bands, five lined with taffeta and one lined with scarlet were ordered at the same time.38 Prince Edward also started to wear slops at around this time. His warrants for 1544 and 1545 included new pairs of slops and older pairs that were being translated.39 By 1547 there was just one pair of slops ‘of blacke vellut enbrodrid with A Passamaine of golde and Silver’ (14353) in the king’s wardrobe, along with three pairs made of linen for the king to bath in (11525). However, a single reference in a warrant dated 2 November 1510 suggests that the term could be used to describe a different type of garment. A payment of 13s 4d was made for a yard of blue velvet for the sleeves and collar of ‘a slop of cloth of gold of damask’.40

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The glaudekin was a long gown which had been fashionable at the court of Henry VII (Fig. 6.8). Henry VIII wore glaudekins in his youth and they continued to be made for him until 1510–11.41 These glaudekins were made from 15 yards (13.7 m) of black velvet and similar quantities of purple velvet, furred with sable. John Ring supplied 50 skins of black bogy for performing the fur in an existing glaudekin of crimson velvet. Six glaudekins listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book include examples made from cloth of gold damask [A404], cloth of gold upon satin [A406], cloth of silver [A405] and ‘a Glaudkyn of Russet tylsent lyned with Russet veluete’ [A89]. The choice of fabrics suggests that the glaudekin was

Variety in the male wardrobe: the glaudekin, gabardine, cloak, frock, coat, cassock and nightgown Throughout his reign Henry had access to a variety of outer garments including the glaudekin, the cassock, the frock and the nightgown. These garments presented a range of different styles and forms, some of which were fashionable throughout the reign, while others dropped out of use being replaced by new garments. In addition some garment types such as the coat developed a range of distinctive variants. Worsley’s wardrobe books identified ‘Almain’ coats, arming coats, demi-coats, riding coats and short coats in addition to coats.

6.8 Whitehall cartoon of Henry VII and Henry VIII by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1537. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 4027)

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a formal garment that quickly became outdated. Even so, according to the March 1538 warrant, a glaudekin of red velvet without sleeves edged with the same velvet and lined with black satin was ordered as part of a group of mourning clothes ordered for the king. It was almost immediately converted into a cloak with sleeves.42 A gabardine was a long coat with wide sleeves. It was fashionable in the first half of the sixteenth century, and the king appears to have worn gabardines only until about 1518.43 After that date its place was taken in Henry VIII’s wardrobe by the frock. In 1511 8 yards (7.3 m) of scarlet were bought to make two gabardines for the king, one of which was left unlined while the other was lined with 4 yards (3.7 m) of black satin.44 A warrant dated 26 April 1517 included a gabardine of russet cloth bordered with white velvet. No gabardines were listed in Worsley’s wardrobe books or the king’s wardrobe in 1547. The cloak was less common as an outer garment in the earlier part of Henry’s reign than the gown. That said, with the exception of 1510–11, cloaks were included in each subsequent, extant account. In the 1510s and 1520s, the numbers were small — usually two or three a year — but by the 1530s the average order included six cloaks. In the 1518–19, 14½ yards (13.2 m) of right crimson satin costing £13 1s were bought to line a cloak of crimson velvet.45 Worsley’s inventory contained several cloaks made from a variety of materials including ‘a cloke of wolvis Skynnes lyned with blak Satten with twoo Bukkelles and pendauntes of golde geven to the kinges grace by my lorde Sandys’ [B137], ‘a cloke of violett frisado garded with purpull veluet the cape tyed with vj flatte Agglettes of golde’ [B138] and ‘a Spaynisshe cloke of Blak Frisado with a Border of Goldesmythis worke geven by the Quenes grace to the king’ [B139]. There were also double cloaks as indicated by the provision of ‘xviij yerdes di of blacke cloth of gold dammaske for a dobill cloke’ [A699]. However, from the 1540s onwards the cloak became increasingly popular. Worn over the doublet, it was predominantly a short, knee-length garment, circular or semicircular in shape.46 A specific type of short, circular cloak was referred to as the Spanish cloak, and during this period it was very much in fashion at court. Henry VIII had a number of short cloaks, including some in the Spanish style and others in the Turkish style, as in the case of ‘Turkey cloaks ribband with nettes of silver and, between the knittynges or the meshes, flowers of golde’.47 The 1547 inventory included some very sumptuous cloaks made from a broad range of materials: ‘A Cloke of elkes Skinnes lined with blacke Satten with x buttons of golde’ (14296) and ‘A Cloke of Sables lined with blacke Caphae Damaske wrought with roses with 10 rounde Buttons set with litle sparkes of counerfet Rubies and Saphiers’ (14294). Cloaks were often provided with special cloak bags that could be highly decorated, as in the case of ‘a Cloke bagge of blacke vellut all ouer embrawdrid with venice gold’ (14564). There are several examples of sixteenth-century cloaks. First, there is the damask short cloak made for Don Garzia de’Medici, 1562. It has a double guard down both fronts and around the lower edge, as well as sleeves (Figs 20.1 and 20.2).48

Second, there are two slightly later examples, both with stand collars, in the collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum. The first is a French satin cape, the collar, front edges and the hem of which are embroidered with couched metal thread. In addition, the collar and front guards have appliqué worked in a strapwork design. The other cloak is a Spanish cape, similar in cut to the other cape, and it is made from embossed velvet, with a silk fringe applied around the hem. It also has guards of embroidery applied down the front edges and around the hem.49 A frock was a loose outer garment, similar to a coat. Like the coat it was often highly decorative in form. Twenty-seven frocks were listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book and another 13 were ordered for the king, along with eight matching sets of frocks and doublets and one frock with a mantle made from 25 yards (22.8 m) of black velvet [A1067]. They could vary in length as indicated by ‘a shorte Frocke of crimosyn cloth of gold of tissewe lyned with sarcenet’ [B42]. Frocks first appeared in Henry’s great wardrobe accounts in 1523–25, and they continued to be made for the king on a regular basis thereafter. In April 1541 Henry gave away ‘a froke of purple gold chamlett facyd with luserns and layed on this passementes of purple sylkes and threds of gold’.50 The frock often had quite full skirts and sleeves as the following entry from the 1547 inventory indicates: ‘A Frocke of grene bawdkin with damaske wourke the bodies lyned with grene vellut the bases Sleves with grene Satten tied with xxxvij paire of Aglettes of golde’ (14322). The coat was a loose-fitting outer garment with sleeves. New coats were ordered for Henry in every extant set of accounts. Eleven were ordered in 1516–17 and another 14 in 1517–18, but only a single example in 1523–25, 1527–28 and 1531–32. Worsley’s wardrobe book listed 30 coats (excluding the specialist examples such as Almain coats) with velvet being the most commonly used fabric (13 examples) in addition to velvet tissue [B170] or velvet pirled and cloth of silver tilsent [A209]. More exotic examples included a coat of wolf skin [B143]. New coats ordered for the king could either be made as separate items [A382], ensuite with a hood [A957] or with a doublet [A957]. Short coats were made throughout the reign, while the evidence for demi-coats is more mixed. Although only one demi-coat was ordered in the king’s warrants (for 1516–17), a coat of this type was listed in the 1547 inventory: ‘a Demie Coote of purple Satten with sleves all over embrodrid with venice golde lined with purple vellut’ (14280). Coats were equally common in the 1547 inventory including examples made from leather (14275), satin (14274) and velvet (14277). In 1540 Edward Hall described a coat worn by Henry VIII as a ‘coate of purple velvet, somewhat made lyke a frocke, all over enbrodered with flat gold of damaske with small lace mixed betwene of the same gold’.51 Equally, the similarities between the cut of the coat and the cassock were emphasised in several items delivered to Whitehall from Sudeley in May 1549: ‘oon Coote of crimsen velvet alouer embraudred with veanice golde The same is but a Cassocke’ (17648). Coats were often very richly decorated using a range of techniques, as in the case of ‘a Coote of purple vellat allover

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embraudered with veanice golde and a Border of embraudery of veanice golde the same being cutt and pulled owte with golde sarcennet and Lined with purple vellat and purple satte’ (9922). The coat was made in a variety of specific types. They could have pronounced skirts which incorporated a number of pleats that then became the focus for decoration: ‘a Cote of crimsen vellat embrawdered with golde and freng vppon euery pleyte with damaske and venice Siluer’ (11249). Some coats were made with long sleeves which had horizontal openings above the elbow, through which the arms could pass through. Examples can be seen in the portraits of the duke of Norfolk and Sir John Godsalve, and Henry VII wears the sleeves fully of his glaudekin in the Whitehall cartoon.52 The cassock was a loose-fitting jacket made with wide sleeves. It varied from being knee-length at the start of Henry’s reign to mid-thigh-length by the 1540s.53 Four cassocks, two of crimson tissue, one of crimson cloth of gold with works and one of purple tinsel, all edged with crimson velvet, lined with crimson satin and equipped with eight satin pockets were ordered for the king on a warrant dated 26 February 1545.54 Another four cassocks, two of purple tissue, two of purple tinsel, all edged with purple velvet, lined with purple satin were also mentioned, along with making and translating three cassocks, two of purple velvet and one of crimson velvet embroidered, new lined with purple satin. Ten cassocks were listed in 1547, three of which also had matching bases. They were made of very good quality fabrics, including three made from gold tinsel and one from silver tinsel and predominantly purple or red or shade of red in colour. For example, ‘a Cassacke of incarnate flat silver tissued with golde and silver edged with incarnate vellut lined with crimsen Satten’ (14351). References in the 1547 inventory also indicate that long gowns with straight sleeves were made in the style of the cassock: ‘a long Cassock gowne with streight sleves of Crimsen vellet rewed with golde welted with Crimsen veluett and Lyned with Taphata’ (14222). Scrutiny of Holbein’s drawings and portraits reveal that a number of his male sitters chose to be painted dressed informally, whereas his female sitters chose otherwise.55 A small number of nightgowns were listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book. Beyond their being of velvet, the entries are uninformative: some were lined with fur as in the case of ‘a night gowne of russet veluete furred with sabullus’ [B100], while others were unlined, possibly for summer: ‘a night gowne of russet veluete single’ [B80]. The amount of cloth provided by Worsley to the king’s tailors to make a nightgown varied slightly between 12¼ (11.2 m) and 13 yards (11.8 m) [A1168, A958]. The examples from the 1543–45 accounts were all black and made from damask. They were also more ornate than the earlier examples: a nightgown of black damask with two borders and an edge of black velvet furred with budge, a nightgown of black damask with three velvet guards purfelid and a nightgown of black damask, guarded with a broad guard and two narrow, with fringe, the skirts lined with buckram.56 There is an example of a man’s loose gown or nightgown dating from 1600–10 at Hardwick Hall made from mulberry coloured satin with tabbed wings at the sleeve heads.57

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Alternatives to the doublet: jackets and jerkins, chammers and shamews Jerkins and jackets were worn over the doublet. While they were often sleeveless, this was not always the case. The terms sometimes appear to have been used interchangeably, but actually they were used to identify two different styles. It is evident from the orders placed with the great wardrobe that jackets were far more common and popular than jerkins, with jackets being made in every year bar one but jerkins only featuring in three accounts. A warrant from the first year of the reign included a jacket of embroidery ‘with scales’ that was furred with black budge.58 Only two new jackets were made separately in Worsley’s book for the king, but they also appeared as orders for matching items: a jacket and demi-coat of velvet [A1020], 26 jackets with matching doublets in a range of fabrics including cloth of gold baudkyn [A484], cloth of silver damask [A418], tilsent [A682] and velvet [A993], jackets and partlets [A1289], jackets with demi-sleeve and doublets [A502]. These were in addition to the 100 jackets (excluding four quartered jackets) listed in Worsley’s book: for example, ‘A Jaquet with di slevis of purple blak and white Satten enbrawdered with lettres’ [B321]. Twenty-eight of the jackets were made from velvet, while the rest were made from 27 different fabrics or fabric combinations. In a wardrobe list of 1541 ‘a jaquet of carnacion cloth of golde embrodryd with iij small gardes of carnacion vellat gold and lined with crymsen satten’.59 Strangely, no jackets were listed in the inventory taken after the king’s death in 1547. However, seven jerkins were listed there (14332–38). These were made in a variety of colours of velvet: black (1), purple (3), russet (1), crimson (1) and tawny (1) and they were all embroidered. For example, ‘one Jerkin of tawnie vellut with wide sleves of tawnie Satten all over embrawdrid with venice gold and tawnie silke with a paire of hoose of tawnie satten of like embrawderie’ (14336). The jerkins were all furnished with sleeves (three with wide sleeves, two with straight sleeves and two with sleeves of an unspecified type) and they all had hose. The sleeves were usually made of a different type of material to the main body of the garment but of the same colour. Where this was the case, the hose were made of the same material as the sleeves. Jerkins were occasionally made from leather, as in the case of a brown leather jerkin made for a young man or adolescent, c. 1555–65, with a stand collar and moulded pewter buttons (Fig. 6.9). The leather was decorated with punched heart- and star-shaped motifs arranged in bands delineated with scored lines.60 A more sophisticated and later example of a leather jerkin can be seen in the Stibert Museum, Florence. Dating from c. 1595–1610, the jerkin is embroidered with yellow silk and silver metal thread. It is lightly padded over the chest and stomach, with a stand, roll collar and fastens with buttons and by lacing through worked eyelet holes. Worked eyelet holes inside the armholes were intended for securing separate sleeves.61

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The shamew (or shemew) is said to have originated in the 1530s. It was a loose garment like a coat that was worn open at the front.63 An order for shamews in the great wardrobe account for 1526–27 enables us to date their appearance a decade earlier. The shamews ordered establish that these garments were at least partially fitted, with skirts. Three shamews were made for the king: one of black satin welted with six welts of black velvet, three in the middle of the base and three in the skirts lined with frieze and satin, one of black velvet with six double borders of black satin lined with frieze and furred with sable and one of black velvet embroidered with six Milan stitches, three in the middle of the bases and three in the skirts, furred with black budge.64 The last example also had sleeves because buckram was provided for stiffening them. Each shamew cost 13s 4d to make. On the same warrant the king ordered a shamew for Francis Weston to be made of black velvet with two borders of the same velvet which cost 6s 8d to make. In addition to these three examples, one shamew was listed in the 1547 inventory as being stored in ‘tholde juelhous at Westminster’: ‘a Cote or Shamewe of purple clothe of golde with workes furred with sables garded with purple vellat and enbrawdered with golde’ (11247). The wording of this entry emphasises the similarities between the shamew and the coat. 6.9 Dark brown leather jerkin for a young man, decorated with vertical and diagonal scored bands and diamond-, star- and heart-shaped pinking. Tower of London, C65, Museum of London

Accessories: partlets, placards, stomachers, petticoats and tippets

In 1518 the chronicler Hall referred to the chammer as ‘a new fassion garment . . . which is in effect a goune, cut in the middle’.62 He was commenting on the chammers worn by the members of Admiral Bonnivet’s retinue when he came on embassy to England — the implication is it was of French origin. The chammer was a type of jerkin constructed from a lattice of strips of fabric or passementerie. A contrasting fabric was often placed behind the strips to highlight the effect. Worsley’s wardrobe book and inventory lists 19 chammers that were made from a range of fabrics including velvet upon velvet, satin, tilsent damask gold and cloth of gold damask raised with silver. These included ‘a shamer of Russet cloth of gold tissewe furred with sabullus valet Clxxij li’ [B23], ‘a shamer of cloth of golde tissewe furred with luzardes Cxlviij li’ [B24] and ‘a shamer of cloth of golde of dammaske Reysed with siluer furred with sabullus valet Cxl li’ [B25]. The inventory descriptions were often quite brief, however some appear to have had sleeves, as in the case of:

The partlet was worn with a low-cut doublet, jerkin or coat to cover the neck and chest. It could have a collar and detachable sleeves, and was often very ornate. Henry VIII ordered partlets regularly up to the middle of his reign and then less frequently after that. Partlets could be made in a range of sizes, to suit the type and style of the garment they were worn with. Worsley’s inventory included ‘a lytell partelet of tawny saten lyned with sarcenet’ [B153], while William Hilton was given ‘iij yerdes quarter of grene veluete for a longe partelet’ [A1062]. Worsley’s inventory also recorded ‘a Riding Cote of blake saten with ij cutt borders of blake veluete & ij in the myddes with russet partelet of blake veluete lyned with blake sarcenet’ [B273] and ‘a shorte Cote of blake saten with iiij borders of blake veluete cutte with a russet partlet of blake veluete lyned with sarcenet’ [B275]. A list of items belonging to the wardrobe of the robes during the time of John Parker’s yeomanry included ten highly ornate partlets:

a Shamer of purple veluet furred with luzardys weltid with the same the vpper slevis and forslevys sett with xlvj Trayfullis of pearlis Sett in gold and oon euery trayfoile v pearlis and xvj other Trayfullis of pearlis Sett in gold and in euery trayfull iij pearlys and on diamounde in the middys of euery trayfull one Pearle lacking byfore they came into the warderobe [B131].

ij partlettes of black velvett inbrowderyd, ij partlettes of white velvett inbrowtheryd, a partlett of crimsen velvett inbrowderyd, a partlett of Grene velvett inbrowderyd, a partlett orenge colour velvett inbrowderyd, a partlett of white lether perfumyd with ij borgonyon gardes of white velvett inbrowderyd, a partlett of blacke velvett furde with bogge, a partlett of blake satten furede with conye.65

Others had high collars [A135–36]. Chammers were in vogue for only a short period. They appear in the wardrobe accounts for 1521–22, 1526–27 and 1527–28. None were listed in the 1547 inventory.

Partlets, like stomachers, were often ordered in bulk. A warrant dated 1539 included six velvet partlets, three black, one green, one crimson and one white. They were all embroidered with gold and silver, lined with satin and sarsenet and

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had buttons of Venice gold.66 By 1547 there were four partlets in the king’s wardrobe of the robes that were all made from velvet and lined with satin, all embroidered with Venice gold, all described as being made ‘withowte Sleves’ (14339), meaning a matching pair of sleeves. In addition, there were ‘Twoo partelettes of white threade’ (11585) kept with the king’s shirts. A placard could be worn with a doublet, a coat or a gown, if it had a low-cut front, for warmth. Placards were only listed in one of the king’s great wardrobe accounts, that for 1517– 18, when two were made for his use: one of black velvet furred with ermine to be worn with a coat and the other of crimson satin for a doublet of crimson satin lined with crimson sarsenet and embroidered.67 As these entries indicate, a placard was often made ensuite with the garment with which it was intended to be worn, such as ‘a doblet of white saten with placard & foreslyues of white cloth of siluer and russet tynsell paned & welted with the same lyned with white sarcenet’ [B290]. Worsley’s wardrobe book listed eight doublets with matching placards of this type.68 A group of the king’s clothes delivered to Thomas Alvard in November 1534 included four doublets with foresleeves and placards of cloth of silver, purple silver tissue, purple and crimson velvet.69 However, placards did not feature in the king’s wardrobe in the 1540s when he started to wear coats and doublets with high necklines. Stomachers for men were worn with doublets and covered the chest. They were ordered throughout the king’s reign and often in large numbers: 50 in 1516–17 and 92 in 1543–45. Worsley’s wardrobe book reveals that Hilton made 18 for the king in the 11-month period from 1 July 1517.70 They were all made from satin, the fabric of choice, in a range of colours including crimson, purple, white, green, russet, black and yellow. John de Paris made none in the period immediately following. In 1539 Malt made eight stomachers of black and white satin lined with scarlet and eight stomachers of purple and crimson satin lined with scarlet.71 Even so, just one stomacher was listed in the king’s wardrobe in 1547: ‘A stomacher of grene clothe of Golde’ (14553). As with the placard and the partlet, the stomacher fell into disfavour with the king in the 1540s. The male petticoat or waistcoat was a waist-length garment worn under the doublet. It was usually sleeveless but not exclusively, and it was often quilted for warmth. It was worn in two ways. As part of formal dress, it would not be worn without a doublet. As part of informal wear, it could be worn with just a shirt or nightshirt.72 On such occasions, if it was worn, the hose were attached to the petticoat rather than to the doublet. Scrutiny of the orders for clothes made by Henry VIII suggests that he did not buy any petticoats earlier that 1533–34, but later he ordered them with regularity. These petticoats were usually made from double or triple layers of cambric that were quilted together. However, the inclusion of ‘3 petycottes of white taffeta 2 old one new’ and ‘1 old petycote of linen cloth quylted’ in an inventory dating from Parker’s time as yeoman of the robes (c. 1526–36) indicates that Henry had

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owned and worn petticoats in the 1520s.73 This is verified by an account for the wardrobe of the robes for 1521–22 allowing 3 yards (2.7 m) of black sarsenet for lining three petticoats of black satin which cost 13s.74 Although fancy fur tippets formed part of the fashionable female wardrobe, they did find favour with Henry VIII. He had three tippets of sable and five other neck tippets of unspecified material, one of which was lined with sable.75

Clothing for bathing At both Whitehall and Hampton Court the king enjoyed a luxurious bath house.76 The 1542 inventory of Whitehall records a list of ‘Sondrye Lynen seruing for the king his grace in his Bayne’ which show how the king was dressed when he used his bath house. The entries describe a set of items mostly made of plain white linen holland: six coifs, 13 kerchers, six double rails, six double stomachers, three pairs of slops, six aprons, four handkerchiefs, three of them fringed with Venice gold and red and white silk, with the fourth edged with a cordaunt of white silk, 25 rubbers and 12 handkerchiefs of plain cambric [570–78].

Sporting dress Many of the coats made for the king reflected his enthusiasm for sport: riding coats, hunting coats, stalking coats, tennis coats and hawking coats. Of these, the riding coat was the most heavily used and new coats were made for him in each of the extant sets of accounts. His hunting coats were often green but not always and, unusually for the king’s wardrobe, they were quite often made from woollen cloth such as kendal, rather than silk. The riding cloak was far less common, with the king ordering just three examples in 1517–18. The brief entries in the accounts make it quite difficult to tell how these coats (and cloaks) differed from those made for the king for general daywear in terms of cut. It is possible that the cut was fairly standard and the differentiation came in terms of colour and cloth type. Henry spent a lot of time in the saddle, either as a means of transport or for pleasure. In 1520 Richard Pace noted that ‘The King rises daily, except on holy days, at 4 or 5 o’clock, and hunts till 9 or 10 at night. He spares no pains to convert the sport of hunting into a martyrdom’.77 Little had changed by 1526 when Hall noted that ‘all this Sommer the kyng tooke his pastime in huntyng’.78 However, the Eltham Ordinances recorded that ‘Whensoever the King’s grace hath gone further in walkeing, hunting, hauking and other disportes, the most part of the noblemen and gentlemen of the court used to passé with his grace, by reason whereof the court hath been left disgarnished but also the King’s said disports lett, hindred, and impeached’.79 As he grew older, Henry took more interest in falconry. Early in January 1543 Henry VIII wrote to Albert,

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duke of Prussia, thanking him for a gift of falcons, commenting that he ‘takes pleasure in hawking as a recreation when wearied with public affairs’.80 In addition to riding coats, he also had a selection of matching riding bonnets, caps or hoods. In November 1531 Christopher Milliner provided ‘ij Ryding Cappes of blac satin and lyned with blac vellute for the kinges grace’ costing 20s.81 In 1547 the wardrobe of the robes listed two very ornate riding coats, one of black satin (14288) and one of ‘blac vellut with iij narrowe borders of cordauntes with venice gold wrought with knottes raized with the same golde furrid with ermins & facid with Sables’ (14287). Hunting also required a range of specialist accessories for man and beast, and many of these incorporated textile components. They included hunting horns. In 1547 there were 15 horns of this type listed in the wardrobe of the robes, some of which were supplied with baldrics of silk, velvet and stolework. For example, ‘a litle white horne graven with antique wourkes garnisshed with silver and guilte with a bawdrick of grene vellut with buckle & studdes of silver & gilte & a Coller of Stole worke with turret buckle & pendaunt silver and guilte’ (14399). Henry also had an impressive collection of dog collars, including two greyhound collars of ‘crimesen vellut and cloth of golde withowte Tirrettes’ (14407) and ‘ij other Collers with the kinges Armes withowte Tirrettes and at thendes portecullises and Roses’ (14409). Henry was a keen archer and had a lot of specialist equipment for undertaking the sport, including ‘xxix shoting gloues’ (13871), ‘ij brasers . . . embraudered’ (10498) and ‘A Case of grene vellut embrawderid ouer with golde and the kinges armes with one Bowe’ (15997). Royal tennis was almost an obsession at court. Both Henry VII and Henry VIII were avid players. The Venetian ambassador observed that Henry VIII was ‘extremely fond of tennis, at which game it is the prettiest thing in the world to see him play, his fair skin glowing through a shirt of the finest texture’.82 While this observation indicates that the king played in his shirt and hose, early in his reign Henry ordered special tennis coats including a coat of black and blue velvet made in 1517 [A905–06].83 The coat was made from 6 yards (5.4 m) of velvet, so it would have been quite a fitted garment. The tennis coat was not necessarily worn while playing the game itself but for warmth before and after. In addition, an undated inventory from the late 1520s listed ‘ij dowblettes of crimson satten to playe at tenes’.84 Tennis could also provide inspiration for the royal jewellers. The king’s coffers included ‘a brouche of gold made for a Tennice plaie with parsonages and garnished with course stones’ (2258). The king was also provided with special shoes for playing tennis: in 1536 the great wardrobe was paid ‘for sooling of syxe paire of shooys with feltys to pleye in at tenneys’. Henry had ‘ij Rackettes garnished thandelles with passemayne lace golde and siluer’ (11152), while in the jewel house at Hampton Court there were ‘xiij Rackettes’ (12448). To protect his hands he wore gloves, as indicated by the presence of ‘twoo tennes Gloves embrawderid’ (14552). All the major royal houses were provided with courts and on 29 December 1532 Henry gave 40s ‘to Ansley of the Tennes play for costes of balles vj tymes at Calays and grenewiche’.85

Like many sports enthusiasts, Henry VIII was concerned about his general fitness. He had sets of weights or ‘peises’ at several of his houses: ‘twoo poyses of tynne’ (9457) in the closet next to the chamber at Greenwich and ‘two payses of pewtre to exercise a mans Armes’ (12434) in the jewel house at Hampton Court. No specific clothes are mentioned in the inventories or warrants for the king to wear when fishing or shooting. Even so, there was ‘one angling rodde of rede’ (11690) in the little study called the new library at Whitehall.

Clothes for combat and the tilt yard: brigandines, bases and base coats, arming doublets and hose When Henry VIII landed at Calais in July 1513 at the start of the French campaign, he was ‘appareilled in almaine ryvet crested and his vambrace of the same, and on his hedde a chapeau montabyn with a riche coronal, the folde of the chapeau was lined with crimsyn saten and on it a riche brooche with the image of Sainct George, over his rivet he had a garment of white cloth of golde with a redde crosse’.86 On 11 October 1513 the Milanese ambassador described to the duke of Milan the jousts in which Henry and Viscount Lisle had figured, noting that The king wore a vest over his armour which he had worn before, though it is of great beauty, of velvet of divers colours with embroidered stripes of gold, really exquisite, a white veil hanging down behind his helmet. The horse carried no armour and not many trappings but it was all gold . . . Lord Lisle wore a vest charged with stripes of beaten gold, considered a remarkable thing.87

A brigandine was a form of padded doublet that was made from leather or textile, with a series of small metal plates riveted to the decorative top fabric and secured with stitching that was both ornamental and functional. Henry owned ‘a pair of brigandyns couerd with grene tylsent ye collor wrought with siluer & gilt’ [B366]. An unnamed armourer in London made a brigandine and a coat of mail for the king which were finished by John Malt.88 It seems likely that both pieces were made for the king’s use during the French campaign of 1544: both remained in the king’s possession until his death. A number of brigandines were provided for the king’s own use and some were in the Greenwich armoury in 1547. These included ‘one Briggendine complete havinge sleues couered with Crymsyn clothe of golde’ (8264); ‘one briggendine couered with blewe Satten’ (8265); ‘A briggendine couered with Crimsen Satten and sett with guilte Nailles’ (8340); ‘a paier of sleues according to the Cote with A pece of kersey to kepe it in’ (8341). A sixteenth-century brigandine covered with cloth of gold in the Royal Armouries at Leeds resembles those described in the king’s inventories (Figs 6.10 and 6.11).89 A man in armour could wear either a base coat or a base, a skirt worn with armour that could be made from textile or metal. A base coat or a ‘coat for harness’ is mentioned in the extant warrants for 1510–11. By 1519 there were six base

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6.10 Cloth of gold brigandine. The Royal Armouries, Leeds. © The Board of Trustees of the Armouries

coats in the armoury at Greenwich, all different and probably worn by the king and a set of base coats ‘of blake veluet of grene clothe of golde enbrawdered’ probably worn by his courtiers.90 The king’s base coats were very ornate. They could be sleeveless or have half-sleeves. They could be made in either a single colour or two contrasting colours. The finest example was truly sumptuous: ‘A Base cote the oon half of blake veluet enbrawderd with cutte workys of blue tynsyn and lined with blak satten fringed with flatte golde damaske and the other half of white veluet enbrawderd with cutte workes of clothe of siluer fringed with flatte gold of damaske garnysshed with a border of fine gold.’ The coat was decorated with 208 letters of fine gold and 43½ ciphers of the same.91 By the time of his death in 1547 the king still owned several examples housed in the tilt yard at Greenwich. They were typified by ‘A base cote of blacke vellet enbrodered with Cloth of gold’ (8386).92 Henry owned a magnificent example of a metal base: ‘A base of stele and goldesmythe worke Siluer and guilte with A border abowt the same siluer and guilte of goldesmithes worke’ (8388). Textile and metal could be worked in combination, as in the case of the jousting armour of the Archduke Philip with a skirt of tinned steel plates covered with cloth of gold, with an appliquéd design.93 Textile examples were quite common in the accounts and they were often highly decorated such as ‘a Base for an armyng Cote with di slyues of veluete cutte with lettres and vndre with cloth of gold’ [B150]. A number were listed at the armouries in the 1547 inventory with more in the care of the master of the revels, Sir Thomas Cawarden. Cawarden’s bases included ‘one Base of clothe of gold cloth of Siluer &

6.11 Detail of the cloth of gold brigandine. The Royal Armouries, Leeds. © The Board of Trustees of the Armouries

Russett vellet with white Rooses blacke bull & Sisars of golde’ (8615). There was also a smaller version known as a demibase, such as a ‘di base of Russet vellett enbrodered with flowers of golde bearing the white hinde’ (8617). Plainer examples were included in the list of ‘Stuffe of Thomas Culpepper Esquire at Greenwich the 16 November 1541 at his office in the tilt yard’. Culpepper owned a harness for the tilt, a coffer to store it and two bases, one of purple velvet lined with white sarsenet and the other of russet velvet lined with the same.94 Bases could be produced singly or in sets with other garments, as in the case of ‘a base with a shorte Cote to the same of purpull tylsent & blake tylsent cut opon with blacke & blew veluete with poyntes of silke & gold lyned with sarsenet’ [A268]. The quality of Henry’s bases and bards attracted comment. At the tournaments held after the capture of Tournai in 1513, it was recorded that ‘the king had a base and a trapper of purple veluet bothe set full of SS of fyne bullion’.95

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The bard for the king’s horse was often made en suite with his other clothes, especially with brigandines and bases. When Henry attended a reception held at Lille in September 1513 by Charles, prince of Castile, and Margaret, duchess of Savoy, his clothes and bard were made of ‘cloth of syluer of small quadrant cuttes trauersed and edged with cutt cloth of golde, and the border set full of redde roses, his armore freshe and set full of iuels’.96 The list of embroidered bards in the custody of George Lovekyn, taken on 1 May 1519, included a base that matched the basecoat described above: a trapper the oon half blak veluet enbrawderd with a cutte worke of blue tynsyn fringed with flatte golde of damaske and lined with blake Satten and the other half of white veluet enbrauderd with a cutte worke of clot of siluer and lined with cloth of siluer fringed with flatte gold of damaske bordered with a riche border of fine gold.

The trapper was decorated with 143½ letters, 25 ciphers, 117 bells and eight great bells ‘for the necke of an horse’.97 The pattern of Henry’s orders for arming doublets is slightly unusual: five in 1510–11, one in 1516–17, one in 1517– 18 and then none until ten were made for him in 1543–44. The last order originated from the king’s need to present himself as a military commander on his invasion of France in 1544. The orders for arming hose were even less frequent, with two pairs in 1535–36 and one pair in 1543–44. The basic form of the arming doublet was similar to a doublet for everyday wear, but with additional padding.98 Arming doublets were tied with special arming points which were also used to attach pieces of armour: ‘xij arminge pointes of purple and white Silke with square Aglettes of golde’ (14572). An inventory datable to the late 1520s includes an entry for ‘iij armynge dowblettes one of saten & ij of fustyan’ and ‘one payer of arming hose’.99 Arming doublets were often brightly coloured. The last surviving warrant for the king dated 26 February 1545 included ‘two arming doublets, one of purple and yellow satin embroidered and one of crimson velvet of new making streaked with gold, the first lined with two linings of good linen and the second with crestcloth’ and ‘an arming doublet of crimson and yellow satin, embroidered with silk, lined with two linings of linen called holland’.100 The first of these may be identifiable with ‘one armynge Doublet of purple and yellowe Satten all over embrawderid with a busie woorke formed downe with threedes of venice golde’ (14233) and matching hose (14260) listed in the 1547 inventory. Two other arming doublets with matching hose mentioned at the same time were described as ‘one olde arminge Doublet of purple and white satten formed downe with Thredes of venice Silver’ (14232) and ‘one olde arminge Doublet of crimesen and yellowe Satten embrawderid with Skalloppe Shelles formed downe withe threedes of venice golde’ (14234). A red shot satin doublet c. 1560, formerly at Hever castle and now in the collection of the National Museum of Scotland, is possibly an arming doublet. The satin top fabric has an interlining of a heavy weight linen and cotton padding. The padding was concentrated at the shoulders, arms, upper back and front and kept in place with lines of stitching.101 The doublet has no skirts, just a waist strip with worked eyelet holes and fastens with eight buttons made by covering a card core with satin.

The king’s linen: shirts, night shirts, night caps and handkerchiefs Personal linen formed an important part of the king’s wardrobe and its maintenance and laundry was the responsibility of his laundress. The shirt underwent a marked change in the shape and height of the neck line from the late fifteenth century to the mid sixteenth century. When the shirt was not visible, as in the case of the Sittow portrait of Henry VII, it was not heavily decorated. However, whether a shirt had a low round neck or a high neck with a narrow stand collar edged with a very small frill as in the portrait of 1535 attributed to Joos van Cleve (Pl. Ib) or a portrait of a similar date by an unknown artist (Fig. 6.12), once it was on display, it became a focus for embroidery and other forms of decoration. A list of shirts and other items delivered to Henry Norris by Sir William Compton on 18 January 1526 indicates the range of shirts being worn then by the king.102 These included: a sherte with a high colar wrought with blakke silke and white of friers knottes And with iij borders on the same soorte in euery sleve wrought with open semes of blakke sylke a sherte wrought in the colar with golde lyke losanges of spanyshe warke and lyke wyse at the hande

6.12 Henry VIII, unknown artist, c. 1535–40. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 1376)

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a sherte of camerykke the colar wrought with golde and in lyke wyse the handes like jelofers x shertes of oon soorte with clowdes in the colar and Ryvelyd at the hande ix other shertes square colarde of whyte warke much of oon sorte an olde high colarde sherte with a cowrse border of golde aboute hytte oon myllan sherte wrought at the colar and handes with golde And open semed with blak silke too shertes oon with clowdes thother of white warke with a sursull of blakke sylke xj square colarde shertes with clowdes of blakke sylke of oon sorte two other shertes high collarde of spaynyshe warke of the new fascyon fyve myllan shertes of oon soorte the collar and handes wrought with golde and silke and open sems with blak silke and golde an other fyne sherte the collar wrought with golde and pyrled with pomegranettes and Roses.

Some of the others mentioned had been New Year’s gifts given to the king by the aristocratic ladies and courtiers. There were also pieces of cambric given by the countess of Salisbury and Viscountess Fitzwalter. None of Henry’s shirts appear in the entry for his wardrobe of the robes taken after the king’s death. Just four ‘Sherte bandes of golde and twoo of silver in a Boxe of crimesen satten’ (14566) are mentioned together with a selection of ‘Shertes and Naprye’ in James Rufforth’s care at Whitehall, including ‘a Ruff of a Sleve enbrawdered’ (11586). Their absence is to be expected by the fact that by 1547 the shirts were cared for by the groom of the stool and he presumably kept a list. The 1551 inventory for Whitehall listed ‘the shirte coofre’, which may have been the coffer used by the groom. It contained ‘xij Shertes withe Bandes and Ruffes of silke of sundry collours and sortes’ (17603). Male portraiture from Henry VIII’s reign charts the development of small frills or ruffs at the cuffs and collar of men’s shirts. These frills were often detachable, as indicated by the entries in the 1542 inventory for ‘foure Shirte bandes of golde with Rouffes to the same’ [22]; ‘foure Shirte bandis of Silver with Rouffes to the same / wherof oone pirled with golde’ [23]. By 1547, these bands had developed further. The king’s shirt coffer had nine shirt bands worked in gold (17598), seven worked in silver (17599), ‘one Bande of flaunders making embraudred with golde and silke of sundry collours’ (17600) and a selection of other bands and ruffs (17602). High-necked shirts had a slashed or V-shaped front opening and the collar was usually fastened with thread ties, as in Holbein’s drawing of Lord Vaux done in the early 1530s (Fig. 20.8). Similar features can be seen in a boy’s shirt c. 1550 in the Victoria and Albert Museum (Fig. 6.13). The cornflower design embroidered on the collar and cuffs in blue silk are very reminiscent of the embroidery on Baroness Dacre’s smock, in her portrait painted by Hans Eworth, c. 1553–55. Another example of a shirt of this period with a similar type of seam worked in blue silk can be seen in the Bayerisches Nationalmuseum.103 A fine example of a mid sixteenth-century shirt is provided by the shirt worn by Nils Sture (1543–67) on 24 May 1567 and kept in Uppsala cathedral since his burial. The shirt is made from loom widths of linen tabby that measure 32 in. (80 cm) across. The shirt measures 50 in. (125 cm) overall in length and it has a high collar with a ruffle and two thread ties for closure and full-length sleeves. It is decorated with black silk and white linen embroidery and applied silk and linen cord.104

6.13 A boy’s linen shirt with blue silk embroidery. T.112-1972. © V&A Images, Victoria and Albert Museum, London

Three men’s linen shirts of a slightly later date were recovered from the Gagiana, a Venetian ship that sank off the Adriatic coast on 14 October 1583. The shirts were all made from the full loom width of the fabric which measured 30 in. (75 cm). The linen is a tabby weave, with a finer weave linen being used for the collars than for the body of the shirts.105 These highnecked shirts have no shoulder seams, with the neck formed by making a T-shaped cut in the linen. The extra fabric was gathered into small pleats at the front only, while the sleeves were cut from half a loom width, with small triangular gussets under the arms.106 Henry VIII’s shirts were made for him by women. Shirt making was considered a wifely task, suitable even for a queen to perform. Catherine of Aragon seems to have enjoyed it and continued to make Henry’s shirts after divorce proceedings against her had been put in hand. At Christmas 1530 Anne Boleyn discovered a member of the king’s privy chamber taking linen to Catherine for her to make shirts.107 Anne Boleyn was reluctant to make shirts instead of Catherine and she engaged a shirt maker. On 17 December 1530 £18 was paid to Anne Boleyn for money laid out by her ‘to the wif of the Dove for lynnen clothe for shertes and other necessaryes’.108 No evidence has been found that Jane Seymour, Anne of Cleves, Catherine Howard or Catherine Parr followed Catherine of Aragon’s example or not. Aristocratic ladies also provided Henry with shirts, probably of their own making, as New Year’s gifts. Other women were paid to make shirts for him. Henry made regular payments from his privy purse to a small group of women, who were usually married, who made shirts on a regular basis for him and for others in his care, notably Mark Smeaton and

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two boys called William and Ralph. The women employed included the wife of William Armourer, who was one of the king’s footmen, and the wife of one Barnard. The bulk of the work was undertaken by Mrs Armourer. The payments made to her reveal the cost of the materials as well as the scale of her trade. On 29 October 1530 she was paid £6 18s for 23 ells (15.8 m) of cambric for six shirts for the king at 6s the ell and 36s for making the shirts, at 6s each. She supplied 6 yards (5.4 m) of ribbon costing 2s, which may have been to trim the shirts, or possibly the six coifs priced at 18s.109 She also supplied two shirts each for Mark Smeaton and the two Williams at a price of 6s 8d each, but this figure may include the price of the cloth as well as the making, and four shirts for Ralph at 3s 4d each. On 31 March 1531 Mrs Barnard was paid 53s 4d for making two shirts for the king, and in the following year on 27 September she received the same sum for making eight shirts for the king.110 On 10 January 1531 the wife of Robert Philip, who lived at Greenwich, received 2s 6d for making two linen bags to keep the king’s shirts in, and on 14 February a further 5s 4d for two bags sent to York Place.111 None of these women were described as seamstresses, although this is what they were. Indeed the post of the king’s seamstress was not created until the accession of the Stuart kings.112 While many slept in their shirts, some could afford night shirts. According to William Thomas, a groom of the privy chamber with Prince Arthur, he regularly attended his master at Ludlow after marriage and ‘made [him] ready to bed and . . . conducted him clad in his night gown unto the Princess’s bedchamber door often and sundry times’.113 Night shirts were given to the king as New Year’s gifts, as indicated by the gift roll from 1526 which included two night shirts, one white and one wrought with black and white silk.114 The king seems to have worn his night shirts until they became unfit for further use: at his death he had ‘xxiij night Shirtes of sondrye sortes verey meane and worne’ (11604). Night shirts were not for public wear. They were intimate apparel. Lord Seymour used to go into the bedchamber of the Princess Elizabeth while she was living with Catherine Parr and him at Chelsea. He visited her early in the morning dressed in his night shirt and slippers which Catherine Ashley, her lady in waiting, thought ‘an unseemly sight to see a man so little dressed in a maiden’s chamber’.115 The miniature of the duke of Richmond attributed to Lucas Horenbout (Fig. 11.5) depicts him wearing a white linen night shirt and a linen night cap embroidered with black work. It is likely that this miniature was painted between 1534–35 and its informality has been taken to indicate that the portrait was painted during a period of illness. But if one accepts on stylistic grounds a date of 1534–35 for its composition, thus not long after his marriage in November 1533 and its consummation, its eroticism is more readily explicable. The painting entitled Edward VI and the Pope: A Protestant Allegory shows Henry VIII propped up in bed wearing a night shirt and night cap worked with gold thread. The king possessed a range of night caps made from a variety of fabrics, including ‘a night Cappe of blacke veluet partely embrawdered’ (9565) and ‘a night cappe of crymsen satten allover enbrawdered’ (9568). Handkerchiefs made from linen were becoming increasingly common fashion accessories kept in purses or pockets.

They were often given as gifts. In 1540 the prince’s nurse gave Henry a New Year’s gift of ‘a dossen hankerchers garnished with gold’.116 They were often highly decorated, as in the case of ‘three dossen handkerchers edged with golde and Silver’ (12492).

Headwear The antiquarian John Stow observed how towards the end of his life Henry VIII ‘wore a round flat cap of scarlet or of velvet, with a broach or jewel, and a feather’.117 In actuality, many of the king’s bonnets were far more ornate. More typical was the ‘bonnet of blake velvet garnysshyd with eight grett balessys set in gold and syxtene flowers of gold with four perlys in euery flower and a grett owche of gold with a gret balasse and other small dyamundes set in hyt also garnysshyd with fyve perlys and oon grett perle hangyng at hyt’.118 A list of jewels delivered to Henry Norris at Eltham on 18 January 1526 included 23 hats and bonnets of different types: singleand double-turfed bonnets, caps, Milan bonnets, hats and night caps.119 They were predominantly made from black velvet and heavily decorated with gold buttons, aglets, rolls and brooches. The subject matter of a number of the brooches was religious including a brooch of St Michael set with diamonds with a white rose on one side and a red rose on the other and another of St James of Paris work. Others had classical designs like Hercules and ‘a broach of ziphus’. Regular gifts and purchases of bonnets meant that the coffer delivered to Whitehall from Greenwich in 1547 was full of caps: 46 caps and bonnets, a night cap and a woman’s hat of black satin.120 There were also three cap cases of black leather containing 18 caps.121 A number of hat badges surviving from this period corroborate the range of subjects mentioned in written sources. Portraits were quite common as indicated by a hat badge with an enamelled portrait of Charles V c. 1520.122 Biblical scenes were also popular, as in the case of a hat badge 57 mm in diameter with an enamelled scene depicting Christ talking to the woman of Samaria at the well.123 An embossed and chased gold cap badge in the collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum, c. 1536–40, is decorated with a male bust in classical style.124 It has been suggested that an enamelled gold hat badge or ‘jewel’ of St George and the dragon, with a kneeling princess, was presented to Henry VIII by the Emperor Maximilian. However, while the badge is possibly of south German manufacture, Maximilian died in 1519, that is some two decades before the hat badge was made (Fig. 6.14).125 A range of styles of bonnets and caps were available, but those most frequently worn by the king were made from black velvet and had a narrow brim or turf which was the most common place for decoration. However, other short-lived fashions can be detected, as in the case of the use of thrums (additional pile, made from wool or silk) in the 1530s as a means of decorating hats. In 1539 Edmund Harman, the king’s barber, gave Henry a ‘crimson hat thrommed with a band of pirled gold and four tarsols’ as a New Year’s gift.126

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6.14 Hat badge said to have belonged to Henry VIII, Flemish or German, c. 1540. RCIN 442208. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

An example of a red silk thrummed hat that has been attributed to Henry, but actually datable to 1590–1610, provides a good idea of the surface texture and appearance of thrummed hats from the early sixteenth century.127 The fancy caps and bonnets worn during the mid Tudor period were often provided with special cases to protect them when not worn. On 8 May 1535 John Husee wrote to Lord Lisle to inform him, ‘I have sent you by this bearer, Harry Drywry . . . ij caps with under-caps, one of velvet another of satin, locked in a new cap-case wherof he hath the key’.128 In February 1538 Husee wrote to Lady Lisle to tell her, ‘by Swift I sent a cap with a white feather in a cap-case for Mr Basset’.129 Henry had ‘A Case coverid with grene vellut garnisshed with fringes of golde and silver havinge within the same diuerse Romes to laie Cappes in’ (16025). As part of their informal wear, men wore a range of headwear including night caps and cauls. Cauls could be worn alone or under a bonnet and could be plain, for example of ‘blacke Silke’ (2610) or decorative ‘wrought of gold and Silke’ (2609). The list of jewels in the keeping of Sir William Compton in 1519 included coifs of silk and gold, set with pearls.130 Sir Nicholas Carew was painted, about 1528, wearing a pleated caul of cloth of gold under a Milan bonnet rather than his helmet, even though he chose to be depicted in his tournament armour (Fig. 12.9).

Footwear The Milanese ambassador observed that Henry ‘wants to have his feet in a thousand shoes’.131 While this remark was an

113

exaggeration, it rested on fact. Henry bought a lot of shoes. As Table 6.3 indicates, he had access to a wide range of footwear made with English and Spanish leather or velvet or satin uppers and with specialist types for riding, the tournament and even a pair for playing football costing 4s.132 Although the king bought quite large numbers of shoes with leather uppers, he generally wore shoes with velvet uppers (Fig. 6.15).133 The rate of acquisition recorded in the accounts suggests that he may have worn a pair for as short a time as a week before discarding them. While black velvet shoes were ordered on a regular basis, coloured shoes were not uncommon. Twenty-one pairs of shoes (seven pairs of white, purple and crimson velvet shoes) were listed as ‘remaynyng within the lesse standard of the kynges with the warderop of Robes’ during Parker’s period of office.134 Henry also bought slippers which were usually made with textile uppers and would have been flat, and made to slip on, for indoor or informal wear. In 1527 Henry hurt his foot playing tennis and had to wear slippers at the evening entertainment, and the rest of the court followed suit.135 Boots, to cover the foot and leg, were worn for riding and for military dress. Henry had boots made on a regular basis, including special boots for winter. In July 1518 Budaeus wrote to Thomas Linacre, thanking him for his letter and explaining the delay in his reply by noting that he ‘had just drawn on his boots to ride’.136 Long boots could be worn with boot hose to protect the netherstocks. Boots were essentially for informal or practical wear, so it is not surprising that in the one fulllength image of Henry VIII he was painted wearing shoes. In contrast, military dress was an accepted style of dress for a portrait of Philip II painted by Antonio Mor c. 1557.137 Henry VIII also made regular purchases of buskins. Buskins were a type of soft, short boot that covered the calves. They could be made from a range of materials including leather and velvet, and they could be highly decorative, as in the case of ‘a payr of spanisshe buskyns enbrauderd with Roses & portcules’ [B394]. A number of the king’s buskins were furred for extra warmth in winter. Thomas Addington was paid 53s 4d in March 1544 for furring 16 pairs of buskins and a pair of boots with white lamb and black coney.138 Towards the end of his life, Henry also ordered night buskins. No shoes appear in the inventory compiled after his death. The reason for this apparent omission is possibly that in the last months of his life he found it uncomfortable to wear shoes. Modifications were made to his footwear as he got older. Shortly before his final illness, Richard Cecil signed a warrant for a yard and a half (1.37 m) of black velvet ‘to make two pair of large slippers newly devised’ for the king costing 21s on 14 January 1547.139 The collection in Dresden includes several examples of male footwear from the mid sixteenth century which throw light on Henry VIII’s footwear. The first is a very rare single arming or tournament shoe made of leather with an eared sole which was raised at the waist in order to allow it to fit in stirrup.140 The upper is cut quite high and laces at the side. The shoe is covered with black velvet, which is stitched to the forepart. Both the shoe and the velvet are lined with white

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Table 6.3: Shoe type

Overview of Henry VIII’s boot and shoe purchases

1510– 1516– 1517– 1521– 1523– 1526– 11* 17 18 22 25 27

Boots Boots, English leather ~ Boots, leather ~ Boots, Spanish leather ~ Boots, stalking ~ Boots, winter ~ Buskins Buskins ~ Buskins, demi ~ Buskins, English leather ~ Buskins, fur-lined ~ Buskins, long, English leather ~ Buskins, night ~ Buskins, night, Spanish leather ~ Buskins, Spanish leather ~ Buskins, velvet ~ Corks ~ Pinsons ~ Shoes Shoes ~ Shoes, arming ~ Shoes, double-soled ~ Shoes, English leather ~ Shoes, English leather, quartered ~ Shoes, for football ~ Shoes, for hunting ~ Shoes, satin ~ Shoes, Spanish leather ~ Shoes, Spanish leather, quartered ~ Shoes, velvet-covered ~ Shoes, winter ~ Slippers Slippers ~ Slippers, night ~ Slippers, velvet ~ Spurs 31

1527– 28**

1530– 31

1531– 1533– 1535– 32 34 36

1537– 1538– 1543– 38 39 45

~ 5 ~ 2 13

~ ~ ~ 6 ~

~ 13 6 ~ 5

10 13 ~ ~ ~

~ 3 ~ ~ 6

19 ~ ~ ~ 4

12 ~ ~ ~ ~

3 ~ ~ ~ 4

5 ~ ~ ~ 5

~ 12 ~ ~ ~

2 ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ 4

6 12 ~ ~ ~

~ 1 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 12 ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ 2 3 ~ ~ 2 ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 9 2 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 17 1 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 15 3 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 14 ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 13 ~ ~ ~

6 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 13 ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 21 ~ ~ ~

2 ~ ~ 1 ~ 1 ~ 5 2 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 6 ~ 18 ~ 16 ~

12 ~ 2 ~ ~ 6 12 33 ~ 10 ~

9 6 ~ 18 ~ ~ ~ 54 2 ~ 47 ~

~ ~ ~ 12 ~ ~ 12 ~ 6 ~ 24 ~

~ ~ ~ 16 8 ~ ~ ~ 3 6 45 ~

~ 2 ~ 12 ~ 1 ~ ~ 12 ~ 63 ~

~ 2 ~ 3 7 ~ ~ ~ 12 ~ 36 ~

~ ~ ~ 20 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 129 ~

~ ~ ~ 7 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 69 ~

~ ~ ~ 5 ~ ~ ~ ~ 3 ~ 86 ~

~ ~ ~ 4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 55 ~

~ 2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 57 ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 5 5

~ ~ ~ 4 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 6 ~

5 6 9 16

3 9 ~ 6

~ 3 ~ 12

~ 7 ~ 44

~ ~ ~ 23

~ 10 ~ 19

3 6 ~ 21

~ 3 ~ 12

~ ~ 3 24

~ 6 ~ 32

~ ~ ~ 18

~ 6 ~ 30

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 12 84

* There are only two indirect references to shoes being provided: 2 yards (1.8 m) of black velvet to cover running shoes and slippers and ¾ yard (0.7 m) of green velvet to cover the king’s shoes for the jousts at Greenwich. ** The warrant for 1 January 1529 is included in the account for 1527–28 and so inflates the figure for 1527–28.

6.15 Two textile uppers for shoes, one of which is decorated with slashing. A3791 and NN8521. Museum of London

chamois leather. In order to attach the shoe to the armour it was worn with, there is a pair of metal eyes at the waist of the sole, through which laces could have been past. There is also a pair of brown suede deerskin thigh boots.141 The leg, from thigh to sole, is cut from one piece of deerskin and it is pinked for ease of movement. The suede is seamed up the back of the leg and shaped at the calf and the knee. Spurs were worn by men for riding. Henry had his own spurrier who supplied him with spurs on a regular basis (see Table 6.3). The 1547 inventory listed a number of pairs of spurs including ‘iij paire of Spurres guilt of diuerse sortes’ (14555) and ‘one paire of Spurres of Iron vernisshed white with buckels hookes and pendauntes of Silver’ (14589). Some spurs were ornate as was the case of ‘A paire of Spoores of Silver guilte garnisshed with small Coorrall’ (16041). In ‘The yron howse’ at Calais there were 340 pairs of ice spurs (5238), but it is possible that these were for horses rather than men.

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Gloves

Girdles

From the fifteenth century gloves had become part of fashionable dress for the laity. They were worn or carried as a symbol of wealth. Gloves were a very popular accessory, both with short or longer cuffs. They were usually made from leather, either deer or calf skin. They were often bought in bulk. For example, on 12 October 1532 Henry purchased from Jackson the hardwareman ‘a dousin and a halfe of Spanysshe gloves, 7s 6d’.142 The leather could be scented: ‘one payre of swete gloves lined with white vellat eche glove trimmed with viij buttons and viij smale aglettes of golde enameled’ (12488). The gloves were sometimes lined, as in the case of a pair lined with white velvet (12489), but they could be knitted, for example, ‘three payre of knitte gloves of silke’ (12491). Gloves were often given as presents. In January 1540 Archangel Arcan and George Anesbury gave the king pairs of perfumed gloves.143 A single glove could be used to hold a New Year’s gift of money. Gloves were worn for ceremonial purposes, such as during the coronation, or they could be worn or carried for show. Henry VIII was painted on a number of occasions holding a pair of slashed leather gloves. He was not alone. The earl of Surrey and Lord Wentworth were both depicted holding a pair of gloves in their right hand. Gloves could also have a more functional, protective role, as in the case of ‘a paier of gloves of Maile enbrawdered vppon Crimsen vellatt’ (2562), ‘a paier of Double gloves’ (2563) and ‘a hawking glove and a shoting glove’ (2564). The hunting glove in the Ashmolean thought to have belonged to Henry is made from doe skin decorated with spirals of laid metal thread couching (Fig. 6.16). It is very similar to ‘a hawkinge Glove embrawderid with damask golde’ (14563) in the wardrobe of the robes in 1547.

Girdles formed an important role by drawing in male clothes at the waist and providing a place to hang a purse, a sword or a dagger. On 6 July 1511 Jacques Lewis received £99 5s 1½d for certain girdles, beads and other jewels.144 An inventory dating from c. 1528–37 included ‘iij Ryche sword gyrdelles wherof one garnissched with sylver and ij with gold’ and ‘xxiiij other velvet gyrdelles of dyvers colours garnisschyed with laten bockelles & bolyons gylt’.145 Cecil paid 14d for more basic leather girdles and a chape for the king’s knives on 8 October 1531.146 By 1547 there were 40 girdles in the wardrobe of the robes. Of these, ten were sword girdles, one was for a wood knife and the rest were for general use. In terms of the materials used to make the girdles, 32 made from velvet, three of silk, three of leather, one of cloth of gold and one just described as embroidered. In terms of colour, black predominated, with 16 examples, six of crimson, five of white, three of crimson and purple and one each of green, murrey, carnation and cloth of gold. A lot were embellished with embroidery, in addition to buckles, pendants, studs or bullions of gold or silver gilt. Girdles were also included in the entries for the king’s swords and other edged weapons, such as ‘three swerdgerdelles of black silke & tasselles’ (12518).

6.16 Henry VIII’s hawking glove. 1685-B-228. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

Purses and pouches Purses appeared regularly in the wardrobe warrants issued under Henry VII. At the opening of the sixteenth century, the purse or pouch was important for a man to keep small personal items and money. In contrast, purses never feature in the wardrobe warrants of Henry VIII, even though evidence of including pockets in his coats, gowns and jackets does not become common until the 1540s. This may suggest that the warrants record a change in how purses were bought rather than indicating that they were no longer in use. Later in the sixteenth century, observers noted that some men used their codpiece as a pocket: ‘so little opprobrium attached to this accessory of masculine costume that is served as a pocket in which a gentleman kept his handkerchief and purse, and even oranges, which he would pull out before the ladies.’147 The difference between purses and pouches was a matter partly of size and partly of construction. For the social élite, purses and pouches were generally made from high quality fabric or knitting. Henry was regularly given small purses containing gifts of money at the New Year and by 1547 there was a collection of 32 in one of the king’s removing coffers. These purses were made from a range of materials: one of cloth of gold, six of knitting, three of leather, six of satin, nine of silk, one of Spanish leather, one of unspecified materials and five of velvet. The Calthorpe purse c. 1540 is a fine example of an embroidered purse. It is made from four pieces of plain weave linen with a narrow casing along the top edge (Fig. 6.17). The arms of the Calthorpe family are embroidered on the purse in polychrome silk thread worked in tent stitch,

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(12494) and ‘A litle Pursse of Spanishe woorke and a Girdell with three Tasselles of Silke’ (14386), or quite plain, as in the case of ‘three litle pouches the Ringes of alcumyne’ (2559). Specialist pouches were made to hold specific groups of small items, such as hawking equipment. Henry owned a number of these, including ‘a Hawking Pouche of chaungeable silke’ (2606), ‘twoo Double hawking bagges with ringes Siluer gilte enameled blacke’ (2364) and ‘vij hawkinge bagges wherof one velvet crimson one crimson Satten one white velvet striped with golde and iiij of bustyan’ (11159). Pouches could also be used to store small precious items. A group of jewels in the custody of Sir William Compton in 1519 were kept in a number of bags and purses, including a bag embroidered with two peacocks and a Spanish purse with gold tassels.150 One further example of purses with specialised functions is the burse. When Henry went to war in France in 1544 he took with him a new great seal in ‘a bag of crimson velvet curiously embroidered’.151 This burse might be the ‘Bagge of crimsen vellat with a kinges armes embraudered conteyneng in it a greate Seale of silver’ (3412), listed amongst the king’s possessions in 1547. It would have resembled the crimson silk velvet burse made for the great seal dating from 1560–1600.152 It is decorated with the English royal arms worked in gold and silver thread, using a combination of raised and couched work.

Swords and daggers

6.17 The Calthorpe purse. T.246-1927. © V&A Images, Victoria and Albert Museum, London

with 1,250 stitches to the square inch.148 The purse was possibly made for the marriage of Sir Henry Parker to Elizabeth Calthorpe, who was a second cousin to Anne Boleyn. Examples of leather and textile purses and pouches have been recovered from excavations in London, including one leather purse bound with silk.149 The relatively poor survival rate for leather purses is probably because the leather was alum tawed, a type of leather which does not survive in damp conditions. Purses with metal frames were unusual before the fifteenth century, but there is one fourteenth-century example of a brass purse frame with swivel suspension loops. These purses could close with a drawstring set into a casing, threaded through small slashes in the body of the purse (a technique more usual on leather than textile) or rings, or the pouch could be stitched to a metal frame with a top fastening. Many of the purses in Henry VIII’s possession were small and were intended to hold money. They could be quite ornate, as in the case of ‘a lytle purse of crimson Satten allover embraudered with a roose HR & garnished with peerle’

The portrait of the earl of Surrey, unfinished by William Scrots at the time of his execution, presents him wearing his sword on his left hip and his dagger on the right. The same arrangement is visible in the Hampton Court portrait of an unknown man in red of about the same date (Fig. 6.1). Henry Fitzalan, Lord Maltravers, c. 1555, was also painted wearing a sword, the hilt of which was visible on his left. None of Henry’s portraits depict him with a sword, but Holbein’s cartoon for the Whitehall mural, c. 1537, and the group of full-length portraits based on it, depict the king with a dagger hanging from his sash and his left hand resting just above the hilt.153 This suggests that when just a dagger was worn, it took the sword’s place on the left hip. Daggers and swords provided another vehicle for the craftsmen at court to demonstrate their skills, as is indicated by Holbein’s design for a parade dagger (Fig. 6.18).154 A comparable dagger ‘of gold garnished with stones and pearls, the gargant garnished with stones and pearls and the layre’, formed part of the security for the loan that the Fuggers made to Henry in 1545.155 A list of ‘the swords for the king lacking’ dated 1536 included ‘A sword that my lord Bewchamp gave the king, a bastard sword, an arming sword, a blue sword [and] a tuck’. Some were very ornate, as in the case of ‘five woodknives, one with a gilt pommel, engraven with antique imagery and another with a pommel like a leopard’s head’.156 Swords and daggers were usually provided with velvetcovered scabbards with a chape and they were worn hanging

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Table 6.4:

Edged weapons in the wardrobe of the Robes in 1547159

Type of weapon

Quantity

Blades (swords, knives or daggers from the Levant or in that style) – Turkey 2 Daggers – daggers – poniards (daggers with narrow blades) – Scottish daggers Holmes (sheath knives or swords) Knives – short – stalking – Turkey – wood knives (short hunting knives or swords) – wood knives, long Skeins (a knife or dagger) – skeins – skeins, short

6.18 Design for a parade dagger, by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1874-8-8-33. Reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

from velvet-covered girdles.157 The girdles had a number of specialist metal fittings. These sword fittings could consist of a horizontal bar with three rivet holes and three rings on the lower edge which would have been attached to the sword belt and a pendant mount for the sling.158 The king’s swords and daggers were kept within the wardrobe of the robes and by 1547 the selection of weapons kept there was impressive (Table 6.4). Other weapons owned by the king included handguns. In September 1538 William Hunt was appointed as keeper of the king’s handguns and demi-hawks in the Tower of London with 10d a day.160 Over six years later Alan Bawdson was appointed as the king’s handgun maker with wages and livery of £12 a year.161 Although handguns were not carried as fashionable accessories, the wardrobe of the robes had ‘a goun to were lyke a dagger’. This may have been a novelty item, but it highlights the king’s interest in such things and that the dagger was still the weapon of choice for the fashionable prince or nobleman.

Walking staffs An inventory of items owned by the king taken while Parker was yeoman (c. 1528–37) included four staves:

Swords – almain – arming (used in battle or for the tournament) – back (with a single-edged blade) – bastard (of intermediate size between an arming and a two-handed sword) – bearing (for carrying in processions, point up) – falchions (broad sword with a convex or curved cutting edge) – Flemish – French – hangers (short swords) – hangers, short – rapiers – Spanish – two-edged – two-handed – tucks (with a tapering blade of rectangular or diamond section) – tucks, long – unspecified – Venice

25 1 2 2 8 1 1 9 3 18 9 1 15 2 2 4 9 1 5 1 4 15 1 4 2 4 1 4 1

ij staves of cane garnissched with sylver and gylt at the hand end and a pykes in the end of yerne a staffe of Vnicorne horne garnisched with sylver & gylt in the hand & a pyke in the end of yerne a staff coveryd with blake satten garnissched in the hand with sylver & gylt and a pyke of yerne in the end.162

Following his tournament accident in January 1536 when for several days his death had been expected, Henry experienced difficulty walking. This problem worsened over the years. He also started to stoop. Walking staffs helped remedy both these problems. He wished to disguise his infirmity and advancing years. By 1547 he had five walking staffs and four canes in his wardrobe of the robes. Many were highly decorative and they had a number of tools inserted into the top of them, such as the cane ‘garnisshed with golde with a parfume of golde in the toppe and vndre that A Diall of Golde vndre that a kniffe with a thafte of Golde A paire of Twitches and a paire of Compasses of Golde’ (14357). To meet any immediate need further examples were kept in the studies at Whitehall and in his removing coffers for use while moving from one royal house to another. His dependence on a staff became generally

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known in and out of court. Indeed, a staff was seen as adding to his gravitas. In one of the last portraits of him, now at Castle Howard, the king appears grasping a staff (Pl. Id).

The king’s jewellery Jewellery was a sign of status.163 As an expression of personal magnificence, it provided another vehicle for the conspicuous display of wealth. Henry VIII used it to advantage. One of the features of his reign is the quantity and range of jewellery owned and worn by him which surpassed any previous English king: ‘His fingers were one mass of jewelled rings and around his neck he wore a gold collar from which hung a diamond as big as a walnut.’164 His clothing was also heavily bejewelled.165 The style of the jewellery employed was intended to enhance his clothing. Fitted clothes with low necklines emphasised jewellery such as necklaces and collars worn round the neck, while jewels with personal significance could be concealed under clothes or by garments with high necklines.166 Jewellery had other functions: it could be exchanged as gifts, used as security for loans and act as a repository for precious raw materials that could be recycled. Henry liked jewels and owned a significant quantity. He was always susceptible to buying more. This is evident from the number of purchases of jewellery recorded in the chamber and privy purse accounts. A list of payments in May 1529 included a £22 10s to an unnamed jeweller in June 1528 for ‘two pairs of beads like Turkeseys with gaudies and small bedestones of gold’. In the following December, Peter Romains received £198 for jewels on 17 December, Guillim Otene 641 crowns and Alvard Plumer 201 crowns for a variety of jewels.167 A year later, Sir Francis Bryan was reimbursed £22 10s for a pearl that the king bought from a Frenchman in the retinue of the papal ambassador.168 Henry actively encouraged foreign merchants dealing in jewels to come to England. He granted these men special licences. For example, in April 1524, Nicoluccio Ninacciesi and John Lengram received licences to import jewels, provided that ‘the king shall have the first choice’.169 While presenting your wares in person was the most likely way to secure a sale, other methods were also employed. In 1546 Stephen Vaughan, Henry’s agent in Antwerp, sent Secretary Paget a water colour of an ‘owche’ that was for sale and being offered to the king. Vaughan felt that ‘the time is unmeet to pester the King with jewels, who already has more than most of the Princes in Christendom and therefore, although I told him (John Carolo) that I would send the pattern to the king, I send it only to you’.170 The water colour depicts a pendant with a central table-cut diamond held by a satyr and a nymph and set in a scrollwork border with a pendant pearl. When all else failed a timely gift might work, as indicated by Chamberlain’s letter to Paget dated 18 December 1545, in which he observed that ‘when Borone the myllener could not agree with the King about the price of certain jewels, he gave them and hath had in licences double the value’.171

Most of the king’s jewels were kept in the removing coffers or a series of coffers at the Tower or one of the leading royal houses. In 1528 a list was drawn up of the king’s jewels ‘in certain boxes and coffers’ and during 1532–33 ‘a booke of iewelles delyuered by the kinges hyghnes at sondrie tymes unto Master Crumwell master and treasourer of hys iewelles in the xxiiij yere of hys most gracious regne’.172 However, the pieces particularly liked by Henry were retained by the groom of the stool. A selection of the king’s personal jewels were delivered to Henry Norris, the most important of which were nine carcans, including ‘a Carkayne of hartes and a hande ar euery ende holding a device of a goodly balasse garnisshed with fyve perlis and iij diamontes and oon faire hanging perle’.173 However, it is evident that sometimes some of these items were left at a particular royal house. On 21 September 1532 Henry Norris sent the king at Hampton Court the seven carcans, including the one described above and a gold chain, from Greenwich.174 The later Middle Ages saw the increased availability of a broader range of gem stones and advances in stone cutting from the of mirror or table cutting in the fourteenth century and a shift from the use of enamel to gem stones. New fashions in jewellery spread from Italy to northern Europe. Highly innovative designs were also supplied by artists such as Hans Holbein (Fig. 19.9).175 Figurative jewellery depicting religious and classical figures was prized and cameos became increasingly popular. Alessandro de Medici sent his cameo portrait, which had been cut by Domenico del Polo, to Francis I. Francis I then retained an Italian cameo cutter in his service, and from 1515 that post was held by Matteo del Nassano.176 Henry also employed a cameo cutter, Richard Astyll, and several cameos depicting Henry alone or with his son may be Astyll’s work.177 Equally, jewels decorated with or in the form of initials were very popular. In 1515 Henry gave his sister Mary a double A brooch to be reset as an M.178 Holbein’s portrait of Jane Seymour depicted her wearing an IHS pendant: ‘a Ihesus furnysshed with xxxij Dyamountes and three perles pendaunt’ (2636) (Pls VIa and VIb).179 In his small panel portrait the king (Pl. Ic) wears a long gold chain made up from twisted links alternating with Hs and hanging from it is a round pendant. The regalia apart, the most striking items of jewellery owned by Henry consisted of the ornate jewelled collars of the type depicted in the portrait of the king in the Galleria Nazionale, Rome. His collar was made up of alternating links of large red stones, possibly rubies and pairs of large rubies (Fig. 1.4). One of the king’s collars was described by Edward Hall in 1539: ‘he ware in baudricke wyse a coller of such Balystes and Perle that few men euer saw the lyke.’180 These collars were a symbol of kingship and Henry’s contemporaries also had them. Francis I owned a collar of 11 large diamonds, pointed and table-cut, alternating with friar’s knots of pearls.181 The collars were invariably worn in combination with a number of other pieces, which could form part of a set or parure, jewels that were designed to be worn together.182 Not surprisingly, more inventories of the king’s jewels survive than for his clothes. Typical of these lists is one of the king’s jewels then in the keeping of Sir William Compton, compiled on 6 October 1519. It is headed by a baldrick of gold

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with nine balases placed between angels and 36 pearls weighing 99 oz (2.8 kg) and a gold chain made gable fashion weighing 122 oz (3.4 kg).183 The value of his jewellery was primarily in the metal and the gem stones used, and good records of their whereabouts were essential. However, much of Henry’s jewellery was remade to keep abreast of current fashion and to provide the king with variety. If the materials were durable, the settings were often transient. On 18 January 1526 a group of jewels were delivered to Robert Amadas at Eltham for repair and modification. The list consisted of a baldrick weighing 98¾ oz (2.7 kg), three collars weighing 88 oz (2.5 kg), 55½ oz (1.6 kg) and 48⅜ oz (1.4 kg) respectively, a girdle of 63½ oz (1.8 kg) and a chain of 124½ oz (3.5 kg).184 In February 1535 Ralph Sadler and Stephen Vaughan listed the precious stones, pearls and gold recently delivered by the king to Cornelius Hayes, the royal goldsmith.185 This included 29 balaces, 54 sapphires, four engraved carnelians, 11 jacinths, nine rubies with a total weight of 5 oz less 3½ demi-weight (0.14 kg); 60 great pearls and 440 small and great pearls of another sort.

The use of jewels on the king’s clothes A significant number of the king’s garments, especially those made for special occasions, were heavily decorated with jewels and metal thread embroidery. The level of embellishment is indicated in a list of nine items delivered on 16 November 1534 to Thomas Alvard, the first keeper of Whitehall. The first entry was for a gown of purple damask, guarded with purple velvet and embroidered with gold cord and fringe. In addition ‘he shall receyve set in botons of gold six score and ten dyamoundes and apon the gard abought all the said gown and on the slevys of flowers of perle set in gold in euery flower four perles syx score and elevyn flowers’.186 Gem stones could be incorporated into buttons and flowers as above or a range of other fancy shapes as the following entries from the 1547 inventory indicate: Cxxx trueloves of golde euerie of theym having iiij perles takin frome garmentes of the king that dead is’ (2164). lxx peescoddes of perles in euerie peescodde iij peerles takin likewise frome garmentes (2166).

These ornaments, made in large quantities, were placed on the sleeves, guards and body of the garments. However, they were essentially ephemeral decoration. Henry must have celebrated Shrove Tuesday 1546 wearing specially decorated clothes because there is an entry in the 1547 inventory which records ‘lxij knottes of perles in euerie knott iij perles lacking one whiche was loste frome the kinges bodie on shrove tewesday last takin likewise frome the garmentes’ (2165). While these materials were durable, there was no intention to keep the pieces in their settings for long or on the same garment. The underlying wish was for change and novelty. It was easy to meet this wish as labour was cheap in comparison to the materials which the king provided to his goldsmiths and jewellers. This process of consistent recycling was promoted by the everfashion-conscious monarch. One of the striking features of the

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1542 inventory of Whitehall is the relative paucity of items of dress listed there. Of these, many lacked their jewels which had been removed and sent to the king. For example: oone Gowne of purple Satten furred with Pampilion / the Sleves and border set with oone hundred and thertye diamondes set oone Gowne of purple Satten furred in golde and a hundred thertye and oone Clusters of Peerle Like wise set in golde / and in every cluster is foure great Peerles [1]. RM: Extra all the diamondes and pearles with the gold . . . and deliuered to the kinges Majesties owne handes vjti Augustii Anno xxxviijvo

The gem stones were often set into collets or box-shaped settings in order to attach them to clothing: ‘x Dyamountes sett in collettes of golde’ (2113), ‘a garnet in a Collet of siluer gilt’ (2801) and ‘a great Saphire sett in a Collet of Leade cutt in squares’ (3677). They were stored either stitched to cloth as in the case of ‘twoo yelowe Clothes having sewed vppon them Ciiijxxj Diamountes of sondrie sortes sett in collettes of gold and lv Rubies of sondrie sortes sett likewise in golde all which were takin frome garmentes’ (2169) or wrapped in ‘a pece of white Sarcenette conteignenge certein lose seede perles’ (3443). This use of jewels to embellish male clothing reached a peak in the first half of the sixteenth century. It is shown to good effect in Holbein’s panel portrait of Henry (Pl. Ic): 12 rubies set in gold are arranged in three rows of four on the front of his doublet, and there are another four rubies on his sleeve, in addition to the gold ornaments on his gown, one of which is visible on his right shoulder. In the second half of the century, while embroidery remained a significant means of decoration, gem stones were worn set in jewellery. As the century progressed, jewels placed directly on clothing shifted to the female wardrobe, as typified by the clothes of Elizabeth I and Catherine de Medici.187

Material choices: textiles fit for a king The marginalia on the 1542 inventory besides the listings for the silk store at Whitehall reveal the quantities of cloth issued between 1542 and the king’s death five years later. Table 6.5 lists the cloth supplied to Henry VIII and, while some of the fabric may have been used for furnishings rather than clothing or clothing for favoured members of the privy chamber, it is clear that he personally received a large range of types of silk and in a broad range of colours. It can be calculated that he got 7,404 yards (6,770 m) of silk over five years or about 1,500 yards (1,371.6 m) a year. The extant accounts reveal evidence of how fabrics were selected for Henry VIII and how his tailor created a wardrobe of suitable magnificence. The fabrics chosen were expensive, purchased in large quantities and in a wide variety of colours. They were velvet, satin, damask and textiles with metal thread including cloth of gold and silver, tissue and tinsel. The clerks who compiled the wardrobe book on behalf of Worsley were very cognisant of many subtle variations in the types of cloth of gold and silver, both in terms of weave and the type of metal thread. Worsley’s wardrobe book recorded a total

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Table 6.5: Cloth delivered to the king 1542–47 from the Whitehall silk store Type of cloth

Quantity

Type of cloth

Tissue Cloth of gold – black – crimson – green – incarnate – purple and blue – russet – white – yellow Cloth of silver Baudekins of gold Tinsel Velvet – black – blue – crimson – green – incarnate – murrey – new making, diverse colours – orange – purple – red – russet – tawny – white – yellow Satin – black – changeable – crimson – incarnate – purple – russet – tawny – white – yellow Gold and silver fringe

40⅝ yards (37.2 m)

Damask – black – blue – crimson – green – orange – purple – russet – tawny – white – yellow Taffeta – black – changeable – crimson – incarnate – purple – tawny – white – yellow Sarsenet – black – crimson and red – green – murrey – orange – purple, blue and violet – russet – tawny – white – yellow Silk, new-making Bridges satin Milan fustian Baudekyns Holland Normandy cloth Passementerie Totals

44⅜ yards (40.6 m) 88¼ yards (80.7 m) 22¼ yards (20.4 m) 83⅝ yards (76.5 m) 104¼ yards (95.4 m) 20⅜ yards (18.6 m) 41 yards (37.5 m) 371⅜ yards (339.6 m) 278¾ yards (254.9 m) 3¾ yards (3.4 m) 42⅝ yards (39.2 m) 747¾ yards (683.4 m) 15½ yards (14.2 m) 326¼ yards (298.3 m) 14 yards (12.8 m) 83⅛ yards (76.0 m) 3½ yards (3.2 m) 24 yards (21.9 m) 6½ yards (5.9 m) 46 yards (42.1 m) 68⅛ yards (62.3 m) 70 yards (64.0 m) 109¼ yards (99.9 m) 26½ yards (24.2 m) 147¼ yards (134.6 m) 119 yards (108.8 m) 27 yards (24.7 m) 382⅛ yards (349.4 m) 15½ yards (14.2 m) 167 yards (152.7 m) 36¾ yards (33.6 m) 10¼ yards (9.4 m) 158 yards (144.5 m) 164⅝ yards (150.5 m) 3 lb 3 oz (1.5 kg)

of 12,789⅛ yards (11,694 m) of silk and linen and cloths incorporating metal thread were predominant. Taking the silks, the distribution was as follows: 4,439¼ yards (4,059 m) of cloth of gold and silver, 1,224⅜ yards (1,119 m) tissue, 2,273⅜ yards (2,078 m) velvet, 3,297 yards (3,014.7 m) of satin, 865⅞ yards (791 m) of damask, 425⅞ yards (388 m) of sarsenet, 62⅝ yards (56.7 m) of camlet and 31¼ yards (28.5 m) of tartaron. However, the pattern of purchase had shifted by the 1540s. The fabric given to the king from the silk house between 1542–47 can be broken down as follows: 1,687¾ yards (1,543 m) of velvet, 1,656½ yards (1,514.7 m) of damask, 1,450⅜ yards (1,326 m) of sarsenet, 1,080¼ yards (987.7 m) of satin, 775½ yards (709 m) of cloth of gold, 285 yards (260 m) of taffeta, 278¾ yards (278 m) of cloth of silver, 55¼ yards (50.5 m) of baudekin, 42⅞ yards (39 m) of tinsel, 40⅝ yards (37 m) of tissue and 3¾ yards (3.4 m) of baudekins of gold. Velvet and satin predominated the king’s wardrobe throughout the reign. However, it is possible to trace a gradual decline in the amount of cloth of gold and silver, tinsel and tissue worn by Henry VIII. One reason for this is that

Quantity 290⅝ yards (265.7 m) 28 yards (25.6 m) 877¼ yards (802.2 m) 6¾ yards (6.2 m) ¼ yard (0.2 m) 9 yards (8.2 m) 25¼ yards (23.1 m) 41 yards (37.5 m) 67⅝ yards (61.8 m) 310½ yards (283.9 m) 48⅞ yards (44.7 m) 83 yards (75.9 m) 2⅝ yards (2.4 m) 5 yards (4.6 m) 65⅛ yards (59.6 m) 47⅝ yards (43.6 m) 16¼ yards (14.9 m) 16¼ yards (14.9 m) 216¼ yards (150.5 m) 344 yards (314.5 m) 76⅝ yards (70.1 m) 10 yards (9.1 m) 8 yards (7.3 m) 360¼ yards (329.4 m) 23½ yards (21.5 m) 2½ yards (2.3 m) 237¾ yards (217.4 m) 171½ yards (156.8 m) 20 yards (18.3 m) 23½ yards (21.5 m) 4¼ yards (3.9 m) 55¼ yards (50.5 m) 1,130⅝ ells (780.1 m) 237¾ ells (164.1 m) 13 lb 8¾ oz (6.1 kg) 7,404⅜ yards (6,770.6 m)1,468⅜ ells (944.2 m)16 lb 11¾ oz (7.6 kg)

the metal thread in the cloth was replaced with metal thread embroidery, fringe and passamayne.

Rainbow colours: the significance of the colour of the king’s clothes Colour played an important part in defining the king’s wardrobe, both in terms of status and his access to the full range of colours that money could buy and in terms of the colour being linked to specific occasions, such as days for wearing purple and scarlet. Colour symbolism was imbued with several layers of significance, including heraldic and liturgical colour systems, in addition to conveying nuances of status, both of authority and of servitude. The question of how colour was perceived, expressed and communicated is hard to explain. In general, a much less exuberant range of terms was used to describe colour in the

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first half of the sixteenth century in comparison to the second half. Yet the early sixteenth century also saw the introduction of some new colours such as orange (although tawny was a well established part of the palette) and the proliferation in the range of red shades available. Equally, with the increasing popularity of fabrics with a bright surface such as satin, it is difficult to know how important colour was in comparison to sheen when selecting fabric. Drawing on the extant great wardrobe accounts, it is evident that a wide range of colours was used for the king’s clothes. Black was an expensive colour favoured by the élite.188 It was worn by the English royal household for mourning but not by the king. It provided an excellent foil for jewellery, embroidery and fur as well as making a very good contrast with metal thread, coloured fabrics and white linen. Unusually black was worn at the Polish court for feast days, in contrast to other parts of Europe.189 Black became the characteristic dress of Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy, after the murder of his father, John the Fearless, by the French in 1419. Black also featured very strongly in Henry VIII’s wardrobe, being the most frequently ordered colour. White also was popular both for the netherstocks of the king’s hose and a range of garments including gowns, doublets and jackets. Other neutral shades such as grey or ash and marble also appeared very occasionally. For example, Henry wore these shades in 1518. The range of red shades was the most fully developed colour selection expressed in the great wardrobe accounts and the group included new colours such as orange. This palette of colours was achieved using kermes and madder, the latter being the most commonly used dyestuff in England after woad. Madder could provide a range of colours from red to violet and purple when mordanted with alum, and orange and tawny when over dyed with weld. Carnation was a dark yellow red and it featured occasionally in the king’s wardrobe. Scarlet, a bright red dyed using kermes, appeared quite regularly, its cost making it a desirable colour.190 Tawny, yellow and orange were all very popular in the sixteenth century and they all figure in the king’s wardrobe. In 1541 the king had ‘a jaquet of orange colour vellet embrawdyd with venys siluer and faced with lesernys’ and ‘a dublet and a lyke payre of stockes of yellow clothe of golde with Ronde passement of syluer and golde the dublet lined with fustian with a coler of syluer and the stockes lyned with orange color sarsenet with xxxvj payr of aglettes of golde’.191 Green was the colour of youth and it was associated with hunting, spring and May day. Rarely, specific shades, such as popinjay, a blue green reminiscent of the colour of parrots, were identified in Henry’s wardrobe, especially in the 1520s.192 Green was often used for the king’s hunting dress but not exclusively. In contrast, purple had strong associations with royalty that were reinforced by Henry’s sumptuary legislation. It was used for one set of the king’s coronation robes as well as for the days when the king was required to wear purple. However, the quantity of purple items ordered by the king indicates that he wore purple on other occasions. As the entries in the 1542 inventory indicate, purple, violet and blue were quite often grouped together by the clerks. Woad was

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used to dye a range of blues varying in depth of shade from huling to plunket, watchet, azure and blue. The king rarely wore blue for his day-to-day wardrobe on account of its association with royal mourning. None the less, the king did wear blue, often in conjunction with yellow, along with the leading members of his court and household, for the clothes prepared for the jousts. Equally, blue was often associated with livery and blue formed part of the livery colours of the house of York (blue and murrey), Mary as princess of Wales (blue and green) and the duke of Richmond (blue and yellow). The colour distribution of the cloth delivered to the king from the silk house presents a slightly different pattern.193 Black is significant, as in the great wardrobe accounts. However, the unusually large quantities of crimson, red and yellow suggest that in 1544 a significant percentage of the material provided for the new livery for the king’s household and army came from the silk house. The purchases of purple relate to the key part that it played in the clothes made for the king. In addition, it was the colour most favoured by Catherine Parr. It predominated in the clothes and furnishings made for the reception of the French ambassador in 1546. While the king had sets of clothes all in one colour, he also liked sets of contrasting colours. There are some references to stripes, such as a gown of crimson satin striped with tawny cloth of gold of damask lined with crimson sarsenet and a gown of green velvet striped with green cloth of gold. It is unclear whether these were woven or pieced, but the effect would have been striking.194 A number of his clothes were parti-coloured, such as the four-quartered jackets or a glaudekin of cloth of gold and crimson satin furred with ermine. The colours chosen for these garments reflect the Tudor love of bright, strong colours. The same is true with garments that were made with linings of contrasting colours. On very rare occasions, Henry even ordered items in his own livery colours, such as a doublet of white satin embroidered with green velvet lined with green sarsenet. Sometimes Henry VIII opted to wear similar clothes to, or of the same colour as, other members of his family or court. As a sign of his early love for Catherine of Aragon, the king often wore clothes that matched hers. A warrant dated 18 September 1512 included ‘lace of crimson silk and gold for points for our gown and the gown of our wife of crimson satin and cloth of gold cut lozengewise’. His gown was probably the glaudekin of crimson cloth of gold damask wired covered over with crimson satin cut lozenge wise and lined with crimson sarsenet.195

Patronage and perquisites: giving away the king’s clothing Gift-giving was a recognised royal virtue. Isabella of Castile encouraged it in her son Juan. She urged him every year to distribute his old clothes on his birthday, ‘Son, my Angel, princes should not be old-clothes men or keep their arcas [chests] full . . . Henceforth, each year on this day, I wish you to distribute before me all such things among your servants

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and those whom you would like to favour’.196 Juan’s first gift — of a gown, cape, doublet and jerkin — was to his cousin Don Alonso de Aragón, duke of Villahermosa. Once items had been presented to other friends, the remainder was given to Juan’s chamberlain to distribute amongst the household officers and servants. Henry undertook regular reviews of his wardrobe of the robes, as can be seen from the marginal notes in Worsley’s ‘boke of delyueraunce’.197 At its most pragmatic level, this type of purging cleared out the king’s wardrobe of the robes, so creating space for new clothes, shoes and accessories. Such clearances also allowed Henry an opportunity for patronage, to exercise generosity, to express friendship, to secure loyalty and to reward service. In the process, it also demonstrates the high financial value of cloth and clothes in the early modern period. The marginal notes on Worsley’s wardrobe book clearly show the regularity with which the king gave clothes away.198 Clothing was distributed to 91 individuals or small groups of individuals, and of these just over half received one garment or a set of related items. While most of the recipients were members of his household, the king also made gifts to the leading members of the nobility (Table 6.6). Although most items were given to members of his court and household, some were presented to visitors to the Henrician court. On 10 October 1518 Giustinian noted that ‘his Majesty here has made most liberal presents to these French ambassadors, that is to say, to my lord Admiral, a very rich robe of cloth of gold, lined with cloth of silver, which had been made of his Majesty’s own use, and was indeed worn by him one day at these ceremonies’.199 This must be the ‘Riche Gowne of white syluer cut apon cloth of gold apon saten damaske gold with a Riche border embrauderd lined with crimosyn saten’ [A19] which was given to the French admiral on 18 September 1518. At the same time, another of the ambassadors received ‘a chammer of yelowe tilsent cut apon white siluer furred with sables’ [A20]. He also made a number of gifts to Charles V’s retinue when he visited England in 1520. These included ‘a shammer of blacke tylsent with a high collor welted with cloth of siluer lined with purpull saten’ [A136] given to Hannibal.200 While Worsley’s books provide the most detailed view of this pattern of distribution, there is a small group of other

documents which chart this ongoing process throughout the rest of the reign. The first of these consists of a number of loose pages relating to the wardrobe of the robes dating from 1537–38 which included items delivered to John Gates.201 The second is a list made of the apparel taken out of the Tower by Gates on 4 November 1539. As there are no marginal notes to the contrary, the implication is that these items were also given to Gates. It was an impressive array of 21 pieces consisting of two frocks, two coats, four gowns, eight doublets, three pairs of hose, two jackets and a robe. Of the pair of frocks, one was ‘crymsen velvet the other purple velvet richly embroded with damask gold and lynyd with satten’ and of the gowns, one was ‘of white tissue garded with crimsen velvet and lined with crimsen satten’. Gates was allowed four sheets to truss the clothes in.202 The third is undated, but refers to John Parker as ‘late yeoman’: he ceased to be yeoman in c. 1537. These parcelles ensuyng John Parker late yoman of our Soureigne Lorde the kynges Roobes did certeyn holde and occupy to his owne use as meydent to his office by vertue of the kynges guyfte As by two bokes of parcelles called the bokes of Extras Signed with thande of our seid Soureigne lorde more playnly it may appere.203

Amongst the perquisites Parker received, there were 24 gowns (three of velvet, four of satin, 14 of damask and three of taffeta); six demi-coats, five of velvet (four of which had belonged to the footmen of the duke of Buckingham) and another of satin; two jackets of velvet; two cloaks, one of velvet and one of satin; a frock of velvet; a doublet of damask; and a partlet of satin. Most of the pieces were unlined but a few had budge and sable linings. For the last six years of the reign, the documentation is much more substantial. There is a long list of clothing given away but this time to a range of individuals, with essentially one garment or set of garments to each person. This pattern was similar to that listed in Worsley’s book and the items were allocated as follows: to Thomas Audeley, Edward Baynton, Mr Bocher, Thomas Bowde, Urian Brereton, Nicholas Bristow, Thomas Cawarden, Richard Cecil, John Cokett, Thomas Culpepper, Anthony Denny, Peter Dudley, Mr Edgar, John Gates, Mr Greensmith (‘a dublet and a jerkyn of grene satten’), Edmund Harman (‘a cote of russet damaske’),

Table 6.6: Clothing given to leading members of the nobility from Worsley’s wardrobe book Recipient

Details

Thomas Boleyn, earl of Wiltshire and Ormond

A gown of purple baudekin (10 April 1519); a jacket, doublet and hose of cloth of gold cut on russet satin (24 October 1518); a coat of crimson velvet furred with coney (1 December 1519) A gown of white camlet damask silver (10 July 1517); a gown of russet cloth of gold (21 December 1519); a doublet of white tissue (12 July 1517); a riding coat of green velvet (20 October 1517); a doublet, hose of black tilsent damask gold (29 March 1517); a coat of crimson velvet (26 September 1518) A mantle of purple tilsent (1 December 1519); a doublet, jacket and hose of black velvet cut on cloth of gold (26 September 1518); a jacket, doublet, hose of purple velvet (1 December 1519) A gown of russet velvet (1 December 1519); a gown of purple cloth of gold (6 October 1520); a doublet, hose of crimson satin cut on damask silver (1 December 1519) A gown of crimson satin (26 September 1518) A coat of russet velvet and a doublet and hose of russet velvet (July 1523) A gown, jacket, doublet and hose of purple tilsent (24 March 1518); a chammer of crimson velvet on velvet and a doublet of white tilsent cut on cloth of gold (1 December 1520)

Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk

Henry Courtenay, marquess of Exeter, previously earl of Devon William Fitzwilliam, earl of Southampton Thomas Howard, duke of Norfolk Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle Edward Stafford, duke of Buckingham

HENRY VIII’S WARDROBE UNLOCK’D

Thomas Heneage, William Herbert, Robert Herden, John Jenners, Edward Norton, Mr Paston, John Pen, Mr Penyston, William Rise, James Rufforth (‘a cote of blewe Satten furred’), William Sherrington, Michael Stanhope, Mr Tyrwytt and Philip van der Wilder: as well as the king’s children and the earl of Sussex (‘a robe of creation of crimson velvet furred with mynnyver late therle of Essex’). The items they shared were clothes discarded by king as well as items from people attainted of treason: the marquess of Exeter, the earl of Essex and Lord Hungerford.204 A small group of items went to Masters Culpepper and Paston ‘for thofficers fee’. Their perquisite consisted of ‘a gowne of russet damaske sore worne furred with blacke burge’, ‘a long nyght gowne of tawney capha damaske furred with sabells the furre put in to a new gowne of blak capha edged with velvet’, ‘a long nyght gowne of black damaske edged with black veluet and furred with budge’ and two woodknives. Finally, John Malt, the king’s tailor, received a number of items no longer usable ‘to lyne cusshyns’ including ‘a gowne of purple satten single, ij dublets of purple siluer tissue iij lynyngs of purple satten and of carnaction satten’.205 A ‘Book of the Robes for stuff delivered at Hampton Court in Master Cyssyll time’ was compiled on 21 July 1540.206 It recorded the apparel, mainly gowns and jackets, given away by the king to individuals: Maurice Berkeley, Sir Francis Bryan, Lord Clinton, Lord Cromwell, Thomas Culpepper, Lord Hastings, Philip Hoby, Charles and George Howard, Anthony Knyvet, Sir Richard Long, Peter Mewtis, Lord Parr, Thomas Paston, Ralph Sadler, Sir Edward Seymour, Sir Anthony St Leger, the earl of Surrey, Thomas Wriothesely, Sir John Williams and an Irish lord. Another list was compiled six days later recording the delivery of the clothes of the late earl of Essex to Hampton Court by John Gates, the groom of the robes. Essex’s clothes in turn were given away to Sir Edward Baynton, Nicholas Bristow, Richard Cecil, Edmund Cotton (Heneage’s man), John Gates, Thomas Heneage, David Vincent and my lord of Sussex, with the exception of his ‘robes of the Garter of crimson and purple velvet’ which remained at Hampton Court by the king’s command.207 On 10 August 1540 ‘a robe with a kirtle and hood of astate for the creation of an earl of right crimson velvet furred with miniver which was the late earl of Essex’ was delivered to the earl of Sussex. Other recipients of clothing about this time included Sir Edward Baynton, Nicholas Bristow, Edmund Cotton, Sir Thomas Heneage and David Vincent. A purple riding coat was delivered to John Gates.208 There is an undated ‘boke of the kynges maiesties robes’ which recorded a very large number of jackets, gowns and swords delivered to Robert Horden: one frock, ten jackets, two coats, one jerkin, 25 doublets, 23 pairs of stocks, four doublets with matching hose, 15 gowns, one cloak and a hat. The process of distributing the king’s clothes required the yeoman of the robes to surrender part of his charge for which he received a dispensation. Richard Cecil received such a discharge ‘for stuff and apparel as well delivered to your majesty as given away to divers gentlemen by your Highness Commandment’ in August 1546.209

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Gifts and purchases: adding to the king’s wardrobe Henry’s wardrobe was regularly augmented with orders from the great wardrobe, purchases made through the privy purse and gifts. Gifts could take a variety of forms, they were motivated by a range of considerations and they were presented throughout the year. On 7 May 1530 a servant of Lady Parr received a reward of 4s 8d on delivering a coat of kendal, possibly for hunting, from his mistress.210 On 4 September 1533 Henry Huttoft wrote to Cromwell, detailing a present to be given to the king. It included ‘two musk cats, three little monkeys, a marmazat, a shirt of fine cambric entirely wrought with white silk, which is very fair’.211 A gift given to the king by Catherine Parr at an unspecified date is recorded in the 1547 inventory: ‘a spanish cape of crimson satin embroidered with gold tissue, being the queen’s gift, lined with crimson velvet with five pairs of large aglettes’ (14307). However, the chief time for gift giving at the Tudor court was New Year’s day. Textiles formed a small but significant part of this process (see Table 6.7). On 8 January 1541 Eustace Chapuys wrote to the queen of Hungary that five days earlier Anne of Cleves, although by that time separated from the king for five months, had given him as his New Year’s gift ‘two large horses with violet trappings’.212 References to sumptuous items of clothing being given as New Year’s gifts in all but two of the last seven years can be found within the 1547 inventory: 1541: ‘one Jerkynne of purple vellut with Satten sleves of purple color all ouer embrodrid with venice golde with a paire of hoose of purple Satten of like embroderie’ (14332), the gift of Sir Richard Cromwell. 1542: ‘A Doublet of purple satten all over embrawderid with pirles of damaske golde and Silver’ (14227) and matching upperstocks, the gift of Sir Richard Long. 1545: ‘one olde Doublet of crimesen satten striped downe with brode Borders of venice golde enbrawderid betwne with small Threedes of golde’ (14236) and hose (14261), the gift of Sir Thomas Darcy; ‘A Doublet of crimesen satten all over embrawderid with breades of venice

Table 6.7: Analysis of the gifts of cloth, clothing and accessories received by Henry VIII on New Year’s day in 1532, 1534 and 1539 Gift Cloth, lengths of Clothes Garters Hats, bonnets, night caps Hunting stuff* Jewellery Shirt collars Shirts Swords, knives Number of donors Number of gifts Number of unrecorded gifts

1532

1534

1539

5 2 3 5

3.15% 1.3% 1.9% 3.15%

5 — 7 13

3.2% 0% 4.4% 8.2%

7 1 7 10

3.11% 0.44% 3.11% 4.4%

8 16 1 13 9

5.05% 10.1% 0.65% 8.2% 5.7%

5 7 3 16 3

3.1% 4.4% 1.9% 10.0% 1.9%

11 12 1 14 5

4.88% 5.33% 0.44% 6.22% 2.22%

175 158 20

166 160 11

222 225 6

*Hunting stuff including dog collars, liams, hawk hoods, crossbows, spurs and horse-trappers.

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HENRY VIII’S WARDROBE UNLOCK’D

golde and smale Threedes of the same with diuerse Flowres of pirles of damaske gold’ (14237) and hose (14262), the gift of Sir Anthony Browne and ‘one pair of hose of crimsen satin embroidered’, gift of Sir Anthony Browne. 1546: ‘A Doublet of white satten raised embrawdrid alouer with venice siluer cut and tuffed with sarceonet’ (14242) and hose (14267), the gift of Sir Thomas Speke. 1547: ‘A Doublet of crimesen satten all over embrawdrid with venice golde’ (14248) and a pair of hose (14273), the gift of Sir Thomas Darcy.

The gift givers were all close friends of the king and leading members of the royal household: Sir Richard Cromwell, Sir Richard Long and Sir Thomas Speke were gentlemen of the privy chamber, Sir Thomas Darcy a gentleman of the privy chamber and master of the armouries and Sir Anthony Browne, master of the horse. These men were well placed to commission the king’s tailor to make the clothes to his measurements. The trade in mass-produced items of clothing and clothing accessories, or rather items that were not bespoke, had originated in the Middle Ages. It included a wide range of small dress accessories such as bags, purses, girdles, bonnets that were often sold by itinerant tradesmen and women.213 By Edward IV’s reign English craftsmen complained about the large-scale importation of ready-made goods as an act passed in 1461 indicated. The items mentioned included woollen bonnets, ribbons, laces, stirrups, spurs, points, purses, gloves, girdles, shoes, daggers, hats, bag rings and brushes.214 The London petty custom account of 1480–81 reveals that the volume of these items being imported into the capital included 28,600 silk, leather, thread and wire girdles.215 One of Thomas Cromwell’s advisors, Clement Armstrong, noted in the 1530s that ‘thirty yere agoo a sorte beganne to occupie to bye and selle alle soche handycraft wares, called haburdashers, otherwise called hardware men, that a fourty yere agoo was not four or five shopes in London, wher now every street is full of theym’.216 Items that came under the heading of haberdashery were sold by men like Christopher Milliner. As his surname suggests, Milliner made and sold high-quality hats and bonnets as his primary line of business, but he supplemented his income by trading in a range of small but expensive fancy goods. Henry VIII’s privy purse accounts record three payments made to ‘the hardwareman’, who was twice named John. On 17 October 1530 John sold the king a range of items including two pairs of sleeves, nine borders, a girdle and two pairs of beads weighing 22 oz (at 11 crowns the oz) (0.6 kg).217 In the following December, perhaps, the same hardwareman sold a bonnet trimmed with ribbon and a dog chain for 3s 7d, and in July 1532 he received 30s 2d for a selection of unspecified items.218 Not all of the purchases were for the king himself. On 10 February 1530 ‘blak John the hardewareman’ received 24s 4d for ‘bonettes for young weston, And other children of the pryvat chambre’.219 Four days later, a further payment of 8s was made to an unnamed hardwaremen for a Milan bonnet and a night cap for Sexton, the king’s fool.220 Henry’s queens also patronised hardwaremen. Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe accounts include a range of entries which reveal frequent small-scale purchases. For example, she paid 33s 4d to Jackson, hardwareman at the king’s gate, for eight

pieces of pointing ribbon for various persons as listed on his bill and for a dozen silk points, and another piece of plunket ribbon at Otford of Symson the hardwareman for her to point a gown of tawny velvet Milan fashion with goldsmiths’ work.221 Nearly two decades later, Wymond Carew, Anne of Cleve’s receiver, paid William Tailor, haberdasher, £4 16s 4d for a crimson velvet bonnet set with buttons of gold and a feather tassel set with gold and fringed with gold, that was bought for the prince.222 The vast majority of the king’s clothes were made with only him in mind, but he did occasionally buy ready-made items. The letters of Jean Langues, a jeweller of Paris, written in 1537, provide insights into how foreign merchants traded in England. The letters and bills of exchange were sent by Langue to a group of fellow Parisian jewellers and goldsmiths that he represented in London, selling their goods to the king and his courtiers. Unfortunately, he had not managed to sell everything as ‘the gentlemen have spent their money in the war’. Langue informed Thibault Comtet that ‘the king has bought my image, your mirror, a hat of Monsieur Caillot and a collar, a vizor, a martin and some linen worth 400 crowns belonging to Jan de Gran’.223 The 1547 inventory records a small group of purchases of clothing: ‘A Doublet of white Silke and golde knite with handes bought of Christofer Milliner’ (14230) with matching hose (14255) and a very similar doublet and hose of crimson silk and gold (14231 and 14256) and ‘A Dowblet of crimesen Satten embrauderid with pirles of damaske golde striped with thredes of venice golde bought of the Greeke’ (14226) with matching hose (14251). The implication is that these garments were made in Europe and brought to England as examples of desirable new fashions. While the term knit and knitting can be problematic in early sixteenth-century documents, the reference to their being ‘knit with handes’ suggests that these were knitted rather than being made with another technique. Maurice of Saxony also owned knitted doublets and hose, as well as stockings, including a set that was ‘embellished with gold’. In England the sellers came to the king. However, it has been suggested that Maurice’s tailor bought hose for his master at the New Year’s market in Leipzig.224

A point of comparison: the wardrobe of James V According to Agnes Strickland, James V’s wardrobe was more spectacular than that of his uncle ‘and almost rivals that of his cousin, Queen Elizabeth’.225 Strickland may have exaggerated. However, working with the inventory taken of his clothes on 25 March 1539, it is evident that James had an impressive wardrobe in terms of the number of garments, the range of fabrics used and the significance of the chosen colours (Tables 6.8 and 6.9).226 The date of 1539 suggests that he could still have a number of the clothes that he had bought for his two weddings and that the influence of Mary of Guise on his wardrobe may well be detectable.227 The chief difference

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Table 6.10: Analysis of James V’s hats and bonnets by fabric in 1542

between his wardrobe and that of Henry does not lie with the quality of the cloth used, or the quantity of garments, but in terms of the variety of different garments (see Table 6.1). In this sense, the nephew’s wardrobe is far more restricted than the uncle’s, and it included far less garments with a specialised use or function. Like his uncle, James had a fondness for hats.228 In 1542 James’s hats and bonnets (Tables 6.10 and 6.11) were kept by the keeper of his jewels, Henry Kemp. He had a varied and substantial collection. It is interesting that none of his bonnets were identified as being in the French or Milanese type, both styles owned by Henry, favouring instead, the Dutch bonnet. James, like his uncle, was keen to promote the idea of royal magnificence through dress. It was a concept that Henry VIII developed into a fine art as this analysis of his wardrobe has demonstrated. It also had the desired effect on contemporary observers, one of whom described Henry’s clothes and kingship as the ‘richest and most superb that can be imagined’.229

Material

Bonnets

Dutch bonnets

Riding bonnets

Hats

Cloth Silk Silk and gold Unspecified Velvet

6 ~ ~ 4 16 26

~ ~ ~ ~ 1 1

~ ~ ~ 2 ~ 2

~ 9 1 ~ 8 18

Table 6.11: Analysis of James V’s hats and bonnets by colour in 1542 Colour

Bonnets

Dutch bonnets

Riding bonnets

Hats

Black Purple Unspecified Unspecified, bordered with gold

8 ~ 18 ~

~ ~ 1 ~

~ ~ 2 ~

5 1 11 1

26

1

2

18

Table 6.8: Analysis of James V’s clothes by fabric type in 1539 Garments

Cloth of gold

Cloth of silver

Damask

Frieze

Gowns (23) Nightgowns (1) Cassocks (6) Cloaks (3) Spanish cloaks (2) Coats (22) Coats for gowns (8) Riding coats (3) Short coats (2)

2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2 ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~

~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~

2 ~ ~ 3 2 2 ~ ~ ~

Doublets and hose Doublets (38)

1

1

1

~ ~ 5

~ ~ 2

~ ~ 3

Arming doublets (2) Hose (27)

Satin

Taffeta

Velvet

Other

7 ~ ~ ~ ~ 5 2 ~ 2

1 ~ ~ ~ ~ 3 1 ~ ~

11 ~ 5 ~ ~ 11 2 2 ~

~ ~ cloth - 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ scarlet – 1 ~

~

24

4

4

~ ~ 9

2 ~ 42

~ ~ 9

~ 25 60

‘hail’ – 2 ‘tweil doir champit’ – 1 ~ cloth – 1 ‘sterning’ – 1 7

Table 6.9: Analysis of James V’s clothes by colour in 1539 Garment

Black

Crimson/ sad crimson

Gold/silver

Outer garments Gowns (23) Nightgowns (1) Cassocks (6) Cloaks (3) Spanish cloaks (2) Coats (22) Coats for gowns (8) Riding coats (3) Short coats (2)

7 ~ 3 3 2 14 ~ ~ 2

5/0 ~ 1/0 ~ ~ 0/1 ~ 0/1 ~

3/0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2/1 ~ ~

4 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 4 ~ ~

11 ~ 10 52

5/0 ~ 3/1 17

0/1 ~ ~ 5/2

6 ~ 4 19

Doublets and hose Doublets (38) Arming doublets (2) Hose (27)

Purple

Tawny

Yellow

Other/ unspecified

~ ~ ~

3 ~ ~ ~ ~ 7 ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

unspec – 1 grey – 1 green – 1 ~ ~ ~ changeable 1 grey – 1 scarlet – 1 ~

~ ~ 1 1

11 ~ 7 28

1 ~ 1 2

changeable 2 unspec – 1 crimson, yellow and green – 2 ~ 11

~ ~ ~ ~ ~

White

126

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Notes 1 D. Roche, The Culture of Clothing: Dress and Fashion in the Ancien Regime (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 44–66. 2 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 1287. 3 Lurie, Language, p. 125. 4 Staniland, ‘Great Wardrobe accounts’, p. 279. 5 Brown, Four Years, I, p. 90. Later that day, before he attended high mass the king ‘changed his dress, covering his doublet with a handsome gown of green velvet, and wearing a collar of cut diamonds of immense value’; ibid., p. 90. 6 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 184. 7 BL MS Harley 4217, ff. 5r–6r. 8 A fifth item was described as a ‘di Cote of vlsses skynnes with slyves lyned with blacke saten’ [B143]. 9 Borkopp-Restle, Textile Schätze, pp. 25–27. The gown measures 102 cm in length at the centreback, 99 cm at the centre front and 388 cm in circumference. Also see J. Pietsch, Zwei Schauben aus dem Bayerischen Nationalmuseum München. Ein Beitrag zur Kostümforschung (Munich, 2004). 10 J. L. Nevinson, ‘Sigmund von Herberstein’, Waffen-und Kostümkunde, 1 (1958), p. 88. 11 TNA SP1/168, f. 199v. 12 Arnold, Patterns, pp. 53–54. For an example made from a golden yellow satin decorated with slashing and dating from 1610–25, see BorkoppRestle, Textile Schätze, pp. 58–60. 13 Brown, Four Years, I, pp. 90–91 (LP II.i, 411). 14 Cunnington, Handbook, pp. 17–23. 15 BL Royal MS 7.F.XIV, f. 124r. 16 Staniland, ‘Getting there’, p. 245. 17 Rangström, Lions, p. 35; Arnold, Patterns, pp. 53–55; Arnold and Westerman Bulgarella, ‘Innovative’, pp. 50–51. 18 TNA SP1/168, f. 199v. 19 TNA E36/224, p. 34. 20 TNA E36/455, f. 22v. 21 Rangström, Lions, pp. 49–52, 304–05. 22 Stow, Annales, p. 867. 23 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 24 TNA E36/456, f. 18v. 25 TNA E101/423/10, f. 23r; see Rutt, Hand Knitting, pp. 62–66. 26 J. Thirsk, ‘The fantastical folly of fashion: the English stocking knitting industry’, in N. B. Harte, ed., Textile History and Economic History: Essays in Honour of Miss Julia de Lacy Maun (Manchester, 1973), p. 54. 27 PPE, p. 279. 28 G. Ekstrand, ‘Some early knitted silk stockings in Sweden’, Textile History, 13.2 (1982), p. 165. 29 K-12-8-23 Klostermuseum, Alpirsbach; Badisches Landsmuseum, Spätmittelalter am Oberrhein: Alltag, Handwerk und Handel 1350–1525 (Stuttgart, 2001), pp. 283–84. 30 Rangström, Lions, pp. 50, 304–05. 31 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, p. 222. 32 Ibid., p. 222; for a pattern of the doublet and hose, ibid., pp. 226–27. 33 I am most grateful to Claude Blair for bringing this pair of hose to my attention and for the suggestion about Henry VIII’s arming hose. 34 For a revised pattern drawing, see Arnold and Westerman Bulgarella, ‘Innovative’, pp. 50–51. 35 Rangström, Lions, pp. 34–35, 298. These upperstocks measure 42 cm in length, with the legs being 20 cm long and 40 cm wide. 36 PPE, p. 274. 37 TNA E36/455, f. 16v. 38 TNA E101/423/11, not numbered. 39 Slops were listed in the duke of Richmond’s wardrobe in 1536; see below, pp. 207–08. 40 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 41 Ibid., unfoliated. 42 TNA LC 9/51, f. 256v. 43 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 32. 44 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 45 TNA E101/418/4, f. 1r. 46 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 30. 47 Symonds and Preece, Needlework, p. 258. 48 J. Cox-Rearick and M. Westerman Bulgarella, ‘Public and private portraits of Cosimo de’ Medici and Eleanora di Toledo: Bronzino’s paintings of his ducal patrons in Ottawa and Turin’, Artibus et Historiae, 49 (2004), pp. 141–45.

49 Ibid., pls LI.1 and 2. 50 TNA SP1/168, f. 199r. 51 Hall, Chronicle, p. 834. 52 Millar, Holbein, p. 75. 53 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 32. 54 TNA E101/423/11, unnumbered. 55 Rowlands and Starkey, ‘Old tradition’, p. 91. 56 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 13r, 15v, 39r. 57 In the collection of the National Trust, at Hardwick Hall; a detail is illustrated in J. Ashelford, The Art of Dress: Clothes and Society 1500–1914 (1996), p. 36. 58 TNA E101/417/3, no. 87. 59 TNA SP1/168, f. 199r. 60 MoL 36.237; Arnold, Patterns, pp. 19, 78–79. 61 R. Orsi Landini, Museo Stibbert, Firenze: Abiti Europei (Florence, 2003), p. 69; Museo Stibbert: L’Abito per il Corpo/Il Corpo per l’Abito, Islam e Occidente a confront (Florence, 1998), pp. 74–75, 163; Arnold, Patterns, pp. 72–73. 62 Hall, Chronicle, p. 594. 63 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 110. 64 TNA E101/419/20, unfoliated. 65 TNA E101/425/4, f. 1r. 66 TNA E36/456, f. 12r. 67 TNA LC 9/51, ff. 69r–v. 68 B227, 229, 232, 281–82, 289–90, 317. 69 BL MS Royal 7.F.XIV, f. 124r. 70 A1214-20, 1234, 1265, 1466, 1492. 71 TNA E36/456, f. 14r. 72 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 26. 73 TNA E101/425/4, f. 1v. 74 TNA E101/418/4, f. 4r. 75 TNA E101/425/4, f. 1v. 76 D. Gaimster et al., ‘Armorial stove tiles excavated in 1939’, in S. J. Thurley, Whitehall Palace: an Architectural History of the Royal Apartments, 1240–1690 (New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 149–61. 77 LP III.i, 950. 78 Hall, Chronicle, p. 712. 79 HO, pp. 158–59. 80 LP XVIII.i, 20. 81 PPE, p. 173. 82 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 1287. 83 Henry also ordered a tennis coat from the great wardrobe. William Hilton made a tennis coat of slashed black velvet lined with black sarsenet. Guido Portenary supplied the black velvet and James Capone, the sarsenet; TNA LC 9/51, f. 68v. 84 TNA E101/425/4, f. 1r. 85 PPE, p. 283. 86 Hall, Chronicle, p. 539. 87 CSP Milan, 1385–1618, 669. 88 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 39r–v; C. Blair, ‘A 16th century reference to the making of a coat of mail’, The Arms and Armour Society, 18.3 (2005), p. 106. I am most grateful to the author for sending me a copy of his article. 89 I am very grateful to Karen Watts for showing me the brigandine. 90 TNA SP1/29, ff. 205r–v (LP III.ii, p. 1550). 91 TNA SP1/29, f. 205r. 92 The other examples can be found in entries 8387, 8391–92. 93 A 16 Real Armeria, Madrid; see A. D. Ortiz, C. H. Carretero and J. A. Godoy, Resplendence of the Spanish Monarchy: Renaissance Tapestries and Armor from the Patrimonio Nacional (New York, 1991), pp. 110–13. 94 TNA E314/79, not numbered. 95 Hall, Chronicle, p. 566. 96 Ibid., p. 553. 97 TNA SP1/29, f. 198v (LP III.ii, pp. 1548–49). 98 Capwell, ‘Italian arming doublet’, pp. 177–95. 99 TNA E101/425/4, f. 1r. 100 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 37v–38r. 101 Arnold, Patterns, p. 71. 102 TNA SP1/37, ff. 32r–36r (LP IV.i, 1906). 103 Borkopp-Restle, Textile Schätze, pp. 22–24. Length 96 cm, width (with sleeves laid out) 144 cm; made from plain weave linen with 27 to 31 threads per cm. 104 Rangström, Lions, pp. 50–51, 305. 105 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, p. 472. 106 The People’s Museum of Zadar, Yogoslavia; see Burnham, Cut, pp. 14–16.

HENRY VIII’S WARDROBE UNLOCK’D

107 CSP Spanish, 1529–30, p. 600; Starkey, Six Wives, pp. 433–34. 108 PPE, p. 97. There had been a similar payment in September 1530 for linen costing £10; ibid., p. 72. 109 Ibid., p. 84. Edward VI’s privy purse accounts for 1550–51 record that Mistress Beck was paid £14 4s ‘for the working and making of xlij shertes’ for the king at a rate of 40s each, and for 89¼ ells (61.6 m) of cambric at 2⅛ ells (1.4 m) per shirt; TNA E101/426/8, m. 1v. 110 PPE, pp. 121, 256. 111 Ibid., pp. 103, 110. 112 P. Wardle, ‘“Divers necessaries for his Majesty’s use and service”: Seamstresses to the Stuart kings’, Costume, 31 (1997), pp. 16–27. 113 LP IV.iii, 5774.5ii. 114 TNA SP1/29, f. 33v (LP IV.i, 1906). 115 A. Weir, The Six Wives of Henry VIII (1991), p. 551. 116 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 110r (LP XVI, 380). 117 Stow, Survey of London, p. 445; see Hayward, ‘Sign’, pp. 1–17. 118 BL Royal MS 7.F.XIV, f. 124r. 119 BL Royal MS 14.B.XLIII (LP IV.i, 1907). 120 SoA MS 129, ff. 207r–209r. 121 Ibid., ff. 204r–205v. 122 Inv. no. 1610, in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna; illustrated in Princely Magnificence, p. 46. 123 M&LA 1955, 5–7, 1, British Museum, London; illustrated in Princely Magnificence, p. 48. 124 VAM 630–1884; illustrated in Snodin and Styles, Design, p. 78. 125 Miller, Holbein, p. 128. 126 FSL MS Z. d. 11, m. 1v; Hayward, ‘Gifts’, p. 168. This style can be hard to identify in visual sources; see J. Zander-Seidel, ‘“Item ein Zottechter Huet . . .”: Kopfbedeckungen des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts mit nähtechnisch aufgebrachtem Flor’, in Historische Textilien: Beiträge zu ihrer Erhaltung und Erforschung (Nürnberg, 2002), pp. 223–36. 127 Private collection. I am grateful to Susan North for bringing this object to my attention and to Lynda Hillyer for showing me images. 128 Lisle Letters, II, 387 (LP VIII, 686). 129 Lisle Letters, IV, 860 (LP XIII.i, 248). 130 LP III.i, 463. 131 Quoted in Weir, Six Wives, pp. 22, 37. 132 TNA E36/224, p. 53. There is no indication of what he wore to play football. However, he may have adopted a similar approach to the curate of St Mary’s, Hawridge, Berkshire in 1519, who was described as ‘Playing football in his shirt’, quoted in P. Cunnington and A. Mansfield, English Costume for Sports and Outdoor Recreation (1969), p. 48. 133 For leather shoes of this period, see S. Thomas, Medieval Footwear from Coventry (Coventry, 1980), pp. 19, 35, 84–87, 156–57. Also F. Grew and M. de Neergaard, Shoes and Patterns: Medieval Finds from Excavations in London, 2 (1988), and L. Pratt and L. Woolley, Shoes (1999). 134 TNA E101/425/4, f. 2r. A red velvet with gold embroidery shoe, that has been attributed to Henry VIII, is actually of a later date. It is illustrated in Symonds and Preece, Needlework, pl. LI.3. The shoe is described as being in the collection of Mr Percival Griffiths. 135 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, 105. 136 LP II.ii, 4305. 137 El Escorial; illustrated in Ortiz, Resplendence, p. 22. 138 TNA E101/423/10, f. 22r. 139 LP Additional I.ii, 1864. 140 Inv. no. I 105; see Bäumel and Swann, ‘Die Schuhsammlung’, p. 24. 141 Inv. no. I 513; ibid., pp. 24–25. 142 PPE, p. 267. 143 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 108r (LP XVI, 380). 144 TNA E36/215, p. 128. 145 TNA E101/425/4, f. 1v. 146 PPE, p. 168. 147 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 118. 148 T.246-1927, VAM; Wilcox, Bags, pp. 15–16. 149 Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories, pp. 342–50. 150 LP III.i, 463. 151 LP XX.i, 557. 152 T.40-1986, VAM; Wilcox, Bags, p. 18. 153 For an analysis of the latter, see Brooke and Crombie, Henry VIII, p. 37. 154 This design is for a baselard, see C. Blair, European and American Arms c. 1100–1850 (New York and London, 1962), p. 13. 155 LP XX.ii, 362. 156 LP XI, 1431. 157 TNA E101/424/16, f. 1r; H. R. Forsyth, ‘An inscribed silver-gilt chape of the 16th century’, Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeology Society, 46 (1995), pp. 137–44; and H. R. Forsyth, ‘An inscribed silvergilt chape of the 16th century’, Burlington Magazine, June 1996, pp. 392–93. 158 D. Gaimster, ‘Two post-medieval sword-belt fittings from Pyecombe, West Sussex’, Sussex Archaeological Collection, 126 (1988), pp. 245–47. 159 Compare with the list of weapons in the care of Marion, the king’s cutler in October 1537; PRO SP1/125, ff. 175r–177v.

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160 LP XIII.ii, 491.22. 161 LP XX.i, 282.8. 162 TNA E101/425/4, f. 2r. 163 Scarisbrick, Jewellery, pp. 64–152. 164 Brown, Four Years, I, p. 85. 165 See below, p. 119. 166 Hinton, Gold and Gilt, p. 246; Evans, Jewellery, p. 69. 167 LP IV.iii, 5516. 168 PPE, p. 9. 169 LP IV.i, 297.16 and 20. 170 LP XXI.i, 127. 171 LP XX.ii, 1004. 172 LP IV.ii, 5114 and BL Royal MS 7C XVI, ff. 40r–46r. 173 BL Royal MS 14.B.XLIII. 174 BL MS Royal 7C XVI, f. 71r–v (LP V, 1335). 175 Scarisbrick, Tudor, pp. 34–36. 176 Evans, Jewellery, p. 95. 177 Scarisbrick, Jewellery, p. 82. 178 LP II.i, 284. 179 An IHS pendant was listed in the king’s jewels in 1519; LP III.i, 463. 180 Hall, Chronicle, p. 834; Scarisbrick, Jewellery, pp. 121–24. 181 Evans, Jewellery, p. 100. 182 Evans states that Henry VIII had at least two parures but does not give details; ibid., p. 107. 183 LP III.i, 463. Also see a list of ‘jewels in certain coffers and boxes’, LP IV.ii, 5114. 184 BL Royal MS 7.C.XVI, f. 38r. 185 Ibid., f. 48r (LP VIII, 206). 186 BL MS Royal 7.F.XIV, f. 124r. 187 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 69–76. 188 Black and white have been described as non-colours or paradox colours by Luce Irigaray whose work is cited in Harvey, Men, p. 15. 189 Ibid., p. 52. 190 J. H. Munro, ‘The medieval scarlet and the economics of sartorial splendour’, in N. B. Harte and K. G. Ponting, eds, Cloth and Clothing in Medieval Europe (1983), pp. 13–70; Monnas, Merchants, forthcoming. 191 TNA SP1/168, ff. 199r, 200r. 192 Linthicum, Costume, p. 33. 193 The colour distribution is as follows: 1,706 yards (1559.9 m) of crimson and red, 1466⅞ yards (1341.4 m) of black, 1,181½ yards (1080.3 m) of yellow, 795⅛ yards (727.1 m) of purple, blue and violet, 547⅛ yards (500.3 m) of white, 210⅝ yards (192.6 m) of tawny, 187¼ yards (171.2 m) of incarnate, 175⅞ yards (160.8 m) of russet, 119⅝ yards (109.4 m) of green, 110 yards (100.6 m) of changeable, 14¾ yards (13.5 m) of orange and 13½ yards (12.3 m) of murrey. 194 In some cases it is most likely that the fabric was pieced, but some of the velvets supplied by Erizo in August 1549 were described as ‘striped withe threedes of golde’ (16262). I am grateful to Lisa Monnas for discussing this point with me. 195 TNA E101/417/3, no. 96. 196 Anderson, Hispanic Costume, p. 12. 197 Hayward, ‘Fashion’, pp. 165–78. 198 The following were given away: one almain coat, two almain doublets, two pairs of almain hose, seven chammers, 18 coats, two coats for riding, four demi-coats, one demi-gown, 72 doublets, one doublet with wide sleeves, 13 frocks, two glaudekins, 66 gowns, three gowns, for riding, one gown for a woman, two long gowns, seven short gowns, ten gowns with high collars, one gown with a round cape, one gown with a square cape, 51 pairs of hose, 55 jackets, 13 four-quartered jackets, one kirtle and tabard for a child and seven mantles. 199 Brown, Four Years, I, p. 231. 200 This may be the equerry, Hannibal, listed in Charles V’s retinue in 1522; LP III.ii, 2288. 201 LP XIII.ii, 1191. 202 TNA SP1/154, ff. 122r–v (LP XIV.ii, 457). 203 TNA E101/425/2. 204 TNA SP1/164, ff. 126r–128v (LP XVI, 402.i). 205 Ibid., f. 130r (LP XVI, 402.ii). 206 LP XV, 900. 207 LP XV, 917. 208 LP XV, 967. 209 LP XXI.i, 1536.19. 210 PPE, p. 42. 211 LP VI, 1074. 212 LP XVI, 436. 213 See Spufford, Great Reclothing, pp. 6–7. 214 Rot Parl, V, pp. 506–07. 215 H. S. Cobb, ed., The Overseas Trade of London Exchequer Customs Accounts 1480–1, London Record Society, 27 (1990), p. xxxvii. 216 I. Archer, The History of the Haberdashers’ Company (Chichester, 1991), p. 21. 217 PPE, p. 81.

128 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225

HENRY VIII’S WARDROBE UNLOCK’D

Ibid., pp. 94, 234. Ibid., p. 23. Ibid., p. 24. JRL Latin MS 239, f. 14v; TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. LP XII.i, 47.7. Rangström, Lions, p. 298. Strickland, Queens of England, I, p. 272.

226 Also see R. K. Marshall, ‘To be the king’s grace ane dowblett: The costume of James V, king of Scots’, Costume, 28 (1994), pp. 14–21. 227 R. K. Marshall, ‘“Hir Rob Ryall”: The costume of Mary of Guise’, Costume, 12 (1978), pp. 1–12. 228 Hayward, ‘Sign’, p. 4. The colour distribution of Henry VIII’s caps and bonnets recorded in the 1547 inventory was as follows: black 60, unspecified 3, crimson 2, green 2, orange 1, purple 1 and yellow 1. 229 Brown, Four Years, II, app. 2, p. 312.

vii Henry VIII’s Ceremonial Wardrobe: Observing the Ritual Year

O

ne contemporary observer was keen to note that Henry wore ‘new clothes every Holyday’.1 While the evidence presented below demonstrates that this was not always the case, it is quite clear that Henry made very careful use of his dress on days of estate, crown-wearing days, the days for wearing purple and scarlet and days of mourning. The symbolic value of the king’s clothes, on these and other key days in the ritual year, and the formal robes worn with them, was expressed in terms of their colour, materials and cut. Henry also owned the ceremonial robes and regalia of the three leading European orders of chivalry, and it was customary to wear these robes on the feast day of the order’s patron saint. In addition, he had his robes of estate, including his parliament robes, that were made at the time of his coronation. He wore these robes for the opening of parliament. Although not strictly part of the liturgical year, the parliamentary sessions were still defined in terms of saint’s days. The evidence relating to the king’s ceremonial wardrobe is fragmentary and comes from four sources that do not readily combine to provide a definitive account of how Henry VIII dressed on the key days in the ritual year. The household ordinances are invaluable, but they present a view of what should ideally happen on specific occasions rather than reflect the reality of what did happen. The great wardrobe accounts and warrants record what was actually ordered and supplied but, because there are gaps, they will never provide a complete picture. The household accounts, which are also incomplete, indicate which feasts Henry celebrated in terms of the type of service held and paid for, the size of the king’s offering and where the king was. The king’s clothes did not fall within their remit. Finally, descriptions of events tend to identify features that were unusual because ordinary events are less noteworthy. Even so, by drawing on material from Henry VII’s reign as well as Henry VIII’s, it is possible to piece together how and when these Tudor kings used clothes to reinforce their role as pious, just monarchs.

The Reformation was to have a marked influence on the ritual year. In 1538 Henry VIII prohibited fasting during Lent. John Husee wrote to Lady Lisle, advising her ‘to leave part of such ceremonies as you do use, as long prayers and offering of candles, and at some time to refrain and not speak, though your ladyship have cause, when you hear things spoken that liketh you not, it should sound highly to your honour and cause less speech’.2 However, the king was erratic. On 15 May 1539 John Worth noted that: On Holy Thursday [the king] went in procession about the Court at Westminster . . . The high altar in the chapel was garnished with all the apostles upon the altar and Mass by note and the organs playing . . . I was told by those of the King’s Chapel and by Kellegrew that upon Good Friday last the King crept to the cross from the chapel door upwards devoutly . . . his own person kneeling on his Grace’s knees’. (Fig. 7.1)3

Henry responded to pressure exerted by evangelical reformers, such as Archbishop Cranmer. Early in January 1546 Cranmer sought the abolition of veiling images during Lent, creeping to the cross on Good Friday and ringing for the dead on All Saints’ night.4 In his response, the king stated that ‘all other vigils have been virtually for years abolished throughout Christendom, the name alone remaining in the Calendar, except All Hallows’ day at night’ (Fig. 7.2).5

The weekly cycle: Sunday observance Sunday was the most significant day of the Christian week. It was a holyday. As a holyday (or holiday) it was an occasion when people took particular care with their clothes, and the king was no exception. Indeed, Henry VIII processed from his privy chamber to the Chapel Royal on a Sunday and then heard mass in the holiday closet. Such processions provided opportunities for individuals to meet the king. On 17 June 1529 Mendoza wrote to Charles V, noting that ‘at the day

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observing the ritual year

7.1 Henry VIII’s boxwood rosary, consisting of a cross, ten Ave beads and a Pater Noster, © The Devonshire Collection, Chatsworth. Reproduced by permission of the Chatsworth Settlement Trustees 7.2 Edward VI and the Pope, unknown artist, c. 1548–49. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 4165)

fixed [he] went to Greenwich, and met the King as he was issuing forth to go to mass’.6 Afterwards, he might dine in public (Fig. 13.1) and then meet with the privy council. An individual’s Sunday best could be worn on other special days. On 16 November 1501, two days after the marriage of Prince Arthur and Catherine of Aragon, Henry VII heard mass at St Paul’s cathedral, ‘accompanyed wyth many noblys and Gentylmen yn Rigth sumptuous apparayll & chaungid from the Soneday apparayll, yood unto the palays & there dynyd’.7 Many Sundays had additional significance in the liturgical calendar as in the case of Trinity Sunday which fell on the Sunday after Pentecost. The household ordinances noted that ‘Trinity Sonday is the churche holyday of the kinges howse and that day the king goeth a procession and every sergeant officer in the howse carieth a banner at procession’.8 Easter Sunday was held in especially high regard. On Easter Saturday the king was present for the hallowing of the font and he had his best sword carried before him as he went in procession. The king processed again on Easter Sunday and then ‘a carpet must be redy for the king and quene to crepe to the crosse’. The carpet was then removed and the courtiers crept to the cross.9 The significance of celebrating Easter wearing your best clothes is illustrated in 1538 when the Princess Mary asked whether she should wear mourning for Jane Seymour or not. When given permission to wear what she liked, Mary pressed Cromwell to obtain her father’s approval for her to wear ‘her whiten taffaty edged with velvet, which used to be to his own liking, whenever he saw her grace, and suiteth to this joyful feast of our Lord’s holy rising from the dead’.10

Days of estate, crown-wearing days and days for wearing purple and scarlet Court ritual focused around the high feast days of the liturgical year.11 Observing these festivals correctly was a defining part of medieval kingship. On Candlemas (2 February) 1540 the French ambassador recorded how Henry had dismissed him ‘until after dinner and [he] went to hear his two masses as he does every feast day’.12 In turn, the king’s role in these events was defined by specific clothes and accessories in order to create a sense of tradition and ritual. The type and colour of the robes worn by the king on the different occasions were outlined in ordinances such as the Ryalle Book, which recorded the ceremonial at the English court.13 Henry VII’s ordinances noted that ‘The King goeing in procession in a day of estate in his robes royall . . . the Chamberlaine bearinge the King’s trayne’.14 On New Year’s day 1488 Henry VII wore ‘a riche Gowne’ under his robes.15 More specifically, the household ordinances stated that on the feast of the Circumcision or New Year’s day which was a day of estate, ‘the King ought to weare his kirtle, his circote, and his pane of armes and if his pane bee 5 ermins deepe, a Duke’s ought to bee but fouer, and an Earle’s three: and the King to have on his head that day his hatt of estate, his sworde borne before him’.16 The other days of estate were Candlemas (2 February), the Assumption (15 August), the Nativity of St John the Baptist (24 August) and Holy Rood day (14 September) when the king wore a cap of estate and partial robes.17 Crown wearing was also associated with the major religious festivals. These events were intended to evoke the

observing the ritual year memory of the monarch’s coronation and the legitimacy of his rule, and in order to do so publicly the king wore his crown and robes of estate. Richard III’s crown-wearing ceremonies were witnessed and described by the author of the Crowland Chronicle: ‘after the Christmas festival had been solemnly held in the palace of Westminster, the king appeared on Epiphany wearing his crown . . . as though at his original coronation.’18 In the fifteenth century the crown-wearing days were Christmas day, the two feasts of St Edward the Confessor (5 January and 13 October), Epiphany (6 January), Easter, Whitsun, All Saints (1 November), and the anniversary of the monarch’s coronation.19 The household ordinances stated that on Twelfth night, which was a crown-wearing day: the King ought to goe crowned and in his robes royall, kirtle, sircote, his furred hudd about his necke, and his mantle with a long trayne and his lace before him, and his ermines upon his armes, of gould sett ful of riche stones with balaces, saphires, rubies, emeralds, and pearles; this ought to be hallowed and noe temporall man to touch it but onely the King; and an esquire of the body to bring it in a faire kerchieffe, and the King to putt them on himselfe.20

In 1488 on Twelfth night eve ‘the King [Henry VII] went to the Evensong in his Surcoot outward, with Tabert Sleves, the Cappe of Astate on his Hede and the Hode aboute his Showlders, in Doctors wise. And that Nyght there was no Lorde in Roobes, saving the King’.21 On the following day all the nobility wore their robes of estate and the king and queen wore their crowns. The spectacle of such occasions is reinforced by a payment made in January for setting up and taking down a scaffold for people to stand upon ‘for the syght of the kynges bankyt vpon the xijth daye at nyght’ at Greenwich.22 The feast of the Epiphany marked the Adoration of the Three Kings or Magi. Since the reign of Edward III, English kings had emulated the magi by making offerings of frankincense, gold and myrrh to the high altar, and Henry VII and Henry VIII continued this practice.23 The household ordinances dictated that ‘a propre pece of yellow sarsenet to enclose therin v nolbes of goulde’ should be delivered to the gentleman usher, ‘the Thus aforenamed in redde sarsenet and the myrre in white sarsenet eche of them to the michelnes other the quantetie of a tennis Ball or of a pairs ball and bound with a thredd of Sylk’.24 Epiphany was also the anniversary of the baptism of Christ by John the Baptist. As such it was a significant day and other events could be celebrated on this auspicious day. In January 1540 the French ambassador told the constable of France that ‘Tomorrow, Twelfth Day, this duke of Bavaria is to be made a knight of the Order of England’.25 According to Henry VII’s ordinances there were four major feasts of the year when ‘the King should weare eyther purple or redd velvett’.26 These were Christmas day, Easter, Whitsunday and All Saints. The question as to the colour worn raises two points. First, there is the issue of whether purple meant a specific colour or a sense of royalty and splendour. Second, it suggests that royalty could be expressed by purple and red equally, and they were potentially interchangeable. On Christmas eve 1487, Henry VII ‘went to the Masse of the Vygill in a riche Gowne of Purple Velwett furred with Sables’.27 Some years later, Henry VII planned to celebrate Christmas at Westminster, but the festivities were tempered because of an outbreak of measles, and so ‘The King

131

in all this Fest wer noo Robes of Astate, but oder Gownes of riche Clothis of Gold, and in especiall, Gownes whiche was wrought by the Ladyes in the Stoolle an richely furred with Sabuls’.28 In general, on these days the king wore robes but no crown. Worsley’s wardrobe book included a number of sets of purple clothes, including ‘a Gowne of purpull tylsent furred with Ermyns a Jaquet a doblet & a payr of hose of purpull velwete enbrawderd & cutte upon white cloth of siluer with aglettes of golde’ [A11] and ‘a mantell of purpull tylent lyned with purpull saten’ [A30]. Henry VIII was depicted dressed in red and kneeling at prayer in his closet in the Liber Niger of the order of the Garter. With a blue traverse behind him and a cloth of gold altar frontal before him, the king knelt on a cloth of gold cushion, dressed in a crimson fur-trimmed gown, wearing a black bonnet (Pl. IVb). Processions involving the king formed a significant part of court ritual. They took place on Christmas day, Candlemas, Palm Sunday, Easter, Whitsunday, Trinity Sunday, Corpus Christi, the Assumption of Our Lady and All Saints. The king walked under a cloth of estate or canopy, accompanied by the leading members of the household and the nobility.29 Up until 1540 when Corpus Christi was removed from the religious cycle, it was the principal feast of the Catholic church.30 The significance of the feast can be seen from a payment made to Richard Justice, page of the robes to Elizabeth of York, on 23 July 1502. Justice was paid 8d a day for two days’ travel to go from Richmond to London and back ‘for a gowne of cloth of gold furred with pawmpilyon ayenst Corpus Xpi day’, and 12d for his boat hire.31 Although there is no record of what they wore, Henry VIII and Jane Seymour celebrated Corpus Christi with a procession to Westminster abbey on 15 June 1536. On such occasions, the host was carried under a canopy and the king’s vestry included ‘one Canapie of Crimsen vellet enbrodered with Ihesus for the Sacrament’ (8967).32 The palace where Henry VIII chose to celebrate these major feasts was often highly significant.33 It emphasises that as the reign progressed the king was increasingly based at Whitehall and at the other royal palaces close to the city such as Greenwich and Hampton Court. He chose to celebrate the majority of the major feast days at Greenwich (29%), although Whitehall (13%), Windsor (6%), Hampton Court (5%) and Richmond (3%) all played their part.34 His proximity to the city meant that Henry could use or commandeer city pageantry. The king and his advisors also used the city and the Tower as venues for demonstrations of royal authority.

Provision made by the great wardrobe for Candlemas, Palm Sunday and Maundy Thursday Each year the great wardrobe could make special provision for the king on three feast days: Candlemas, Palm Sunday and Maundy Thursday. The relative significance of these occasions can be gauged by comparing the cost and regularity of

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Table 7.1: The cost of Candlemas, Palm Sunday and Maundy Thursday under Henry VII and Henry VIII Year

The Taper on Candlemas

Palm Sunday

The Maundy

1498–99 1502–03 1504–05 1505–06 1510–11 1516–17 1517–18 1521–22 1523–25 1526–27 1527–28 1530–31 1531–32 1533–34 1535–36 1537–38 1538–39 1543–45

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 14s 14s 7d 4s 4s 4s 4s 6s 8d 7s 4d ~ 13s 4d 7s 2d 7s 7s

9s 6d ~ ~ ~ 7s ~ ~ 14s 3d ~ ~ 12s 6d 48s 8d ~ 53 4d ~ 28s ~ ~

£39 14s 0d £43 11s 6½d £44 18s 9d £47 15s 2d £38 3s 3d £54 9s 5d £59 2s £68 14s 3d £72 17s 10½d £68 12s 5d £69 18s 11½d £71 13s 1d £74 14s 6d £79 8s 10d £84 3s 5d £94 10s 4d £108 11s 7d £143 13s 7½d

the warrants issued to the great wardrobe (Table 7.1). Of these, the cost of the velvet used to wrap the candles of the king and his family on Candlemas and Palm Sunday and any associated items were small, never exceeding 53s 4d. These warrants were also the least consistently issued, although it is possible that in some or all of the years where the warrants are missing, the velvet was supplied by the wardrobe of the robes. In contrast the cost of the maundy provision was never less than £38 3s 3d and it increased annually, rising as high as £143 13s 7½d by the last extant set of Henry VIII’s accounts.35 While the provision for the king’s robe remained the same and the price kept stable, the growing cost reflected the annual increase in the number of poor men given clothing. Candlemas (2 February) marked the end of winter.36 More importantly, the mass of the purification, popularly known as Candlemas, fell 40 days after Christmas. The service celebrated the Purification of the Virgin Mary after the birth of Christ, although as Mary was free from original sin such a ceremony was technically unnecessary. However, according to Simeon, the feast served to acknowledge Christ as the Messiah, who was the ‘light to lighten the Gentiles’.37 The ceremony also had a parallel with the churching of women after they had given birth. More specifically in this context, the churching of a queen was consciously compared with the purification of the queen of heaven.38 Central to the mass was the presence of candles. The congregation placed tapers and candles before the high altar, where they were blessed, sprinkled with holy water and sensed with incense. Even though it was quintessentially a female feast, the significance of the Virgin Mary to the liturgy meant that it was a significant day for reinforcing the position of the monarchy. Henry VII celebrated Candlemas 1490 by processing from the chapel at Greenwich to Westminster ‘whiche hallis and alsoo the king chambres wer that day as Richely beseen and hanged as ever I saw them’.39 Henry VIII’s taper would have been carried by his lord chamberlain, who walked at his right hand as they entered the Chapel Royal.40 As the household ordinances stated, ‘Item on Candlemasse day, the Chamberlaine,

or a Baron or Earle, may beare the King’s raperie, goeing on the King’s right hand, against the steward goeing in procession’.41 The great wardrobe made an annual provision of silk velvet to wrap the tapers of the king and queen. On 28 January 1511 purple velvet was supplied to John Kettleby, sergeant of the chandlery, to garnish the taper of the king an the queen and crimson velvet for the king’s ‘son the prince’ and the princess of Castile.42 The distinction made by the provision of purple and crimson velvet, denoted the precedence of the king and his queen over other members of the royal family. It was also a day when the king was formally dressed. On Candlemas 1490 it was noted that ‘The King was that Day in a riche Gowne of Purple, pirled with Gold, fured with Sables’.43 The king came down into the chapel from his closet ‘and the carpet and cushion layd and spredd . . . the kinge kneleth . . . the said erle knele at the king right hand; and when the king hathe kissed the patent of the challis the erle shall kysse the taper and then delyver it unto the kinges handes and there the kings shall offer it’.44 If the king celebrated Candlemas at Windsor, then he was required to hear mass in the Garter chapel accompanied by any Garter knights who were at court, dressed in their robes.45 On Palm Sunday the priest blessed the palms or branches brought by the congregation in remembrance of the palms spread before Christ on the entry into Jerusalem.46 The blessing of palms was widespread, but the full service was generally restricted to cathedrals, urban parishes and the royal chapel. A warrant for the chapel royal dated 12 March 1532 ordered a yard of ‘right purple velvet’ for garnishing the king’s palm and a yard of ‘right crimson’ velvet to garnish the palms of the queen and the princess Mary.47 Henry VIII observed this practice to the end of his reign, as indicated by ‘a warrant for velvet for your Majesty’s Palme’ being granted at the suit of the sergeant of the vestry in May 1546.48 Having processed, the ordinances stated that ‘as the king cometh by the crosse in the hall he leavith his palme there’.49 In addition, the gentlemen ushers were required to approach three or four of the knights at court ‘to be ready to beare the canapie over the sacrament, the which the kinge almoner ought to beare that daie in procession if he be present that daie in courte’.50 As on other important days when the king came down into the chapel, the gentlemen ushers were required to place a carpet and cushion for the king to kneel on. Maundy Thursday, sometimes called Sheer Thursday, commemorated the Last Supper, where Christ washed the feet of his disciples.51 Maundy Thursday was an occasion for crown wearing and it was a day of mourning. As such, blue was an appropriate colour for the monarch to wear. According to the Great Chronicle Henry VI wore ‘a long blew goune of velvet’ on Maundy Thursday 1471.52 The chronicler went on to observe that this was ‘as thouwth he hadd noo moo to change with’ so making the occasion ‘moe lyker a play than the shewyng of a prynce to wynne mennys hertys’. Notwithstanding these comments Henry VI was dressed appropriately for Maundy Thursday.53 Violet was also associated with mourning, and Stow noted in his Survey of London that in ‘1485. The 1st of Henry VII, the mayor, aldermen, sheriffs and commonality, all clothed in violet, as in a mourning colour,

observing the ritual year met the king at Shoreditch, and conveyed him to Paul’s Church, where he offered his banners’.54 In 1503 Henry VII wore blue for his Maundy Thursday observances. This was the year that Elizabeth of York died and he wore the colour of royal mourning as a touching final tribute to his queen. A sword was borne before the king on his way to mass on Maundy Thursday. At three o’clock in the afternoon the king and queen went to the chapel again, this time without a sword or mace, and there, attended by the bishop and dean or subdean, he washed the altars. While this was happening, the vice-chamberlain or a squire for the body held the king’s cap. Afterwards the king returned to his closet and the queen to hers. ‘After that is done the king goeth into his closet or into the wardrobe of the Robes and there he makith redy. And so cometh downe into the hall and the Chappell synging before hym.’55 In spite of their veneration for Henry VI, neither Henry VII nor Henry VIII wore blue on Maundy Thursday — 1503 was exceptional. The two Tudor kings preferred a gown made from 4½ yards (4.1 m) of violet wool, dyed in grain, and trimmed with marten fur. A new gown was made for the king each year, suggesting that the gown was given away after the ceremony. The king distributed gowns of russet wool with hoods and a pair of shoes to one poor man for each year of his life. In addition, the almoner was required to ‘make his grace redie with his towel and apron’ to wash the feet of the poor, while the ushers were ‘to be abowt the king with perfumes’.56 In 1532 the goods needed for the royal maundy were ordered on two warrants dated 12 March. The first authorised the delivery of cloth, hooks and velvet to Richard Green, sergeant of the vestry. This included a length of purple velvet used to wrap the king’s palm and ‘for the washing of the altars on Maundy Thursday’.57 This provision appeared in other years.58 The second ordered the king’s maundy.59 The annual warrants also provide details about the travel arrangements made to deliver the maundy textiles to the king. One from 1543 included provision for carriage from London to St James’s palace.60 The provision for Henry VIII’s maundy ceremonies was consistent in every year bar one. The king’s personal warrant dated 6 January 1539 included three items to be made for Thomas Cromwell, lord privy seal, ‘for the king’s maundy’. Cromwell was provided with a jacket of black velvet embroidered with cord and furred with squirrels and sables, a doublet of black satin, embroidered and fringed and the vents lined with the same satin and a cloak of marble coloured cloth (his own livery colour) guarded with russet velvet, the vents and collar lined with satin and fastened with silk buttons.61 This special provision is an indication of Cromwell’s political supremacy at this time. The Tudor queens consort also distributed maundy.62 Elizabeth of York’s maundy ceremonies were modelled closely on those of her husband, the chief difference being that she distributed clothing and money to poor women. On 24 March 1502 Richard Pain, the queen’s almoner, provided 114s 1d as money for 37 poor women for her maundy. Richard Smith received a late payment of £15 13s 4d for their clothing on 1 December 1502, and a month later Rult, the queen’s

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almoner, was paid 15s 2d for 37 pairs of shoes.63 At the same time Elizabeth gave lengths of cloth to the nurse ‘to the prince brother to the queen’, Edward V, and the sister of Sir Roger Cotton. Catherine of Aragon’s accounts provide further details.64 In March 1520 the queen held her maundy ceremony at Greenwich, and 12d was spent on carriage of cloth and other items from London. Like the king, she wore a gown made from 3¼ yards (2.9 m) of violet cloth in grain. However, unlike the king’s robe which was furred with martens, Catherine’s robe was lined with 13 timbers and 10 skins of ‘fine grey lossee skins’ costing £5 14s 7d, with the furring cost a further 13s 4d. She was also provided with a linen apron and towel (4s) and the same for her almoner (2s 8d).65 Cloth gowns and smocks were provided for 35 poor women at a cost of £16 9s 5d.66 After the Dunstable judgment permitting Henry VIII’s separation from her, Catherine, no longer deemed queen, was not allowed to distribute maundy. Yet she tried to. In 1534 Chapuys remarked to the emperor that ‘Your majesty may imagine the severity used towards the Queen in other things, when on Holy Thursday she was not allowed to hold her Maundy to the poor according to custom and orders have been given not to allow poor people to come near her, because the Lady says that the alms she has been accustomed to give have attracted the love of the people’.67 A year later two of her staff informed Cromwell on 22 March that ‘we have just learnt that the Princess Dowager intends to keep a Maundy, in spite of the King’s order of last year to the contrary. She says she will keep it secretly in her chamber, and wishes to know if she may go to the parish church, where we think she will try to keep it if prevented from doing so privately’.68 On consultation, Henry agreed to Catherine’s observing a maundy, but stipulated that she could do so, not as a queen, but ‘as the King’s grandame did, and many houses of religion do now’.69 The evidence for Catherine Parr’s maundy celebrations gives a good indication of the range of goods required. In April 1544 her almoner purchased one covered tub 2s 8d, three other tubs 6s, one closed basket 16d, two other baskets 2s, four bowls 4s, two half tubs 2s, boat hire 12d and flowers for the maundy 3s 4d.70 Catherine Parr continued to observe her maundy after Henry’s death. Her accounts running from March 1547 record a payment to ‘Mistress Bartholomew for linen for the queen’s last Maundy’ costing £8 11d along with 36 purses costing 18d with 3s in each purse, coming to a total of £5 9s 6d.71

Days of mourning The services held on certain days in the liturgical year, such as Ash Wednesday, Good Friday, All Saints’ day (1 November) and All Souls’ day (2 November), commemorated the dead. On these days the king wore blue, while the rest of the court wore black or they wore sombre colours, and the king’s chamber or chapel was furnished with blue.72 At the time of his coronation Henry VII was provided with ‘xj yerdes of

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fyne blue clothe for a Robe for all soulen day’ costing £6 12s.73 This fits with the household ordinances which recorded how the king should dress: on All hollanday at even-songe, he must leave of his mantel, and come in his circote and furred hudd aboout his necke; hee must change within his travers when they begin placebo, and that must be a robe of blue his kirtle, his sircote, his mantle, and his furred hudd, and his cappe of estate of blew furred; and this must the chamberlaine warne the usher to warne the yeoman of the robes to bring it; . . . and the chamberlaine to beare his trayne; and as for all other lords, knights, and Esquires, to goe in blacke.74

In addition, the Anstis manuscript stated that ‘The blewe Swerde must be sent for to be borne before the king. And see the blew cloth of estate to be hanged vpp and lett it hang All Sowllen day till after noone’.75 Amongst the collection of swords kept in the wardrobe of the robes in 1547 was ‘a bearinge Swourde with a skaberde of blewe vellut the pomell and Crosse varnisshed’ (14433). However, this rule was not always observed. In 1486 Henry VII’s celebrations were very lavish because the feast followed the birth of his first son Arthur on 20 September, and on ‘That Day the King went in a Goune of Clothe of Golde furred, and in no Robes of Estate’.76 There is no direct evidence of how Henry VIII dressed for All Saints and All Souls. His household accounts record that he observed the feast days. For example, on 18 December 1519 Dr Rawson was paid 39s 4d for 54 priests singing for the king’s grace at Our Lady of the Pew at Westminster on All Souls and for the king’s offering of 3s 4d.77 Other payments indicate that the traditional furnishings were still being supplied in the 1540s. In February 1541 Humphrey Orme, yeoman of the beds, finally received payment of 2s 8d for going from London to Windsor ‘for certain stuff to serve the King on Allhalloday’.78 Ash Wednesday marked the start of Lent, and the household ordinances specified that ‘the color of the cloth of Estate the Chair the Cosshins and the skaberd of the kinges sword that day shalbe Blew’.79 The same colour predominated in the king’s chapel which was furnished ‘with a carpet and a blew cushion for the kinge to kneale upon when he shall come thether to take asshes’.80 Henry VIII owned a lot of black clothes, which he could have worn when mourning was required.81 Blue clothing was very rare in the king’s wardrobe, but James Worsley’s wardrobe book did list a few references to blue or blue and black items. These included ‘iij yerdes of blewe velwete for a doblet’ [A903], ‘vij yerdes di of blewe velwete for a doblet & a payre of hose partie with blake tilsent’ [A909] and ‘ix yerdes of blewe velwete for the performyng of a Cote a doblet & a payre of hose of blake tylsent for the king’ [A955]. Hilton also received 3¼ yards (2.9 m) of black velvet, and the same of blue ‘for a Tenes Cote for the kinges grace’ [A905–06]. This selection indicated that the king had sets of clothes that he could have worn as mourning. However, there are no references to Henry VIII having a set of mourning robes like Elizabeth I or even a set of blue robes for mourning as his father had.82 However, according to the king’s warrant from March 1538, a glaudekin of red velvet without sleeves edged

with the same velvet and lined with black satin was ordered as part of a group of mourning clothes ordered for Henry.83

Mourning dress The style of dress for mourning was traditional, consisting of a gown or mantle and a hood to cover the wearer’s eyes. Tippets worn for mourning consisted of a narrow length of material worn hanging from a hood, known as a liripipe, and they were a common feature on mourning or ceremonial robes. Henry VII’s household ordinance stated how a king should dress and how his chamber should be furnished for the burial of a prince of royal blood: yf the King be present he must have a traverse of blewe on the right hand of the quire, and to have on his robes of blewe, and yf he have on his mantle, he must have his hood laid on his shoulder, fastened on the one side with an owche of gold, his cap of estate of blewe on his head . . . and yf he weare not his robe, he must have his hood slivere about his necke, his cappe of estate on his heade.84

English monarchs wore blue, which was the official royal colour of mourning.85 The use of blue distinguished the monarch from the rest of the court and household who were dressed in black. This indicated that the king was ‘above’ mourning. Nevertheless, Henry VII wore black as the main colour for his mourning for Elizabeth of York. A warrant dated 15 March 1503 provided Henry VII with a cloak of black cloth lined with black satin and bordered with black velvet. Rather unexpectedly, the rest of the warrant consisted of a long gown and a glaudekin of red velvet furred with black budge, a red velvet tippet and hood, two single and one double tippet. The scabbards of two swords were also covered with the same velvet.86 With these exceptions, all the other items ordered for Henry VII (on 2, 21 and 27 June and 20 July) were black. However, this order of red mourning may throw light on an order made for Henry VIII in 1537 (but listed on his warrant dated March 1538) when he was in mourning for Jane Seymour.87 Henry VII also ordered black clothing for his three surviving children. During March 1503 a warrant ordered a long gown of black cloth with a hood and tippet and furred with black budge for Prince Henry. The boy also received a black cloth riding gown furred with budge, a jacket of black cloth lined with black satin and bordered with black velvet, two black satin doublets and a black velvet sleeveless jacket. A new horse harness covered with black velvet was also provided for him.88 Further warrants ordering clothing for him dated 12 June and 25 August, listed only black garments. This pattern was also clear in the two warrants issued for Princess Mary on 26 June and 25 September. She received gowns of black cloth, kirtles of black worsted and also of black satin and damask bordered with black velvet, as well as bonnets, partlets and frontlets of black velvet or satin. The black was alleviated slightly by the use of miniver and ermine to fur her gowns, a bonnet of powdered ermine and white sarsenet for girdles.89 Princess Margaret, as has been observed above, was provided with a combination of mourning and her wedding clothes.90

observing the ritual year Henry VIII rarely attended funerals. A notable exception occurred while he was wooing French support against the emperor in his divorce proceedings from Catherine of Aragon. On 27 October 1531, he was chief mourner at the funeral rites for Francis I’s mother. These were held at Waltham abbey, Essex, where ‘the kynge and a great nombre of the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm were present in mournyng apparell at the kynges coste and charge’.91 Among the more distinguished mourners were the duke of Norfolk, the marquess of Exeter and the French ambassador. The king wore a gown, hood, tippet and a mantle with a long train, made from 42½ yards (38.8 m) of fine blue velvet and lined with 43 yards (39.3 m) of blue satin.92 The accounts for his own funeral are the richest source from the mid Tudor period for royal mourning dress. Edward VI was supplied by the late king’s tailor, John Bridges, with a robe of estate of blue velvet lined with white sarsenet and trimmed with a robe lace of blue silk with tassels.93 He also had a doublet and jerkin of blue satin, the doublet being edged with blue velvet, while the jerkin was lined with it. In addition he received a nightgown of purple velvet, edged with the same and furred with sables and squirrels. For going outside he had a cloak of fine black cloth guarded with black velvet and the same velvet was used to lined the vents and cape with the same and a black mourning bonnet. Catherine Parr attended Henry VIII’s funeral, sitting in the queen’s closet in St George’s chapel, Windsor. Nothing has been discovered about her mourning clothes, but Princess Mary’s consisted of a mantle, hood and tippet which cost 10s to make and a surcote for 10s. In addition, she had a turkey gown of black cloth made for 10s and a kirtle of black cloth for 3s [. . .]. Nine slope hoods and tippets were provided for her gentlewomen costing 2s each, while nine turkey gowns came to 24s.94 The type of mourning associated with royal deaths in the popular imagination in 1538 is evident from a report sent to Cromwell. John Colepepper recorded that a woman had been spreading rumours of the king’s death. She said that there were ‘a great meyny of new mourning hats . . . in London, and to every hat a lace, price 4d’.95

Ceremonial robes The strength of a royal house was based on three precepts: ‘the perpetuity of the Dynasty, the corporate character of the Crown and the Immortality of the royal Dignity.’96 The robes worn by the king, the immediate members of his family and the social élite on the major feast days were most effective in reiterating these precepts. Robes of the same type and style had been worn by Henry VIII’s predecessors and they would be worn by his heirs. The king’s robes of estate were made at the time of his coronation and he then wore them on important occasions throughout the reign. During the entertainment of the imperial ambassadors in 1517 an Italian observer noted that the king wore ‘royal robes down to the ground, of gold brocade lined with ermine’.97 This robe sounds very similar to the fur-lined cloth of gold mantle Henry wore for his portrait with the Barber Surgeons (Pl. IIb).

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The mantle was a full-length, formal robe that often had a train. It could form part of a set of ceremonial robes, such as Henry VIII’s parliament robes which consisted of a mantle, a gown or kirtle and a hood [B8, 18]. Juan de Alçega’s tailor’s pattern book, published in 1589, provided patterns for mantles including the chapter mantle for knight commanders of the order of St John and the chapter mantle for general members. These mantles were made from silk and serge and were worn with an over mantle known as ‘St John’s skin’ and a tippet.98 However, Henry VIII also wore mantles for formal but non-ceremonial occasions. A small group of mantles were listed by James Worsley and they were made from very expensive fabrics including cloth of gold after baudekin [B65], tilsent [A1, 30, 143; B43] and cloth of silver [B89]. There were also two examples made of frisado, a napped wool: ‘a mantell of purpull frisado lyned with purpull veluete & borderd with ij borders of purpull veluete’ [B109]. Periodically Worsley ordered other mantles for the king, including ‘xvj yerdes of purpull tylsent for a mantell of the spanysshe facion for the king’ [A762]. Equally, according to Hall in 1514–15, Henry VIII, the duke of Suffolk and two others wore ‘mantels of clothe of siluer & lyned with blew veluet, the syluer was pounsed in letters so that the Veluet might be sene through, the mantels had great capes like to the Portingall slopys’.99 Mantles were also worn for mourning.100 The robes for the chivalrous orders and for parliament were worn for specific occasions where these clothes defined status and identified the wearer as belonging to an élite group. The fossilised forms of the robes, which bore no relation to fashionable dress, were used to imply tradition and the honourable state of the chivalrous orders.101 The sets of formal robes were bought once, when an individual was admitted to a particular group, unless they were granted membership as a child. Henry VIII was almost four when he was made a knight of the Garter in 1495, and so he must have had several sets of new robes as he got older. The chivalric orders were bestowed by monarchs upon one another as symbols of friendship and political affinity. Their possession was a sign of royal exclusivity, of being one of a band of sovereigns. This is indicated by the list of regalia and robes in the possession of James V, king of Scots, in 1539: Item the hatt that come fra the paip of gray velvett with the haly gaist sett all with orient perle. Item the ordoure of the Empriour with the goldin fleis. Item the ordoure of Ingland with sanct George with ane habit the goun of crammesy velvett with ane kirtill of purpour velvett with ane hude of crammesy velvett. Item the ordoure of France of the cokill and sanct Michael.102

The cap of maintenance given by the pope to James resembles that received by Henry VIII and listed in Worsley’s inventory: ‘a Cappe of mayntenaunce of russet veluete with the holy goste enbrauderd with perles and a longe gyrdell of gold of damaske faste to the same’ [B336].103 The robes and regalia for the chivalric orders were essentially the same — mantle, hood and collar — as indicated by Francis I’s comment to Wolsey in 1527 when he proposed that he and Henry VIII should exchange the orders of the Garter and St Michael: ‘it were well done . . . that we should be knit ‘par collets et jambes’’.104

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the order of the garter In 1515 the Venetian ambassador described Henry VIII wearing his garter robes: His Majesty was leaning against a chair, which was covered with cloth of gold brocade, with a cushion of the same material, and a large gilt sword, under a canopy of cloth of gold, with a raised pile. His Majesty. . .wore a very costly doublet, over which was a mantle of violet coloured velvet with an extremely long train, lined with white satin; on his head a richly jewelled cap of crimson velvet, of immense value, and round his neck he wore a collar, studded with many precious stones, of which I never saw the like.105

The livery consisted of a mantle, a gown or kirtle, a hood or cap and a collar. In Henry VIII’s statutes there was no reference to the colour of the gown, while the mantle was blue, and they were made more gorgeously of velvet, rather than wool, as they had been in Henry VI’s reign.106 By tradition, the knights provided their mantles, while the sovereign furnished them with gowns annually. The colour of the gown changed each year, but it was often blue, white, scarlet or sanguine in grain. Warrants recorded in the great wardrobe accounts for Henry VII’s reign describe the large-scale manufacture of gowns for the knights, but there is nothing comparable Henry VIII’s reign.107 Instead, there are warrants providing the newly created knights with gowns of crimson velvet. Thus, on a warrant dated 4 May 1526 the king paid £31 6s 8d for 36 yards (32.8 m) of crimson velvet for gowns and hoods and 20 yards (18.2 m) of white sarsenet for lining for the earl of Arundel and Lord Roos.108 Originally, the number of garters on the gown or kirtle was determined by the rank of the wearer, but this practice gradually went out of fashion and the gown was not decorated. In 1547 there were 320 ‘Garters of Silke price the pece vd’ (14643) in the great wardrobe. The king’s gown was lined with white satin [B12], while those provided for the knights were lined with white sarsenet.109 Henry VIII deployed the garter in two innovatory ways. From the 1540s at least, they featured on furnishings, particularly cloths of estate and beds and from 1542 in the great seal.110 During his reign, a cap of black velvet replaced the earlier hood. Henry can be seen wearing a fashionable flat cap or bonnet in the illustrations in the Black Book of the order of the Garter.111 However, the king still provided his knights with hoods and in 1547 his own robes included a hood of crimson velvet (11246). The king’s garter robes appear in Worsley’s inventory of 1521, the 1542 inventory of Whitehall and the 1547 inventory. They were described in 1542 as ‘thre mantilles for thorder of St. George / two of blew vellat / and thother of purple vellat lyned with white sarceonet’ [10] and ‘thre kirtilles and thre hoodes of Crymsen vellat lyned with white sarceonet’ [11]. Henry is shown wearing the blue velvet mantle over a crimson gown or kirtle at Garter ceremonies in the Black Book of the Garter of 1534 (Pl. IVc). His mantle was decorated with ‘a garter enbrauderd with a scochyn of sainte george in the myddes’ [A346]. Henry’s robes can be compared with those ordered for Francis I on 28 October 1527 which cost £189 7s 3d. There was a long gown with a hood and liripipe made from right crimson velvet and lined with cloth of silver. This

7.3 Silk tassel from Cosimo de’Medici’s mantle of the Grand Master of the Order of St Stephen, 1574. Reproduced from the Janet Arnold Collection by courtesy of her executors

was worn with a mantle with a train made from purple velvet, also lined with cloth of silver and a mantle lace of silk and damask gold with buttons and tassels (Fig. 7.3 tassel). An embroidered escutcheon with the arms of St George was made to decorate the robes and a leather case covered with russet velvet was provided for his collar.112 According to Henry VIII’s statutes for the order, the collar had 26 garters, interspersed with the same number of knots. The garter collar fastened with an image of St George on horseback known as the Great George.113 However, the garter collar listed in the 1547 inventory along with the king’s regalia had less links and was described as ‘a Collar of crowne gold of garters conteyning xxiij garters and xxiij laces knytt together bought of Cornelius heys in Aprell Anno xxvijmo Henrici viijui weying xlv ounces’ (15). The Great George depicted the saint on horseback ‘the foreparte of the George of Dyamountes the Mayle of the curates and Rivet of the same of Siluer half gilte with a sworde in his hand of gold a lozenged Dyamounte like a sheelde and a Dragon of gold weying together iij oz di di quarter’ (9). Henry also wore the Lesser George which was hung around the neck on a ribbon or a chain: ‘a litle George of gold to hang at a Collar of garters weying one ounce quarter di’ (14). Although the king only wore his Garter robes once a year, he wore the insignia of the order — the garter, the garter collar and the Lesser George — more frequently. In the lost mural painted in the privy chamber at Whitehall he appeared with the garter on his left leg. At his death in 1547 he owned a number of garters including ‘a garter wrought in the stoole the boocle and pendaunt Letters and barres of gold enameled weying ij oz di skant’ (13). Henry also incorporated the garter

observing the ritual year

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taken ‘the Queen with him to the Cathedral next day to do honour to the Garter’.121

the order of the golden fleece

7.4

The garter given to Maximilian I by Henry VII. National Trust

into his repertoire of ornament. The list of silver plate at the jewel house in 1547 included 12 silver platters (1858) and 12 silver plates (1859) engraved with the royal arms and ‘the posie of the garter abowte the same’. On the death of a member of the order, his robes and collar reverted to the crown. This helps to explain why these survive so infrequently for the early modern period. A list of wardrobe stuff in the charge of Sir Anthony Denny at Whitehall dated 18 May 1540 included robes of the order of the Garter and parliament robes ‘sometime the marquis of Exeters’.114 On 23 June 1540, the French ambassador described Cromwell’s arrest: ‘The duke of Norfolk having reproached him with some “villennyes” done by him, snatched off the order of St George which he bore on his neck, and the Admiral, to show himself as great an enemy in adversity as he had been thought a friend in prosperity, untied the Garter.’115 A rare survival is the embroidered garter given to the Emperor Maximilian I by Henry VII (Fig. 7.4). The garter regalia of Christian IV of Denmark, which he received from his brother-in-law James I in 1603, is the oldest surviving set.116 The order of the Garter was treated with respect throughout Europe. On 28 January 1517 Sir Robert Wingfield informed Henry from Mechelen that Maximilian ‘entered Diest on the 25th, with the order of St George about his neck’.117 Several days later the earl of Worcester and Bishop Tunstall told him how ‘on Candlemas day the Emperor went to church with his garter and collar’.118 Wingfield also recounted that the emperor had said that ‘they were companions for that day, because both wore the order of the Garter’. On 26 April 1517 Worcester also reported that at Antwerp: on St George’s Day [he] attended a solemn service, at which were present the two Cardinals, the ambassadors of the Pope and the King of Hungary, Duke William of Bavaria, the marquis of Brandenbourg, the Duke of Brunswick and his brother, on the side of the choir opposite the Emperor; and on the Emperor’s side none but the English ambassadors.119

In the following month, Worcester and Tunstall wrote: Yesternight, Lady Margaret told the Chamberlain, that on her asking the King before mass why he was not more gorgeous in his array, as he was to take his oath that day, he answered that when he put on his clothes in the morning he did not know it was to be done that day, and had forgotten his collar and garter, for which he had sent in all haste.120

A decade later, on 26 April 1527, Sir John Wallop wrote to Wolsey from Moravia, noting that the king of Bohemia had

In February 1506 Henry, then prince of Wales, was made a member of the order of the Golden Fleece, or the Toison d’Or, and the Archduke Philip was created a knight of the Garter.122 Henry VII was depicted wearing the collar of the Golden Fleece by Michel Sittow (Pl. IIIc). There is also a portrait of Henry VIII wearing the Golden Fleece, with a black doublet and a jacket with a fur collar, a seventeenth-century copy by an Italian artist, after Holbein, which could be one of a set of portraits depicting knights of the order of the Golden Fleece.123 Henry’s robes are listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book where they were valued at 100 marks: ‘Item a Robe of Thosyn of Crimosyn Veluete Richely enbrauderd lyned with white saten with a hode to the same’ [B9]. Twenty-six years later, after his death, they were described in the wardrobe of the robes as: ‘A mantell of Crimsin veluett Enbrayderyd Lyned wythe white Satten’ (14179) and ‘A kirtill and hoode of Crimsin veluett lyned withe blacke Satten’ (14180). In addition, he had ‘a Coller of golde of thordre of the golden flees with one flees hanging thereunto with twoo other lesse fleeces all in [a] case of blacke lether’ (2588). Members of the order possessed three robes: for the first day of the feast, a scarlet mantle embroidered about the hem with flints striking sparks of fire and fleeces worn with a matching hood; on the same day after dinner the knights changed into black mantles and hoods; initially, on the next day they attended a mass in honour of the Virgin Mary wearing clothes that they felt were suitable, but later mantles of white damask were worn on this day and the scarlet mantles were replaced with violet.124 Henry VIII seems only to have had the robes worn on the first day. This may be because he never attended a meeting of the chapter in person. On 19 May 1516 John Lord Berghes was appointed as Henry’s proctor at the meeting of the order to be held by Charles of Spain on 8 June.125 Thirty years later Maximilian d’Egmont let Henry know that he had been his proxy at the recent meeting and listed the new knights.126

the order of st michael This principal chivalric order in France had been founded by Louis XI in 1469 at Mont St Michel, but not long after it transferred to Paris.127 Louis founded it in answer to Charles the Rash, duke of Burgundy’s establishment of the Golden Fleece.128 Technically, the order met once a year on 29 September, the feast day of St Michael the Archangel who was the protector of France, but this was honoured more in the breach than the observance. At first ‘the Habit appointed by the

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Founder was a mantle of White Damask hanging down to the ground, furr’d with Ermyn, having its Cape embroidered with Gold, and the border of the Robe interwoven with Scallops of Gold, the Chaperon or Hood, with its long Tippet, was made of Crimson velvet’.129 Louis XI’s personal livery colours had been red and white, and this combination was adopted for the robes of the order. Henry VIII’s robes were stored within the wardrobe of the robes in 1547 where they were described as ‘A mantell of clothe of Silver lyned withe white Satten withe Scalloppe Shelles’ (14181) and ‘A hoode to the same of Crimsin veluett embraudered with Scalloppe Shelles lyned with Crimsin Satten’ (14182).130 Edward Hall described the robes more fully: ‘The mantle of the latter Order was of cloth of silver embroidered with French knotts and cockleshelles and the collar was the same deuise having hanging before the breast the image of St Michael.’ It is conceivable, even though the detail is not mentioned in any of the sources, that the gown worn by the king was decorated with salamanders, the personal device of Francis I.131 The gown worn by Edward VI was decorated with interlocking crescent moons, the device of Francis’ successor as king of France. Edward’s gown had ‘a brode border of enbroderie with a wreathe of Venice golde and the scallop shell and a frenge of that same golde and a small border aboute that, the grounde beinge blew vellat embroidered with halfe Moones of silver’.132 Henry was elected to the order of St Michael on 15 September 1527 and he was installed as a knight by Anne de Montmorency, Francis I’s favourite, on 10 November 1527. He became one of the 36 knights under the governance of Francis I. At the investiture ‘The king’s own gown, of which he divested himself, was of cloth of silver, lined with the most beautiful sables, and worth a thousand ducats; this he gave to the Frenchman, the Provost of the Order of St Michael’.133 George Cavendish witnessed the king’s installation: ffor whiche purposely they brought with theme a Colour of fyne gold of the order with a myhell haankyng ther at and Robbes to the same appurtenaunt the whiche was wonderous costly & comly of purpull veluet richely embrodered / I sawe the kyng in all this apparell & habytt passyng thoroughe the chamber of presence vnto his Closett & offered in the same habytt at masse benethe in the Chappell.134

At the same time, Francis I was made a knight of the Garter by Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle. One of the two ambassadors depicted in Holbein’s picture of that name, Jean de Dinteville, standing on the left, wears the robe courte with the order of St Michael or the Ordre du Roi. James V was also a knight of the order and an inventory of his dating from 1539 includes ‘the ordoure of France of the cokill and sanct Michael with ane habit of ane claith of silvir bordourit with the cokkill of gold with the hude of the samyne sort’.135 On 4 October 1540 Pate wrote to the privy council how on ‘Michelmas Day the Emperor wore his robe of the Order of France’.136 The gold collar, made up from alternating paired cockle shells and friar’s girdles (2752), and ‘twoo Michaelles of golde garnysshed with Dyamountes thone standing vpon crosse kayes and thother vpon a Dragon’ (2878) were kept in coffers one and three respectively in the secret jewel house at Whitehall. The ‘litle study called the newe librarye’ at

Whitehall was the repository for a ‘boxe with sondrie wrytinges concerning the ordre of Saynte Mychaell’ (11641). On 9 December 1549, in a gesture combining pragmatism and economy, Edward VI gave his father’s collar to Sir William Herbert in order ‘to make for the said sir wylliam a coller of the garter which coller of St Michell . . . of the weight of xxx oz of golde by vertue of the counsailles warraunt’.137

The king’s parliament robes The king’s scarlet parliament robes were made at his accession. Henry VIII’s robes are first listed Worsley’s inventory. They were valued at £200 and consisted of ‘a kyrtell furred with meneuer’, ‘a Taberd furred with meneuer’, ‘a Hode & a Cappe of estate furred with ermyns’ and ‘a Mantell furred with Ermyns’ [B5–8]. By 1542 his parliament robes were no longer kept in the wardrobe of the robes but at Whitehall, where they remained until his death in 1547. Then they were described as ‘a Mantle for the parliament of crimsen vellat partely furred with powdred armyns and a capp’ (11243) and ‘a kirtle of crymsen vellat and a hoode furred with pure’ (11244). Edward VI’s parliament robes, along with a surcoat and hood furred with ermine, made for him at the time of his coronation, cost £146 13s 4d.138 Although the descriptions of the king’s parliament robes are brief, there are a number of small-scale portraits or miniatures from the plea rolls of King’s Bench depicting Henry VIII in his robes.139 The style of the illustration, usually a formal image of the monarch wearing their parliament robes, seated under a cloth of estate, has many parallels with the style of portraiture found on seals and coins.140 The changing style of the king’s portraiture has been studied but there is also a change in the style of his robes. The king is depicted wearing a mantle with a deep collar of ermine up to the early 1540s (Fig. 7.5). However, by 1543–44 the mantle is clasped on the right shoulder and the section that wraps across the chest is edged with fur (Fig. 7.6). As the great wardrobe accounts are missing for most of the 1540s, it is impossible to tell if the king’s robes were modified to effect this change or if it was purely artistic. The king wore his parliamentary robes at the opening of parliament. He went in procession accompanied by the peers spiritual and temporal in their robes. The Garter king-at-arms had the procession in 1512 painted on a roll (Pl. Va). Henry was depicted under his canopy, with the duke of Buckingham carrying the cap of maintenance in front of him and the earl of Oxford carrying the staff of the lord great chamberlain behind him, while the earl of Surrey walked to his right. On 15 January 1542 the French ambassador recorded how ‘this King, with his dukes, earls and lords, all the prelates and deputies for the people, opened Parliament with the accustomed solemnity’.141 In spite of these two sources, it is telling that there are very few narrative descriptions of the processions to the opening of Parliament. This paucity is particularly surprising as the leading chronicler of Henry VIII’s reign, Edward Hall, was a

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Member of Parliament himself.142 The household ordinances yield details overlooked by parliamentary historians.143 ‘The ordre and maner of comyng of the king to the hollighoste Masse att Westminster before a Parlament’ provides an insight into preparations for the opening of parliament. The document begins by noting that ‘First the king cometh from his Palice called White hall vnto the olde Palice and there puttith on his Robes’. From there he went to the church where he entered, knelt and was met by the abbot. He was then sensed, given the sceptre and then processed from the lower end of the choir to the king’s throne. After hearing mass, ‘he goeth into the Parlament howse with the lordes Spirituall and Temporall. And where nede is required to kepe out the common people Rayles must be appoynted before to be mae by a gentleman vssher to kepe them back’.144 On 9 February 1533 Eustace Chapuys reported to Charles V that: Yesterday, for the second time, the King went to the House of Parliament. He took his seat on his throne, the Nuncio being on his right and the French ambassador on his left. Behind there were all of the Lords dressed like the king in their scarlet Parliament robes. The deputies of the Commons, also in scarlet, presented to the king a lawyer, who had been elected as Speaker. (Fig. 7.7)145

7.5 Henry VIII in his parliament robes, Trinity 1542. The National Archive, KB 27/1124/2

7.6 Henry VIII in his parliament robes, Hilary 1543–44. The National Archive, KB 27/1130

7.7 Henry VIII in parliament, from The Wriothesley Garter Book, c. 1532. RCIN 1047414. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

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Unless ill, Henry VII and Henry VIII attended parliament to open and close the sessions.146 Both remained in close proximity while it was in session. Henry VIII also made a number of appearances in the house of lords and the house of commons when anxious to ensure the enactment of legislation of interest to the crown.147 However, Henry did attend at other times, as a letter from Chapuys written in March 1531 indicates: ‘The king had not yet been at the parliament since it recommenced, until late yesterday, when he remained an hour and a half or two in the House of Lords, and did not go down to that of the Commons.’148 John Malt, the king’s tailor, made parliamentary robes in 1541 for delivery in Ireland. On 26 March he submitted his bill for robes for the earl of Desmond and another man named ‘McGilpatrick’. Sir Richard Rich, as chancellor of the court of augmentations, settled it on the order of the privy council. Malt received £21 8s 4d for making the robes with hoods.149 Thomas Addington also received £10 for furring the robes, £6 for 12 timbers of lettice and £20 for 240 timbers of ‘peward’.150 In August of that year Sir Anthony St Leger reported from

Ireland that O’Donell’s chief councillor asked that the king ‘would send his master some apparel. The king might send him parliament robes, for of other apparel he is better furnished than any Irishman’.151 In spite of the cost of making robes, not everyone kept their parliamentary robes in good condition. On the death of Richard Rawlings, bishop of St David’s, in March 1536, his parliament robe of scarlet cloth was ‘eaten with a rat in the back and perished with moth’ and valued at 40s.152 The great wardrobe provided lengths of red say to furnish the parliament chamber (that is, the house of lords) with for each session and inter-sessional prorogation. For example, a warrant dated 8 October 1531 addressed to lord Windsor authorised him to deliver to Christopher Rochester, gentleman usher of the parliament chamber ‘for the dressing and trimming thereof’ five pieces of red say of the large size, four pieces of the middle size, three score ells of canvas (41.4 m) ‘and as much thread lire and gilt nail as shall suffice and to pay for the workmanship of the same’.153

Notes 1 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 1287. 2 Lisle Letters, v, 1120 (LP xiii.i, 462). 3 LP xiv, 967. 4 LP xxi.i, 109. 5 LP xxi.i, 110. 6 LP iv.iii, 5687. 7 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 312. 8 BL Add. MS 71,009, f. 25r. 9 Ibid., f. 24r. 10 LP xiii.i, 647. 11 Starkey, ‘Old blue gown’, p. 6. 12 LP xv, 154. 13 BL Additional MS 38,174, as identified by Kay Staniland. 14 HO, p. 114. 15 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 234. 16 HO, p. 120. 17 F. Kisby, ‘Religious ceremonial at the Tudor Court: Extracts from royal household regulations’, in I. Archer et al., eds, Religion, Politics and Society in Sixteenth-Century England, Camden Society, Fifth Series, 22 (2003), pp. 1–33; and F. Kisby, ‘When the King Goeth in Procession’: Chapel Ceremonies and Services, the Ritual Year and Religious Reforms at the Early Tudor Court (forthcoming). 18 Pronay and Cox, Crowland Chronicle, p. 173. 19 J. Ullmann, ed., Liber Regie Capelle, Henry Bradshaw Society, 92 (1961), p. 18. 20 HO, p. 120. 21 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 235. 22 Bod Lib Rawlinson MS D.777, f. 181r. 23 Gordon, Wilton Diptych, p. 57. 24 BL Additional MS 71,009, f. 15v. 25 LP xv, 23. 26 HO, p. 119. 27 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 234. 28 Ibid., p. 255. 29 M. A. Hayward, ‘Symbols of majesty: Clothes of estate at the court of Henry VIII’, Furniture History, 41 (2005), pp. 1–11. 30 Corpus Christi is a movable feast and Midsummer’s day is the last day it can fall. 31 PPE Elizabeth, p. 33. 32 Public processions were a less common feature of English court ceremonial than they were in Europe. On 6 September 1546 Carne wrote to Paget from Brussels, noting that ‘Yesterday was a solemn procession about a great part of the town, wherein went the Queen and all of the nobles of the Court and town, every man carrying a torch’; LP xxi.ii, 33.

33 F. Kisby, ‘Kingship and the royal itinerary: a study of the peripatetic household of the early Tudor kings 1485–1547’, The Court Historian, 4.1 (1999), pp. 29–39. 34 Ibid., p. 34. 35 For the last warrant for the king’s maundy dated April 1546, see LP xxi.i, 650.68. 36 See ‘The Mass of the Purification in the Chapel Royal Hampton Court Palace’, The Court Historian, Extra Series No. 1 (1997). 37 Hutton, Rise, p. 17. 38 Laynsmith, Last Medieval Queens, p. 116. 39 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 256. 40 Hutton, Rise, p. 18. 41 HO, p. 116. 42 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 14 (LP i.i, 678). 43 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 256. 44 BL Additional MS 71,009, f. 16r. 45 Ibid., 71,009, f. 16r. 46 Branches of willow, sallow, box, yew or other evergreens were used; see Hutton, Rise, pp. 20–21. 47 LP v, 862. 48 LP xxi.i, 963.91. 49 BL Additional MS 71,009, f. 22v. 50 Ibid., f. 17v. Elsewhere in the manuscript, it stipulates that six knights should be approached. 51 In 1528–29, Henry bought a set of four tapestries of the Passion which included ‘Christes mawndye’; LP iv, 979.1; Campbell has identified this set as entry 8992 in the 1547 inventory, Art of Magnificence (forthcoming). Use of this set in the royal chapel would have reinforced the symbolism of the Easter services. 52 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 215. 53 Starkey, ‘Old blue gown’, p. 3. 54 Stow, Survey, p. 445. 55 BL Additional MS 71,009, ff. 23r–v. 56 Ibid., f. 23v. In 1544 Charles V celebrated Maundy Thursday in Speyer. Before he washed the feet of the poor, ‘Care had been taken to ascertain that those people were in good health, nay their feet had been washed beforehand’; H. Soly, ed., Charles V 1500–1558 (Antwerp, 1999), p. 394. 57 LP v, 862. 58 For example, in a warrant dated 8 February 1530, TNA E101/420/1, no. 53. 59 LP v, 863. 60 LP xviii.i, 275. 61 TNA E36/456, ff. 15r–v.

observing the ritual year 62 Elizabeth I held the traditional maundy ceremonies, but Janet Arnold found no references to her ordering special clothing for the occasion; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 67–68. 63 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 1, 75, 85; also p. 4. 64 There are several undated references in the very fragmentary volume of Catherine’s wardrobe accounts; see TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 65 While there are no illustrations of the maundy celebrations from Henry’s reign, there is the miniature attributed to Levina Teerlinc of c. 1560 recording a maundy ceremony at which Elizabeth I wore a blue gown with a train and a comparable long, white linen apron, illustrated in Doran, Elizabeth, pp. 74, 110. 66 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 1v. This level of expenditure compares favourably with the sum recorded in 1536 for Anne Boleyn’s maundy costs of £31 3s 9½d; TNA SP1/104, f. 8r. 67 LP vii, 469. 68 LP viii, 428. 69 LP viii, 435. 70 TNA E315/161, f. 64r. 71 TNA E315/340, unfoliated. 72 BL Additional MS 38,174, f. 34v. 73 TNA LC9/50, f. 134v. 74 HO, p. 119. 75 BL Additional MS 71,009, f. 25r. 76 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 207. 77 TNA E36/216, p. 137. 78 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 173r (LP xvi, 1489). 79 BL Additional MS 71,009, f. 17r. 80 Ibid., 71,009, f. 17r. 81 See above, pp. 98, 120. 82 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 58. 83 TNA LC 9/51, f. 256v. 84 HO, pp. 130–31. 85 At the reburial of his father, Richard, duke of York, and his brother Edmund, earl of Rutland, at Fotheringhay in July 1476, Edward IV wore ‘a blue habit and his mourning hood was furred with miniver’; BL Harley MS 48, transcribed in full in A. F. Sutton, L. Visser-Fuchs and P. W. Hammond, eds, The Reburial of Richard Duke of York, The Richard III Society (1996), p. 18. 86 TNA E101/415/10, f. 12v. 87 See above, p. 104. 88 TNA E101/415/10, ff. 11v–12r. 89 Ibid., ff. 26v, 28r. 90 See above, p. 56. 91 Hall, Chronicle, pp. 787–88. 92 TNA LC2/1, f. 174r. The velvet was supplied by William Botry at a cost of £43 and the satin by Thomas Mount for £17. The gown, hood, tippet and mantle were made by John Malt, the king’s tailor, for 26s 8d. 93 TNA LC2/2, f. 3r. The velvet and sarsenet were supplied by Thomas Storey for £17 15s, while Anne Grey provided the robe lace costing 40s. 94 TNA E101/424/7, ff. 6r–v. 95 LP xiii.i, 6. 96 Kantorowicz, King’s Two Bodies, p. 316. 97 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 918. 98 Alçega, Pattern Book, pp. 36–37. 99 Hall, Chronicle, p. 580. 100 See above, pp. 134–35. 101 For general context, see Anglo, Spectacle, and D. Shaw, ‘Nothing but propaganda? Historians and the study of early modern royal ritual’, Cultural and Social History, 1 (2004), pp. 139–58. 102 Collection of the Inventories, p. 49. 103 Henry also received ‘a Riche swerde that was the king from the popes holynes. The hafte & shethe of siluer & gilt with a longe gyrdell of cloth of gold with bokelles pendauntes and studdes of siluer and gilt’ [B335]. 104 Starkey, European Court, p. 94. 105 Brown, Four Years, i, p. 85.

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106 Ashmole, Garter, p. 209. 107 See above, p. 77. 108 Ashmole, Garter, pp. 212–13; TNA E36/224, p. 36. 109 Ashmole, Garter, p. 214. 110 Ibid., p. 207; A. Wyon, The Great Seals of England (1887), p. 69. 111 Ashmole, Garter, p. 215. 112 TNA LC 9/51, f. 160r. 113 Ashmole, Garter, p. 221. 114 BL Royal MS 7 C. XVI, f. 60 (LP xv, 686). 115 LP xv, 804. 116 Rosenborg Castle, Copenhagen; Scarisbrick, Jewellery, p. 131; Scarisbrick, Tudor, pp. 82–83. 117 LP ii.ii, 2841. 118 LP ii.ii, 2865. 119 LP ii.ii, 3174. 120 LP ii.ii, 3233. 121 LP iv.ii, 3067. 122 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 276; La Toison d’Or, p. 149. 123 NPG 324; Strong, Tudor and Jacobean Portraits, i, pp. 155–56; La Toison d’Or, p. 153. 124 Ashmole, Garter, p. 116. 125 LP ii.i, 1910. 126 LP xxi.i, 52. 127 Ashmole, Garter, p. 119. 128 Boulton, Knights of the Crown, p. 431. 129 Ashmole, Garter, p. 119. The livery was changed by Henry II. 130 The notice of Henry VIII’s election to the Order and his copy of the statutes are both extant, see TNA E30/1447 (LP iv.ii, 3428.1, 2) and E36/276 (LP iv.ii, 3428.4). 131 I would like to thank Alasdair Hawkyard for this suggestion. 132 BL Stowe MS 557, f. 5r; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 252. 133 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, 208. 134 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 66. 135 Collection of Inventories, p. 49. 136 LP xvi, 122. 137 SoA MS 129, f. 184v. 138 TNA LC 2/3.i, p. 17. 139 Auerbach, Tudor Artists, pp. 25–37, 59–72; Foister, Holbein, pp. 191–93. 140 Portraits of this type were not restricted to the monarchy. In April 1528, during the establishment of Cardinal’s College, Ipswich, Wolsey paid 2s each for 28 skins of vellum ‘for drawing and flourishing letters in the same, as well for the king’s patents as for my lord’s deeds and charters’; LP iv.ii, 4229. 141 LP xvii, 34. 142 Anglo, Images, p. 107. 143 See H. S. Cobb, ‘Descriptions of the state opening of parliament 1485–1603’, Parliamentary History, 23 (1999), pp. 303–15; and H. S. Cobb, ‘Staging of ceremonies of state in the House of Lords’, in C. Riding and J. Riding, eds, The Houses of Parliament: History, Art and Architecture (2000), pp. 32–35. 144 BL Additional MS 71,009, f. 22r. 145 LP vi, 142. 146 On 12 August 1539 Marillac wrote to Montmorency, observing that, ‘This King continues his progress, gradually approaching London where he will be at Michaelmas to attend Parliament which commences 1 November and lasts till Christmas’; LP xiv.ii, 35. 147 See A. Hawkyard, The House of Commons 1509–1558: Introductory Survey (forthcoming). 148 LP v, 120. Chapuys noted that on 31 March ‘the king about 5 p.m. was with the Parliament’; LP v, 171. Also see LP xiv.i, 1003. 149 TNA E315/250, f. 43r (LP xvii, 258). 150 LP xvi, 658. 151 LP xvi, 1127. 152 LP x, 431. 153 LP v, 470.

viii Caring for the King’s Clothes: The Wardrobe of the Robes and the Laundry

H

enry VIII’s clothes represented a substantial financial investment and they required regular care. This task fell to the officers of the wardrobe of the robes, and the king’s clothes dictated the pattern of their working lives on two levels. On a purely practical level, they got out the clothes and took them to the king daily; they kept the garments clean, fragrant and in good repair; they packed and transported the king’s coffers so ensuring that his clothes were in the right place at the right time and they documented the items by recording them in an inventory or wardrobe book.1 Washing and other specialist forms of cleaning were undertaken by the king’s laundress. On a personal level, these men came in daily contact with the king. In 1528 there were fears over disease at court, and on 1 July Thomas Heneage observed that ‘the King and his household are well, except one of his wardrobe and a gentleman’s servant’.2 The illness of someone in such regular attendance on the king was inevitably cause for concern. However, proximity also brought these men access to royal patronage and increased their chances of perquisites. At an institutional level, this level of access contributed to the department’s shift from the chamber to the privy chamber.3 Consequently, while the officers of the robes were traditionally tailors, by 1547 courtly manners and a talent for administration were essential prerequisites for the job.

The king’s wardrobe of the robes: a route to success The wardrobe of the robes was one of the smaller departments within the royal household, having a staff of three: a yeoman,

a groom and a page. However, what it lacked in size, it made up for with a growing level of influence. Visually, this change was evident in the shift from the yeoman of the robes receiving watching livery of russet along with the other yeomen of the guard, to his being given the black and coloured liveries of the privy chamber.4 Materially, the yeoman all benefited from their time in office. By including Henry VII’s yeomen of the robes in the analysis, their achievements become even clearer: they all accumulated other offices and land, they all built up land holdings away from London, many of them had interests in Calais and the wool trade, offices and annuities were often passed from one yeoman to the next and in addition, the yeoman was often keeper of the palace of Westminster and later of Whitehall. With the exception of Sir Anthony Denny, being yeoman was the pinnacle of their careers and, consequently, most of them died in office. John Fligh was appointed as yeoman of the robes on 26 January 1486 with wages of 6d a day.5 During his tenure of this office he accumulated a number of other posts which added to his income and his social standing. He was also keeper of the wardrobe in the palace of Westminster with a salary of 8d a day.6 On 27 August 1489 he was appointed as the constable of Penreth castle, Cumberland.7 In the following November, he was granted two messuages and four tenements in East Greenwich, Kent, with a rent of a red rose at Michaelmas.8 Finally, in February 1497 he was made keeper of the manor and park of Staundon, with fees from Michaelmas.9 He appears to have died in office in early spring 1504 because his offices were redistributed between 20 March and 1 April, when Richard Smith, a London clothier, was named as his successor.10 In June 1509 Smith was appointed as the customs collector for wool and woolfells in Calais.11 He bought cloth for Henry VIII, including while they were on campaign in 1513. On

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8 October he received £14 from John Dauntsey for a piece of purple velvet bought from a merchant from Antwerp at 14s the yard and a selection of other stuff bought from William Copland and three Dutchmen costing £155 12s 14d.12 He received a warrant for a gown of tawny camlet in December 1514 from the great wardrobe.13 He maintained his interest in Calais and in June 1515 Smith and John Sharp were named as customers there.14 Five years later he surrendered the post of customs collector and the office was transferred to James Worsley.15 By 1526 he was listed as a groom of the chamber in the Eltham Ordinances with a salary of 40s a year.16 Smith was succeeded as yeoman by James Worsley, who was first listed as a member of the wardrobe’s staff on 8 October 1511 when he was issued with a gown of russet damask as groom of the robes.17 The position of these officers within the household is indicated by their receiving New Year’s gifts from the king. On 1 January 1513, the goldsmith William Holland made a parcel gilt pot weighing 10 oz (0.28 kg) for Worsley, and eight spoons, for the page, weighing 9¾ oz (0.27 kg).18 Like Smith, he had interests in Calais.19 In May 1520 he was made captain of Carisbroke castle, Isle of Wight, steward of the crown lands and master of the hunt in the royal forest there with £20 a year.20 He attended the king at the Field of Cloth of Gold and received monthly wages as yeoman. By January 1522, he was made the chief steward of the lordship of Petersfield, Hampshire, as held by the duke of Buckingham, with £5 a year.21 By 1526, John Parker had been appointed as yeoman, although the first reference to him receiving wages was not until October 1528.22 Like Denny after him, he was keeper of the palace of Westminster (Whitehall) and was named as such in the Eltham Ordinances with a salary of £9 2s 6d.23 On 24 February 1530 he received silver and gold tinsel bought from Anthony Carsidony for the king’s use.24 Like Worsley he was ranger of the king’s forest on the Isle of Wight, while an annuity he held passed to Ralph Worsley of the queen’s robes in 1537.25 The best known and most successful holder of the office of yeoman was Sir Anthony Denny (Fig. 8.1).26 Denny was made keeper of Whitehall palace with 12d a day, along with the park, tennis courts and other places for entertainment in January 1536.27 In September of the following year he was appointed as yeoman of the robes. In October 1538 he received a grant in survivorship with Thomas Heneage, groom of the stool, as bailiff of Cheshunt manor, Hertfordshire.28 A few months later, he moved on from the robes. Henry VIII’s last yeoman of the robes was Richard Cecil, grandfather of Robert Cecil.29 In 1520 he attended the Field of Cloth of Gold as a page of the chamber and in the following year he was described as the king’s servant. Throughout his period of royal service, he steadily acquired land in Northamptonshire. He was given the reversion as bailiff of Torpell in 1521 and made keeper of the park, manor and woods with £5 14s a year.30 In the following year he was granted the reversion as constable of Maxey castle and the keepership of swans in Northamptonshire and Lincolnshire.31 In August 1528 he was the groom of the robes and he was

8.1 Portrait of Sir Anthony Denny by a follower of Hans Holbein the Younger. Private collection. Photo: Photographic Survey, Courtauld Institute of Art

made porter of Warwick castle and keeper of the vineyard with a tenement and wages.32 In April 1539 he was described as the yeoman of the robes with fees of 12d a day, with wages from 31 December 1538.33 In a household list of 1540 he was described as a gentleman of the privy chamber, reinforcing the transfer of the wardrobe officers. In July 1544 he was granted the manor of Esingdon in Rutland in fee for £373 9s 4d.34 He also acquired property in London including, in August 1546, the almshouse within the precinct of the Westminster abbey worth 39s 5½d a year.35 Although named as yeoman of the robes in the 1547 inventory, he lost his office on Edward VI’s accession.36 However, he was named in Henry VIII’s will, an indication of the favour that he had enjoyed.37 The robes shared a clerk with the wardrobe of the beds. Like the other officers within the robes, the clerk was in regular receipt of offices and grants.38 In June 1511, John Porth, clerk of the wardrobes, was given corrody in the abbey of Beawley, Hampshire.39 A sense of Porth’s day-to-day activities can be gained from a payment made to him in December 1516. John Porth and John Digby ‘being about the king’s business in the standing wardrobe of the robes in the Tower’ were paid at a rate of 8d a day each for six days each, while Jasper Worsley, yeoman, received 12d a day.40 This payment probably related to Worsley’s wardrobe book (see the transcript of Worsley’s wardrobe book, pp. 369–411). In April 1517 he was provided with two books for the robes, one for the king and one for the yeoman.41 In the following year, he received six skins of parchment to make indentures for the wardrobe.42 A year later in December 1519 he was paid at a rate of 8d a day, for 60 days’ attendance on the duke of

the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry Suffolk and the other commissioners working in the wardrobe of the robes and the jewel house in the Tower.43 In March 1521, he received 26s 8d for books bought for the king’s robes and for his attendance on the commissioners.44 This is, most probably, a back payment for his work compiling Worsley’s inventory (see the transcript of Worsley’s inventory, pp. 413– 32). In April 1529 John Plowfield was clerk with board wages for 120 days of 40s.45 The clerks worked closely with their colleagues. John Briggs, clerk of the king’s wardrobe, died in July 1537. However, his death was misreported, ‘by reason of which no money was paid to him for that quarter’. On the instigation of John Reed, Brigg’s executor and James Joskyn, the new clerk, a payment of 70s was made to Reed.46 Joskyn was appointed with fees of £4 a year for the robes and £10 for the beds in September 1537.47 The split in the fees indicates the relative volume of business related to the two wardrobes. Henry not only ordered livery for the officers of the robes on his own warrants, he also periodically ordered furnishings for them. While the wardrobe of the robes was part of the chamber, the orders were small and infrequent. On 26 April 1516 Jasper Domriche supplied two brass candelabra and a salt of tin for the wardrobe, while Henry Cliderow provided a featherbed, a bolster and a verdure counterpoint, John Bevan delivered cloth for making a pair of fustians and William Nicholson sold linen for sheets.48 After the robes became part of the privy chamber, the purchases were more frequent. In January 1534 John Bevan was paid 30s for a sparver of red and green buckram, paned, fringed with red and green and lined with canvas.49 Five years later, Thomas Chapel received 10s for dyeing 60 yards (54.8 m) of red and green buckram and 5s for making a hanging from the same for the wardrobe. The king’s arras maker, John Musting, repaired three pieces of arras in the wardrobe of the robes at Greenwich for 40s.50 In March 1544 he charged 60s for mending two hangings of imagery and two counterpoints.51 All these furnishings indicate that the wardrobe officers had comfortable lodgings.

The queen’s wardrobe of the robes Like the king’s wardrobe, the queen’s wardrobe of the robes had the same staffing structure of a yeoman, a groom and a page. The officers were expected to be skilled as tailors, as in the case of Richard Justice, page of the robes to Elizabeth of York. Justice was paid 4d for hemming one of the queen’s damask kirtles, 4d for mending a crimson velvet gown and 4d for mending a black velvet gown. Even so, the officers of the robes did not have a monopoly on undertaking repairs. Robert Ragdale received 4s 10d for mending Elizabeth of York’s gowns and kirtles.52 The queen’s wardrobes also had their own clerk.53 However, the fact that there could be periods when the queen’s household was not constituted meant that service with a queen consort did not provide such a defined career path as with a king or queen regnant. Henry VII had one queen and during her lifetime she was served by a small group of individuals. Richard Smith was appointed as Elizabeth of York’s yeoman of the robes on 20 June 1486 and

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in September he received a grant of herbage and pannage of a park in Warwickshire.54 He evidently provided good service because in February 1489 he received a grant for life as yeoman along with an annuity of 20 marks.55 Richard Justice did not serve in the robes for as long. He was described as page of the robes in April 1502 when he travelled to London to meet with the queen’s chamberlain.56 After Elizabeth’s death, he was granted the next opening within Henry VII’s robes and was made his yeoman in April 1504. In contrast, Richard Justice was given a post in Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe after her marriage. Unlike his father, Henry VIII had six wives. Looking at the fragmentary lists for their households, it is evident that several men made a good living within the wardrobe of the robes. Ralph Worsley served Catherine of Aragon as page of the robes, and Jane Seymour, Anne of Cleves and Catherine Parr as yeoman, while Thomas Fretton worked with Anne Boleyn, Anne of Cleves and Catherine Parr as groom.57 Equally, it is notable that the officers who had served Catherine of Aragon did not seek or were not offered employment with Anne Boleyn. A few, like George Brigus, yeoman of the beds, transferred into the service of the Lady Mary.58 However, under Henry’s later wives, the officers transferred from one to the next with relative ease. Taking Worsley’s career as example, he was first listed as a page of Catherine of Aragon’s robes in February 1526 when he received a grant of four tenements in the parish of St Mildred in the Poultry, while in July 1529 he was named as one of the executors of William Mortimer, the king’s embroiderer.59 By August 1537, he was yeoman of robes to Jane Seymour when he received a grant of 6d a day as a fee of the crown, previously held by John Parker.60 At the time of her death, Jane’s jewel book listed him as being responsible for several gold borders, including ‘ij borders of golde enameled with white and blue (sett vppon a paire of sleues of cremisen veluet)’ and many of her gold buttons.61 In Anne of Cleve’s household accounts for 1539–40, he received £100 on 11 January and £150 in February 1540 towards the costs of her short-lived wardrobe of the robes.62 Prior to this, Worsley, as yeomen of the robes and John Scut, tailor, Mistress Addington, skinner and Gullym the embroiderer were all retained on quarterly wages from Midsummer 1539.63 The entries relating to Worsley’s role within Catherine Parr’s household accounts reflect the pattern of his working life. He received 20s for his costs for being in London from St Thomas’s day (before Christmas) until Easter at sundry times, 30 days in all at 2s the day. He also received £3 for talwood, faggots and coals for airing of the queen’s stuff at Baynard’s castle for half a year.64

Ordering clothes for the king James Worsley’s wardrobe book reveals that the officers of the robes not only managed the silk store held within the wardrobe of the robes, they also allocated that cloth to the king’s artificers. While the great wardrobe worked with a cycle of two or three warrants a year for the king by the time

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the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry Table 8.1: Clothes made by William Hilton and John de Paris that were commissioned through the wardrobe of the robes

Garment

William Hilton

John de Paris

Outer garments Chammers – Chammers and coats – Chammers and doublets Coats – Coats and doublets – Demi-coats – Riding coats – Riding coats and demi-coats – Riding coats, demi-coats and hoods – Riding coats and doublets – Riding coats, jackets and doublets – Riding coats and stalking coats – Stalking coats – Stalking coats and caps – Tennis coats Double cloaks Frocks – Frocks and doublets – Frocks and mantles Glaudekins Gowns

7 1 ~ 6 ~ 3 4 3 2 1 ~ 5 ~ 2 2 ~ 9 1 1 6 23

~ ~ 2 3 1 ~ 4 ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ 1 ~ ~ 3 5 4 ~ ~ 16

Garment

William Hilton

– Capes of gowns – Long gowns – Nightgowns Jackets – Jackets and demi-coats Mantles Doublets and hose Doublets Arming doublets Doublets and hose Doublets and jackets Doublets and mantles Accessories Partlets Partlets and hoods Placards Stomachers Headwear Bonnets Night bonnets Riding caps

John de Paris

5 3 1 8 1 6

~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~

50 1 1 12 ~

7 ~ 2 14 1

7 1 1 18

~ ~ ~ ~

9 8 2

~ ~ ~

Table 8.2: Modifications made by William Hilton and John de Paris that were commissioned through the wardrobe of the robes Techniques

William Hilton

John de Paris

Applying borders Covering Edging Guarding Hemming Lining New making Performing Stocking hose Welting

2 demi-coats, 3 frocks, 2 hoods, 2 riding coats ~ 1 cloak, 1 chammer, 1 coat, 1 demi-coat, 1 gown 2 coats, 1 riding coat, 1 stalking coat, 240 coats for the Guard 1 coat and demi-coat 2 demi-coats, 2 glaudekins, 2 gowns, 1 long gown ~ ~ 2 pairs 3 coats

1 cloak, 1 coat 1 doublet, 1 riding coat ~ ~ ~ 1 double cloak, 2 double mantle, 5 gowns 2 doublets, 2 jackets 1 doublet, 1 jacket ~ 5 coats, 11 doublets, 1 frock, 4 gowns, 8 jackets, 1 partlet, 1 riding coat

that Worsley was yeoman, the wardrobe of the robes supplied small quantities of cloth to the king’s tailor, hosier and a range of other craftsmen much more regularly. Taking the cloth deliveries made to William Hilton, the king’s tailor, as an example, he was commissioned to make hose as follows: on 8 occasions in 1516–17, 15 in 1517–18, 29 in 1518–19 and 7 in 1519–20. This frequency of orders ensured that Henry had a regular supply of new clothes in between the larger orders. The quantity and variety of garments listed in Table 8.1 reveals the volume of work passing to the king’s tailor from the wardrobe of the robes. All the principal garments recorded in Worsley’s inventory feature in the table, as well as 16 different combinations of garments and accessories. This emphasis on garments being ordered in sets created a selection of items made from cloth of matching colour and type or with a unifying scheme of decoration. Many of the garments ordered in sets were informal, sporting dress such as matching riding coats, demi-coats and hoods or riding coats and stalking coats. The king’s tailors also undertook a range of other activities at Worsley’s behest, including altering, re-trimming or

repairing the king’s clothes (Table 8.2). These tasks, although occupying a smaller amount of time than making new garments, still formed a significant part of Hilton’s and Paris’s work. By comparing the entries in Worsley’s wardrobe book and the great wardrobe accounts for 1516–17 and 1517–18 for Croughton, the king’s hosier, it is possible to draw the conclusion that the items ordered by Worsley were additional to those ordered through the great wardrobe. Some of the hose listed in the great wardrobe accounts were stocked with wool and the suppliers of the cloth were named in the accounts. A number of pairs of hose stocked with satin appear in each of the great wardrobe warrants, but only six pairs were listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book. The accounts also list the source of the fabric used by Croughton, either by naming the suppliers or noting when cloth had come from the great wardrobe. Very rarely, fabric from other sources was acknowledged as on a warrant dated 14 April 1511, when 38 yards (34.7 m) of blue satin ‘which was spent at jousts for divers coats at Westminster’ were described as being ‘from the store’.65 ‘The store’ in question must have been the wardrobe of the robes.

the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry

Caring for the king’s clothes According to Edward IV’s Black Book, the wardrobe officers were expected to ‘put to theire hondz to amend many defautz with the needle worke, but specially they clense and purify all that longeth’ to the wardrobe. There is little direct evidence of the officers of the robes undertaking repairs during Henry VIII’s reign. Rather, the great wardrobe accounts and Worsley’s wardrobe book show that the king’s tailor carried out a regular programme of alterations, relining, enlarging and repairs.66 The wardrobe officers were also expected to prevent theft and loss of the king’s clothes and accessories and the materials that they were made from. This included monitoring the transfer of precious materials between the king and the king’s goldsmith or other artificers such as the king’s embroiderer. On 20 November 1530 John Parker acknowledged receipt of 14 ‘gret balessys set in gold to be set vppon the slevys of a goune of crymsyn velvet’.67 In September 1546 Richard Cecil was granted a discharge ‘for ten loops of goldsmith’s work, having little stones, taken from the Turkey gown of purple velvet, of a new making, and delivered to your majesty’s own hand’.68 Damage was caused to the king’s clothes by use. The hems of floor-length gowns became worn by dragging on the ground, while ornate sleeves abraded the fabric at the centre front of a gown or doublet. Jewellery, either stitched to garments or worn with them, could also cause damage, as indicated by a letter sent on 20 November 1535 to Lady Lisle: ‘I send a girdle of the best fashion and best aymell of any I can find. If you do not like it return it and it shall be changed. I could find none that would less hurt your sleeves and the wreathes upon the enamel will keep it long.’69 Gentle brushing was the main type of cleaning undertaken by the officers of the robes, and regular orders for brushes appear in the warrants for the king’s clothes. In March 1544 John Malt sold 24 brushes and 24 rubbers to the robes for 18s.70 The number of brushes and the regularity of the orders imply that they were well used and they did not last long. John Russell’s Boke of Nurture emphasised the value of regular brushing as part of a weekly programme to check garments as well as to address specific problems: In the warderobe ye must muche entende besily the robes to kepe well / & also to brusche them clenly; with the ende of a soft brusche ye brushe them clenly, and yet ouer moche bruschynge werethe cloth lyghtly. Lett neuer wollyn cloth ne furre passe a seuenyght to be vnbrosshen & shakyn / tend therto aright, for moughtes be redy euer in them to gendur & alight therfore to drapery / & skynnery euer haue ye a sight.71

Russell makes the point that over-vigorous brushing could cause damage to delicate fabrics and eventually make them thin.

Specific packing materials Many of the king’s clothes were made of expensive cloth which incorporated metal thread or was embellished with

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metal thread embroidery or jewels. On a warrant dated 23 February 1511, William Botry received 33s 4d for five pieces of blue and green buckram to be placed between six glaudekins and six jackets of cloth of gold to protect them during transit or ‘to kepe theym from fretyng’.72 This technique of interleaving expensive textiles with a cheaper fabric was also used for the king’s best furnishings.73 Another alternative was to pack clothes in linen sheets and new trussing sheets were made for the wardrobe of the robes on a regular basis. A warrant dated 10 April 1511 included 100 ells (68.5 m) of linen for eight pairs of trussing sheets at a cost of 66s 8d. Each pair cost 1s to make. Individual garments were often provided with their own cases. Cases were usually made from buckram for cloaks, gowns and doublets, but not always. Stephen Jasper was paid 12d on a warrant dated 29 July 1511 for making ‘a case for a gown of crimson satin to keep it fretyng’, while the 12 yards (10.9 m) of red buckram the case was made from cost 10s. John Malt made four cloak cases from black bridges satin for Catherine Parr that were lined with buckram. The same warrant included provision for Malt making a further six cloak bags. However, this did not reflect the number of cloaks made for the queen at this time, suggesting that storage bags could be ordered after the garments had been made.74 Some cases were quilted inside including ‘a case for a gowne of crymsen sarceonet the ynsyde being of the same sarceonet with a bordre quilted rounde aboute it’ (11259) and ‘four cases for doublettes of white sarceonet quilted theinsyde being of the same Sarceonet’ (11260). William Green, the king’s coffer maker, supplied the wardrobe of the robes with a range of chests and coffers including trussing coffers (20s for a pair), cloth sacks (33s 4d each) and males (13s 4d for two).75 He also made wicker baskets such as a basket covered with leather, bound with iron and lined with yellow cotton and two wicker baskets lined with leather costing 6s 8d.76 In addition, he supplied coffers with specific functions including two ‘jewel coffers with tills and particions and lined with green buckram’ at a cost of £8, a round case for hats, a case for caps, a case for staves and a case for the king’s swords, all priced at 20s each.77 Other modifications included locks for added security as in the case of a male sold to the robes by Thomas Lock for 8s ‘to truss the king’s gowns with a lock and key’.78 Chests and coffers were often used for storage and transportation.79 Lady Margaret Beaufort’s closet had ‘ij litill coffers of one sorte couered with red lether payntid full of ymagery and portculios’, while her wardrobe of the robes had two standards valued at 10s each and ‘a little standard’ priced at 4s.80 The chests could be subdivided with tills to make it easier to find small or precious items (Figs 8.2 and 8.3). An undated list of ‘stuff remaining within the less standard of the king with the wardrobe of the robes’ gives a good indication of the capacity of the larger standards supplied to the robes.81 The coffer held 24 doublets, 21 pairs of hose, ten partlets, four petticoats, 31 stomachers, eight neck tippets, 27 sword girdles, 16 swords and skeins, five wood knives, 18 daggers, four staffs and 21 pairs of shoes.

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the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry

8.2 External view of Lady Margaret Beaufort’s coffer, Westminster Abbey Muniment Room. By courtesy of the Dean and Chapter

8.3 Detail of Lady Margaret Beaufort’s coffer showing the interior view, Westminster Abbey Muniment Room. By courtesy of the Dean and Chapter

Transporting clothes The officers of the robes had to ensure that the king’s clothes were where he needed them, because many events required specific types, qualities or colours of clothing. This was particularly important for robes of estate, because even Henry VIII only had one set of these. For Pentecost 1486 Henry VII was in York and ‘on Whitsonday the King went in Procession, and hard his divine Service in the Cathedrall Chirche of the

saide Citie having no Robes of Estate upon hym, but a Gowne of Cloth of Golde of Tissue lined with blake Satine’.82 However, it was equally important that the king’s general wardrobe was where he needed it, and for Henry VIII’s predecessors who owned less clothes than he did it would have been even more important. Elizabeth of York’s privy purse recorded payments for transporting her clothes between Baynard’s castle and the various royal palaces in and around London:

the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry cariage of divers gowns of the Quenes from the Towre to Richemount xviijd for cariage of the same gownes from Grenewiche to the Towre iiijd going from Westminster to Richemount for vj gownes of the Quenes by the space of oone day viijd going from Westminster to London in the nyght for a gowne of blewe velvet for the Quene viijd conveyeng alle the Quenes lyned gowns from Westminster to London by water vd bringing the Quenes furred gownys from London to Westminster vd.83

This practice of transporting clothes was still undertaken in the 1540s. Catherine Parr’s accounts record a payment of 2s 8d made on 22 April 1543 for the ‘quenes great coffers’ being moved from Westminster to Greenwich by Thomas Belton at 12d a day, and John Hickman and Thomas Marlot at 8d a day each.84 Over the summer, the movements of the queen’s coffers record the pattern of her summer progress: from Guildford to London and then Sunninghill for three days, 3s 6d; to London for three days, 3s 6d; from Ampthill to London and Grafton for four days, 4s 8d; Ampthill to London and back again for seven days, 8s 2d.85 The officers of the robes travelled with the coffers as the king went from one property to the next. On 30 September 1542, the page John Rowland was paid 3s 6d for attending upon the robes at Windsor when the king was at Sunninghill for seven days at a rate of 6d a day.86 The wardrobe of the robes was allocated its own enclosed cart to carry the king’s clothes from place to place, as recorded in the Black Book and the Eltham Ordinances. The Black Book described this as ‘a carre with vj horses’ and regular maintenance of the close car was undertaken by the great wardrobe.87 In March 1544 Anthony Silver was paid £12 for making a new close car for the robes.88 Robert Clerk, chariot maker, received 19s 7d for repairs to the close car.89 The close car was painted and gilded by Andrew Wright, one of the king’s painters, with scutchions of the king’s arms, garters with imperial crowns, badges and beasts with antiques at a cost of £6 13s 4d.90 The preparations for the marriage of Henry’s younger sister Mary to the prince of Castile in 1508 included the purchase of ‘ij cofres for her juels’, ‘a closed carre for her warderobe of the robes and ij chariottes for the warderobe of the robes, ij large cannavas and ij berehides for the chariottes to save the stuf drie’.91 The last entry emphasises the significance of the leather cart cover or barehide. William Green sold barehides to the robes for 60s and undertook repairs when required. In 1539 he charged 26s 8d for repairing a single barehide.92 In 1513, when Henry VIII led his army into France, wagons were provided for various departments of the royal household including the wardrobe of the robes. On 19 August Richard Smith took the close car, chariot and cart belonging to the wardrobe of the robes, from London to Sandwich with 1s for a guide ‘from my Lord of Purgaynis place to Faversham’, then over to Calais and from there to Gravelins, having two Spears of Calais to accompany him and 6d for a guide totalling £4 5s 3d.93 Further carts and carters were employed abroad, as in the case of Calvan Hoo. His wagon was hired for 16 days in July at 3s 4d a day, for 14 days in August, 10 days in September and eight days in October.94 This pattern of hiring carts when the

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king went on progress or his hunting geists continued throughout the reign.95

Documentation Like other groups of officials who cared for Henry VIII’s possessions, the wardrobe officers were expected to keep records of the clothes in their charge. On 31 January 1503 John Atkinson was paid 2s for two books for the king’s robes.96 Inventories were usually compiled in duplicate as is evident from the two draft title-pages of an inventory of the robes commissioned on 29 June 1538 and taken by Sir William Kingston and Sir John Dauntsey. One copy of the inventory was for Anthony Denny, while the other was for the king.97 Kingston and Dauntsey had overseen another inventory of wardrobe stuff including horns, lures, walking staffs, daggers and hats in October of the previous year.98 Inventories record information from a fixed point in time, and as such they can give information on the type and quantity of clothes, on colour, the type of cloth and the type of surface decoration used. They can also provide information on the location of the clothes, who was responsible for them and whether they were a purchase or a gift. However, unless the inventory has been annotated to record when objects were added or removed, it can provide no indication of how a group of objects evolved over time. Focusing on the inventories of Henry VIII’s wardrobe of the robes, they provide a very detailed view of what the king owned at certain points in his life, but they do not address what was happening at other times. The earliest surviving document was commissioned on 20 December 1516.99 It was taken while James Worsley was yeoman and provides a list of the cloth held and distributed by the wardrobe and descriptions and valuations of the king’s clothes. Although no inventories survive for Denny’s period of office, as noted above, an inventory was taken in June 1538.100 There is also some loosely dated material from 1537–38.101 This includes another inventory overseen by Kingston and Dauntsey in May 1537, focusing on the accessories and weapons in the care of the wardrobe. There was also a brief section on the king’s clothes in the 1542 inventory of Whitehall consisting of nine gowns, six coats, five doublets, eight shirt bands, his parliament robes and a selection of furs [1–28].102 Finally, the 1547 inventory, which was taken over a period of months after the death of Henry VIII, provides insights into the size and composition of the king’s wardrobe at the end of his life (14177–590).103 The officers of the wardrobe of the robes, like other departments, also kept books that recorded objects leaving the care of the yeoman. Only one example survives from Henry’s reign, James Worsley’s wardrobe book, which was described as a ‘boke of delyueraunce and discharge of the kinges standing warderobe of his Robes’.104 The preamble noted that it recorded all items discharged since 20 December 1516. Much of the information entered in this book is comparable with the details listed in the volume recording lost

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the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry

jewels and cloth and clothing given away from Elizabeth I’s wardrobe of the robes between 1561 and 1585.105

Perfuming the king, his clothes and his rooms Perfumes were used to fragrance the king’s body, clothes and napery as well as to scent his apartments.106 The Black Book recorded that the officers of the robes played a key part in this process and that they were supplied with perfumes by the king’s apothecary so ‘that the kinges robes, dublettes, sheets and shertes be fumyd by all the yere’.107 Scenting the body was achieved either by applying perfume directly to the skin, wearing a perfume-filled pomander or taking a scented bath. While Tudor women could have a pomander hanging from their girdle (Fig. 8.4), men also carried them.108 The pomander could combine perfume with medicinal qualities. Cavendish described how Wolsey held in his hand ‘a very fayer Orrynge, whereof the mete or substaunce with in was taken owt and fylled uppe agayn with the part of a Sponge, wherin was vynegar and other confeccions agaynst the pestylente Ayers’.109 In contrast, contemporary etiquette books such as John Russell’s Boke of Nurture describe how the bath tub should be draped with linen sheets ‘euery shete full of flowers & herbis’. After washing, the bather was rinsed with rose water.110 Henry had a bath house at the palace

of Whitehall and special linen garments to wear while bathing.111 The royal gardeners supplied some of fragrant plants used to perfume the king’s clothes and napery. However, they could not meet all the needs of the court. Millicent Aylesbury, widow, supplied six dozen bags of white fustian weighing 14 lb (6.3 kg) filled with sweet powder for the king’s sheets at 3s 4d the lb, and a bushel of dried rose petals with lavender to the king’s removing wardrobe of the beds in November 1546.112 Edward VI’s privy purse accounts for 1550–51 indicate that such purchases were not usual and that the robes also used some perfumes of a better quality: ten dozen bags made from 10 yards (9.1 m) of taffeta at 3s 4d the yard containing 160 oz (4.5 kg) of fine powder made from ‘ambergrese muske and swett at xvjd the oz’, four great bags of sarsenet filled with rose leaves and sweet powder (20s), 12 dozen fustian bags filled with sweet powder (60s) and three bushels of dried rose leaves and lavender (15s), coming to £17 7s 8d in total.113 Apothecaries traded in perfumes as well as medicines, as indicated by Catherine Parr’s accounts. The bill of her apothecary, Thomas Alsop, came to £54 7s 5d. Of this, £7 14s 2d was spent on rose water, damask water and other stilled waters, while ‘perfumes and all things belonging to the same’ cost £3 11s 7d.114 The 1547 inventory listed several perfumes including ambergris (2452), box (1930), cinnamon (3256, 9606) and balm or balsam (2407), along with ‘a paper Declaring thuse thereof’ (2404). Clothes and accessories could also be scented. Perfumed gloves were fashionable at this period, and Henry had several pairs in his possession, including ‘two paire of swete gloves garneshed with peerle damaske golde and veanice golde lyned with Satten the one white thother crymsen’ (3430). While small pomanders were worn hanging from a girdle, perfume pans were used to scent whole rooms or suits of chambers.115 A coffer belonging to Lady Margaret Beaufort contained three pomanders and ‘a box with fumys’ which had been amended to read ‘fumygacon’ in another hand.116 Rooms were also heavily scented, as Catherine Parr’s accounts made clear. In July 1543 she paid for ‘fine perfumes’ for her chambers at Hampton Court, Guildford and Oking.117 In the following months perfumes were bought for each house she removed to including Hanworth, the More, Grafton, Woodstock and Langley.118 The scale on which perfumes were used at the Henrician court can be gauged from the purchases made for the king’s revels in the autumn of 1527. Ellis, a painter, supplied ‘Swete waters Swete powders parfumys’ which included 42 gallons of sweet waters for the conduit costing £10 10s, a ½ lb (0.2 kg) of sweet powders to put amongst the king’s napery priced at 6s 8d and perfumes to put under the pageant for 6s 8d.119

The physical context: buildings for storage and rooms for dressing 8.4 Early sixteenth-century English gold pomander or musk ball decorated with pearls. 54.124, reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

The office of the robes had a removing wardrobe which travelled with the king, and standing wardrobes at the Tower,

the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry the palace of Westminster until the fire in 1512, at Greenwich until the mid 1530s and at Whitehall after then. A sense of the scale of the wardrobe buildings and their location can be gleaned from the building accounts. For example, in January 1533 the accounts for the Tower refer to work being carried out in ‘the tower in the king’s garden next to the wardrobe of the robes’ giving a hint as to the wardrobe’s location. Other references include the provision of planks laid over the top of the window made in the new wardrobe, ‘a new frame now made a wardrobe for the king’ measuring 10 by 24 feet (3.1 by 7.3 m) by carpenters, bricklayers underpinning the ‘wardrobe with robes’, plasters plastering two new gable ends in the wardrobe, repairs made to the stonework and the joiners were paid for making new coffers.120 The wardrobe of the robes also had space allocated for their use at the other principal houses where the removing wardrobe would store their chests while the king was in residence. In the building accounts for June and July 1534, Robert Hobbes, keeper of the More, paid 6d for the repair of the master key to the door of the rooms used by the robes.121 The rooms occupied by the wardrobe of the robes needed to be dry and would have had a fire place to allow the officers to air the clothes and to warm them in winter. On 1 March 1517, James Worsley received £6 for ‘new making’ the hearths of two chimneys in the standing wardrobe of the robes in the Tower.122 Equally, regular maintenance was necessary to keep the roofs in a good state of repair. In February and March 1536, carpenters at Windsor castle nailed down boards on the leads of the king’s wardrobes and repaired the gutters, while in May to June repairs were made to the two locks and a new key was supplied for the robes, costing 4d.123 The wardrobe needed good security in order to prevent theft, as the king’s clothes were very valuable. The key lines of defence were locks for the doors and bars for the windows. In April and May 1533, Richard Cecil was paid 2s 6d for a large doublehoop stock lock with a hollow key for the wardrobe of the robes at Greenwich.124 In the autumn of the following year, 116 ‘sodett’ bars measuring 197 feet (60.5 m) in length were supplied for the new windows of the wardrobe of the robes and beds at a cost of 8s 2d.125 Plenty of suitable flat storage for large, heavy garments was provided in wooden presses. On 18 October 1493 Henry VII issued orders ‘to have our wardrobes of the Robes in our palois of Westminster to be transposed and made in such place there and under suche forme as oure trusty servaunt John Fligh . . . shall shewe unto you’ with ‘all things necessary to be provided for the robes’ and ‘for the pressing of theym accordingly to be made at our costs’.126 The wardrobe of the robes was supplied with linen sheets to line the presses. In April 1511 the king’s warrant included 20 ells (13.7 m) of linen cloth for a press sheet costing 20s and it cost 16d to make. The officers were also provided with 3 lb (1.3 kg) of oris at a price of 6s.127 The 1526 Eltham Ordinances also make it clear that the officers of the wardrobe helped the king to get dressed each morning by bringing the clothes selected for that day to the door of the privy chamber:

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It is also ordered that the king’s doublet, hosen, shoes, or any other garment which his pleasure shall be to weare from day to day, the gowne onely excepted, shall be honestly and cleanly brought by the yeoman of the wardrobe of the robes, or in his absence by some other of the same office, to the king’s privy chamber dorre, without entring into the same; where one of the said groomes shall receive the said garments and apparelle, bringing and delivering the same to one of the six gentlemen, to be ministered unto the king’s person, as shall stand with his pleasure.128

While the Eltham Ordinances state that the wardrobe officers did not help the king dress, with the transfer of the wardrobe staff into the privy chamber they would have dressed the king as part of their daily duties. The development of the privy lodging at Whitehall resulted in increasing specialisation of the rooms and included the provision of a special dressing room or ‘raying chamber’ for the king and queen. The accounts for June to July 1531 included the provision of a new plate lock, varnished, along with staples, screws and vices for a door entering the king’s library out of his dressing chamber costing 3s 4d.129 In the following January a payment of 13s 4d indicates that the king’s dressing room was decorated in a classical style. There was a bust over the chimney with a painted and gilded ‘garland about the head’.130 Several years later, in November to December 1535, a new key costing 6d was bought for the queen’s raying chamber door at Greenwich.131 The importance attached to the king’s clothes and the clothes of his representatives is indicated by the provision of temporary places for them to change their clothes. When Henry VIII and Charles V met at Canterbury in 1520 ‘There were pytched ij Tentes a little with out the Cittie for the kyng and the emperor to chaunge them as they cam from dovor’.132 However, it was not always possible to plan ahead. When Wolsey knew Francis I was riding to meet him, he ‘was compelled to allyght in an old Chappell and there newly apparelled hyme in to more Richer apparell / And than mounted vppon a newe Mewle very richely trapped with a foote clothe & trapper of Crymmesyn veluett vppon veluett pirled with gold and ffrynged abought with a depe frynge of gold very costly’.133

The royal laundry By the early sixteenth century, the significance of white, clean linen for shirts and smocks was well appreciated.134 In 1480 the account of the washing done by Alice Shapster for Edward IV gives an indication of how much linen he owned. Her bill listed her charges for the ‘for making and wasshing of xxiiij sherts and xxiiij stomachers, v dosen handcouverchieffes’.135 In 1542 a system was formalised for the king’s laundress washing Henry VIII’s table linen. She was issued with four table clothes, 28 long and 28 short breakfast clothes, 28 hand towels and 144 napkins, and she was expected to clean a quarter of the linen every week.136 The household list for 1543 named John Whitskale as the yeoman of the laundry with a staff of four under him.137 For Henry VIII’s funeral, the officers of the laundry received black livery. Whitskale received 7 yards (6.4 m), while William

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Tuke and Thome Timpley, grooms, and William Barled and John Messingre, pages, all received 4 yards (3.6 m).138 While the yeoman and other officers of the king’s laundry were male, the launderer was often female. However, this was not always the case, for example on 7 October 1509, 30s was paid to the queen’s launderer upon his bill.139 Even so, Henry VIII favoured female laundresses and Anne or Agnes Harris or Harrison is the best known.140 Anne was named in the household ordinances of 1539 and her role was described in detail, including her allowance of two standards for the napery, sweet powder and carts to transport the laundry.141 She received an annual salary of £10 but no allowance for wood, soap or ‘any other thing’. This increased by £6 13s 4d on 22 March 1544, with 66s 8d ‘for well serving the king’ and £20 from 1 April.142 Her post brought her other financial rewards as well. For example, on 12 July 1546 Anne was granted the Vine Garden and Mill Bank within the sanctuary of Westminster abbey.143 Anne washed the king’s linen but not that of the boys of the privy chamber who were clothed at his expense. Four payments were made to an unnamed launderer from the king’s privy purse and these all related to the laundry of ‘the children of the kinges pryvat chambre’, namely Mark Smeton, ‘bothe the guilliams’ and a child called Ralph: in September 1530 for 48s 4d, February 1531 for 14s 4d, September 1531 for 16s 8d and July 1532 for 20s.144 The Black Book specified that if there was a queen, then she should have a female laundress who was expected to be discrete.145 Agnes Dean was appointed as laundress to Elizabeth of York and she received £3 6s 8d per annum, with 4d a day to cover the costs of her horse, when she accompanied the queen on her travels. In September and November 1502 Agnes received 33s 4d for a hundred days’ travel expenses.146 Shortly after Princess Mary’s birth in 1516, Avys Wood was appointed as her laundress.147 However, by 1521–22 Beatrice ap Rhys was her laundress with wages of £3 10d, rising to 16s 8d a quarter. 148 Beatrice’s husband was a yeoman of the chamber in Mary’s household, while her children received patronage from the princess.149 Although the king and the leading members of the nobility and ecclesiastical élite had their own launderers, when travelling they often had their washing done locally. This could be a small undertaking as in 1503, when Miles Worsley recorded a payment of 3s was made ‘to a launder for wasshyng of my laddys clothes at Richmound’.150 Or it could be a more long-term arrangement. When Wolsey visited in Calais in 1521 the accounts of his steward Robert Carter included a payment to Jacobyn Laak, a Calais local, for washing nine shirts on seven occasions between 24 September and 20 November at 1d each, coming to a total cost of 5s 3d. Laak also washed nine pairs of woollen hose at 3d a pair, costing 20d. Other payments made to Laak included 3s for washing six dozen of Wolsey’s shirts, ‘hedkerchyves pillowberes and other small clothes’ and 12d for washing his shaving cloths.151 Knowledge of the appropriate cleaning techniques for clothes and accessories was important.152 The Black Book noted that the staff of the laundry should be skilled in order to

‘safly to kepe and tenderly to wasshe and preserue diligentlye the stuff for htekinges proper persone of the warderobis of beddes and robez’.153 Accidents did occur, as indicated by a reference to eight pairs of ‘new shetes for lordes’ at Oatlands that were ‘of iij bredethes and thre elles longe . . . be shrunk di quarter the pece’ (12671). It is most likely that knowledge of appropriate cleaning techniques was passed on by word of mouth, as in the case of a letter sent at some point in the winter of 1539 by Antoinette de Saveuses to Lady Lisle. Antoinette referred to a pair of gloves that she had sent to Anne Basset, noting that ‘When they are dirty one should wash them in cold water and white Spanish lye’.154 Later in the century, published texts were available, as in the case of A Profitable Book declaring approoved remedies to take out spottes and staines in silkes, velvets, linnen and woollon clothes, published in London in 1583 by Leonard Mascall.155 Unpublished manuscripts such as the Nuremberg Kunstbuch record fifteenth- and sixteenth-century recipes used by the nuns of the convent of St Catherine’s, Nuremberg.156 Women were depicted washing clothes in tubs and laying cloth out to dry in a German copy of the text Splendor Solis

8.5 A contemporary illustration showing various stages in the process of washing, drying and bleaching linen, from Splendor Solis, School of Nuremberg, c. 1531–32, MS 78 D 3, f. 31r. © Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (Joerg P. Anders)

the wardrobe of the robes and the laundry dating from the 1530s (Fig. 8.5).157 In 1541 Raffe Alwood supplied 13 new metal hoops to the palace of Whitehall which were set onto ‘wasshing tubes occupied within the gallery to wasshe the kynges clothes in’.158 Some of the finishing techniques for the linen items cleaned in the laundry required specialist equipment such as a linen smoother or calendar. While such items are not specifically referred to in the household ordinances, they have been found in archaeological

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contexts and so could have been in use within the royal household.159 It is evident from the items bought from Christian Bell in September 1543 that the queen’s launderer undertook more tasks than just washing and bleaching. Bell provided a chafer to starch with (2s), an ash bag (12d), a sleek stone (8d) and a pewter basin to starch in (12d).160 The same is true of Princess Mary. In July 1544 Mary’s accounts included a payment of 8d for ‘ij lb of starche for mistress launder’.161

Notes 1 See above, p. xviii. 2 LP iv.ii, 4449. 3 D. R. Starkey, ‘The King’s Privy Chamber, 1485–1547’ (unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge, 1973), pp. 268–72; and Hayward, ‘Repositories’, pp. 134–56. 4 See below, p. 248. 5 CPR 1485–94, p. 58. 6 CPR 1494–1509, p. 348. On 22 March 1504 Fligh was succeeded by Robert Hasilrigge, groom of the robes. 7 CPR 1485–94, p. 257. This post was granted to William Edwards, page of the robes; CPR 1494–1509, p. 368. 8 CPR 1485–94, p. 334. 9 CPR 1494–1509, p. 111. 10 Ibid., p. 351; also see Bindoff, House of Commons, iii, pp. 335–36. 11 LP i.i, 94.94 and 193. 12 BL MS Stowe 146, f. 97r (LP i.ii, 2344). 13 TNA E101/418/5, no. 30 (LP i.ii, 3530). 14 LP ii.i, 622. 15 LP iii.i, 716.20. 16 LP iv.i, 1939. 17 TNA E101/417/6, f. 89 (LP i.i, 894). 18 TNA SP1/229, f. 104 (LP i.i, 1549). 19 LP iii.i, 102.7 and 716.20. 20 LP iii.i, 854.14. 21 LP iii.ii, 2016.8. 22 LP v, p. 303. 23 LP iv.i, 1939. 24 LP iv.iii, 6243. 25 LP vi, 1195.7; LP xii.ii, 617.2. 26 Bindoff, House of Commons, ii, pp. 27–29; Hayward, 1542 Inventory, pp. 55–80; and N. P. Sil, ‘Sir Anthony Denny: a Tudor servant in office’, Renaissance and Reformation, 8 (1984), pp. 190–201. 27 LP x, 226.33–35. 28 LP xiii.ii, 734.10. 29 Bindoff, House of Commons, i, p. 603. 30 LP iii.ii, 1451.15. 31 LP iii.ii, 2074.5. 32 LP iv.ii, 4687.27. 33 LP xiv.ii, 781. 34 LP xix.i, 1035.117. 35 LP xxi.i, 1442. 36 At the time of Edward VI’s coronation, the officers of the robes were Robert Robotsham, yeoman, Walter Abraye, groom, Hugh Walley, page and Anthony Walker, clerk; TNA LC2/3.i, p. 97. Red livery was also given to Henry VIII’s officers: Richard Cecil, yeoman, Thomas Sternold, groom, John Rowland, page; LC2/3.ii, p. 7. 37 Cecil and Sternold were left 100 marks, while Rowland was left £50. These sums were revised to £20; LP xxi.ii, 634. 38 Seven men held the office of clerk of the robes. The timing suggests that several of them only held the post for a short period: Laurence Gower (27 February 1511, LP i.i, 707); John Porth (1 June 1511, LP i.i, 804.1); John Plofield (April 1529, LP v, p. 311); John Briggs (April 1530, LP v, p. 318); James Joskyn (5 September 1537, LP xii.ii, 796.6); Nicholas Bristow (10 January 1541, LP xvi, 503) and Edmund Pigeon (June 1544, LP xix.i, 812.97). 39 LP i.i, 804. 40 LP ii.ii, p. 1473. 41 LP ii.ii, p. 1474. 42 LP ii.ii, p. 1478.

43 LP iii.ii, pp. 1538–39. 44 LP iii.ii, p. 1544. 45 LP v, p. 311. 46 LP xiii.2, 1280. 47 LP xii.ii, 796.6. 48 TNA LC9/51, ff. 17v and 164r. 49 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. 50 TNA E36/456, f. 19v. 51 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 25v–26r. 52 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 7, 35. 53 In 1536 this post was held by Henry Cryche; TNA SP1/103, f. 324r (LP x, 913). 54 CPR 1485–94, p. 99. 55 Ibid., p. 308. This grant replaced one dated 20 June 1485. 56 PPE Elizabeth, p. 7. 57 Hayward, ‘Repositories’, p. 136. 58 Ibid., p. 136. 59 LP iv.i, 2002.27; LP v, p. 313. 60 LP xii.ii, 617.2. 61 BL MS Royal 7C XVI, ff. 25r, 26r, 29r (LP xii.ii, 973). 62 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 63 Ibid. They were paid £3 6s 8d, 50s, 50s and 33s 4d respectively. 64 TNA E315/161, f. 65r. 65 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 66 See below, pp. 319–20. 67 BL MS Royal 7C.XVI, f. 58r. 68 LP xxi.ii, 199.103. 69 Lisle Letters, ii, 484 (LP ix, 857). 70 TNA E101/423/10, f. 13r. 71 Furnivall, Boke, p. 64, lines 939–46. 72 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 73 The wardrobe at the Tower in 1547 had a number of examples, including 11 hangings of crimson cloth of gold ‘having xxxix yards of olde redde cotton to folde theym with for freating’ (8986). 74 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 75 TNA E101/423/10, f. 26r. 76 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated; E36/455, f. 18r. 77 TNA E101/423/10, f. 25v. 78 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 79 Hayward, ‘Packing’, pp. 8–12. 80 SJC D91.5, pp. 19–20. 81 TNA E101/425/4. 82 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 196. 83 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 17, 33, 68. 84 TNA E315/161, f. 60v. 85 Ibid., f. 145r. 86 BL MS Stowe 554, f. 42 (LP xvii, 880). 87 Myers, Black Book, p. 118. 88 TNA E101/423/10, f. 26r. 89 TNA E36/456, f. 28r. 90 TNA E36/455, f. 37v. 91 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, pp. 57–58. 92 TNA E36/456, f. 19v. 93 BL MS Stowe 146, ff. 92r–v (LP i.ii, 2179). 94 TNA SP1/5, ff. 94v, 99v, 103v, 107r (LP i.ii, 2404). 95 Thurley, Royal Palaces, pp. 70–73. 96 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 130. 97 LP xiii.i, 1278. 98 LP xiii.ii, 1191.1. 99 BL MS Harley 4217.

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100 TNA SP1/133, ff. 234r–235v (LP xiii.i, 1278). 101 LP xiii.ii, 1191. 102 TNA E315/160; Hayward, 1542 Inventory of Whitehall. 103 BL MS Harley 1419; Starkey, Inventory. 104 BL MS Harley 2284, front cover. 105 J. Arnold, Lost from Her Majesties Back, Costume Society Extra Series, 7 (1980). 106 See Hayward, ‘Repositories’, pp. 144–46; and K. Johansen, ‘Perfumed garments, their preservation and presentation: “the good smell of old clothes”’, in Preprints of the ICOM CC 12th Triennial Meeting Lyon 29 August–3 September 1999, 2 (Lyons, 1999), pp. 637–42. 107 Myers, Black Book, p. 118. 108 Scarisbrick, Jewellery, pp. 145–46. 109 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 23. 110 Furnivall, Boke, pp. 66–67, lines 977, 985. 111 See above, p. 107. 112 TNA SP1/245, f. 141r (LP App. i.ii, 1778). 113 TNA E101/426/8, m. 1v. Although the accounts refer to rose leaves, rose petals seem more likely. 114 TNA E315/161, f. 33r. 115 Some of the perfume pans listed in 1547 were large and very ornate: ‘one perfume Panne of siluer and gilte embossed with Signes and plannettes and engraven with sundry Scriptures the toppe conteyneng a Mappe of a Country with two perfume panes in it of siluer white poiz iiijxxxij oz’ (1983). 116 SJC D91.11, p. 2. 117 TNA E315/161, f. 22v. 118 Ibid., ff. 23v–31v. 119 TNA E36/227, f. 55v. 120 LP vi, 5. 121 Bod Lib MS Rawlinson D.776, f. 226v. 122 TNA E36/215, p. 502. 123 Ibid., ff. 67r–v, 74v. 124 Bod Lib MS Rawlinson D.775, f. 66v. 125 Bod Lib MS Rawlinson D. 777, f. 169v. 126 TNA E404/81, not numbered. 127 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 128 HO, p. 156. 129 TNA E36/251, p. 106.

130 TNA E36/252, p. 589. 131 NUL Ne01, unfoliated. 132 BL Additional MS 71,009, f. 33r. 133 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 52. 134 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 75. 135 Nicolas, Edward the Fourth, p. 122. 136 HO, p. 215; Hayward, 1542 Inventory, p. 29. 137 LP xviii.ii, 530. 138 TNA LC2/2, f. 30v. 139 TNA E36/215, p. 29. 140 LP xxi.i, 969.2. 141 HO, p. 215. 142 Ibid., pp. 215–16. 143 LP xxi.ii, 774, f. 232v. 144 PPE, pp. 75, 112, 165, 234. 145 Myers, Black Book, p. 197. 146 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 46, 64. 147 LP ii.ii, p. 1473. 148 LP iii.i, 1114; PPE Mary, p. 207. 149 Ibid., p. 245. Beatrice also supplied the Lady Mary with eggs and chickens; ibid., pp. 127, 132. 150 SJC D91.20, p. 88. 151 BL MS Harley 620, ff. 6v–7r. 152 M. A. Hayward, ‘The Possessions of Henry VIII: A Study of Inventories’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1998), pp. 165–66. 153 Myers, Black Book, p. 196. 154 Lisle Letters, v, 1588. 155 A. Sim, The Tudor Housewife (Thrupp, 1996), pp. 55, 59. 156 For a transcript, translation and analysis of the Kunstbuch, see D. Leed, ‘“Ye shall have it cleane”: Textile cleaning techniques in Renaissance Europe’, in R. Netherton and G. R. Owen-Crocker, eds, Medieval Clothing and Textiles, 2 (Woodbridge, 2006), pp. 101–20. 157 MS 78 D 3, f. 75r, Kupferstichkabinett, Berlin. 158 Bod Lib MS English History b. 192/1, f. 2r. 159 Crowfoot, Pritchard and Staniland, Textiles and Clothing, p. 81. 160 TNA E315/161, f. 110r. 161 PPE Princess Mary, p. 160.

ix Female Fashions at Henry VIII’s Court

I am but a woman, with all the imperfections natural to the weakness of my sex; therefore in all matters of doubt and difficulty I must refer myself to your Majesty’s better judgement, as to my lord and head.1

hese words, spoken by Queen Catherine Parr as she sought to save herself from the accusations of heresy made against her by Bishop Gardiner and his supporters in the summer of 1546, exemplify the perceived place of women in Tudor society. This was a place that regardless of their own social standing was defined as being subservient to men: their father, their husband, their brother or their king. However, this is not to say that the female élite did not have an equally well defined sense of their own status which was expressed by their network of clients, their patronage both artistic and political and their dress. Henry’s six wives were all queen consorts, as were both of his sisters, Margaret and Mary, while his daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, both succeeded as queens regnant, and his niece, Lady Margaret Douglas, is believed to have aspired to the throne.

T

Choosing a queen Henry VIII’s arrogant attitude towards his potential brides provoked Francis I to comment disapprovingly ‘that it is impossible to bring ladies of noble blood to market as horses were trotted out at a fair’.2 The king of France was not alone in voicing doubts about Henry. According to George Constantine, the duchess of Milan would not marry the king because ‘she sayeth that the King’s Majesty was in so little space rid of the Queens, that she dare not trust his Council though she durst trust his Majesty; for her Council suspecteth that her great-aunt was poisoned, that the second was innocently put to death, and the third lost for lack of keeping her in childbed’.3 Even so, notwithstanding his marital upheavals, Henry VIII was married for 35 years, that is all but three years of his reign. The qualities that made a woman acceptable as a royal bride varied, but could include their nationality, virginity, royal lineage and physical attraction. According to

Jacques Ferrard, men of different nationality had different opinions on what made a woman attractive: ‘The Italian desires to have her thick, well set, and plump: the German prefers one that is strong: the Spaniard loves a wench that is lean: and the French, one that is soft, delicate and tender.’4 The choice of a royal bride usually rested on considerations other than her physical attributes, although in the case of Henry VIII’s fourth bride his repulsion for Anne of Cleves was an underlying impediment to the success of the marriage. The king commented to Sir Anthony Denny that Anne’s looks were not what he had been led to believe, and that she had ‘breasts so slack and other parts of body in such sort that [he] somewhat suspected her virginity’.5 The selection of a royal bride was a complex process which involved the exchange of portraits, letters and jewellery, visits by ambassadors and personal encounters. After the death of Elizabeth of York, Henry VII considered remarriage. He sent Francis Marsin, James Braybrooke and John Stile to see the recently widowed Joan, queen of Naples. Ever prudent, Henry provided his envoys with a list of points that he wanted answering, including what languages she spoke, her age and appearance, ‘the favour of her visage’, the length of her neck and the size of her breasts.6 At the same time, he also considered Germaine de Foix, niece of Louis XII, Margaret of Savoy, the widowed daughter of Maximilian I and Joanna of Castile, the widow of Archduke Philip. Barely was Jane Seymour buried in her grave when the king set himself the task of finding her replacement. Late in 1537 John Hutton was enlisted to help Henry and he started by drawing up a list of eligible women. From Brussels he informed Cromwell that ‘I have not much experience among ladies, and therefore this commission to me is hard’.7 Potential candidates included the daughter of the lord of Breidrood who was 14 and ‘of goodly stature, virtuous, sad and womanly’, and the widow of the late earl of Egmond who was ‘over 40 but does not look it’. He observed that the duke of Cleves ‘has a daughter, but there is no great praise either of her personage or her beauty’.8 However, on 9 December 1537 the widowed duchess of Milan arrived and Hutton noted that she was 16 and ‘very tall — taller than the Regent, of competent beauty,

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female fashions at henry viii’s court chanceth to smile there appeareth two pittes in her cheeks and one in her chin, which becometh her right excellently well’.10 Contemporary notions of female beauty favoured fair or auburn hair, pale skin, blue eyes and pink cheeks. Consequently, Sir Thomas More said of Catherine of Aragon, ‘there is nothing wanting in her that the most beautiful girl should have’.11 In contrast, he noted that many of her Spanish attendants had dark complexions, which made them look, in his eyes, like ‘ridiculous . . . pigmy Ethiopians, like devils out of hell’.12 Anne Boleyn had dark eyes and dark hair, and her colouring sometimes provoked adverse comment. The value of a foreign bride could be measured in a variety of ways, including the size and wealth of the country she came from, the distance travelled from that country to her groom, what prospects she brought for useful foreign alliances and the dignity of her lineage.13 This value had to be offset against the cost of the marriage which could be gauged in several ways. Gifts given by the groom to the bride’s family and retinue could amount to a significant sum. On 18 March 1541 Sir John Williams, master of the jewel house, delivered £1,631 8s to Morgan Wolf and Cornelius Hayes for plate delivered ‘to the ambassadors, ladies and strangers who came with the Lady Anne of Cleves’.14 There was always the danger of a foreign bride drawing England into unequal relationship, but as an outsider she was likely to have little or no natural support from the nobility and could be isolated by linguistic barriers. While the negative influence of her foreign retinue could be reduced by sending most of them back home, a queen from elsewhere could always become the focal point for a faction.15 In contrast, an English bride was readily to hand and spoke the same language, but she offered no prospect of foreign alliances or trade links and she brought her family interests with her. More importantly, she was of lower social status than the king. The difficulties that this could cause was emphasised by Jean de Waurin when he described the council’s reaction to Edward IV’s marriage to Elizabeth Woodville: they answered that she was not his match, however good and however fair she might be, and he must know well that she was no wife for a prince such as himself; for she was not the daughter of a duke or earl, but her mother, the duchess of Bedford, had married a simple knight, so that though she was the child of a duchess and the niece of the count of St Pol, still she was no wife for him.16

9.1 Christina of Denmark, by Hans Holbein the Younger. At the time the portrait was painted, John Hutton described her as wearing ‘moorrnyg apparel after the maner of Ytalie’ (LP XII.ii, 1187). © National Gallery, London (NG 2475)

soft of speech, and gentle in countenance’ (Fig. 9.1). He added that she ‘resembles one Mrs Shelton, that used to wait on queen Anne’.9 To Thomas Wriothesley he noted that ‘she is not so pure white as the late Queen, whose soul God pardon; but she hath a singular good countenance and when she

Proven ability to have children was a distinct advantage. Louis XII of France married Anne of Brittany at Nantes on 8 January 1499. Anne was the widow of Louis’s predecessor Charles VIII and their marriage facilitated the further unification of France by incorporating Brittany within it. She also brought her husband claims to Genoa, Naples, Milan and Asti. In addition, Anne was 22 and she was a mother. Such merits more than compensated for her having one leg longer than the other, which she concealed by wearing a shoe with a high heel.17 However, physical deformity, real or imagined, could be seen as a sign of bad character, as in the case of the rumours spread about Anne Boleyn having six fingers. However, Catherine Parr’s apparent inability to have children did not rule her out of Henry’s bed, and rightly so. Catherine bore a daughter by her fourth husband.

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Queenship in early modern England A queen in early modern England had to effectively manage the public and the political aspects of her life alongside the private and the domestic.18 The role played by the queen included taking a leading part in royal ceremonial and in court festivities. At Christmas 1542 Henry lacked a queen following the execution of Catherine Howard, and the imperial ambassador noted with pleasure that ‘this came very a propos for the Princess [Mary], who, in default of a Queen, was called to Court triumphantly, accompanied by many ladies’. For her New Year’s gift her father gave her jewellery, plate and ‘two rubies of great estimation’.19 It helped to be born to the role. Elizabeth of York described her contemporary Isabella, the Catholic of Castile, who was a queen regnant, as having ‘eminent dignity and virtue by which your said majesty so shines and excels that your most celebrated name is noised abroad and diffused elsewhere’.20 Consequently, her daughter Catherine of Aragon was born to be an infanta and she was reared to think of herself as a future queen. Don Pedro de Ayala felt that Catherine should be sent to England while still young because ‘the Princess can only be expected to lead a happy life through not remembering those things would make her less enjoy what she will find here. It would, therefore, still be best to send her directly before she has learnt to appreciate our [Spanish] habits of life’.21 None of Henry’s other brides had such a background. The influence of the queen was based on her intimate relationship with the king. Youth was a prized quality in a queen, but it could be mitigated by being the mother of sons. At the French court, the most extravagant clothes were worn by the young courtiers. On 3 August 1546 Viscount Lisle reported from Paris: ‘The great ladies of this Court which be young, and also the young noblemen, be exceeding rich in apparel. The ladies that be anything in years weareth neither goldsmith work neither jewels, nor none other but those which be duchess, marquess or princess.’22 The queen was also expected to be a protective mother. This role extended beyond her own children to those by previous marriages. Catherine Parr took charge of the king’s children when in 1544 he went to war against France, and on 25 July she wrote, ‘My lord Prince and the rest of your Majestis children are all (thanks be to God) in very good health’.23 This was a role undertaken by five of Henry’s wives, although the relationship of Anne Boleyn and Mary cannot be described as cordial. The resources available to the queen influenced her ability to offer patronage and to fund her household and other expenses, and as such had a direct bearing on her relationship with king and kingdom. Many queen consorts sought to exploit their dower lands and their access to patronage as a means to promote their family interests. Catherine Parr’s brother, William Parr of Kendal, was made a knight of the Garter in April 1543, while her brother-in-law, William Herbert, entered the king’s privy chamber, and her uncle, William, was ennobled as Lord Parr of Horton and appointed lord chamberlain of her household.

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The queen also had a highly visible and public role at court as a leading landowner. At the time of her marriage the queen was granted dower lands. On 25 February 1544 Catherine Parr received lands ‘in recompense of jointure and dower, and in accordance with the Act of 32 Hen. VIII’, along with the ‘goods and chattels of tenants being felons and fugitives in the lands granted to her’.24 Five months later her household accounts included the sum of 40s ‘paid to Mr Godsalve for a doublet of crimson satin given to him by the council in reward for his pains taken about the queen’s jointure’.25 One of the challenges facing a queen was the successful exploitation of her dower lands to provide sufficient revenue in order to fund her household and other expenses. As such, the queen was dependent upon the skills and integrity of the men in her service. An indication of the sort of problems that might arise is provided in a letter of 4 March 1516 sent by Sir Gilbert Talbot to Master Palmes, chancellor to Catherine of Aragon. Talbot was concerned about the appropriation of the revenues of the queen’s lands there: in the Queen’s ground here every man is for himself and none for the Queen. Alexander Smith has sold both the office he had of the Queen and his land and departed the country and therefore I have arrested the 12 oaks the Queen gave him and [the] other two oaks which William Grey, who bought his office and land, felled in the Baron.26

Henry’s queens all exchanged gifts at the New Year as a means of making and maintaining a network of patronage. They gave gifts to members of their own household, the king’s household and a wider network of family and friends. A list of plate made in 1522 for Catherine of Aragon to give as gifts was similar to the lists of new plate made for the king’s household. The plate was made by a number of goldsmiths including Morgan Wolf (52 pieces for £81 2s 6d) and Robert Amadas (73 pieces for 64s 4½d). The list also included items from the queen’s store, demonstrating that many of the presents were recycled gifts from previous years. Catherine gave the duchess of Suffolk a gold ring with a heart-shaped diamond and nine little ‘granades or rybewes’ given to her previously by the bishop of Carlisle, and Lady Boleyn a gold pomander weighing just over 2 oz (56 g) given by her sister-in-law.27 In the same way, the queen was involved in the general pattern of gift exchange as a means of seeking royal support. The queen could be an active participant in the search for patronage, lobbying on behalf of certain individuals. On 4 February 1511 Catherine of Aragon wrote to Sir John Cutte, reminding him of a grant by the king to Henry Roper, yeoman of her wardrobe of the beds, George Brigus, groom, and Matthew Johns, page, a forfeit of £40. The king’s wishes had been set out in letters addressed to Cutte and the chamberlains of the exchequer and she asked them to execute the grant.28 Catherine of Aragon wrote to Wolsey on 25 January 1525, seeking his help in finalising the financial agreements necessary for a marriage between the earl of Arundel’s heir and ‘one of my maids’, ending that she was ‘anxious to provide for those who have done her service, before God calls her to account’.29 Alternatively, the queen could be the focus of such lobbying. On 28 September 1525 Sir Arthur Darcy told his father Lord Darcy that Catherine of Aragon ‘took my lady’s token, the ring, as thankfully and with as merry a manner, and did enquire of me whether the good lady Neffyll did use to

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play so much as she was wont to and by her troth it was a good lady Newffvyll’.30 Obedience to her husband was emphasised in Jane Seymour’s choice of motto, which was ‘bound to obey and serve’. Henry VIII described Jane as being ‘in every inclination, of that loving inclination, and reverend conformity, that she can in all things well content, satisfy and quiet herself with that thing which we shall think expedient and determine’.31 Catherine Parr took as her motto ‘To be useful in all I do’. When Thomas Wriothesley raised with the duchess of Milan the rumour that she did not wish to marry the king, she replied: ‘As for my inclination what should I say? You know that I am at the Emperor’s commandment.’32 The question of a queen consort’s magisterial authority and the implications of her coronation were raised in times of crisis. One such expression of this was when the queen consort undertook regencies and was temporarily granted the full range of the king’s powers. Both Catherine of Aragon and Catherine Parr were made regent on Henry’s departures abroad in 1513 and 1544.33 When on 7 July 1544 Catherine Parr was appointed regent, the privy council recorded that ‘The queen’s Highness shall be regent in his grace’s absence; and that his grace’s progress shall pass and bear test in her name, as in like cases heretofore hath been accustomed’.34 During her regency of three months, she authorised documents with ‘one ring of golde being sometyme Quene Katherynes Signet’ (3218). While fecundity was valued in a queen, barrenness was not. At least one Anglo-Saxon king, Edward the Confessor, had set aside his wife Edith, on account of her childlessness.35 Catherine of Aragon’s dilemma was that her sons died, leaving only a daughter, Mary. Anne Boleyn faced the same problem. The other equally dangerous side of female sexuality was represented by the possibility of an adulterous queen. To ensure a legitimate succession, the Treason Act prohibited any illicit sexual liaisons outside a queen’s marriage. Doubts as to Anne Boleyn’s fidelity in 1536 led to her downfall, and Catherine Howard’s failure in 1541 to end her promiscuous relationship with Francis Culpepper led to her destruction. Finally, Henry’s wives were very conscious of the dignity that should be accorded to their status. This was manifested in many ways, including having the appropriate clothes and furnishings and the correct style. Controlling access to clothing and household trappings was managed relatively simply. Even so, the struggle between Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn over access to the queen’s barge and the queen’s wardrobe proved to be acrimonious. Controlling how a person styled themselves or was addressed by others was much more difficult. This is evident from the problems that Henry VIII encountered when he sought to demote Catherine of Aragon and his two daughters, Mary and Elizabeth. On 12 May 1529 Campeggio explained how the English hoped to placate the emperor after the dissolution of Catherine’s marriage, noting that ‘they propose, in the first place, to content the Queen, leaving her the rank which she now holds, and all that she chooses to demand, except the King’s person’.36 However, when an individual chose to co-operate, it was much simpler.

When Anne of Cleves accepted the annulment of her marriage, she voluntarily renounced her title and signed her letter ‘Anna, daughter of Cleves’.37

The court as a centre of female fashionable dress Henry VIII’s court acted as a focal point for the dissemination of ideas about female fashionable dress in mid Tudor England. This was on account of the strong female element at court centring on the succession of queens and the women of their households, his daughters, his niece and, periodically, his sisters. The separate households of these women also provided points for discussion about what was fashionable. The clothes worn by English women, or rather their hoods, were seen as inelegant in comparison with the styles worn in Europe. In part this was because England was located on the periphery of Europe. It was reinforced by the fact that women travelled less than men and thus they were not personally exposed to new fashions. What was specifically English about the clothes worn in England has been discussed in Chapter ii.38 Yet foreign styles were watched with great interest and copied. English inventories, accounts and letters abound with references to items being ‘Almain’, Venetian and French in style. If Henry VIII’s court was a focus for ideas, this raises the question of how these were disseminated. The vehicles for these ideas include fashion dolls, letters, conversation, portraits, foreign tailors, garments and patterns. The trousseau brought by a foreign bride could have an effect on what was perceived as desirable at her husband’s court. The range of items that might be included can be gauged from the inventory of the trousseau of the French princess, Isabelle, second wife of Richard II.39 Isabelle married Richard by proxy in Paris in March 1396 and met him for the first time eight months later.40 How influential the clothes included in the trousseau might be, could be linked to the age of the bride, how popular the marriage was and how long the bride’s retinue remained in the country. Isabelle was a child bride and her clothes had less of an impact on court dress than those of her predecessor, Anne of Bohemia.41 While Catherine of Aragon is often said to have introduced the farthingale to England in 1501 when she arrived in Spanish dress to marry Arthur, it did was not generally adopted until the mid 1540s. The trousseau also allowed the father of the bride to demonstrate his wealth and generosity. When Princess Magdalene of France married James V of Scotland, her father Francis I provided her trousseau. He also ‘caused her to pass his wardrobe with her gentlewomen and ladies, and take her stickis of claith of gold, velvet, and satins, damask, taffitis, and other silks, as many as she pleased, to make abulziements to clothe her and her Maries’.42 Patterns could be produced by unpicking garments. They were also exchanged between individuals and between countries. On 13 April 1513 Princess Mary thanked Margaret of Savoy for ‘some patterns of costume of the ladies of her

female fashions at henry viii’s court court’, adding that she hoped ‘to introduce the same fashion for her herself’.43 While patterns provided factual information about cut and construction, employing foreign tailors was the surest way to introduce continental designs and clothing to England. Both Henry VII and his son employed a French tailor, as well as other European embroiders, hosiers and suppliers. The idea of using dolls dressed in new styles to promote new styles originated in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Two entries in the 1542 inventory of Whitehall suggest that fashion dolls were known at Henry’s court. Jane Seymour’s possessions included ‘oone great babie lyeng in a boxe of wodde having a Gowne of white cloth of Silver / and a kyrtle of grene vellat / the Gowne tyed with smale Aglettes of golde with a smale peir of beades of golde and a smale Cheyne and color abowte the necke of golde’ [2247] and ‘two litle babies in a boxe of wodde / oone of them having a Gowne of crymsen Satten / and thother a Gowne of white vellat’ [2248]. While precise details of the clothes worn by the dolls are not given, there were parallels between the dress of the first doll and Jane Seymour’s gowns, in particular the aglets on the sleeves. A slightly later example of a fashion doll survives in the Swedish royal collection.44 The doll, called Pandora, who dates from the 1590s, is thought to have been made by or for Katarina (1584–1638) or Maria Eliasabet (1596–1618), the daughters of Karl IX. From the 1690s, there is a pair of dolls known as Lord and Lady Clapham.45 They have garments for both formal and informal dress. In the case of Lady Clapham, her formal attire comprised of a mantua and matching petticoat made from white Chinese silk worn over boned stays and a quilted petticoat. For private, informal wear she had a nightgown with a matching petticoat of patterned Chinese silk. However, it is worth noting that other types of doll were in circulation. Some were play things for children. Others were toys for adults. An example of the latter is the ‘bambino with a damask dress embroidered with pearls’ included in 1466 in the dowry of Nannina de’Medici, younger sister of Lorenzo de’Medici. Fifteen dolls are listed in the inventory taken of Catherine de’Medici’s goods after her death in 1589. While it is possible that they were fashion dolls, with one ‘dressed in the clothing of a lady’, most were dressed in black and two were described as being ‘in bereavement clothing’.46 Dolls could also act as a focus for devotion and often represented male children, particularly the Christ child. For example, in 1486 the dowry of Antonia Rinieri contained ‘a child dressed in fine linen in the image of Our Lord’, while in 1515 Francesca Strozzi’s dowry included a ‘Messire Lord God, fully dressed with pearls’.47 Extant examples of such dolls include an early fifteenth-century crib with a Christ Child from Liège and a late fifteenth century cradle from the Netherlands.48 Images of female saints also appeared in this type of context as indicated by the presence of ‘one saint of Margaret, with a dress of gold brocade, with gold lace and pearls and gold buttons on top’ in the possessions of Christine Pantheon in 1493. At court, there was always the chance of seeing people from other countries wearing unfamiliar or new fashions. On 17 September 1546 the regency council in the capital wrote to its colleagues attendant on Henry on campaign in France, that

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‘the Emperor’s ambassador sent to invite us, the Chancellor, Great Master and Bishop of Winchester to dinner on Sunday next to meet the French ambassador’s wife who is lately arrived to see their fashion’.49 Three days later the council reported that the French ambassador’s wife was ‘a right proper woman, and for her apparel was well trimmed. The Emperor’s ambassador’s wife on the other hand, is of the meanest, but seemeth also very honest, and that she lacketh in beauty she helpeth with gay gear’.50 A factor, a man of business, could act for members of the nobility unable to maintain a permanent presence in London. These men served a dual role, providing information from London as well as access to services and commodities unobtainable in the localities. The best example of a factor in the mid Tudor period is John Hussey who acted for Lady Lisle, second wife of the king’s illegitimate relative, Viscount Lisle, the deputy of Calais. While in Calais, Lady Lisle looked to the English court via John Hussey for information on what to wear and what to buy. On 18 July 1534 Hussey told her that: Yesternight . . . I delivered Mr Scut your letter with the xij yards of satin, who will make it after the best and most used fashion that now is, large and long, with double placards . . . and when the fur cometh, to see it trimmed after the best manner. And touching the cloth of silver, he saith it is scarce by reason that few weareth it and none but great personages, which maketh the it ghesoner [scarce] and dearer.51

Such observations and advice on dress formed a significant part of his correspondence with his employer and he was anxious to reassure her that her clothes were the latest court fashion. On 2 April 1537 he wrote, ‘Madam, touching your nightgown and your waistcoats [they] are even in every point made as my Lady Beauchamp’s; and it is the very fashion that the Queen and all the ladies doth wear, and so were the caps . . . Divers of the ladies hath their nightgowns embroidered, some with gold and some with silk’.52 The series of letters also demonstrates that the most effective means of disseminating ideas about what was fashionable and desirable and what was not was the exchange of ideas either by discussion in person or via letters.

The form and function of female clothes The mid Tudor period saw few changes in female fashion. A small number of garments formed the core of a woman’s wardrobe and these underwent gradual change. The clothes worn at the beginning of the period by Elizabeth of York and at the end by Catherine Parr saw a move from a natural shoulder line to off the shoulder, a shift from a fitted bodice to a triangular form of the bodice and from sleeves which fitted the arms to large oversleeves. Indeed, sleeves became a very important area for display. The shape of skirts became more defined as the use of the farthingale became more common. By the 1540s a number of elements were drawn from male clothing, most notably in the style of the bodice of gowns/kirtles and the form of bonnets. When similar trends were seen again towards the end of the sixteenth century, Philip Stubbes was adversely critical.53 Many of the small changes in style that did take place turned upon the use

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of gloves, hats and jewellery, in other words, accessories. Equally, the period saw a proliferation in the ornamentation of clothes and the beginnings of the fondness for ornament derived from nature seen in the embroidered borders on shirts and smocks and flowers in the form of jewels. People at the time appreciated how clothes accentuated some parts of a woman’s body. Henry VII’s envoys said of the clothes of Joan of Naples: ‘the said queen’s breasts are somewhat large and full, inasmuch as they were trussed somewhat high, in the manner of the country, which caused her grace to seem much plumper and her neck to look shorter.’54 The fashion was for tight-fitting clothes, or rather clothes that fitted a woman’s upper body and arms. The effect of these clothes was to flatten and push up the chest, either to follow or alter the natural waistline which was drawn down into a point below the natural waistline. This overt display of a woman’s breasts was a source of disapproval by the church. Female clothes could also have an allegorical meaning. A good example of this can be seen in the poem by Olivier de la Marche c. 1493–94 called Le Parement et triumphe de dames. In this, the poet described the 23 items of jewellery and clothing that a lady put on as she got dressed. The list ranged from her slippers to her mirror. The poet ascribed a special meaning to each garment worn by his ideal woman, including her ‘chemise d’honnestete’, the kirtle or ‘cotte de chastete’, and her gown of cloth of gold lined with ermine.55 Unlike many contemporary texts that linked clothes with voluptuousness and sinfulness, la Marche made a link between beautiful clothes and good behaviour by reference to biblical and classical examples.

Undergarments: smocks, shifts, bodies, farthingales and petticoats Women’s undergarments are often concerned with shaping, defining and protecting the body. In 1550 the fashionable shape of an English woman was described by Robert Crowley in the following terms: ‘Her mydle braced in, as smal as a wande . . . A bumbe lyke a barrell, with whoopes at the skyrte.’56 Even though there is no evidence of knickers or drawers being ordered for Henry VIII’s female relatives, this does not mean that they were not provided with other forms of underwear.57 In the mid Tudor period high quality female body garments (chiefly the smock or shift and the rail) were made almost exclusively from bleached white linen.58 These garments worn close to the body had two main functions, to protect the skin from abrasion by the outer layers of clothing such as the bodies, the gown and the farthingale, and to prevent the clothes being soiled by sweat and grease exuded by the wearer’s skin. Smocks figure in inventories and their entries there provide a sense of the variety and the level of decoration. The royal wardrobe in 1535 included three ‘smokis of fine holland’, two of which were ‘wrought aboute the collers with gold and the thirde wrought aboute the coller and handis with silke’.59 The smock or shift depicted in

Holbein’s drawing of Anne Boleyn (Fig. 9.11), has two thread ties to secure the stand collar which was decorated with embroidery. The 1547 inventory included an entry for ‘one wastesmocke wrought with Siluer’ (11389) and for ‘iij Irishe smockes wrought with golde and silke’ (10419). The basic shape of these garments was dictated by the use of loom width linen fabric but, unlike shirts, they were given additional width by the insertion of gores. The linen was cut into a series of rectangles and triangles.60 Triangular gussets were used to create ease at the underarm, while very fine pleating or gathers were used to ease extra fabric into the neckline. Shifts and smock were usually ordered in bulk from the great wardrobe, so it is not easy to tell how much fabric was required to make one. A warrant dated 27 September 1532 for Princess Mary included holland for smocks costing £4 12s 6d and cambric for rails costing £5 10s.61 Another warrant dated 25 March 1533 included two dozen lawn partlets costing 40s, 34 ells (23.4 m) of holland for frocks and kerchieves priced at £5 13s 4d and 20 ells (13.8 m) of cambric for rails and necessaries costing £5 6s 8d.62 On 8 April 1537 30 ells (20.7 m) of holland were supplied for smocks and rails for Mary costing £5, and 26 ells (17.9 m) cambric for kerchiefs and sleeves costing £8 13s 4d.63 Unsurprisingly, paintings provide little evidence about undergarments. What evidence exists is generally restricted to the collars, necklines and cuffs of smock and chemises. Even though little was visible, what could be seen allowed for the display of fine embroidery on clean, white linen underwear. Where the gowns had low, square-cut necklines, this was echoed in the necklines of the shifts worn with them. Catherine of Aragon’s smock in Plate Vb (c. 1530) has a small, delicate embroidered edging at the neckline. The neckline of Anne Boleyn’s chemise in Plate Vc (c. 1533–36) is edged with a simple yet striking triangular pattern working in black embroidery. This style continued in Jane Seymour’s smock of 1536 (Pl. VIa) which was decorated at the neck with a very small geometric dot pattern but with very deep heavily embroidered cuffs. This style is also seen in the portrait of Princess Elizabeth c. 1546–47 (Fig. 11.6) where she has a very small blackwork edging on the neckline of the smock and deep frilled cuffs that hang down over her wrists. This visual evidence can be put in context by reference to the shift of Mary of Hungary, which was made of fine linen, with embroidery at the low, round neckline. A heavily embroidered example of a mid sixteenth-century linen shift is decorated with stylised bunches of flowers worked in a dull red silk thread using cross stitch and back stitch.64 Not all smocks were embroidered with blackwork. The smock in the portrait of Catherine Parr, c. 1545, shows white work embroidery on a new style of neckline with a turn back collar and with deep, pleated cuffs. Shifts worn with gowns of this style had the same type of collar. The Wadham shift, although slightly later in date, has this type of collar (Fig. 9.2). This shift is made from a fine, plain weave bleached linen. The overall length measures 123.5 cm and the outer sleeve length is 51 cm. The cut and construction date the shift to c. 1590–1620 and it has been attributed to Dorothy Wadham, founder of

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9.2 The Wadham shift, by permission of the Warden and Fellows of Wadham College, Oxford. Photo © The Textile Conservation Centre, University of Southampton

Wadham College, Oxford.65 The shift is a T-shaped garment with long sleeves ending in tight cuffs and a neck band. The bodice and cuffs are embroidered in red silk, now faded to pink, using stem and speckling stitches that are worked in a leaf and berry pattern. The seams are open worked, using a knotted buttonhole stitch. The collar, cuffs and front opening are edged with bobbin lace worked from a linen thread finished with a vandyked edging.66 Many women during the Tudor period slept in their shifts. Thus there was no need for special nightwear. One exception is the night rail, a short cape or shawl that could come down as far as the waist and could be worn over the shift. However, no references appear to these in the accounts of Henry VIII’s wives or daughters. To give their chests definition, women wore bodies or a pair of bodies. Bodies were designed to flatten the chest and push the bust up, while providing little or no definition below the breasts. No examples of boned or stiffened bodies were mentioned in the extant great wardrobe accounts, but there are entries for upper bodying kirtles. However, the upper bodies do not appear to have been stiffened with bents or baleen. For example a warrant for Princess Mary dating from 8 April 1536 included 4 yards (3.6 m) of black satin for the ‘upper bodies’ for four kirtles costing 36s but there were no payments for stiffening materials.67 The nature of underpinnings is quite difficult to distinguish.68 There is no visual evidence from the sixteenth century until at its very end, the portrait of Elizabeth Wriothesley, countess of Southampton, c. 1600. She is at her toilet and informally dressed in her pink silk bodies and an embroidered

petticoat. Surviving examples, which all date to slightly later than the period under consideration, indicate that they could fasten down the front or the back, either with hooks or by lacing, and they could have tassets to ease the fit around the waist. A pair of red velvet bodies was found on the body of Eleanor of Toledo in her tomb at Florence. This pair, c. 1562, fastened with 18 sets of hooks and eyes, evenly spaced down the centre front. There is no evidence of any stiffening material, but the bodies are incomplete and the original linen lining has degraded. The front of the bodies curves down while being cut straight across at the back.69 A pair of pale cream or ivory silk bodies worn by Pfalzgräfin Dorothea Sabina von Neuburg, who died aged 22 in 1598, would have laced down the centre back, with six tabbed skirts or tassets at the back, with a busk at the centre front and stiffening provided by narrow strips of baleen or bents inserted into 26 stitched channels on either side.70 The farthingale provided a method of supporting the skirt of the gown or kirtle, so giving it additional shape and definition. As such it provided a means of displaying the expensive fabric if it was heavily patterned or embroidered. The farthingale was first worn in Spain c. 1460s, but in a slightly different form because at that time women put the hoops of willow or osier on the outside of their skirts. Women wearing skirts of this type were depicted on a choir stall in Seville cathedral dating from the 1470s and a water colour of Spanish ladies c. 1540.71 However, while this style was short-lived, the farthingale became a very distinctive feature of Spanish female dress which gave women’s gowns a rigid bell shape.72

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Catherine of Aragon is credited with introducing the farthingale to England when she arrived in 1501. In the absence of full-length portraits of women before the 1540s, it is not easy to chart its adoption. According to Edward Hall, on 7 March 1519 the female masquers wore black velvet gowns ‘with hoopes from the wast douneward’.73 The earliest known reference to farthingales in the great wardrobe accounts dates from 1545, when one was provided for Princess Elizabeth: ‘vij virg. Satten de bruges crimsen pro una verdingale.’74 Mary’s own accounts for 1546 include an entry ‘for making a vardingalle of crimsyn satin’ costing 5s, and a yard and a half of ‘brode clothe To the dowlles’ costing 5s.75 In the summer of 1548, Elizabeth Cavendish, better known to history as Bess of Hardwick, paid 4s 4d for ‘a nertyngall’ for her stepdaughter Ann, aged nine.76 In 1553 Princess Mary’s wardrobe accounts included ‘two rounde Varthingallis of crymsen Satten edged with crymsen Vellat’, ‘a single verthingall’ and a ‘haulf a farthingall of crymsen Satten’.77 A pattern for a silk farthingale was included in Juan de Alçega’s Pattern Book and, following the general premise of his book, there are clear instructions on how to cut the fabric rather than full making instructions. Alçega noted that ‘the farthingale is 1½ ells [1.1 m] long, and a little more than 13 hand-spans wide, which seems to me to be sufficient for this farthingale’.78 The visual effect created by the farthingale can be seen in the full-length portrait of Catherine Parr (Fig. 9.3), the smooth, conical shape of her skirt was achieved by wearing a Spanish farthingale. The three-quarter-length portrait of Princess Elizabeth, c. 1546 (Fig. 11.6) depicts the same triangular profile of her skirt and forepart. During 1536–37 Jane Seymour paid for ¾ yard (0.68 m) of crimson velvet for the ‘upperbodies’ of a petticoat of scarlet which cost 9s.79 This suggests a rather similar style of construction to that of a kirtle. She also ordered 1⅝ yards (1.4 m) of fine scarlet for a petticoat costing 35s 9d, and 1½ yards (1.3 m) of red cloth for a petticoat for her fool costing 7s 6d.80 A decade later Catherine Parr ordered several petticoats for herself made from 1½ yards (1.3 m) of fine scarlet costing 33s 9d.81 These orders highlight that a fairly standard quantity of cloth was required to make petticoats, as well as indicating the preference for scarlet petticoats.

Principal garments: the gown and the kirtle While the accounts are precise about payments for gowns and kirtles, these garments are hard to distinguish in visual representations. If the gown was worn with a kirtle, it was always the outer garment. It could have a waist seam or be cut in one from the shoulder. The skirt was usually quite full and from c. 1500–30 it could have a train. After that date, a train was less common. Portraits indicate that necklines were invariably square-cut at the front, but with a V-shaped back which could be either shallow or could reach down to the waistline. Bodice shaping of this type was depicted in Holbein’s drawing of a

9.3 Catherine Parr, wearing a French gown, attributed to Master John, 1545. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 4451)

woman, c. 1528 (Fig. 9.4), showing both three-quarter front and back views of a woman, possibly a preparatory sketch for his portrait of Lady Guildford (Fig. 9.5). The neckline got wider in the 1530s and 1540s, so it is almost off the shoulders, as is the case in the full-length portrait of Catherine Parr. Equally, the square-cut neckline developed a downwards curve. For much of the period, the bodice was shaped and stiffened to create a smooth profile. Consequently, the bodice flattened the breasts and pushed them up. However, in the 1540s a second type of bodice, more masculine in style, developed. This style can be seen in the portrait of a woman

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9.5 Mary, Lady Guildford by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1527. Lady Guildford is dressed in a very similar style to the woman in the costume study, and it has been suggested that the drawings were preparatory sketches for this portrait. The Saint Louis Art Museum, Missouri, Museum Purchase 9.4 Costume study showing the front and back view of a woman wearing English dress and an English hood, c. 1527, by Hans Holbein the Younger. 1895-9-15-991. Reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, London

of the Cromwell family (previously identified as Catherine Howard), by Holbein (Fig. 9.14), a miniature by him of Mrs Small (formerly known as Mrs Pemberton) c. 1540, and the portrait of Catherine Parr attributed to William Scrots (Fig. 10.6).82 In all three instances the bodice had a V-neck with a stand roll collar, sometimes referred to now as a Medici collar. The bodice fastened up the centre front and the shaping of the bodice was much softer than in previous decades. Although Alçega included patterns for silk doublets for women in his pattern book, none of the bodices are specifically described as a doublet in the great wardrobe accounts.83 The number of gowns surviving from the sixteenth century is small. Most of these were once buried with the bodies of their owners. The wedding dress of Mary of Hungary, which dates from 1525, is made from a figured silk, with a square neckline and tight-fitting sleeves with flared cuffs.84 This can be compared with the white satin gown of Eleanor of Toledo, wife of Cosimo I de’Medici (Figs 9.6 and 9.7).85 This was a square-necked bodice embodying Italian and Spanish fashions, and a short train. It was worn over a crimson velvet

bodice. There is a second gown thought to have belonged to Eleanor, which does not come from a burial context, made from red velvet, and the skirts of both gowns have the same cut and construction.86 A gown required a significant amount of cloth, especially if it was lined. A gown ordered for Catherine of Aragon took 20¼ yards (18.5 m) of black velvet that was bought from William Botry for £11 2s 9d. This quantity of cloth made the gown and lined the sleeves, forequarters and vents.87 The descriptions of Jane Seymour’s gowns are all quite simple, as in the case of ‘a gowne of Russett Capha turned with russett vellat’ (11223). The yardage required for making gowns and associated items are indicated in a letter from John Husee to Lady Lisle dated 25 April 1539. First, he notes that ‘I send by the bearer, Cockes, your gown of taffeta, wherein is the placard, and as much taffeta as will make two placards more’. He then states that ‘I have delivered Mrs Katherine 12 yards [10.9 m] of white damask, two and a half yards [2.2 m] of carnation velvet, a roll of buckram and half a yard [0.45 m] of velvet for a partlet’.88 Gowns were produced in a range of distinctive national styles. There are a few references to such gowns in the individual accounts for Henry VIII’s queens. While the national characteristics of these costumes might have been exaggerated

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9.6 Overall view of Eleanor of Toledo’s gown, 1562, after conservation. The shape of the skirt and the slight train are very evident from this picture. Reproduced with the permission of Mary Westerman for the Janet Arnold slide archive, Galleria del Costume, Palazzo Pitti

9.7 Detail of the bodice of Eleanor of Toledo’s gown, 1562, after conservation. Reproduced with the permission of Mary Westerman for the Janet Arnold slide archive, Galleria del Costume, Palazzo Pitti

for dramatic effect, the entries serve to emphasise the features of some of the different types: ‘twoo Italion gownes with Ruffe sleues of Crymsen Tilsent Damaske golde garded barrewise with yellowe Tilsent Ragged and Lyned with crymsen gold sarcennet’ (8660) and possibly ‘Almain’ styles: ‘ij garments for frowes of white Siluer Sarcennet the sleues paned vpon with clothe of golde the color garded with Clothe of golde Two Frockes vnder the same withowt sleues of blacke Tilsent Twoo partelettes of Crymsen Satten Rewed with Syluer garded with grene vellet’ (8661). The Dutch or round gown was described as being ‘made round without any trayne’.89 French gowns are mentioned in the accounts for 1546.90 Several examples also appear in the revels listing of 1547. The kirtle underwent significant changes during our period. In the late fifteenth century the kirtle was a dress with a tight-fitting bodice and skirt and with either integral or separate sleeves that could be worn on its own or under a gown. The skirt of the kirtle could have a train. By the middle of the sixteenth century the kirtle generally consisted of just a skirt.

However, the entries in the accounts indicate that the kirtles worn by the women at the English court had bodices or upper bodies and often had sleeves. A warrant for Princess Mary dating from 8 April 1536 included 14 yards (12.8 m) of black velvet for two kirtles with sleeves of the same velvet costing £13 6s, and 14 yards (12.8 m) of black satin for two kirtles with sleeves of the same satin costing £6 6s. John Scut was paid 66s 8d for making and lining the four kirtles.91 As only the front part of the kirtle was visible under the gown, it could be replaced by a forepart, a decorative panel that could be mounted on a petticoat. The kirtle, like the gown, could be given shape and structure by wearing a farthingale under it. A good sense of the construction and quantity of cloth involved in making a kirtle can be gauged by looking at the accounts. A kirtle made for Catherine of Aragon during 1519– 20 consisted of the following: for the upper bodying of a kirtle of black velvet ⅝ yard (0.56 m) of black satin (5s 3½d), for the hem of the kirtle, ¼ yard (0.23 m) of crimson velvet (3s 4d), and to make the upper parts of a pair of sleeves of black velvet ⅝ of a yard (0.56 m) of black satin (3s).92 A simpler example of

female fashions at henry viii’s court ‘a kirtle for the queen’ was made from 7¾ yards (7 m) of black satin bought from William Botry costing £3 5s 10½d, and a pair of sleeves for the queen from 1 yard (0.91 m) of black satin costing 8s.93 These garments were similar in terms of the provision of materials to the kirtles made earlier for Elizabeth of York. Some of the kirtles owned by Jane Seymour in 1536–37 were quite simple and undecorated, such as ‘one kirtle of white vellat’ (11264), while others were more ornate, including ‘one kirtle of Carnacion clothe of golde raysed with Siluer Tysue’ (11269) with what appear to be matching sleeves but that are listed separately (11325). On occasion, Jane’s kirtles could be far more opulent. William Ibgrave, embroiderer, received a large quantity of pearls ‘for the hinder part of the queen’s kirtle’: 140 pearls of the bigger sort, 400 pearls of the second sort and 1,562 of the small sort.94 By the 1540s the kirtle often still had matching sleeves, but they had become much more of a vehicle for surface decoration. Examples listed in the 1547 inventory include a ‘kertle compleate of crimsen satten alover embraudered with veanice golde and small peerless with a paier of Sleves to the same’ (9929) and ‘oon kertle of crimsen satten raised with newe making vellat and golde and striped with golde’ (9940). Unlike the gown, the kirtle does not tend to appear listed in the great wardrobe accounts as being made in styles adopted or adapted from other countries. The accounts suggest that as Henry VIII’s reign progressed the kirtle became more highly decorated and it was a vehicle for display amongst the female élite at court. It seems not to have been worn for informal wear.

Items worn in association with the gown and kirtle: foreparts, sleeves, furs and tippets, stomachers, placards, partlets and neckerchiefs The gown and kirtle were rarely worn alone. They were invariably seen in conjunction with other accessories. The forepart (a type of apron that was usually made of an expensive fabric and that was often decorated) worn with a gown or kirtle that was open at the front usually revealing a V-shaped panel. Previously, it was believed that the forepart only became fashionable from the mid 1540s.95 However, Jane Seymour at her death in October 1537 owned one: ‘one fore parte of a kirtle of Crymsen Satten enbrawdered with venice gold’ (11275). In the following decades it became popular. In 1547 there were 20 foreparts of kirtles most of which had matching sleeves (9927–28, 9930–39, 9941–44), in the secret guardrobe in the long gallery at Whitehall, including ‘one foreparte of a kertle of greane vellat allover embraudered with Cordiauntes of veanice golde with three paier of sleaues to the same’, two kirtles (9929, 9940) and a further 20 pairs of sleeves (9945–63). These may have belonged to Catherine Howard, or more likely to Catherine Parr, whose clothes when brought from Sudeley lacked any kirtles or gowns. These foreparts

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were highly ornate and extremely sumptuous in terms of fabrics used and colour: nine of velvet, six of cloth of gold and five of satin; six of plain cloth of gold, five green, four purple and also crimson and one of yellow. In addition, 14 were described as embroidered all over, while five were overlaid with passamayne and one was woven with metal thread. The shape of the forepart changed as that of the farthingale changed. Two examples of foreparts made later in the sixteenth century demonstrate this. The first, dating from c. 1575–85, is made from green silk velvet decorated with couched gold thread and ornamented with guards of dark cream silk worked with polychrome embroidery. The forepart was quite narrow in profile, indicating that it was intended to be worn over a cone-shaped Spanish farthingale. The second forepart dates from c. 1580–95 and is made from ivory satin worked with a stamped and embroidered design. The forepart was originally made to be worn with a Spanish farthingale, but it was extended so that it could be worn with the much wider French farthingale.96 Sleeves formed a very important part of the female wardrobe. They could be either integral with the gown and the kirtle or made separately and attached with points, lacing or possibly with pins. At the start of Henry VIII’s reign, both Catherine of Aragon and Mary Tudor had some gowns made for them with wide sleeves. The style of English women’s sleeves was described by a Venetian visitor in 1527.97 There were several distinct styles of sleeve that could basically be subdivided into single sleeves and over- and undersleeves. Single sleeves could either be fairly fitted down the whole length, they could get wider at the end or they could be very full ending in a tight cuff. Sleeves of this third type can be seen in the portrait of a woman from the Cromwell family, c. 1540–41. They were often heavily decorated with lengths of passementerie, pairs of aglets and gemstones. The sleeves belonging to Jane Seymour included ‘one payer of Sleves of blacke golde tissue teyed with tenne payer of aglettes of golde’ (11311). This was one of a number of pairs that were tied with aglets along the lower seam, although none were attributed to being a specific style. The other combination consisted of oversleeves and undersleeves, which could be interchangeable to create a range of different effects. The oversleeves were usually very large with deep turned-back cuffs or bell-shaped ends. They could be made of fur, as in the portrait of the countess of Salisbury (Fig. 9.8) or fur lined, as in the full-length portrait of Catherine Parr. The undersleeves or foresleeves could be left open fully or partially open along the lower seam and if this was the case they could be tied with aglets. Undersleeves could be made from pleated linen or more expensive silk fabrics. A pair of foresleeves appeared amongst the clothes ordered by Catherine Parr. They were made from 1 yard (0.91 m) of black lukes velvet for a pair of forestocks costing 15s.98 Different styles of sleeves became fashionable by the 1540s. Catherine Parr owned an impressive variety. Spanish sleeves were particularly popular. Princess Mary’s accounts for 1546 included a payment of 10s for the translation of a pair of French sleeves into Venice sleeves of black velvet guarded with pastment of gold and great wreaths of Venice gold.99

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9.8 Margaret Pole, countess of Salisbury, unknown artist, c. 1535. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 2607)

In addition to fur linings for gowns and sleeves, fur borders and hems, fur oversleeves, fur collars or wraps (sometimes known as flea furs) could be worn as accessories. In the case of fur collars or wraps, it was believed that fleas were attracted to them from the wearer.100 These furs could be quite simple in form, relying on the quality and the status attached to the type of fur to speak for itself: ‘one paier of Sables for the Necke’ (11538) and ‘twoo paier of Sables for the necke with blacke vellat’ (11539). However, others were heavily ornamented and still retained the animal’s head, paws and tail: one Sable skynne with a hedd of golde conteyning in yt a clocke with a coller of golde enameled blacke sett with iiij diamountes and foure rubies and with twoo perles hanging at the eares and twoo rubies in the yees the same skynne having allso feete of golde the clawes thereof being saphyres twoo of theym being brokin with a dyamount vppon the clocke (11535). one other like sable skynne with a hedd of golde musled garnished and sett with foure Emerades foure turquesses vj rubies twoo dyamountes and v perles with foure feete of golde eche sett with a turques the tonge being a rubye (11536).

These fancy furs were a status symbol and fashionable throughout Europe.101 The tippet was a shoulder cape that was often quite close fitting. By the end of our period, it had a small stand, roll collar. It has been argued that after the mid 1520s the tippet was often worn with a kirtle but this does not seem to be born out by the evidence of the wardrobes of Henry’s wives.102

Several tippets were made for Catherine of Aragon which required 1 ell (0.61 m) of black sarsenet (8s 4d) and 1 ell (0.61 m) white sarsenet (5s).103 Sarsenet tippets were ordered for Princess Mary under a warrant dated 4 December 1517.104 However, after 1519–20 none of the queens ordered tippets to be made for them. The tippet also formed part of court mourning dress (see below) which was quite old fashioned in its style, so providing an example of the ossification of forms of dress to fit with social etiquette. The tippet worn for mourning had a hood. Several different garments were worn to cover the front lacing of a gown and to infill a low neckline. These had distinctive forms. The stomacher was a decorative piece worn by women under the front lacing of their bodice, or it could be pinned in place over the front of a woman’s bodice. The pin heads can be seen in the portrait of Jane Seymour (Pl. VIb). Jane Seymour had 13 stomachers, including ‘one Stomacher of purple clothe of golde playne allouer enbrawdred with damaske golde and purple silke’ (11356). Women wore a placard to infill the open front of their gowns. Jane Seymour owned a number of placards described in terms of the gowns that they accompanied: ‘fyve placardes for gownes of clothe of golde and Siluer’ (11342). No other details were given in terms of decoration or their construction in the 1542 or 1547 listings. However, one of her wardrobe accounts included ½ a yard (0.45 m) of black velvet for a partlet with ½ a yard (0.45 m) of black taffeta sarsenet for lining.105 In contrast, those owned by Catherine Parr were highly ornate. A number were edged with fabric of a contrasting colour or weave, while a percentage trimmed with expensive furs: with shanks of budge (17675, 17680), with sable (17677, 17692), with pinked ermine (17683), with lynx (17695) and with jennet (17689). Others were decorated with a variety of techniques such as the placard of ‘purple satten withe Cuttes of purple vellat embroidered vppon the same with veanice golde and bordered withe cordauntes’. The partlet was worn to infill the neck of a woman’s gown or kirtle. The shape of the partlet evolved along lines similar to the development of men’s shirts. So initially partlets had a round neckline with no collar and often with a front opening that was secured with buttons. By the 1530s the partlet usually had a small stand collar, as indicated in a letter from Leonard Smith to Lady Lisle on 22 November 1533, Smith saying, ‘I delivered the measurement of your neck for your partlet collar, which you shall have within x days’.106 Partlets could be made in sets with pairs of sleeves.107 They also came in a variety of types and materials, as indicated by a warrant dated 10 June 1538 for Princess Mary. This included entries for black velvet for a French partlet, black velvet for two partlets, two dozen lawn partlets and two dozen lames or cords for partlets.108 Partlets were made from a range of fabrics. Jane Seymour’s clothes included nine partlets, two of which were made ‘of lawne wrought with golde aboute the collers’ (11366). Six others of unspecified material were decorated in a similar manner (11365), while the most ornate was made of ‘purple vellat enbrawdred with pirles of damaske golde garnished with smale perles and small stones of sondrie sortes and lined

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with white satten’ (11364). Catherine Parr ordered two partlets to be made from 1 yard (0.91 m) of crimson velvet.109 Six partlets listed in the 1547 inventory were described as having been made ‘Caulle fashion of veanice golde iiij of them garneshed with small peerles’ (9964). This is the type of partlet that can be seen in the portrait of Eleanor of Toledo by Bronzino, c. 1550.110 However, the most spectacular partlet owned by Henry’s queens formed part of the queen’s collection of jewels because it was so heavily embellished with gemstones: ‘A Partelett conteyning a Collar and slyttes of golde garnysshed with xxv Dyamountes xlvij rubies vj Emerodes and Ciiijxxxv perles meane in the said Coller and slyttes vpon the shulder therof is lxxviij meane perles and in all the rest of the said partelett xxvij rewes of small perles conteyning in the hole of perles MlDCCCCiiijxxx perles’ (2736). In its basic form, the neckerchief was a piece of linen, often square in shape that was worn about the neck and shoulders. They could be embroidered as in the case of ‘xl neckerchiffes wrought with golde and silke’ (10418), but much more exotic versions were made for women participating in the king’s revels: ‘ij Neckerchers the Collers venyce golde & perle the rest white Silke Caulworke with five paier of Claspes of golde and one odd sett with litell garnettes’ (8731).

Maternity wear Cecily Heron was Sir Thomas More’s youngest daughter and she was married to Giles Heron, son of a treasurer of the chamber. In her portrait drawing done by Holbein in 1528 and the celebrated More family group, the front of Cecily’s gown is laced in such a way as to accommodate her pregnant body (Fig. 9.9).111 Margaret Giggs, who was More’s foster daughter, is shown wearing a similar bodice in her portrait drawing to that of Cecily, but in the family group she wears different (and obscured) clothes (Fig. 9.10).112 She may also have been pregnant at the time of the commission. Her style of dress may account for her misidentification with ‘Mother Iak’ who became Prince Edward’s nurse. These are amongst the earliest English pregnancy portraits known. The genre enjoyed something of a vogue in the second half of the sixteenth century and the early seventeenth century.113 One of the earliest pregnancy portraits to survive is the portrait of Catherine of Austria, queen of Portugal, painted in 1552 by Anthonis Mor.114 Two of the earliest English examples are the portraits of Lady Knollys in 1562, attributed to Steven van der Meulen, and of Lady Burghley not long after, attributed to Hans Eworth.115 The sitters were all depicted in fashionable, highly ornate dress, left undone at the front and often with belts or decorative chains used to emphasise their child-bearing. It is not known if such clothing was worn throughout pregnancy or just for the formal portrait, nor if worn how it was adapted to suit the changing shape of a pregnant woman’s body.116 During the course of 1533 Eustace Chapuys recorded how Anne Boleyn modified her usual clothing to accommodate her advancing pregnancy. He noted ‘that . . . the Lady taking a

9.9 Cecily Heron, by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1526–27. RL 12269. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

piece of material, as is the custom with pregnant women here to add to gowns which are too tight, her father said to her that she should take it out and thank God to find herself in such a condition’.117 In 1536–37 Lady Lisle had a phantom pregnancy. She made preparations for the birth of a child. These included clothes. On 14 December 1536 William Lock wrote to her husband stating that ‘you shall receive by the bringer hereof, Mr Corbett, a stomacher cloth of cloth-of-gold for my lady. I pray Jesu, if it be his pleasure, it may cover a young Lord Plantagenet’.118 On 17 February 1537 John Husee noted that ‘my fellow Kyne would know what your ladyship will do for waistcoats. They useth them here of white satin or damask, edged with ermine’.119 Not long after Lady Lisle’s unhappy experience, Jane Seymour became pregnant, and it is possible that the ‘twoo wastcotes for a woman lieng in of clothe of siluer embrawdered with sleves’ (9652) listed in 1547 as being in the lower study at Greenwich were made for her. Three other waistcoats were listed amongst her clothes kept at Whitehall: one Wastecote of clothe of siluer guilted with blacke silke and tuffed owte with fyne Camerike (11371). one Wastecote of Camerike enbrawdred with siluer and blacke tuffed oute with fyne Cameryke (11372). one wastecote of white satten the sleves enbrawdred with venyce siluer (11376).

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Outdoor dress: cloaks and special clothes for riding and walking

9.10 Margaret Giggs (Mother Iak), by Hans Holbein the Younger. RL 12229 P8. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

The details of Jane’s pregnancy were regularly reported to Lord and Lady Lisle: on 23 May, ‘The Queen’s Grace is great with child, and shall be open-laced with stomacher betwixt this and Corpus Christi Day’; on 22 June, ‘the Queen sometimes goes with placards and sometimes with stomacher, unlaced’; and on 17 July, ‘the Queen goeth with placard not laced’.120 These references reveal how modifications were made to the bodice of the gown or kirtle as the pregnancy advanced. The last Tudor queen to hope for a pregnancy, Mary I, adopted a style of dress, or undress, to stress her condition. On 28 November 1554, she sat under her cloth of estate in the great chamber at Whitehall ‘richly apparelled, and her belly laid out, that all men might see that she was with child’.121 Special linen was also provided for women in the final stages of pregnancy. Among Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe at Baynard’s castle in 14 February 1535, there survived ‘three smockis of fyne Hollande clothe, wherof two be wroughte aboute the collers withe golde and the thurde wroughte aboute the coller and at the handis with silke’ along with two double petticoats of holland and two rollers, one of linen and one of wool. All of these items were described in a marginal note as being ‘necessaries provided for the Princesse Dowgier, whatte tyme she laye in childe bedde’.122

References to cloaks are rare as are those for garments for outdoor use for women.123 Catherine of Aragon had cloaks made for her because her wardrobe book included an order for 14¼ yards (13 m) of satin and 7 yards (6.4 m) of sarsenet for a cloak for her, and a case was made for it from 2½ yards (2.2 m) of black buckram priced at 12½d at a cost of 2d.124 Jane Seymour also had cloaks made or modified for her, including ‘one Cloke of tawny Satten with twoo gardes embrawdered with Venice golde and lined with tawny Sarcenet’ (11276). For making a cloak, 3½ yards (3.2 m) of black cloth and ¼ of a yard (0.22 m) of satin was needed to line the collar, while crimson taffeta costing 3s 4d was bought for translating a scarlet cloak and new lining the sleeves and skirts.125 Catherine Parr also possessed a cloak made from 3¼ yards (2.98 m) of fine scarlet costing 65s.126 Evidently, it was not full length. Princess Mary seems to have liked cloaks and ordered them regularly. Under a warrant dated 25 March 1534, William Hewetson provided 3 yards (2.7 m) of black cloth for a cloak (30s), the hood and vents lined with 4 yards (3.6 m) of black satin and made up by Scut. He also supplied a case for the cloak made from 3 yards (2.7 m) of bridges satin costing 8s.127 Although the evidence is scanty, it indicates that wool was the more usual choice of fabric for cloaks, being more suited to providing warmth and protection from the weather. It is possible that Jane’s satin cloak was intended for summer wear. Mufflers were worn around the neck and would have combined warmth with an opportunity for glamour. The clothes owned by Jane Seymour included some very simple examples made from ⅝ of a yard (0.56 m) of black taffeta for a muffler costing 5s, ⅜ of a yard (0.3 m) of black velvet for a muffler also costing 5s, and ¼ of a yard (0.22 m) of black taffeta for lining priced at 22½d. She also owned a more exotic example: ‘a muflyer of blacke vellat striped with smale cheynes of golde garnished with smale perles smale rubies and smale dyamountes lacking perles in dyuers places and one smale rubye the same muffelier being furred with Sables and hanging thereunto a cheyne of golde enameled grene and garnished with certeyne perles’ (11537). She also had two mufflers of purple velvet embroidered with gold pirl (11367–68). Catherine Parr had ‘a Mowfler of black vellat garneshed with twentie Rubes course and fullie furnished with peerle and a small cheyne hanging at it of golde and peerle’ (3529). This resembles, with the exception of the sable, an example listed amongst Catherine Howard’s jewels on her arrest: ‘a muffler of black velvet furred with sables containing xxxviij rubies and vClxxij pearles, betwixt every row certain small chains of gold, with also a chain to hang the same muffler by containing xxx pearls.’128 Far less allowance was made for women to undertake sports or outdoor activities. The main area of was clothing for riding. Notwithstanding the belief that the riding habit originated in the seventeenth century and evolving into a distinct, fashionable garment over the following hundred years, the

female fashions at henry viii’s court

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wardrobe accounts of the Tudor dynasty make it clear that the riding habit was an earlier invention.129 The earliest discovered so far dates from 26 November 1502, when Robert Johnson received 13 yards (11.8 m) of black satin to make a riding gown for Elizabeth of York at a price of £5 17s. This gown was trimmed with black velvet for the edge and cuffs (13s). The gown was lined with 7½ yards (6.8 m) of black buckram and 1½ ells (1.1 m) of canvas, while 1 nail (0.06 m) of sarsenet was used for lining the vents.130 When not wearing a riding gown, riders used a safeguard to protect silk gowns or kirtles from any dirt from the horse or roads and the first reference to a safeguard in the royal accounts appears in 1546.131 The queens also had other riding accessories. They carried whips: ‘iij ryding roddes for ladyes’ (9608) and ‘a bagg of blue Buckram with riding roddes for gentlewomen’ (10544). All of Henry’s wives rode, either for pleasure or necessity. On 18 July 1518 Richard Pace noted that ‘The Queen intendeth to hunt tomorrow four miles hence in a little park of Sir John Peachy’s’.132 Walking was also rated a suitable form of exercise for élite women. In 1520 a short kirtle was made from 6 yards (5.4 m) of black damask costing 48s for Catherine of Aragon ‘to walk in the mornynges’.133 Amongst the clothes given to Anne Knyvet at the same time was ‘a warking stole’ costing 16d.134 Catherine Parr paid 10s for two pairs of walking shoes on 6 October 1543.135

Informal wear: nightgowns The loose gown or nightgown was a full-length, unfitted gown worn by women as well as men for informal attire. The nightgown was cut so that it fell in gentle folds from the shoulders with no shaping at the waist. Catherine of Aragon ordered for herself ‘a gown for the queen to be her night gown’ that required 13 yards (11.8 m) of tawny satin. Scut bought the cloth from William Lock and it was furred with grey jennets costing, in all, £5 4s. In addition, Scut’s servant received 2s for his costs bringing the gown from London to Windsor.136 Henry VIII gave Anne Boleyn a black satin nightgown during their courtship. It was made for Anne by John Malt, the king’s tailor, and the gift was paid for out of his privy purse.137 This gift helps to resolve the true identity of the woman called ‘Anna Bollein Queen’ in a drawing by Holbein. This woman is wearing a fur-lined nightgown over her chemise (Fig. 9.11). It is Holbein’s only portrait of a woman in informal dress. The choice of garment, I would argue, was because it was a gift with a very special significance to the wearer, not because of the laxity within her privy chamber at her downfall.138 Possibly the most sumptuous nightgown was made for Jane Seymour. Her accounts included the following payments: Mr Vngull for embroidering a nightgown of velvet with 5½ oz (155 g) of Venice gold, 1 oz (28 g) of damask gold pearls, with workmanship and silk priced at 26s 8d and ‘[. . .] ells of canvas for tenting of the gown’.139 The reference to canvas indicates that part, or all, of the gown was lined to ensure the gown fell in heavy folds. Jane also had a less grand nightgown made

9.11 Portrait of an unknown lady, thought to be Anne Boleyn, c. 1536, by Hans Holbein the Younger. RL 12189 P 63. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

from 12⅞ yards (11.7 m) of unwatered camlet that was decorated with two welts of the same camlet, and the sleeves were lined with 2 yards (1.8 m) of buckram. A nightgown of black satin made for Catherine Parr from 11 yards (10 m) of cloth was trimmed with two embroidered burgeon guards and an edge of black velvet.140 The nightgown was also made by the king’s tailor. On 6 March 1537 John Husee told Lady Lisle that he had bought 10½ yards (9.6 m) of black damask, 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet and 2¼ yards (2 m) of white satin for her nightgown and waistcoat.141 A month later he informed her that her nightgown was ready and ‘even in every point made as my Lady Beauchamp’s; and it is the very fashion that the Queen and all the ladies doth wear . . . divers of the ladies hath their nightgowns embroidered, some with gold and some with silk’.142

Mourning Mourning clothes for high-ranking women consisted of a hood, a mantle, a slope or mourning cassock and a surcote

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worn under the mantle. The set of ordinances for mourning apparel attributed to Lady Margaret Beaufort is linked to the death of Queen Elizabeth in 1503.143 Even if Lady Margaret was not the author, she was interested in such matters, for in 1507 her household accounts include a payment that was made to Garter Herald ‘for making a book to wear mourning clothes by’.144 It was an interest she shared with Eleanor of Poitiers who, in 1485, had set out the French ordinances governing matters such as royal and noble mourning. Not surprisingly, these possessed many features similar to those in the English ordinances: gowns had trains and hoods had tippets or cornette, the length of which was regulated by the status of the wearer and the relationship of the wearer to the deceased, and miniver was the only fur to be worn for mourning.145 The English ordinances present a very clear sense of the social hierarchy. They are worth quoting in full: Furst it is ordeyned the grettest estates to haue their surcottes with a trayne before and an oder behynde and ther mantelles with traynes and the trettit estates the longest traynes with hodes & tippettes as here aftir shall appere and that in noo mainere of wyse the bekys bee vsed for the deformyte of the same. Item that the qwene to were a surcott with a trayne before & a nodir behynde and a mantell with a trayne & she to were the longest trayne because she ys the grettist estat and a playne hode withowt clockys and a typet at the hode lyyng of a good length on the trayne of the mantill & in brede a nayle & a ynche and aftir the furst quarter be past yf hit bee the qwenys plesyr to haue her mantell lyned it must bee blacke saten or fyne doble sarcenet and yf hit be furred it must bee with ermyn powdred at her plesir. Item that my ladie the kinges modir in jewelle to were euery thinge lyke to the qwene. Item that the kinges doughters or maried sisters and hole awntis shall were in all thynges like as the quene the traynes and tipettis sumwhat shorter. Item a duchesse to were a curcote with a trayne before an other behinde and a pleine hode without clokkes and a tipet at the hode in length to the grounde and in brede the naile and the half ynche. and after the first quarter the duchesse mantell to be lyned or furred as it be furred it must be with ermyn powderd at thende of thermyn and betwene euery powdring asmoche space as the length of thermyn. Item a countesse to were a curcote with a trayne before an other behynde / a mantell with a trayne a pleine hode without clokkes and a tipet in length to the grounde sauyng half a quarter of a yerde and in brede a large naile And after the first quarter the countesse mantell to be lyned or furred as it be furred it must be with meniuer sauyng the ege both of the hode & mantell may be furred with ermyn powderd and betwene euery powdring half a quarter of a yerde. Item a dukes doughter to were in all thyngis as a countesse weryth. Item a baronesse to were A circote without a trayne and a mantell according a hode without clokkes and tipettis in length to the grounde sauyng A quarter of a yerde and in brede the skares naylle. Item erlles doughters to were in all thynges as a baronesse weryth. Item lordes doughters and knyghtes wiffes to wear surcottes with metely traynes and noo mantelles their hodes with clockys and tippettes in breadth three quarters of a nayle & in length a yarde and a halff to bee pynned upon the arme. The qwenes chief gentilwomen & esquires for the bodyes wiffes in howssold to were in all thinges lieke lordes doughters And all odir the qwenes gentilwomen my lady the kinges modirs and the qwenes doughters gentilwomen in howssold to were sloppis or cotehardies and hodis with clockes the typpettes a yerde long and a ynche brode to be pynned vpon the seide of their hodes. Item duchesses and countesses gentilwomen as many as be barbed aboue the chynne tipettes in length & brede as the qwenes gentilwomen haue.

Item all chamberers shall were hodes with clockes and no mainere of tipettes. Item gret estates wering mantelles when they Ryde,to have short clokys and hodes with narow tipettes to be bounde abowt their heddes. Item assone as they come to court they to ley away their hodes and that aftir the Furst moneth noone to were hodes in her betters presens but when they labour. Item the qwenes my lady the kinges modir the kinges doughters duchesses and countesses apparell to bee of the fascion and largenesse and they were vsed when they ware bekys except now the typettes to bee in the stede of bekys.146

Elizabeth I’s wardrobe book of 1600 listed her mourning robes which consisted of: one Mantle of purple vellat with a Mantle lace of silke and golde with buttons and tassels to the same one kirtle and Circoate of the same purple vellat the traine and skirtes furred with powdered Armyons the rest lined with sarceonet with a paire of upper bodies to the same.147

Curiously, the style and colour of these robes do not accord with the ordinances as they should have. The reason for this discrepancy is perhaps that they were originally one of the sets of robes made for Elizabeth’s coronation and later used for mourning.148

Accessories: headwear and footwear Head coverings formed a very important part of female dress in mid Tudor dress and a wide variety of types was available.149 Their significance was linked to the importance, both moral and social, of covering their hair fully or partially. Women’s headwear, like that worn by men, could take a range of forms from the very simple to the complex. Many of the items were decorated with jewels and one jewel account suggests that jewels could be worn on the hair as well. On 29 December 1530 Cornelius Hayes delivered 19 diamonds costing £9 3d to Anne Boleyn, ‘set for her head’, weighing 2 oz 1 demi-weight (0.06 kg).150 Ribbons also could be worn in the hair, as indicated by a reference in Catherine of Aragon’s accounts which records a payment of 8s to Isobel Burgess early in 1515 for six pieces of Venice ribbon ‘for herelaces’ for the queen.151 A wide variety of types of headwear was available to women and changing their headwear was a simple way to effect a change in style. Equally, different items could be worn in combination, as in the miniature of Mrs Small c. 1540. She wore a frontlet, a close-fitting undercap and a small bonnet, all made of white linen. Sipers or cyprus was a very fine holland that was used as veiling that could be folded and pinned round the head. It was often starched, pleated and held in place with specially purchased pins. In March 1520, Richard Justice paid 8s for starch and brimstone for Catherine of Aragon’s use, and it may well have been intended for starching her head linen.152 A complex example of this type of folded, starched linen can be seen in the portrait of Anne Boleyn in which she was depicted wearing a pleated band of yellow linen, possibly the front of a cap or a separate band of pleated linen.

female fashions at henry viii’s court Linen was also used to make simple caps and undercaps that were worn under the main hood in order to protect the expensive fabric of the hood from natural oils on the hair. Linen undercaps of this type can be seen in Holbein’s drawing of Anne Boleyn (Fig. 9.11). The front edge of her cap was defined and held in place with a metal hoop or wire.153 A band of linen was tied around her head, fastening at the back. Caps of this type could be worn alone as informal dress or under another type of headdress such as the fur caps. A crespin was a caul or hairnet made from metal or silk thread. John Husee wrote to Lady Lisle on 5 May 1539 about some French crespins, noting that ‘it were a pity but they should be conveyed with some sure messenger, for they be very fair . . . Mrs Katharine desireth to have a crepyn. She thinketh there will be none [to be] had in the country’.154 The letter highlights how French craftsmanship was valued over items produced in England. Living in Calais, as she did, Lady Lisle was better placed than many to admire and buy French goods. Entries in the 1547 inventory indicate that crespins were bought in large numbers. It is possible that some of the cheaper versions were only worn once or twice before being discarded. The coffer for Catherine Parr’s jewels included some more expensive examples, such as ‘xxviij Crippins of gold and silver’ (3602) while there were ‘xij dosen and x Crepens of sundry sortes’ (10421) in the secret wardrobe at Whitehall. Coifs and cauls often completely covered the wearer’s hair. They were usually made using a knotting technique: ‘thre Coyphes of golde Cawle fashion to trusse vp heare in’ [2222] ‘one Coiffe Venice golde Sylkewomans worke’ (8730) and ‘one Coiffe with A Roll wrought with venyce golde’ (8742). According to the Venetian ambassador in 1531, English women ‘wear a sort of coif of white linen, from under which a few tresses are visible over the forehead, but the coif fits close behind so that toward the ears everything is covered, the coif concealing their hair’.155 An example of a sixteenth-century child’s hairnet or caul was recovered from the tombs of the Counts von Stubenberg, in the parish church of Frauenburg, near Unzmarkt, Styria. The caul was made from gold thread knotted to form a hexagonal mesh. The edge of the hair net is trimmed with a silk ribbon decorated with seed pearls and gold spangles which tied at the back of the neck.156 A frontlet was a decorative band placed over the forehead by women. It was generally worn with either a caul or bonnet. Anne Boleyn received gifts of richly embroidered frontlets and sleeves from the Manners family both before and after she married Henry.157 On 22 November 1533 Leonard Smith told Lady Lisle how he had ‘delivered the frontlet to the Queen’s embroiderer, who says she shall have one of another fashion shortly after Christmas. Has delivered the measure of the neck for the partlet’.158 On 29 December 1534 Husse noted that ‘your broiderer who had delivered your frontlet to Parot ij days before’ price £4 10s.159 The English hood or gable headdress was so named because of the pointed arch of the front resembling a gable, with lappets that initially hung down but later were pinned up onto the headdress and fabric draped over the back of the hood and hung down the back of the wearer. Later, this fabric was

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pinned up at the back. Headdresses of this type had quite a complex internal structure made up of wire or metal hoops. Holbein’s drawing of Cecily Heron’s headdress indicates that it consisted of three to four layers, all held in place with a metal hoop. A number of metal loops have been excavated that may well be headdress frames. When these hoops are analysed together with other visual evidence they reveal several distinct shapes of the gable hood: angular, curved, diamond and pediment (Fig. 9.12).160 The hoods were fiddly to make and took quite a lot of fabric, and this difficulty was reflected in the price. Alice Burley, silk woman, was paid 17s for a bonnet of black velvet made for the queen’s own use.161 Catherine of Aragon appears in a portrait of c. 1530 wearing a gable hood, edged with a jewelled band with the cloth of gold lappets pinned up and the black velvet hanging down her back. Jane Seymour (Pl. VIb) painted about six years later wears the final variant of the English hood where the velvet fall was treated in an asymmetrical manner. Half the fall of black velvet hangs down her back while the other half is coiled up on itself, forming the shape of a whelk shell. While Jane Seymour forbad her attendants to wear the French hood, no examples of the English hood survived in her wardrobe at her death, even though she had been painted wearing one. The style lingered and Catherine Parr was painted wearing an English hood in one of her earlier portraits (Fig. 9.13). The French hood was much smaller and more elegant than the gable headdress, consisting of a neat textile hood decorated with jewelled borders, either set in gold or stitched onto a textile band. An example of the latter was kept in Henry’s removing coffers: ‘v peces of golde for womens habilementes sewed vpon white satten garnysshed with small dyamountes and Rubies lacking stones in dyuers places thone of them

9.12 Wire frame probably for a sixteenth-century gable hood, C550, from an unknown site in London. Museum of London

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hauing an edge of perle lackibg dyuers perles’ (2847). The biliment, or habiliment as it was often referred to, consisted of two parts: the upper biliment and the nether biliment. On 30 November 1530 Christopher Milliner was paid £6 19s 1d out of the privy purse for ‘edges of golde weyng ij unces and iij quarters and iijs’.162 The double portrait of the duke and duchess of Suffolk painted in 1515 is one of the earliest representations of the French hood worn by an English sitter (Pl. IIIa). The duchess was the widow of King Louis XII of France and accordingly she was often called the French queen. As the portrait makes clear, the hood did not cover the front of the wearer’s hair, which was usually combed with a centre parting. In March 1520 Catherine of Aragon provided a French hood for her daughter Mary at a price of 11s which included the cost of 1 yard (0.91 m) of black velvet.163 These two examples disprove the suggestion that Anne Boleyn introduced the French hood to England. On 25 March 1534 Ralph Warren supplied 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet for three French hoods for Mary, costing 57s, and John Scut was paid 18s for making the hoods. On 7 July 1535 Leonard Smith informed Lady Lisle that he had ‘bought a French hood, with all habiliments thereunto belonging of as rich and good sort as I could get in London’.164 In September 1537 she wrote to Sir William le Gras asking him to send her more crespins and hats ‘of the kind that the ladies of France use to wear, for the ladies here in the habiliments

9.13

Catherine Parr, unknown artist. Lambeth Palace Library

follow the mode of France’, adding that she specifically wanted ‘a half dozen of ladies’ bonnets, three of them trimmed with velvet, and the other three trimmed with silk . . . and one that shall be finely trimmed with gold’.165 In the following decade Catherine Parr was ordering ⅝ of a yard (0.56 m) of black lukes velvet for a French hood for costing 9s 4½d that was lined with ¼ of a yard (0.22 m) of black satin at 22½d.166 A good example of a French hood of this type can be seen in the portrait of a member of the Cromwell family (Fig. 9.14) and in a portrait of Catherine Parr (Fig. 9.15). French hoods were usually quite heavily decorated. Jane Seymour’s wardrobe included ‘oone French whode of blac Vellat’ [2219] as well as ‘oone billiament of blac vellat garnisshed with goldsmithes worke’ [2220] and one of white satin [2221]. Catherine Howard’s jewels included an ‘upper habiliment of goldsmith’s work enamelled and garnished with vij fair diamonds, vij fair rubies and vij fair pearls’, and an upper habiliment decorated with eight diamonds and seven rubies given to her by the king at the New Year in 1540.167 The bongrace could be worn with a French hood or separately. It provided protection for the forehead and the back of the neck.

9.14 Lady of the Cromwell family, formerly known as ‘Catherine Howard’, after Hans Holbein the Younger, 1540–41. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 1119)

female fashions at henry viii’s court

9.15 Catherine Parr, unknown artist, collection unknown. Photo: National Portrait Gallery, London

During 1536–37 William Lock supplied ⅝ of a yard (0.56 m) of black taffeta for ‘a bonegrace’ costing 5s for Jane Seymour.168 Close-fitting white fur bonnets often had a gable front and came down over the ears. The portrait evidence, Holbein’s portrait of Alice Lovell (Fig. 9.16) and his drawing of Margaret Giggs, both from about 1528, and the portrait of Margaret Pole, countess of Salisbury c. 1535, suggests that these bonnets had an internal frame but were not decorated with a jewelled edge or border.169 This type of bonnet was often made of a white fur known as lettice. Lady Lisle actively sought one. On 22 November 1533 Leonard Smith told Lady Lisle that he had ‘spoken for a lettice bonnet for Mrs Frances, which will cost xiijs iiijd. As the skinner saith, you shall have it within vj days’.170 On 23 January 1534 he informed her that he had ‘delivered a lettice bonnet to Hugh Colton for my lord’s daughter, which cost xs and iiijd for the box. If it be not fit for her my bargain is it shall be changed or amended’.171 Some of these fur bonnets or caps were worn for night or informal wear, as in the case of a night bonnet of ermine ordered for Princess Mary in September 1532.172 The cap or bonnet was an accessory borrowed from male dress, the black velvet bonnet with the halo brim decorated with gold aglets, buttons and feathers. It was usually worn flat

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9.16 Lady with a Squirrel and a Starling, thought to be Anne Lovell, by Hans Holbein the Younger. Anne Lovell is dressed in the style of a woman of middling rank and she wears and very fashionable lettice hood. © National Gallery, London (NG 6540)

on the head rather than at an angle. Catherine Parr c. 1545 wore hers over a linen undercap edged with pearls. The descriptions of her caps, some of which were listed amongst her things brought from Sudeley in 1549, were similar to those made for her husband: ‘a Cappe of blacke vellat garneshed with a brouche of gold having therin a Table Diamounte and xxj pair of aglattes and xiiij small buttons of golde’ (3592). During 1536–37 Christopher Milliner made a hat of black taffeta garnished with black silk and gold costing 30s for Jane Seymour, as well as a hat of green taffeta garnished with green silk and gold for the same price. The list of her clothes stored after her death at Whitehall included two very ornate velvet hats: ‘one hatte of purple vellat enbrawdred with pirles of damaske golde garnished with smale perles and smale stones of sundrie sortes and frengid with golde’ (11369) and ‘one hatte of sadd crymsen vellat enbrawdred with lace of golde and tasselles to the same hatt with a case of crymsen vellat’ (11370). Women’s hose or stockings were usually made from a woven woollen cloth, but by the mid sixteenth century they could also be knitted. In May 1502 Elizabeth of York paid 13d for ‘ij yerdes of white fustian for sokkes for the Quene’, while

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six months later Thomas Humberston was paid 3s 6d ‘for the cloth and making of vij payere sokkes’.173 Hints about the production of female hose appear in two letters from Lady Lisle to her daughters. In April 1536 she explained to one daughter that ‘I send you also hose-cloths because the hosiers here, for lack of measure of your leg, cannot make them meet for you’. To the other she wrote, ‘I send you also hose-cloths, because the hosier knoweth not the bigness of your leg’.174 A bill for £20 11s 2d for hose made for Catherine Parr, Mistress Neville and Jane, the queen’s fool, that was paid on 14 June 1544, indicated both the cost and style of the queen’s hose. Catherine bought 83 pairs of hose for herself costing 3s 4d a pair, and for her kinswoman Mistress Neville and her fool Jane at 20d a pair. The queen’s hose were also decorated with roses made from 7 yards (6.4 m) of velvet and 6 yards (5.4 m) of penny breadth ribbon.175 Silk examples which may have been either woven or knitted are listed in the 1547 inventory including ‘oone peir of shorte hoose of blac Silke & gold woven togethers’ [2233]. The knitted red silk stockings found in the tomb of Eleanor of Toledo were held in place with silk garters.176 There are almost no references to the shoes worn by Henry’s wives. However, it is likely that most were flat, with a fabric upper and with square toes. This surmise is supported

by Catherine of Aragon’s accounts which include periodic orders for covering pairs of night slippers with ½ a yard (0.45 m) of black velvet costing 5s 3d. On another occasion ½ a yard (0.45 m) of cloth was sufficient to cover two pairs of night slippers and the soles were lined with ¼ of a yard (0.22 m) of scarlet.177 In many respects they would have been similar to those in Holbein’s full-length drawing of a woman c. 1535 who is holding up her skirts as she walks, revealing her shoes (Fig. 18.1). During 1536–37 Mr Lock provided 9¼ yards (8.4 m) of black velvet for shoes and slippers for Jane Seymour, costing £6 18s 9d.178 Several pairs of slippers are listed in the 1547 inventory: ‘v slippers of veluet for women’ (9550) and ‘Twoo peire of slippers of crimsen Satten’ (8660) for use in a revel. Between 1543–44 Catherine Parr bought quarter shoes, walking shoes, shoes lined and corked, a pair of buskins made from 1½ yards (1.3 m) of white velvet, slippers, coloured shoes trimmed with gold and ‘ij payr of low voyded schus’.179 These shoes were heelless. Heels were worn on the Continent. The English envoys informed Henry VII in 1505 that the recently widowed queen of Naples ‘wore slippers after the manner of the country, in such a way that we could not come to any perfect knowledge of the height of the said queen’.180

Notes 1 J. Foxe, The Acts and Monuments, ed. J. Pratt, v (1874), p. 558. 2 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 178. 3 LP xiv.ii, 400. 4 Richardson, Mary Tudor, p. 105. 5 G. Burnet, History of the Reformation of the Church of England, iv (Oxford, 1865), p. 427. 6 Loades, Chronicles, pp. 86–88. 7 SP, v.ii, pp. 5–7. 8 LP xii.ii, 1172. 9 LP xii.ii, 1187; SP viii, 6. 10 LP xii.ii, 1188; SP viii, 7. 11 J. E. Paul, Catherine of Aragon and her Friends (1966), p. 9. 12 Ibid., p. 9. 13 O. Hufton, ‘The role of women in the early modern court’, The Court Historian, 5.1 (2000), p. 3. 14 TNA E315/249, f. 52v. 15 Hufton, ‘Role of women’, pp. 3–4. 16 J. de Waurin, Achiennes Croniques d’Engleterre, ed. E. Dupont (Paris, 1858–63), ii, pp. 327–28; Ross, Edward IV, p. 89. 17 Knecht, Rise and Fall, pp. 58–59. 18 See Carmi-Parsons, ‘Family’, pp. 1–12; R. M. Smuts and M. J. Gough, ‘Queens and the international transfer of political culture’, The Court Historian, 10.1 (2005), pp. 1–13. 19 LP xviii.i, 44. 20 M. A. E. Wood, ed., Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies of Great Britain, i (1846), p. 114. 21 CSP Spanish, i, p. 176. 22 LP xxi.i, 1406. 23 SP x, 13 (LP xix.i, 979). 24 LP xix.i, 141.65 and 76. 25 TNA SP1/195, f. 178r (LP xix.ii, 688). 26 TNA SP1/231, 276 (LP Additional i, 150). 27 TNA SP1/233, ff. 200–26 (LP Additional i.i, 367). 28 LP i.i, 683. 29 LP iv.i, 1032. 30 TNA SP1/235, f. 4 (LP Additional i.i, 467). 31 SP i.ii, p. 551.

32 SP viii, pp. 142–46. 33 For Catherine of Aragon, see Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp. 37–38. There were precedents for this from the Lancastrian and Yorkist period, although Margaret of Anjou was never officially made regent; Laynesmith, Last Medieval Queens, pp. 160–63. 34 SP i, p. 763. 35 Carmi-Parsons, ‘Family’, pp. 4–5. 36 LP iv.iii, 5535. 37 SP viii, p. 395. 38 See above, pp. 11–12. 39 L. Mirot, ‘Un trousseau royal à la fin du XIV siècle’, Mémoires de la Société de l’histoire de Paris et de l’Ile de France, 29 (1902), pp. 125–58. 40 Gordon, Wilton Diptych, pp. 51–52. 41 The arrival of Anne of Bohemia, Richard II’s first queen, was linked with the introduction of the side saddle for women and shoes with long pointed toes known as cracows; Scott, Visual History, p. 14. 42 Strickland, Queens of Scotland, i, p. 287. 43 LP i.i, 1777. 44 Inv. no. 56/15 (77). The weave analysis of the outer skirt (a silk in plain lampas) and the second skirt (a figured cut and uncut velvet) are outlined in Cyrus-Zetterström and Ekstrand, Royal Silks, p. 15. 45 VAM T.846–1974 and VAM T.847–1974; illustrated in Snodin and Styles, Design, pp. 120–21. The two figures measure 550 mm in height when seated. 46 K. Michahelles, ‘Catherine de Medici’s 1589 inventory at the Hôtel de la Reine in Paris’, Furniture History, 38 (2002), pp. 22, 38. 47 C. Klapisch-Zuber, ‘Holy dolls: Play and piety in Florence in the Quattrocento’, in Women, Family and Ritual in Renaissance Italy (Chicago and London, 1985), pp. 311–12. One suggestion, first mooted by Giuseppe Marcotti, for the presence of these dolls in women’s trousseaus is that they were believed to ensure the fertility of the couple; pp. 317–18. 48 In the Burrell Collection, Glasgow and Musée des Arts Anciens, Namur; illustrated in G. Finaldi, ed., The Image of Christ (2000), pp. 54–55. 49 LP xxi.ii, 114. 50 LP xxi.ii, 134. 51 Lisle Letters, ii, 237 (LP vii, 989). 52 Ibid., iv, 872 (LP xii.i, 812).

female fashions at henry viii’s court 53 For a study of an actual example, see J. Arnold, ‘A woman’s doublet of about 1585', Waffen-und Kostümkunde (1981), pp. 132–42. 54 Loades, Chronicles, p. 88. 55 P. Matthews, ‘Apparel, status and fashion: Women’s clothing and jewellery’, in Eichberger, Women of Distinction, p. 149. In contrast, Martin Luther felt that ‘no dress or garment is less becoming to a woman than a show of intelligence’; R. Broby-Johansen, Body and Clothes (1968), p. 145. 56 A. Carter, Underwear: the Fashion History (1992), p. 18. 57 C. W. Cunnington and P. Cunnington, The History of Underclothes (1951), p. 52. 58 J. Arnold, ‘Elizabethan and Jacobean smocks and shirts’, Waffen-und Kostümkunde (1977), pp. 89–110. 59 BL Royal MS 7F, XVI, f. 136v. 60 For the pattern for an early seventeenth-century Italian example in the V&A, T.770.191, see Burnham, Cut, p. 13. The sleeves were made from a full loom width of cloth, with extra movement being provided by the square underarm gusset. The basic shape of the shift remained the same as indicated by an example at the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation (1986–207) dated 1780–1810 with an overall length of 119.4 cm (47 in.), width of 111.8 cm (44 in.) and a skirt hem circumference of 201.3 cm (79¼ in.); see L. Baumgarten and J. Watson, Costume Close-Up: Clothing Construction and Pattern 1750–1790 (Williamsburg, 1999), pp. 57–60. 61 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 62 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. 63 TNA E36/455, ff. 31r–v. 64 In the Museo del Tessuto, Prato; illustrated in Orsi Landini and Niccoli, Moda a Firenze, p. 124. 65 With grateful thanks to Santina Levey for permission to refer to her notes. 66 C. Pilkington, ‘Report on the conservation of a shift’ (unpublished report of the Textile Conservation Centre, University of Southampton, 1992). 67 TNA E36/455, f. 31v. 68 K. Staniland, ‘The medieval “corset”’, Costume, 3 (1969), pp. 10–13. 69 Palazzo Pitti, Florence; Arnold, Patterns, pp. 102–04. 70 K08, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich; Arnold, Patterns, pp. 112–13. 71 Illustrated in Tarrant, Development, p. 57; and Orsi Landini and Niccoli, Moda a Firenze, p. 78. 72 C. Bernis, ‘Modas españolas en el Renacimiento europeo’, Waffen-und Kostümkunde, 1 (1959), p. 103; and C. Bernis, Indumentaria Española en Tiempos de Carlos V (Madrid, 1962), p. 108. 73 Hall, Chronicle, p. 597. 74 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 124. 75 TNA E101/424/7, f. 6r. 76 S. Levey, ‘References to dress in the earliest account book of Bess of Hardwick’, Costume, 34 (2000), p. 15. 77 TNAE101/427/11; transcribed in Carter, ‘Mary Tudor’s wardrobe’, pp. 23–24. 78 Alçega, Pattern Book, p. 49. 79 TNA LC 5/31, p. 7. 80 Ibid., p. 4. 81 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 82 Foister, Holbein, pp. 34–36. 83 Alçega, Pattern Book, pp. 22–23. 84 National Museum of Hungary, Budapest. For a diagram showing the pattern pieces and construction, see Tarrant, Development, p. 55. 85 Also see her portrait by Bronzino in the Detroit Institute of Art and the Uffizi, Florence; Arnold, Patterns, pp. 102–04. 86 Galleria del Costume, Florence and the Museo di Palazzo Reale, Pisa; illustrated in Orsi Landini and Niccoli, Moda a Firenze, pp. 70–75. 87 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 9v. 88 LP xiv.i, 853. 89 Hall, Chronicle, p. 835. 90 TNA E101/424/7. 91 TNA E36/455, ff. 30v-31v. 92 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 8r. 93 Ibid., f. 9v. 94 BL Royal MS 7.C.XVI, f. 33. 95 Cunnington, Handbook, p.160. 96 Both in the Museo Parmigianino, Reggio Emilia; Arnold, Patterns, pp. 40, 49, 101, 115. 97 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, 60. 98 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 99 TNA E101/424/7, f. 1v. 100 G. Schiedlausky, ‘Zum sogennanten Flohpelz’, Pantheon, 30.6 (1972), pp. 469–80; and E. M. Veale, ‘On so-called flea furs’, Costume, 28 (1994), pp. 10–13. 101 T. Sherill, ‘Fleas, furs and fashion: Zibellini as luxury accessories of the Renaissance’, in R. Netherton and G. Owen-Crocker, eds, Medieval Clothing and Textiles, 2 (Woodbridge, 2006), pp. 121–50.

175

102 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 66. 103 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 10r. 104 TNA LC 9/51, f. 59v. 105 TNA LC 5/31, p. 7. 106 Lisle Letters, i, 81. 107 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 61. 108 TNA LC 9/51, f. 264v. 109 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 110 In the Uffizi, Florence. 111 RL 12269, Parker 5; Millar, Holbein, p. 39; Roberts, Holbein, p. 30; Foister, Holbein, pp. 248–49. 112 RL 12229, Parker 8; Millar, Holbein, pp. 36–37; Foister, Holbein, pp. 24–25. 113 K. Hearn, ‘A fatal fertility? Elizabethan and Jacobean pregnancy portraits’, Costume, 34 (2000), pp. 39–43; and P. Croft and K. Hearn, ‘Only matrimony maketh children to be certain: Two Elizabethan pregnancy portraits’, The British Art Journal, 3.3 (2002), pp. 19–24. 114 Acc. no. 2109, The Prado, Madrid. 115 The paintings are in the following collections: cat. no B1974.3.22 in the collection of the Yale Center for British Art, New Haven; and cat. no. 35, the collection of the marquess of Salisbury, Hatfield House. 116 Hearn, ‘Fatal fertility’, pp. 42–43. 117 LP vi, 556. 118 Lisle Letters, iii, 809 (LP xi 1342). 119 Ibid., iv, 867 (LP xii.i, 450). 120 Ibid., iv, 880 (LP xii.i, 1267); Lisle Letters, iv, 856 (LP xii.ii, 130) and Lisle Letters, iv, 887 (LP xii.ii, 271). 121 CSP Venetian, vi.i, 174. 122 Nichols, ‘Inventories’, p. 40. 123 There is no entry for women’s cloaks for outdoor wear in Cunnington, Handbook, for the first half of the sixteenth century. 124 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated and John Rylands. 125 TNA LC 5/31, p. 3. 126 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 127 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. 128 BL Stowe MS 559, f. 55 (LP xvi, 1389). 129 C. Blackman, ‘Walking Amazons: the development of the riding habit in England during the eighteenth century’, Costume, 35 (2001), pp. 47–58. 130 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 68–69; J. Arnold, ‘Dashing Amazons: the development of women’s riding habits c.1500–1900’, in Objects, Histories and Interpretations (Manchester, 1999), p. 10. 131 TNA SP1/245, f. 209. 132 LP ii.ii, 4326. 133 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 10v. 134 Ibid., f. 8v. 135 TNA E101/423/14, f. 1v. 136 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 10r. 137 PPE, p. 223. 138 Rowlands and Starkey, ‘Old tradition’, p. 91. 139 TNA LC 5/31, p. 3. 140 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 141 Lisle Letters, iv, 870 (LP xii.i, 586). 142 Ibid., 872 (LP xii.i, 812). 143 This survives in several copies. According to Jones and Underwood the most authentic copy is BL Additional MS 45,133, f. 141v, to be read in conjunction with BL Harley MS 6072. Doubt of her authorship has been raised by Kay Staniland, as there are no references to Lady Margaret in the document; Staniland, ‘Royal entry’, p. 299, n. 8. 144 SJC, D91.19, p. 8; Jones and Underwood, King’s Mother, p. 187, n. 54. 145 Evans, Dress, p. 64. 146 BL Additional MS 45,133, f. 141v. Most of the available data for mourning at the mid-Tudor court is presented above, pp. 62–68, 133–35. 147 BL Stowe MS 557, f. 11r; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 255–56. 148 Ibid., Queen Elizabeth, p. 256. 149 J. A. Repton, ‘Observations on female head-dress in England’, Archaeologia, 27 (1838), pp. 29–76. 150 TNA SP1/66, f. 40v (LP v, 276). 151 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 152 JRL Latin MS 239, f.8r. 153 RL 12189, Parker 63; Millar, Holbein, pp. 83–84. 154 Lisle Letters, v, 1402 (LP xiv.i, 927). 155 Ashelford, Visual History, p. 16. 156 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, p. 262. 157 HMC Rutland Mss, iv, pp. 272, 276–77. 158 Lisle Letters, i, 81 (LP vii, 1461). 159 Ibid., ii, 299 (LP vii, 1582). 160 G. Egan and H. Forsyth, ‘Wound wire and silver gilt: Changing fashions in dress accessories c. 1400–c. 1600’, in D. Gaimster and P. Stamper, eds, The Age of Transition: the Archaeology of English Culture 1400–1600, Society for Medieval Archaeology Monograph 15 (1997), p. 228. 161 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 8r.

176

female fashions at henry viii’s court

162 PPE, p. 76. 163 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 8r. 164 Lisle Letters, ii, 413 (LP viii, 1003). 165 Ibid., iv, 1050a (LP xii.ii, 686). 166 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 167 BL Stowe MS 559, f. 55 (LP xvi, 1389). 168 TNA LC 5/31, p. 7. 169 NG 6540; RL 12229, Parker 8; Foister, Holbein, pp. 60–63; the sitter in this portrait, known as Lady with a Squirrel and a Starling, has been identified as Anne Lovell see D. J. King, ‘Who was Holbein’s Lady with a Squirrel and a Starling?’, Apollo, May 2004, pp. 42–49.

170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180

Lisle Letters, i, 81 (LP vii, 1461). Ibid., ii, 111a (LP viii, 95). TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. PPE Elizabeth, pp. 16, 66. Lisle Letters, iii, 590a, 592a. TNA E101/424/15, f. 1r. Orsi Landini and Niccoli, Moda a Firenze, p. 146. TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. TNA LC 5/31, p. 7. TNA E101/423/14, ff. 1v–2v. Loades, Chronicles, pp. 86–88.

x An Expression of Individuality: An Analysis of the Wardrobes of Henry VIII’s Wives and Sisters

E

nglish queen consorts were expected to pay for their own clothes, which were made for them in their own wardrobe by their craftsmen. This enabled them to select their own clothes and order items that brought out their individuality, birth and status. Henry also gave them clothes, either ordered within the great wardrobe or paid for out of his privy purse. Unfortunately, the evidence for the clothes owned by Henry’s six wives is uneven and fragmentary — possibly because a queen’s household lacked the permanency of the main royal household.1 Also there was no continuity from one queen’s household to another, and thus no incentive to keep any paperwork.2 The styles adopted by Henry’s queens reveal two clear trends. First, there was the contrast between English and European styles of dress. Catherine of Aragon’s Spanish identity was demonstrated by her choice of clothes, although she adopted English dress when it suited her.3 Eleanor of Austria wore Spanish dress after her marriage to Francis I as a way of maintaining her nationality and her identity.4 Anne of Cleves wore Flemish dress when she came to England for her marriage, but sought to present herself as a model Englishwoman after that point. Henry’s four English brides dressed in a more pronounced English way, although Anne Boleyn’s upbringing at the French court ensured her preference for and promotion of the French. Anne also used dress to stress her promotion from a mistress into a wife (without success with Eustace Chapuys who never stopped calling her the concubine) while Henry’s other three English brides used their wardrobe to raise themselves from mere courtiers to a queen. The use of dress by Henry’s wives was also a means of establishing their own identity at court, and for his English brides, not born and reared to be queen, to establish their position as queen. Jane Seymour, for example, sought to enforce a certain English style of dress on the women of her

household. On occasion Henry also made provision for his sisters. By doing so he ensured that he was maintaining their status and so reflecting his generosity.

Catherine of Aragon There are two extant miniatures of Catherine of Aragon, both painted by Lucas Horenbout. The earlier (c. 1525–26) is in the Buccleuch collection. In it Catherine holds a pet marmoset (Fig. 10.1).5 She wears a gable headdress and a black gown with ermine over sleeves. The second, dating shortly after, is inscribed ‘Queen Catherine his wife’, suggesting that it is a pendant to a portrait of Henry VIII (Fig. 10.2).6 On this occasion Catherine is wearing a French hood and a red gown with the same square neckline, edged with jewels. A halflength portrait of Catherine, c. 1530, by an unknown artist depicts her wearing a gable headdress with lappets of cloth of gold and a large black hood hanging down over her shoulders. The edge of the hood, just like the neckline of her gown, are decorated with gemstones and pearls, echoing the large cross she wore hanging from a necklace. Her gown has a deep, square neckline, a tight-fitting bodice and large sleeves folded back to reveal the cloth of gold undersleeves (Pl. Vb). Very shortly after becoming queen in June 1509, Catherine inherited jewellery and stable stuff from Lady Margaret Beaufort. She received jewels ‘such as collers and girdles’ worth £102 10s and ‘all palfrayez charyettes chayers lytters and all the horses with all the hole stuff as sadelles brydelles and harnesses that do apperteyn vnto the sale’ which were valued at £100. The latter included ‘a coueryng for the chare of crymsen veluet lined with scarlett’ with matching fronts

178

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

10.1 Miniature of Catherine of Aragon. By kind permission of the duke of Buccleuch & Queensbury, KT

10.2 Miniature of Catherine of Aragon by Lucas Horenbout, c. 1525–27. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 4682)

and ‘a nother coueryng . . . of blewe veluet lined with purple chaungeable sarsenet’ also with fronts and appraised at £8 3s 4d in total.7 The earliest evidence of Catherine’s wardrobe once she was queen comes from the occasional references to the clothes ordered by Henry for her on his own warrants. On 5 November 1509 Henry ordered a gown for Catherine of purple velvet on velvet pirled with gold with a purfill of ermine. A further four ermine skins were supplied to fur the vents, along with 200 powderings.8 In the following month, he gave Catherine a stomacher made from ¾ of a yard (0.68 m) of green satin.9 Shortly after on 17 January 1510 Henry had a gown of russet tilsent furred with sable made for his wife.10 More spectacular still was the gown with wide sleeves he ordered for Catherine in February 1510, which was made from crimson cloth of gold. The gown was furred with ermine, for which 15½ timbers and 12 wombs of ermine were supplied.11 Stomachers appear to have been popular with husband and wife, and on 2 November 1510 Henry requested ½ yard (0.45 m) of green satin for a stomacher costing 4s and ½ yard (0.45 m) of green satin for another costing 6s.12 In the following year Catherine received, on the king’s warrant dated 14 April 1511, 21¾ yards (19.8 m) of russet velvet costing £10 8s 6d.13 Clothes were also made for the queen at the king’s expense and recorded in Worsley’s wardrobe book. Worsley recorded deliveries of 45 lengths of cloth to Catherine on 20 occasions between 31 December 1516 and 19 May 1520. These lengths of cloth were made up into kirtles, stomachers and gowns, and they were usually of cloth of gold, cloth of silver, tilsent, tissue, velvet or satin. A sense of the sumptuous quality of the fabric is evident. On 7 November 1519 Henry ordered ‘iij yerdes of riche cloth of gold tissewe dammaske gold reised with pyrles damaske siluer for to lyne a gowne for the quenes grace’ [A497] and ‘xiij yerdes of cloth of siluer tissewe reysed with damaske gold for a gowne for ye quene’ [A498]. The largest delivery made on 27 April 1519 consisted of seven kirtle lengths and two pieces of tissue for lining gowns. Henry also provided some items probably for wear at the Field of Cloth of Gold: on 14 May 1520 ½ yard (0.45 m) of crimson tissue pirled with gold for a stomacher [A691], and five days later two lengths, probably for gowns, 16⅝ yards (15.1 m) of black tilsent with Catherine wheels [A884] and 11 yards (10 m) of black tilsent damask gold [A885]. While these wardrobe entries and warrants provide details about the quality and colour of cloth used and the type and number of garments, they do not give much detail of the style. In contrast, her wardrobe books include a little more detail and there are a number of orders for gowns with Spanish sleeves. A gown of this type required 13 yards (11.8 m) of white satin £5 16s, along with 6 yards (5.4 m) of cloth of gold of damask (£16) for bordering the same and for lining the sleeves, while the gown was fully lined with black sarsenet.14 Catherine was very proud of her Spanish background and chose to express this by wearing clothes in the Spanish style on key days in the liturgical and ceremonial year. On May day 1515 an ambassador observed that ‘we accompanied the most serene Queen, who was richly dressed in the Spanish fashion’ and ‘in the meanwhile we visited the Queen, and there, in

179

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters Table 10.1: Analysis of Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe in March 1520 by colour Colour

Gowns

Kirtles

Nightgowns

Partlets

Petticoats

Sleeves

Black Blue Crimson Gold Purple Russet Scarlet Tawny Unspecified Violet in grain White Yellow

8 1 2 ~ 3 2 ~ 2 1 1 ~ 1 21

5 ~ 1 1 2 1 ~ 2 1 ~ 1 ~ 14

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ 1

2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2

4 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 1 ~ 1 ~ 8

Table 10.2: Analysis of Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe in March 1520 by fabric type Fabric

Gowns

Kirtles

Nightgowns

Partlets

Petticoats

Sleeves

Cloth Damask Damask gold French black Sarsenet Satin Tinsel Tissue Velvet

1 ~ 1 1 1 4 1 3 9 21

~ 1 4 ~ ~ 2 3 2 2 14

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2 ~ ~ ~ 2

2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 3 ~ 2 3 8

public, I addressed her in good Spanish, which pleased her more than I can tell you; and she commenced talking with me about Spanish affairs, and about her mother’.15 Even at the time of her death, her wardrobe still included ‘seevyn paire slippars of the Spanysshe fasshion, corkid and garnysshid withe golde’.16 Catherine’s wardrobe accounts reveal that the colour black was predominant in her wardrobe, followed by purple and crimson (Table 10.1), while her choice of fabrics, velvet, satin and tilsent, echoes that of her husband (Table 10.2). Her accounts also show that Henry sent her a number of items that were described as being ‘of the king’s gift’. These were three pairs of satin sleeves, one of which was pleated (at 12d a pair), three kirtles of satin (at 3s 4d each) and four gowns, three of velvet and one of damask cloth of gold (at 5s each). The list recorded a number of garments that were made for Catherine, with the implication that the king provided the cloth and then paid for the making done by the queen’s tailor. This interpretation accords with the list of lengths of cloth given to Catherine for specific garments recorded in Worsley’s wardrobe book from 1516–20. A very fragmentary volume of Catherine’s wardrobe of the robes datable to about this time provides further confirmation: a gown of purple satin with goldsmithswork of the king’s gift, for lining the same 4½ yards of black sarsenet and for lining the upperpart of the sleeves, one yard of yellow sarsenet for lining a gown of green tinsel with wide sleeves lined with green velvet of the king’s gift, 4½ yards of black sarsenet.17

The bill presented on 4 March 1520 by Richard Hanchet, the queen’s skinner, came to £24 7d for the provision of

the necessary skins and for furring five gowns for the queen, including her maundy gown and a pair of French sleeves for a gown of black velvet. Hanchet also furred a selection of gowns for members of the queen’s household, including chammers for her French pages and a coat furred with white lamb for her fool.18 On her meeting with the emperor in May 1520 at Canterbury, Catherine complimented him by asserting their family ties by wearing cloth of gold and pearls.19 When in June 1527 Henry told her of his doubts about the validity of their marriage, she refused to give up her role as his wife and queen. As part of her defiance she dressed yet more richly than usual, appeared in public and to observe her estate.20 Catherine’s household accounts at this time were kept by Griffin Richards, her receiver general, and they have survived for the six years following. Her accounting year ran from 16 March and her expenditure on clothes fluctuated between £759 and £877 except during 1526–27 when it rose to £1,152 (Table 10.3).21 The sustained level of expenditure indicates that she persisted as though nothing had changed. Catherine’s wardrobe emphasised her very traditional perception of her position as queen. She chose rich dark colours and expensive fabrics. Her religious piety is shown by her wearing the habit of St Francis under her robes. In private she wore plain clothes as a sign of humility.22 Three years after the annulment of her marriage, Catherine died on 7 January 1536. After her death, Sir Edmund Bedingfield wrote to Cromwell to inform him that ‘To the best of our power we have commanded the safe custody of the gates so that nothing can issue. The persons who have

180

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters Table 10.3:

Catherine of Aragon’s household expenditure 1524–30

Accounting year

Robes

Beds

Laundry

Total

1524–25 1525–26 1526–27 1527–28 1528–29* 1529–30

£866 0s 1½d £877 10s 3½d £1,152 12s 1½d £768 8s 10¾d ~ £759 2s 10¾d

£55 8s ½d £11 15s 7d £56 15s 2d £14 4s 3d ~ £5 13s 11d

£3 5s 10d £4 6s 6d £3 11s 4d £2 19s 10d 65s 8d £3 7s 5d

£4,440 12s 8d £4,677 8s 11d £4,830 6s 1½d £4,135 3s 1½d ~ [. . .] 9d

* The account is badly damaged

custo[dy of her] jewels, plate and apparel have given us a just and plain declaration, containing much more than [we could] see or know before’.23 On 22 January Richard Rich advised Cromwell that ‘The gentlewomen claim divers apparel as given them by the lady Dowager, and the officers divers stuff as their fees. It would not be honourable to take the things given in her lifetime’.24

Anne Boleyn As an adolescent Anne Boleyn spent approximately 15 months at the court of Margaret of Austria, in the Netherlands, where she learnt the French language and French manners. She told her father that she was ‘all the keener to persevere in speaking French well’.25 She then went to join the household of Mary Tudor as queen of France, and on Mary’s return to England she stayed on to serve Queen Claude of France. She was recalled home late in 1521 and entered the household of Catherine of Aragon.26 George Cavendish praised her at court on account of ‘her excellent grace and behaviour’.27 Another observer noted that ‘albeit in beauty she was to many inferior, but for behaviour, manners, attire and tongue she excelled them all, for she had been brought up in France’.28 Lancelot de Carles described her as ‘beautiful and with an elegant figure’, and he paid Anne a particular compliment when he noted that ‘no one would ever have taken her to be English by her manners, but a native-born Frenchwoman’.29 John Barlow described Anne as ‘very eloquent and gracious and reasonably good looking’, while he thought Elizabeth Blount was ‘more beautiful’.30 In September 1531 Simon Grynée described her as ‘young, good-looking, of a rather dark complexion’.31 The Venetian diarist Sanuto described her in 1532 as being ‘not one of the handsomest women in the world; she is of middling stature, swarthy complexion, long neck, wide mouth, bosom not much raised, . . . eyes which are black and beautiful, hair black, wonderful long hair’.32 She clearly was very attractive to Henry. He wrote to her, ‘wishing myself (specially of an evening) in my sweetheart’s arms, whose pretty ducks I trust shortly to kiss’.33 Henry’s infatuation with Anne started around Christmas 1524–25. At first things did not go smoothly. In May 1527 Henry and Anne appeared in public together for the first time at the reception given at Greenwich for the French ambassadors. Cavendish noted her rise and remarked that

she was ‘very haughty and stout [self-confident] having all manner of jewels or rich apparel that might be gotten with money’.34 Even so, the first extant reference to the king providing her with expensive gifts of clothes and jewellery dates from three years later. On 21 May 1530 Henry paid £59 18s to his tailor and skinner for items for Anne.35 Six days later a warrant was issued to Sir Andrew Windsor for a number of saddles and other items to be provided for Anne, including three black and gold saddles and other harness, in addition to harness for the mules carrying her litter.36 One of the saddles was of the French fashion, so reflecting Anne’s Francophilia, with a pillow of down covered with black velvet, the head of copper and gilt. On 29 May Henry presented her with archery equipment including bows, arrows, a shooting glove and a bracer costing £1 3s 4d.37 In the following month additional bows were supplied at a price of 13s 4d.38 Later, in November, Henry spent £16 on 19¾ yards (18 m) of crimson satin for Anne at 16s the yard and a dozen budge skins.39 This would have been enough cloth to provide her with a new gown. Henry’s gift to Anne at the New Year 1531 was a set of cloth of silver, cloth of gold and embroidered crimson satin hangings for her bed and bed chamber.40 The gifts continued throughout 1531 and the work was undertaken by craftsmen either in the employment of the king or Catherine of Aragon. In April 1531 William Ibgrave was paid £18 14s 9d in April 1531 for stuff for Anne.41 In December Thomas Addington received £80 8s 8d towards furs and furring Anne’s gowns and undertook further work 1531 for £40 15s 8d.42 In the same month John Scut was paid £28 6s 4d for making apparel for her.43 He received a further payment of £7 11s 4d dated 26 May 1532. 1531 was a turning point in Anne’s ousting of Catherine. From then onwards items were ordered for her on the king’s own warrants. Items ordered on the king’s warrant dated 16 June 1531 included a nightgown of black lukes velvet embroidered with gold thread, lined with black taffeta and the sleeves lined with buckram, 16 pairs of velvet shoes and two pairs of night slippers.44 There are two portrait types of Anne Boleyn, both of which survive only in various versions from after her death. In the first, Anne wears the French hood, with the velvet hanging down her back and it is decorated with upper and nether biliments of pearls. This use of pearls is echoed in her two necklaces of pearls, with a B with three pendant pearls hanging from the short necklace and a square of pears decorating the neckline of her gown (Pl. Vc).45 She was dressed in a black gown with a low square neckline which is not infilled with a partlet. The width of the neck pushes the sleeve heads

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters of her very tight-fitting sleeves slightly off her shoulders. Her oversleeves of a dark brown fur, possibly of sable, are just visible. In the second portrait type, Anne wears a gable headdress and a carcenet of rubies and pearls with the AB monogram pinned to the square neckline of her bodice.46 Both portraits indicate that she used her jewellery to promote her own status and that of her family. A list of jewels delivered to the king by Cornelius Hayes since 1 August of an unspecified year included a list of pieces made for ‘Mistress Anne’ has traditionally been dated to May 1531.47 However, this document has been tentatively dated to 1527 because the list included a ring set with emeralds given to Anne by Henry at Beaulieu and the king did not return there after 1527.48 Other items included two borders of gold set with ten diamonds and eight pearls for her sleeves, a girdle of crown gold, two diamonds set upon hats and 19 diamonds set in trueloves of crown gold. In June 1532 Henry bought clothes for Anne out of his privy purse. The list included an open-sleeved cloak of black satin, lined with the same and trimmed at the hem and the collar with black velvet, made by John Malt for 5s.49 In addition there was a nightgown of black satin lined with black taffeta and edged with velvet, also made by Malt.50 A second nightgown was made for her from 16 yards (14.6 m) of green damask costing £6 12s and made up by John Scut.51 On 1 September 1532 Anne was ennobled as marchioness of Pembroke and a month later George Tailor was paid £56 for ‘certeyne silkes by him provided for Apparell’.52 In December John Parker of the robes received £16 16s ‘for suche stuf as he dud bye of locke and of barker for my lady marques’.53 During the autumn Anne had accompanied Henry for his meeting with Francis I at Calais and he had a lot of jewellery reset for her prior to the visit.54 On 27 October Anne led the ladies who danced before the two kings: ‘After supper came in the Marchiones of Penbroke, with vii ladies in Maskyng apparel of straunge fashion, made of clothe of gold, compassed with Crimosyn Tinsell Satin, owned with Clothe of Siluer, linyng lose and knit with laces of Gold.’55 Anne married Henry in January 1533 but another four months elapsed before her coronation. An antagonistic view of her coronation stated that ‘the crown became her very ill, and a wart disfigured her very much. She wore a violet velvet mantle, with a high ruff of gold thread and pearls, which concealed a swelling she has, resembling goitre’.56 In this view, her clothes were used to conceal her physical deformity. There is one warrant that has been listed in Letters and Papers with the coronation documents, but the editors acknowledged that it may not be linked with this event. The document includes payments for 3 yards (2.7 m) of crimson taffeta to line Anne’s velvet gown, 5 yards (4.5 m) of white satin for a kirtle and 2½ yards (2.2 m) of red cloth to line the kirtle.57 According to the Jesuit Nicolas Sander, writing a long time afterwards, Anne was very interested in her appearance and consequently ‘every day she made some change in the fashion of her garments’.58 Unfortunately, there are very few references to clothes being ordered by Henry for Anne after their marriage. A rare example is a gift ordered for ‘our derest wyffe’ in June 1535 on his own warrant consisting of 20⅞

181

yards (19 m) of green satin and 13⅝ yards (12.4 m) of checked green cloth of gold which was supplied by the great wardrobe.59 George Tailor, receiver-general to Anne Boleyn, prepared his accounts on 29 September for the year ending Michaelmas 1535. The account summaries recorded that £68 17s 6d had been spent on the wardrobe of the robes and £44 7s 8d on the wardrobe of the beds.60 These figures added together were a sixth of what Anne’s horses had cost. The modesty of the totals is striking and suggests that many items ordered during the 12 months involved were either still unpaid for or were paid for from a different source. The list of her debts at her death provides further details about her expenditure on textiles and dress. Amongst the unsettled bills, three are of particular interest. On 19 and 20 February 1536 Henry Cryche, the clerk of her wardrobe, received four tassels of fine Florence gold costing 4s 6d each and he paid 3s for laying in new satin into an old bonnet. In March eight of her frontlets had been repaired at a cost of 12d each.61 A bill from William Lock, mercer, for the last four months of her life shows her spending about £40 a month with Lock on cloth plus a further £68 4s 1½d on trimmings.62 On 17 May 1536 Anne’s marriage was annulled and two days later she was beheaded. Elegant to the last, Anne wore for her execution a mantle of ermine over a loose gown of dark grey damask trimmed with fur and a crimson petticoat. Under her headdress she had a white linen coif covering her hair which she revealed on removing her headdress just before being beheaded.63

Jane Seymour Jane Seymour came from a Wiltshire gentle family. She caught Henry’s eye while serving Anne Boleyn as one of her ladies. On 1 April 1536 Eustace Chapuys referred to Jane as ‘the lady whom he [i.e. Henry] serves’.64 He described her as being ‘Of middle stature and no great beauty; so fair that one would call her rather pale than otherwise. She is over 25 . . . The said Seymour is not a woman of great wit, but she may have good understanding. It is said that she inclines to be proud and haughty’.65 She married the king on 30 May 1536, 11 days after the execution of Anne Boleyn, and she died on 24 October 1537 shortly after giving birth to Prince Edward. Her motto was ‘Bound to obey and serve’. The evidence of her wardrobe indicates that she used it to define her role as queen. On 23 December 1536 ‘Yesterday the king and Queen, with all the dukes and lordes and the Emperor’s ambassador, rode through London and were honourably received. Such a sight has not been seen since the emperor was here’.66 A selection of Jane’s clothes is recorded in the 1542 inventory of Whitehall. It represents a significant percentage of the clothes that were made for her during the 17 months of her marriage to the king. Her wardrobe included a wider range of garments to those found in Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe. Jane’s clothes were also made from a larger range of colours but a similar range of fabrics. A fragmentary set of accounts for her clothing possibly includes

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the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters Table 10.4: Analysis of Jane Seymour’s clothes by textile type

Capha Cloth of gold Cloth of silver Composite Damask Linen Satin Taffeta Tissue Velvet

Gowns

Outside of a gown

Kirtles

Foreparts

Cloaks

Sleeves

Stomachers

Frontlets

1 ~ ~ ~ 6 ~ 4 3 ~ 9 24

~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ 2 ~ ~ ~ 3

~ 3 1 ~ 2 ~ 1 1 ~ 6 14

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1

~ 16 10 1 ~ 2 12 1 8 14 64

~ 3 3 ~ ~ ~ 3 ~ 3 ~ 12

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 15 ~ ~ ~ 15

Table 10.5: Analysis of Jane Seymour’s clothes by colour

Black Carnation Cloth of silver Cloth of gold Crimson Gold/silver Green Orange Orange/tawny Purple Russet Tawny White Yellow

Gowns

Outside of a gown

Kirtles

Foreparts

Cloaks

Sleeves

Stomachers

Frontlets

5 1 ~ ~ 3 ~ 2 ~ ~ 4 1 ~ 3 3 24

1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ 2

1 1 1 ~ 4 ~ 2 ~ 1 3 ~ ~ 1 ~ 14

~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ 1

8 2 3 3 10 1 4 1 ~ 13 ~ 2 16 1 64

~ ~ 1 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ 7 ~ ~ 3 ~ 12

~ ~ ~ ~ 10 ~ ~ ~ ~ 2 ~ ~ 3 ~ 15

payments for some of the items listed in the 1542 inventory: ¾ of a yard (0.68 m) of white velvet for a pair of sleeves for a kirtle of white velvet for 10s and 1¾ yards (1.6 m) of white satin for the upper parts of a kirtle of embroidered white velvet costing 11s 8d.67 Nineteen of Jane’s 23 recorded gowns were described as being ‘turned up’ meaning bordered, with just two gowns described as being without borders. Of these all but four were turned up with fabric of the same colour, while three had a different colour. In eight cases they had used the same fabric and in ten they had not. Only one gown was turned up with fur. Her accounts include payments for two kirtles, neither of which figure in the 1542 list: 1½ yard of crimson satin for the upperbodies of a kirtle of carnation coloured velvet embroidered 18s 1½ yard of purple satin for the upperbodies of a kirtle of purple velvet embroidered 18s

In addition to having kirtles with bodies, she also had ‘one base of a kirtle’ (11272) and a forepart (11275). Sleeves provided an excellent means of display. Jane had sleeves adorned with gold aglets or rather pairs of gold aglets. Forty-nine pairs of sleeves were decorated in this way and the descriptions indicate that the aglets had a function: ‘oone peir of Slevis of white cloth of golde reyzid with golde and Silver tissue / tyed with viij peir of Aglettes of golde’ [2144]. After aglets, embroidery was the next most favoured form of

adornment, being employed on 16 pairs. It appears to have chiefly been carried out in metal thread or black silk, and a few naturalistic designs are recorded: acorns [2180], honeysuckle [2178] and ‘a barnacle and traile’ [2175]. There are also four instances of decorative quilting, and in each case the work was executed in black silk in floral designs of the type recorded in portraits including ‘oone peir of Slevis paned overthwarte with golde and Silver quiltid with blac Silke ruffed at thande with strawberye Leavis and flowers of golde and blac Silke’ [2181].68 Just one pair of sleeves was decorated with the king’s initial made in gold: ‘oone peir of Slevis of crymsen Satten thowtesides of either of them sett with iiij .H. of golde And in every H. ix peerles’ [2174]. It is possible that Jane wore these sleeves when Henry wore the doublet, the foresleeves and placard of which, had been decorated with 18 emeralds and 29 letter of I, each containing nine pearls, all set in gold.69 The stones and letters were delivered by Sir Anthony Denny on 14 June 1536 to William Ibgrave, embroiderer to the king. Jane also owned two pairs of linen sleeves of the type seen in the portrait from the Mauritshuis (Pl. VIa), one pair being more luxurious than the other: oone peir of Lynen slevis paned with golde over tharme quiltid with blac ilke and flowers betwixe the panes and at the hande. [2182] oone peir of Lynen Slevis enbraudred alover with blac silke and venice golde tuffed owte with Lynen cloth. [2183]

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

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Holbein painted Jane once, and he and his studio produced several versions of her portrait (Pl. VIb). Her crimson velvet gown has a tight-fitting bodice with a waistline slightly below normal with a square neckline and tight-fitting sleeves worn in conjunction with large oversleeves. The embroidered or couched grid pattern of gilt metal thread on the cuffs or oversleeves that matches the narrow embroidered border around the neckline of her gown and the triangular front opening of her skirt. The square of clusters of four pearls alternating with rubies echoes the composition of her two necklaces. In addition, Jane wore a large ruby pendant and a jewelled IHS monogram pinned to her bodice.70 Her girdle, also of rubies and pearls, follows her natural waistline.

Anne of Cleves On 18 March 1539 Cromwell informed the king how Christopher Mount ‘presses the matter every day, and that meanwhile the picture may be sent. The Duke promised to send it, but said that his painter Lucas [Cranach] was sick at home. Everyone praises the lady’s beauty, both of face and body. One said that she excelled the Duchess [of Milan] as the golden sun did the silver moon’.71 Nicholas Wotton focused more on her accomplishments, noting that ‘She occupieth her time much with the needle. She can read and write her own [language] but French and Latin, or any other language she knoweth not; nor yet can sing or play on any instrument, for they take it here in Germany for a rebuke and an occasion of lightness, that great ladies should be learned or have any knowledge of music’.72 At the time she was not the only candidate. Henry also considered Mary of Guise very seriously. Gaspard de Coligny, sieur de Castillion, reported that ‘the king of England would have given half his kingdom for her’. Henry felt she would be appropriate because he needed a big wife as he himself was large.73 Henry VIII and his advisors considered another candidate, Christina of Denmark, the recently widowed duchess of Milan (Fig. 9.1).74 Holbein’s full-length portrait of the duchess depicts her dressed in a black, fur-lined loose gown with a stand collar, worn over a black kirtle, drawn in with a silk girdle tied at the waist. Her white linen chemise is decorated with a small frill which showed at the neck of her kirtle, edged with black silk. In addition, she wears a tight-fitting black silk bonnet and she holds a pair of leather gloves. The portrait is of particular interest as the king kept it, being listed in both the 1542 and 1547 inventories of his possessions. Once it became apparent that Henry’s fourth marriage would not last, gossip linked his name with that of the duchess again. On 13 July 1540 Richard Pate mentioned to the duke of Norfolk the current rumours that ‘the Queen [Anne of Cleves] will be secluded in an abbey, and the King marry either the duchess of Milan or an English duke’s daughter’.75 The marriage treaty signed on 6 October 1539 by several privy councillors allowed the following: point 2 ‘that the duke of Juliers shall within two months, if he can obtain safe conduct, convey, at his own expense, the lady Anne his sister

10.3 Anne of Cleves, attributed to Barthel Bruyn the Elder. The President and Fellows of St John’s College, Oxford

honourably to Calais’; point 3 that the king is to meet her and ‘marry her publicly’; point 4 that she is to receive a dowry of 100,000 florins of gold; and point 5 that Henry is to give her dower lands worth yearly 20,000 golden florins of the Rhine, the equivalent to 5,000 marks and after the king’s death, if she has no children she was to receive a pension of 15,000 florins to be paid half-yearly, as well as her dresses and jewels.76 The English were not enamoured of the high-necked Netherlandish fashions for women favoured in Cleves, such as those she wore and in which she appears in her portrait attributed to Barthel Bruyn the elder (Fig. 10.3). In Holbein’s portrait of her (Fig. 10.4) she wears the fashionable dress and jewellery of the Netherlands: a jewelled coif, a jewelled pendant, a short necklace worn about the throat made up of enamelled floral links, her square made of similar floral links.77 Anne and her sister Amelia were presented to the English ambassadors in ‘monstrous habit and apparel’. In defence as much as anger, the chancellor of Cleves asked, ‘Why, would you see them naked?’.78 Lady Lisle heard how, for her meeting with the king at Blackheath, Anne was ‘shifted . . . wondrous gorgeously in cloth of tissue, and a rich attire upon her head of her own country fashion’.79 The French ambassador observed that ‘she was clothed in the fashion of the country from which she came’ (Fig. 10.4) and went on to add that ‘she looks about

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the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

Catherine Howard

10.4 Miniature of Anne of Cleves by Hans Holbein the Younger. P.153–1910. © V&A Images, Victoria and Albert Museum London

30 years of age, tall and thin, of medium beauty, and of very assured and resolute countenance. She brought 12 or 15 ladies of honour clothed like herself — a thing which looks strange to many’.80 He found Anne’s women ‘inferior in beauty even to their mistress and dressed so heavily and unbecomingly that they would almost be thought ugly even if they were beautiful’.81 The divorce settlement agreed on 21 July 1540 allowed Anne an income, clothes, jewels and pearls and a sufficient household to her status.82 Three days later the king told his envoys abroad that Anne had ‘confessed the integrity of her body and refusing mother and brother and all who would move her to the contrary, committed herself wholly to the King to remain as his servant and subject’.83 The separation did not make Anne downcast. The French ambassador observed that she was ‘as joyous as ever, and wears new dresses every day’.84 Following the arrest of Catherine Howard, Anne of Cleves speculated as to whether Henry would accept her again as his wife. But on 29 January 1542 Chapuys informed Charles V that ‘There seems less hope than ever of his taking back the lady of Cleves, though on New Year’s day she presented him with some pieces of crimoisy cloth, and he gave her some glass pots and flagons’.85 Even so, rumours persisted. Four years later, Stephen Vaughan in the Netherlands was questioned ‘Whether the King had taken again the Lady Anne of Cleves and she was brought abed with two children and why she was put away at first. Somewhat abashed I answered that I had heard this of the Emperor’s subjects, but knew only that she goes and comes to the Court at her pleasure and has an honest dowry to live upon’.86

Catherine was the second cousin of Anne Boleyn. She began her career at court as a maid of honour to Anne of Cleves. On 28 July 1540 she married Henry VIII. On 8 August she was presented at court as queen and a week later the public prayed for her as their queen. Following the revelations about her sexual misconduct before and after marriage, she was beheaded 13 February 1542. Even before his divorce from Anne of Cleves, Henry showed Catherine favour. The first was on 24 April 1540 when he gave Mistress Howard land and several weeks later he presented her with 23 lengths of quilted sarsenet.87 On 6 July the French ambaasador reported that there was ‘some diminution of love [for Anne of Cleves] and new affection to another lady, this queen has been sent to Richmond. The King, who promised to follow her in two days, has not done so, and his going thither is not spoken of, for the route he has proscribed for his progress does not lie in that direction’.88 About the same time the ‘courtiers first observed that he was much taken with another young lady, very small of stature . . . whom he was seen crossing the Thames to visit, often in the day time and sometimes at night’.89 Archbishop Cranmer’s secretary observed that ‘The King’s affection was so marvellously set upon the gentlewoman, as it was never known that he had the like to any other woman’.90 Ever a source of gossip, the French ambassador described Catherine on 3 September 1540 as being ‘a young lady of moderate beauty but superlative grace. In stature she is small and slender . . . She is dressed after the French fashion like all the other ladies of this court and bears her device round her arm, “Non aultre volonté que le sienne” “No other will than his”’.91 Catherine, like her cousin, favoured French fashions and as such this would denote a change in style that would have distinguished her both from Jane and Anne of Cleves. Until recently, it was held that there are no known authentic portraits of Catherine Howard. The half-length portrait that is often identified as being of her is probably a member of the Cromwell family.92 A miniature of an unknown lady by Holbein has been identified as Catherine Howard by her jewellery (Fig. 10.5). She wears a pendant ruby jewel similar to that in the portrait of Jane Seymour in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.93 In addition, the king’s gifts to her at the New Year in 1541 included ‘an upper habiliment containing eight diamonds and seven rubies’ very similar to those depicted in the miniature.94 Little has come to light about Catherine’s wardrobe. Francis Dereham gave her small gifts and she reciprocated. He gave her a silk flower of a type known as a ‘French fennel’ which he bought from ‘a little woman in London . . . skilled in making all sorts of silk flowers’.95 In 1547 there was ‘a braunche of flowers wrought vppon wyer’ (9548) in the closet over the waterstair at Greenwich which may have been one of these sprays of flowers. In 1541 Catherine exchanged New Year’s gifts with Dereham. She gave him a band and sleeves for a shirt that were decorated with embroidery. He gave her a silk heart’s ease and sarsenet for a quilted cap which was

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

10.5 Portrait of a lady, possibly Catherine Howard, by Hans Holbein the Younger. RCIN 422293 GR 6 Cust19101/13. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

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(wearing a French hood and a gown with a square neckline and large hanging oversleeves) holding a scroll with the queen’s motto ‘Well Lovydi well’ and three pendant pearls.100 This illustrates Catherine’s careful development of her royal image, making full use of contemporary designers. Catherine came from a Westmorland gentle family with midlands links and a traditional service at court. Her godmother was almost certainly Catherine of Aragon. On 12 July 1543 she took Henry VIII as her third husband. She was described as being ‘of small stature’ and as being ‘graceful and of cheerful countenance; and is praised for her virtue’.101 A number of portraits of Catherine Parr are known, of which the most striking is a full-length portrait c. 1545 attributed to Master John.102 Catherine is dressed in a gown of cloth of silver tissue woven with a very large repeat pomegranate design. The tight-fitting bodice has a square neckline and a low pointed waistline, while the conical shape of the skirt is created by her farthingale (Fig. 9.3). In the portrait attributed to William Scrots, c. 1545, Catherine wears a bonnet or cap which is very masculine in style (Fig. 10.6). The bodice of her gown or kirtle is made of crimson satin with a Medici-style collar and V-neck with bands of couched metal thread embroidery worked in geometric designs in double bands down the sleeves, at the shoulders and cuffs and a quadruple band up the front of the bodice. The bodice is less tight-fitting with the fabric formed in loose pleats, while the one-piece sleeves are full at the sleeve heads running down to tight cuffs.

delivered ‘to a little fellow in my lady’s house to embroider, as I remember, his name was Rose, an embroiderer, to make it what patterns he thought best, and not appointing him to make it with friar’s knots, so he can testify if he be a true man’.96 In October 1541 Catherine was arrested and she lost her clothes, her jewels and her royal status. Henry VIII ordered that: Mr Seymour shall remain there [Hampton Court], with all the jewels and other things of the queen’s, till she be gone and then to bring them hither. As to the queen’s grace you must appoint six French hoods, with the appertenances, with edges of goldsmiths’ work, so there be no stone or pearl in the same; likewise, as many pair of sleeves, six gowns, and six kirtles of satin, damasks and velvets, with such things as belong to the same, except always stone and pearl.97

Late in January 1542 Chapuys mentioned to the emperor that ‘She is still at Syon, making good cheer, fatter and more beautiful than ever, taking great care to be well apparelled and more imperious and troublesome to serve than ever she was with the King’.98 Two weeks later, on 10 February, Catherine was taken to the Tower and ‘on their arrival at the Tower, the lords landed first; then the Queen, in black velvet, and they paid her as much honour as when she was reigning’.99 She was executed on the 13th.

Catherine Parr Holbein incorporated Catherine Parr’s maiden head badge into a design for a brooch which consisted of the maiden

10.6 Catherine Parr, attributed to William Scrots, 1545. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 4618)

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the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

Catherine’s interest in clothes in the latest styles is indicated by her engagement of John Scut, who had been tailor to all of Henry’s previous queens, prior to her becoming queen. A bill with a marginal note dated 16 February 1543 included gowns in the French, Dutch, Italian and Venetian styles along with hoods to a total value of £8 9s 5d made by Scut for her stepdaughter Margaret Neville.103 After her marriage, Scut worked for her directly.104 For her first year as queen, Catherine chose to dress in crimson and cloth of gold. On 18 February 1544 for the reception of the duke of Najera she wore ‘an open robe of cloth of gold, the sleeves lined with crimson satin, and trimmed with three piled crimson velvet, the train more than two yards long. Suspended from the neck were two crosses, and a jewel of very rich diamonds, and in her headdress were many rich and beautiful ones. Her girdle was of gold, with very large pendants’.105 Catherine was attended by Princess Mary, Lady Margaret Douglas and ‘other ladies [who] were dressed in different silks with splendid headdresses’. Later, she wore purple for all important occasions.106 A bill dated 29 November 1544 submitted by Symond Loo, a mercer, for stuff delivered to the queen confirms this. In the previous nine months Arthur Belfield had delivered 8½ yards (7.7 m) of purple velvet for a kirtle at 25s the yard and 2 yards (1.8 m) of purple satin for the bodies at 12s the yard, and to Ralph Worsley, 10 yards (9.1 m) of purple satin for a kirtle with French sleeves and Venetian stocks at 15s the yard; 1¾ yards (1.6 m) purple satin for a forepart of a kirtle of purple satin ‘pownste’; 2½ yards (2.2 m) of black velvet for turning up of a gown of camlet for Mrs Dorothy Fountain at 13s 4d the yard and 10 yards (9.1 m) of yellow satin for a kirtle at 8s 6d the yard (0.91 m).107 Catherine shared her husband’s fondness for shoes, ordering pairs in a range of colours including black, crimson, white and blue, all trimmed with gold at 14s a pair, quarter shoes at 5s a pair and corked shoes lined with red at 5s a pair.108 Two of her cordwainer’s bills (Table 10.6) give a good indication of the quantity and variety of shoes that she was wearing. A short account for Catherine’s wardrobe of the robes dating from 1544–45 includes a range of entries that were not dated individually, but a number relate to livery given by

Table 10.6:

Shoes delivered to Catherine Parr

Type of shoes

July 1543– August 1544

August 1544– March 1545

Buskins Shoes Shoes, for the Maundy Shoes, for walking Shoes, lined Shoes, lined and corked Shoes, low voided Shoes, quartered Shoes, trimmed with gold Slippers Slippers, lined

1 pair 56 pairs 32 pairs 2 pairs 4 pairs 4 pairs 2 pairs 10 pairs ~ 2 pairs 4 pairs 117 pairs

~ 4 pairs ~ ~ ~ 6 pairs ~ 28 pairs 9 pairs ~ ~ 47 pairs

the queen at the New Year and to gifts of clothing given to Edward. It is possible that Catherine sought to celebrate the New Year in style. This seems to be the most likely occasion that she would have ordered matching clothes for herself, Princess Mary, Princess Elizabeth, Prince Edward and Anne of Cleves at a cost of £65 16s. Dominico Erizo provided 16 yards (14.6 m) of plain cloth of silver for ‘a frenche gowne for the Quenes grace’ costing £22 8s, and 8 yards (7.3 m) of the same for a kirtle with French sleeves and Venetian stocks for £11 4s.109 In addition, there were kirtles of the same cloth for Mary, Elizabeth and Anne, while Edward was given a doublet and a pair of highly fashionable slops. It is possible that Catherine had a particular liking for cloth of silver for the New Year as there exists a second order for a kirtle with Venetian sleeves made from 8 yards (7.3 m) ‘of fine clothe silver braunched’ at 40s the yard, along with her second order for black satin livery given as New Year’s gifts. Mark Milliner made regular deliveries to the queen’s wardrobe, as shown by two accounts running from 13 July 1543 to 22 January 1546 and 17 July 1543 to 4 January 1546 with a total value of £26 3s 4d.110 Items were supplied in small, but regular, deliveries with some several times a month. The queen bought large quantities of silk ribbon for aglets, short lengths of black velvet and black sarsenet, gloves, both Spanish and English and hats. The latter included ‘a felthe for a woman covered with satin with laces of gold delivered to Mr Forten at Deptford’ for 4s, 1½ yards (1.3 m) of gold lace and a tassel of silk and gold for a hat and ‘a cap of red and yellow velvet with four feathers and four tassels of gold and silk’ costing 6s 8d. Like the king and his children, Catherine received large deliveries of cloth from the silk house at Whitehall from the time of her marriage until the king’s death (Table 10.7). Crimson and purple certainly feature prominently amongst the lengths, supplemented with a range of other colours. In the spring of 1547, following Henry VIII’s death, Catherine married Lord Seymour of Sudeley.111 Following her death in September 1548 and Seymour’s execution in February 1549, clothes which may have been hers or Henry’s were returned from Sudeley to Whitehall. These clothes included a gown, a coat, a cassock and two coats which were described as ‘but a Cassocke’ (17645–49) that could have been Henry’s or Seymour’s. There were no gowns or kirtles amongst the clothes sent from Sudeley, possibly because these were given away to Catherine’s ladies-in-waiting at her death. However, what remained was of very high quality and gives an indication of her taste and of what was fashionable. Of the 14 partlets (17653–66), 33 placards (17667–97) and 55 pairs of sleeves (17698–751), velvet, cloth of silver and satin were the most frequently used fabrics, while purple, crimson and black were the most common colours. Most of these garments were heavily decorated with metal thread embroidery or applied cutwork. The sleeves were similarly decorated, often edged with a contrasting fabric or with fur. Distinct types were identified including 37 pairs of French sleeves, 11 pairs of trunk sleeves, two pairs of Turkey sleeves and five pairs of an unspecified type, including ‘another paier of frenche Sleaves of greane velvet richelie embraudred withe flowres of

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the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters Table 10.7: Cloth delivered to Catherine Parr from the Whitehall silk house Type of cloth

Quantity

Type of cloth

Tissue Cloth of gold – Crimson – Yellow Cloth of silver Velvet – Black – Crimson – Green – Murrey – Purple – Russet – Tawny Satin – Black – Blue – Changeable – Crimson – Incarnate – Murrey – Purple – White

26¼ yards (24 m)

Damask – Black 1½ yards (1.4 m) – Orange 34⅞ yards (31.9 m) Taffeta – Black 10 yards (9.1 m) – Incarnate 11 yards (10.1 m) – Purple 10 yards (9.1 m) Sarsenet – Black 78½ yards (71.2 m) – Crimson and red 48 yards (41.9 m) – Green 5 yards (4.6 m) – Murrey 12 yards (10.9 m) – Purple, blue and violet 18 yards (16.5 m) – Russet 12 yards (10.9 m) – Tawny 18 yards (16.5 m) – White 12 yards (10.9 m) – Yellow 12½ yards (11.4 m) Baudekin 104½ yards (95.5 m) Normandy cloth 12 ells (8.3 m) Passementerie 5 lb 7 oz (2.5 kg) Totals: 1,102⅜ yards (1,003.3 m); 12 ells (8.3m); 5 lb 7 oz (2.5 kg)

23¾ yards (21.7 m) 21 yards (19.2 m) 9 yards (8.2 m) 315⅝ yards (288.6 m) 64¾ yards (56.5 m) 23¼ yards (21.3 m) 12 yards (10.9 m) 28⅝ yards (26.2 m) 29 yards (26.5 m) 29 yards (26.5 m) 95¼ yards (87.1 m) 1 yard (0.9 m) 17¾ yards (16.2 m) 6½ yards (5.9 m) 2 yards (1.8 m) 1 yard (0.9 m) 4½ yards (4.1 m) 4¼ yards (3.9 m)

damaske golde pirle of morisco worke withe knoppes of veanice golde cordiaunte raised euery sleave hauing vj small Buttons of golde and in every Button a peerle and the Traines of the flowres set withe peerle’ (17706). Catherine seems to have liked aglets which appeared on 22 pairs of sleeves, but not quite to the same extent as on Jane Seymour’s sleeves. However, a new feature was the use of enamelled aglets on 14 pairs. Embroidery was also important, appearing on 11 pairs: six were worked with floral designs but there were also designs incorporating large numbers of seed pearls, cutwork, antiques and ‘moresco work’. Nineteen pairs of sleeves were edged with fabric, often velvet. One reason why the use of embroidery may have been restricted somewhat was the increased use of patterned fabrics: 22 pairs made from floral fabrics, five with ‘works’ and two with roundels. Catherine’s accounts reveal how her clothes were stored in the queen’s wardrobe which continued to be housed at Baynard’s castle. In October 1544 Mr Frytton was paid 4s 6d for riding from Woking to London ‘for certeyn the Queen’s Graces ffurde gownes from Baynardes’ and from Eltham to London for pins, starch and other necessaries. In the following month John Morley, sumpterman, received 2s 8d ‘for his ch[arges going] with the sumpter horse from Ok[ing for certain] gowns for the Queen’s [grace from Ba]ynardes Castell’.112 Catherine’s coffer brought from Sudeley on 16 November 1549 contained a white ostrich feather (3537) and five caps made from black velvet (3592–96), ‘a Cappe of black vellat garneshed with xxij paire of Aglattes of gold and xj Buttons of gold enameled black’ (3594). The caps may have belonged to either the king or Seymour, but equally Catherine may have been their owner. Her jewel coffer contained four biliments of gold that she would have worn with French hoods (3531–34).

Quantity

Table 10.8: Analysis of Catherine Parr’s clothes by textile type Textile

Partlets

Placards

Sleeves

Baudekin Camlet, gold Cloth of gold Cloth of silver Damask Satin Taffeta Tinsel Tissue Velvet

~ ~ 1 3 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 9 14

1 ~ 4 3 1 9 1 ~ 6 8 33

~ 1 6 12 ~ 11 ~ 4 6 15 55

Table 10.9: Analysis of Catherine Parr’s clothes by colour Colour

Partlets

Placards

Sleeves

Black Blue Carnation Cloth of gold Cloth of silver Crimson Green Murrey Purple Red Tawny Unspecified White

~ ~ ~ ~ 3 4 ~ 2 4 1 ~ ~ ~ 14

9 2 ~ 3 3 4 2 2 2 2 3 1 ~ 33

7 2 1 1 8 11 5 1 13 3 ~ 1 2 55

Catherine also owned ‘a Fanne or a Skryne for to holde in thande of black Oistriche feathers sett in golde garneshed with vj counterfett stones and some peerles’ (3591). The introduction of the ostrich feather fan to northern Europe has been

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the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

attributed to Catherine Medici, who brought it to France from Italy on her marriage to the dauphin in 1533. Catherine evidently emulated her namesake.113 Her interest in merchandise and fine clothes persisted until her death. Among the items from Sudeley were ‘Certen acquitaunces Billes papers and other writinges concerning the late Quene Katherin’, including: an acquitaunce of Cxxli paid to Guillam the Embroderer (17752). an Acquitaunce of iiijxx lipaied by sir Anthonie Coope knight to mestres Shakerley the quenes silkewoman in parte of paimente of Cxxxvjli iijs ob (17758). an Acquitaunce of William Smithe broderer for Cli receaued of Sir Anthonie Coope knight to the behalfe of Gillam Braibot the Emborderer (17760). another acquitaunce of John Corverte seruaunte to Rowlande Shakerley mercer of iiijxx li (17761).114

The queen’s jewels The queen’s jewels passed from queen to queen with some subtractions and some additions. By Henry VIII’s death in 1547 they were kept in a coffer ‘hauing written vpon it the Quenes jewelles’.115 The collection was substantial: 44 ‘Owches or flowers Crosses brouches Tablettes Clockes and bookes of gold’, seven clasps, ten chains, six carcanets and associated jewels set in collets and buttons, four necklaces, a mixture of 24 nether and upper habiliments, 11 girdles, four pairs of bracelets, eight pairs of beads, ten rings, 28 pairs of aglets, a jewelled partlet and a selection of unset gem stones and pearls (2619–741). Similar sets of jewels existed throughout Europe. For example, in 1488 the inventory of jewels belonging to James III of Scotland mentions ‘the quenis kist quhilk come fra Striveling’.116 Queen Margaret’s jewels included five belts or girdles, five collars, 15 rings, two strings of pearls and two edges, one of which was described as ‘ane ege of gold with four grete diamantis pointit and xxviii grete perlis about thame’.117 Some of the jewels derived from the queen’s dowry, as with Catherine of Aragon. On the death of Louis XII of France, Henry VIII was anxious to secure the jewels given to his sister Mary as part of her dowry. Once he was convinced of the invalidity of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon he sought to strip her of her jewels and to present them to Anne Boleyn. On 1 October 1532 Chapuys told the emperor how even though their marriage had not yet been annulled: the king, not contented with having given her his jewels sent the duke of Norfolk to obtain the Queen’s as well. She replied that she could not send her jewels or anything else to the king, as he had long ago forbidden her to do so; and, besides, it was against her conscience to give her jewels to adorn a person who is the scandal of Christendom, and a disgrace to the king who takes her to such an assembly; however if the king sent expressly to ask her for them, she would obey him in this as in other things. Though he was vexed at what she said, he did not fail to send for them by one of his chamber, who had letters to the Queen’s chancellor and chamberlain as well as to herself. The man told her that the king was surprised that she had not sent her jewels as the Queen of France and many others had done. She excused herself and sent all she had; with which the king was much pleased.118

Henry also gave new jewels to Anne Boleyn both before and after their marriage in 1533. At New Year 1528 Anne’s gift to

him was a ‘handsome diamond’ in a ship ‘with a lonely damsel tossed about’. The king’s response was to assure Anne that ‘henceforth my heart will be dedicated to you alone, and wishing greatly that my body was so too, for God can do it if He pleases; to whom I pray once a day for that end, hoping that at length my prayers will be heard’.119 Cornelius Hayes made a number of items for her including two ‘borders of gold for her sleeves set with 10 diamonds and 8 pearls’, two ‘diamonds set upon two hats for her head’ and ‘a girdle of crown gold’ costing £18 10s 4d.120 The role of jewels in courtship can be illustrated by reference to an encounter recounted by Anne Gainsford. According to her, Thomas Wyatt had an: entertaining talk with [Anne Boleyn] as she was earnest at work, in sporting wise caught from her a certain small jewel hanging by a lace out of her pocket, or otherwise loose, which he thrust into his bosom, neither with any earnest request could she obtain it of him again. He kept it, therefore, and wore it after about his neck, under his cassock, promising himself either to have it with her favour or as an occasion to talk with her.121

This type of flirtation involving taking jewellery can be compared with Charles Brandon’s behaviour towards Margaret of Savoy in 1513. At Tournai Margaret told Henry VIII how he had ‘put hymselfe opon hys knees befor me, and in spekyng and hyme playng, he drew fro my finger the rynge, and put yt upon hys, and sythe schewde yt me and I took to lawhe’.122 Jewels in the form of letters were popular, as indicated by an inventory taken of Anne’s jewels and plate after her execution which included a diamond brooch in the form of RA (Regina Anna).123 Holbein designed the jewellery with an intertwined HA for Henry and Anne, HISA, which has been interpreted as Henry Immuable Serviteur Anne, and ABCE which has proved harder to decipher.124 Jane Seymour’s jewels were inventoried in October 1537. They were in the care of Mistress Lister and they were listed by type: beads, jewels, pomanders and tablets, girdles, borders, brooches, bracelets, buttons, aglets and chains.125 The selection included a ‘greate pomander of golde with H and I and a crone’, ‘vj dosen of Buttons of golde enameled of sunderie facions, wherof xviij were sett on a goune of cremsen satten’ and ‘iij litle borders of gold broken by the Quenes comaundement (and putt into dressing of cappis ageynst newers daie)’.126 While many of the pieces were decorated with enamel, very few were gem set. None of the pieces she was painted wearing are listed. The jewels presented by Henry VIII to Catherine Howard on their marriage entered the custody of Nicholas Bristow, the king’s clerk, before being transmitted first to Anne Herbert, Mrs Tyrwhitt and once more to Anne Herbert. They were listed by Bristow in November 1541 when they included habiliments, squares and carcans, loose stones and pearls, brooches, ouches, crosses and hachis, girdles, beads, tablets and books. The marginal notes within the book give a good indication of the range of the queen’s gift giving and they also highlight a number of gifts that she received from the king.127 Gem set items were in the majority: an upper habiliment for a French hood set with 105 pearls and 22 rubies, another with 112 pearls set like true love knots and 54 beads of gold, a Jesus (IHS) with 35 great and small diamonds and ‘one Carcane for the necke of Goldesmytheswercke wherin is set in golde

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters vj verey fare table diamonds and v verey feire Rubyes and betwixt euery of the same stones is two feire Peerlles conteynyng in the whole xxiiij’.128 On the basis of the jewels listed in the inventory, a miniature of Catherine Howard has been identified as being painted at the time of her marriage.129 Following Henry VIII’s death, Catherine Parr’s jewels became a source of contention. There was a matter of doubt as to which belonged to her personally, which the king had left her under his will, such as the jewels given to her at the time of the visit of Admiral Claude d’Annebaut in August 1546, and which belonged to the crown. When Protector Somerset seized them Lord Seymour tried to recover ‘the queen’s jewels, which . . . by the whole opinion of the lawyers ought to belong to me’.130 Catherine Parr also had a life interest in certain pieces which reverted to the crown at her death in 1551. These were kept ‘in a square Coofer covered with fustian of Naples within a great standarde belonging to the late Quene’ and within the coffer, they were distributed within five sections or ‘romes’.131 How the queen distributed her own jewels could form part of her pattern of patronage. On 28 October 1535 John Grenville reported how on his return to Ireland Lord Grey had received money and land from the king and ‘a chain of gold from her middle, worth 100 marks’ and a purse with 20 sovereigns from Anne Boleyn.132

Looking outside his marriage vows: the king’s mistresses As was customary in the sixteenth century, Henry VIII had a number of mistresses drawn largely from among the ladies at court. Notwithstanding his own liaisons, he was adversely critical of James IV of Scotland for behaving in the same way. Henry stated, ‘I care for nothing but his mistreating of my sister’, which Chapman interpreted as being a reference to James taking mistresses including Mary Boyd, Margaret Drummond and the mysterious ‘Lady of A’.133 Not much is known about the king’s mistresses. Elizabeth Blount bore him an illegitimate son, the duke of Richmond. She had come to court by 1512. Within two years she had caught the king’s attention. One of the king’s closest companions wrote to him, saying, ‘I beseech your Grace to [tell] Mistress Blount and Mistress Carew, the next time that I write unto them [or s]end them tokens, they shall either [wri]te to me or send me tokens again’.134 At Christmas 1514 she took part in a masque where she danced, aged 14, opposite the king dressed in blue velvet and cloth of gold in the style of Savoy, as part of a group of four lords and ladies who ‘came into the Quenes chamber with great light of torches and daunced a greate season’.135 On May Day 1515 she accompanied Catherine of Aragon to Shooters Hill as one of 25 ladies riding on white palfreys with ‘housings all of one fashion, most beautifully embroidered with gold’, dressed in clothing ‘slashed with gold lama with a very costly trim’. Edward Hall noted that: the king in his fresh youth was in the chains of love with a fair damsel called Elizabeth Blount, daughter of Sir John Blount, knight, which

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damsel in singing, dancing, and in all goodly pastimes, exceeded all other, by the which goodly pastimes, she won the king’s heart; and she again showed him such favour, that by him she bore a goodly man child, of beauty like to the father and mother.136

Three years later Elizabeth Blount also took part in the celebrations organised by Wolsey at York Place on 3 October 1518 to celebrate the betrothal of Princess Mary to the dauphin of France: she was one of over 30 dancers of whom the ladies wore green satin covered with cloth of gold, decorated with braids of damask gold and white gold. Before becoming one of the king’s mistresses Mary Boleyn married William Carey, a gentleman of the king’s privy chamber, on 4 February 1520. Her son Henry, born in 1525, was named after the king who stood as his godfather, but the king never recognised paternity. By the time of Henry Carey’s birth, the king had transferred his affections to Mary’s younger sister, Anne Boleyn.

Royal siblings: the king’s sisters Of Henry VIII’s four sisters, only two, Margaret and Mary, lived to adulthood.137 Henry VII had borne the cost of Margaret’s marriage to James IV in 1503, and he provided money for Mary’s marriage under his will. Mary’s marriage to Louis XII was negotiated by her brother. Both sisters acted independently of him when remarrying, but he forgave the pair. In 1516 Margaret and Mary shared a canopy at Greenwich decorated with intertwined marigolds and daisies, their emblems.

margaret, queen of scots Following the death of her husband at Flodden in 1513, Margaret married the earl of Angus a year later. In 1515 she gave up the custody of her son James V to the duke of Albany: she claimed that she had been deprived not only of her children but also of her clothes and her jewels. When she fled from Scotland, Albany ‘seized her goods leaving her nothing but the garments she had on’.138 She escaped to England and brought some of her wardrobe with her.139 In October 1515 Henry provided his sister and her husband with 50 gowns of cloth of gold, silver and silk.140 She showed them to the lord chamberlain of Scotland who came to visit her, ‘Lo, my Lorde, here ye may se that the kyng, my brother, haith not forgoten me, and that he wold not I shuld dye for lak of clothys’.141 She delighted in clothes: ‘Her Grace hath a marvellous mind upon her apparel. She has caused the gown cloth of cloth of gold, and the gown cloth of tynsen sent by Henry, to be made against this time, and likes the fashion so well, that she will send for them, and have them held before her once or twice a day to look at.’ Margaret shared the Tudor love of clothes and exploited Henry’s wish to present her as a valued sister. Henry bore the

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the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

cost of bringing his sister from Berwick to London, at a price of £130 3s. This included £7 for sending a tailor and skinner to Berwick ‘to make the apparrelle of the seid quene and her husbond’ and 19s 4d ‘to dyverse shepsters for makyng of iij smockes for the seid quene and twoo shirtes for her husbond’.142 She also asked her tailor in Edinburgh to make more and in the meantime was ‘going to have in all haste’ a gown of purple velvet lined with cloth of gold, a gown of crimson velvet furred with ermine, three other gowns and three satin kirtles.143 A portrait of Margaret ‘Painted . . . in a Black habbitt with yallow sleeves with a litle Monkey houlding uppon her hands’ belonged to Charles I.144 The portrait was painted in 1515–17 during her stay in England.145 It is now lost and is known from the copy by Mytens (Fig. 10.7). An inventory compiled in September 1516 listed the jewels in a coffer at the castle of Templetone that were delivered to

Margaret’s commissioners when she was in England.146 Margaret’s treasures included rosaries, habiliments, chains and unset jewels such as: A cheffroun with a chenze of 57 links; another with points of gold, with 61 pearls in crammesy velvet; one set with 21 rubies and 33 pearls in gold and ‘ane burde of gold and twa smallbeltis with hedes and pendatit of gold’ A collar of gold enamelled with white and red roses, two other collars of gold; A pair of sleeves of cloth of gold lined with crammesy satin, another pair of sleeves ‘the King of France’s great diamond set in a red hat’ that was valued at 8,000 crowns a ruby balatt on a black hat with three pearls a partlet of gold fret set upon crammesy satin with 12 diamonds, 14 rubies, 25 pearls a partlet of cloth of gold a partlet of white taffeta goldsmith work a pair of sleeves of black velvet; one bust with damask gold with ten prinnys of gold wire a pair of coral beads with six pearls a pair of beads of jasper with four gaudies.147

However, her furs could not be obtained from Stirling until after the bishop of Galloway returned from the north. On 17 April 1517 the young James V granted his mother permission to return Scotland with a suitable suite and to receive all the profits from her dowry, her jewellery and her property.148 On her return in May 1517, Edward Hall noted she was ‘richely appointed of all things mete to her estate both of Jewells, plate, tapissry, Arras, coyne, Horsses, and all other thinges of the kynges gift and liberalitie’.149 Unfortunately, the improvement in Margaret’s situation was only temporary. Three years later she confessed that she was ‘in a sore case’. She had had to pawn the jewels given by her brother on her departure from England and she had turned away her servants apart from her comptroller Robin Barton who had laid out £500 of his own to support her. Otherwise she would ‘have been compelled to live like a poor gentlewoman’.150 In 1523 she looked to her brother for assistance. She asked the earl of Surrey ‘how soon the King wishes her to come, where [she was] to be met and by whom’, adding that she ‘will send her gowns and cobord before her and bring her jewels with her’.151 In 1526 Margaret married Lord Methven. Henry continued periodically to send gifts to his sister but these became increasingly sporadic. In August 1535 Cromwell noted that he was to receive cloth of gold and cloth of silver, crimson and purple satin and black velvet from Anthony Denny to be forwarded to Margaret in Scotland.152 A month later Cromwell had not received these, and he asked, ‘What silk and money the King will send to the Scotch Queen’.153 Margaret became increasingly isolated. On 14 October 1537 she told Cromwell that ‘I am now forty nine years old . . . I shall never have another husband . . . The King my son is more unkind to me daily, and I had liever be dead than treated as I am’.154 She survived another two years, dying on 19 October 1539.

mary, queen of france 10.7 Margaret Tudor, by Daniel Mytens. RCIN 401181, OM 115. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Mary was acknowledged as a beauty. Erasmus observed that ‘nature never formed anything more beautiful as she exceeds

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters no less in goodness or wisdom’.155 The Venetian ambassador admitted that she was ‘very beautiful and has not her match in England; she is tall fair, of a light complexion with a colour, and most affable and graceful’.156 Henry clothed Mary from his accession in 1509 until her marriage to Louis XII in 1514.157 Seven warrants survive, three of which can be matched with the accounts.158 There is also one entry in the accounts for which the warrant does not survive. Of the four entries in the accounts, the three for clothing cost £297 5s 1½d. Many of the new gowns made for Mary had wide sleeves, such as a gown of cloth of gold lined with sarsenet, while the sleeves were lined with velvet and edged with the same. These gowns required 16 yards (14.6 m) of fabric as in the case of a gown made of russet satin costing £7 4s, with 5¾ yards (5.2 m) of cloth of gold to line the sleeves costing £17 5s. She also received two gowns with narrow sleeves. Each was made from 11 yards (10 m) of cloth. Her gown of black velvet was bordered with 1½ yards (1.3 m) of crimson satin and lined with 5 yards (4.5 m) of black sarsenet. Each warrant included two or three kirtles that were predominantly made from 7 yards (6.4 m) of satin, with just two being made from tilsent or tilsent satin. The kirtles were often bordered or hemmed with velvet and they could be worn with matching sleeves. Most warrants ordered gowns and kirtles, but the warrant of 7 December 1511 also included a nightgown of black velvet furred with coney.159 The warrants regularly listed 12 pairs of knit hose, as well as shoes, slippers and a pair of furred night buskins, as well as pinsons on one occasion. Mary also received linen for underclothes in the form of 30 ells (20.6 m) holland for smocks, rails, kerchers and biggins, sipers for head and neck, ribbon and lacing ribbon, 10,000 pins, 12 dozen gloves, one bonnet ermine and sarsenet for tippets for her head and neck.160 While Henry provided his sister with new garments, many of which were sumptuous, he also paid to have a number of her clothes remade or repaired. In May 1510 he gave instructions for ‘new bodying and sleeving’ six of her gowns: one each of black velvet, tawny cloth of gold upon satin, black satin and velvet upon velvet pirled and two of crimson velvet, 7 yards (6.4 m) of green velvet were provided to make a purfil for the tawny cloth of gold gown and 4½ yards (4.1 m) of black sarsenet for lining, while 1½ yards (1.3 m) of tawny satin was needed for the vents, collar and cuffs of the black velvet gown and a roll of buckram to reline it.161 In December 1511 gowns of crimson and black velvet were translated, new-bodied and new-sleeved.162 Henry also made payments for making up a gown and kirtle from cloth ‘from her own store’ and for furring gowns with furs already in her possession.163 He also gave her items for her wardrobe of the beds. On 3 July 1511 the king signed a warrant granting his sister bed sheets, a traverse of crimson sarsenet and a fold bed with four vanes and a celure, tester, valance and counterpoint of blue and crimson velvet paned costing in all £68 14s 5d.164 One of the last warrants prior to those preparing her wedding clothes dates from 3 December 1513. This included a gown of cloth of gold of tissue with wide sleeves lined and edged with crimson satin and the body of the gown lined with black sarsenet, a gown of crimson satin with wide sleeves

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lined and edged with cloth of gold tissue four kirtles of crimson satin, white satin, black damask and velvet, four pairs of sleeves of white cloth of silver, tinsel, crimson satin and white satin.165 On 12 February 1515, Mary married the duke of Suffolk secretly, without consulting either Henry VIII or Francis I (as she ought to have). Suffolk informed the king, ‘Sir, I never saw woman so weep’.166 He urged Wolsey to help them, adding that ‘I fyer me layes that sche be with chyld’.167 On 16 April 1515 Mary acknowledged receipt of a number of the jewels that she had received as queen of France, including the ‘Mirror of Naples’, a large diamond, with a pearl and 20 diamonds, eight large pearls as buttons for sleeves and eight pearls for a carcanet.168 On their return to England, and this time with the approval of the king, they married publicly at Greenwich on 13 May 1515. At the tournaments to celebrate the marriage, Suffolk carried a banner with the motto: Cloth of gold, do not despise, Though thou hast wedded cloth of frieze; Cloth of frieze, be not too bold, Though thou hast wedded cloth of gold.

On 11 March 1516 Mary gave birth to a son who was named Henry after her brother. Two days later the child was christened with the king and Wolsey standing as the boy’s godfathers, and his great-aunt, Lady Catherine, as godmother. Henry’s role was central: ‘The King gave the name Henry . . . The King then served water . . . the King’s gift borne next before the child.’169 The young Henry died in 1527 but was survived by his sisters, Frances and Eleanor. Mary figured prominently at court. On 3 May 1515 she attended the arrival of her sister in London from Scotland. On 15 November that year she sat at the top table with Henry and Catherine of Aragon at the banquet held to celebrate Wolsey receiving his cardinal’s hat. In the same month the king named a new ship after her and held a special dinner on board with Mary, Suffolk and Catherine. In 1520 Mary was present at the reception of Charles V and when she attended mass on Whit Sunday she was ‘dressed in silver lama, in pleats, joined throughout with gold cords at the extremities of which were fine pearls instead of tags’.170 She also attended the Field of Cloth of Gold where her apartments made much of her former status as queen of France: The first hall was hung with very exquisite tapestry of gold and silk as above; the other with crimson velvet and gold tissue, the velvet being embroidered with the letters ML within a gold knot; and in certain other places were embroidered sundry porcupines, the hangings having been made when she was the wife of king Lewis . . .171

Three years later she witnessed the reception of Charles V’s sister, the queen of Denmark. In 1525 she attended the ennoblement of her illegitimate nephew as duke of Richmond. Her last major appearance at court was for the signing of the treaty of Greenwich in 1527. There are reasons to believe that she did not care for Anne Boleyn. She refused to attend the meeting at Calais when neither the queen of France nor the queen of England was present, but Anne Boleyn was. Sickness prevented her from attending Anne’s coronation, and several weeks later, on 25 June 1533, she died, being buried at Bury St Edmunds.

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the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters

Notes 1 More detailed evidence of the wardrobe of Eleanor of Toledo has survived and the pattern of her clothing orders has been presented in tabular form in Orsi Landini and Niccoli, Moda a Firenze, pp. 201–35. 2 Such as ‘a written booke of certen of the late Quenes apparrell’ (3618) and ‘a booke conteynyng Juellez of the late Quenes’ (3619), listed in 1547. 3 M. A. Hayward, ‘Spanish princess or Queen of England: the image and identity of Catherine of Aragon’, forthcoming. 4 R. M. Anderson, ‘Spanish dress worn by a Queen of France’, Gazette des Beaux Arts, 98 (1981), pp. 215–22. 5 The collection of the duke of Buccleuch and Queensbury, vellum stuck onto card, rectangular, 54.5 × 48 mm (2⅛ × 1⅞ in.). There is a also a full-size version of this composition in the duke’s collection and later versions can be found in Windsor castle, the deanery Ripon, Hardwick hall and Merton college, Oxford. 6 NPG 4682, vellum, 38 mm diameter (1½ in.); Starkey, European Court, p. 91. 7 SJC D91.24, pp. 31, 45. 8 TNA E101/417/3, no. 68. 9 Ibid., no. 80. 10 Ibid., no. 87. 11 Ibid., no. 67. 12 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 13 Ibid., unfoliated. 14 TNAE101/418/6, unfoliated. 15 Brown, Four Years, i, pp. 90–91. 16 Nichols, ‘Inventories’, p. 39. 17 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 18 JRL MS Latin 239, ff. 19r–v. 19 Hall, Chronicle, pp. 604–05; CSP Venetian, 1520–26, pp. 14–19. 20 Chapman, Sisters, p. 203. 21 LP iv.iii, 6121. 22 G. Mattingly, Catherine of Aragon (1944), p. 146. 23 LP x, 41. 24 LP x, 151. 25 H. Paget, ‘The youth of Anne Boleyn’, BIHR, 54 (1981), pp. 162–70. 26 Starkey, Six Wives, pp. 263–64. 27 Cavendish, Wolsey, p. 29. 28 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 58. 29 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, p. 236; and Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 58. 30 CSP Spanish, 1531–33, p. 473. 31 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 51. 32 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, p. 365. 33 Ridley, Love Letters, p. 65. 34 Cavendish, Wolsey, p. 35. 35 PPE, p. 44. 36 TNA E101/420/1 (LP iv.iii, App. 256). 37 PPE, pp. 47, 50. 38 Ibid., p. 50. 39 Ibid., pp. 88, 90. 40 Ibid., p. 101. 41 Ibid., p. 128. 42 Ibid., pp. 101, 183. 43 Ibid., pp. 179, 217. 44 TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated. 45 The best example of this portrait type is in the National Portrait Gallery. 46 The Nidd Hall portrait type; illustrated in Ives, Anne Boleyn, pl. 2. 47 TNA SP1/66, ff. 39–45 (LP v, 276; calendared in LP for May 1531). 48 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 109. The ring was quite modest: ‘a Ring of crowne golde set with one emerande weyng iiijd wt ob in money ixs iiijd and for the making therof vs — xiiijs iiijd’. 49 The cloak was made from 12 yards (10.9 m) of black satin costing £4 16s, 2¾ yards (2.5 m) of black velvet costing 16s, 11 yards (10.1 m) of black bridges satin priced at 25s 8d, 2 yards (1.8 m) of black satin costing 16s and 2 yards (1.8 m) of black buckram at 2s. 50 The nightgown was made from 13 yards (11.8 m) of black satin costing £5 4s, 8 yards (7.3 m) of black taffeta for lining at £3 4s, 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet at 40s and 2 yards (1.8 m) of buckram 12d. 51 PPE, pp. 274–77, 222–23. Eric Ives has calculated that Henry spent approximately £220 on Anne from his privy purse in 1530 and 1531, with the figure rising to £330 in 1532; Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 195. 52 PPE, p. 261; also see above, p. 169. 53 Ibid., p. 282. 54 BL Royal MS 7C.XVI, ff. 41r–46r (LP v, 1376). 55 Hall, Chronicle, pp. 793–94.

56 LP 1533, p. 266. 57 LP vi, 583. 58 N. Sander, The Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism, ed. D. Lewis (1877), p. 25. 59 Caley, ‘Extract’, p. 248. 60 LP ix, 477. 61 TNA SP1/103, ff. 324r–v (LP x, 913). 62 TNA SP1/104, f. 1v. 63 Fraser, Six Wives, p. 256. 64 LP x, 601. 65 Ibid. 66 LP xi, 1358. 67 TNA LC 5/31, pp. 8–9. 68 Also see 2182, ‘with blac Silke and flowers betwixe the panes and at the hande’. 69 BL Royal MS 7C XVI, f. 36 (LP x, 1132). 70 BL Royal MS App. 89, f. 33. 71 LP xiv.i, 552. 72 LP xiv.ii, 33. 73 Fraser, Six Wives, p. 289. 74 NG inv. no. 2475; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 145; Foister, Holbein, pp. 200–03. 75 LP xv, 886. 76 BL Cotton MS Vitellius C. XI, ff. 213r–20v (LP xiv.ii, 286). 77 Evans, Jewellery, p. 88. 78 Chamberlain, Holbein, ii, p. 178. 79 LP xv, 18. 80 LP xv, 22. 81 LP xv, 23. 82 LP xv, 899. 83 LP xv, 908. 84 LP xv, 976. 85 LP xvii, 63. 86 LP xxi.i, 935. 87 LP xv, 565 and 686. 88 LP xv, 848. 89 LP xvi, 578. 90 J. G. Nichols, ed., Narratives of the Days of the Reformation Chiefly from the Manuscripts of John Foxe the Martyrologist, Camden Society (1859), p. 260. 91 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, pp. 237–38 (LP xvi, 12). 92 Strong, Portraits, p. 42. The Toledo Museum of Art, Toledo, Ohio, 26.57; see Rowlands, Holbein, p. 146. The suggestion is that the sitter might be Elizabeth Seymour, Lady Jane’s Grey’s sister, who married Gregory, Lord Cromwell at some point before 1538. 93 In the collection of the duke of Buccleuch, Drumlanrig Castle, Dumfries; also Windsor Castle. Somers-Cocks, Princely Magnificence, p. 101; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 151. 94 Starkey, Six Wives, pp. xxv, 651. 95 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 227. Henry also received several gifts of this type at the New Year; Hayward, ‘Gifts’, p. 171, no. 85. 96 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, pp. 229–30. 97 SP i, p. 695. 98 LP xvii, 63. 99 LP xvii, 124. 100 James, Kateryn Parr, pl. 35, p. 125. 101 Weir, Six Wives, p. 498. 102 James, Kateryn Parr, pp. 419–22. 103 LP xviii.i, 443. 104 The bill was paid by Sir Thomas Arundell, treasurer of the king’s household, after Catherine became queen. For the significance of the dating of the bill, see Starkey, Six Wives, pp. 814–15. 105 BL Additional MS 8219, f. 114; quoted by Martienssen, Katherine Parr, p. 172. 106 Ibid., Katherine Parr, p. 190. 107 LP xix.ii, 677. 108 TNA E101/423/14, ff. 1v–2v (LP xviii.i, p. 50). 109 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 110 TNA E101/424/4. 111 BL Harley MS 1419, f. 553r. 112 LP xix.ii, 688. 113 James, Kateryn Parr, p. 124. 114 BL Harley MS 1419, ff. 559r–v. 115 SoA MS 129, f. 178r. 116 Collection of Inventories, p. 8. 117 Ibid., p. 10.

the wardrobes of henry viii’s wives and sisters 118 LP v, 1377. 119 Ridley, Love Letters, p. 43. 120 SP 1/66, ff. 42r, 42v, 40r, 121 Narratives of the Reformation, p. 52. 122 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, p. 71; Gunn, Charles Brandon, pp. 29–31. 123 LP xii.ii, 1315. 124 Rowlands, Age of Dürer, pp. 245–47; Scarisbrick, Tudor, p. 53. 125 BL Royal MS 7C.XVI, ff. 18r–32v (LP xii.ii, 973). 126 Ibid., ff. 23r, 29r, 26r. 127 BL Stowe MS 559, ff. 55r–68r (LP xvi, 1389). 128 BL Stowe MS 559, ff. 55v, 59v, 56r. 129 Starkey, Six Wives, p. xxv. 130 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, pp. 336–37. 131 SoA MS 129, f. 216v. 132 LP ix, 700. 133 Chapman, Sisters, p. 69. 134 BL Cotton MS Caligula D VI, f. 155. 135 Hall, Chronicle, p. 580. 136 Ibid., p. 703. 137 For their childhoods, see above, pp. 89, 91–92. 138 LP ii.i, 929. 139 As queen she had a substantial wardrobe which filled 20 carts; Chapman, Sisters, p. 46. 140 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 661. 141 LP ii.i, 1350. 142 Martin, ‘Sir John Daunce’, p. 311. 143 Ibid., p. 304. 144 Millar, Catalogue, p. 28. 145 Strong, Tudor and Jacobean Portraits, p. 206. The NPG has a picture in its collection of an unknown lady thought to be Margaret by Jean Perréal (1173) but there is no evidence for this; Strong, p. 205. 146 Collection of Inventories, pp. 19–28.

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147 LP ii.ii, 2398. 148 LP ii.ii, 3136. 149 Hall, Chronicle, p. 591. 150 LP iii.i, 1024. 151 LP iii.i, 3362. 152 BL Titus MS B.1, f. 423 (LP ix, 218). 153 Ibid., f. 412 (LP ix, 498). 154 CSP Scotland, i, 9. 155 R. A. B. Mynors and D. F. S. Thomson, eds, The Complete Works of Erasmus (Toronto, 1974), ii, p. 216. 156 LP i.ii, 2704. 157 For her wedding clothes, see above, pp. 56–57. 158 13 October 1509 (E101/417/3, no. 56), 26 May 1510 (E101/417/3, no. 55), 29 November 1510 (BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 6), 29 November 1510 (BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 7), 15 June 1511 (BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 27), 7 December 1511 (E101/417/6, no. 62) and 1 April 1512 (E101/ 417/6, no. 41). 159 TNA E101/417/6, no. 62. 160 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 6. 161 TNA E101/417/3, no. 55. 162 TNA E101/417/6, no. 62. 163 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 27. 164 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 165 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 41r. 166 LP ii.i, 80. 167 LP ii.i, 222. 168 LP ii.i. 327. 169 LP ii.i, 1652. 170 CSP Venetian, 1520–26, 50; also quoted as ‘dressed in silver tissue, in strips, after the Italian fashion, joined throughout with gold cords at the extremities of which were fine pearls as aiglettes’ in Norris, Tudor Costume, p. 214. 171 CSP Venetian, 1520–26, p. 76.

xi The King’s Children: Dressed to Impress

R

oyal marriages were seen primarily as a means of having legitimate children; thereby securing the succession. Elizabeth of York epitomised the ideal of female fecundity by giving birth to a son a little less than nine months after her marriage to Henry VII. The value of having a son was clearly highlighted in September 1519 when the Venetian ambassador noted that the duke of Buckingham was ‘very popular’ and that ‘were the King to die without heirs male, he might easily obtain the crown’.1 Daughters also played their part in developing foreign policy through their own marriages. The Spanish chronicler Hernando de Pulgar wrote to Queen Isabella of Castile in 1478, ‘If your Highness gives us two or three more daughters in 20 years time you will have the pleasure of seeing your children and grandchildren on all the thrones of Europe’.2 Royal children extended the immediate royal family, an important consideration as Henry VIII had no younger brothers that he could look to. Indeed royal children could act as the king’s deputies, and in 1526 Henry appointed Princess Mary and the duke of Richmond to act as his representatives in Wales and the north respectively. Their success in these roles was predicated on their having a suitable royal appearance to assert their authority in spite of their youth. However, the trappings of royalty could be taken away as easily as royal status itself. Henry’s relationships with his children were complex: Mary was declared illegitimate in 1533 after the birth of her half-sister Elizabeth on 7 September 1533, and Elizabeth was treated in the same way after the birth of Edward. Although Mary and Elizabeth were both reinstated into the succession in 1543 by an Act of Parliament, they were not made legitimate. Even so, Henry carefully manipulated his children’s wardrobe in order to support his own dynastic claims and to promote his own sense of magnificence. His success can be seen in the group portrait of The Family of Henry VIII which presents the king with his three children (Pl. VIc).

Consummation, pregnancy and birth The procreation of children was a primary aim of royal marriages and every care was taken to ensure a productive union. The marriage bed was blessed, as indicated by a comment made by Viscount Rochford. When questioned about the consummation of Catherine and Arthur’s marriage, he began by recalling that ‘it is customary for brides, especially noble ladies, to be veiled during the blessing of the bed’.3 In spite of the practice of bedding a newly married couple, there are only a few references to the consummation of royal marriages. One exception is the marriage between Mary Tudor and the duke of Suffolk. The duke informed the king ‘to be plain with you, I have married her heartily and have lain with her in so much that I fear me lest she be with child’.4 While this was most probably the case, Henry was also much less likely to renounce the marriage if he thought his sister was pregnant. However, Henry’s reign produces more evidence of nonconsummation or disputed consummation. While Catherine maintained to Cardinal Campeggio that she had only shared a bed with Arthur on seven occasions during their marriage, and that the marriage was never consummated, later testimony was supplied that claimed otherwise.5 On the morning after his wedding night, Arthur was reputed to have asked for a drink, stating that, ‘I have this night been in the midst of Spain which is a hot region, and that journey maketh me so dry’.6 Henry was to contradict this assertion, with witnesses recalling how he had boasted that Catherine was ‘a maid’ on their wedding night.7 Disputes over consummation were not restricted to England. Louis XII of France boasted after his wedding night with Mary Tudor that he had ‘performed marvels’. However, Francis was of the opinion that ‘unless I have been told lies . . . the king and queen cannot possibly have a child’.8

196

the king’s children Henry VIII = Elizabeth of York d. 1509 d. 1503

Arthur d. 1502

Henry VIII* d. 1547 = (1) Catherine of Aragon d. 1536

Margaret d. 1541

(2) Anne Boleyn d. 1536

Mary d. 1558

(3) Jane Seymour d. 1537

Elizabeth d. 1603

Edward VI d. 1553

= James IV of Scotland d. 1513

Mary d. 1533 = (1) Louis XII of France d. 1515 (2) Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk d. 1545

James V d. 1542

*Henry VIII's other wives were: 4. Anne of Cleves m.1540 5. Catherine Howard m.1540 6. Catherine Parr m.1543

Family tree 3 Henry VIII’s wives and children

The question of whether a marriage had been consummated could be answered by the individuals concerned, although, as the conflicting answers recorded above indicate, they might have reason to lie. The question could also be addressed by members of their households. Charles V sought evidence to support Catherine of Aragon’s case of nonconsummation, including the testimony of the wife of Juan de Cuero, a former lady of the bedchamber to Catherine who lived in Madrid, Donna Maria de Rojas ‘who slept in the Queen’s bed after the death of Prince Arthur’, and Catalina, ‘the Queen’s slave and bed maker’.9 When the ladies of Anne of Cleve’s household asked her to describe her married life with Henry, she told them, ‘When he comes to bed . . . he kisses me and taketh me by the hand, and biddeth me “good night sweet heart” and in the morning, kisses me and biddeth me “Farewell, darling”. Is this not enough?’. To which the countess of Rutland replied, ‘Madam, there must be more, or it will be long ere we have a Duke of York which all this realm most desireth’.10 Anne never pretended that her marriage had been consummated, and during its annulment she admitted to Henry that she was still a virgin, with ‘my body preserved in the integrity which I brought into this Realm’.11 Husbands, and potential husbands, were sometimes concerned that their spouses, real or yet to be realised, might seriously damage their ability to conceive and carry a child to term through fasting and religious observance. On 20 October 1505 Julius II outlined to Henry, then prince of Wales, his marital rights with regards to Catherine of Aragon: it is sufficiently clear that, according to divine and human laws, that a wife does not have complete authority over her own body apart from her husband, and that her vows and fasts, so long as they are considered to interfere with her bodily health, the procreation of children, and the customary usages of her life, can be revoked and undone by her husband.12

It is possible that Catherine of Aragon’s inability to carry most of her pregnancies to term may have resulted from her severe fasting. As a less extreme mark of devotion, prior to the Reformation, wealthy women often undertook a pilgrimage if they wished to have a child or to pray for the safety of their children. Elizabeth of York visited the shrine at Walsingham in 1495 and this may have been linked to the death of her daughter Elizabeth, aged four, and the premature birth of a son.13 Henry’s sister Margaret went on a number of pilgrimages in the hope of conceiving a child, and her husband James IV who was deeply religious accompanied her.14 Catherine of Aragon went on pilgrimage on a number of occasions, including February 1521, ‘to fulfil a vow’ possibly in the hope of conceiving a male child.15 A royal or noble pregnancy was a very significant event and often warranted a visit from foreign ambassadors or emissaries. However, such a visit could also be used as a cover for other political considerations as indicated in a letter sent by Charles V to his son Philip on 2 August 1545. Charles stated that he had ‘despatched Dandolo, ostensibly to visit the Duchess of Camarino, who is pregnant, but really to learn the exact amount of assistance to be expected from His Holiness’.16 Such visits were also intended to assess the validity of the news and sort fact from fiction. Rumours that Catherine Howard was pregnant, or ‘already enceinte’, were circulating in July 1540.17 Further rumours abounded in the following year on 10 April 1541: the French ambassador reported ‘this Queen is thought to be with child, which would be a very great joy to this King’.18 Once a pregnancy was confirmed, the news spread quickly. On 30 April 1537 John Husee told Lady Lisle that ‘it is said that the Queen is with child’.19 On 27 May 1537 which was Trinity Sunday, Jane Seymour’s pregnancy was proclaimed

the king’s children by a Te Deum sung at St Paul’s.20 The news was worthy of celebration, ‘And also the same night various great fires were made in London, with a hogshead of wine at every fire for the poor people to drink as long as it lasted’.21 Henry cancelled his progress to the north, because Jane might be concerned by ‘some sudden and displeasant rumours and bruit that might by foolish or light persons be blown abroad in our absence’.22 Her pregnancy may explain why her coronation was postponed, although Anne Boleyn was known to be six months pregnant at her coronation in 1533. On 1 September 1537 Husee told Lady Lisle that Jane would take her chamber in 20 days.23 Concern was often voiced at the queen travelling during pregnancy. On 1 July 1518 Henry wrote to Wolsey that he hoped Catherine was with child. He continued that this was why he was reluctant to remove, ‘because about this time is partly of her dangerous times and because of that I would remove her as little as I may now’.24 Four days later Richard Pace informed Wolsey that ‘The King arrived this night; the Queen is with him with a big belly. Te Deum laudamus is to be sung at St Paul’s’.25 By the following October the Venetian ambassador noted that ‘The Queen is near her delivery which is anxiously looked for’.26 On 10 November, ‘This night the Queen was delivered of a daughter . . . the entire nation looked for a prince. Had this event taken place before the conclusion of the betrothal that event might not have come to pass; the sole fear of this kingdom being that it may pass into the power of the French through this marriage’.27 Henry was not the only anxious father to take care of his pregnant wife. Isobel of Portugal conceived within a few months of her marriage to Charles V in 1526. Travelling to Valladolid she was carried by 24 men in a litter, and an observer noted it was ‘just as they usually carry a corpse to the burial place. I have never seen anything like it’.28 Both Jane Seymour and Catherine Parr recorded their thoughts on being pregnant.29 On 12 October 1537 Jane Seymour prayed: And for as much as by the inestimable goodness and grace of Almighty God, we be delivered and brought in childbed of a prince . . . we have thought good to certify you of the same. To the intent you might not only render unto God condign thanks and prayers for so great a benefit, but also continually pray for the long continuance and preservation of the same here in this life.30

In 1548 Princess Mary wrote to Catherine Parr on hearing of her pregnancy to say that she would be back from Norfolk by Michaelmas, ‘at which time, or shortly after, I trust to hear good success of your Grace’s great belly, and in the meantime shall desire much to hear of your health’.31 Catherine described her pregnancy to Lord Seymour: ‘I gave your little knave your blessing, who like an honest man stirred apace after and before. For Mary Odell being abed with me had laid her hand upon my belly to feel it stir. It hath stirred these three days every morning and evening so that I trust when ye come it will make you some pastime.’32 News concerning the health of a queen during pregnancy was highly prized. On 26 November 1515 Sir Robert Wingfield wrote to Henry, stating that he ‘understood that the King was in good health and the Queen great with child’.33 On 24 June 1535 Sir William Kingston told Lord Lisle that ‘The King and Queen are well and the Queen has a fair

197

belly as I have seen’.34 Concern for queens in the later stages of pregnancy was common. For example, on 13 July 1515 Lord Dacre informed the council that Henry’s sister Margaret was ‘great with child’ and of his anxiety about her health.35 The entire kingdom had an interest in the queen giving birth to a healthy child. For the royal household the significance of the queen’s pregnancy was more acute. On 6 January 1511 a payment of £6 13s 4d was made to the gentlemen of the chapel for praying ‘for the quenes grace for hir goode delyuveraunce’.36 On 5 March 1516, Lord Mountjoy wrote to Wolsey from Tournai, noting that he had given thanks for Catherine’s safe delivery with a procession and bonfires.37 When Jane Seymour’s labour lasted several days, a procession was held in London ‘to pray for the Queen that was then in labour of child’.38 On 12 October Prince Edward’s birth was celebrated with another Te Deum sung in all London churches and a procession to St Paul’s.39 Antonio de Guaras recorded that Henry cried when he first held his son.40 The use of relics to reduce the pains of labour and to protect the mother and child was quite common in pre-Reformation England. During the last months of Elizabeth of York’s final pregnancy, a monk was given 6s 8d for bringing ‘our Lady gyrdelle to the Quene’ on 13 December 1502.41 The practice was common throughout Europe, as indicated by a series of letters sent by Sir Thomas Boleyn to Wolsey from the French court. Early in March 1519 Boleyn reported that he had been taken to see the queen who was dressed ‘in a nightgown, and noting [upon her] head, but only a kerchief, looking always for her ho[ur when she shall] be brought in bed’.42 On 16 April he noted that ‘yesterday was a solemn procession in the court, attended by the King and his mother, in honour of the holy cord with which our Lord was bound to the pillar, with other relics sent to the Queen on her delivery’.43 Following the birth of the baby, Boleyn informed Wolsey that he had distributed £100 between the nurse, the four rockers, the gentlewomen of the queen’s chamber and made an offering at the christening.44 Death following childbirth was the fate of many. One of the most famous fatalities was Elizabeth of York in 1503. On the night of Candlemas, ‘the Quene that nyght was delyuered of a doughter . . . and vpon the Saterday folowyng was the said doughter Cristened within the parisshe chirche of the Towre and named Kateryn’.45 Elizabeth died nine days later. Jane Seymour died after giving birth to Prince Edward.46 The dynastic implications of such events ensured the rapid transmission of news. Edward Carne wrote to Henry from Brussels on 3 August 1545, informing him that ‘The Princess of Spain died in child-birth of the young prince lately born’.47 The news of the birth of a son spread quickly — in March 1541 Henry gave a gold chain worth £65 2s 6d to the gentleman that brought him tidings of the birth of ‘a prince of Scotland’.48

Establishing the queen’s chamber and the royal nursery A key moment in a royal pregnancy was the withdrawal by the queen from court life to prepare for the birth of her child.

198

the king’s children

The Ryalle Book includes detailed instructions on how the queen’s chambers were to be prepared for when she ‘took her chamber’. This marked the point when a queen relied predominantly, but not exclusively, upon the female members of her family and her household. Lady Margaret Beaufort took a leading role when Elizabeth of York withdrew from court.49 The Ryalle Book describes the queen’s bed, the pallet bed used for childbirth, the associated bedding and the canopy placed over the pallet bed. In 1486 the canopy ordered for Elizabeth of York was made from cloth of gold and velvet, furred with ermine and embroidered with Tudor roses.50 Elizabeth’s confinement was described: ‘And so she departed to her inner Chambre, which was hanged and seyled with riche Clothe of blew arras, with Flourdelissis of Golde, without any ouder Clothe of Arras of Ymagerye, which is not convenient aboute Wymen in suche Cas.’51 It has been suggested that the ordinances concerning the preparations for royal births were drawn up by Lady Margaret Beaufort, but there is no evidence of this.52 The birth chamber was almost invariably a female preserve. There were occasional intrusions. Four ambassadors from France were admitted to see Elizabeth of York ‘in her awne Chambre’ shortly before the birth of Arthur, ‘but ther entred no mor then ben affore rehersed, saving my Lord the Quenes Chamberlain, and Garter Principal of Armes’.53 The necessary furnishings for the royal nursery were provided by the great wardrobe at the king’s expense. These were not old stock in store, but new items freshly made. The king also paid for the building work necessary to prepare the queen’s apartments prior to the birth of her child and provided the livery for the women employed within the nursery. As part of the preparations for the expected birth of a prince, two warrants were issued to the great wardrobe on 12 March 1510. The first warrant concerned the christening.54 The second warrant requested Sir Andrew Windsor to deliver to Oliver Holland, yeoman usher with our ‘most dearest wife the Queen’, a ‘silour and testour with dobull valaunces with three curteynes large and long of blewe and dobull sarcenet accordingly to hang over the cradell of estate within our noucery’ which was to be lined with buckram.55 On 27 May 1510 Catherine wrote to her father to tell him that she had been ‘delivered of a daughter, still-born, an event which in England is considered unlucky, and therefore she has not written sooner’. She went on to describe that while in labour she had ‘vowed a rich head-dress to St Peter the Martyr, of the Franciscan Order; and sent it to the niece of the Treasurer Morales who wishes to become a nun of that Order. The girl’s father has detained both Catherine’s letter and the headdress, as his daughter’s property’.56 A document relating to the great wardrobe accounts for the year 1509–10 contained a reference to some additional items bought for the nursery.57 These included 8 yards (7.3 m) of purple velvet costing £6 for a ‘berying payne’ with a long train, and two pieces of green say of the smallest size for hanging the chamber of the lady mistress of the nursery at a price of 26s 8d. Another order for the royal nursery dated 16 December 1510 consisted of 30 ells (20.6 m) of linen for two pairs of sheets costing 30s and a piece of green saye of the

middle sort costing 25s.58 A further two orders were dated 23 December 1510. The first warrant was for blue say, hooks and curtain rings.59 The second listed ten pieces of blue Normandy say, hooks, crochets, rings and trashes, lior and nails, blue sarsenet for a traverse that was hung from 160 latten rings, blue sarsenet for three large curtains trimmed with blue silk ribbon and lined with blue lockeram. Reeds for drawing the curtains cost £40 5s 2d.60 New preparations were made for a laying in chamber when on 4 October 1514 a warrant was issued to Henry Roper, yeoman of the beds with the queen, for blue say to cover the walls, a traverse and a large curtain of blue sarsenet and a traverse of purple sarsenet. He was expected to provide the queen’s bed with two Brussels ticks of the largest size and to repair the ermine trimmed counterpane with new fur ‘where it shall be requisite’.61 At the same time other items including a cradle covered with scarlet without a frame, a couch of wool and several sets of linen sheets ‘for the use of our nursery, God willing’ were delivered to William Lambert.62 For the baby there were four cradle bands ‘of very fine wollen wrought in the frame’, each of them 4 yards (3.6 m) long and ⅜ of a yard (0.33 m) wide and six swaddling bands 3 yards (2.7 m) long and ⅜ of a yard (0.33 m) wide. Once again the preparations were in vain. In December 1514 Andrea Badoer informed the Venetian republic that ‘the Queen was delivered of a stillborn child of eight months — a great grief to all the Court’.63 It was premature, the birth of the child having been brought on by Catherine’s unhappiness at the breach between her husband and her father.64 Following Henry’s marriage to Anne Boleyn, hope for a male heir revived. On 24 July 1533 Lord Mountjoy wrote to Cromwell: ‘I send you certain remembrances of things to be provided against the Queen’s taking her chamber, of which I had experience of when I occupied the room. Please send it to her chamberlain.’65 On 6 August 1533 Sir John Russell told Lord Lisle that ‘soon after the Queen removes thence to Greenwich to take her chamber’.66 On 3 September Chapuys informed Charles V that ‘The King has taken from his treasures one of the richest and most triumphant beds which was given for the ransom of a duke of Alencon’.67 The implication was that the bed was given to Anne because the king was confident that she would have a son. In view of Anne’s pro-French stance, the choice of the Alencon bed was most significant (9035). In 1534 the preparations made during Anne’s pregnancy included commissioning a silver cradle from Cornelius Hayes, embroidered bedding and cloth of gold baby clothes.68 Other preparations undertaken at Eltham ‘against the coming of the prince’ included putting up an iron canopy over the cradle, the repainting of the rooms with yellow ochre and work to keep the draughts out.69 While most of the building works focused on the temporary provision of a suitable suite of rooms for the queen to give birth in, further work was necessary once a child had been born. The building accounts for Greenwich from 31 August to 28 September 1533 included payments to carpenters for making tables, trestles and forms for the nursery and, more specifically, a joined table ‘for the norysshe to Roale

the king’s children the princes clothes upon’.70 Three years later the accounts included ‘the new makyng of a Jonede bede for my lady prynces made after the fawcion of a cradell’. A London mercer provided 3¼ yards (2.9 m) of crimson satin for the embroiderers for 48s 9d and other materials used to make the bed including an ell (0.68 m) of tuke (15d), 1½ oz (42.5 g) of sewing silk (18d) and 1½ oz (42.5 g) of crimson silk fringe (21d). In addition, two travelling cases covered with calf skin and lined with yellow cotton were provided for the bed.71 The provision of blue hangings was a common feature of the furnishings provided for English queens as they awaited the birth of their children. The choice of colour is an interesting one, as in other situations blue was associated with royal mourning. The implication is that the choice was deliberate. Another feature of the furnishings was the emphasis on quality. This can also be seen from the preparations made by Lady Lisle, she borrowed textiles from the wardrobe of the beds in 1536–37. All of these carefully managed preparations ensured the creation of a temporary gendered space where female interests and concerns were dominant.

The staff of the nursery The household ordinances of 1493 stated that a lady mistress, a nurse and four rockers were sufficient to staff a royal nursery for a newborn child.72 Both Henry VII and Henry VIII rigorously observed the regulations. However, one other individual, not mentioned in the ordinances, played an important part: the midwife. The midwife was a vital, if short-term appointment and was invariably included in the group of staff rewarded after the birth of a child. Alice Massy was midwife to Elizabeth of York. She was retained between 1486 and 1503 on a salary of £10 per year.73 In 1537 Princess Mary gave a gift of £30 to ‘the myddewife and Nurce and Rockers at the Cristening of the Prince’.74 Three years later, in January 1540, she gave 7 yards (6.4 m) of yellow damask costing 52s 6d to Edward’s nurse and a gilt spoon to each of his rockers at a price of 11s each.75 The lady mistress oversaw the running of the royal nursery. On 19 November 1517 Elizabeth Denton, lady mistress to Mary, received an annuity of 40 marks, for her service to the princess, but on her death the post was to revert to Margaret Bryan.76 Margaret was the widow of the recently deceased Sir Thomas Bryan of Ashridge. Her removal seems to have been contemplated by Cardinal Wolsey who wrote to the king on 25 July 1521 about whom would make a good lady governess for the princess. He had: written to my lady of Oxford and those about her, to induce her to undertake the governance of the Princess. Expects she will refuse on account of her ill health; if so [he] will write to Sir Philip Calthorp and his wife. Will speak to my lord of Oxford’s mother, if your grace pleases. She is right discreet, and of a good age, and is near at hand. She can, at any rate, be tried for a season.77

Nothing came of this. Lady Bryan was to care for all of Henry’s children. In 1536 she recalled: ‘When my Lady Mary was born it pleased the king’s grace [to make] me Lady

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Mistress, and make me a baroness, and so I have been a mother to the children his grace had since.’78 In January 1538 Mary gave her a New Year’s gift of ‘a Bonet and a frountlet’ which cost 28s.79 The employment of wet nurses and dry nurses was standard practice. Catherine of Aragon broke with tradition when she insisted upon attending on the Princess Mary personally: ‘There is no need of any other person but myself to nurse her . . . I will put her in my own bed when I sleep, and will watch her when is needful.’80 The royal children became attached to their nurses. In July 1509 Henry granted to Anne Luke, his old nurse, and her husband Walter, an annuity of £20 for life out of the revenues from Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire.81 This grant was renewed in July 1515 when it was augmented by a further £20 from the treasury.82 The nurses were also rewarded by the grateful parents. In September 1511 Henry VIII gave £20 for life to Elizabeth Poyntz, ‘late nurse unto our dearest son the Prince’.83 Six years later, he awarded two annuities of £10 to Catherine Pole, nurse to the Princess Mary on 2 July 1517.84 Care was exercised in the selection of the women who acted as wet and dry nurses. In October 1538 Sybil Penne was appointed as Prince Edward’s dry nurse. She was the sisterin-law of Sir William Sidney who was chamberlain of the prince’s household. Sidney was asked by Cromwell to ‘signify to you the ability of my wife’s sister for the room of the Prince’s dry nurse’. He replied, ‘I doubt not but that she is every way an apt woman for the same’.85 A pearl necklace exists that family tradition says was given by the king to Sybil for her service to Edward.86 Henry VIII appointed four rockers for Princess Mary. They received livery. On 5 November 1516, four unnamed women were given gowns of broadcloth furred with poots at a cost of £16 17s 4d.87 A year later they received four gowns of russet broadcloth furred with black budge costing £18 5s 4d.88

Children’s dress The preparations for a baby included making clothes and nappies for the infant. These preparations were mentioned by Sir Brian Tuke in a letter of 16 June 1539 to Lady Lisle: ‘My poor daughters being all in Essex, [are] preparing clouts for my daughter Audelai’s very great belly.’89 Infancy, spanning from birth to the age of three, was divided into two main phases: the first as a swaddled babe in arms, lasting for the first three to six months of life and the second, the change to short coating (i.e. clothing that reaches the ankles), from six months to three years.90 Swaddling could leave the arms free or bind the arms to the body. The double portrait of the Cholmondeley Sisters, c. 1600– 1610, depicts the twins sitting in bed holding their swaddled infants.91 Their babies were dressed in a shirt, a clout or nappy, a bed (a cloth wrapped round the body, covering from the chest to below the feet), swaddling bands and a bib (a piece of cloth worn below the chin to keep other clothing clean).92

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This ensemble was intended to provide warmth and to keep the limbs straight. Amongst Henry VIII’s possessions at his death there were ‘A litle boxe of crymson Satten embrodred contayninge shertes and other thinges for yonge children’ (11073) and ‘a boxe of glasse of dyuers colowes conteyninge a Swathinge bande of brode white Taphita fringed with golde’ (11092) in the study next to the king’s old bedchamber at Whitehall. It is very likely that these had belonged to one of the king’s children. This style of dressing infants acted as a means of displaying clean, fine quality white linen, over which would be placed a bearing cloth, which combined warmth with grandeur. It also required the services of a laundress and access to a plentiful supply of linen. Swaddling was also highly distinctive of the early months of life — the only parallel being the binding of the wrists and ankles of the dead — and it was not gender specific. Clothing of this type was provided for Henry, while a baby, his siblings and his children and with almost no differentiation between the sexes. On a baby’s starting to crawl and learning to walk it was provided with short coats. The exact timing depended upon the individual child, but it usually took place between six to nine months of age. Children, irrespective of gender, were placed into a coat with ankle-length skirts as a practical response to their need for freedom of movement. This style of dress can be seen in the double portrait of Lady Catherine

11.1 Child’s knitted wool vest or waistcoat. Finsbury, 39.108/1, Museum of London

Grey (1540–67), daughter of Henry VIII’s younger sister Mary, and her son, Lord Beauchamp, who was born in September 1561. He was dressed in a back fastening sleeveless coat with hanging sleeves which could act as leading strings. He also wore a close-fitting cap and a bonnet with a feather, along with a linen bib and handkerchief.93 Elements of these clothes derived from adult dress, but other features such as the back fastening, the use of the hanging sleeves as leading strings and the bib and handkerchief were all concessions to childhood, which were easy to launder and kept the other clothing clean. Boys and girls wore a close-fitting cap, often in conjunction with a bonnet, as it was felt to be important to keep their heads warm. Neither the great wardrobe accounts nor the privy purse refer to knitted baby clothes, although archaeological finds prove that they were produced: for example, a knitted wool vest with short sleeves, a square neckline and slit opening at the centre back (Fig. 11.1).94 A baby’s mitten with a decorative band around the cuff worked in three rows of black two-ply wool has also been found (Fig. 11.2).95 In the autumn of 1548 Bess of Hardwick bought clothes for her five-month-old daughter, Frances, including ‘a knete waste cote’ costing 3s 4d and two ‘knete capys’ costing 6d each. In the following year, Bess also bought ‘ij yerdes of holande to make her begenes hedclothes and partletes’, ‘fusten to make har ij gones vij yerdes’ and ‘ij yerdes of carsey to make har ij petycotes’.96 Once an infant started to walk it was considered a child.97 In September 1538 Lord Audley visited Prince Edward and noted that ‘he shotyth owt in length, and wexith ferme and stiff, and can stedfastly stond, and wold avaunce hym self to move and go, if they would suffir hym’.98 Six months later Lady Bryan told Cromwell that ‘My lord Prince is in good health and merry. Would to God the King and your Lordship had seen him last night. The minstrels played, and his Grace danced and played so wantonly that he could not stand still’.99 Increasing mobility did not result in specific changes in clothing. But, as children got older, their clothing was gradually influenced more by adult styles. Boys continued to wear long skirts until the end of childhood, when they were then breeched.100 On a purely practical level, a skirt was far easier to manage than hose pointed to a doublet, for dressing

11.2

Infant’s knitted wool mitten. A1989, Museum of London

the king’s children and undressing. There is a very rare survival of a boy’s short coat dating from 1660 and a picture of the future Charles IX wearing it in the Swedish royal collection.101 While wearing the skirted coat, boys superficially appeared closer in style to their mother, sisters or the women who staffed the nursery. However, they were clearly differentiated from girls and older and younger male siblings by subtle details and the accessories they carried, as indicated by Holbein’s drawing of a woman with four children (Fig. 11.3).102 Portraits of children generally included indications of their youth such as a piece of coral or a rattle, pet animals or birds, toys and an apron or a muck minder, while a sense of scale was provided by depicting them with adults, older siblings or furniture. Boys were particularly highlighted by their carrying a sword, dagger or bow, by having their heads uncovered (to make them more hardy), by the length and style of their hair, by their skirts not being supported with underpinnings as those of their sisters were, by their doublets fastening at the front rather than at the back and by wearing a sash diagonally across the chest.103 When in 1567 Lord Cobham was painted with his wife, his three daughters and three sons, the eldest son dressed in black was clearly differentiated from his younger brothers dressed in white satin.104 Archaeological evidence has yielded a number of children’s leather shoes from the Tudor period. Most had square toes, following the style favoured for adult shoes. The uppers were often decorated with vertical or horizontal slashes and had

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a low-cut vamp and versions with and without a strap to keep them on.105 Other finds, including a girl’s bonnet, 8½ inches (0.22 m) in diameter and made of a lightweight, plain weave silk, with a wired front and gathered into pleats at the back, have been recovered.106 While long skirts appear feminine to modern eyes, small details distinguished these garments from female attire. Even while boys remained in the care of their mothers and female servants, they started to learn skills taught to them by men for later life. These included riding and archery, as well as rudimentary education, which in Prince Edward’s case began shortly after his fourth birthday with the appointment of Richard Cox as tutor. Boys aged between five and seven made the transition from being cared for predominantly by women to spending their time in the company of men. This transition was marked by two events, which often took place at the same time but did not have to coincide. First, a boy gave up his skirted coat and put on a doublet and hose by a process known as breeching. This was a highly visual sign of a boy’s transition. Second, he came under the authority of his male tutors and it signified that he was ready for education. There is some debate as to whether any concessions to youth were made in terms of the colour, cut or type of cloth of the clothes of royal children. Suzanne de Bourbon was the granddaughter of King Louis XI of France. When c. 1493 she was painted aged two by the Master of Moulins, she was dressed all in white, as indeed was her cousin, the dauphin.107

11.3 Drawing of a woman and four children, by Hans Holbein the Younger. 1852-5-19-1, reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

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Suzanne was dressed in a gown with long sleeves with turned-back fur-edged cuffs with a square-necked bib. Her gown was made from silk or linen damask with a large pomegranate design and she wore a bonnet over a coif which fastened under her chin. Seemingly simple, with no surface decoration, these white clothes would have needed very regular laundering to keep them presentable.

Clothing the king’s children Henry ordered clothes for Mary, Elizabeth and Edward from the great wardrobe fitfully, with the scale and the regularity of the orders reflecting their current standing with him. Their mothers and stepmothers also provided them with clothing. As they got older, they ordered their own clothing with purchases of clothes, jewellery and accessories being recorded in their own accounts. The surviving privy purse accounts of Mary and Edward both provide insights into their personal tastes in clothes. Like their father, they also received deliveries of silk and linen from the silk house at Whitehall, as did Lady Margaret Douglas, the king’s niece and her husband, Lord Lennox (Table 11.1). Their clothing was intended to reflect their status, as the king’s children, as his representatives and as the head of their own households. Over the last five-year period of Henry’s reign, Mary, Elizabeth and Margaret received comparable quantities of cloth which is surprising in view of their relative ages and status. In contrast, Edward received surprisingly little cloth, but this may reflect that, though young, he was receiving large orders from the great wardrobe.

lady margaret douglas Lady Margaret Douglas (1515–78) was the daughter of Margaret Tudor, queen of Scots, by her second husband, Lord Archibald Douglas. She was Henry VIII’s niece. In 1521 she accompanied her father into exile in France for several years. She arrived in England in 1528 and two years later she joined Catherine of Aragon’s household. During 1530 Lady Margaret received two grants of clothing, which were fairly similar in their composition. On 6 April 1530 she was given a gown of tawny velvet lined with the same velvet, a gown of black damask lined with black velvet and a gown of black satin lined with tawny velvet, two kirtles with sleeves, one of black velvet and the other black satin and two partlets, one of crimson satin and one of white satin which cost £64 4s 8d.108 On 14 December 1530 Lady Margaret received a gown of crimson velvet lined with cloth of gold, a gown of black velvet lined with black velvet and a nightgown of Turkey satin furred with black coney, a kirtle of crimson velvet and a kirtle with sleeves of black velvet, a cloak of black cloth, the vents of black satin, a partlet of crimson satin, habiliments of black velvet and crimson velvet, rails, kerchers and smocks and two French

hoods of black velvet costing £96 17s ¼d. In both instances, provision was made for her two ladies-in-waiting: gowns of tawny camlet, lined with tawny velvet, kirtles of worsted and sleeves of worsted and of tawny velvet; gowns of black cloths, the sleeves lined with tawny velvet, kirtles of worsted, velvet sleeves and velvet partlets lined with sarsenet. During 1531 Lady Margaret transferred from the household of Catherine of Aragon to that of Princess Mary. Later she became a lady-in-waiting to Anne Boleyn. A warrant dated 26 October 1531 ordering clothing for Margaret from the great wardrobe included gowns of ‘tynsyn’, black velvet furred with powdered ermine and black damask lined with the same; sleeves and kirtles of crimson satin, black velvet and black satin, partlets of crimson and white satin, habiliments of black velvet and crimson satin, two black velvet French hoods, 12 pairs of gloves, black velvet and leather shoes. She also received livery for her two gentlewomen of black cloth gowns lined with tawny velvet, worsted kirtles, black velvet sleeves and a partlet, a gown of black velvet with a crimson frontlet, six pairs of hose, eight pairs of shoes, linen for smocks and two pounds of pins and for her manservant, a cloth coat, a doublet of black satin, three shirts, three pairs of hose, eight pairs of shoes and a bonnet.109 The clothes ordered by the warrant cost £190 18s 9d.110 In 1534 Lady Margaret was described by the French ambassador as being ‘beautiful and highly esteemed here’.111 The symbolic value of cramp rings was indicated when the king discovered the clandestine marriage of Margaret Douglas and Thomas Howard. As a consequence, they were imprisoned in the Tower on 8 June 1536. Under examination Howard declared that the only token he had given to Margaret was a cramp ring. In return she had presented him with a diamond and her portrait.112 Even so, on 31 December 1536 William Green received for her use silver fringe at 5s an ounce and crimson silk fringe at 14d the ounce to a total cost of £12 7s 7d. At the same time he submitted a bill for making for her a chair covered with crimson velvet.113 In 1537 Lady Margaret assured Thomas Cromwell that her romance with Lord Howard had come to an end: And my Lord, where it is your pleasure that I shall keep but a few here with me, I trust ye will think that I can have no fewer than I have: for I have but a gentleman and a groom that keeps my apparel, and another keeps my chamber, and a chaplain that was with me always in the Court . . . I beseech you to be so good as to get my poor servants their wages.114

A list of people dependent on the king’s generosity in 1537 included £40 a year for Lady Margaret towards her attendants and dress.115 Further payments were made in March and at midsummer 1538 to Lady Margaret for the wages of her servants and gentlewomen, coming to £24 7s 10¼d.116 Following Anne of Cleves’s marriage she was appointed as a lady-in-waiting to the new queen. But her liaison with Charles Howard led to her banishment from court. In 1542, a list of tasks drawn up by John Gates included knowing the king’s answer for ‘My Lady Margaret’s apparel’.117 Between 1542 and 1547, Lady Margaret received a substantial quantity of cloth from her uncle’s silk store at Whitehall: 1,040¼ yards (951 m) of silk and 247¾ ells (169.9 m) of linen. This quantity of fabric was on a par with the amounts given to the king’s daughters and highlights the political and personal value

the king’s children

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Table 11.1: Cloth issued from the Whitehall silk store to Lady Margaret, her husband Lord Lennox, Princess Mary, Princess Elizabeth and Prince Edward between 1542–47 Type of cloth

Lady Margaret

Lord Lennox

Mary

Elizabeth

Edward

Tissue Cloth of gold – crimson – incarnate – purple and blue – yellow Cloth of silver Tinsel

½ yard (0.4 m)

~

2 yards (1.8 m)

11 yards (10.1 m)

~

19⅜ yards (17.7 m) 7½ yards (6.8 m) 3 yards (2.7 m) ~ 59½ yards (54.4 m) ~

12 yards (10.9 m) ~ ~ ~ 25 yards (22.8 m) ~

24¼ yards (22.2 m) 15½ yards (14.2 m) 6½ yards (5.9 m) 9 yards (8.2 m) 16¼ yards (14.8 m) ~

35¾ yards (32.7 m) 8 yards (7.3 m) ~ ~ 9½ yards (8.7 m) ~

~ ~ ~ ~ 20½ yards (18.7 m) 7 yards (6.4 m)

Velvet – black – crimson – incarnate – murrey – purple – russet – tawny – white – yellow

154½ yards (141.3 m) 27⅜ yards (25.0 m) ⅜ yard (0.3 m) ~ 10½ yards (9.6 m) 18 yards (16.5 m) 34¾ yards (31.8 m) ~ 15 yards (13.7 m)

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

351⅛ yards (321.1 m) 71⅛ yards (65.1 m) ~ 4⅞ yards (4.5 m) 24¾ yards (22.6 m) ~ 38½ yards (35.2 m) ~ 9 yards (8.2 m)

242⅝ yards (221.8 m) 52¼ yards (47.8 m) ~ ~ 5⅝ yards (5.1 m) ~ 37⅝ yards (34.4 m) 2½ yards (2.3 m) 5 yards (4.6 m)

6 yards (5.5 m) ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

Satin – black – crimson – incarnate – purple – tawny – white

129½ yards (118.4 m) 46 yards (42.1 m) 26 yards (23.7 m) 18⅜ yards (16.8 m) 39 yards (35.6 m) 40 yards (36.6 m)

~ 13 yards (11.9 m) ~ ~ ~ ~

207¾ yards (189.9 m) 65⅝ yards (60.1 m) ~ ~ 16 yards (14.6 m) 42⅜ yards (38.7 m)

136 yards (124.4 m) 57¼ yards (52.3 m) 4 yards (3.7 m) 21¼ yards (19.4 m) ~ 14½ yards (13.3 m)

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

Damask – black – blue – crimson – murrey – purple – tawny – white – yellow

75½ yards (69.0 m) 15 yards (13.7 m) 29½ yards (26.9 m) 18 yards (16.4 m) ~ 22½ yards (20.6 m) 9½ yards (8.9 m) 11 yards (10.1 m)

~ ~ 9 yards (8.2 m) ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

183¼ yards (167.6 m) ~ 16 yards (14.6 m) 16 yards (14.6 m) 16 yards (14.6 m) 84 yards (76.8 m) 13½ yards (12.4 m) 16¾ yards (15.3 m)

50 yards (45.7 m) ~ 23⅛ yards (21.2 m) 1½ yards (1.3 m) 16¼ yards (14.8 m) 84 yards (76.8 m) 27¾ yards (25.37 m) 11½ yards (10.5 m)

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 22½ yards (20.6 m) ~ ~

Taffeta – black – crimson – incarnate – purple

35 yards (32 m) ~ 10½ yards (9.6 m) ~

~ ~ ~ ~

40 yards (36.6 m) ~ 6 yards (5.5 m) 18½ yards (16.9 m)

11⅜ yards (10.4) 3⅜ yards (3.1 m) 3⅜ yards (3.1 m) 19½ yards (17.8 m)

~ ~ ~ ~

70 yards (64.0 m) 53 yards (48.5 m) 6 yards (5.5 m) 12 yards (10.9 m)

~ ~ ~ ~

85½ yards (78.2 m) 64½ yards (58.9 m) ~ 15 yards (13.7 m)

63⅜ yards (57.9 m) 59⅝ yards (54.5 m) ~ 19½ yards (17.8 m)

~ ~ ~ ~

6 yards (5.5 m) 5½ yards (5.1 m) 12 yards (11 m) ~

~ ~ 9 yards (8.2 m) ~

~ 6 yards (5.5 m) 6 yards (5.5 m) 3 yards (2.7 m)

~ 4½ yards (4.1 m) 4⅜ yards (4.0 m) ~

~ ~ ~ ~

~ 76 ells (52.4 m) 146¾ ells (101.3 m) 25 ells (17.3 m) ~ 1,040¼ yards (951.2 m) 247¾ ells (170.5 m)

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 68 yards (62.2 m)

3 yards (2.7 m) 243⅜ ells (168.9 m) 72 ells (49.7 m) 42⅜ ells (29.3 m) 3 lb ½ oz (5.2 kg) 1,498⅝ yards (1,370.3 m) 357¾ ells (246.8 m) 3 lb ½ oz(5.2 kg)

6 yards (5.5 m) 255⅝ ells (176.4 m) 270 ells (186.3 m) 13 ells (8.9 m) 8 lb 5⅝ oz (1.4 kg) 1,307 yards (1,195.1m) 538⅝ ells (371.65 m) 8 lb 5⅝ oz(1.4 kg)

~ 408 ells (281.5 m) ~ ~ ~ 464 yards (424.3 m) 408 ells (281.5 m)

Sarsenet – black – crimson and red – murrey – purple, blue and violet – russet – tawny – white – yellow Bridges satin Holland Normandy cloth Cambric Passementerie Totals

Henry placed on his niece. On 29 June 1544 ‘this morning at Mass, the King and Queen attending’ she married the ‘lusty, beardless’ earl of Lennox.118 Sir Ralph Sadler described Lennox as ‘being hitherto noted a good Frenchman, is now become a good Englishman and will bear his heart and his

service to Your Majesty’.119 As indicated in Table 11.1, Henry gave some silk to Lennox. With the exception of the white sarsenet, that was possibly used as for lining, the fabric was crimson in colour and it may have been given to him at the time of his marriage.

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princess mary On 18 February 1516 Catherine of Aragon wrote to the provost of Tournai to inform him of the birth of Princess Mary.120 The Venetian ambassador noted how the news of the death of her father had been kept from Catherine because she ‘was on the eve of her delivery’.121 After the christening, when he was rash enough to observe that ‘the Signory would have been more satisfied if it had been a boy’, Henry VIII replied, ‘The queen and I are both young and if it is a girl this time, by God’s grace the boys will follow’.122 On reaching the age of 11, Mary was ‘so thin, spare and small as to render it impossible for her to be married for the next three years’.123 Four years later in 1527 she was described as ‘not very tall, has a pretty face, and is well proportioned, with a very beautiful complexion’.124 The French ambassador summed her up as ‘of middle stature and is in face like her father, especially about the mouth, but has a voice more man-like for a woman than he has for a man . . . with a fresh complexion, she looks not past 18 or 20, although she is 24. Her beauty is mediocre . . . Have tried to get a portrait of her, but no painter dare attempt it without the King’s command’.125 As Henry’s only surviving child and heir by Catherine of Aragon, she was dressed appropriately. On 14 December 1516 she was given 10 yards (9.1 m) of white gold tinsel, 10 yards (9.1 m) of white silver tinsel, 12 yards (10.9 m) of white satin and 11 yards (10 m) of white damask for four gowns. Three of the gowns were furred with two timbers and ten skins of ermines, 40 timbers of miniver and 2,900 powderings. They were lined with white fustian and flannel. In addition to single and double sipers, she also received six pairs of hose, six pairs of sleeves, six pairs of shoes covered with crimson, tawny and black velvet, two bonnets of ermine, 3,000 pins. The cost of the items ordered came to £106 2s 4d.126 A year later she received a comparable order on a warrant dated 4 December 1517. She was given crimson tinsel for a gown furred with ermine, crimson satin for a gown lined with cloth of gold tissue, a russet velvet gown furred with ermine, violet tinselled satin for a gown, crimson velvet for a gown lined with cloth of silver, black velvet for a gown furred with pampilion and green satin for the sleeves of a kirtle. Smaller items included two bonnets of ermine, linen for smocks, rails, night-kerchers and red, yellow, green, black satin for kirtles. These totalled £115 3s 4d.127 Catherine of Aragon’s wardrobe account includes a list of garments made for the four-year-old girl in March 1520 (Fig. 11.4). The entries only give the costs for making, but they describe the pieces and so give a good indication of what Catherine was ordering: a gown of crimson velvet lined with crimson satin, a gown of black velvet lined with satin, a gown of purple velvet embroidered with damask gold of French fashion, a kirtle of purple velvet embroidered with damask gold, a French hood of black velvet, two frontlets of black velvet, a gown of black sarsenet French fashion, a pair of sleeves of white silver paned and a kirtle of black tissue with yellow satin for the bodies. This list is followed by a selection

11.4 Miniature of Princess Mary, by Lucas Horenbout, c. 1521. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 6453)

of garments that were described as being ‘of the king’s gift’: a gown of crimson velvet furred, a kirtle of white satin, a gown of purple velvet, a kirtle of crimson satin, a pair of sleeves of crimson satin pleated, a gown of blue damask gold, a pair of sleeves of white satin, a gown of black velvet furred with black budge, a kirtle of black satin and a pair of sleeves of black satin.128 There is a single glimpse of her wardrobe in the following two years, when the king ordered 4 yards (3.6 m) of crimson satin for a kirtle, 9 yards (8.2 m) of black sarsenet for lining various gowns and a yard (0.91 m) of crimson satin for a pair of sleeves, costing £6 9s.129 On being made princess of Wales and her departure for the Welsh marches, her governess, the countess of Salisbury, was given detailed instructions concerning ‘the cleanliness and well wearing of her apparel, both of her chamber and her person, so that everything about her be pure, sweet, clean and wholesome’.130 Nothing comes to light about her clothing in the late 1520s. Our knowledge improves in 1530. On 10 April 1530 a range of clothes were ordered for the domina principissa at a cost of £392 14s ½d.131 The warrant allowed for eight gowns, one of purple velvet furred with powdered ermine, another of crimson velvet furred with black budge in the sleeves and purfil and the body, three of cloth of gold, one each of purple tinsel, cloth of silver and tawny cloth of gold; five kirtles with sleeves of cloth of gold tissue, cloth of silver, crimson satin, crimson velvet and of black velvet and upperbodies and oversleeves of black satin for the kirtles and a cloak of broad cloth, the hood and vents lined with black

the king’s children satin. She also received a range of accessories including 12 lawn partlets, two French hoods of black velvet lined with satin, one partlet of black velvet lined with sarsenet, tippets of sarsenet and a selection of shoes and girdles. A month later she received a second warrant which ordered a range of linen items including sheets, pillowberes and smocks.132 Lord Andrew Windsor was the recipient of a warrant dated 27 September 1531 listing clothes to be supplied for Mary, starting with a gown of silver tissue lined with plain cloth of silver. She received five gowns of cloth of silver tissue, purple velvet, black tinsel, crimson satin and black velvet, a nightgown of black velvet, kirtles with sleeves of cloth of gold, crimson velvet, black tinsel and two of cloth of silver, a cloak of fine black cloth, two partlets and linen for smocks and rails.133 Two items were ordered for Mary on her father’s warrant of 9 January 1532: a gown of black satin with two welts of black velvet furred with black coney, and a cloak of black cloth with two welts of black velvet, the sleeves lined with buckram.134 She received a more sumptuous order of clothes later in the year. A warrant dated 27 September instructed John Scut to make garments and Thomas Addington to fur them, costing £457 17s 8d.135 The clothes were gorgeous and fully emphasised her rank. The key items comprised the following garments: 11½ yards (10.5 m) of cloth of silver tissue for a gown costing £86 5s, lined with 3 yards (2.7 m) of plain cloth of silver costing £10, 14½ yards (13.2 m) of purple velvet for a gown lined with the same costing £21 15s, 14½ yards (13.2 m) of black tinsel for a gown lined with the same costing £48 6s 8d, 11½ yards (10.5 m) of right crimson satin for a gown costing £10 7s lined with 3 yards (2.7 m) of cloth of gold costing £20 and 11½ yards (10.5 m) of black lukes velvet for a gown furred with ermine costing £10 7s. She was given five kirtles, all made with sleeves: of cloth of gold with works (£25), of cloth of silver tissue (£56 5s), of cloth of silver with works (£20), of crimson velvet (£11 5s) and of black tinsel (£20). The upperbodies, upperstocks and sleeves of the kirtles were all made from tawny satin. A black velvet nightgown furred with black coney and a black cloth for a cloak, the sleeves lined with tawny satin.136 On her death in 1536 Catherine of Aragon left Mary two specific items in her will: a gold collar with a cross that she had brought from Spain and the furs from her gowns.137 The imperial ambassador informed Charles V that the collar was withheld from her, adding that ‘I think there are not 10 crowns worth of gold in the said cross nor any jewellery but within is a portion of the true cross, towards which the Princess felt great devotion’.138 He described Mary being in mourning for her mother, noting ‘the heavynes of her apparel’. Who paid for this mourning is not recorded, but further items costing £172 10s 6d were paid for by Henry VIII.139 The opening entry was for two gowns made from 32 yards (29.2 m) of black lukes velvet costing £30 8s for which Scut charged 42s 8d for making and lining. She had another two gowns made from 26 yards (23.7 m) of black damask which were lined and edged with black velvet. The gowns could be worn with three partlets of velvet and another three of satin. Mary also received two kirtles with sleeves of 14 yards (12.8 m) of the same black velvet for velvet costing

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£13 6s and another two made from 14 yards (12.8 m) of black satin costing £6 6s, all of which were upperbodied with black satin. For informal wear Mary was allowed two nightgowns, one made from 13 yards (11.8 m) of black velvet, lined with taffeta and the other made from 13 yards (11.8 m) of black satin furred with 90 black squirrel skins.140 In June 1536 Mary was visited by Viscount Beauchamp, Jane Seymour’s older brother, as a mark of her intention to treat Mary well. Mary assured Thomas Cromwell on 1 July, ‘Sir, as touching mine apparel, I have made no bill, for the king’s highness’s favour is so good clothing unto me, that I can desire no more; and so I have written to his grace, resting wholly in him, and willing to wear whatsoever his grace shall appoint me’.141 In December 1536 Henry VIII gave Mary a border of goldsmith’s work for a gown. She later paid a goldsmith £4 3s 4d to lengthen it.142 In April 1537 Henry wrote to Richard Pate with regards to the conduct of Mary, observing that ‘we shall not only know our daughter, but use her besides in all things as to the degree of the daughter of so great a Prince’.143 Later that autumn and winter, Mary played a key role in court ceremonial. For the christening of her young brother, Edward, her privy purse included a payment of £10 ‘to peycocke for a kyrtle of Clothe of Siluer agaynst the Cristening of the prince’.144 She was the chief mourner at Jane Seymour’s funeral. Thomas Palmer, groom of the robes, spent two weeks going to Hampton Court to view her apparel and to London to provide mourning at a rate of 8d a day and 16d paid for boat hire, coming to 10s.145 Further items for mourning were obtained in December: black velvet for a nightgown, a bonnet of powdered ermines, cambric for kerchers, rails and holland for smocks, black silk ribbon for belts, shoes, pins, needles, thread and holland for sheets costing £55 2s 8d. Following the end of mourning at court, Mary secured a warrant allowing her, amongst other things, six bonnets of velvet, six frontlets with cauls of gold, black velvet for a French partlet and two partlets, a cloak, 20 pairs of kersey hose, two dozen lawn partlets, two dozen lames for partlets, six pieces of ribbon for belts and 10,000 pins, along with gowns for the women of her household costing £106 5s 8d.146 The lavish provision for Mary continued throughout 1539. Under the king’s own warrant dated 6 January 1539 she was allowed the furring of a gown of black satin with 144 furs of black squirrel, another of black velvet with 166 black budge skins, a gown of tawny cloth of gold with sables and a gown of tawny velvet with 25 timbers and seven ermine skins powdered with 18,000 pinks and powderings.147 Two months later, she was provided with six velvet bonnets, six frontlets with cauls of gold, black cloth for a cloak, 20 pairs of hose, two bonnets of powdered ermines, right crimson velvet for a gown turned up with the same, black velvet for a gown turned up with the same, black satin for a gown turned up with black velvet, crimson damask for a gown turned up with the same damask, black damask for a gown turned up with the same damask, black taffeta for a gown turned up with the same taffeta, black ‘lukes’ velvet for a nightgown, lined with black satin and black damask for a nightgown furred with 136 black coney skins. Her kirtles were made from cloth of silver,

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crimson velvet, yellow satin, white satin, black satin and black velvet coming in all to £275 2s 7d.148 Not withstanding the 20-year gap in age between Mary and her two siblings, and her demotion following the birth of Princess Elizabeth, there is evidence that she held the pair in some affection, tempered by political prudence. She exchanged gifts with Princess Elizabeth and Prince Edward and also with Lady Margaret Douglas. In December 1537 she paid 65s for ‘a Cappe for a New yeres gyfte to the Prince grace’ and in April 1540 she gave 53s 4d ‘to the kinges Braudrer for Enbraudring a Cote for the Prince grace’.149 Princess Elizabeth lacked Mary’s financial resources, and as a child she often made her presents for her family. In 1540 she gave Edward a cambric shirt as a New Year’s gift ‘of her owne woorkynge’.150 Mary’s privy purse accounts record the New Year’s gifts received by her. The list of gifts for 1543 indicates the extent of the recognition at court of her fondness for clothes: Lady Margaret — a gown of carnation satin ‘of the vencie fascion’ Lady Frances Dorset — a wrought smock and half a dozen handkerchiefs Lady Suffolk — a pair of wrought sleeves and ‘pullers out for an Italian gown wrought’ Lady Calthrop — two pairs of sleeves, one of gold with passamayne lace and the other off silver, wrought Earl of Hertford — a ring with a diamond Lady Russell of Worcestershire — half a dozen handkerchiefs The Young Lady Norfolk — two pairs of sleeves, half a dozen handkerchiefs.151

This list presents a very similar pattern of gifts to those given to her sister Elizabeth when she was queen. For the reception of the duke of Najera in 1543 she wore a kirtle of cloth of gold and an open robe of violet velvet with three heights of pile. In 1544 Donna Maria of Aragon, having heard she was very fond of Spanish gloves as befitted her Spanish heritage sent Mary some ‘which she hopes will suit her highness’.152 In November 1545 Henry sent a warrant to the great wardrobe authorising the keeper ‘to deliver stuff and apparel for My Lady Mary’ (Pl. VIIa).153 This was followed by a warrant for clothes and saddles for Mary in May 1546.154 Six months later in November 1546, a warrant for Mary’s clothing for Christmas was signed by the stamp.155 A bill for clothing which was supplied on 7 December 1546 costing £26 19s may relate to this warrant.156 In keeping with the winter season, Mary received four furred gowns: a gown of black velvet guarded with three timbers of ermines and decorated with six bundles of powderings, a gown of black satin guarded with black velvet furred with 132 black coney skins, a gown of black satin with breadths of gold with three lusern skins and 40 white lamb for the body and sleeves and a gown of black velvet furred with twelve pampilion skins. An account for Mary’s wardrobe of the robes from 1545–46 recorded a number of garments being altered, embroidery and tailoring costing £79 5s. The garments were very luxurious but some of the items were being translated either in terms of being enlarged or refashioned. The refashioning often included extensive embroidery worked with metal thread, so combining a labour intensive technique with expensive materials.157 The reworking or translating of a gown of black velvet involved the gown being decorated with 16 oz (453 g) of damask gold pirls or pipes at 6s the oz. Three new gowns were

also embroidered: a gown of black velvet of ‘pastment’ gold with braid of fine Venice gold; a gown of purple satin wrought with ‘pastment’ of gold and silver with a braid of gold and silver and a gown of black satin embroidered with ‘pastment’ of gold and silver and with a braid of ‘pastment’ of gold and silver. This account provides evidence of the speed with which fashions changed and the keenness with which she followed these. She had three pairs of sleeves altered to make them into French sleeves: one pair of black tilsent, one pair of purple satin and one pair of crimson satin, fringed with Venice gold and wrought with Venice gold and pirls of damask gold. The workmanship cost 20s a pair. In much the same way, a pair of French sleeves was translated to turn them into Venice sleeves of black velvet guarded with passementerie of gold and great wreaths of Venice gold costing 10s. Mary shared her father’s passion for jewellery. This is demonstrated by the extant inventory listing her jewels.158 The document recorded jewels in the care of Mary Finch which had been ‘Receyved of my lady Maryes grace into my Custodie’ in December 1542 and it was updated on 1 January 1543 and 20 July 1546. It was reviewed on 25 January 1547, three days before her father’s death.159

the duke of richmond Henry Fitzroy, born in 1519, was the only illegitimate son that Henry VIII acknowledged. His mother was Elizabeth Blount, who after his birth married Sir Gilbert Tailboys and later Lord Clinton.160 Little is known about his childhood until his creation as duke of Richmond in 1525 when he was made president of the council in the north. At the same time he was provided with his own household. The records from this include the charges of his wardrobe of the robes and beds and the stable from 12 June 1525 to 31 March 1526, with £88 1s 2d spent on his apparel and £8 5s 10½d on washing his napery.161 His own accounts included a payment for ‘the duke’s robes of estate, of crimson velvet, and blue velvet lined with sarsenet, with other appertenances belonging to the garter’.162 Henry VIII placed an order for green and purple sarsenet for the wardrobe of the beds of the duke costing £14 2s 4½d from the great wardrobe in the accounting year 1525–26.163 For the creation of his son as duke of Richmond in 1525, the king distributed largesse of £5, and for his installation as a knight of the Garter, he paid £10 for setting up his banner, helm and crest.164 On 14 January 1527 Richmond thanked his father for a New Year’s gift of plate.165 A year later he asked for a suit of armour ‘for his exercise in arms, according to his learning in Julius Caesar’ and begged Cardinal Wolsey to support this request.166 Whether he was successful is unknown, but on 20 July 1528 the duke acknowledged ‘your letters and the goodly apparel you sent me by Master Magnus’.167 In autumn 1528, then aged nine, he stayed at the home of the earl of Northumberland at Topcliffe where he ‘did not use himself, like a child of his tender age, but more like a man in all his

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the king’s children behaviours’.168 For two years he lived at Windsor in the company of the earl of Surrey with whom from October 1532 to September 1533 he visited the French court. ‘The view of the said wardrobe taken by John Uvedale, secretary to the duke [taken] on 23 June in the xxiijth yere (1531) by the commandment of Sir William Parre Chamberlain to the said Duke’ begins with his ‘Robes of Estate made at my Lordis Creacion’.169 The fact that they take pride of place in the inventory, and no other robes of estate are listed, suggests that these robes had been made with plenty of room for growth. As in his father’s inventories, his Garter robes ‘with a great cross of saint George embroidered with the garter about it’ came next. Of the pieces in the main part of the inventory, many such as a ‘doublet of cloth of gold of tissue, sore worn, colour yellow’ were described as heavily worn. The decorative details are the most interesting feature of the duke’s clothes, in particular the buttons, which were numerous and were often decorated with roses, either plain or enamelled. Embroidery, guards and fur linings all feature heavily. The number of hats and bonnets owned by the duke is significant but no shoes, boots or buskins were listed in this inventory. References are lacking to his jewels, which may suggest that they were recorded separately. However, he now had ‘one goodly dagger the hafte, cross and pomell and sheath all silver and gilt with a knife and a bodkin’ and ‘a little woodknife hafted with ivory the sheath black velvet the chape gilt on iron with two knives and one hammer’.

Like his father, his clothes were made from a range of colours (Table 11.2). The reference to some items being in the ‘new colour’ is suggestive of the new colour of the king’s livery.170 His hose were predominantly in black or white, with two in a neutral ash colour. The number of items made from cloth woven with metal thread is conspicuously small with only two gowns of tinsel, one doublet of cloth of gold tissue and one of cloth of silver (Table 11.3). Equally, there are no matching sets of doublets and hose. As the textile used for the hose is not described, it can be inferred that it was wool, although in most cases the hose do have silk linings that are either self-coloured or in a contrasting colour. Where the hose are in a contrasting colour, this suggests that the lining was visible through slashing. There are also no sets of matching doublet, hose and gown which is different to the king’s wardrobe. The most frequently used fabric is velvet, with satin a close second. On 26 November 1533 Richmond married Mary, daughter of the duke of Norfolk and the sister of his companion the earl of Surrey. Holbein drew Mary. In the portrait she wears a male-style bonnet with a feather and sketched an alternative design for her hat, showing it decorated with an R for Richmond.171 Whether the duke was depicted by Holbein is not known. His miniature was painted by Lucas Horenbout: the duke appears informally dressed in his shirt, with its high collar left undone, and a close-fitting black work cap (Fig. 11.5). Richmond went into a decline in the summer

Table 11.2: Analysis of Richmond’s clothes in 1531 by colour Colour

Gowns/nightgowns

Riding cloaks

Spanish cloaks

Riding coats

Jerkins

Doublets

Hose

Ash colour Black Blue Crimson Green New colour Purple Russet Scarlet Tawny Unspecified White

~ 5 1 1 ~ ~ 2 1 ~ 2 ~ ~ 12

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1

~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1

~ 3 ~ 1 3 1 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 9

~ 2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2

~ 5 ~ 2 ~ ~ 5 ~ ~ 1 2 1 16

2 15 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2 13 32

Table 11.3: Analysis of Richmond’s clothes in 1531 by textile Textile

Gowns/nightgowns

Riding cloaks

Spanish cloaks

Riding coats

Jerkins

Doublets

Hose

Cloth Cloth of gold tissue Cloth of silver Cotton Damask Frisado Sarsenet Satin Scarlet Taffeta Tinsel Velvet

~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ 2 ~ 2 2 5 12

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 1

1 ~ ~ 1 ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 2 ~ 4 9

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1 2

~ 1 1 ~ ~ ~ 6 6 ~ 1 ~ 1 16

31 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 32

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of 1536, about the time that Henry VIII was contemplating making him heir to the throne. He died on 22 July 1536. Three days later John Gostwick made an inventory of his possessions.172 The inventory taken in July 1536 reveals that he had a range of clothes, along with the appropriate accessories in the form of two hats and two bonnets, five pairs of boots and buskins, several pairs of shoes and a pair of slippers. He also owned a selection of jewellery. The list was headed with the duke’s garter collar. Richmond had several sets of clothes of the same colour (Table 11.4). While there was one group of a gown, coat, doublet and hose of black velvet, the primary emphasis was on bright colours: incarnate (a gown of damask, coat, doublet and hose of velvet, all decorated with a fringe of Venice gold), yellow (a coat, doublet and hose of satin, the coat and doublet

11.5 Miniature of Henry Fitzroy, duke of Richmond, by Lucas Horenbout, c. 1534–35. RCIN 420019. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Table 11.5: Analysis of Richmond’s clothes in 1536 by textile Textile

Gowns

Cloaks Coats

Riding Doublets Hose Slops coats

Cloth Damask Frisado Satin Scarlet Taffeta Velvet Total

~ 2 ~ 1 ~ ~ 2 5

~ ~ 1 ~ 1 ~ ~ 2

~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 1

1 1 ~ 1 ~ 2 3 8

~ ~ ~ 3 ~ 1 2 6

2 ~ ~ 2 ~ 1 3 8

~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ 2

welted with velvet), red (a doublet and hose of taffeta) and crimson (a gown of damask, doublet and hose of satin). Interestingly, there were no suits of purple clothes, but he did have two gowns of purple. Like his father, he favoured velvet and satin (Table 11.5). There are a number of references to his clothes being decorated with embroidery, often with a fringe of Venice gold as well as a coat embroidered with black silk. In contrast, only a small number of garments were embellished with gold buttons or aglets. There are some examples of separate fur linings, including a fur of sables and a fur of pampilion and budge which had been taken out of his clothes as it is summer and one gown furred with luzards. The first item listed in his short collection of jewels was ‘a Coller of xxjti garters and xxj knottes of crowne golde with a George set with dyamondes’. It was followed by ‘a litill Cheyne with a George of cxxx lynkes’ and three garters.173 He also owned ‘a Garget of golde for my Lordes nekk, sent from the Kinges highness for a token, set with vij white roses, enameled’.174 Richmond distributed gifts of his old clothing. The first inventory furnishes numerous examples with almost all of the items listed as part of the main charge being given away, and just the new additions remaining in hand. George Tailboys, his younger half-brother, was the main recipient. All these items seem to be given away at the instigation of the duke of Norfolk who was his governor. Other recipients included Henry Partridge, a gentleman of the chamber and probably a relative of Anne Partridge, Fitzroy’s nurse, Master Skeffington, probably a relative of Sir William Skeffington (who served as the duke’s deputy in Ireland after his appointment as lieutenant), John Jenny, another gentleman of the chamber and Nicholas Throckmorton, a page in the ducal household.175 One instance is noted in the second inventory when he gave a coat of green taffeta, welted with green velvet, to Tailboys.176

Table 11.4: Analysis of Richmond’s clothes in 1536 by colour Colour

Gowns Cloaks Coats Riding Doublets Hose Slops coats

Black Blue Crimson Green Incarnate Purple Red Unspecified White Yellow Total

1 ~ 1 ~ 1 2 ~ ~ ~ ~ 5

princess elizabeth ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2 ~ ~ 2

4 ~ ~ 1 1 ~ ~ ~ 1 1 8

~ ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 1

1 1 1 ~ 1 ~ 1 ~ ~ 1 6

1 1 1 ~ 2 ~ 1 ~ 1 1 8

1 ~ ~ 1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 2

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In comparison to her older sister, there is considerably less evidence about the clothes ordered for Elizabeth as a young girl. In part this reflects that her mother died when she was not quite three. She received clothes from Jane Seymour, Catherine Howard and Catherine Parr, each of whom sought to look after her. On 12 April 1534 Chapuys wrote to Charles V about the visit of the French ambassadors. On the Tuesday

the king’s children after Easter they visited Princess Elizabeth ‘who was shown to them first in very rich apparel, in state and triumph as a princess, and afterwards they saw her quite naked’.178 This ensured that there was no doubt about her physical condition. There are several indications about how Anne Boleyn dressed and cared for her. It looks as though she doted on her daughter. William Lock provided materials for a range of garments in the spring of 1536 when Elizabeth was two and a half.179 The order included white sarsenet to line a gown of orange velvet, a kirtle of russet velvet edged with the same, a kirtle of green satin edged with green velvet, a kirtle of yellow satin edged with yellow velvet, a kirtle of white capha damask edged with white velvet, two black velvet partlets and sleeves of purple velvet lined with purple sarsenet. On 24 October 1536 the French ambassador told cardinal du Bellay that ‘Madame Marie is now the first after the Queen and sits at table opposite her, a little lower down, after first having given the napkin for washing to the King and Queen . . . Madame Ysabeau [Elizabeth] is not at that table, though the King is very affectionate to her. It is said he loves her much’.180 A list of Anne Boleyn’s debts included a payment of 2s for boat hire from London to Greenwich and back on 18 January 1536 ‘to take measure of capes for my lady princess’. Three days later a boat was sent ‘to fetch the princess’s cap of purple satin to amend it according to her grace’s pleasure’. On 26 January another boat trip was required to take further measurements and to deliver ‘a purple satin cap laid with a rich caul of gold, the work being roundels of damask gold’ costing £3 6s 8d. One last trip two days later was necessary ‘to amend the patron of the princess’s cap’.181 In the following months other caps were made for the little girl: a cap of white satin with a rich caul of gold costing £4 and another cap of taffeta priced at 4 marks.182 Lady Bryan was appointed as ‘lady mistress’ to the threeyear-old Elizabeth, following the execution of her mother. The Succession Act of 1536 declared Elizabeth to be illegitimate and this resulted in the reduction of her household. Her destitution was such that Lady Bryan felt obliged to tell Cromwell that she ‘hath neither gown nor kertel, nor petecot, nor no manner of linnin for smokes, nor cerchefes, nor sleves, nor rayls, nor body-stychets, nor handcerchers, nor mofelers, nor begen’.183 Following her marriage, Jane Seymour took an interest in her welfare and ordered some items for her, including ⅜ of a yard (0.33 m) of white satin for the biliment for a ‘Scottisshe hoode’ for the lady Elizabeth costing 12d and 1 yard (0.91 m) of right crimson velvet for a Scottish hood and a pair of sleeves for Elizabeth costing 23s 4d.184 On 6 January 1539, the king ordered a small selection of items for Elizabeth on his own warrant: the furring of a nightgown of black lukes velvet with 11½ timbers of ermines and 5,000 pinks costing 30s, furring one nightgown of russet satin with 60 coney skins costing 6s 8d and a powdered bonnet for 20s.185 In the following year Catherine Howard gave Elizabeth, who was then aged seven, a ‘Brooche of Golde wherin is set an Antique hedd of Agathe vj verey small Rubyes and vj verey small Emerads’ described as ‘Litle thing worthe’.186 Elizabeth was also given jewellery by her sister Mary, including ‘a Broche of thistory of piramus & tysbie’ and a pair of white coral beads.187 Catherine Parr bought 2½

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yards (2.2 m) of purple velvet costing 58s 4d to turned up a pair of sleeves for a gown of purple cloth of gold of diaper work for Elizabeth.188 In November 1545 Henry issued a warrant to the great wardrobe ordering stuff and apparel ‘for My Lady Elizabeth and her grace’s women’.189 Six months later, in May 1546 there was a warrant for the ‘apparel and necessaries for my lady Elizabeth her grace’ and a separate one for saddles and other stuff for her.190 In November 1546 a warrant was drawn up ordering clothing for Elizabeth against Christmas.191 This sequence of warrants fits with the pattern of twice yearly orders of clothes for her father the king. The portrait of Elizabeth, in her early teens, dated to c. 1546–47, has been attributed to William Scrots (Fig. 11.6).192 She was painted wearing a gown of crimson cloth of gold with a low V-shaped waistline, undersleeves and matching forepart, with pearls edging her French hood; the matching square, band on her French hood and girdle of alternating clusters of two large pearls edged with six smaller pearls and large dark coloured stones set in gold; a large pendant with a diamond cross surrounded by filigree work and three pendant pearls. Large gems set in gold decorated her sleeves.

11.6 Elizabeth I when princess, c. 1546–47, unknown artist formerly attributed to William Scrots. RCIN 404444 OM 46 WC 2010. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

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Shortly after Henry VIII’s death in 1547, Elizabeth was described by her tutor Roger Ascham in a letter to John Sturm. He noted that ‘She has just passed her sixteenth birthday and shows such dignity and gentleness as are wonderful at her age and in her rank . . . In adornment she is elegant rather than showy, and by her contempt of gold and head-dresses, she reminds one of Hippolyte rather than Phaedra’.193

prince edward Two months before his birth, Francis I heard that Henry VIII meant to name the baby, if a boy, either Edward or Henry.194 Edward was born at Hampton Court on 12 October 1537, the vigil of St Edward’s day, and was named in honour of Edward the Confessor, the English royal saint. He was the long-awaited son and he was described as ‘our moost noble and moost precyous joyelle’. When in September 1538 the king’s council declared its intention to visit the prince, Lady Bryan felt that she lacked suitable clothes for him to wear then. She would ‘acompleche et to the best of my power with syche thynges as her es to do et with al, wyche es but very bare for syche a time. The best cot my Lord Princses grace hath es tensel, and that he shal have on at that teym; he hath never a good jewel to set on his cape howbet I shal order al things for my lordes honer the best I can’.195 In the following months Holbein undertook a preparatory sketch for a painting of the young prince, possibly given to Henry as a New Year’s gift on 1 January 1539 (Fig. 11.7).196 If this is the case, then Edward was aged about 14 months, when he would have been short-coated.197 He wears a coat of scarlet wool cut trimmed with black cloth of gold. The coat, which fastened at the back, had a square neck and hanging sleeves, which could act as leading strings if he was unsteady on his feet, with separate sleeves of cloth of gold.198 Perhaps not surprisingly, Henry VIII ordered clothes for his son on his own warrants. The first such order was made on 6 January 1539, when the boy was 15 months old. It consisted of a coat of crimson velvet with three welts of cloth of gold, a coat of tawny velvet with two welts of cloth of gold, a coat of black velvet with a single welt of cloth of gold, all lined with scarlet and the sleeves lined with sarsenet, two coats of scarlet, two bonnets of white satin and two nightgowns of black velvet lined with buckram.199 There are also three larger warrants for Edward dated 21 July 1539, 27 March 1544 and 26 February 1545 when he was 21 months, six and a half and almost seven and a half.200 The last warrant was issued on the same day as a warrant for the king which also included a small amount of work for the prince. Catherine Addington provided a selection of furs for Edward including 30 sable skins, 16 luzards and four panes and four vents of libards.201 Table 11.6 indicates that there was a marked increased in the number of different types of garments ordered for Edward over the course of these three warrants, reflecting his increasing age and maturity. The variety of items echoes the

11.7 Edward VI as a child, by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1539. Image © Board of Trustees, National Gallery of Art, Washington (1937.1.64)

contents of his father’s wardrobe and parallels the development previously of Richmond’s wardrobe. The second and third warrants both date after the time of his breeching and adoption of clothing worn by adults. In 1547 Edward recalled his transition from the nursery at the age of six in his journal, noting that he was brought up by women until he was six. He continued, ‘At the sixth year of his age he was brought up in learning by Dr Cox . . . and John Clerke . . . Master of Arts’.202 The warrant from March 1544 provided the prince with some very fancy items, with rich surface decoration often making use of contrasting colours and a variety of techniques (Fig. 11.8). The order included two doublets with matching slops, of crimson velvet and black satin, slashed, one full of wreaths of crimson satin, the other with black velvet, with buttons and loops of Venice gold, the vents and collar of velvet and a coat without sleeves for archery of plain gold tissue with welts of lukes velvet laid on with silk and gold cord, lined with sarsenet and fastening with ‘claspes and Eis’ of silver.203 The emphasis on highly decorated clothes continued in the warrant from February 1545: a frock of black tinsel with one wide and two narrow guards of crimson velvet put on with gold and silk cord and lined with crimson sarsenet and a coat of purple cloth of gold with five guards of purple velvet, also put on with gold and silk cord.204

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211

Table 11.6: Overview of the type and number of clothes ordered for Prince Edward Garments

21 July 1539 27 March 1544 26 February 1545

Outer garments Cloaks Coats Coats for archery Coats, short Frocks Jerkins Gowns Nightgowns Spanish gowns

~ 4 ~ 2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

1 11 5 10 ~ 1 ~ 1 ~

1 6 ~ 2 2 2 2 ~ 1

– Doublets Doublets Doublets with bases

~ ~

28 ~

5 11

– Hose and slops Hose Slops

4 ~

72 28

4 8

– Headwear Bonnets* Night bonnets Hats

43 6 1

19 12 ~

8 9 2

– Footwear Velvet covered shoes

Numbers not given

~

6 sets

24

~

1 ~ ~

~ ~ 51

~ 1 8

– Translating garments Translating cloaks ~ Translating coats ~ Translating doublets ~ Translating frocks ~ Translating slops ~

~ ~ 1 ~ ~

1 1 ~ 1 6

~ ~ ~ ~ ~

1 ~ ~ ~ 1

1 1 2 2 1

£91 10s 8d

£325 7s 1d

– Accessories Ruffs and bands – Cases Cases for bonnets Cases for cloaks Cases for doublets, gowns, hose and slops

Items for Thomas Brown Coats Riding coats Doublets Slops Translating/enlarging coats Cost

4

£181 9s 10d

* Included bonnets, superior bonnets and sub bonnets

Edward received clothes as gifts from other members of his family. Mary’s present to him for New Year 1539 was ‘a cote of crymosen satten enbrowdered with gold with paunses of pyrles and sleves of tynsell and iiij aglettes of gold’.205 His gift roll for January 1540 recorded from his father a pair of flagons, 178 oz (5,046 g), a pair of salts with covers, 38¾ oz (1,098 g); from Mary a gold brooch with the image of St John the Baptist set with a ruby and from Elizabeth a bracer of needlework of her own making.206 Anne of Cleves’ accounts of 1540 include a payment of £4 16s 4d for a crimson velvet bonnet set with bullion of gold and fringed with gold bought from

11.8 Edward continued to favour the use of rich surface decoration in contrasting colours after he became king, as indicated by this portrait of Edward VI, attributed to Guillim Stretes. RCIN 405751 OM 49 HC 1246. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

William Tailor, haberdasher, and given to the prince.207 His stepmother Catherine Parr bought him clothes for his New Year’s gift in 1545 which cost £18 21d.208 Her gift consisted of a gown of crimson satin in grain, richly embroidered and lined with crimson satin in the body, vents, cape and taffeta to line the rest; white satin for a coat, doublet and a pair of slops, the coat was embroidered and the coat, doublet and hose were edged with white velvet, the coat lined with white striped satin, while the doublet and slops were lined with fine holland. The coat and doublet both had eight gold buttons with stalks

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of gold braid and the button loops were made from ‘braided golde lace’. Richard Cecil, yeoman of the king’s robes, subscribed a warrant dated January 1546 ‘for certain stuff and workmanship delivered for the prince’s grace’s apparel’.209 Edward’s wardrobe contained clothes for everyday wear as well as court and state occasions. On 8 May 1546 he told his older sister how he ‘puts on his best clothes very seldom and yet he loves them more than the others; even so he rarely writes to her but loves her most’.210 A letter addressed to his father on 4 August 1546, in which his tutor’s hand may be detected, Edward thanked him ‘for his kindness and for the great and precious gifts, as chains, rings with balls, jewels, collars and brooches, necklaces and dresses, which show his fatherly affection and are given not to make his son proud but urge him on in virtue and piety’.211 At the reception of the French admiral five weeks later, Edward rode out to meet him at Hampton Court with a retinue dressed ‘in velvett cots on horsebacke’.212 The imperial ambassador noted that the horsemen accompanying him were ‘mostly in cloth of gold’.213 A list of weapons and accessories delivered for the prince included three sword girdles of white, tawny and purple velvet, one girdle for a wood knife of black velvet, ‘a new rapier for my lord prince with four scabbards to the same’ costing 20s, along with a hammer for 16d and a pair of

compasses costing 20d.214 These items were necessary for the prince’s education and part of his dress. William Thomas, while in exile, described Edward in his book entitled Perygrine, noting that ‘he hath suche a grace of porte and gesture in gravitye when he commeth to any presence, that it shold seme he were all redy a father, and yett he passeth not the age of x yeres’.215 At the time, Thomas could not have seen the prince for two years. That he was not exaggerating is clear in a three-quarter-length portrait of Edward, in which he wears a jewel surmounted with the prince of Wales feathers, painted in c. 1546. The artist was a member of the Flemish School, possibly William Scrots (Fig. 11.9), and thought to have been painted at Hunsdon.216 A second, slightly later, version of the painting at Petworth, this time full-length, presented Edward as king.217 Edward had adopted the stance favoured by his father and wore fashionable male dress: a white satin doublet and tight-fitting hose, embroidered with gold thread and guarded down the front and round the skirts with gold passamayne lace, with a lynx lined russet velvet gown guarded with a double embroidered guard of the same. Once king, he ordered armour, as a further means of emulating his father (Fig. 11.10).

11.9 Edward VI, unknown artist. RCIN 404441 OM 44 WC 69. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

11.10 Three-quarter armour for a boy of about 12 years old, possibly Edward VI, front view, Greenwich, c. 1550. The Royal Armouries, Leeds. © The Board of Trustees of the Armouries

the king’s children Just as a few of Prince Arthur’s clothes survived in Henry VIII’s possession some of Edward’s clothes remained in his sister Elizabeth’s wardrobe of the robes in 1600. These included his parliament robes, as well as the robes for the orders of the Garter and St Michael, three gowns, three frocks, two coats, two riding coats, one jerkin and three sets of matching doublets and hose, as well as a small selection of jewels and weapons.218 While the sample is small, cloth of gold, cloth of silver, velvet and satin predominate and crimson and purple were most common.

Lady Jane Grey Lady Jane Grey was born in October 1537, about the same time as Edward VI. She was the daughter of Henry’s niece, Frances Brandon and Henry Grey, later duke of Suffolk. Her tutor, John Aylmer, who later became bishop of London, described Jane in his book A Harbour for Faithful Subjects. Aylmer made a connection between her nobility and the simplicity of her clothing: The king left her rich clothes and jewels; and I know it to be true, that in seven years after her father’s death, she never in all that time looked upon that rich attire and precious jewels but once, and that against her will. And that there never came gold or stone upon her head, till her sister forced her to lay off her former soberness, and bear her company in her glittering gayness. And then she so wore it, as every man might see

213

that her body carried that which her heart misliked. I am sure that her maidenly apparel which she used in King Edward’s time, made the noblemen’s daughters and wives to be ashamed to be dressed and painted like peacocks; being more moved with her most virtuous example than with all that ever Paul or Peter wrote touching that matter.219

However, Edward VI rejected her as a potential bride, stating that he favoured ‘a foreign princess, well stuffed [with an impressive wardrobe] and well jewelled’.220 When on 6 July 1553 Edward VI died, Jane was at her parent’s home in Chelsea. Two days later she travelled down the Thames to the Tower after being proclaimed queen. A Genoese merchant witnessed her arrival. His description records that she had dressed befitting her new dignity. In his opinion, Jane was: very short and thin but prettily shaped and graceful. She has small features and a well-made nose, the mouth flexible and the lips red. The eyebrows are arched and darker than the hair, which is nearly red . . . She wore a dress of green velvet stamped with gold, with large sleeves. Her headdress was a white coif with many jewels. She walked under a canopy, her mother carrying her long train, and her husband, Guildford, walking by her, dressed all in white and gold, a very tall, strong boy with light hair, who paid her much attention. The new Queen was mounted on very high chopines to make her look much taller, which were concealed by her robes, as she is very small and short.221

Jane and her husband were dressed in the Tudor colours of green and white, so stressing her legitimate right to the throne. In order to make her stand out from the crowd, Jane wore the highly fashionable Italian high-heeled shoes or chopines.222

Notes 1 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, p. 561. 2 F. Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella (1975) p. 118; Fraser, Six Wives, p. 11. 3 LP iv.iii, 5774. 4 LP ii.i, 80. 5 According to Campeggio, Catherine assured him that ‘from the embraces of her first husband she entered this marriage as a virgin and an immaculate woman’; LP iv.iii, 5681. 6 R. Holinshed, Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland, iii (1807), p. 527. 7 Fraser, Six Wives, p. 29. 8 Knecht, Rise and Fall, p. 80. 9 LP v, 362. 10 Strype, Memorials, vi, pp. 221–22. 11 LP xv, 898. 12 Bruce, Making Henry, p. 167. 13 Harvey, Elizabeth of York, pp. 169–70; Laynesmith, Last Medieval Queens, p. 111. 14 For example, Strickland, Queens of Scotland, i, pp. 63–68. 15 CSP Venetian, 1520–26, p. 104. 16 LP xx.ii, 19. 17 LP xv, 901. 18 LP xvi, 712. 19 LP xii.i, 1069. 20 Wriothesley, Chronicle, i, p. 64. 21 Loades, Chronicles, p. 188. 22 SP i.ii, p. 551; LP xii.ii, 77. 23 LP xii.ii, 626. 24 LP ii.ii, 4279. 25 LP ii.ii, 4288. 26 LP ii.ii, 4529. 27 LP ii.ii, 4568.

28 H. Soly, ed., Charles V and His Time, 1500–1558 (Antwerp, 1999), p. 67. 29 Catherine Parr’s pregnancy occurred during her fourth marriage. 30 Crawford, Letters, p. 199 (LP xii.ii, 889). 31 Weir, Six Wives, p. 558. 32 Fraser, Six Wives, p. 405. 33 LP ii.i, 1198. 34 LP viii, 919. 35 LP ii.i, 705. 36 TNA E36/215, p. 100. 37 LP ii.i, 1622. 38 Wriothesley, Chronicle, i, p. 65. 39 Ibid., i, pp. 66–67. 40 M. Hume, Chronicle of King Henry VIII of England (1889), p. 73. 41 PPE Elizabeth, p. 78. 42 LP iii.i, 145. 43 LP iii.i, 189. 44 LP iii.i, 289. 45 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 231. 46 See above, pp. 94–95. 47 LP xx.ii, 31. 48 TNA E315/249, f. 52v. 49 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 249. 50 Ibid., p. 179; TNA E101/410/12. 51 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 249. 52 Staniland, ‘Royal entry’, p. 299. 53 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 249. 54 See above, p. 58. 55 TNA E101/417/3, no 84 (LP i.i, 394.2). 56 LP i.i, 473. 57 LP i.i, 578. 58 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 59 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 12 (LP i.i, 647).

214

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60 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 61 TNA E101/418/5, no. 43 (LP i.ii, 3332). Two counterpoints of estate ‘of powderde armyns’ which are very similar to those made for Catherine of Aragon were listed with the goods of Catherine Parr (17641–42). 62 TNA E101/418/5, no. 44 (LP i.ii, 3333). 63 LP i.ii, 3500. 64 LP i.ii, 3581. 65 LP vi, 890. 66 LP vi, 948. 67 LP vi, 1069. 68 TNA SP1/88, f. 116 (LP vii, 1668). 69 Colvin, HKW, iv, p. 82. 70 Bod Lib Rawlinson MS D.775, ff. 95r, 96r. 71 NUL MS Ne01, unfoliated. 72 HO, p. 127; Murphy, Bastard Prince, p. 34. 73 TNA E404/79, 168; PPE Elizabeth, p. 102. 74 PPE Princess Mary, p. 42. 75 Ibid., p. 85 76 LP ii.ii, 3802. 77 LP iii.ii, 1439. 78 BL MS Cotton, Otho, CX, f. 234. 79 PPE Princess Mary, p. 53. 80 CSP Spanish, v.i (1534–35), p. 134. 81 LP i.i, 132.39. 82 LP ii.i, 658–59. 83 LP i.i, 885.8. 84 LP ii.ii, 3429. 85 LP xiii.ii, 524; in July 1539 she was granted, along with her husband David, an annuity of £40 a year; LP xiv.i, 1354.54. 86 Private collection; illustrated in Scarisbrick, Tudor, p. 76. 87 TNA LC9/51, f. 9r. 88 Ibid., f. 62v. 89 LP xiv.i, 1121. 90 J. Wilson, ‘The noble imp: the upper-class child in English Renaissance art and literature’, The Antiquaries Journal, 70 (1990), pp. 360–78. 91 Tate Britain, London. 92 Buck, Clothes, pp. 21–26. 93 Ibid., p. 58; Doran, Elizabeth, pp. 64–66. 94 MoL 39.108.1. 95 MoL A1989. Found in Hill Street, Finsbury. Worked at 8½ stitches and 13½ rows per inch. 96 S. M. Levey, ‘References to dress in the earliest account book of Bess of Hardwick’, Costume, 34 (2000), p. 16. 97 For an example of a chair modified to help a young child stand, see The Daughters of Philip II, c. 1571, by Alonso Sànchez Coello in the Monasterio de las Descalzes Reales, Madrid. Illustrated in Ortiz, Resplendence, p. 16. 98 LP xiii.ii, 306. 99 LP xiv.ii, 9. 100 For an example of adult hose, see the yellow silk knitted hose with cod piece made for elector Augustus of Saxony, illustrated in Rangström, Lions, pp. 34–35. 101 Ibid., pp. 200–01. 102 Rowlands, Age of Dürer, pp. 230–31. 103 See, for example, the portrait of Marcus Gheeraerts of Anne, Lady Pope, with her children; private collection. 104 British School; in the collection of the Marquess of Bath, Longleat House, Warminster, Wiltshire. 105 Examples can be seen in the collection of the Museum of London, e.g. (MoL 4703). M. de Neergaard, ‘Children’s shoes in the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries’, Costume, 19 (1985), pp. 14–21. 105 MoL A26591. 107 Musée du Louvre, Paris; Scott, Visual History, p. 129. 108 TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated. 109 TNA E101/420/1, no. 37 (LP v, 498). 110 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 111 LP vii, app. 13, see DNB, 16, pp. 697–701. 112 LP xi, 48. 113 LP xi, 1396. 114 M. A. E. Green, ed., Letters of Royal and Illustrious Ladies, ii (1846), pp. 292–93. 115 LP App. i.i, 1284. 116 LP xiii.2, 1280. 117 LP Additional i.ii, 1573. 118 LP xix.i, 799. 119 A. Clifford, ed., The State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph Sadler, i (1809), p. 183. 120 LP ii.i, 1556. 121 LP ii.i, 1563. 122 LP ii.i, 1585. 123 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, p. 58. 124 Ibid., p. 288.

125 LP xvi, 1253. 126 TNA LC9/51, ff. 9v–10r. 127 Ibid., ff. 59r–v. 128 The making costs were as follows: 5s for a gown, regardless of style, 3s 4d for a kirtle, 20d for a French hood, 12d for a partlet and 12d for a pair of sleeves; JRL Latin MS 239, f. 17v. 129 TNA E101/418/4, f. 3v. 130 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 371. 131 TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated. Later in the same year, on 20 December, Mary received an order of bedding consisting of 32 pairs of linen sheets, four bolsters and four ticks costing £27 13s 8d; E101/420/14, unfoliated. 132 TNA E101/418/1, no. 1. 133 The warrant also included ribbon for points, garters and girdles, velvet shoes, hose, gloves, French hoods and a night bonnet of ermine; TNA E101/ 418/1, no. 6 (LP v, 439). 134 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 135 Ibid., unfoliated. 136 The warrant also included a clock case of bridges satin, a black velvet partlet, a black satin partlet, both lined with sarsenet, holland for smocks and cambric for rails. She received a similar warrant dated 25 March 1534; TNA E101/417/3, no. 48. 137 LP x, 40, 141; also PPE Princess Mary, p. lxvi; I am grateful to Alison Carter for this reference. 138 LP x, 351. 139 TNA E36/455, ff. 31r–v. 140 The order also included three bonnets of black velvet, three frontlets for the same bonnets, two dozen lawn partlets, two dozen partlet pastes, twelve pairs of hose, twelve pairs of velvet shoes, 30 ells holland (20.6 m) for smocks and rails. 141 LP xi, 6. 142 PPE Princess Mary, p. 4. 143 SP vii, p. 685. 144 PPE Princess Mary, p. 43. 145 TNA SP1/126, f. 208r (LP xii.ii, 1147). 146 TNA LC9/51, f. 265v. 147 TNA E36/456, f. 17v. 148 TNA E36/456, ff. 31v–32r. 149 PPE Princess Mary, pp. 49, 89. 150 BL Cotton MS App. 89, f. 41r. 151 PPE Princess Mary, pp. 96–99. 152 LP xix.i, 422. 153 LP xx.ii, 909.16. 154 LP xxi.i, 963.149 and 150. 155 LP xxi.ii, 475.115. 156 TNA E101/424/7, f. 3r. 157 TNA E101/424/7. 158 BL MS Royal 17B.XXVIII, ff. 136r–49v (PPE Princess Mary, pp. 175–201). 159 LP xxi.i, 1333. 160 RL 12198, Parker 42; Holbein sketched in his clothes in some detail, annotating his drawing. 161 LP iv.i, 2063.2. 162 LP iv.i, 1530. 163 TNA E101/418/4, f. 9v. 164 LP iv.i, 1431. 165 LP iv.ii, 2502. 166 LP iv.ii, 3860–61. 167 LP iv.ii, 4534. 168 Murphy, Bastard Prince, p. 97. 169 Longleat Miscellaneous MS 17, unfoliated. I am most grateful to Chris Woolgar for bringing this document to my attention. 170 See below, pp. 248–49. 171 RL 12212, Parker 16; see Millar, Holbein, p. 70. Holbein’s notes refer to her wearing samet rot and schwarz felbet (red and black velvet). 172 BL Royal MS 7F, XVI, f. 83 (LP xi, 163), LP xi, 174. 173 Nichols, ‘Inventories’, p. 5. 174 Ibid., pp. 5–6. 175 Murphy, Bastard Prince, pp. 191–93. 176 Nichols, ‘Inventories’, p. 2. 177 For a full discussion of Elizabeth’s appearance and life beyond 1547, see Arnold, Queen Elizabeth; for her early life, pp. 3–4. 178 LP vii, 469. 179 TNA SP1/103, ff. 322r–327v (LP x, 913); W. Loke, Account of materials furnished for the use of Anne Boleyn and Princess Elizabeth, 1535–6’, Miscellanea of the Philobilion Society, 7 (1862), cited in Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 269. 180 LP xi, 860. 181 TNA SP1/103, f. 323v (LP x, 913). 182 Ibid., ff. 324v, 327r.

the king’s children 183 H. Ellis, Original Letters, Illustrative of English History, Second Series, ii (1827), pp. 78–83 (LP xi, 203). 184 TNA LC 5/31, p. 8. 185 TNA E36/456, f. 18r. 186 BL Stowe MS 559, f. 58. Catherine also gave her some beads ‘of golde that is to say x Longe stones enamuled with white and garneshed with peerle & redstones every of them havyng peerlles and x other stones ennamuled with blewe like cuppes havyng also a pillar garnesshed with peerll and redstones and a buttone of golde with divers small cheynes of golde with black knoppes’. 187 PPE Princess Mary, pp. 194, 197. 188 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 189 LP xx.ii, 909.18. 190 LP xxi.i, 963.37 and LP xxi.i, 963.86. 191 LP xxi.ii, 475.117. 192 RC; J. Arnold, ‘The “Pictur” of Elizabeth I when princess’, The Burlington Magazine, 123 (1981), pp. 303–04. 193 J. A. Giles, The Whole Works of Ascham, i (1864), p. lxiii. 194 LP vi, 1070. 195 Nichols, Literary Remains, p. xxxvij. 196 RL 12200, Parker 46. 197 For a drawing by Holbein showing Edward’s skirts (and shoes) see Foister, Holbein, p. 196. 198 Monnas, Merchants, ch. 8 (forthcoming). The portrait was inscribed with verses in Latin, which translate as ‘Little boy, take after your father and also inherit his virtues. The world in its immensity contains nothing greater. You are to surpass the deeds of such a father!’. National Gallery of Art, Washington D C, 64; Rowlands, Holbein, pp. 146–47. Rowlands questions the date and suggests that the painting was given on 1 January 1540. 199 TNA E26/456, f. 15r. 200 TNA E36/456, ff. 30r–31v and E101/423/10, ff. 26v–34v and ff. 55v– 62v. An analysis of the clothes made for Edward in the first of these has been undertaken, comparing these with what he had worn for his picture several

215

weeks before; J. L. Nevinson, ‘Prince Edward’s clothes’, Costume, 2 (1968), pp. 3–8; includes a transcript of the entry in TNA E36/456. 201 TNA E101/423/10, f. 37r. 202 W. K. Jordan, ed., Chronicle and Political Papers of Edward VI (1966), p. 3. 203 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 30v and 31v. 204 Ibid., ff. 56r and 55v. 205 BL Cotton MS App. 89, f. 41r. Edward was fond of Mary and on 11 January 1546 he reminded her that his ‘affection for her and his mother [would] ever hold the chief place in his heart’; LP xxi.i, 50. 206 LP xv, 1. 207 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 208 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 209 LP xxi.148.71. 210 LP xxi.i, 770. 211 LP xxi.i, 1416. 212 LP xxi.i, 1384; Wriothesley, Chronicle, i, p. 173. 213 LP xxi.ii, 14; CSP Spanish, viii, 316. 214 TNA E101/424/16, f. 1v. 215 Nichols, Literary Remains, i, p. lxxxi. Girolamo Cardano, the Milanese philosopher, described him in 1553 the following terms, ‘His stature was below the medium . . . his general appearance dignified and formal’. 216 H. Colvin, ‘Edward VI and Hundson House’, Burlington Magazine, 113 (1971), p. 210. 217 Hearn, Dynasties, p. 50. 218 BL Stowe MS 557, ff. 5r–7v; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 252–53. 219 C. Falkus, ed., The Private Lives of the Tudor Monarchs (1974), p. 76. 220 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 339. 221 D. M. Ashdown, Tudor Cousins: Rivals for the Throne (Thrupp, 2000), p. 90. 222 For examples of chopines or calcagnetti, see D. D. Poli, The Arts and Crafts of Fashion in Venice, from the 13th to the 18th Century (1997), p. 86.

xii The Henrician Court

C

ontemporary comment on courts was often doubleedged. For example, Sir Francis Bryan writing to Viscount Lisle stated, ‘these Courts [have] been so full as all the world were gathered upon a plumb. The Emperor’s Court is great, the bishop of Rome’s less, and the French Court three times so big as the most of them . . . And in the French Court I never saw so many women; I would I had so many sheep to find my house whilst I live’.1 However, others, such as Baldassare Castiglione, viewed those in attendance more idealistically. In his introduction to The Courtier he remarked that he would ‘be quite content to have erred in the company of Plato, Xenophon and Cicero. For . . . just as, according to them, there exists an idea of the perfect Republic, of the perfect King and the perfect Orator, so there exists that of the perfect Courtier’.2 This chapter considers the dress of those at Henry VIII’s court who were not members of his immediate family nor his household. The Henrician court represented an assembly of individuals who had a group identity at certain times, but this was more by association than by specific intent. This was in contrast to the royal household where the individuals were bound to its head by an oath of allegiance. The identifying features of early modern courts included a central figure (a monarch or equivalent) with a style of dress and regalia of his or her own, and a carefully orchestrated daily and annual cycle of ceremonial activities that were both religious and social. Membership of a court was defined by participation in this ceremonial and textiles played a defining role. This is exemplified by a description of the king’s court on St George’s day 1515 sent home by the Venetian ambassador: To the right of his majesty were eight noblemen, dressed like himself, they being his fellow knights. To the left were a number of prelates in their rochets. Then there were six men with six gold sceptres, besides ten heralds with their tabards of cloth of gold, wrought with the arms of England, and moreover a crowd of nobility, all arrayed in cloth of gold and silk.3

The emphasis placed on the role of magnificent dress for the king and his courtiers in creating an appropriate level of display at court is a common trait observed by outsiders visiting the Tudor court. The belief in the value of such magnificence

was to persist even when the remnants of Charles I’s court was in exile and in poverty. In 1647 Endymion Porter confessed, ‘I want clothes for a court’.4

The court The royal or princely court is defined in four ways in the Oxford English Dictionary: as ‘the place where a sovereign resides and holds state attended by his retinue’, ‘the establishment and surroundings of a sovereign with his councillors and retinue’, ‘the body of courtiers collectively’ and ‘the sovereign with his ministers and councillors’. This range of definitions highlights the difficulties that this term poses. With this in mind, the definition offered by Walter Map, who was writing in the 1180s, is less precise but potentially closer to the truth: in the court I exist and of the court I speak, but what the court is, God knows, I know not. I do know however that the court is not time; but temporal it is, changeable and various, space-bound and wandering, never continuing in one state. When I leave it, I know it perfectly: when I come back to it I find nothing or but little of what I left there . . . The court is the same, its members are changed . . . today we are one number, tomorrow we shall be a different one: yet the court is not changed; it remains always the same . . . a hundred-handed giant . . . a hydra of many heads, . . . the court is constant only in inconstancy.5

Henry VIII’s court encompassed a larger social group than his household because it included the nobility and elements of the gentry, members of the ecclesiastical élite, and the wider royal family. However, the court and the household were not necessarily mutually exclusive. Indeed, some key courtiers held significant offices within the household. While the style and composition of the royal household was defined by written ordinances, so giving it a degree of stability from monarch to monarch, the style of the court was strongly influenced or even dictated by the personality of the ruler. As with the royal household, the court could be a highly political body.6 It acted to create distance between the king and the rest of society, while also allowing a small group to make close friendships with the king. It was a collection of individuals, rather than a coherent group, not all of whom

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supported the king’s policies, especially in terms of foreign policy and religious reform. Consequently, the court provided an arena for political and religious debates and so acted as a focus for faction. Even so, it was a desirable place to be, as indicated on 4 December 1523 when Lord Talbot wrote to Lord Dacre, informing him that his father was encouraging him and his wife to live at court after Candlemas.7 Part of the court’s appeal was that it could provide access to royal patronage. This is demonstrated by a letter sent by the duke of Norfolk to Cromwell on 16 September 1536. Norfolk was seeking his support to secure a fee-farm, noting that others younger than him had received them. He added that, ‘I know no nobleman but hath their desires and if I shall now dance alone my back friends shall rejoice’.8 The royal court provided a stage for private rivalries to be played out, as in the case of a dispute between Sir Richard Whethill and Viscount Lisle over whether Robert Whethill should be admitted as a spear of Calais. The Whethills won and they chose the court, rather than Calais, as a venue for gloating at the expense of their rival. Thomas Warley wrote to Lisle on 2 May 1536 to tell him that Robert Whethill: brags freshly in the Court in a coat of crimson taffeta, cut and lined with yellow sarcenet, a shirt wrought with gold, his hosen scarlet, the breeches crimson velvet, cut and edged and lined with yellow sarcenet, his shoes crimson velvet and likewise his sword girdle and scabbard, a cloak of red frisado, a scarlet cap with feathers of red and yellow. He had many lookers-over.9

A courtier was expected to be an asset to the court though his learning, his military prowess, his diplomatic skills and his elegance, which in turn was linked to his physical build and his personality. Ultimately, he was required to look good. Castiglione in The Courtier remarked, ‘I wish our courtier to be well built, with finely proportioned members, and I would have him demonstrate strength and lightness and suppleness and be good at all the physical exercises befitting a warrior’.10 He went on to say: I would like our courtier always to appear neat and refined and to observe a certain modest elegance, though he should avoid being effeminate or foppish in his attire and not exaggerate one feature more than another, as do some that attend so much to their hair that they forget the rest, others who concentrate on their beard, others on their boots, their bonnets or their coifs.11

While the nobility played a leading role at the Henrician court, the part played by the leading figures within the ecclesiastical hierarchy underwent change as a consequence of the reformation. Notable individuals such as Thomas Wolsey took a key role in government and in European politics. In 1515 the regent of the Netherlands described him as having ‘the hedes of all the Councell so vnder his gyrdell that he might ruell them all as well he might the Councell of Englond’.12 However, Wolsey was exceptional. William Warham was archbishop of Canterbury from 1504 until his death in 1532. He was also master of the rolls (1494– 1502), lord chancellor from 1504–15 and chancellor of Oxford university (1506–32). He was both a leading cleric and an important member of government. During 1513 he was in favour of peace, in opposition to Henry VIII’s wish for war. Holbein painted his portrait, two copies of which were produced: one to be swapped for a portrait of his friend

Erasmus and the other to hang in Lambeth palace, the archbishop’s London home. He is depicted wearing a white linen alb with a low round neck under a fur-lined black gown or cassock with turned-back fur cuffs and a fitted black velvet cap (Fig. 12.1). Behind him are his mitre and processional cross, the symbols of his ecclesiastical office.13 His name has been linked with a pair of red silk knitted gloves decorated with the IHS monogram surrounded by floriate rays at New College, Oxford (Fig. 12.2).14 Bishops wore gloves like these when they celebrated mass. As such, he represents a leading cleric from the pre-Reformation church. His successor, Thomas Cranmer (Fig. 12.3) was painted by Gerlack Flicke, c. 1545–46, dressed in a similar style.15 He also wears a black gown with a dark fur collar over a white alb and a black cap. However, he has no obvious symbols of his ecclesiastical status. Instead he has St Augustine’s De fide et operibus in front of him, fashionable grotesque carving behind him and he wears a ring with his coat of arms. Insights into his private and fashionably elegant wardrobe can be gleaned from an inventory taken at his death. It included a chammer of scarlet faced with crimson satin, a gown of russet furred with lamb and faced with martens and a short riding jacket of worsted lined with cotton.16

The role of a favourite at the Henrician court In 1642 Thomas Fuller published his book The Holy State, in which he examined the nature of kingship and personal monarchy. One facet of personal monarchy was to provide opportunities for a favourite, and Fuller highlighted two examples drawn from Henry VIII’s reign. Fuller believed Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, to be exemplary of the good favourite, whose chief characteristics were to be the king’s friend but not his chief minister. Suffolk was aware that his success derived from his friendship with the king, and in his will he acknowledged the ‘moost bountefull liberalitie and p[re]f[erment] I have ben and remayn advaunced to that estate I p[re]sently am of’ (Fig. 17.2).17 At his death in 1545, Sir Thomas Wriothesley described Suffolk as ‘so valiant a captaine in the kinges warres . . . to the great dammage and losse of the kinges enemies’.18 In contrast, Thomas Wolsey typified the evil favourite who, having become the king’s chief councillor, sought to usurp the king’s authority.19 The characteristics of the favourite included the ability to operate both in the court and council, without any formal office or status and to be at the centre of patronage and power the networks. In short, they were highly political, often promoting a policy or programme of government. Equally it was possible to rise to such an influential position from humble origins, as demonstrated by Wolsey and Cromwell. Both were minister-favourites and both were instrumental in promoting the immediate and long-term interests of the crown. Such men rarely made good courtiers, but they could survive at court, as did Cardinal Duprat at the court of Francis I and Cardinal Beaton with James V.

the henrician court

12.1 William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, attributed to Hans Holbein the Younger. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 2094)

12.2 William Warham’s knitted gloves. With the permission of the Warden and Scholars of New College, Oxford

the duke of suffolk Seven years Henry VIII’s senior, Charles Brandon shared the king’s enthusiasm for sports. He was a skilled jouster and he married the king’s younger sister without first obtaining his

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12.3 Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, by Gerlack Flicke, 1546. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 535)

consent, yet his omission was promptly overlooked. His position at court is indicated by the quality and the colour of the clothes provided for the pair at jousts and revels. On 29 January 1516, they were more richly dressed than the other participants, and Suffolk was rewarded with his clothes and horse trapper. Five months later, the servants of the pair were dressed in yellow damask.20 When Suffolk was absent the king preferred to face the challenge alone. From 1517 a group of younger men, notably Nicholas Carew and Francis Bryan, started to usurp Suffolk’s position. Notwithstanding the rise of the minions, Suffolk was never entirely ousted in the king’s favour.21 In July 1517 he led challengers against the king when he declared that he would not joust against anyone not his equal. Suffolk’s primacy was still denoted by the pair being the most richly dressed participants. Seven years later, when the king forgot to shut his visor, Suffolk declared that he would not joust against Henry again, but the pair continued to joust together and in December 1524 they appeared in identical clothes and silver beards. Throughout this period, while Brandon’s primacy was most apparent through his role within the jousts, he still participated in the revels on a regular basis, so maintaining his profile at court.22 In addition to the clothes he received through participation in the revels, Brandon received a substantial number of clothes

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from the king’s own wardrobe, as indicated by the marginalia on James Worsley’s wardrobe book. He also received items directly from the great wardrobe, as on 26 February 1514. The warrant was addressed to ‘our beloved cousin’ the duke of Suffolk, and ordered for him a saddle and harness of black velvet with gilt buckles and pendants, fringed with black silk and gold and another of crimson velvet.23

thomas wolsey Thomas Wolsey provides an early example of the ecclesiastical minister-favourite, one who also assumed the role of Henry’s alter ego and in doing so exercised a high degree of control over the secular and ecclesiastical patronage networks.24 Wolsey had served Henry in the early part of his career as the king’s almoner. Even then, his interest in clothes was evident and on 19 May 1513 Sir Gilbert Talbot wrote to Wolsey, noting that he had sent ‘by the bearer his gown cloth that he wrote for’.25 Wolsey was well aware of how textiles could enhance his appearance and that of his home, and throughout his career he expanded his collection. As his career progressed Wolsey paid even closer attention to his clothes and he dressed with style and dignity. An example of his attention to sartorial detail dates from 10 September 1515 when he was concerned that his new robes as cardinal should not arrive on time for the re-assembly of parliament: It shall be necessary that I have the habit and hat of a [Cardinal, and] whereas there be none here that can make the said habit . . . [send] to me two or three hoods of such fashion and [colour as] Cardinals be wont to wear there, and also one paper of cappys . . . larger and shallower than those were which your lordship lately sent to me with two . . . great pieces of silk used by Cardinals there for making kirtles and other [like] garments.26

12.4 Thomas Wolsey, unknown artist. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 32)

The receipt of his hat as cardinal had to be stage-managed. To Wolsey’s dismay, the hat was sent to England in ‘a verlettes bugett’ and George Cavendish recorded that ‘Wherfore he caused hyme to be stayed by the way Immedyatly after his arryval in Englond / where he was newely furnysshed in all maner of apparell with all kynd of costly sylkes which semyd decent for suche an highe ambassitor’.27 The presentation of his hat was the culmination of a service at St Paul’s. The sermon was preached by Dr Colet, who noted that ‘a cardinal represented the order of seraphim, which continually burneth in love of the glorious Trinity; and for these considerations a cardinal is only apparelled with red, which colour only betokeneth nobleness’.28 As a sign of his humility, Wolsey ‘lay gravelling’ on the floor while the prayers were said by the archbishop of Canterbury, who went on to place the hat upon his head. Wolsey’s never ceased to concern himself as to his appearance as a cardinal (Fig. 12.4). On 24 March 1517 Wolsey wrote to the bishop of Worcester, thanking him for ‘the two very handsome Cardinals’ hats [galeri]; begs him to send over some biretta, according to the pattern sent. The last he received from the bishop were too big for his head’.29 In spite of Wolsey’s exhortations, the bishop replied on 14 September, noting that he had ‘no means at present of sending Wolsey’s

caps [pileos]’.30 A list of cloth delivered to Oliver, Wolsey’s servant, and Ralph Milford, William Bully, John Norton and Thomas Bray dated 19 December 1517 included crimson and black velvet, black damask, red camlet, red satin for ‘night bonnets’ and for a doublet for the cardinal, as well as changeable and crimson sarsenet. Other deliveries to John Gostwick included crimson, tawny and black velvet, crimson and purple satin and a spectacular ‘cloth of gold tissue raised with crimson counter’ delivered by Guido Portenary ‘in the presence of my lord’. Purchases were also made of black velvet for horse harness and crimson velvet for the footmen. The total cost came to £312 2s 2d.31 On 2 January 1516 the Venetian ambassador described Wolsey as ‘in fact ipse rex’.32 In 1519 he remarked that Wolsey ‘“ruled both the King and the entire kingdom”. On his first arrival in England Wolsey used to say, “His Majesty will do so and so”. Subsequently, by degrees, he went forgetting himself, and commenced saying “We shall do so and so”. He had then reached such a pitch that he used to say “I shall do so and so”’.33 A year later he observed that ‘It would be well to make a present to this individual, who might be styled King of England’.34 On 29 November 1519 Maurice Birchinshaw had

the henrician court told Wolsey ‘his friend Thomas has returned safe, laden with silken raiment and gold, worthy of Wolsey’s dignity’.35 The symbols of his authority included his hat and ‘his Crosses commonly standyng (for the tyme of hys aboode in the Court) on the oon syde of the kynges clothe of estate’.36 On 20 February 1528, Henry VIII made provision for Wolsey’s embassy to France. A warrant was sent to Sir Andrew Windsor for the use of two of the king’s trumpeters attending on the cardinal ordering 24 yards (21.9 m) of camlet for two coats, 4 yards (3.6 m) of black velvet to border the same and for the use of the papal ambassador’s nephew, 13⅞ yards (12.6 m) of black velvet for a gown and 3 yards (2.7 m) of fine tilsent for a doublet.37 Wolsey also concerned himself as to the fittings and furnishings of his educational foundations, as these reflected on his status. It was with this in mind that on 28 July 1528 Nicholas Townley wrote from Oxford to Mr Alford, asking him to ‘ascertain my Lord’s Grace that there are no vestments for priest, deacon and subdeacon, of the best blue cloth of gold here at his College’.38 A detailed inventory of Cardinal’s college, Ipswich, compiled in July 1529 included the vestments given to the college by Wolsey.39 Following his downfall, on hearing that he was to be stripped of the bishopric of Winchester and the abbey of St

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Albans, Wolsey wrote to Cromwell in January 1529, seeking his help and intervention with the king. He concluded that he had ‘no fur of sables fit for Mr Comptroller, or he would not fail to give them. Cromwell shall see his apparel tomorrow’ (Fig. 12.5).40 At Lent 1530 Wolsey moved his lodgings to the Charterhouse at Richmond, ‘where he lay in a lodgyng (whiche Doctor Collett hade made for hyme self) . . . and gave hyme dyuers shirtes of heare the whiche he often ware after ward’41 In spite of this private show of piety, as he prepared for visiting his archbishopric of York ‘he made great prouision to go Northwarde and appareled his seruaunts newly & bought many costely thinges for his household’.42 As he travelled north, Wolsey maintained his traditional Easter observances at Peterborough: vppon Palme sonday he went in procession with the monkes beryng his Palme . . . And vppon Maundy Thursday he made his Maundy in our ladys Chappell hauyng lixti poomen whos feet he than wasshed wiped & kyssed eche of thes poore men had xijd in mony iij elles of Canvas to make theme shirtes, and payer of newe shoes A cast of Brede iij red herynges and iij white herynges.43

The inventory of his goods at Cawood included ‘iiij sumpter clouthes of red scarlet embrouderd with armes euery of them cont in length iij yardes and in bred j yerde iij quarters’.44

12.5 The arrest of Cardinal Wolsey from The Life of Wolsey by George Cavendish. Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, MS Douce 363, f. 71

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At the time of his death, Wolsey was still a wealthy man, as indicated by the valuation of his goods: in ready money £3,000, in plate £1,753 3s 7½d, the contents of the wardrobe £800, 80 horses and geldings with their harness £150, four mules for the saddle with their harness £60 and six mules for carriage with their harness £40, with a total value of £6,374 3s 7½d.45 The inventory of his goods included cloth of silver and green satin ‘sometime the lining of two gowns’ which may have been remnants of his wardrobe when cardinal.46 A list of effects included ‘silks and cloths of gold that my lord his Grace hath of Richard Gresham’ and other fabric from John Gresham, but it is uncertain whether this was all bought for making vestments or whether some was for Wolsey’s personal wardrobe.47 While his funeral was less magnificent than it would have been, Wolsey was still accorded the honour of having a canopy carried over his coffin as it was borne to the chapel of Our Lady at Leicester abbey.48

thomas cromwell Holbein’s portrait of Cromwell was painted some time after his appointment as master of the king’s jewels on 12 April 1532. The letter in the foreground is addressed to him as ‘our trusty and right well biloved Counsaillor Thomas Cromwell Maister of our Jewell House’ (Fig. 12.6).49 In contrast to the duke of Norfolk (an aristocrat) and Sir Henry Guildford (a

gentleman), Cromwell was well aware of his humble background and he had himself presented in the understated dress of a lawyer.50 On 21 November 1535 Eustace Chapuys outlined to Charles V his origins and rise to power, commenting that he ‘speaks well in his own language, and tolerably in Latin, French and Italian; [he] is hospitable, liberal both with his property and with gracious words, magnificent in his household and in building’.51 Cromwell employed the king’s livery and his own household with its livery to assert his position. On 20 March 1539 Andrew Baynton excused himself, stating ‘I beg you will take no displeasure for my long absence not for my departing; for when your Lordship rode from St James’s to the Court, my fellows told me that I was not appointed to ride with you, not having your livery’.52 In the following month, Nicholas Thorne reported to Cromwell on ships being made ready for the king’s service in Bristol. He noted that ‘Among which is the Saviour, wherein I have appointed 60 mariners besides officers, with the flags and streamers of your Lordship’s colours and arms’.53 Cromwell’s accounts included an entry for his ‘robbys of the Exchequyre for the xxvij and xxviij yere of king Henry the viijth’, which had cost £25 13s 8d.54 Cromwell’s position at court was reflected in the number of gifts that he received to secure his favour and patronage. The network of individuals who exchanged gifts with Cromwell at the New Year or who sent him gifts that could be construed as bribes highlight his perceived role as a conduit for access to and patronage from the king. On 3 October 1536 the earl of Northumberland thanked him ‘especially for getting the king to give the writer certain gorgeous and sumptuous apparel of his own wearing’.55 Three years later, Sir William Penzon sent ‘a diamond set in a slender gold ring, meet to be set in the breast of a George, which though, not the best, he desires Cromwell to accept’.56 So it is not surprising that Cromwell dramatised his arrest by symbolically removing his head gear. The French ambassador reported that, on being arrested on 10 June 1540, ‘Cromwell, roused to fury, took his bonnet and having ripped it from his head, threw it in rage to the ground’.57

Symbols of status: the significance of noble robes Noble robes were overt symbols of noble status. They were presented at the peer’s creation and they were worn at coronations and during parliament (Pl. Va). They were very traditional in their materials and construction, and the fur used to trim them codified the rank of the wearer. The finer details were recorded in the ‘Memorandum that all manner of Estates shall ware there Apparell Powdred As ys Abouesaide’.58 This memorandum included two pages of diagrams recording the placement of the ermine tails: 12.6 Sir Thomas Cromwell, by Hans Holbein the Younger. © The Frick Collection, New York

The queenes Bonnette ¼ inch, the queenes sleves Inch ½, the gounes of the quene Inch ½, the Princes Bonnett Inch, the Princes gowne ij Inch, the Princes sleves Inche ½, the duchis bonnette Inche 4 by Suffrounce, a

the henrician court duches sleves ij Inch ¼, the duches goune 3 inch full, the Marques sleues 2 Inch, for a Marques goune 3 Inch ½, a Countesse Sleues 3 Inches Full, a Vice Contes sleves 4 Inch Full, a Vice Contes goune 5 Full And the laste that alter, a Baronnes by Suffraunce alter in her sleves where as by olde custum she shulde haue but iij Rowes and alter 4 Inch ¾, where as a Baronnes by Sufferaunce dothe alter in the sleues a question to be knowen she shall were in her goune vij full. Memo A Baunerette wyfe shall were ij Rowis in hir sleve inch thinch And A knighte wyfe shall were But j rowe in lykewyse, a Baunerettes wyfes bonnet 3 full, a knightes wyfe in her bonnette 3 & ¼.

These rules were followed closely to express the subtleties of rank. On 21 August 1532 the duke of Norfolk wrote to Cromwell and referred to an earlier letter in which he had asked him to provide crimson velvet for three countesses. The king had changed his mind and his ‘pleasure now is that no robes of estate shall be now made but only for my wife. I send you the pattern’.59 Consequently, peers’ robes could be recycled and reused, as happened on 10 August 1540 when ‘a robe with the kertell and whod of astate for the creation of an earl of right crimson velvet furred with miniver which was the late earl of Essex’ was delivered to the earl of Sussex and the lord chamberlain.60 The significance attached to the symbolism of these robes can be seen in the following example which shows how every detail was recorded in contemporary accounts. On 12 March 1542 Sir John Dudley was created Viscount Lisle at Whitehall: After the sacring of the King’s mass, he went to the Page’s Chamber nigh to the King’s Great Chamber and did on his surcote and hoode and was led between the earl of Hertford, in habit of estate, and the lord admiral In his parliament robe and his habit called the mantle having ij barres and a halfe of lectues was borne by lord Delaware’

and then processed to the king’s privy chamber.61

The ennoblement of peers These ceremonies were designed to celebrate a peer’s changed status, while emphasising that their position was conferred by the monarch, who would always be their superior. Consequently, the ceremonies of ennoblement almost invariably took place in a royal house or parliament. An exception occurred on 2 February 1514 when they were held at Lambeth, the residence of the archbishop of Canterbury, as the palace of Westminster had not been rebuilt following a fire there two years before. Observers noted that: First, after the King and Queen had offered and other lords and ladies as accustomed, the said Lords went into two chambers that was prepared for them: that is to say, one chamber for the dukes , another chamber for the earls; which were in a gallery at the great chamber end, where they did on their robes of estate. And when the high mass was done, the King came to the said great chamber and there stood under his cloth of estate, not being crowned, accompanied by the great part of the nobles of the realm, and also the Duke of Longueville of France which was prisoner. The Queen and the ladies stood there as they might see all the order of their creations.62

Henry favoured group creations, which made the occasions more spectacular, while also reinforcing the idea that the new peers were members of a group. The process of creating a new peer was designed to involve the existing peers so creating a group identity. This was particularly evident in 1525 when the records of the heralds recorded the elevation of the following individuals:

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the marquess of Exeter: to convey him to the king, the duke of Suffolk and the earl of Northumberland, to beare his Swerde, Therle of Oxforde [and] to beare his Circulet, Therle of Westmoreland the earl of Lincoln: to beare hym, Sir Philip Vere, to lede hym, the earl of Arundel and the earl of Oxford [and] to beare his sword, the earl of Northumberland the earl of Rutland: to lede hym, the earl of Arundell, the earl of Oxford [and] to bear his sword, the earl of Westmoreland the earl of Cumberland: to lede him, the earl of Oxford and the earl of Northumberland [and] to bear his sword, the earl of Shrwsbury the viscount Fitzwalter: to lede him, the earl of Shrewsbury and the lord of Burgeveny [and] to beare his mantel, the lorde dacre the viscount Rocheford: to lede hym, therle of Westmorelande, The Lord Ferrers [and] to beare his mantell The Lorde Hastinges As these patentz presented to the kynges persone by Sir Thomas Wriothesley gartier principall kyng at Armes.63

Most ennoblements were rewards for services done and for services to be done. There were notable exceptions, including the ennoblement of Henry Fitzroy in 1525 and Anne Boleyn in 1532. On 18 June 1525 the king’s son, Henry Fitzroy, aged six, was made duke of Richmond at the Bridewell in London. He was the male heir apparent, albeit illegitimate. No concessions were made to his youth: and when it came to the words ‘Gladdii Cuituram’ then the young Lord kneeled down and the king’s grace put the girdle about the neck of the young Lord the sword hanging bendwise over the breast of him when the patent was read the king took it to the said Earl and this Earl of Nottingham accompanied as before entered the said Gallery.64

Henry’s elevation of Anne Boleyn on 1 September 1532 was intended to remove the stigma of her being the king’s mistress in advance of her introduction several weeks later to Francis I. She was created the lady marquess of Pembroke at Windsor castle.65 The ceremony followed the same format as that for the creation of male peers, indicating that she held the title in her own right and not through marriage. Anne was accompanied by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk and the French ambassador. Garter herald carried her patent of creation, while Mary, the daughter of the duke of Norfolk, carried her mantle of crimson velvet furred with ermine and her coronet. Anne was described as being ‘in her hair’ (she wore her hair loose) and she was dressed in a surcote of crimson velvet with straight sleeves that was furred with ermine. She gave Garter herald £8 for her apparel and £11 13s 4d for the office of arms. An indication of the cost of her robes can be gauged from Cromwell’s ‘bills and obligations’ which included a warrant from the king dated 16 September for £82 9s 8d for silks and other materials provided for the creation of the lady marquess.66 The 1540s saw Henry making strategic use of these ceremonies in an attempt to build support amongst the Irish peers. On 24 September 1542, Henry raised Con Bacagh O’Neill to the earldom of Tyrone. Robes of estate were to be made at the king’s charge for the creation. A gold chain worth £100 was also to be prepared for O’Neill, along with other apparel as the king thought appropriate.67 In 1543, John Malt, the king’s tailor, made robes for the creation of Murrough O’Brien, as earl of Thomond, Ulrick Burgh, as earl of Clanricarde and Donghe O’Brien, baron of Ibrakan, at the command of the duke of Norfolk.68 Malt’s bill dated 28 June 1543 costing in total £59 3s 10d included 3 yards (2.7 m) of crimson velvet delivered to a cutler to make girdles and scabbards for the two

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earls. Thomas Addington, the king’s skinner, also submitted a bill for furring the robes with ermine and providing 200 powderings for each, price £54 4s. Their creation took place on Sunday 1 July in the queen’s closet at Greenwich.69

The creation of knights According to Elias Ashmole, the criteria that qualified an individual for knighthood were merit, birth and estate.70 Henry created a number of new knights on both occasions when he led an army into France. On 25 September 1513 the ceremony was held at Tournai ‘after the King came from mass, under his banner in the church’.71 On 30 September 1544 ‘knights [were] made by the King’s Highness at his lodgings in the town of Bullen’. The list was headed by the earl of Rutland and the Lord Fitzwalter and also included Sir Anthony Denny, Sir Philip Hoby and Sir Richard Wingfield.72 The king’s representatives could also knight men, as in 1523 when 13 ‘Knightes [were] made by my lorde of Suffolke in Fraunce at a towne called Roye in the tyme of warre, he beinge the kinges lieutenant’.73 Other opportunities for the creation of knights included Henry’s meeting with Francis I at Calais in 1532. Amongst the men knighted then were Sir Thomas Darcy (1 November) and Sir Thomas Palmer, captain of Newenham bridge (10 November).74 Knighthoods were also confirmed as a means of promoting diplomacy. As part of the celebrations for Christmas 1528 ‘on the Twelfth Day he made the lawful son of Cardinal Compeius [Campeggio] born in wedlock, a knight, and gave him a collar of esses of gold’.75 In February 1546 Henry granted a passport to Sir Stanislius Lasotta, the Polish ambassador and he also signed a warrant to pay for Lasotta’s arms ‘whom your Majesty hath dubbed knight’.76

The knights of the Bath77 The knights of the Bath, rather like the knights of the Holy Sepulchre, the knights of St Catherine of Mount Sinai and the papal knights of the Golden Spur (Militia Aurata), were chivalrous orders that carried little significance beyond the honour of their conferral. Indeed, these orders have been described as an ‘honorific pseudo-orders’. There were no specific duties attached to membership other than a general adherence to a knightly code.78 Membership of these orders was conferred at the time of knighthood and knighthood was often linked to events, such as the completion of a pilgrimage or a coronation. The investiture ceremonies for the knights of the Bath originated with Edward I’s knighting of his son, Edward of Carnarvon, in May 1306 when he also knighted 300 members of the nobility and gentlemen. Mathew of Westminster described the ceremony as including a vigil and then the offering of a sword at the high altar of Westminster abbey. However,

the accounts of the great wardrobe also record the provision of 6 ells (4.1 m) of linen cloth to cover his bath, indicating that bathing also formed a significant part of the ritual.79 New knights of the Bath were created at the coronation. On the night before the monarch or his consort entered London, they stayed at the Tower before processing through the city to Westminster. Twenty-six men were invited to join the king at the Tower on 22 May 1509 and those that were to be made knights carried the dishes into the dinner ‘in token that they shall never bear none after that day’.80 The observances that night also involved a ritual bath. According to the Black Book, they were to be attended by a servant who ‘waytith at the makings of Knyghtes of the Bath, wachyng by nyztes tym vpon them in the chapel; wherefore he hath of fee all the waching clothinge that the knyghtes shuld were vppon’.81 The ritual bath was followed by a vigil on the Friday night in the chapel of St John in the White Tower. The great wardrobe provided ‘xxiiij elles champer cloth to keuer the Bayne at Westmynster within and without and in the bothome the Even of the Coronacion’.82 The knights were created on the following morning after mass. Fourteen knights of the Bath were created at Elizabeth of York’s coronation.83 The knights rode in the procession on the afternoon, conducting the monarch from the Tower to Westminster. Henry VIII rode through Cornhill and ‘Before whom Rode ye said knygthis of the bath In blew long Gounys wyth hodys upon theyr shuldyn spred aftyr the maner of persunnys or preystys & tarcellis of white & blew sylk fastenyd upon oon of they shuldyrs’. The duke of Buckingham was also in the procession, dressed ‘In a long goune wrougth of nedyll werke Rygth costlew & Rych’.84 The creation of 18 knights of the Bath by Henry VIII at the Tower on the eve of Anne’s Boleyn’s coronation is mentioned by Archbishop Cranmer in a letter.85 Unusually, Edward VI’s coronation accounts included a payment for a gown of russet satin, a mantle and surcote of crimson satin and a gown and surcote of blue velvet that were made for the new king ‘to wear at the creation of the knights of the bath’ at a cost of £13 19s 4d.86

Membership of the order of the Garter Membership of the order of the Garter was the highest mark of favour that a monarch could bestow upon a person. Membership was restricted to 26 individuals including the monarch. The order encompassed the immediate royal family, leading members of the English court and selected individuals from the royal families of Europe. Membership was denoted by the presentation of robes, a collar and a garter to be worn on the left leg. The regalia could be highly ornate as indicated by the 1521 jewel house inventory which listed ‘a garter wrought in the stole garnisshid wt gold’ and ‘a garter wrought in the stole the bokell pendunt letters and barrys of golde enamyled’.87 Garter knights wore the insignia with pride as can be seen in Holbein’s portrait of Sir Henry Guildford which depicts him wearing his garter collar.88

the henrician court The Garter ceremonies of Henry VII’s reign were described in the following terms. For evensong on the eve of St George’s day (that is, 22 April) ‘the King, nor non other Lorde of the Garter ther present, ware no Gowne of the Lyverye, but other Gownes of Silke under ther Manteylls’.89 This was followed by a procession about the cloister which included the king, queen and Lady Margaret. On the following day, the knightes appeared ‘in ther Mantells, and in the Gownes of ther Lyverye of the last Yer’ . . . ‘the Quene and my Lady the kings Moder wer in like Gowne of the Lyverye’ followed by 21 ladies and gentlewomen ‘cledd al in Cremesyne Velwett Gownes’. On the final day the Garter knights wore their new livery ‘in the Lyverey of the Newe Yer; that is to say, of white Clothe with Garters’.90 The new gowns listed on a warrant from 1498–99 reflected the hierarchy of the knighthood: – to the king, 6½ yards of blue cloth for a gown and a hood, lined with 18½ yards of white damask and decorated with 240 garters with letters of gold costing £18 6d – to prince Arthur, 5 yards of blue cloth for a gown and a hood, 5 timbers miniver pure and embellished with 200 garters with letters of gold costing £8 8s 4d – to prince Henry, duke of York, 4 yards of blue cloth for a gown and a hood and 160 garters with letters of gold £7 3s 4d – to the bishop of Winchester, a robe furred with miniver and no garters £12 – my lord of Buckingham, 120 garters of silk £4 16s 8d – my lord of Marks, 110 garters of silk £4 12s 6d – the earls of Arundel, Derby, Oxford, Surrey, Shrewsbury, Devonshire, Suffolk, Northumberland, 800 garters of silk £34 5s – the barons my lords Dyngham, Dawbeny, Strange and Broke, 320 garters of silk £14 13s 4d – Sir John Cheyney, Charles Somerset, Gilbert Tailbot and Edward Poynings, 280 garters £13 16s 8d.91

The king paid for the gown and hood of the newly elected knights out of his own pocket. The cloth provided remained unaltered, but scrutiny of four warrants issued between 1518 and 1527 reveals a rise in the cost of the materials. On 13 May 1518, 18 yards (16.4 m) of crimson velvet and 9 yards (8.2 m) of white sarsenet costing £14 8s were ordered for Lord Dacre of Greystock.92 In the wardrobe of the robe’s accounts for the year 1523–24 a grant of 36 yards (32.9 m) of crimson velvet was made for Garter livery, costing £28 16s for Viscount Lisle and Lord Fitzwalter.93 On 4 May 1525, the order for Lord Roos and the earl of Arundel amounts to £15 13s 4d each.94 By December 1527 the livery for the count of Oxford cost £20 5s.95 The records of the order of the Garter under the Tudors reveal that the new knights presented Garter king of arms, with either the clothes that they wore to their installation or a sum of money in lieu of the gowns.96 Amongst the garments handed to Garter were: King Henry the vijth, his gowne geuen to Garter of blake velvett lyned with cloth of gold full of red roses. Prynce Arthur a gowne of crymson velvett with blake damaske The Duke of Yorke, Henry, secounde sonne of King Henry the vijth, after Prince, his gowne of crymson velvet, lyned with blake satten; albeit the said prince was very yonge and tender of age, yet the gowne was made large for the sons.97

Under Henry VII, in addition to the king and his sons, only three other knights presented their gowns: the Emperor Maximilian I, John, the king of Portugal and Philip, king of Castile. Of these gowns, four were made of velvet and two

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were made of cloth of gold. The pattern of donation under Henry VIII was different. Of the 43 knights made by him, 32 gave their gown and sometimes also provided a fee, such as Thomas Lord Darcy who gave 40s. Velvet was the fabric preferred by 21, with damask (four), satin (three) and tinsel satin (one) being less popular. Eleven knights offered money in lieu of clothing and the sum ranged from £4 to £8. In three cases, for some reason, we do not know what happened. The records of the chapter meetings illustrate how the order functioned and the significance of the livery. The first meeting of the chapter of the new reign met at Greenwich on 18 May 1509, and Lord Darcy and Lord Dudley were selected as knights and they were admitted at Windsor on 21 May of the same year.98 Garter knights sometimes had to give away their regalia at the last request. Cromwell’s remembrances for November 1532 included an entry for a new collar of Garters to be made for the duke of Norfolk ‘in lieu of the one given to the Great Master’.99 In 1534 the feast was held at Windsor with the duke of Richmond taking the sovereign’s place, a role highly symbolic of the importance Henry attached to his illegitimate son.100 Two years later, the election of Sir Nicholas Carew on 23 April 1536 marked a seismic change in politics at court.101 Eustace Chapuys informed Charles V that his election was ‘to the great disappointment of Rochford, who was seeking for it, and all the more because the Concubine has not had sufficient influence to get it for her brother’.102 In contrast, in 1537 Henry VIII used membership of the garter to emphasise dynastic interests. In anticipation that Jane Seymour would give birth to a son, Henry prepared a garter stall for him.103 On Christmas eve 1543 a special chapter of the order was held at Hampton Court and Sir John Wallop was elected ‘to the joy of all present’.104 Sir Ralph Sadler was required to supply the new knight with 18 yards (16.4 m) of crimson velvet for a gown, hood and tippet and 10 yards (9.1 m) of white sarsenet for lining.105 In April 1544 the duke of Suffolk was authorised to act as the king’s deputy at the chapter after vespers had been delayed until evening because the king had had to attend to ‘urgent affairs’: the preparation for war with France.106 On a more mundane level, on 16 November 1545 Humphrey Orme signed a bill for holland cloth at 12d the ell, delivered by Thomas Chapell to Sir Anthony Denny to make two quilts for the knights’ beds and carded wool to stuff them, along with making and carriage and two Spanish blankets at 12s each.107 Attendance was encouraged and so on 21 April 1546 Hertford wrote to Petre, reminding him that ‘Not having his robes here, and St George’s Day being so near, [he] cannot accomplish his duty according to his oath, and requires Petre to obtain him the King’s dispensation’.108 English kings had collected relics of St George and on St George’s day 1505 Henry VII was given the leg bone of St George ‘inclosid in sylvyr parcellis Gylt’ by the king of the Romans. To receive it, Henry VII rode at the head of a procession of the Garter knights ‘The which were alle clad in the habyte of the Garter’.109 In 1509 he bequeathed ‘our grete pece of the holiw Crosse . . . set in gold and garnished with perles

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and precious stones; and also the precious Relique of oon of the leggs of Saint George set in silver gilte’ to the altar next to his tomb at Westminster abbey.110 Earlier in 1416 the Emperor Sigismund had presented Henry V with the heart of St George. It was kept in a monstrance ‘of golde closyd in byrall’ which was carried in procession by the Garter knights until the Reformation.

Court politics and foreign policy The interaction between England, France and Spain lay at the centre of European politics. The question was whether England could hope to be an equal player or whether she could seek to tip the balance of power between France and Spain. The factions at court all sought to influence English foreign policy. However, it was the occasions when Henry VIII met Charles V or Francis I that provided the greatest opportunity for emphasising his magnificence through his dress and the furnishings at his court.

meetings with the emperor, 1520 and 1522 Henry VIII met with Charles V twice in 1520, once on English soil just on the eve of the Field of Cloth of Gold, and again at Gravelins after his encounter with Francis I.111 Charles arrived at Dover on 26 May 1520 and landed under a ‘cloth of his estate of the blacke Egle all splaied on riche clothe of golde’.112 He met Henry VIII in Dover castle and they travelled to Canterbury. Henry was dressed in ‘cloth of silver with a raised pile, and wrought throughout with emblematic letters’, a ‘stiff brocade in the Hungarian fashion’. Later he ‘was dressed in white damask in the Turkish fashion, the above-mentioned robe all embroidered with roses, made of rubies and diamonds’ and ‘wore royal robes down to the ground, of gold brocade lined with ermine’. The Venetian ambassador noted that ‘all the rest of the court glittered with jewels and gold and silver, the pomp being unprecedented’.113 During the festivities Catherine of Aragon wore a ‘petticoat of silver lama, the gown of cloth of gold lined with violet velvet with raised pile, on which the roses of England were wrought in gold’.114 Charles sailed home shortly after from Sandwich, not Dover, because Dover was where Henry was embarking for his trip to Calais and then on to meet Francis I near Guisnes. Charles V returned to England again two years later. He landed at Dover on 28 May 1522. On 6 June 1522 Henry and Charles made their joint entry into London dressed in identical outfits of cloth of gold embroidered with silver.115 They were entertained by a series of pageants in the city.116 Charles and his retinue stayed in Bridewell palace and the AngloImperial alliance was marked by his betrothal to the Princess Mary. Jousts were prepared by Richard Gibson and the prince of Orange, the count of Vascourt, Monsieur Whavery and

Monsieur Egmond were given their costumes which consisted of long gowns of tinsel satin, with double sleeves, with hoods of the same, velvet buskins and satin bonnets.117 Charles travelled with the king to Hampshire and on 6 July he returned home.

the field of cloth of gold, 1520 A meeting between Henry and Francis was contemplated as early as 1515. The Venetian ambassador reported a meeting at Calais was being planned and that ‘his majesty of England has despatched a messenger post haste to Florence for a great quantity of cloths of gold and silk’ so as to meet this most Christian King with honour’.118 Five years later a meeting came to realisation. On 12 March 1520 Wolsey issued a proclamation outlining the agreed etiquette for the meeting between the two kings at the Field of Cloth of Gold (Fig. 12.7).119 The size and composition of the English retinue is recorded in a list drawn up on 26 March.120 A memorandum drawn up at the same time considered, amongst other things, what was to be worn and by whom: the king’s clothes were to be ‘ordered according to his own pleasure and desire’, the leading officers of the household were to attend ‘in their best manner, apparelled according to their status and degree’, 200 of the guard were to attend with doublets, hose, caps and two coats, one of goldsmith’s work with the king’s badges and one of red ‘as the riding coats now be’, 50 noblemen and women would participate in the masque and ‘their apparel is referred to the king’s pleasure’.121 Warrants that were to be completed with the name of the individual and the number of their attendants were drawn up commanding them to attend upon the king. They were to be ‘conveniently apparelled and horsed’.122 A French ordinance concerning dress produced at the same time noted that the ‘dames and damoyselles shall be dressed as they please . . . [and the] gentlemen [in] cloth of gold and silver, . . . satin, damask, brocade and velvet’.123 The French colours were of ‘white underneath black and tawny wreathed’.124 In spite of these attempts at regulation, Hall observed that ‘he were miche wise that could haue tolde or shewed of the riches of apparel that was amongst the Lordes and Gentlemenne of Englande Clothe of Golde, Cloth of Siluer, Veluettes, Tinsins, Sattins embroidered and Crymosyn Sattens’.125 As part of the preparations for the Field of Cloth of Gold, Henry wrote to Sir Adrian Fortescue asking him to attend upon Catherine of Aragon. Henry stated that he was: willing therfor and desiring you, not oonly to put your self in arredinesse with the nombre of ten tall personnages well and conveniently apparailled for this pourpose, to passe with you over the see, but also insuch wise to appointe your self in apparaill as to your degree, the honour of us, and this our reame it apperteigneth.126

The king provided livery for some members of the household, including items amounting to £8 13s 4d for Thomas Carvanell and three others, items costing £9 15s for George Pole and five others, items costing £39 18s 4d for John a Wyncle and four

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12.7 The Field of Cloth of Gold, unknown artist, c. 1545. RCIN 405794 OM 25. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

others, 16 yards (14.6 m) of black sarsenet to line two gowns costing 69s 4d for James and William Knyvet, 48 yards (43.8 m) of black damask for four gowns costing £16 16s for Nicholas Dabovall and three others, 13 yards (11.8 m) of crimson satin for a gown £11 12d for Elizabeth Brown and 30 yards (27.4 m) of green damask to make half of six coats for ‘vj Stilpipers’.127 Not surprisingly, Catherine of Aragon was opposed to this meeting with the French and voiced her disapproval. Consequently, the king’s councillor’s informed him that the queen had ‘made such representations, and shown such reasons against the voyage [to France], as one would not have supposed she would have dared to do’. However, the French ambassador noted that ‘on this account she is held in greater esteem by the King and his council than ever she was’.128 She emphasised her stance by wearing Spanish dress. On 12 June 1520 ‘the headdress of the English Queen was in the Spanish fashion, with a tress of hair over her shoulders and gown, which last was all of cloth of gold; and round her neck were most beautiful jewels and pearls’.129 On another occasion she wore ‘round her neck were five large strings of pearls, with a pendant St George on horseback slaying the dragon, all in diamonds’.130 Henry did not create any female ladies of the Garter in the way that English kings from Richard II to Henry VII had, so Catherine wearing the Lesser George was very significant. It also allowed her to make an overtly English statement. The two kings used their dress as a form of competitive magnificence (Pl. VIIb). When the two kings first met in the valley of Ardes, Francis I wore ‘a chemew of clothe of siluer culpond with clothe of gold, of damaske cantell wise, and garded on the bordours with Burgon bendes . . . [and] a cloak of broched satten, with gold of purple coloure, wrapped

aboute his body trauerse; beded from the shulder to the waste, fastened in the lope of the first fold’.131 Francis and his supporters for the joust on 20 June were ‘apparelled their bard couerd with purple sattin broched with gold and purple velvet, ouer all brodered couerd with galondes of friers’ knottes of white satten and in every garland liiij paunse flowers, whiche signified ‘thinke on Fraunces’’.132 Henry also employed symbolism to good effect at their meeting. He rode a bay horse in a new style of harness ‘of fyne Golde in Bullion, curiously wroughte, pounced and sette with anticke woorke of Romayne Figures’.133 Similar ideas prevailed at the jousts where the Tree of Chivalry was made from hawthorn and raspberry, symbolising the union of England and France.134 Wolsey played his part, dressed ‘in a robe of velvet upon crimson velvet figured, the rochet of fine linen all over, and a red hat upon his head, with large hanging tassels; mounted on a barded mule with a headstall, studs, buckles and stirrups of fine gold, and the trappings of crimson velvet’.135 In March 1521 Wolsey informed Sir William Fitzwilliam that he should tell Francis I that Henry ‘not only loves him above all other princes, most esteeming his amity and constant dealing but also cannot be quiet and contented in his mind till he shall eftsoons attain the sight of his person by a new, secret, loving and familiar interview’.136

the meeting at calais in 1532 Henry’s second meeting with Francis was timed between sessions of the 1529 parliament because ‘he is obliged to return

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to London by All Saints Day for the opening of parliament’. Jean du Bellay believed that ‘The king does not wish the Queen to come, for he hates the Spanish dress “tant qu’il luy semble veoir un diable”’. Anne, who had a vested interest in the outcome of these negotiations, and who had spent a lot of time hunting with du Bellay, gave him a hunting coat and hat, a horn and a greyhound.137 Towards the end of August Chapuys informed Charles V that nearly all the English nobility, four bishops, and some 250 gentlemen had been ordered to be at Canterbury on 25 September. Chapuys estimated that the entire retinue would number between 3,000 and 4,000.138 On 10 September Langeais observed that ‘There will be as few people as possible; no cloth of gold or silver except for their own persons, and for the ladies, if any. He that has fewest people and most modest apparel shall give his companion to understand that he know best how to “donner l’ordre”’.139 The ban on cloth of gold and silver was repeated in the official ordinances for the visit.140 But even so, people suspected that Anne Boleyn would disregard it. Her uncle, the duke of Norfolk, ‘came the day before yesterday to buy silk . . . [although] other great men, were not making any preparations’. Chapuys added, ‘However cold other people have been, the Lady has been busy in buying costly dresses; and the King, not content with having given her his jewels, sent the duke of Norfolk to obtain the Queen’s as well’.141 Wynkyn de Worde printed an account of the king’s visit to Calais. A key feature in the narrative was the two kings’ clothes: ‘The French King’s doublet was set all over with stones and diamonds, valued at £100,000 and his company far surpassed the English in apparel.’142 On the Tuesday, Henry wore ‘clothes which the French king had sent him similar to his own, being a crimson satin doublet set with pearls and a robe of white velvet embroidered with gold thread and crespines of gold’. Five days later Henry wore ‘a robe of violet cloth of gold, with a collar of 14 rubies, of which the least was as large as an egg and 14 diamonds not so big. Between these stones were two rows of great pearls, and hanging from them a carbuncle as big as a goose egg. The collar was valued at more than 400,000 crowns’.143 In contrast, Anne is hardly mentioned, except for when she led the six ladies taking part in the masque and they were all ‘gorgeously apparelled’ in gowns ‘of strange fashion’.144 Finally, the heralds noted that the French royal guard was dressed in ‘gownes of velvet blew Red and yelow’.145

Ambassadors One of the innovations of early modern courts was the establishment of permanent or semi-permanent ambassadors from other countries.146 Ambassadors were often selected from within the ranks of the nobility, as was the case when the marquess of Exeter was appointed to attend on the king of Denmark, but not always.147 Prior to the Reformation, clerics were a common choice. The royal heralds and pursuivants could act as envoys, as is indicated by a payment made ‘to Wyndesore Harald at Armes for his diettes sent into Spayn in

November . . . by the space of c. dayes at iiij a day — xxli’.148 Ambassadors were expected to impress, and the elegance of their clothes was a barometer of the status of their masters and the esteem with which the court assigned was held. On 12 May 1516 the bishop of Worcester in Rome stated that ‘the Pope will expect a splendid embassy, such as befits a prince who has gained a victory over two kings’. He went on to note that ‘Poland and Portugal have both sent splendid missions. In the train of Portugal there are over forty collars’.149 The status accorded ambassadors was clear at Jane Seymour’s funeral: ‘Then the Lord Crumwell beyng Lord pryvy seale accompanyed the French inbastiador named monsieur Chastillon. Then the Lord Chauncellor which accompanyd the imbastiador of themporer that last came from hym.’150 Ambassadors were aware of how their presence at an event could lend it credibility, as demonstrated by the letter Charles de Marillac . . . Montmorency shortly before Henry VIII’s fourth marriage. Marillac noted that he and the ambassador of the emperor were both invited to attend ‘in the most honourable rank next the king’.151 Ambassadors usually expected to travel in style. In April 1533 a passport was granted to ‘Declyff Rotlowe, ambassador of the king of Denmark’ for his journey home, along with three servants, 400 crowns and his baggage.152 Cromwell’s accounts for June 1533 included payments to Dytkyn for diets of £23 6s 8d.153 However, this was not always the case. On 16 April 1518 Richard Pace wrote to Cardinal Wolsey concerning his mission to Switzerland. He intended to travel in disguise with just two attendants and no baggage, but once there ‘he is to appear in a manner befitting the King’s ambassador, considering the pomp of the French’.154 This type of rivalry was not uncommon. On 9 November 1518 Sebastiano Giustinian wrote to the doge to inform him that ‘The English ambassadors to France have taken leave. They go with very great pomp, rather regal than ambassadorial, endeavouring in every respect to outvie the French ambassadors’.155 Ambassadors often travelled with large retinues, but this could cause concern, as Edmund Harvel noted in a letter from Venice to Henry in 1542. Harvel informed the king that ‘The Signory has . . . forbidden the wearing of weapons, and licensed regal ambassadors to keep only 15 servants and other ambassadors 6’.156 Ambassadors communicated with their masters and colleagues by letter, sometimes in code requiring decipherment, and by messages memorised by the bearer, and it was important for them to secure their lines of communication. While Sir Thomas Boleyn was ambassador in France, he informed Wolsey in 1519 that he had arranged with the comptroller of the posts in Francis I’s household to convey his letters to Calais. He felt that ‘a gown of cloth of silk or a hoby once in the year’ should suffice as payment.157 Ambassadors to England were usually provided with lodgings paid for by the king outside the court, but ‘if it please the kinge to have them lie within the courte, they muste be in their owne chamber, and to have all manner of officers to attend them; and if they have manye menne, the steward or Treasurer must warne a man to wait on them and bring them into the Halle’.158 In November 1534 repairs were undertaken

the henrician court at Bridewell palace in London against the arrival of the French ambassadors, including the construction of a new wharf and repairs to the stables ‘for the said Ambassatores mewlys to stande in’, and James Nedeham, master of the king’s barge, prepared the king’s great barge called the Lion.159 When accommodation was at a premium, they could be lodged elsewhere. On 23 October 1534 Sir Giles Capell wrote to Cromwell, noting that he was willing to let his house to the imperial ambassador on the Saturday before All Hallows. However, he ‘would be sorry to let it to anyone else except at Cromwell’s request, having denied it to the princess dowager in time past when she was in her highest estate and offered him 20 marks a year for it’.160 Henry’s ambassadors often incurred large costs for their lodgings. Sir Thomas Wyatt, ambassador to Charles V, returned to England in April 1540. He had written to Cromwell from Brussels on 22 January 1540, complaining that ‘House rent stands me in little lack of £100 a year, besides the stabling, the least fire to warm my shirts by costs a groat, in my diet money I lose 8s 8d a day, for the angel is here worth only 6s 4d’.161 Henry’s ambassadors were given money to cover their costs. On 6 October 1514 Sir Robert Wingfield wrote a letter of complaint from Innsbruck to the council. He pointed out that he had left England on 18 October 1513 and had gone to Ypres to meet the emperor and had been given £200 to cover his costs. By May he had spent this and had been having to borrow money ‘to my great unhartisease’. He had learnt that a further £200 had been paid to Tomasso Spinelly for his use, which he has not received. He had been ‘more than 4½ years the king’s ambassador’, he bore the costs of the execution of Edmund de la Pole and he had not had the revenue for the office of high marshal of Calais which he had held for ‘a whole year without profit to himself’.162 John Wellysburn wrote from Angoulême to Henry on 23 July 1530, noting that if he stayed in France longer he ‘must have money to buy apparel’.163 Other ambassadors fared better. On 24 June 1510 a grant was made to the prior of the order of St John on a warrant for going as ambassador to the French king for 40 days at 40s the day and to Dr West for 40 days at 20s the day, coming to a total of £120. Windsor herald accompanied them at a rate of 5s the day, with a total of £10.164 The quantity and quality of plate assigned by the jewel house to an ambassador reflected social status. On 8 January 1533 John Hacket, ambassador in the Netherlands, told the duke of Norfolk that ‘I frequently have the duke of Sor, marquis of Arskot, Mons de Sampy, Berghes, Molombaix and Palermo to dinner or supper with me, and for lack of silver I serve them with pewter vessels’.165 In contrast the ambassadors to France received gilt plate. A list of plate prepared by the king’s goldsmiths as New Year’s gifts for 1533 included an entry for John Freman to remove the arms of Sir Francis Bryan from a piece of the king’s plate and then to strike ‘the same vessel with the arms of Master Wallop who was deputed ambassador to the French king in April last’.166 On 8 May 1535 John Husee wrote to Lord Lisle, noting that he will send some pewter dishes over to Calais with Gardner ‘who is freighted with the King’s stuff out of the wardrobe for the apparelling and trimming of the ambassadors’ lodgings’.167

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Ambassadors were often the recipients of presents. The gifts given to the ambassadors sent to Spain by Henry VII to negotiate the marriage of Prince Arthur in 1488–89 were recorded by Roger Machado: ‘to the said ambassadors . . . a war-horse, called in this kingdom of Castile a barbed horse, and a Moorish jennet, and two mules, four [. . . .], ten yards [9.1 m] of silk stuffs and 60 marks of silver to each of them; and to Richmond they gave 25 yards [22.8 m] of silk situ and a mule.’168 On 17 July 1546 Sir Henry Knyvet wrote to Henry from Fontainebleau, noting that Francis had presented him with a chain worth 600 crowns and 400 crowns in coins, while the dauphin had given him with ‘a fair gown of silver tissue and a doublet and hose of white velvet set all over with buttons of gold, very rich’.169 Some of the best evidence relates to the career of Sigmund von Herbertstein, who served as an ambassador to emperors. In 1541 Herbertstein visited the Ottoman court where he was presented with special robes made from an Italian cut, pile on pile voided velvet woven with a pomegranate design by Süleyman the Magnificent. In his autobiography he was depicted in a series of six woodcuts in his official robes.170 It also included an illustration of a Spanish gown worn in 1519 by an ambassador to the court of Charles V.171 In 1514 Henry provided livery for the yeomen of the guard ‘which bene Appoynted to geve attendaunce opon the duc of Sulfolke sent by the kynges grace in to Fraunce as Ambassador to the French kyng’.172 They were dressed in scarlet coats, trimmed with silk and lined with fustian and worn with hats.173 However, the preparations for Wolsey’s embassy to the Netherlands in 1521 were much more splendid. The accounts survive for ‘my lordes graces Jorneye to Cales, Bruges, and other places’.174 The total cost, amounting to nearly £2,400, included £641 4s 9d spent on black velvet, scarlet and red cloth and Milan bonnets. This was broken down as follows. Black velvet livery was given to 50 gentlemen, 96 yeomen, clerks of the chapel and clerks of the kitchen, four footmen, ten children of the chapel, the steward, the treasurer and the comptroller at a cost of £358 11s 10d. Wolsey’s yeomen, clerks of the chapel and clerks of the kitchen, four footmen, ten priests of the chapel, two secretaries and ten children of the chapel all received scarlet livery costing £140 3s 6d. Finally, Wolsey’s grooms, the grooms of the chapel, two chariot men, one mule man, one sumpter man and 17 abbey men were dressed in red cloth costing £65 10s 1d. A consignment of 290 Milan bonnets was bought for £63 13s. In addition, Richard Pace noted that ‘the Kynge hath appointtidde the best trumpet that is here to yeve attendance uppon Your Grace’.175 The first extant portrait of an English ambassador dates from the fifteenth century. Edward Grimston had his portrait painted by Petrus Christus in Bruges in 1466 while he was ambassadors to the Low Countries.176 He wore a dark gown, an embroidered shirt and a hat with a bourrelet. However, much better known is Holbein’s only full-length, double portrait of George de Selve and Jean de Dinteville, Francis I’s representatives at Henry’s court in 1533, known as The

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12.8 Jean de Dinteville and George de Selve (The Ambassadors) by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1533. © National Gallery, London (NG 1314)

Ambassadors (Fig. 12.8).177 Jean de Dinteville, the French ambassador, was a member of the French royal household and he served as the French ambassador in England repeatedly in the 1530s.178 He was painted wearing a pink satin doublet, a black velvet jerkin with long skirts, a black satin gown guarded with black velvet and lined with lynx. George de Selve was bishop of Lavaur, and was dressed in a long gown of dark brown damask with a very large pattern repeat. While de Selve had been appointed as bishop of Lavaur in 1526, he was not consecrated until 1534, the year after this picture was painted, and so this was why he was not painted dressed as a bishop.179 A year after painting The Ambassadors, Holbein painted Charles de Solier, Sire de Morette, who was ambassador from 3 April until 26 July 1534.180 His cap badge depicts St John the Baptist and is inscribed Doce me facere volunt atem. He was dressed all in black — a black gown with elbow-length sleeves, lined and faced with dark brown fur, probably sable and decorated with gold aglets. Under the gown he wore a black jerkin with patterned gold buttons over a black doublet, the sleeves of the doublet visible from wrist to elbow and slashed to reveal white cloth, either of the shirt or puffs of white cloth stitched behind the slits.

Godparenting Children were often named after Henry VIII, as in the case of the firstborn son of the duke and duchess of Suffolk, his brother-in-law and sister, as a sign of loyalty and deference. The king was sought frequently as a godfather. When Henry Brandon was born on 11 March 1516, he and Cardinal Wolsey stood as his godfathers. On 17 July 1517 Thomas Alen reported the birth of a daughter to the duchess of Suffolk, and noting that ‘the Queen and my lady princess will be godmothers, and the Abbot of St Albans, godfather’. In reality, two of the duchess’s ladies stood proxy for Catherine of Aragon and Mary. In contrast, in February 1537 Jane Seymour acted as godmother along with the Princess Mary and Thomas Cromwell to her nephew, son of her brother Viscount Beauchamp by his second wife, Anne Stanhope. The king was reluctant to be godfather to all of his courtiers’ children, but he could show favour at the birth of a child in other ways. On 4 February 1530 he gave the nurse and midwife to the countess of Worcester £4 and on 6 March 1532 he sent £3 6s 8d to the nurse and midwife of Sir Nicholas Harvey’s child.181 In August 1535 the king rewarded the

the henrician court midwife and nurse with £4 at the christening of his to namesake recently born to the duke of Suffolk and his fourth wife.182 Henry became godfather to the second son of Francis I, who was also named Henry. On 19 March 1519 Sir Thomas Boleyn informed Henry that ‘if the Queen be delivered of a son, Francis hopes the King will stand godfather; if of a daughter, the Queen to be godmother’.183 On 20 April 1520 Sir Robert Wingfield reported how ‘I saw him out of all his clouts. I assure your highness it is as fair a babe as can be, and as large for his age’.184 On 1 May 1526, while the boy was being held hostage in Spain, Cheyney and Tayler informed Wolsey that Orleans ‘much resembleth his Highness’.185 The king continued to stand godfather to members of the French royal family. On 1 May 1546 a correspondent told Prince Philip of Spain that ‘the infant daughter of the Dauphiness is not yet christened. If peace is made with England the king of England will be godfather. The Queen [of France] will be one of the godmothers’.186 A month and a half later, a patent was issued to Sir Thomas Cheyney, treasurer of the household, to act as his proxy at the baptism of Elizabeth, the dauphin’s daughter.187 The privy council approved gifts at the following rates: for the lady mistress £66 13s 4d, the midwife £40, the nurse £40, and the rockers 120 angel.188 Another list provides additional detail, noting that he gave ‘to Madame de la March, gouvernaunte, a chain and girdle, 233 cr. at 5s 6d £64 4s 4d [to] Madame de Penon, gouvernaunte, a like chain and girdle . . . [to] Trois femmes de chambre qui borsent Madame, £30’.189 On 3 July Cheyne described how the dauphin (Prince Henry) was ‘daily apparelled in white and green’ in honour of his godfather and, on meeting the king, Francis made him ‘keep his cap on’.190

Gifts of clothing Clothing was given as gifts by the king on a number of occasions. While plate was the most common gift given by the monarch at the New Year, clothing or cloth could also be given. A warrant dated 4 January 1499 recorded the following New Year’s gifts given by Henry VII: 6 yards (5.4 m) of black satin for a kirtle to Dame Catherine Grey, 3 yards (2.7 m) of tawny damask for a doublet to both John Vendy and John Grace, 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet to Piers Barber and 2 yards (1.8 m) to James Braybrooke.191 More usual were gifts of clothing given against a marriage. On 26 December 1510 John Hette, yeoman almoner of the chamber, was given broad cloth for a gown ‘to be taken of our gift and reward to the marriage of our said servant’.192 Other examples include a gown of violet cloth containing 4 broad yards (3.6 m), furred with black Irish lamb and tawny camlet for a jacket for Richard Mayre, one of the yeomen of the Ewery, on 12 January 1512. His bride was also given 3 broad yards (2.7 m) of violet cloth for her gown.193 Two days later John Black, a trumpeter, was given a gown of violet cloth, a bonnet and a hat.194 William Toke, page of the laundry, also received a gown, jacket, doublet and a bonnet at the time of his marriage.195

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The king often made an offering at the marriages of members of the nobility. On 2 December 1509 Henry made an offering of 6s 8d ‘at my lord Hasting’s marriage’.196 On 16 February 1511 the king’s offering at Lady Anne Percy’s marriage was 6s 8d.197 In some instances he made more generous provision, in terms of providing entertainment. On 20 October 1519 Henry provided jousts at Greenwich to celebrate the marriage of the earl of Devon which cost £200 4s 9d.198 However, these entertainments did not always go as planned. When Lord William Howard married Mrs Gamage in the chapel at Whitehall on 29 June 1533, the king mounted a small battle on the river Thames, where one man drowned and two others broke a leg jousting.199 Gifts of dress were also distributed as part of royal charitable provision because clothing the naked was one of the Seven Acts of Mercy. For example, the allowances made by Henry for Ralph Lyons ‘that was gevyn owr Latte souerayne Lorde Kynge’ and who was ‘put to teache to Robartte Phyllyppes of the king’s chapel.200 The provision for Lyons lasted from Christmas 1545 until Lady day 1547. In that time he received three sets of clothing, each consisting of a lined coat, two shirts, two pairs of hose, three pairs of shoes, one doublet, two dozen points, a girdle, a cap and a purse. He got board wages. Gifts of dress could also be given as a reward for service. On 1 October 1514 Sir Walter Devereux received £25 for a ‘gown of tynsel for Mistress Anne Devereux, sent over with the French Queen’.201

Dress as an expression of treason On 10 May 1540 the earl of Essex presented the case for the attainder of the countess of Salisbury and the marchioness of Exeter, in the house of lords. The evidence against the countess of Salisbury included her possession of an item of clothing that was embroidered with imagery deemed to be treasonable. The details were specified in the letter John Worth sent to Lord Lisle: there was a cote armor fownde yn the duchys of Salysbyrrys coffer, and by the on syde off the cote there was the Kynges Grace ys armes of Ynglonde, that ys the lyons withowt the flowar delysses, and abowte the holl armys was made paneys for Powll [Cardinal Pole], and marygoldes for my lady Mary. Thys was abowte the cote armer. And betwyxt the marygolde and the pancye was made a tree to rys yn the myddes, and on the tree a cote off purpell hangyng on a bowgh, yn tokynyng off the cote of Cryste, and on the other syde of the cote all the Passchyon of Cryste. Powll yntendyd to havee marryd my lady Mary and betwyxt them boythe shuld agen rys the olde Doctryne off Cryste.202

While there were many underlying factors behind the conviction of these women, this piece of coat armour was deemed to imply aspirations to the throne. For others, such as the duke of Buckingham, it was his use of expensive clothes as a means of drawing support away from the king that was emphasised when he was tried for treason in May 1521. One of the accusations brought against him was that on 20 October 1515 he had sent his chancellor from Thornbury to London and on a number of other occasions to buy cloth of gold, silver and silk to the value of 300 marks.

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The lengths of cloth were bought with the intention of giving ‘them to the knights and gentlemen of the King’s guard to procure adherents’.203 More specifically he was charged with having given a doublet of cloth of silver to Sir Edward Neville, and boasting that he had his support to Lord Bergavenny. Buckingham was also guilty of dressing in a style that outshone the monarch. When Henry met Maximilian in 1513, the duke attracted comment when he wore ‘purple Satten, his apparel . . . full of Antelops and Swannes of fine gold Bullion and full of Spangles, and little Belles of golde, marueylous costly and pleasant to behold’.204 The rest of the nobility were described as a group: ‘the noble men of the kynges campe were gorgeously apparelled, ther coursers barded of cloth of gold, of damask & broderie, there apparel all tissue clothe of gold and syluer and golde smithes worke, great cheynes of balderickes of gold and belles of bullion.’205 As long as the duke only rivalled the king on such occasions, the risk was acceptable. Henry Howard, earl of Surrey, however, sought to use his wardrobe in the 1540s to rival that of the king on a daily basis. During his trial, Alice Flaner recalled an episode in March 1543 when ‘my lord of Surrey was deceived in buying cloth, her mistress expressed marvel “that they will deceive a prince”’.206 His sumptuous clothes and interest in continental fashions were charges brought against him. However, in addition to assuming the king’s style of dress, he was also foolish enough to aspire to the king’s style of address. This was reflected in his full-length portrait (Pl. VIIIa).

Noble prisoners and executions Throughout his reign, Henry maintained a number of prisoners in the Tower of London. While some were only held captive there for a matter of days, others were detained for years. Amongst the prisoners in June 1537 were Lady Anne Hungerford held for ten months at 10s a month and her sister for the same at 5s the month, and George Hayes, a Scot, secretary to the duke of Albany, two years at 6s 8d the month.207 The total came to £757 10s. A further list was drawn up on 31 March 1538.208 In addition, ongoing payments were made, as in the case of £25 5s 4d supplied in July 1539 for the diets of the marchioness of Exeter and her women and ‘for her apparel, fuel and other necessaries’.209 Other supplies delivered to the Tower of London included 150 ‘elming boards that made bedsteads for iij gentlemen that were prisoners’ costing 3s 6d and three pieces of timber that made a frame in the gentlemen’s chamber to hang arras upon costing 21d.210 Henry also maintained a number of influential prisoners of war, most notably the duke of Longueville and the seigneur de Bayard, who were captured at the battle of the Spurs. The duke was sent to England to lodge in Catherine of Aragon’s household, but as she was fighting in the north he was placed in the Tower with six others at a cost of £13 6s 8d. While hostage, he played a key role at the proxy marriage of Princess Mary to Louis XII in 1513 and Henry provided him with a

gown of cloth of gold.211 In a similar way, at Christmas 1542 Scottish prisoners released from prison were ‘called to Court at Christmas and had great cheer, being permitted to carry swords and daggers and do as they liked’.212 Not all military prisoners were in the king’s hands. On 20 August 1544 the archbishop of York wrote to Shrewsbury Herald concerning three Scottish prisoners, all relatives of the earl of Cassilis, whom he had held for a year and a half without receiving any money. He had been ‘constrained to give then both robes and gowns and other things’. While he was happy to keep them and their horses, he expected the earl to ‘provide them with apparel, or else, with winter coming on, they will lack many things’.213 Both Henry VII and Henry VIII kept several members of the de la Pole family in the Tower. These were relatives whose descent from Edward III was superior to the Tudors. Clothing was delivered to Sir Richard Cholmeley, lieutenant of the Tower, for Edmund de la Pole (executed in 1513) and his brother William on a warrant dated 23 July 1509.214 An earlier warrant for Edmund dates from 28 May 1506.215 He was provided with a gown of tawny cloth furred with black budge, a gown of russet cloth, two black satin doublets, hose, shirts, a bonnet, a hat, slippers, points and sheets. Another order for him made on 28 October 1510 was for two gowns of russet furred with six fox furs, two gowns of tawny medley furred with black budge, two doublets of black satin and another two of black velvet, six pairs of hose, six shirts, two black bonnets costing £35 10s 7d.216 Eleven warrants are extant for William dating between November 1516 and October 1538 which are similar to those for Edmund, except half the amount of each garment type ordered until 1527 when he received two extra doublets, after that point just one extra doublet of black damask.217 Another brother, Richard, lived in exile in France where, to the Tudor’s chagrin, Louis XII recognised him as the king of England and Francis I considered placing him at the head of an army to invade England. While the countess of Salisbury was a prisoner in the Tower in 1540, the privy council asked John Scut, the queen’s tailor, to make clothes for her: a nightgown furred with a kirtle of worsted and a furred petticoat, another gown in the fashion of a nightgown of say lined and faced with satin, a bonnet, a frontlet, four pairs of hose, four pairs of shoes and a pair of slippers.218 These items were paid for out of the king’s book of payments and they cost £11 16s 4d.219 Sir Edmund Walsingham, lieutenant of the Tower, also paid £6 4s 6d for the board wages of a woman to attend her for 83 weeks at 18d the week and 60s for her charges for half a year.220 When on 28 May 1541 she was executed, the imperial ambassador noted ‘as the ordinary executioner of justice was absent, doing his work in the north, a wretched and blundering youth was chosen, who literally hacked her head and shoulders to pieces in the most pitiful manner’.221 On 19 May 1540 Arthur Plantagenet, Lord Lisle, was arrested for treason. The French ambassador told Francis I that ‘Lord Lisle is in a very narrow place, from which no one escapes unless by miracle’.222 On 1 March 1541 the privy council instructed John Malt, the king’s tailor, to provide Lisle with a large gown of damask furred with black coney, a

the henrician court long nightgown of cloth at 10s the yard furred with black lamb and faced with budge, two jackets, one of satin and one of damask, two doublets of satin, four pairs of hose, six pairs of shoes, one pair of slippers, four shirts, two nightcaps of velvet and satin, two upper caps of cloth and two nightkerchiefs, with the bill to be paid by the council.223 On 1 March 1542 the miraculous happened and Lisle learnt that he was to be freed but he died two days later, probably of a heart attack, without gaining his liberty. Six days later the privy council sent a letter to the deputy and council of Calais to free Lady Lisle and her daughters, and to see to ‘the restoring to the same off theyre apparail and jewels’.224 On 14 December 1546 Chapuys’s successor as imperial ambassador wrote to Mary of Hungary about the arrest of the duke of Norfolk and his son the earl of Surrey. He noted that they had both been taken to the Tower on 12 December, even though the earl had previously been under arrest at the house of Chancellor Wriothesley. He believed that ‘their chance of liberation is small, as the Garter and staff were taken from the father, and the son was led publicly through the streets’.225 An account of the costs of the earl of Surrey being in the Tower from 8 December to 19 January made by Sir William Stonore included £24 for the earl’s attendants, coal and the delivery of a ‘right sattyn’ coat for him to attend his arraignment in.226 Nevertheless, the king did not clothe all of his prisoners. Among the less fortunate was Silken Thomas, who had led a failed rebellion in Ireland and whose followers wore a silk ribbon. In 1536 he described his conditions in a letter to a servant: Since I came into prison . . . I have had neither hose, doublet nor shoes nor shirt . . . nor any other garment but a single frieze gown instead of velvet furred with bowge . . . This I write to you . . . that you should be the more diligent in going unto O’Brien and in bringing me the before said £20, whereby I might the sooner have here money to buy me clothes, and also for to amend my slender commons and fare, and for other necessaries.227

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showered clothes on these young men.231 Francis Weston was still a recipient of these favours when in July 1532 the king’s warrant included a coat for him of black damask bordered with black velvet and furred with 120 black budge skins and a doublet of black velvet lined with fustian and canvas.232 Sir Nicholas Carew was the principal beneficiary from among the minions. He was described as ‘well mannered and having the French tongue’ and being of the king’s ‘own upbringing’.233 Carew figured prominently in the royal jousts (Fig. 12.9). His portrait of around 1528, based on a drawing by Holbein, depicted him in armour.234 On 19 May 1511 and 19 March 1512 he received his livery as a groom of the privy chamber, along with William Gower, Christopher Rochester and John Dingley.235 Carew also received a regular annual warrant for clothing for himself personally, which was set up as a warrant dormant from the outset. The earliest extant warrant of this type dates from 9 December 1516. He received the fabric but not the making-up costs for a black velvet gown lined with black sarsenet, a black velvet coat, a russet velvet gown furred with budge and a russet velvet riding coat which cost £44 3s 8d.236 The last surviving warrant dates from December 1538 but that was delivered at Michaelmas and it is unusual in that Carew only received 15 yards (13.7 m) of russet velvet for a gown, 120 black budge skins and 12 yards (10.9 m) of russet velvet for a coat costing £26 5s.237 In spite of his close friendship with the king, he was indicted for treason as a member of the Exeter conspiracy and executed early in 1540. A number of boys, usually from a noble background, were attached to the household of Prince Edward as he grew up. These included the prince’s kinsmen, Henry and Charles Brandon (Figs 12.10 and 12.11).238 Their portraits were painted by Holbein, probably on 10 March 1541, when they

Male youth culture at court Still 17 at his accession in 1509, Henry VIII betrayed a marked preference at court at the start of his reign for people of his own age. In October 1510 he held a banquet for 24 young men who, for an entertainment, fought before him with axes. He provided 200 marks for the feast held at the Fishmongers’ hall and the young men were all dressed in the Almain fashion: ‘their vitter garmentes all of yealow Satyne, yealow hosen, yealow shoes, gyrdels, scaberdes and bonettes with yealow fethers, their garmentes and hosen all cutte and lyned with whyte Satyn.’228 As the king grew older he grew bored with his initial companions, and by 1515 he was turning to a younger group nicknamed the minions. Edward Hall recorded how Henry took pleasure ‘to set forth young gentlemen’.229 But not everyone shared his enthusiasm. It was noted that ‘certain young men in his private chamber not regarding his estate or degree, were so familiar and homely with hym, and plaied suche light touches with hym that they forgat themselves’.230 The king

12.9 Sir Nicholas Carew, by Hans Holbein, c. 1528. SNPG O NO 18. By kind permission of the duke of Buccleuch & Queensbury, KT

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the henrician court made knights of the Bath at Edward’s coronation, and Henry, the next duke, carried the orb during the service. However, they died within half an hour of each other in 1551 of the sweating sickness.

Revels, disguisings, mummeries and jousts

12.10 Henry Brandon, second earl of Surrey, by Hans Holbein the Younger. RL 422294 GR7. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

12.11 Charles Brandon, third duke of Suffolk, by Hans Holbein the Younger. RCIN 422295 GR8. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

were aged five and four respectively. Neither had been breeched, so Henry wears a black, short-sleeved short coat, over a doublet of shot green silk, while Charles has a grey gown with applied red guards over a black doublet.239 They were the sons of the duke of Suffolk (d. 1545). The two were

Revels, like disguisings and mummeries, combined a sumptuous visual display with a variety of entertainments including a banquet.240 More specifically, disguisings often involved music, ornate costumes, a narrator to explain the events and dancing by the ladies and gentlemen of the court. In the early sixteenth century this was a hybrid type of entertainment that would develop in England into the court masque.241 Indeed, by the middle of the century, the terms mummery and disguising were replaced by masque in the accounts.242 While revels were often held indoors and in the evening, jousts and tournaments were outdoor occasions. The types of combat could vary, but generally included pairs of knights armed with lances riding towards each other separated by a barrier.243 The organisation and design of revels and jousts could provide the opportunity for individuals at court to develop and plan the proceedings, as indicated by the preamble to Richard Gibson’s account for the jousts held on 29 December 1524. Gibson recorded that ‘Our soverayn lord kyng . . . grauntyd hys gracyus favor to the nobyll lord Leonard Gray . . . that the sam lord Lenard and hys bend scholld edyfy a kastell In the lysts or tyllt yerd at Greenwyche In the Kynges ground at the Kyngs charge’.244 An invitation to participate in the jousts and revels held at court was a sign of royal favour. Henry regularly furnished new costumes for the revels and jousts held at court. The wearers often received part or all of their costumes in reward. On 5 June 1522, Richard Gibson’s revels accounts record that Mrs Danet, Mrs Darrell and Mrs Carew, who danced with the duchess of Suffolk, all retained their bonnets of black velvet, gold coifs of tristram knots and their ‘syers’.245 However, this was not always the case. On 6 May 1534 John Husee wrote to Viscount Lisle, who had received armour from the king, noting that ‘Loffkyne says you are his debtor for a doublet of satin, or 20s in money’.246 The costumes were made by skilled tailors, so while their design might have been a little frivolous, the basis construction methods were sound. These costumes had to function as proper clothes, as the wearers had to move unencumbered and to dance and joust. They had to look striking when viewed from a distance. The clothes for jousts were worn outdoors in daylight, while the revels costumes were largely worn indoors and were seen by candlelight. Henry was not alone in entertaining splendidly. In 1518 Cardinal Wolsey organised the: most sumptuous supper the like of which, I fancy, was never given by Cleopatra or Caligula . . . After supper . . . twelve male and twelve female dancers made their appearance in the richest and most sumptuous array possible, being all dressed alike . . . They were disguised in one

the henrician court suit of fine green satin, all over covered with cloth of gold, undertied together with laces of gold, and had masking hoods on their heads; the ladies had tires made of braids of damask gold with long hairs of white gold. All these maskers danced at one time, and after they had danced they put off their visors, and they were all known . . . The two leaders were the King and the Queen Dowager of France, and all the others were lords and ladies.247

On 24 April 1540 the French ambassador told Francis I that ‘the lords and gentlemen of this Court who are not summoned to Parliament are preparing for the jousts and tourneys to be held all next month’.248 These began on 1 May.249 Not everyone relished the prospects of participating. On 5 March 1517 the duke of Buckingham explained to Wolsey that he had been invited to a tournament on May day but he was unhappy about jousting. He begged Wolsey to put him on the king’s team, ‘but if that cannot be, that he may be excused from running against the king’s person. He would rather go to Rome than do so’.250 At a banquet held at Greenwich on 7 July 1517 to mark the signing of the League of Cambrai, Henry VIII sat on the top table with Cardinal Wolsey, Catherine of Aragon, the duchess of Suffolk and the imperial ambassador.251 The diners were seated with men and women alternating. The Venetian ambassador also noted that the jousts held that day had ‘new and costly decorations’. The King jousted with Suffolk ‘like Hector and Achilles’.252 Nicholas Sagudino described in greater detail the clothes worn at the jousts. The marshal had a surcote of cloth of gold, 30 footmen were dressed in blue and yellow livery, the drummers and trumpeters wore white damask, while 40 knights were in cloth of gold, the king was ‘in silver bawdkin’ and 30 gentlemen in velvet and white satin.253 On 7 March 1519 the king held a revel which the revel’s account called a masque ‘after the manner of Italy’. The revel was followed by a joust and the king provided clothing for 46 individuals costing £60 7s 3d.254 Jousts were held by the king to celebrate the marriage of the earl of Devon which took place on 20 October 1519. Richard Gibson prepared two bases and trappers of russet velvet and cloth of silver engrailed, lozenged and cross-lozenged with cloth of gold, every lozenge embroidered with trueloves of cloth of gold with saddle covers and harness of the same and of a harness, trapper and base of russet velvet and cloth of silver on one side and purple velvet on the other which were worn by the king, Sir William Kingston and William Carey.255 Giving the costumes away as gifts was a frequent sequel to court occasions. After the revel on 23 August 1519 Gibson noted that ‘all the apparel was given to the wearers. Nothing remaining’.256 However, a full set of new costumes was not made for every revel, as in the case of when on 5 January 1520 Henry decided to visit Wolsey with 19 gentlemen dressed in masquing apparel ‘from the King’s store’, along with a small group of new items.257 The accounts for the revels held on 14 January 1526 recorded the provision of black velvet gowns for eight ladies and eight bonnets of purple velvet, as well as gowns for the men. A number of the items came from the king’s store.258 Costumes could be recycled and remade, as was the case for a revel held on 3 January 1521 at York Place by Wolsey. Eight garments of cloth of gold and crimson velvet

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were made from seven cloaks and eight doublets that had been made for a masque as part of the Field of Cloth of Gold in 1520, and from seven half coats from the masque performed at the subsequent meeting with the emperor.259 The costumes and accessories could be damaged, as in the case of the jousts held in June 1520 at Guisnes when eight bards and bases were ‘sore worn in the hurtling of horses’.260 The entertainments at court sometimes bore a political message. At a triumph held on the Thames in front of Whitehall on 17 June 1539, ‘two barges were prepared with ordnance of war . . . one for the bishop of Rome and his cardinals, and the other for the king’s grace . . . at last the pope and his cardinals were overcome, and all his men cast overboard into the Thames’.261 This sort of event was not restricted to England. On 26 January 1540 Sir William Eure described to Cromwell an interlude performed before the king and queen of Scots on Epiphany, ‘all turning upon the naughtiness in religion, the presumption of bishops, the collusion of spiritual courts called in Scotland the consistory courts and misusing of priests’.262

Celebrating Advent and Christmas Advent marked a period of fasting before the feasting and celebrations associated with the Nativity.263 During the season of Advent the king was free to dress as he pleased. However, Advent did include the celebrations associated with the election of the boy bishop on 6 December, St Nicholas’s day. The chosen boy played the role of the boy bishop from 6 December until Holy Innocents (28 December).264 In December 1500 William Newark, master of the children of the chapel, was paid 53s 4d ‘for Saint Nicholas’.265 On 3 December 1502 Elizabeth of York presented 40s ‘to the Bisshop of the Kinges Chappelle on Saint Nicholas even at Westminster’.266 On 6 December 1511 a reward of £6 13s 4d was given to St Nicholas’s bishop.267 As late as 1540 the children of the chapel received £6 13s 4d ‘on St Nicholas Day as hath been heretofore accustomed’.268 This inversion of the usual adult child order echoed the role taken by the lord of misrule at the Tudor court where a junior member of the court entertained their superiors. The 12 days of Christmas ran from Christmas eve to Twelfth day or Epiphany, including the feasts of St Stephen (26 December), St John the Evangelist (27 December), Holy Innocents or Childermass (28 December) and St Thomas of Canterbury (29 December). At court, the lord of misrule, or ‘master of merry disports’, oversaw the Christmas entertainment. His official duties ran throughout the 12 days of Christmas, although elsewhere, in some noble households, his duties might cover a much longer period from All Hallows (1 November) to the day after Candlemas (3 February).269 His duties were to organise ‘fine and subtle disguisings, masks and mummeries’.270 The best description of the range of events organised at this time of year appears in the letter of George Ferrers to Thomas Cawarden for the Christmas period 1553.271 Ferrers ended his letter by focusing upon his own

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clothing: ‘Towching my suet of blew I haue sent you a pece of velvet which hath a kinde of powdred ermaines in it vearie fytt for my wering yf you so think good.’ The chamber accounts show that while Henry VII regularly appointed a lord of misrule, his son did from 1509–21 and then in 1534, but not after that.272 The scale of the budget for these celebrations can be judged from the following payments. On 10 February 1510 a payment of 66s 8d was made to ‘Wynnesbery, lord of misrule in full payment of £20 4s’.273 A warrant dated 7 December 1533 authorised Cromwell, as master of the jewels, to give £20 in reward to William Shirlond ‘to furnish the room of our lord of Misrule’.274 This type of service to the court could result in further rewards. On 16 June 1510 Henry VIII gave £6 13s 4d to William Wynnesbury upon a warrant signed for his clothing and his wife for his marriage.275

Courtly love: St Valentine’s day St Valentine’s day (14 February) was a day for exchanging tokens of affection. These tokens took a variety of forms, including jewellery in the shape of a love knot or a crowned A for amor vincit omnia. There was also the practice of men wearing a love sleeve, the sleeve belonging to the subject of his affection. When Henry VIII jousted before Catherine of Aragon at the jousts celebrating the birth of a son in 1511, he wore a gold ‘cointrise’ (a lady’s sleeve or scarf) on his helm given him by Catherine (Pl. VIIIc). Beyond this flamboyant instance, there is a little evidence to suggest that Valentine’s day was celebrated at the Tudor court. The accounts of the earl of Devon include an entry on 19 February 1519 for payment for boat hire from Greenwich to London and back to get a valentine of gold from the goldsmith’s for my lord ‘to be set on his cap’.276 In January 1527 Cornelius Hayes delivered 19 diamonds ‘set in trueloves of crown gold’ which cost £7 18s 8d. These may have been for Anne Boleyn to wear on Valentine’s day.277 By 1547 Henry had a set of 12 buttons ‘enameled with this worde amor vincit omnia’ (3658) and ‘one Trewloue of golde set with four perles’ (2837) which might have been Valentine’s day gifts. Another possible memento of his sixth marriage were ‘Cxxx trueloves of golde euerie of theym having iiij perles takin frome garmentes of the king that dead is’ (2164). In 1522 the Princess Mary aged six selected the visiting Charles V as her valentine and wore a jewel with his name.278 She continued to enjoy celebrating Valentine’s day as she got older, as demonstrated by her participation in the Valentine’s day lottery.279 The male courtiers drew lots for the women, to discover who they would dance with that night. During her father’s lifetime, George Mountjoy, one of the yeomen of her household, and Sir Anthony Browne, master of the king’s horse, had the fortune of ‘drawing my lady’s grace to be his valentyne’.280 Once Mary became queen, as Southworth has noted, she continued this practice and she included her fool in these Valentine’s day celebrations. In 1554 a gift of ‘thre yerdes of black satten’ was given to Mr Herte ‘being Jane our Foole’s Valentyne’.

Dress disguising royalty Dress was intended to define the king and make him instantly recognisable from all that were socially inferior to him, but there were times when this was not desirable. For monarchs who desired an element of informality or the opportunity to escape temporarily from the confines of court life, always being instantly recognisable was far from ideal. Francis I rode through the streets of Paris in disguise, while James V of Scotland liked to go out amongst his people in disguise, using names such as ‘The Gudeman of Ballengeich’ and ‘The King of the Commons’.281 Disguise also played a part in chivalrous courtly entertainments. The creation of fanciful costumes for jousts and revels allowed the king and his courtiers to adopt different identities and take on roles from courtly romances and classical mythology. Henry jousted before Catherine of Aragon as Cueur Lyall (Sir Loyal Heart) in February 1511 and part of his costume was still listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book: ‘a di trapper and a base thone half of crimosyn cloth of gold and opon the cloth of gold a cut werke of blewe veluete styched with Cuer Loyall and thoder half trapper & base of blewe veluete the trapper lyned with blacke bokeram and the base lyned with blac saten’ [A271]. The significance of these ephemeral textiles which were often worn once and given away to the wearers rested in their cost, the quality of their construction and the opportunities they provided for courtly symbolism. On 18 January 1510, Henry and a group of his friends entered the queen’s chamber disguised as Robin Hood and his merry men, and all dressed in short coats of green kendal. According to Hall, ‘the Queen, the ladies, and all other were abashed, as well for the strange sight, as also for their sudden coming’.282 On such occasions, the person being surprised was obliged to play along. Francis I made a surprise visit on Catherine of Aragon in 1520 during the Field of Cloth of Gold in disguise, and she tactfully pretended not to recognise him. Wolsey held a banquet and offered his seat of honour to Sir Edward Neville, thinking he was the king. However, Henry: heryng & perceyvyng the Cardynall so disseyved in his estymacion and choys cowld not forbeare lawyng / but plukked down his visare . . . the Cardynall eftsons desired hys highnes to take the place of estate / to whome the kyng answered that he wold goo first & shyfte his apparell and so departed / and went strayt to my lordes bed Chamber where was a great fier made . . . And there newe apparelled hyme with riche & pryncely garmentes.283

On New Year’s day 1540 Henry VIII was so excited at the arrival of his new bride that he rode out to meet Anne of Cleves. As Hall noted, ‘On which day the king, which sore desired to see her grace, accompanied by no more [than] eight persons of his privy chamber, and both he and they all apparelled in marbled coats privily came to Rochester’.284 However, Anne had not expected the king to behave in this way and she did not recognise Henry, ‘and when the king saw that she took so little notice of his coming he went into another chamber and took off his cloak and came again in a coat of purple velvet’.285

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Notes 1 LP xiii.i, 1221. 2 Lockyer, Habsburg and Bourbon Europe, p. 86. 3 Brown, Four Years, i, p. 85. 4 Quoted in Starkey, ‘Introduction’, in Starkey, The English Court, p. 1. 5 M. R. James, ed., Walter Map: De Nugis Curialium: Courtiers Trifles (Oxford, 1983), p. 3. 6 See R. Horrox, ‘Caterpillars of the Commonwealth?: Courtiers in late Medieval England’, in R. E. Archer and S. Walker, eds, Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieval England (1995), p. 2. 7 LP iii.ii, 3604. 8 LP xi, 458. 9 Lisle Letters, iii, 690. 10 Castiglione, Courtier, p. 61. 11 Ibid., p. 136. 12 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 58. 13 Rowlands, Holbein, pp. 133–34; Foister, Holbein, p. 172. 14 R. Marks and P. Williamson, Gothic: Art for England 1400–1547 (2003), p. 370. 15 Hearn, Dynasties, pp. 48–49. 16 TNA E154/2/41, ff. 5r–6r. 17 Gunn, Charles Brandon, p. 222. 18 Wriothesley, Chronicle, i, p. 160. 19 A. Feros, ‘Images of evil, images of king’s: the contrasting faces of the royal favourite and the prime minister in early modern European political literature’, in J. H. Elliott and L. W. B. Brockliss, eds, The World of the Favourite (New Haven and London, 1999), pp. 218–19. 20 Gunn, Charles Brandon, pp. 66–68. 21 Starkey, ‘Intimacy and innovation’, pp. 79–80; Gunn, Charles Brandon, pp. 67–71. 22 TNA SP1/32, ff. 258r–261r; Hall, Chronicle, pp. 689–90; Streitberger, Court Revels, pp. 116–17; Gunn, Charles Brandon, pp. 96–100. 23 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 48r. 24 Brockliss, ‘Concluding remarks’, p. 281. 25 LP i.ii, 1901. 26 LP ii.i, 894. 27 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 16. 28 LP ii.i, 1153. 29 LP ii.ii, 3045. 30 LP ii.ii, 3682. 31 LP ii.ii, 3841. 32 LP ii.i, 1380. 33 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 1287. 34 CSP Venetian, 1520–26, 1. 35 LP iii.i, 525. 36 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 24. 37 LP iv.iii, App. 150. 38 TNA SP1/235, f. 290 (LP Additional i.i, 599). 39 TNA SP1/236, f. 82 (LP Additional i.i, 651). 40 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 130. 41 Hall, Chronicle, p. 769. 42 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 133. 43 TNA E36/171, f. 15v. 44 LP iv.iii, 6181. 45 LP iv.iii, 6214. 46 LP iv.iii, 6184. 47 LP iv.iii, 6186. 48 Bod Lib Douce MS 363, f. 91r. 49 Frick Collection, New York, 15.1.76; Rowlands, Holbein, pp. 137–38. 50 G. R. Elton, Reform and Reformation: England 1509–1558 (1977), pp. 168–73. 51 LP ix, 862. 52 LP xiv.i, 574. 53 LP xiv.i, 736. 54 LP xiv.ii, 782. 55 LP xi, 529. 56 LP xiv.ii, 49. 57 LP xv, 804. 58 CoA MS M16 bis, ff. 14r–15r. 59 LP v, 1239. 60 LP xv, 967. 61 LP xvii, 163. 62 BL Additional MS 29,549, f. 1 (LP i.ii, 2620); also LP i.ii, 2618. 63 CoA MS M16bis, ff. 69v–70r. 64 BL Egerton MS 2642.

65 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, p. 802; BL Additional MS 6,113, f. 70 (LP v, 1274.3); Hall, Chronicle, p. 790; CSP Spanish, 1531–33, p. 508 (LP v, 1292). 66 LP v, 1285. The 1530s also saw the creation of viscount Beauchamp as the earl of Hertford and Sir William Fitzwilliam, lord admiral, as the earl of Southampton (18 October 1537, LP xii.ii, 939) and of Sir William Paulet, as Lord St John, Sir John Russell, as Lord Russell, and Mr William Parr as Lord Parr on 9 March 1539; LP xiv.i, 477 and LP xiv.i, 979. 67 LP xvii, 833. 68 LP xviii.i, 785. 69 LP xviii.i, 803. 70 Ashmole, Garter, p. 31. 71 BL Harley MS 6,069, f. 112 (LP i.ii, 2301). 72 LP xix.ii, 334. 73 BL Cotton MS Claudius C III, f. 99v; Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, p. 100. 74 LP v, 1502. 75 Hall, Chronicle, p. 756. 76 LP xxi.i, 301.23 and 24. 77 In addition, there is the group of knights known as the knights of the carpet. They were knighted in peace time on the carpet in front of the royal throne; for lists of knights of the carpet, see Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, 2.2, pp. 328–29 and 3.2, 181–82. 78 Boulton, Knights of the Crown, p. xix; also see Strype, Memorials, ii.ii, pp. 327–28. 79 Ashmole, Garter, pp. 37–38. 80 Myers, Black Book, p. 132. 81 BL Tiberius MS E. VIII, f. 100v (LP i.i, 81). The men created as knights were Lord Brooke, Lord Daubeney, Lord Fitzhugh, Lord Fitzwater, Lord Mountjoy, Lord Scroop of Bolton, Sir Giles Alyngton, Sir Thomas Bedingfield, Sir Thomas Boleyn, Sir Maurice Berkeley, Sir Francis Cheyney, Sir Henry Clifford, Sir William Crowmer, Sir George Hastings, Sir John Heydon, Sir Thomas Knyvet, Sir Thomas Metham, Sir Henry Owtrede, Sir Godard Oxenbridge, Sir Thomas Parr, Richard Radcliff, Sir Henry Sacheverell, Sir John Shelton, Sir John Trevanyon, Sir Richard Wentworth, Sir Andrew Windsor and Sir Henry Wyatt. 82 TNA LC 9/50, f. 217r. 83 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 219. 84 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 339. 85 LP vi, 661. 86 TNA LC 2/3.i, p. 17. 87 Henry VIII’s jewel book, p. 162. 88 Parker, Drawings, p. 37. 89 Leland, Collectanea, iv, p. 238. 90 Ibid., p. 239. 91 TNA E36/209, ff. 19v–20r. 92 TNA LC 9/51, f. 76r. 93 TNA E101/418/4, f. 7v. 94 TNA E36/224, p. 36. 95 TNA LC 9/51, f. 176r. 96 MS Anglais 107, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, transcribed and printed in full in L. Jefferson, ‘Gifts given and fees paid to Garter King of Arms at installation ceremonies of the Order of the Garter during the sixteenth-century’, Costume, 36 (2002), pp. 18–35. 97 Ibid., pp. 23–24. 98 LP i.i, 37. 99 LP v, 1548. 100 LP vii, 534. 101 LP x, 715. 102 LP x, 752. 103 LP xiii.i, 1127. 104 LP xviii.ii, 517. 105 BL Harley MS 6,074, f. 40v (LP xviii.ii, 517.2). 106 LP xix.i, 364 and 384. 107 TNA SP1/245, f. 64 (LP App. i.ii, 1724). 108 LP xxi.i, 637. 109 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 329. 110 Astle, Will, p. 33. 111 LP iii.i, 804. 112 Hall, Chronicle, p. 604. 113 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 918; LP ii.ii, 3455, 3462. 114 CSP Venetian, 1520–26, 50. 115 LP iii.ii, 2309. 116 S. Anglo, ‘The Imperial alliance and the entry of the emperor Charles V into London: June 1522’, The Guildhall Miscellany, 2 (1962), pp. 131–55. 117 LP iii.ii, 2305.

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118 LP ii.i, 200. 119 LP iii.i, 673. 120 LP iii.i, 702. For ‘The appointment for the king and queene at Canterburie and so to Callis and Guynes to the meeting of the french king 1520’, see Bod Lib Ashmole MS 1116, ff. 95r–99v (LP iii.i, 704); transcribed in Russell, Field of Cloth of Gold, Appendix A, pp. 191–204. 121 TNA SP1/19, ff. 238r–260v (LP iii.i, 704). 122 LP iii.i, 705. 123 LP iii.i, 718. 124 LP iii.i, 819. 125 Hall, Chronicle, p. 608. 126 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, p. 79. 127 TNA E101/418, 4, f. 3r. 128 LP iii.i, 729. 129 Norris, Tudor Costume, p. 213. 130 Ibid., p. 214. S. Mitchell, ‘Late medieval ladies of the garter 1348–1509: ‘Fact or Fiction’, in M. A. Hayward and E. Kramer, eds, Textiles and Text: Re-establishing the Links Between Archival and Object Based Research (2007), Forthcoming. 131 Hall, Chronicle, p. 610. 132 Ibid., p. 616. 133 Ibid., p. 609. This sounds reminiscent of the designs illustrated in BL Cotton MS Augustus III, nos. 28, 35. 134 Russell, Field of Cloth of Gold, pp. 112–14. 135 LP iii.i, 869. 136 LP iii.i, 1191. 137 LP v, 1187. 138 LP v, 1256. 139 LP v, 1308. 140 LP v, 1373. 141 LP v, 1377. 142 LP v, 1484. 143 LP v, 1484–85. 144 Hall, Chronicle, p. 793. 145 CoA MS M6bis, f. 2r. 146 There were, of course, ambassadors or diplomats before the Tudor period, for example, Edward Grimston, who served Henry VI by negotiating with the duchess of Burgundy in 1446, when he was painted by Petrus Christus. Grimston wore a dark gown over a red doublet and he held his Lancastrian livery collar in his right hand; see Woolgar, Great Household, p. 10. See G. Mattingly, ‘A humanist ambassador’, The Journal of Modern History, 4.2 (1932), pp. 175–85; and G. Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (1955). 147 Martin, ‘Sir John Daunce’, p. 332. 148 Ibid., p. 310. 149 LP ii.i, 1876. 150 CoA MS M6, f. 7v. 151 LP xv, 23. 152 LP vi, 417.4. 153 LP vi, 717. 154 LP ii.ii, 4085. 155 LP ii.ii, 4563. 156 LP xvii, 264. 157 LP iii.i, 416. 158 HO, p. 118. 159 Bod Lib Rawlinson MS D. 777, ff. 38r–v, 51r. 160 LP vii, 1295. He added that he would reserve ‘only to himself a back chamber in the furthest end of it and a warehouse to lay his coffers in’. 161 LP xv, 97. 162 LP i, 5475. 163 LP iv.iii, 6527. 164 TNA E36/215, p. 63. 165 LP vi, 28. 166 LP vi, 32. 167 Lisle Letters, ii, 387. 168 J. Gairdner, ed., Memorials of King Henry VII (1858), p. 353. 169 LP xxi.i, 1298. 170 For an illustration of one of the woodcuts, see J. Wearden, ‘Siegmund von Herberstein: an Italian velvet in the Ottoman court’, Costume, 19 (1985), p. 23. 171 J. L. Nevinson, ‘Sigmund von Herbertstein’, Waffen-und Kostumkunde, i (1959), p. 88. 172 TNA SP1/230, f. 264r (LP i.ii, 3426). 173 Ibid., ff. 264r–265r. 174 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, pp. 94–98. 175 LP iii.ii, 1443. 176 R. W. Lightbown, Medieval European Jewellery with a Catalogue of the Collection in the Victoria and Albert Museum (1992), pp. 243–44. 177 Rowlands, Holbein, pp. 139–40. 178 S. Foister, A. Roy and M. Wyld, Making and Meaning: Holbein’s Ambassadors (1997), pp. 14–20.

179 Rowlands, Holbein, p. 140. 180 Gemäldegalerie, Dresden, 1890; Rowlands, Holbein, pp. 141–42; Foister, Holbein, pp. 222–26. 181 PPE, pp. 22, 197. 182 LP ix, 217. 183 LP iii.i, 129. 184 LP iii.i, 752. 185 LP iv.i, 2135. 186 LP xxi.i, 728. 187 LP xxi.i, 1071. 188 LP xxi.i, 1086. 189 LP xxi.i, 1212. 190 LP xxi.i, 1200. 191 TNA E36/209, f. 13v. The total cost came to £7 5s. 192 TNA E101/417/3, f. 12 (LP i.i, 645). This practice was not new. For example, Elizabeth of York gave Leonard Twycross, servant to John Gyrce, apothecary, 16s towards the cost of his wedding clothes, while she gave 40s to William Paston, page of her beds for the same reason; PPE Elizabeth, pp. 49, 4. 193 TNA E101/417/6, no. 57 (LP i.i, 1023). 194 Ibid., no. 50 (LP i.i, 1025). 195 TNA E101/420/1, no. 29. 196 TNA E36/215, p. 36. 197 Ibid., p. 104. 198 TNA E36/216, p. 80. 199 LP vi, 728. 200 TNA E101/424/8. 201 TNA SP1/230, f. 262 (LP i.ii, 3325). 202 LP xiv.i, 980. 203 LP iii.i, 1284. 204 R. Grafton, ed., Chronicle or History of England (1809), ii, p. 260; Hall, Chronicle, p. 544. 205 Ibid., p. 544. 206 LP xviii.i, 315. 207 LP xii.ii, 181. 208 LP xiii.i, 627. 209 LP xiv.ii, 781. 210 TNA SP1/232, f. 156r. 211 Starkey, Six Wives, p. 152. 212 LP xviii.i, 44. For a list of the prisoners, see LP xvii.i, 61. 213 LP xix.ii, 113. 214 TNA E101/416/7, not numbered. 215 TNA E101/416/3, f. 23v. The cost was £15 11s. 216 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. The warrant also included six pairs of shoes, six dozen silk points, two girdles of silk ribbon and linen for sheets. 217 TNA LC 9/51, f. 11r, LC 9/51, f. 73v, LC9/51, f. 103v, E36/224, p. 40, LC 9/51, 158r, E101/420/14 unfoliated, E101/421/3, unfoliated, E101/421/16, unfoliated, E36/455, ff. 9r–v, LC9/51, f. 251r, E36/456, ff. 9r-v. 218 PPC, vii, p. 146. 219 BL MS Arundel 97, f. 185v (LP xvi, 1489). 220 Ibid., f. 186r (LP xvi, 1489). 221 CSP Spanish, vi.i, 166 (LP xvi, 897). 222 LP xv, 697. 223 PPC, vii, p. 146. 224 Ibid., p. 321. 225 LP xxi.ii, 547. 226 Not calendared, but cited in LP xxi.ii, p. 278. 227 Dunlevy, Dress in Ireland, p. 45. 228 Hall, Chronicle, p. 516. 229 Ibid., p. 581. 230 Ibid., p. 598. 231 See above, pp. 121–23. 232 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 233 LP Additional i.i, 196. 234 Starkey, Henry VIII, p. 63; Rowlands, Holbein, pp. 233–34; Foister, Holbein, pp. 31–32; J. Fletcher and M. C. Trapper, ‘Hans Holbein the Younger at Antwerp and in England, 1526–8’, Apollo (1983), pp. 87–93. 235 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 21r and TNA E101/417/6, no. 43. 236 TNA LC 9/51, f. 26v. 237 TNA E36/456, f. 41v. 238 Royal Collection, Windsor; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 151; Foister, Holbein, p. 228. 239 See above, pp. 200–01. 240 Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 3. 241 Strong, Splendour at Court, p. 49. 242 Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 4. 243 S. Gunn, ‘The early Tudor tournament’, in Starkey, European Court, pp. 47–48. 244 LP iv.i, 965. 245 LP iii.ii, 2305.

the henrician court 246 LP vii, 620. 247 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 1085. 248 LP xv, 566. 249 LP xv, 616–17. 250 LP ii.ii, 2987. 251 LP ii.ii, 3446. 252 LP ii.ii, 3456. 253 LP ii.ii, 3462. 254 LP iii.i, 113. 255 LP iii.ii, p. 1551. 256 LP iii.ii, p. 1551. 257 LP iii.ii, p. 1552. 258 LP iv.i, 1888. 259 LP iii.ii, p. 1556. 260 LP iii.ii, p. 1556. 261 LP xiv, 1137. 262 LP xv, 114. 263 It included the four Sundays immediately preceding Christmas and marked the coming of Christ as the Saviour of the world. 264 N. Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (1987), p. 137. 265 TNA E101/415/3, f. 40. 266 PPE Elizabeth, p. 76. 267 TNA E36/215, p. 150. 268 LP xvi, 380. 269 Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 8.

239

270 Stow, Survey, p. 122. 271 Feuillerat, Revels, pp. 89–90. 272 William Ringley was abbot of misrule in 1492–93 and 1501–02 and lord of misrule in 1491–92, 1495–96 and 1500–01. In the other years of Henry VII’s reign, while there are records of an abbot or lord of misrule being appointed, his name was not recorded. William Wynnesbury marked the transition from the reign of Henry VII and his son holding the office in 1508–09, 1509–10, 1512–13, 1513–14, 1514–15 and 1519–20. Three other individuals are known to have held the post once each: Richard Pole in 1516–17; Edmond Travore in 1518–19 and William Tolly in 1520–21; Streitberger, Court Revels, p. 429. 273 TNA E36/215, p. 46. 274 LP vi, 1508. 275 TNA E36/215, p. 63. 276 LP iii.i, 152. 277 TNA SP1/66, f. 41v (LP v, 276). 278 Hall, Chronicle, p. 692; CSP Spanish, Further Supplement, p. 71. 279 J. Southworth, Fools and Jesters at the English Court (Thrupp, 1998), pp. 134–35. 280 PPE Princess Mary, pp. 59, 177. 281 A. Cherry, Princes, Poets and Patrons: the Stuarts and Scotland (Edinburgh, 1987), p. 29. 282 Hall, Chronicle, p. 513. 283 Cavendish, Life of Wolsey, p. 28. 284 Hall, Chronicle, p. 833. 285 Wriothesley, Chronicle, pp. 109–10.

xiii The Royal Household: Form, Function and Livery

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here was a subtle, but important, difference between the court and the royal household in the early modern period. The Black Book of Edward IV described the king’s household as the ‘lantern of Inglond’, and noted that its primary function was ‘the conuersacion of his most high estate’.1 According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the definition of a household is ‘the inmates of a house collectively; a domestic establishment’. While emphatically true, this definition does not encompass all of the nuances of a royal or noble household of the period. A ‘medieval household can be superficially identified as a collection of servants, friends and other retainers, around a noble and possibly his immediate family, all of whom live together under the same roof(s) as a single community, for the purpose of creating the mode of life desired by the noble master and providing suitably for needs’.2 However, as with the royal court, it is worth coming back to contemporary descriptions that get to the heart of the matter. George Chastellain described the significance of the duke of Burgundy’s household in the following terms: ‘After the deeds and exploits of war, which are claims to glory, the household is the first thing that strikes the eye, and that which it is, therefore, most necessary to conduct and arrange well.’3 The royal household was central to a monarch’s expression of magnificence through its appearance, the wealth of the furnishings and the use of court ceremonial both secular and liturgical (Fig. 13.1). As Sir John Fortescue had observed in his De Laudibus Legum Angliae: ‘I praise highly the magnificence and grandeur of the king’s household, for within it is the supreme academy for the nobles of the realm, and a school of vigour, probity and manners by which the realm is honoured and will flourish.’4 However, it was rare for there to be a single royal household in a kingdom. Rather, the king’s household was the largest and most significant of a sequence of royal households. It was surrounded by smaller, subsidiary, households belonging to the king’s wife, the king’s children, the king’s mother and the king’s siblings.5

Form and function The king and his household were at the apex of English society.6 The royal household was a legally constituted body, with the office holders being granted indentures for their service. The household also had a corporate nature that was expressed by the issuing and wearing of livery (Fig. 13.2). The size of the royal household contributed to the king’s magnificence and it also represented a considerable financial commitment in terms of providing wages, food, accommodation and livery. There was also a distinct difference between the full and the travelling household which accompanied the king during his summer progress. The role of the household was to provide service. Some individuals provided continuous service, while others only served for part of the year or on specific occasions. The household had a functional role with the added duties of maintaining and enhancing the magnificence of the head of the household and providing entertainment and hospitality to guests. The royal household was a hierarchical institution and terminology of household ranks can have gradations of meaning: miles denoting knight; generosus gentleman; armigerus esquire; valettus yeoman or valet; garcio groom and pagettus or puer page, boy or child. These terms were indicative of status but it is not easy to define exactly what that status involved nor how each related to one another, especially when looking across departments within the household. Equally, the term gentleman could be a courtesy title rather than one indicating rank, especially when applied to clerics.7 Individuals were often identified by their office, as well as by their name or title. This practice is exemplified by Eustace Chapuys’ list of the men implicated in Anne Boleyn’s downfall: ‘Master Norris, the king’s chief butler, Master Weston who used to lie with the king, Master Brereton gentleman of the chamber, and the groom of who I wrote to your majesty by my man, were all condemned as traitors.’8

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13.1 Henry VIII dining, surrounded by courtiers and members of his household. Unknown artist, late sixteenth century. 1854-6-28-74. Reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

13.2 The king, surrounded by his footmen and pages, as he processes before Catherine of Aragon. Le heulme du Roy/Le Roy desarmey. The Westminster Tournament Roll, College of Arms

The financial benefits of royal service included the receipt of wages or fees (not infrequently in arrears), livery, bouche of court and potential access to perquisites and legacies. A list of expenses for the royal household for the year ending in April 1527 included liveries for the guard and household servants costing £321 3s.9 Thomas Cromwell’s remembrances

for March 1540 had an entry for ‘Appointment to be made for £6,000 for the Household, and money for weekly, monthly and quarterly wages, for which I have taken appointment with Mr Tuke’.10 Whether as a royal or noble institution, the household was essentially male in composition, and mainly single men at that

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household was a very good way of displaying wealth, both real and assumed. Sir William Fitzwilliam wrote to Wolsey on 31 July 1527: The King is keeping a very great and expensive house, for there are lodged here the duke of Norfolk and his wife, the duke of Suffolk, the marquis of Exeter, the earls of Oxford, Essex and Rutland, viscounts Fitzwalter and Rocheford, both the ladies of Oxford and others. He and the other officers intended to have reduced the expenses this summer, but he does not see how it can be done.14

13.3 Miniature of Francis I with his three sons and members of his household including Cardinal Duprat on the king’s left, by an unknown artist. Museum of the Condé region, Chantilly, France

(Fig. 13.3). Those who were married left their wives at home. A sizeable household provided opportunities for several members of the same family to work together, but this feature was not as evident in the Tudor royal household as it had been under the late Plantagenets.11 The household also had a charitable role, expressed by the provision of support for elderly members once they were no longer able to work. On 11 February 1542 William Webster, ‘pencioner of the stable’, received £3 for three-quarters of his annuity.12 The roles for women were limited to the ladies attendant on the mistress of the household, women working in the nursery or laundresses. Indeed, the royal laundresses were the only permanent female members of the king’s household. At Henry VIII’s funeral they received black livery. Queen consorts had their own households and they were expected to maintain these from their own funds. The opportunities for women were equally limited. The households of queens regnant, such as that of Elizabeth I, were different in this respect, causing an interruption in the normal patterns of patronage.13 Royal and noble households were large, making them expensive to maintain and consequently a highly visible expression of conspicuous consumption. As such, the

Henry’s household consisted of approximately 1,500 individuals and it had two forms: the full household which was present with the king from autumn to spring, and the smaller or riding household which travelled with the king when he went on progress or ‘the geists’.15 During this period the household was reduced by about half. Equally, the size and presence of the chapel royal was a very good indicator of whether the household was in its full or reduced form.16 Another factor that could influence the size of the household was an outbreak of disease. In November 1517 the Venetian ambassador noted that ‘The King is abroad and moves from place to place on account of the plague, which makes great ravages in the royal Household. None remain with him except three favourite gentlemen and Memo’.17 Many individuals held more than one office within the household, together with one or more posts in the government or the administration of royal lands. In August 1517, a good example of this involved Sir Nicholas Vaux. Cardinal Wolsey, on hearing a report of Vaux’s sickness, raised with the king the possibility of Sir Henry Guildford asking for Vaux’s captaincy at Guisnes and their response to Guildford’s suit. Wolsey reminded Henry that the captaincy was incompatible with several of Guildford’s current posts, which could be given to others. He proposed the following redistribution: ‘the Mastership of the Horse to Sir William Sandys or Sir Maures Barkley, the Mastership of the Henchmen to one well mannered and having the French tongue, as Mr Carew, of your own bringing up, the Standard Bearer to some goodly tall personage as Sir William Kingston.’18 Like all the king’s ministers, Wolsey used his position to exercise patronage on behalf of his master. On 4 August 1526 he informed the king that the new earl of Oxford was ‘humble, constant and faithful and [he] will furnish that room as well as any of his predecessors have done’.19 Indeed, many individuals sought to gain offices for themselves or others. On 18 July 1527 the duke of Norfolk wrote to Wolsey after the death of George Lawson who had ‘many offices and fees of the king’s gift’. The duke asked him to remember Richard Cavendish who was in the ducal service ‘but has neither office nor fee’.20 The provision of clothing to members of the household formed an important part of the remuneration of many appointees. This clothing ensured that the members of the household had a specific appearance which could be either uniform or with a range of variants to highlight the household’s hierarchy. The livery also acted as an expression of the wealth of the head of the household in terms of the colours and types of fabrics worn by their retainers. Livery added to the royal household’s conspicuous consumption and it was especially evident when the king was travelling, entering London or processing to parliament.

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However, livery was expensive and so there was a need to get the right balance between the size and cost of the household. The royal household needed to be large enough to reflect the king’s wealth and magnificence, but not so large that it could be deemed extravagant or a drain on royal resources. Consequently, monitoring of expenditure on liveries took place quite regularly. In October 1519 a list of liveries in the royal household was compiled, and a month later those in receipt of livery with the king, queen and princess were recorded.21 Periodically, reform was proposed, most notably in Wolsey’s Eltham Ordinances of 1526 and Thomas Cromwell’s changes of 1539. In April 1527 there was a review of what the food costs of the royal household had been in 1518–19, 1520–21, 1521–22 and 1526–27, which also made reference to livery costs.22 In 1540 a new book for the household was drawn up and the costs for wages and livery coats were put at £6,121 14s 11½d for the king’s side and £571 2s 3½d for the queen’s side.23 The primary role of the royal household was to serve the king. This service could take many forms, ranging from everyday tasks such as providing food and clean clothes and keeping the king safe, to looking after the king’s hounds and horses or ministering in the royal chapel. However, not everyone who held an office in the royal household attended in person all of the time. Richard Jerningham wrote to Wolsey on 4 April 1517 because he had heard that people with household offices must give attendance upon the king if they wish to retain their office. He was an esquire of the body but, as he was currently based in Tournai, he could only attend upon the king in person if he could appoint a deputy. He stated that he ‘would rather attend it in person than be where he is’, adding that he had paid Sir William Parr 200 marks for the office and wished to keep it.24 The importance placed on the cleanliness of the dress of the king’s household was partly a question of hygiene, as in the case of the king’s barber and the kitchen scullions, and partly to do with the general appearance of the household.25 This point was made clear in the Eltham Ordinances, when most dogs belonging to the courtiers, with the exception of ladies’ lapdogs, were banished to the royal kennels, in order to ensure that ‘the house may be sweete, wholesome, cleane and well furnished, as to a prince’s honour and estate doth apperteine’.26 It was also another way of ensuring that the appearance of the household reflected well on the king. The household officers also needed to behave in an appropriate manner. The disrespectful behaviour of the minions resulted in their temporary exclusion from court. Misbehaviour was a problem that recurred. On 18 September 1540 the privy council issued orders to a number of members of the king’s and the queen’s household, requesting their ‘sober and temperate order’.27 The royal household ought to have been the forefront of loyalty to the monarch, but this was not always the case. Some individuals were motivated by personal gain. In December 1499 three men were captured at Coventry: Francis Philip, schoolmaster to the king’s henchmen, Christopher Pickering, clerk of the larder, and Anthony Maynville, gentleman.

They had conspired to seize part of the local collection of the subsidy as it was taken towards London and to take Kenilworth castle. They were executed at Tyburn on 11 February.28 On other occasions the motivation was treasonable. In 1495 Lord Fitzwalter, the lord steward, and Sir William Stanley, Henry VII’s step-uncle, were implicated in the plot to support the pretender Perkin Warbeck.29

Livery and retaining Retaining men and giving them livery was a demonstration of power and wealth. As such it could, in certain circumstances, be perceived as a threat to royal authority. Laws about the provision of ‘livery and maintenance’ were passed from the reign of Richard II to the 1530s. A statute in 1468 by Edward IV stated that ‘no person, of what[soever] degree or condition he be . . . give any livery or sign or retain any person other than his menial servant, officer, or man learned in the law’.30 Henry VII shared Edward IV’s concerns. In 1505 Henry VII wrote to Henry Farington, an esquire of the body and steward of a number of the king’s Lancastrian lands, ordering that ‘al maner reteyndes, lyveries and cognizances . . . be cleerly repelled and utterly set apart within our said Lordship’. Farington was required to call the king’s tenants to ‘take an oath of them that they will not be retained by oath, promise, or otherwise to any person, or wear any living or cognizance, but only our badge of the red rose, and to be wholly reteigned unto us to do unto us service, under your rule and leading’.31 Henry VIII was also concerned about illegal retaining. On 12 October 1514 he directed proclamations to the sheriffs of London and Middlesex forbidding the giving and receiving of liveries as, allegedly, this practice had resulted in murder and other crime.32 In November 1520 a case of retaining was heard in Star Chamber. Sir William Bulmer was accused of accepting and wearing Stafford knots, the badge of the duke of Buckingham, while serving as a member of the royal household. Henry VIII is said to have remarked that ‘He would none of his seruauntes should hang on another mannes sleue . . . he was aswel able to maintein him as Buckingham: and . . . what might bee supposed by the duke’s retaining, he would not then declare’. He went on, ‘We will that none of our servauntes shal belong to any other person but to us, nor we wil not that our subjects repine or grudege at suche as wee favoure, for our pleasure will have in that cace as us liketh, for one we will favor now and another at such tyme as us shall like’.33 Bearing in mind the legislation against livery and maintenance, the king periodically issued licences to loyal royal servants, allowing them to retain followers. For example, in August 1542, he granted Sir Anthony Denny a licence to retain in his service 20 gentlemen or yeomen in addition to his household servants who he provided with food, lodging, livery and wages, as long as they were not in receipt of the king’s livery or fee.34

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Types of livery issued within the king’s household

Tudor livery and referred to it in his poetry.40 Both Henry VII and Henry VIII issued green and white livery to certain members of their households, especially those in military roles. This included the yeomen of the guard:

Payment to members of the household took a variety of forms and very few enjoyed an identical combination: a salary paid in cash on a weekly, monthly, quarterly, six-monthly or annual basis, the provision of lodgings, the issue of cloth or clothing from the great wardrobe and the allocation of bouche of court, which included meals, wood and candles. The Black Book of Edward IV recorded which members of his household received clothing, what they received, at what cost and when. It did not record details about the colour, type of fabric or range of garments. It noted that there were 40 squires of the household who received clothing within the household in winter and summer, or 40s because ‘Hit hath euer byn in speciall charge to squiers in this court to were the kinges lyuery custumably, for the more glory and in worshipp this honorable houshold’.35 The quality and type of clothing worn by members of the royal household was set out in the sumptuary legislation enacted under Henry VIII. However, with the king’s permission, the royal household was exempt from the legislation. Consequently, the king periodically issued proclamations which freed the household from the constraints of the legislation. In February 1534 the ‘officers and servants of the King, Queen and Princess’ were allowed ‘to wear apparel they now have until Palm Sunday, notwithstanding the act for the reformation of excess apparel’.36 While the king distributed a substantial amount of clothing as livery, this rarely covered all of the clothing needs of individuals in his service. In December 1535 Anne, widow of Sir David Owen, petitioned him to have £4,800, jewels and plate left to her at his death. She also noted that she had spent £113 19s 8d on dressing her son, now deceased, while he was in royal service.37 Sometimes the provision of livery by the great wardrobe was commuted into cash to be used by the recipient towards their clothing. For example, in 1484 Richard III appointed Robert Appulby as keeper of the privy palace of Westminster with 6d a day and 13s 4d for a gown, along with 8d a day for ‘keping of the bedde clothes’ and a groom.38 Under Henry VIII, in October 1545, Edward Same was appointed as one of the king’s footmen with £40 a year rather than ‘the accustomed allowance of apparel in your Great Wardrobe’.39

Over this His Highness had Yomen of his Garde in clothing of large jakettes of damaske, whight and grene goodly enbrowdred bothe on ther brestys bifore and also on their bakkys behynde, with rownde garlandes of vyne braunchs besett before richely with spancles of silver and gilte, and in the myddell a rede rose beten with goldesmethis werk.41

the use of two-colour livery The Tudor livery colours were green and white. This combination was used to provide parti-coloured clothing where a single garment was half-white and half-green, or where the doublet was green and the jacket was white or vice versa. Wearing the green and white livery could be a source of pride. John Skelton, Henry VII’s poet laureate, wore the

On 24 September 1511 24 green and white coats for soldiers, six for the master, four for the quarter master, four for the boatswain, at a cost of 6s 10d each, were amongst an order received from Richard Palshidde, a custom official of Southampton, for the men who sailed the Mary Rose from Portsmouth to the Thames.42 In the following year, on 8 May 1512, white and green damask for coats was delivered to Sigismund Foyt and Anthony Ridler, the king’s servants.43 Both kings also used the green and white livery for textiles associated with their household. The portrait of Henry VII and his family depicts the royal group within a green and white tent. The livery colours were applied to furnishings and fixtures, movable and immovable. Four beds delivered on 16 May 1512 were of green and white satin.44 Floor tiles were laid in green and white in Henry VIII’s bath house at Whitehall, fitted with a green stove. The handles and hasps of cutlery were enamelled with these colours. In 1520 the interior of the house built for Henry VIII for the Field of Cloth of Gold had ‘foundations are of stone, the walls brick, and the rest wood; surrounded by cloth painted like brick; the covering painted à l’antique. Inside the tapestry [was] of cloth of gold and silver, interlaced with white and green silk, the colours of the King of England’.45 This colour combination also appears in designs for tents, possibly prepared for the Field of Cloth of Gold.46 In addition, the green and white combination was often used for animal trapping such as horse blankets and harness. It was used with great consistency for ‘horse houses’ or blankets for all of the horses in Henry VIII’s stable. Special deliveries of horse cloths such as those provided for Darcy’s expedition in March 1511 were also green and white.47 The king’s heralds usually wore their tabards, bearing the royal coat of arms, but for the Tournai campaign they were issued with green and white livery, the quality of cloth denoting their status. A warrant for the delivery of coats given at Canterbury dated 26 June 1513 requested the following: to Garter chief king of arms, Clarencieux and Norrey kings of arms, one coat of white and green satin each containing 10 yards (9.1 m); for York, Lancaster and Somerset heralds at arms, one coat of white and green damask each containing 10 yards (9.1 m); for Mountergill, Rougecross and other pursuivants, 10 yards (9.1 m) of white and green camlet for a coat.48 For the Boulogne campaign in 1544 the king broke with the customary combination, adopting instead red and yellow livery.49 This red and yellow livery was issued to his household and the section of the army personally led by him, while the two wings, like regiments later, were dressed in other colours.

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large-scale provision of single colour livery to the whole household Members of the royal household could receive livery en masse on two occasions: red cloth for coronations and black cloth for royal funerals. The quantity of scarlet livery issued by the great wardrobe for coronations varied significantly from reign to reign: for Henry IV 2,895 ells (1,997.6 m) of scarlet to 611 people, for Richard III 522¾ yards (478 m), for Henry VII 468½ yards (428.3 m) and for Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon 1,641 yards (1,500.5 m).50 Such large quantities of cloth were expensive and the coronation accounts for Richard III came to a total of £3,124 12s 3¾d. Those for Henry VIII reached just under £4,750, with £1,307 being spent on liveries.51 The 547½ yards (500.6 m) of scarlet cloth bought for Henry VII’s coronation were supplied by a number of individuals and so it is unlikely that the colour of the various lengths was completely uniform. Seven men delivered the cloth: Robert Duplege, tailor, provided 47½ yards (43.4 m) for £23 15s, Philip Edwards provided 69 yards (63 m) for £24 3s, Hugh Pemberton, tailor, provided 157½ yards (144 m) for £75 16s 8d, Walter Povy provided 103 yards (94.1 m) for £53 10s 6d, William Skalder, grocer, provided 95 yards (86.8 m) for £31 13s 4d, James Somerby provided 27½ yards (25 m) for £13 6s 10d and Oliver Warner provided 48 yards (43.8 m) for £31 13s 8d.52 The accounts of George Darell, keeper of the great wardrobe for Edward IV, record the ‘Robes and leverez gevyn at the Coronacions of the Quenes off Englond’: Scarlett and redde — First to the tresorour of Englond, the Quenes Chamberleyn, the Keper of the Gretewardrobe, the Cheff Kerver, Sewer and Cupberer have had barons robez, and other the Quene officres and servauntes gownes. Item all duchessys, countesses, baronessis with other lades and gentilwemen have hadd robez and leverys at the seide coronacion as apperith by divers and maney presedentes.54

The allocation for Henry VIII’s coronation livery was decided by ‘the Right high and myghty Princesse Margarete the Countesse of Richmounte Grauntdame to our seid souerayne lord’, the earl of Oxford, chamberlain of England, the earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Herbert, the king’s chamberlain and ‘other of the Counsell in the Chambre of the seid Princesse’.53 The respective superiority and inferiority of the recipients was shown by the quality of the livery provided for Henry VIII’s coronation: whether scarlet cloth or red cloth. The dividing line in the household fell between the yeomen ushers who received scarlet and the yeomen, grooms and pages who got red cloth.55 Amongst the group receiving scarlet cloth the niceties of rank were observed through the scarlet distributed, which varied according to the status and office of the recipients: Archbishops, dukes, earls and bishops: 14 yards of scarlet at 13s 4d the yard. Barons, the Treasurer of the Household, the Wardrober (the Keeper of the Great Wardrobe), The Clerk of the Jewel House and the dean of the King’s Chapel, as if they were barons: 12 yards of scarlet at 13s 4d the yard.

The principal carver and cupbearer: 10 yards of scarlet at 13s 4d the yard, with furs and laces. The Justices of the King’s Bench, Caen Place and the Barons of the Exchequer, the Comptroller, the Secretary, the Master of the Rolls, the Almoner, the King’s confessor, the King’s physician: 6 yards of scarlet at 12s the yard. Every knight, chaplain, esquire for the body, sewer and second carver to the king: 5 yards of scarlet at 10s the yard. All other esquires (at 7s the yard), gentlemen and yeomen ushers (at 6s 8d the yard): 5 yards of scarlet. Every other yeoman (at 6s the yard), groom (at 5s the yard) and page (at 4s the yard): 4½ yards of red cloth.56

Whereas the liveries issued for the coronations of Richard III, Henry VII and Henry VIII predominantly consisted of scarlet and red wool, the livery issued for Edward VI’s was more varied. The great wardrobe supplied ‘Lyverys of Veluetts Sattens Damasks Skarlett and Redde Clothe geuen to Dukes Erles Lords Knightes Squyers Gentilmen and other Officers aswell of the Kinge our Souveraigne Lorde hys Chambre and howsholde ageinste his highness most noble coronacion’.57 The accounts record the total quantities of cloth bought: 819½ yards (749.3 m) of crimson velvet of Lucca, 378 yards (345.6 m) of crimson velvet of Genoa, 470 yards (429.7 m) of crimson satin, 21,238¾ yards (19,420 m) of crimson and red damask, 1,105 yards (1,010.4 m) of scarlet and 1,816 yards (1,660.5 m) of red cloth. In addition, 29 pieces of blue cloth and 116 yards (106 m) of black velvet were also used.58 A total of 6,182¾ yards (5,652 m) of cloth was distributed to 1,063 individuals from the king’s household, his household while he had been prince, the court and key figures in government. The range of silk and wool fabrics was used to reflect the household’s, and the court’s, hierarchical structure. For instance, within the stable the master of the horse received 14 yards (12.8 m) of Lucca velvet, the avenor and a number of others, including 19 yeomen, 9 yards (8.2 m) of damask, and 53 grooms, sumptermen and muleteers 3 yards (2.7 m) of red cloth. The largest quantities of cloth allocated were of the most expensive fabrics, while the smallest allocations of cloth were of the cheapest. The most expensive cloth distributed was crimson Luccesse velvet, and this was given out in quantities ranging from 40 to 10 yards (36.5 m to 9.1 m) to 54 of the leading members of the court and household. Of the 54, the lord great chamberlain of England received 40 yards (36.5 m) of velvet, while the lord protector and the lord great master received 38 yards (34.7 m). The others received proportionally less. A smaller quantity of crimson Genoese velvet was purchased. This was used predominantly to make guards applied to the damask gowns and cloaks given to a key group of members of the privy chamber. Crimson damask, generally 7 or 9 yards (6.4 m or 8.2 m), was predominantly given to members of the privy chamber, including the musicians. Finally, a group of individuals received 5 or 10 yards (9.1 m) of crimson satin. Red cloth was distributed to the largest number of individuals. A few received 4 or 5 yards (3.6 m or 4.5 m) of cloth apiece, but most were given 3 (2.7 m), while a group of 11 turn-broths from the kitchen were given just 2 (1.8 m). A select group received black velvet. They were the lord chief justice of the king’s bench and of the common place, the lord chief baron of the exchequer and the master of the rolls, each

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Table 13.1: Suppliers of black cloth for Henry VIII’s funeral, 1547 Supplier

Value of sales

Cloth

Cotton/kersey

1. Thomas Ackworth 2. William Albanye 3. Nicholas Bell 4. William Bodye 5. Richard Bourne 6. Thomas Braunche 7. George Bristow 8. John Brockden 9. Richard Brown 10. John Cannon 11. William Catesbye 12. William Chyvall 13. Robert Clive 14. James Collins 15. Reginald Conygrave 16. Richard Cooke 17. John Davey 18. Thomas Davy 19. Robert Dawbney 20. Robert Duckington 21. Thomas Duffield 22. Thomas Emerye 23. George Eton 24. John Evans 25. Francis Foxall 26. Thomas Frances 27. Mistress Fullwood 28. Robert Gamedge 29. John Goodwin 30. Robert Gower 31. William Harper 32. William Hewitt 33. Richard Holt 34. Richard Holte 35. Richard Humphrey 36. John Huxson 37. Richard Johnson 38. Christopher Kelke 39. Edward Kemysher 40. Richard Langham 41. Edward Lee 42. Henry Lee 43. John Lewen 44. Nicholas Mayott 45. George Medley 46. Robert Mellyshe 47. Thomas Middleton 48. Thomas Mount 49. John Mynors 50. William Newman 51. Christopher Nicholson 52. Thomas Nicholson 53. William Parker 54. Robert Pease 55. James Pennington 56. Francis Pope 57. Laurence Poynard 58. Ralf Pynder 59. John Rogers 60. Thomas Roo 61. Ralf Savenett 62. George Smith 63. Robert Sonning 64. John Spark 65. Ralf Sprott 66. John Stock 67. Henry Suckerley 68. John Thornetone 69. Robert Thorpe 70. John Tryges 71. Thomas White 72. Thomas White 73. John Witpain 74. Nicholas Wolbar 75. Anthony Woolly 76. Walter Young

£642 7d £68 8s 6d £70 14s 6d £285 15s ½d £22 7s 8d £196 17s 3½d £231 13s 9d £3 11s £29 5s £49 8s 1d £4 £54 5s 8d £7 2s £15 17s 1½d £111 19s 10d £59 12s 10½d £48 7s £36 8s 4d £577 13s 4d £160 9s 9d £4 11s 1½d £119 8s 4d £63 £366 3s 1½d £263 4s 10½d £17 14s £188 19s £71 3s 4½d £176 13s 5½d £7 1s £334 15s £176 14s 10d £304 2s 6½d £141 12s £144 8s 2½d £5 16s 8d £92 3s 9d £11 17s 8d £8 12s ¼d £25 16s 3d £78 7d £122 10s 10d £76 10s 6½d £123 12s £232 2s £280 4s 6d £54 12s 8d £316 8d £38 15s 7d £30 12s 6d £34 7s 7d £12 18s £6 15s £208 12s £21 8s 3d £313 10s 7½d £1 6s 8d £5 19s £225 5s 2½d £710 15s 11½d £703 11s £155 1s 10d £258 16s 9½d £128 18s 3½d £4 6s £41 1s 3d £175 10s 10½d £118 10s 6½d £218 5s 8d £4 6s £1,059 6s 5d £4 £173 7s 4d £99 8s 8d £390 18s 2½d £325 17s 7d £11,940 4s 10½d

1,425½ yards (1,303.5 m) 168 yards (153.6 m) 151 yards (138.1 m) 795 yards (726.9 m) 51 yards (46.6 m) 552¼ yards (504.9 m) 499½ yards (456.7 m) 10 yards (9.1 m) 81 yards (74.1 m) 154¼ yards (141.1 m) 12 yards (10.9 m) 154 yards (158.2 m) 20 yards (18.3 m) 59 yards (53.9 m) 269¼ yards (246.2 m) 194¼ yards (177.6 m) 171¾ yards (157.1 m) 153 yards (139.9 m) 1,587 yards (1,451.2 m) 436 yards (398.7 m) 20¼ yards (18.52 m) 257¼ yards (235.2 m) 173 yards (158.2 m) 896 yards (819.3 m) 688¼ yards (629.4 m) 45½ yards (41.6 m) 623¼ yards (569.9 m) 229¾ yards (210.1 m) 490¼ yards (448.3 m) 21 yards (19.2 m) 833 yards (761.7 m) 504¼ yards (461.1 m) 807½ yards (738.4 m) 346¾ yards (317.1 m) 433½ yards (396.4 m) 28 yards (25.6 m) 253 yards (231.4 m) 23 yards (21.1 m) ~ 63½ yards (58.1 m) 204 yards (186.5 m) 321½ yards (293.9 m) 231¾ yards (211.9 m) 331¾ yards (303.4 m) 648 yards (592.5 m) 882 yards (806.5 m) 173 yards (158.2 m) 656½ yards (600.3 m) 124 ¾ yards (114.1 m) 74¾ yards (68.4 m) 151½ yards (138.5 m) 39 yards (36.5 m) 27 yards (24.7 m) 595 yards (544.1 m) 83¼ yards (76.1 m) 943¼ yards (862.5 m) 4 yards (3.6 m) 21 yards (19.2 m) 627½ yards (573.8 m) 2, 061¾ yards (1885.3 m) 1,867¾ yards (1,707.9 m) 393½ yards (359.8 m) 753½ yards (689.0 m) 354¼ yards (323.9 m) 13 yards (11.9 m) 112¾ yards (103.1 m) 552½ yards (505.2 m) 364¾ yards (333.5 m) 639½ yards (584.7 m) 13 yards (11.9 m) 3,013¾ yards (2755.7 m) 12 yards (10.9 m) 494 yards (451.7 m) 311¾ yards (285.1 m) 1,078 yards (868.7 m) 950 yards (868.7 m) 32,805¾ yards (29,997.6 m)

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 10 yards (9.2 m) of kersey ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 89¾ yards (82.1 m) of kersey ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 8,085¾ yards (7,393.6 m) of cotton ~ 8,085¾ yards (7,393.6 m) of cotton 99¾ yards (91.2 m) of kersey

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allocated 17 yards (15.5 m). A handful of people received two liveries. They included Sir Anthony Browne, as master of the horse and as a knight. In general, the type of garments that were to be made up from the allocation of cloth were not specified, but it is likely that the cloth was used to make gowns and, in some cases, hoods. However, in some instances specific garments are recorded: scarlet cloaks guarded with black velvet given to 16 footmen, gowns of crimson damask guarded with crimson velvet and hose of crimson satin for 14 grooms of the privy chamber, gowns of crimson damask guarded with crimson velvet for the gentleman pensioners and men at arms and a cloak of scarlet and a doublet of crimson satin to the king’s hosier. Royal funerals required large-scale issues of black cloth to the household. Thomas White, an alderman of London, was the major supplier of cloth for Henry VIII’s funeral: he is the only man to be identified in the accounts by either trade or rank. Only one woman, Mistress Fullwood, appears in the accounts, with £188 of business. The deliveries of cloth, cotton and kersey indicate that the cloth listed in Table 13.1 was for the bulk of the household officers. For Henry’s meeting with Francis I at Calais in 1532, the king opted for light tawny for the lower members of his retinue. On 18 August 1532 he asked Garter king of arms, that the heralds and pursuivants would bring with them a designated number of servants. The king ended the letter by: Signefyinge unto you that the most parte of such parsonages as shall attend upon us being appointed to apparell there servauntes in coates of lyght tawny with their device upon the sleeve, and red Myllen bonnetes, which garmentes mustereth well and setteth forth the nombers, it should be acceptable to us if you and the rest of our servauntes before expressed every man for parte did the semblable.59

That the heralds and others complied with the king’s wishes can be seen from a letter sent by Lord Sandys to Cromwell on 18 September 1532. Sandys wrote: ‘I send you a list of all the groom and pages of the King’s chamber and of the Wardrobe of the Beds for whom no warrant has yet been signed. I request that they may have liveries in doublets, hose and bonnets, as the Guard shall have.’60 And Edward Hall recalled on the king’s journey into Calais, on one side of the street the soldiers from the garrison stood dressed in red and blue and on the other side ‘the seruyng menne of Englande, in coates of Frenche Tawny’ with scarlet caps trimmed with white feathers.61

through the great wardrobe, a few were paid for by the king out of his privy purse. On 31 March 1531 Anthony Penne and Bartholomew Tate, painters, received livery costing 22s 6d each.62 A fortnight later Guillem Langille, the king’s fletcher, received livery also costing 22s 6d.63 In 1547, as part of the coronation preparations for Edward VI, William Ibgrave was paid £57 18s for embroidering 579 coats of red cloth with the king’s initials of E[dwardus] R[ex] in black velvet at a price of 2s per coat.64 While there is no surviving evidence for a comparable order being made at Henry VIII’s accession, such a grant is possible. Two small portraits by Holbein, one dated 1534, shows men in red livery coats with HR embroidered on the chest, over a black doublet. One wears a red cap and a sleeveless gown with a tabbed border decorating the collar and front edge (Fig. 13.4), while the other has a black cap and a gown that is simpler in cut but had sleeves.65 The difference between the gowns being sleeveless and having sleeves perhaps reflects changes in cut from year to year.

annual changes in livery colour Some of the individuals receiving livery got the same items every year. Others, particularly the officers of the privy chamber, received livery of ‘the new colour’ twice a year, in addition to their black livery. Scrutiny of the extant accounts (see Table 13.2) suggests that this provision originated in 1527, perhaps in response to the Eltham Ordinances. Unfortunately the accounts rarely indicate what colours were selected, but the king’s own warrants on which he ordered livery for the privy chamber staff makes amends for the silence of the accounts. Not only did the colours change; so did the cut of the garments. On 23 September 1535 John Williamson wrote to Thomas Cromwell, noting, ‘I have been with Mr Malete divers times concerning your livery coat, and he says the pattern of the coat for the privy chamber is not yet come, and therefore I have had a coat of the new colour sad [i.e. dull, muted] to be made for you after my own device’.66

badges red livery coats In addition to members of the household, master craftsmen in royal employment were rewarded and distinguished by the issue of red wool livery coats embroidered with the king’s initials. The king’s initials, HR, stood for Henricus Rex and identified these men as servants of the Tudor dynasty. Cardinal Wolsey issued similar coats of tawny cloth embroidered with T[homas] C[ardinal] to the members of his household. Although the bulk of the coats were ordered and paid for

The use of badges was another way of indicating membership of a household or loyalty to an affinity. The badges adopted by the Tudors were the combined red and white rose and the Beaufort portcullis (Fig. 13.5).67 Richard II had the white hart for his badge, and distributed badges among his supporters. Surviving examples include one made from a copper alloy, silver, gilt and enamel, c. 1377–99, and another from pewter, c. 1390–99.68 The angels on the Wilton Diptych also wear the white hart badge. Henry IV, married to one of the Bohun

form, function and livery

13.4 Portrait of a man in a red cap, by Hans Holbein the Younger. All Rights Reserved, The Metropolitan Museum, New York

249

heiresses, employed the white swan. The swan jewel from Dunstable, c. 1400, consisting of white and black enamel on gold, provides a particularly fine example of this type of badge.69 Richard III had for his badge the white boar, a silvergilt example of which was found at Chiddingly in East Sussex. The tradition of distributing metal badges practised by English monarchs throughout the late Middle Ages does not appear to have survived into the reign of Henry VIII. However, there is evidence that the king favoured embroidered badges which could be sewn onto garments worn by officials. At the New Year in 1530 rewards totalling 40s were given to blind More and two associates. They also received 20s each for their livery ‘and more for badges to ther said lyverays at ijs a pece’.70 Two years later the king provided livery for blind More and two others at a cost of £3 7s 6d.71 That livery badges were not restricted to the royal family is demonstrated by the silver gilt badge of the Gainsford family dating from the mid Tudor period. It may have been made for Sir John Gainsford, who served in the king’s household. The badge was found at Chelsham, Surrey, and depicts of a woman with long hair dressed in a gown with a square neckline, fitting sleeves and a girdle around her waist. She is holding a garland of flowers in her right hand.72

Table 13.2: Details of the twice yearly issues of livery made to the officers of the privy chamber Date

Details of the livery issued

17 February 1527

Coats and hats of marble cloth for 10 gentlemen of the privy chamber bordered with 2 borders of russet velvet and 1 crest and 1 jag lined with frieze; coats and hats for 5 grooms of the privy chamber of grey cloth bordered with 2 swelling borders and 1 edge with 1 jag lined with frieze; 1 coat of the same colour with 3 swelling welts of the same cloth for a footman with the duke of Richmond Coats of russet cloth for 15 gentlemen of the privy chamber bordered with 2 swelling borders of russet velvet and 1 crest and 1 slashed jag of the same cloth lined with frieze; also 7 grey coats for William Welsh, William Brereton, Urian Brewerton, John Carey, John Penne, Philip and Mark with 2 crests and 1 jag of the same cloth lined with frieze Coats and hats for 15 gentlemen of the privy chamber of cloth of the new colour embroidered with 1 wide double border and 2 welts of tawny velvet lined with frieze and 5 coats of russet cloth for 5 pages of the privy chamber lined with fustian Coats of green cloth for 4 pages (Francis Weston, Philip, Mark and Guillim the French boy) crested with 2 crests and 1 jag of the same cloth lined with frieze Coats and hats of the new colour for 17 officers of the privy chamber with 2 double borders of tawny velvet, 1crest and 1 jag, lined with frieze; also 4 coats for the pages of the chamber and 1 for the king’s barber, with 2 burgeon guards set on with cords of the same cloth Coats made from 3¼ yards (2.9 m) of red cloth to each of the following: the yeoman of the beds, 15 grooms and 4 pages of the chamber, John Parker, yeoman of the male and Giles Churchill, groom of the crossbows 25 coats of red cloth, medley, guarded with red velvet with cord, buttoned with 6 buttons of Venice gold and silk, the bases lined with frieze, the body and the sleeves lined with fustian, the vents and collar lined with red satin; also 12 coats of cloth stitched with red silk, but the same in other respects for the 3 officers of the robes, 2 barbers and 7 pages of the privy chamber 24 coats of marble with 1 broad guard and 2 welts of russet velvet lined with frieze and fustian and 13 coats of marble colour with 3 guards of the same cloth and russet cord for the grooms and officers of the privy chamber 13 coats of green cloth with 1 crest and 1 jag, with silk buttons and satin for the collars and vents 14 coats for the grooms and officers of the privy chamber of green cloth guarded with velvet and lined with cotton, the body and sleeves lined with fustian, the collar and vents of satin 14 coats for fourteen grooms and officers of the privy chamber of new coloured cloth guarded with tawny velvet and lined with cotton and frieze, as above 27 coats for the gentlemen of the privy chamber of tawny velvet guarded with the same lined with frieze in the body and fustian in the sleeves, the vents and collar lined with satin, with a fustian pocket 9 coats of the new coloured cloth with a round band of velvet, 9 coats of black camlet guarded with a broad guard of velvet, 9 doublets of fustian and 9 of black satin, to the 2 gentlemen ushers of the privy chamber, 3 gentlemen ushers of the chamber, the gentleman apothecary, the 2 master of the household, the clerk of the kitchen and the master cook A warrant to the great wardrobe ‘to deliver certain stuff and apparel to every groom and barber ordinary’ of the privy chamber as was accustomed

31 December 1527 1 January 1529 4 June 1528 9 January 1532 27 September 1532 17 February 1536

6 January 1539 14 July 1539 27 March 1544 26 February 1545 26 February 1545 26 February 1545 November 1546

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form, function and livery

13.6 Sir Thomas More, by Hans Holbein the Younger. © The Frick Collection, New York 13.5 Detail of an embroidered Tudor rose from Henry VII’s hearse cloth, c. 1504–05. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, © The Textile Conservation Centre, University of Southampton

livery collars and other symbols of office Some members of the household were issued with livery collars as a symbol of their office.73 Edward IV and Richard III had developed the SS livery collar. Examples of these can be seen in the Donne triptych of c. 1477 by Hans Memlinc.74 Sir John Donne and his wife wear gold collars of alternating links of suns and roses with a pendant white enamelled lion, the badge of Edward IV.75 The Tudors substituted Tudor roses and portcullises for the Yorkist badges. In March 1541 Morgan Wolf was paid £73 17s 8½d for ‘a collar of gold with esses’.76 A collar of this type can be seen in Holbein’s portrait of Sir Thomas More (Fig. 13.6). A few surviving examples of these collars are known. A silver collar of SS was found on the Thames foreshore with a trefoil loop with a pendant ring as the central link.77 A collar made up of 28 gold SS’s alternating with Tudor roses and friar’s knots with a central link of a portcullis belonged to Sir John Alen, one of the king’s councillors in the 1530s.78 Sometimes livery collars were given as gifts to foreign visitors to the court. On 2 June 1510 13s 4d was

13.7 Sir Henry Guildford, by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1527. RL 12266 P10. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

form, function and livery given in compensation to Vincent Marshall of the king’s hall for his livery collar which was ‘given to Lusborne that came from Flanders’.79 Leading officials in the household had staffs as the symbols of their positions: the chamberlains, the comptroller, the great master and the treasurer. Sir Henry Guildford holds his white staff as comptroller in his portrait of 1528 by Holbein (Fig. 13.7), while Lord St John holds his as great master in the allegory Edward VI and the Pope (Fig. 7.2).80 The staff held by

251

the duke of Norfolk in his portrait by Holbein relates to his tenure of the office of lord treasurer of England (Fig. 16.8). The admiral had a whistle, not a staff. When the earl of Southampton, great admiral of England, went to meet Anne of Cleves, he was dressed ‘in a coate of purple veluet cut on cloth of golde & tyed with great aglettes and treilfoiles of golde, to the number of iiijC & baudrickwise he ware a chayne, at the whyche did hang a whistle of gold set with ryche stones of great value’.81

Notes 1 Myers, Black Book, p. 89. 2 Mertes, English Noble Household, p. 5. 3 J. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (Harmondsworth, 1979), p. 39. 4 Loades, Tudor Court, p. 1. 5 See below, pp. 301–16. 6 Woolgar, Great Household, ch. 2. 7 Mertes, Noble Household, pp. 26–31. 8 LP x, 908. 9 LP iv.ii, 3084. 10 LP xv, 322. 11 For examples within noble households, see Woolgar, Great Household, p. 36. 12 TNA E315/251, f. 68r. 13 See P. Wright, ‘A change in direction: the ramifications of a female household, 1558–1603’, in D. R. Starkey, ed., The English Court from the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War (London and New York, 1987), pp. 147–72; also see C. Howey, ‘Busy Bodies: the Role of Women at the Court of Elizabeth I, 1558–1603’ (unpublished PhD thesis Rutgers, State University of New Jersey, 2007). 14 LP iv.ii, 3318. 15 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 70. 16 F. Kisby, ‘Kingship and the royal itinerary: a study of the peripatetic household of the early Tudor kings 1485–1547’, The Court Historian, 4.1 (1999), pp. 32–33. 17 LP ii.ii, 3788. 18 TNA SP1/232, f. 43 (LP Additional i, 196). 19 LP iv.ii, 2372, 20 LP iv.ii, 3276. 21 LP iii.i, 491. 22 LP iv.ii, 3084. 23 LP xvi, 394. 24 LP ii.ii, 3100. 25 HO, pp. 150–51 and 148. 26 HO, p. 150. 27 LP xvi, 61. 28 Hall, Chronicle, p. 673. 29 D. R. Starkey, ‘Intimacy and innovation: the rise of the privy chamber’, in Starkey, European Court, pp. 75–76. 30 R. L. Storey, The Reign of Henry VII (1968), p. 153. 31 D. Luckett, ‘Crown office and licensed retinues in the reign of Henry VII’, in R. E. Archer and S. Walker, eds, Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieval England (1995), pp. 230–31. 32 BL Harley MS 442, f. 29 (LP i, 5493). 33 C. Rawcliffe, The Staffords, Earls and Dukes of Buckingham 1394– 1521 (Cambridge, 1978), p. 99; Harris, Stafford, p. 167; Hall, Chronicle, pp. 599–600. 34 LP xvii, 714.21. 35 Myers, Black Book, pp. 127–28. 36 LP vii, 256. 37 LP ix, 1135. 38 R. Horrox and P. W. Hammond, eds, British Library Harleian Manuscript 433, i (1979), p. 236. 39 LP xx.ii, 706. 40 A. Dyce, ed., The Poetical Works of John Skelton, i (1843), p. 13. 41 Kipling, Receyt, p. 10. 42 TNA E36/1, f. 27v (LP i.i, 3608). Similar provision was made by Robert Brigandine for the Peter Pomegranate which was moved at the same time. However, the coats cost 6s 8d; ibid., f. 28r. 43 TNA E101/417/6, f. 29 (LP i.i, 1184).

44 Ibid., f. 20 (LP i.i, 1195). 45 LP iii.l, 870, p. 309. 46 The other designs are for black, decorated with gold and crimson, embellished with gold, BL MS Cotton Augustus III, 11, 18 and 19; illustrated in Starkey, European Court, p. 53. 47 LP i.i, 728. 48 CoA MS M16bis, f. 15v. 49 See below, pp. 295–96. 50 Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 53. 51 Ibid., p. 57. 52 TNA LC 9/50, f. 140r. 53 Ibid., f. 219v. 54 Ibid., f. 12v; Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 92. 55 TNA LC 9/50, f. 219v. 56 Ibid., f. 219v. 57 TNA LC2/3.i, ff. 73–129. I am most grateful to Lisa Monnas for providing me with her summary of this data. 58 TNA LC2/3.i, f. 130. 59 BL MS Harley 69, f. 57v; Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, p. 116 (LP v, 1232). 60 LP v, 1323. On the reverse were the names of those to receive livery at a cost of 15s: yeomen — Giles Churchill, Edward Floyd, Robert Little, John Pate, Roland Rigley, William Rigley; grooms — John Anthill, Walter Badham, John Crunde, John Curson, Richard Daye, John Geslyn, John Parker, John Throgmorton; pages — William Oxonbridge, William Reskimmer, John Rigley, Jerome West. 61 Hall, Chronicle, p. 793. 62 PPE, p. 120. 63 Ibid., p. 125. 64 TNA LC 2/3.i, p. 66. 65 The second portrait of an unidentified man is in the collection of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, along with a companion portrait of an unidentified woman; see Foister, Holbein, p. 16; and Rowlands, Holbein, p. 141. 66 LP ix, 413. 67 In France, the royal salamander device of Francis I was carved onto the fireplaces at the château of Blois and represented the monarch even when the king was not present. 68 Musée des Beaux-Arts, Troyes and the BM, London. 69 BM; J. Cherry, ‘The Dunstable swan’, The Journal of the British Archaeological Association, 32 (1969), pp. 38–53. 70 PPE, p. 16. 71 Ibid., p. 187. 72 D. Gaimster and J. A. Goodall, ‘A Tudor parcel-gilt livery badge from Chelsham, Surrey’, Antiquaries Journal, 79 (1999), pp. 392–99. 73 J. G. Nichols, ‘On collars of the royal livery’, The Gentleman’s Magazine, 17 (1842), pp. 157–61, 250–58, 378–79; Scarisbrick, Jewellery, pp. 21–27. 74 Hinton, Gold and Gilt, p. 247. 75 NPG; Scott, Visual History, pl. 115. 76 TNA E315/249, f. 52v. 77 B. Spencer, ‘Fifteenth century collar of SS and hoard of false dice with their container, from the Museum of London’, Antiquaries Journal, 65 (1985), pp. 449–51. 78 In the collection of the Lord Mayor and Corporation of London; illustrated in Somers-Cocks, Princely Magnificence, p. 52; Scarisbrick, Tudor, pp. 36–37. 79 TNA E36/215, p. 62. 80 M. Aston, The King’s Bedpost: Reformation and Iconography in a Tudor Group Portrait (Cambridge, 1993), p. 18. 81 Hall, Chronicle, p. 832.

xiv Livery for the Households of Henry VII and his Family

he household of Henry VII was the leading royal household in early Tudor England. It was surrounded by those of his queen, his mother, his two sons, Arthur and Henry, and his two daughters, Margaret and Mary. However, in the case of the latter, the households of the king’s three children who survived childhood were frequently clustered together. The staff belonging to these households was often given livery and while this could be of any colour, key individuals, usually those seen in public were granted livery in the colours associated with their master or mistress. These livery colours were highly distinctive and provided clear evidence of loyalty and service. They were used to greatest advantage at court events which emphasised both the individual and corporate identity of the Tudor household. Individuals belonging to one royal household could temporarily adopt the livery of another at court festivals as a means of expressing Tudor hegemony. At a joust held on 9 November 1494:

T

It is to be noted that on those two days the challengers came to the palace, on the Sunday, all four were in the king’s livery of green and white, both their armour and other apparel, with four badges of the queen’s livery of blue and mulberry on their helmets. And on Tuesday they all came in the king’s mother’s livery of blue and white, both armour and other apparel.1

The use of livery colours was universal throughout Europe. The pages of Louis XII of France wore hose of red and yellow, while those of his wife Anne of Brittany had hose of black and yellow.2 However, not all of the livery issued to members of the early Tudor households was bi-coloured. The overall impression of these households would have been of variety and of colour. While black and tawny were very popular colours, they were supplemented with green, yellow, russet and red. The livery given to some officers and individuals remained the same throughout the period, while others saw a gradual evolution in the colours of their livery over the years.

Henry VII The evidence relating to Henry VII’s grants of livery can be found in warrants and account books (Table 14.1). Ten of the extant warrants are in poor condition and the names of their beneficiaries are illegible. Of the rest, 68 were issued to individuals (56 male and 12 female), 24 to groups such as the henchmen and the women of the nursery (23 male and one female) and 12 to household departments (for example, the closet and the chapel) or provide textiles to celebrate feast days (such as Candlemas). The majority only received one warrant, while the king received 47. The accounts mention 81 individuals (70 male and 12 female), 15 groups of individuals (14 male and one female) and 15 household departments. Twenty of the individuals (14 male and six female), eight groups (seven male and one female) and 10 departments and events feature in both the warrants and accounts. These figures enable us to draw several conclusions. Individuals were the chief recipients of livery and by far the largest number only got a single livery. Groups of household officers and household departments did less well. Only a very small percentage of the recipients were women. In addition to providing liveries, Henry VII also gave clothing as gifts. For example, in January 1499 he gave New Year’s gifts of cloth to Catherine Grey and four others.3 Five months later he gave Thomas Beston, groom of the leash, 6 yards (5.4 m) of double motley and a pair of green hose.4 In the same month an unnamed male royal ward was given a range of clothes including a black velvet doublet, a black velvet jacket furred with white budge, a long gown of black camlet also furred with white budge, two gowns of tawny medley furred with black lamb, five pairs of tawny kersey hose, as well as shirts, hats, shoes, slippers and pinsons.5 On 2 September he presented ‘our cousin’ the earl of Essex with 3 yards (2.7 m) of tawny damask.6

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livery for the households of henry vii Table 14.1: Number of grants of livery for individuals, groups, departments and events

Recipients

1 warrant

Warrants Individuals

53

Groups/ events/departments

2 warrants

3 warrants

4 warrants

5 warrants

More than 5

8

5

~

~

21

4

2

~

2

1: 10 warrants 1: 47 warrants 1: 6 warrants 4: 7 warrants 1: 9 warrants 1: 12 warrants

Accounts Individuals

61

11

4

1

1

Groups/ events/departments

15

7

~

3

2

This level of provision was not cheap but, according to Pedro de Ayala, Henry VII was a wealthy man. This was partly because ‘If gold coin once enters his strong boxes, it never comes out again’. De Ayala elaborated on this, saying that, ‘His ordinary expenses for his house, table, kitchen, pension, council, chapel, servants, liveries, hunting etc., for his own person, the Queen, the Prince of Wales, and all his children together, is about one hundred thousand scudos a year’.7 The livery issued by Henry VII to his household falls into two distinct types. First, there was his dynastic livery of green and white. This colour combination was largely limited to jackets and coats and given to a range of individuals, including George Grey, a spear of Calais, receiving 12 yards (10.9 m) of green damask and 12 yards (10.9 m) of white damask on 13 June 1503, Worley Herman, master gunner at Calais, was given 2½ yards (2.2 m) of green and white cloth for a livery coat, 24 members of the yeomen of the guard received jackets with bases of green and white and four French minstrels received coats of white and green camlet with sleeves.8 Its use extended to the staff of the royal stable, the men rowing the royal barge and the crew of the king’s balinger. Henry VII’s use of it also incorporated the two footmen accompanying Margaret north for her marriage to James IV.9 Her footmen and littermen also received a black velvet livery with crowned portcullises. This was possibly a variant of the type of livery worn by the king’s almsmen in the illustration in the indenture for founding the king’s chantry chapel in Westminster abbey in 1504. Behind Abbot Islip kneel monks of the abbey and the king’s almsmen, who had long hair, no tonsure and were dressed in black with the crowned Tudor rose on their left shoulder (Fig. 14.1). Henry VII was the first English king to use the closed imperial crown on his coins. The illustration indicates that it was also displayed on the king’s livery. This practice is further confirmed by the presence of the closed imperial crown on the hearse cloths commissioned during 1504–05 by the king and now preserved in the Fitzwilliam and Ashmolean museums (Fig. 14.2). On 4 May 1490 John Fligh paid William Moreton and John Smith for embroidering 21 jackets and for goldsmith’s work, and William More for work on 20 jackets, along with 60 jackets costing 18s, giving a total of £115 6s.10

1: 11 warrants 1: 13 warrants 1: 51 warrants 1: 8 warrants 1: 11 warrants 1: 20 warrants

14.1 Illuminated initial of the founding indenture of Henry VII’s chantry chapel, Westminster abbey, 1504, showing Henry VII and Abbot Islip and the almsmen who wear the crowned rose badge on their left shoulder. The National Archive, E33/1

The second type of livery was much less defined in terms of colour or cloth, and was given to members of the king’s household, the quantity and quality of the clothing usually dependent on their social standing and position within the household. Much of the clothing was black or tawny, but not all. For example, Ralph Pudsey received a tawny cloth gown furred with white lamb in January 1503, and the same furred with black lamb in January and November 1505.11 In contrast, on 4 March 1499 Guiliam Maynard was given a gown of violet wool dyed in grain and furred with white lamb and a black satin doublet.12 As with the king and his immediate family, a limited range of fabrics and colours were used. Woollen fabrics were used quite consistently and included russet and motley for watching livery, broad cloth and kersey. The provision of fur was limited both in the varieties used and the

livery for the households of henry vii

14.2 Detail of the royal arms supported by a dragon and a hound from Henry VII’s hearse cloth, c. 1504–05. Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, © The Textile Conservation Centre, University of Southampton

number of recipients. The watching livery issued in six years between 1486–87 and 1502–03 was russet, but in 1504–05 and 1505–06 it was tawny.13 The livery provided for Henry VII’s footmen and the henchmen is subtly different from that provided for most other groups both in terms of the quantity and quality (Table 14.2). For example, in December 1487 the four footmen were given a gown of crimson in grain furred with black shanks, a doublet of black velvet, a jacket of crimson velvet, a red bonnet and a crimson hat while in March 1488 the seven henchmen received riding gowns of crimson velvet and cloth of gold, two black satin doublets, a demi-gown of murrey in grain and fine tawny, two pairs of hose of unspecified colour and a cloak of scarlet.14 While there are parallels in the livery given to the footmen and henchmen, the latter always received more, of greater variety and more up to date in fashion including the demi-gown and cloak. They also received riding jackets, boots and spurs, in keeping with their role as a highly

255

visible part of the royal entourage when the king appeared in public. The henchmen were also provided with bedding.15 The footmen received a less generous provision and their role walking with the king’s retinue was emphasised by their receipt of double-soled shoes rather than boots and no spurs. Henry VIII continued his father’s provisioning, but as elsewhere he was compelled to expand upon it. Henry VIII usually had nine henchmen and six to eight footmen and lavished more clothes upon them. The chief sections of the household to receive livery and textiles from the great wardrobe included musicians, trumpeters, officers of the chamber or domus magnificencie and the offices of the stable and the chapel. Much of this continued unchanged under Henry VIII, although there were some subtle differences. The privy chamber and its associated staff emerged during Henry VII’s reign, but it did not develop fully until after 1509. Just one warrant surviving in the extant accounts provided livery for a group of officers from the privy chamber: dated 15 January 1504 it awarded black damask gowns and doublets of black damask and black satin to Richard Clement, John Green, Peter Narbonne and Robert Wingfield, grooms of the privy chamber.16 This black livery continued in use throughout Henry VIII’s reign. The musicians in Henry VII’s service formed a smaller group with more traditional instruments than the individuals retained by Henry VIII. The livery provided for them was also conservative in its form. A warrant dated 17 June 1504 allowed red cloth gowns for five trumpeters, ‘viij stille mynstralles & v lowed mynstralls’ and jackets of green and white damask for six minstrels.17 Equally, the various facets of the royal chapel were well provided for both in terms of livery and textiles, as indicated from the expenses of William Tebbe, the sergeant of the vestry, from 30 September 1490 to 1 October 1491 (Table 14.3). A vestment maker at Windsor was paid 68s 3d for working on items for the chapel: for 38 days labour at 4d the day, 12s 8d; for 1 lb (0.4 kg) of fine thread of various colours, 2s 3d; 18 oz (0.5 kg) of ribbon, 18s; for making six vestments, 14s.18 A warrant for the king’s chapel dated 4 January 1499 commissioned William More and John Martin, embroiderers, to provide three copes of green velvet, each with 16 portcullises,

Table 14.2: Expenditure on livery issued to the footmen, the henchmen, the guard and on watching and Tower livery Year

Footmen

Henchmen*

Watching livery

Tower livery

The Guard

1498–99 1502–03 1504–05 1505–06

4: £32 5s 2d 4: £33 11s 0d 4: £20 18s 6d 3–4: £55 2s 6½d

3–4: £148 5s 5¼d 5–6: £84 3s 7d 3: £54 9s ob 5: £159 7s ½d

?: £94 17s 11d ?: £81 63: £73 8s 8d 74: £75 12s

12: £12 No entry No entry 12: £12

20: £24 9s 0 No entry No entry No entry

* The figure given is for the number of henchmen. It does not include the master or their page, one or both of whom sometimes appear on the warrants.

Table 14.3: Expenditure on livery issued to the chapel, the closet, the vestry, the barge and the stable Year/account

The Chapel

The Closet

The Vestry

The Barge

The Stable

1498–99 1502–03 1504–05 1505–06

£25 7s 5½d ~ ~ ~

~ ~ £4 7s 5d ~

£1 ~ ~ ~

£21 0s 4d £3 15s 3d ~ ~

£102 16s 10½d £12 4s 11¼d £20 4s 2d £78 10s 6d

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livery for the households of henry vii

two tunicles of green velvet each with eight portcullises, three amices with nine small portcullises, an altar cloth with the king’s arms with one crown imperial and two portcullises, another with the image of Our Lady of Pity, separate images of St Francis and St Edward and a frontal with roses and portcullises costing £25 7s 5½d.19 Although the stable had not attained the level of importance that it enjoyed under Henry VIII, it was still the area of the household with the highest level of recorded expenditure, although this was on harness and horse blankets rather than livery for the officers. The warrants provided either saddles for the king’s own use or more general provision for the king’s horses. However, none of these were as long, or as detailed, as those prepared for Henry VIII’s stable. Most of the saddles supplied for Henry VII were covered with black velvet, but there were a few more sumptuous examples. A warrant dated 17 April 1499 included two saddles and two sets of harness covered with crimson velvet and bordered with white cloth of gold. They were trimmed with 20 buckles, 20 pendants and 109 bullions, all silver gilt, as well as eight buttons and six silk tassels.20 Less glamorous was the provision made for the king’s mule consisting of a saddle covered with black velvet and trimmed with black silk fringe.21 On rare occasions, Henry VII provided horses for members of his household: on 31 July 1492 he bought a horse, saddle, bridle and spurs for Dego the Spanish fool costing 18s 6d.22 Hunting does not loom large in the provisions made by Henry VII, notwithstanding his enthusiasm for the pastime as celebrated in the dedication illustration of him receiving from the author a copy of The Book of Hunting or Master of the Game. On 26 September 1488 John Newbury, yeoman of the privy buckhounds, received eight collars of silk garnished with crowns, roses, fleur-de-lis and other badges for 3s 4d, eight liams costing 8d, a pack saddle with harness for 3s 4d and a pair of panniers for the carriage of stuff for the buckhounds for 4s.23 In contrast, Henry VIII, who described himself as a martyr to hunting, spent heavily on his huntsmen and hounds.

Elizabeth of York According to The Great Chronicle ‘the Quenys lyverey [was] of blew sylk & murrey or purpyll’.24 The doublets made from blue and murrey were embroidered with the motto ‘humble and reverence’.25 However, while these livery colours would have been used for revels and court ceremonial, the general livery issued to the members of the queen’s household was not of these colours. Some provision for the livery of the queen’s household was made by the king’s great wardrobe. In 1487 the wardrobe provided watching livery of russet cloth for William Betell, Hamlett Clegge, Richard Smith and 16 of their companions who were servants of the queen.26 Lewis Gough and John Rede, the queen’s footmen, were given velvet, sarsenet, holland, boots, shoes, hats and bonnets.27 Making two cloaks for the same footmen cost 9s 6d.28 Provision continued during

the reign, although it is hard to chart systematically because of the lack of records. In the period 1488–89, Victor, page of the chamber ‘to our dearest wife’ received tawny medley for a gown lined with white cloth and 3 yards (2.7 m) of bridges satin for a doublet.29 There is then a gap of nearly a decade before Henry Pole, gentleman usher with the queen, was given 3 yards (2.7 m) of black satin for a doublet on 3 June 1497.30 In the following month, John Gilmyn, footman with the queen, received 2½ yards (2.2 m) of black velvet for a doublet and lining, 2 yards (1.8 m) of black velvet for a jacket and a pair of hose on 1 July.31 On 5 October 1501 Richard Denor, minstrel with the queen, received 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet for a doublet, as a reward.32 Elizabeth also met some of the costs of providing livery for her household, as can be seen by the expenditure made from her privy purse. The liveries that she provided fell into two main groups. The first consisted of clothing for the queen’s footmen. Payments indicate that Elizabeth had two footmen during 1502, with the number increasing to three in February 1503, the month of her death. They received new doublets on a regular basis which varied in terms of colour and the type of cloth used and they were given gowns, jackets and hose on a more occasional basis: of unspecified type on 2 August, of crimson velvet on 13 September, of tawny damask on 27 November, provided at Warwick, along with gowns of tawny damask and doublets of yellow bridges satin and on 12 February, doublets of bridges satin and jackets of black velvet lined with sarsenet.33 In addition, they received ten pairs of watchet hose, three black velvet jackets and eight pairs of black hose and on 2 January 1503, 20 pairs of shoes at the queen’s departing into Wales, along with a further 12 pairs of shoes for the footmen.34 Second, there are clothes and other necessaries for the queen’s fool, William. These consisted of 10 yards (9.1 m) of kendal costing 6s 8d, a pair of shoes for 6d and a pair of hose for 10d; along with another pair of shoes and a pair of socks.35 Related to these, is the gown of satin ‘figury’ lined with yellow bridges satin bought for ‘the great Fleming, called Anne’ at a price of 5s.36 Finally, on 31 March 1502 she gave a gift of wedding clothes to William Paston, her page of the wardrobe of the beds.37 The queen’s sisters appear to have held positions within her household, at least periodically. In March 1503 Lady Catherine received £50 for her year’s wages, while Lady Anne received £120 for her diets and Lady Bridget, who was a nun at Dartford, received 66s 8d.38 The names of Elizabeth’s gentlewomen appear in a deposition made in 1552 by Viscount Hereford at a case concerning the legitimacy of Anne, one of the daughters of the duke of Suffolk. Hereford stated that ‘He knew Anne Browne . . . waiting on Queen Elizabeth, at which time also waited Mistress Margaret Wootton, and Mistress Anne Green, those at that time being called the three gentlewomen of honour’.39 Possibly the best evidence of who was in Elizabeth’s service comes from the grants of annuities and gifts made by Henry VIII in acknowledgement of their loyalty to her. In February 1511 Henry granted an annuity of £20 for life backdated from Easter last to Joan Stuarde, in consideration of her service to Queen Elizabeth, the king’s mother.40 A cluster of similar grants were made in December 1515: an annuity of 100s to Anne Hubberd, gentlewoman to the king’s mother and grandmother as she was then 80 years

livery for the households of henry vii old, an annuity of 20 marks to Elizabeth, wife of John Burton, an annuity of £50 to Mary Reading, gentlewoman, and an annuity of £20 for life to Elizabeth Chamber.41 On a very occasional basis Elizabeth of York provided clothing for members of the king’s household, as her privy purse accounts indicate. On 25 November 1502, she gave 3 yards (2.7 m) of black satin costing 6s 8d to John Miklow, clerk comptroller of the king’s household.42 Shortly before her death in 1503, she bought coats of white and green sarsenet for four of the king’s minstrels, four of his trumpets and three minstrels, one with Prince Arthur and the other two with Prince Henry and the duke of Buckingham.43 In addition to making provision for her own children, she also looked after her younger sisters and her nephews. Henry Courtenay, Henry VIII’s cousin and the future earl of Devon, and his younger brother Edward, received a number of items from the queen’s privy purse. These included two coats of black camlet for Henry and Edward Courtenay against Christmas, and two coats of black velvet for this pair against Easter, which Elizabeth paid for on 10 June 1502.44 In November of the same year, Elizabeth paid for a gown of damask lined with sarsenet, a gown of tawny medley bordered with sarsenet, a coat of murrey camlet and a petticoat for Henry and for similar items for his brother.45

Lady Margaret Beaufort Following the establishment of her own household at Collyweston in 1499, Lady Margaret Beaufort appointed new officers loyal to her and her interests. These included Miles Worsley, her cofferer, William Merbury, her comptroller, James Morice, her clerk of works, and Henry Hornby, her secretary and dean of her chapel.46 All of her extant household accounts relate to the period after the establishment of her independent household which allowed her to fulfil a special role supporting her son. Tawny was the preferred colour for the livery that Lady Margaret gave to the core members of her household. It was clearly a colour she liked, because she chose it for her maundy gowns and her closet was hung with paned hangings of dusk tawny and pale tawny sarsenet.47 It also echoed the use of tawny at Henry VII’s court and this was a feature that was to continue in his son’s reign. However, as in the royal household, she also distributed black. The use of livery made from two different types of fabric appeared in 1509 when she ordered a coat for Mr Parker together with a doublet that was half black satin and half tawny satin, and a doublet for Mr Zouche half of black satin and half of tinselled satin.48 The livery given to the women of her household is often mentioned. Her women were described as being at her finding, for example in 1508 7 timbers of lettice costing 49s were bought for the gowns of the gentlewomen at Lady Margaret’s finding, and a fur of shanks for their workday gowns costing 16s.49 Refurbishment of their clothes was undertaken as necessary. Robert Hilton was paid 8d a gown for dressing gowns for Mistress Jan and Mistress Frognall, and allowed ½ yard (0.45 m) of tawny cloth for the body and sleeves of each gown,

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costing 2s 10d.50 Later in the same year she bought two pieces of tawny fustian for kirtles for her gentlewomen and 10 ells (6.9 m) of linen for their smocks.51 In 1507 she provided a gown of French tawny for Mr Parker and her gentlewomen.52 There is evidence of her making special provision for their clothing at the time of their marriage — in 1504 she purchased a garnished bonnet for Mistress Webb costing 23s 4d.53 In 1498 Lady Margaret went on pilgrimage to Walsingham, the journey taking 13 days from London. Her two footmen were paid 4d a day ‘for running with my ladys grace’, and they were provided with six pairs of shoes for the journey, costing 3s in total.54 In 1503 John and Harry were bought livery of tawny kersey, while in 1507 they were given shoes, kersey hose and tawny damask for performing their doublets.55 She also employed two littermen to manage her litter, which played an important part in her regular removals from one property to the next. In 1503 Lady Margaret paid 15s 7d for 5½ yards (5 m) of dark tawny for their coats and 12d for making the coats.56 Four years later in 1507, they were given coats made from tawny medley costing 18s.57 When Lady Margaret went to Walsingham again in 1508, her littermen were given 6 yards (5.4 m) of tawny medley costing 18s for their coats, along with a pair of hose and three pairs of shoes each.58 Lady Margaret kept a fool called Skip. He would have stood out from the rest of her household on account of the bright colour of his clothes. In 1503 he was provided with 6 yards (5.4 m) of blue cloth for a coat costing 7s 6d, a pair of shoes and a hat costing 14d.59 In 1504 his coat was made from 8 yards (7.3 m) of popinjay colour kersey costing 8s, along with a petticoat made from white cotton.60 She also bought him a pair of startups, loose leather shoes often worn in rural areas, in 1505 costing 12d.61 After the death of her son Henry VII, she obtained black cloth for her and her servants’ clothing and she gave 9s 4d in reward to the officers of the great wardrobe. Robert Fremingham, Robert Hilton and one servant were provided with diets costing 6s 8d. The fabric was transported by cart from the wardrobe situated in London to Coldharbour hired for 4d and in two boats from Coldharbour to Richmond for 2s 8d.62 Lady Margaret had two ladies, Lady Jane who received 16 yards (14.6 m) of black cloth, and Lady Willoughby, who was given 14 yards (12.8 m); 8 yards (7.3 m) were presented to each of her six gentlewomen, Mistress Clifford, Mistress Parker, Mistress Fowler, Mistress Stanhope, Mistress Jane and Mistress Radcliff, and her two chamberers, Perott Doren and Jane Walter, each received 3½ yards (3.2 m).63 As was incumbent on her, Lady Margaret kept a store of arms and armour for use during unrest and on campaign. In 1505 John Beane, armourer, was paid 26s 8d for cleaning 27 pairs of brigandines and sallets, and the mail belonging to the same.64 Lady Margaret celebrated Christmas with revels. In January 1506 she gave £16 8s 4d ‘to John Harrison for dyuers stuff bought for the players & moresse daunce with other dyuers expens for the abbott of mysrewle in Crystemasse as a perith by his bill’.65 Two years later, John Harrison as lord of misrule received £15 10½d for the disguisings and plays at Christmas, including 24 yards (21.9 m) of yellow cotton costing 12s.66

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The households of the king’s children As infants, the king’s children were cared for in the royal nursery before their own households were established for them. As a result of the very fragmentary nature of the great wardrobe accounts, there is little evidence of the size of these, but what there is highlights several trends. Prince Arthur was the first of the royal children to enjoy a household of his own, in acknowledgement of his status as the heir to the throne. A list of items for the prince’s wardrobe of the robes included one garment which was delivered to William Vaughan in May 1487, suggesting that he might have been in the prince’s household.67 A warrant dated 25 January 1488 ordering watching livery for the prince’s household named John Antilenop, John Caterall, Walter Frost, John Hoo, William Norbury and William Vaughan, as yeomen of the chamber with the prince, and Gamond Baket, Thomas Banes, John Bennington, William Pautriche and John a Woode, as grooms of the same.68 They each received 5 yards (4.5 m) of cloth. On 20 July 1490 a warrant was drawn up ordering for the prince two pairs of sheets of fine holland, four pillowberes, four pairs of sheets of coarse holland, six brushes, assorted crochets and tappet hooks and two hammers to be delivered to William Vaughan, his wardrober.69 On 10 December 1491 another warrant ordering watching clothing made from 5 yards (4.5 m) of broad cloth and costing 5s 1d a yard was issued for 11 yeomen and grooms of his chamber.70 There are also two warrants that named specific individuals linked to the prince’s household. On 5 December 1497 Philip Trowmer, ‘sewer unto our son’, was granted 5 broad yards (4.5 m) of tawny medley for a gown, and as much black budge to fur the same.71 In the following year, there is evidence that the prince had his own artificers, because John Palmer, described as ‘saddler with our dearest son the prince’, received payment of £4 5s 2d on 16 March 1498.72 In contrast Henry VII’s younger children spent much of their childhood at Greenwich or Eltham nearby. In 1499 when Erasmus met Prince Henry at Eltham, he noted it was ‘where all the king’s children, except Arthur, who was then the eldest son, were being educated’.73 Henry had a small household of his own and a small wardrobe which included four hangings of red worsted for a chamber.74 Blue and tawny were the Yorkist livery colours, which Henry assumed on being created duke of York in 1494. He received four horse cloths of blue and tawny and six trumpet banners.75 In July 1501 Henry VII considered providing the duke of York with a property of his own once the marriage of his elder brother was agreed.76 On 26 October 1501 John Goor, fool with the duke of York, was granted a coat ‘of our son’s colours’, four pairs of shoes, two shirts and two pairs of hose.77 There were also two warrants dated on 11 October 1501 and 17 May 1502 which provided livery for John Williams and Richard Wiggins, footmen with the duke of York.78 Both men retained their posts after Henry became prince of Wales. On 18 May 1503 new livery for his two footmen was ordered costing £11 9s 3½d.79 The livery consisted of doublets of tawny and black velvet, gowns of tawny medley and caps, hats, shirts, hose, leather points and double-soled shoes. A further issue was ordered on 4 July 1505 comprising of black velvet doublets,

crimson velvet jackets, tawny cloth gowns as well as shoes, hats, shirts and hose costing £15 9s 1½d. On 1 April 1506 they received the same grant of livery, but this time it cost £18 2s 3d. In the summer of 1504 Hernan duque de Estrada, the Spanish ambassador reported that: The prince of Wales is with the king. Formerly the king did not like to take the prince of Wales with him, in order not to disrupt his studies. It is quite wonderful how much the king likes the prince of Wales. He has good reason to do so, for the prince deserves all love. It is not only from that the king takes the prince with him. He wishes to improve him.80

More interestingly, Don Gutierro Gomez de Fuensalida described him as living in ‘una camera’, which could be understood as meaning a single room or a suite of rooms.81 Other sources describe the prince as receiving ‘the dignities proper to a king’s son’, reinforcing the idea that he had a suite of rooms at his disposal.82 There are also references to members of his household and their provision of livery after 1504.83 Some individuals served several members of the royal family during their lifetime, as in the case of Sir Ralph Verney who was granted an annuity of £50 for service to the king’s father, mother and sisters, on 5 November 1515.84

Royal charity Distributing charity to the poor and needy was an act of mercy. Although undertaken by the crown and therefore seen to be a necessary part of royal patronage, there is little evidence for Henry VII performing it. In contrast, the evidence is a slightly better for royal Tudor women, possibly because this was one area of patronage open to them because even modest levels of spending could make a marked impact. This can be seen fleetingly in the accounts of Elizabeth of York. On 28 September she paid for lawn for a shirt for the child of grace of Reading. The lawn cost 5s, while the making cost an additional 4d.85 However, the charitable provision of clothing looms large in the accounts of Lady Margaret Beaufort. Her chief charitable expenditure was for a group of almsmen, women and children described as her bedemen and bedewomen. She regularly provided them with shoes and hose. In 1505 she bought 19 yards (17.3 m) of medley for kirtles for poor women costing 14s 3d.86 She also paid 8d for a bowl for the alms people to wash their clothes in and 2s 6d for the hire of a tailor to make up clothes for the alms people and the children of the chapel by the space of ten days.87 Lady Margaret also contributed to the upkeep of a small number of religious women. In the same year she paid 10d to Maidwell of Stamford for a pair of slippers and a pair of high pinsons for an anchoress, and gave 5s 4d to master Morgan for dyeing 8 yards (7.3 m) of linen cloth for a nun at Sempringham. There was a further payment of 3s 4d for making two cowls and two kirtles, and 3s 4d for a yard of violet cloth for a scapelary.88 She also paid for 8 yards (7.3 m) of linen for the anchoress’s gown, costing 2s. About the same time she provided 6 yards (5.4 m) of tawny cloth for a gown for a boy called Henry who was described as the king’s godson, along with cloth for a coat, a doublet, hose and shoes.89

livery for the households of henry vii

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Notes 1 Loades, Chronicles, p. 60; Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 274. 2 Evans, Dress, p. 65. 3 TNA E36/209, f. 13v. 4 TNA E101/413/11, no. 45. 5 TNA E36/209, f. 26r. 6 TNA E101/413/11, no. 46. 7 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 206. Pollard equates this sum to £20,880. 8 TNA E101/415/7, no. 112, E101/413/11 no. 38 and E101/414/8, nos 28, 40. 9 TNA E101/415/7, no. 122. 10 TNA E404/80, no. 383. 11 NA E101/415/10, f. 10v, LC9/50, f. 223v and E101/416/3, f. 13r. 12 TNA E36/209, f. 15v. 13 Sutton, ‘Order and fashion’, p. 261. 14 TNA E101/412/20 nos 20 and 27. The footmen tended to receive a tawny gown in each order, which was furred with black or white lamb in winter and black velvet doublets. However, the colour of the doublets could vary. On the warrant dated 9 November 1504 they were made from crimson velvet, while on 8 June 1505 the doublets were made from green satin; LC 9/ 50, f. 227r, and E101/416/3, f. 8v. 15 On a warrant dated 28 September 1506 the henchmen were provided with sheets costing £4 17s; TNA E101/416/3, f. 31v. 16 TNA E101/415/10, f. 10v. Narbonne also received a russet gown costing 10s on a warrant dated 9 April 1506; E101/416/3, f. 27r. 17 TNA E101/415/10, f. 24r. 18 TNA E404/81, not numbered. 19 TNA E36/209, f. 18r. 20 Ibid., f. 18v. 21 TNA E101/416/3, f. 14v. 22 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 91. 23 TNA E404/80, 512/125. 24 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 274. 25 Bruce, Making Henry, p. 21. 26 Campbell, Materials, ii, p. 179. 27 Ibid., p. 175. 28 Ibid., p. 170. 29 TNA E101/413/11, no. 4. 30 TNA E101/414/8, no. 36. 31 Ibid., no. 38. 32 TNA E101/415/7, no. 86. 33 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 34, 46, 69, 93. 34 Ibid., pp. 85, 93, 96. 35 Ibid., pp. 24, 61. 36 Ibid., p. 69. 37 Ibid., p. 4. 38 Ibid., p. 99. 39 D. R. Starkey (ed.), Rivals in Power (1990), p. 40. 40 LP i.i, 709.44. 41 LP ii.i, 1243, LP i.ii, 3324.13 (also LP ii.i, 951), LP i.ii, 3324.14 (also LP ii.i, 718) and LP i.ii, 3324.36 (also LP ii.i, 791).

42 PPE Elizabeth, p. 66. 43 Ibid., p. 78 44 Ibid., p. 20. 45 Ibid., pp. 69–70. 46 Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, pp. 153–54. 47 SJC D91.12, p. 3. 48 SJC D91.4, p. 5. 49 SJC D91.19, p. 106 50 SJC D91.21, p. 116. 51 Ibid., p. 136. 52 SJC D91.19, p. 26. 53 SJC D91.20, p. 127. 54 SJC D91.17, p. 35. 55 SJC D91.20, p. 80, and D91.19, p. 12. 56 SJC D91.20, p. 80. 57 SJC D91.19, p. 25. 58 Ibid., p. 96b. 59 SJC D91.20, p. 13. 60 Ibid., pp. 112, 124. 61 SJC D91.21, p. 42. 62 SJC D102.1, f. 11r. 63 TNA LC2/1, f. 122r. 64 SJC D91.21, p. 57. 65 SJC D91.19, p. 47. 66 Ibid., pp. 121, 111. 67 TNA E101/412/20, no. 18. 68 Ibid., no. 16; also see Campbell, Materials, i, p. 499. 69 TNA E404/80, no. 637. 70 TNA E404/81, no. 37. 71 TNA E101/413/11, no. 44. 72 Ibid., no. 57. 73 Nichols, Epistles, p. 201. 74 TNA E101/414/8, no. 10.238. 75 TNA E101/415/7, nos 39, 59. 76 One of the properties considered was Codnore Castle, Derbyshire; Bruce, Making Henry, p. 111. 77 TNA E101/415/7, no. 76. 78 Ibid., nos 83 and 15. 79 TNA E101/415/10, f. 17v. 80 Pollard, Henry VII, i, p. 238. 81 Bruce, Making Henry, p. 151. 82 LP iv.iii, 5773. 83 Including CPR, 1494–1509, pp. 386, 387, 391; Anglo, ‘Court festivals of Henry VII’, pp. 40, 43, 44. 84 LP ii.i, 1110. 85 PPE Elizabeth, p. 50. 86 SJC D91.21, p. 13. 87 SJC D91.20, pp. 182, 181. 88 SJC D91.21, pp. 12, 17. 89 Ibid., p. 41.

xv Henry VIII’s Household: The Domus Magnificencie and the Domus Providencie

T

he royal household in the late Middle Ages consisted of three sections: the household above stairs under the lord chamberlain, the household below stairs under the lord steward, and the stable, under the governance of the master of the horse, who had primacy when the monarch was outside the household. The reign of Henry VII witnessed the rise of the privy chamber, initially as a subsection of the chamber and then as a separate household department. Each section of the household had its own staff, its own set of responsibilities and distinct areas within the physical structure of the king’s houses and palaces where they were expected to provide service. The household above stairs or the domus magnificencie, as its name suggests, was intended to reflect the king’s own magnificence and to impress all that saw it. This was indicated by the quantity and quality of the livery provided for the offices of this department and the furnishings deployed there. The same applied to the stable with its staff and horses, being highly visible when the king travelled. In contrast, the household below stairs, or domus providencie, was expected to manage its resources carefully and care for the king’s needs, while very little provision was made for livery because the staff were rarely seen outside the areas where they worked. On 1 August 1524 the commissioners appointed to collect the subsidy noted those members of the royal household authorised to act as their deputies. The list highlights the key offices within the household and gives a sense of their hierarchy: the steward of the king’s household, the chamberlain, the chamberlain of the queen’s household, the king’s treasurer, comptroller and chamberlain, the captain of the king’s guard, the cofferer and the two clerks of the greencloth. Similar notes were drawn up in relation to the households of the Princess Mary, the duchess of Suffolk and Cardinal Wolsey.1 The Act of Precedence of 1539 modified and clarified the hierarchy:

In all parliaments as in the Star Chamber, and in all other assemblies and conferences of Council, the lord chancellor, the lord treasurer, the lord president, the lord privy seal, the great chamberlain, the constable, the marshal, the lord admiral, the grand master or lord steward, the king’s chamberlain, shall sit and be placed in such order and fashion as is above rehearsed, and not in any other place.2

The act, which dealt specifically with where office holders sat in the house of lords, did not mention the master of the horse because he customarily sat in the house of commons. His place in the order of things was recognised in a warrant authorising the appointment of a second secretary to the privy council in 1540: His Majesty ordaineth that in all Councils, as well in his Majesty’s household as in the Star Chamber and elsewhere, all lords, both of the temporality and clergy, shall sit above them [the secretaries]; and likewise the treasurer, comptroller, master of the horse, and vicechamberlain of His Highness’s Household; then after that to be placed the said principal secretaries.3

The household above stairs The provision of body service increased in status during the fifteenth century. Consequently the standing of those providing such service also increased. The physical space occupied by the domus magnificencie consisted of the chamber which incorporated a number of rooms: the guard chamber, the presence chamber and the privy chamber. The household above stairs came under the control of the lord chamberlain. The Black Book of Edward IV noted that the chamberlain received winter and summer robes, delivered at Christmas and Whitsun. These robes were to be paid for out of the counting house at a cost of 8 marks each.4 This post was often held by a close friend of the king: Richard III’s chamberlain was Lord

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Lovell. Under Henry VII the post was enjoyed by Sir William Stanley (1485–95) and Giles, Lord Daubeney (1495–1508) and under Henry VIII by the earl of Worcester (1509–26), Lord Sandys (1526–40), Lord St John (1543) and the twelfth earl of Arundel (1543–47).5 The great wardrobe accounts include a number of entries for long velvet gowns, decorated with a double border or guard for the lord chamberlain. On 17 February 1527 he was given a gown of black velvet with two borders of the same velvet, a coat of russet cloth guarded with two broad borders of russet velvet and a hat lined with sarsenet.6 On 31 December 1527 he was supplied with a similar gown of black velvet with two double borders of the same velvet furred with black budge, the upper sleeves lined with buckram.7 The colour, if not the form, of the gown sometimes varied. Thus by the warrant dated 1 January 1529 he got a gown of russet velvet with two borders of the same velvet and on 26 February 1545 a long gown of tawny velvet guarded with two burgion guards of the same, furred in the body.8 Sir Henry Wyatt (d. 1537), was treasurer of the chamber from 1524–28 (Fig. 15.1). In his portrait, the original of which by Holbein is lost, he wears a black velvet gown furred with sable, a gold chain on his shoulders of round links with a pendant cross.9 The sleeves of his doublet of black damask or satin are fur-lined at the cuffs, while his close-fitting black cap comes down over his ears.

15.1 Sir Henry Wyatt, after Hans Holbein the Younger, sixteenth century. Photograph courtesy of the National Gallery of Ireland

the chamber A number of different groups of royal servants, including the king’s footmen, the henchmen and the yeomen of the guard, belonged to the chamber (Fig. 15.2). Consequently, expenditure on livery for this group of household staff was high (Table 15.1). The issue of Tower livery (livery to be worn at the Tower of London) was very consistent.10 There were 15 recipients in every year listed with the exception of 1510–11. The numbers in receipt of watching livery fluctuated, with 84 recipients in 1527–28 and 153 in 1543–45. The name of the livery is suggested by the tasks undertaken by the yeomen of the chamber which included ‘to make beddes, to bere or hold torches . . . to apparayle all chamres . . . to wache the king by course’.11 While watching livery was usually issued as a block grant, on occasion individuals were omitted or admitted to the office after the grant was made, and so were issued with a separate warrant. The same method was followed for the guard with the variant that the guard did not receive new livery every year. As the livery received by the guard was issued in a range of grades, so the total cost does not always directly correlate with the number of recipients. The numbers

15.2 Drawing of an unknown young man by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1532–40. The style and quality of the clothes would have been comparable with the livery issued to the king’s yeomen. Reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

THE DOMUS MAGNIFICENCIE AND THE DOMUS PROVIDENCIE

263

Table 15.1: Livery supplied to the footmen, henchmen, as watching and Tower livery and to the guard Where applicable/known, the number of recipients is given and then the cost of the livery. Year

Footmen

Henchmen*

Watching livery

Tower livery

Guard

1510–11 1516–17 1517–18 1521–22 1523–25 1526–27 1527–28 1530–31 1531–32 1533–34 1535–36 1537–38 1538–39 1543–45

£97 14s 5d £247 11s 8d £228 8s 11d £232 7s 1½d £243 6s 2½d £99 16s 2d £173 1s 11d £222 5s £222 7s 8d £220 13s £213 18s £170 18s £317 12s 9d ~

£154 11s 8d £919 3s 10d £660 19s 5d £722 15s 11d £216 19s 6d £150 0s 7d £255 13s 10d £447 10s 5d £696 0s 8d £508 7s 1d £457 14s 1d £200 17s ~ £65 2s 8d

£6 £133 8s £131 8s ~ £121 8s ~ £98 ~ £98 8s £98 £100 8s £116 8s £125 14s 3d £163

£13 £15 £18 15s £15 £15 £15 £15 £15 £15 £15 £15 £15 6s 3d £15 6s 3d £15

£8 15s 8d £192 6s 5d £147 8s £151 11s 2d £12 19s 6d ~ ~ £86 8s £178 10s ~ £70 7s ~ £109 14s 7d ~

* The figure given is for the number of henchmen. It does not include the master or their page, one or both of whom sometimes appear on the warrants.

in receipt of livery range between 40 in 1531–32 and 200 in 1521–22. The number of henchmen fluctuates quite widely between 13 or 14 during 1516–18 and four during 1531–32, and the costs are always high. The number of footmen tended to be stable at six but occasionally it rose to seven or eight. The number rose to ten during 1538–39 when Thomas Cromwell was undertaking his review of the royal household. Under the Black Book of Edward IV, the 40 squires of the household were entitled to clothing in winter and summer, or 40s and ‘Hit hath euer byn in speciall charge to squiers in this court to were the kinges lyuery custumably, for the more glory and in worshipp this honorable houshold’.12 Large-scale deliveries of livery were made on an annual basis to the officers of the chamber in the form of watching livery. Under Edward IV, there were four yeomen of the crown, one being the yeoman of the robes and another being the yeoman of the beds, who received changes of clothing half-yearly or 16s. In addition they received watching clothing, and in accordance with the statutes dating from the reign of Edward III they were allowed 10s for a gown and 4s 8d for hose and shoes.13 Other groups of officers in the chamber also received watching livery. On 13 December 1510 livery was ordered for 12 yeomen ushers, 73 yeomen, 15 grooms, seven pages.14 On 30 January 1514 12 daily waiters received 5 yards (4.5 m) of broad cloth of tawny medley for watching livery.15 In December 1514 192 yeomen ushers, yeomen, grooms and pages of the chamber were given watching livery of London russet.16 In 1545 two orders were placed for watching livery. In October a warrant signed by the comptroller of the household was issued to the great wardrobe for ‘watch lyveries to the yeoman waighters’ in the Tower and another, signed by the vice-chamberlain, in December benefited the yeomen, grooms and pages of the chamber.17 The last issue of watching livery for the yeomen, grooms and pages of Henry’s household was ordered on a warrant shortly before the king died in January 1547.18 Some informal provision of clothing was made to the staff of the chamber from the king’s privy purse. On 14 January 1531 the wife of William Armourer was paid £5 11s 4d ‘for ij dousin of handekerchers and Shertes for them of the Chambre

being at the kines finding’.19 Six months later six pairs of hose were bought for the king’s children of the chamber costing 30s.20 There are occasional references to livery being provided for gentleman ushers. On 5 November 1513 a gown of black camlet was ordered for William Cotton.21 Seventeen years later Christopher Rochester, gentleman usher, under a warrant dated 8 April 1531, received fabric for a gown of black damask, a jacket of tawny satin and a yellow velvet doublet costing £11 10s.22 The grooms of the chamber mostly received gowns or coats. On 21 June 1510, motley for coats and black velvet for doublets were delivered to Christopher Rochester and William Gower.23 On 28 January 1511 a gown of tawny camlet was given to William Wise.24 On 8 December 1513 Christopher Rochester and John Dingley, ‘grooms of our chamber’, received 14 yards (12.8 m) of russet damask for a gown furred with black budge and guarded with crimson velvet, black velvet jackets, crimson velvet doublets.25 In 1514 a gown of camlet was supplied to Peter Malvesey.26 In April of that year, William Gower was given 15 yards (13.7 m) of russet damask for a gown furred with black budge and 7 yards (6.4 m) of black velvet for a jacket.27 The lack of evidence relating to the sewers of the chamber is perhaps indicative of their declining role in the household. On 31 July 1510 Nicholas Lode was provided with a coat.28 Four years later William Wise was given a black damask gown.29 The second warrant also provides evidence of Wise’s advancement, as he had risen from being a groom to a sewer of the chamber. In the fifteenth century the royal footmen had risen in importance and they continued to be important in the Tudor period. Curiously, their tasks are not described in the Black Book, but their primary role was to attend upon the head of the household while riding and at events outdoors, such as jousts. The footmen also accompanied the king when hunting. In 1525 a footman saved the king’s life when he fell into a ditch while hunting. The man jumped into the water and ‘lift up his head, whiche was fast in the clay’.30

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Over the space of a year in 1510–11 (November, May and October), the king’s six footmen received gowns of tawny medley.31 The timing suggests that this was their regular livery. However, for special occasions they received more sumptuous attire. On 11 October 1513, the Milanese ambassador wrote to the duke of Milan about the jousts in which Henry VIII and Lord Lisle had taken part: ‘The king’s footmen wore doublets of gold and black velvet, his favourite’s had white.’32 In December 1513, William Gore, footman, was given livery consisting of a gown of tawny medley furred with black Irish lamb, one black and one tawny doublet, a jacket of crimson velvet, six pairs of hose and six shirts with drawn work.33 This increased grant of livery was echoed in the following year by the grant of livery on 19 April 1514 to Andrew de Fosse, William Gower, David Philips, Stephen Toote, Thomas Trestram and John Williams: gowns of tawny camlet lined with camlet, green and black velvet doublets, a jacket of crimson velvet, two velvet caps, a coat of green velvet, a cloak of scarlet, eight pairs of shoes and six shirts.34 While the colours and fabrics changed slightly from year to year, the basic order remained the same. From April 1522 the footmen also received short coats of crimson velvet decorated with roses of crimson and white satin and silver and gilt spangles.35 Similar provision continued to be made after that date, although in some years they received an embroidered crimson jerkin rather than a coat.36 However, in October 1545 Edward Same was appointed to be one of the ten ordinary footmen and he was given an allowance of £40 a year instead of the accustomed apparel from the great wardrobe, subscribed by the master of the horse.37 The same was granted to Thomas Edmund.38 The Black Book provided a detailed description of the role of the henchmen or the pages of honour who rode or walked next to the king in processions and on progress. Edward IV and Richard III usually had seven henchmen, while Henry VIII had between four and nine.39 The henchmen were allowed bedding, a servant each to keep their harness and their chamber, ‘And all other finding for theyre bodyes they take of the kinges warderober, by sewte of the master of henxmen made to the kinges chambrelayn for warrauntez’.40 The role of the master of the henchmen was: to show the scoolez of vrbanitie and nourture of Inglond, to lern them to ride clenly and surely, to drawe them also to justes, to lern them were theyre harneys; to haue all curtesy in wordez, dedes and degrees, dilygently to kepe them in rules of goynges and sittinges, after they be of honour. Moreouer, to teche them sondry languages and other lernynges vertuous, to herping, to pype, sing, daunce, and with other honest and temperate behauing and pacience; and to kepe dayly and wykely with thees children dew conuenitz, with correcions in thyere chambres according to suche gentylmen; and eche of them to be vsed to that thinges of vertue that he shalbe most apt to lerne, with remebraunce dayly of Goddes seruyce accustomed.

Like the squires of the household, the master received clothing, harness and livery for his horse.41 As the henchmen played an important ceremonial role the king did not stint on their livery. They were prominent in processions, notably at royal coronations and funerals. At Henry VII’s funeral, there were nine henchmen riding: on coursers trapped with black velvet the three foremost bearing caps of maintenance which three Popes had sent the King, the next three bearing

rich swords point downwards, the seventh bearing target of the arms of England otherwise called a shield crowned, the eighth a helmet with a lion of gold on it, the ninth a spear covered with black velvet.42

The identical number of henchmen attended Henry VIII’s funeral.43 They also took part in the king’s revels and jousts. The 1547 revels list includes ‘ij olde cotes for henchemen of Tilsent and Crymsen satten in panes with twoo Cappes of Tilsent’ (8640). The henchmen received two substantial warrants a year. The winter warrant dating from November 1510 consisted of gowns of tawny medley furred with fox poots and of tawny damask furred with black budge, doublets of black velvet and tawny satin, linen shirts decorated with drawn thread work, hose of scarlet and tawny, double-soled shoes and pinsons, caps, hats with sarsenet hatbands, silk girdles, silk and leather points.44 For Henry’s meeting with Francis in 1532, they had coats made from purple, black and white velvet, and hose made from black, white and purple cloth.45 They also received some highly fashionable items such as short cloaks, jackets with bases and riding coats, made from their very best quality materials. In April 1517 their jackets with bases for riding were made from crimson velvet and bordered and guarded with cloth of gold.46 In May 1525 the crimson velvet jackets with bases were trimmed with green cloth of gold. In July 1534 the henchmen received crimson velvet coats, clocked and guarded with white tilsent.47 As a group, they were the most expensively and well-dressed of the king’s household that were paid for out of the king’s purse.

the privy chamber The privy chamber originated under Henry VII. Its staff initially came under the control of the groom of the stool, but its structure evolved under Henry VIII. The staff included the king’s barber and the officers of the wardrobe of the robes and they were often provided with livery on the king’s own warrants. The king spent time in his privy chamber with his friends and advisors. As discussed above, the officers of the privy chamber received two types of livery from 1527, one of which changed colour every year.48 The evidence here relates to the other set of livery these officers received. The Eltham Ordinances of 1526 stated that: The gentlemen of the privy chamber [were] to be ready by 7 o’clock . . . to help to dress him, putting on his garments in reverent, discrete and sober manner. None of the grooms or ushers to touch his person without special command or meddle with the dressing, except it be to warm clothes and carry them to the gentlemen; the garments to be brought to the privy chamber door by the yeoman of the robes and received by one of the grooms, who shall deliver it to one of the six gentlemen to put upon the King’s person.49

The gentlemen helped the king to dress, working with the officers of the robes. No references to the provision of livery for the gentlemen have been discovered earlier than 1527. The grooms of the privy chamber seem to have been more fortunate. Two warrants for the grooms survive from the start of the reign. On a warrant dated 19 May 1511 Nicholas Carew, John Dingley, William Gower and Christopher

THE DOMUS MAGNIFICENCIE AND THE DOMUS PROVIDENCIE

Rochester received gowns of tawny cloth and gowns of tawny camlet on another warrant dated 19 March 1512.50 By the time of the next batch of warrants, the order was larger. There are three warrants dated 22 November 1529, 22 November 1530 and 20 November 1531 for four grooms (Urian Brereton, William Brereton, John Carey and Walter Walsh) and John Penne, the barber.51 There is also a warrant dated 14 December 1533 for Urian Brereton, William Brereton, John Carey, Anthony Denny, Nicholas Simpson, and John Penne.52 All four warrants ordered damask gowns furred with budge, velvet jackets and doublets. The warrant dated 9 May 1538 was slightly different and not repeated. It consisted of broadcloth gowns guarded with black velvet and furred with black budge, jackets of damask, doublets of satin and fustian, white kersey hose, shirts and bonnets.53 The warrant issued on 28 November 1539 made provision for six grooms, but otherwise it reverted to the standard form.54 A warrant issued at Hampton Court on 28 November 1542 for livery to be issued at Christmas for the grooms of the privy chamber gave details of the quantity and the price of the damask for a gown and velvet for a coat and doublet, with black budge and other materials for trimming and lining costing in total £27 15s.55 A similar order was placed in November 1543.56 A warrant signed with the stamp in November 1545 authorised the great wardrobe to provide apparel to every groom of the privy chamber and the barber for the coming year.57 The officers of the wardrobe of the robes, originally under the control of the chamberlain, had transferred to the jurisdiction of the chief gentleman of the privy chamber. However, the basic structure and rationale remained the same as it had been when it was described in the Black Book of Edward IV. The staff of the wardrobe of the robes consisted of a yeoman, who was to be dressed like a yeoman of the crown, a groom who was given clothing within the household yearly, or 6s 8d along with watching clothing from the wardrobe, and a page who was also allowed clothing. A few warrants for staff from the wardrobe of the robes survive from early in Henry VIII’s reign. For example, on 20 November 1514, John Copinger, page of the robes, was provided with black damask for a gown.58 A few weeks later Richard Smith, yeoman of the robes, was given tawny camlet for a gown.59 After the mid 1520s, the officers of the robes came to be thought of as part of the privy chamber staff, and accordingly they were included in the block warrants for this section of the household. The king’s barber was also a member of the privy chamber. His role was described in the Black Book: the King’s barber shall be dayly by the King’s uprising ready and attendant in the privy chamber; there having in readinesse, his water, cloths, knives, combes, sissors, and such other stuffe as to his roome doth appertayne, for trimming and dressing the King’s head and beard. And that the said barbor taken especiall regard to the pure and cleane keeping of his own person and apparell.60

His livery was included on the warrants for the grooms of the privy chamber.61 Provision was made for the barber’s livery and the 1547 inventory included references to a silver basin for shaving in the Tower (1457) and another received from Hampton

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Court (1534). Shaving cloths were kept in removing coffer M (2584), while shaving cloths ‘trymmed with golde’ (11588) and ‘trymmed with blacke silke’ (11593) were at Whitehall and Hampton Court respectively. The king also had a selection of combs, including ‘a Combe of golde garnysshed with course stones and perle lacking some stones’ (2922), ‘a horse tayle to make cleane Combes’ (11208) and hair brushes (9471, 9582). Other tools for the king’s personal hygiene included ‘a shorte case of gold enameled full of to the pikes’ (2318) and ‘an Eare picke of Siluer’ (2618).

the fool There were two types of fool to provide amusement at court: the clever fools and the innocents who needed care.62 Fools could use their own dress to make a satirical point, as in the episode involving a jester at Edward IV’s court described in the Great Chronicle. The jester appeared before the king carrying a pike. He was dressed in a short coat cut in points along the hem and a long pair of boots that were tied to the points. When asked to explain his appearance, he replied: ‘I have passed thorwth many Cuntrees of your Realm, and in placys that I have passid Ryvers been soo hieh that I coude hardly scape throw theym, But as I was fayn to serch the depth wyth this long staff.’63 This comment was a veiled attack on the all pervasive influence of Earl Rivers, the king’s father-in-law. The accounts from Henry VIII’s reign suggest that the king’s fool was provided with clothing rather than having to supply his own. The clothes were often brightly coloured. The king also provided his fools with a horse and horse harness. On 12 December 1509 William Worth, keeper of the fool, received a gown of tawny medley furred with lamb and a doublet of fustian for Thomas Cliff.64 Two years later, another warrant ordered the delivery of a fustian coat to Thomas Cliff and a gown of broad cloth to Thomas Tailor, who had replace Worth as Cliff’s keeper.65 Philip Sexton, familiarly known as Patch, started his career in Wolsey’s household. According to George Cavendish, Wolsey made a gift of his fool to Henry at the time of his fall from grace. The cardinal asked Henry Norris to ‘present the kyng with this poore foole . . . suerly for a noble mans pleasure he is worth a Ml li’.66 A selection of clothing was bought for him from the king’s privy purse, including a coat of kendal and a doublet of fustian made by Cotton in June 1530 costing 15s 4d.67 He also received fabric for garments costing £3 11d, a doublet and hose of worsted and sarsenet with the making (33s 10d), ‘a perwyke’ (20s), washing his shirts (9s 8d), a Milan bonnet and a night cap (8s), cloth and making of a coat (21s 8d), a night cap, washing his shirts, shoes (6s 8d) and two pairs of hose, a doublet and a pety coat.68 Sexton had a servant called Skinner who received wages of 15s 2d a quarter and who was given 22s 6d for his own livery.69 The servant was provided with a livery coat costing 23s 4d.70 In July 1535 the imperial ambassador reported that the king had ‘nearly murdered his own fool, a simple and innocent

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man, because he happened to speak well in his presence of the Queen and Princess and called the concubine “ribaude” and her daughter “bastard”. He has now been banished from Court, and has gone to the Grand Esquire who has sheltered and hidden him’.71 Seven months later, one Thomas Bedyll wrote to Cromwell about Sexton’s worsening increpitude and suggested a replacement. He knew of a suitable young candidate at Croyland who was ‘very fit for the Court, and will afford the king much pastime which he shall make both with gentlemen and gentlewomen’.72 Nothing came of the proposal. Will Somer, an innocent, was the king’s last appointee as fool. The first entry for clothes for him dates from 28 June 1535. He was given two doublets of worsted lined with canvas and cotton, a coat and cap of green cloth fringed with red crewel and lined with frieze, a coat of green cloth with a hood fringed with white crewel and a demi-coat with a hood of green cloth fringed with white and red crewel. He also received two pairs of hose of blue cloth, guarded with red and black cloth.73 A set of three undated bills provided him with a range of small items and also paid for his laundry: one bill for 12s including washing (11s), a pair of boot hose (8d) and shaving (4d); one bill paid for 40s for a number of pairs of black hose and stocks; and a third bill for 14s 2d provided three pairs of lined shoes (10d each), seven pairs of unlined shoes (8d each), two pairs of summer buskins (2s a pair) and a pair of winter boots (3s).74 There are two portraits of Will Somer. The group portrait of The Family of Henry VIII by an unknown artist c. 1545 includes a portrait of Will Somer on the far right, with a monkey on his shoulder (Fig. 16.1). Somer also appeared in the miniature illustrating psalm 52 in Henry’s psalter by David Mallard c. 1540 (Fig.15.3). The king was represented in the role of the Old Testament king David, playing the harp, with Somers dressed in a short green coat and hood in attendance. Henry’s own collection of paintings included

15.3 Henry VIII and his jester Will Somer, 1537–38, in Henry VIII’s Psalter. By permission of the British Library, Royal MS 2A XVI, f. 63v

‘oone table with the Pictures of the Frenche king the Quene his wiff and the foole standing behing hym’ [734].75 Fools were not always men. There were some female fools, usually attached to female households, such as those of Jane Seymour, Catherine Parr and Princess Mary.76 There are several references in Henry VII’s accounts from 1502 to ‘the great woman of Flanders’ and a satin gown was provided for ‘the grete Flemyng called Anne’ which suggests that he retained a female giant in his service.77

the musicians Music formed an important part of court life: as part of court ceremony, for religious services, for private pleasure and for court entertainments.78 Musicians could also teach the royal children how to play instruments such as the lute or virginals. On 4 July 1546 Prince Edward thanked his father for sending Philip van der Wilder, noting that he ‘is both a musician and a gentleman, for his improvement in playing the lute’.79 There were several distinct groups of musicians who were provided for differently in terms of livery. This is highlighted in the Black Book of Edward IV which describes the provision made to musicians: four minstrels, ‘some use trumpets, shawms and small pipes’ were given clothing with the household, in winter and summer, or 20s and a wait was given clothing with the household.80 Most of the musicians were employed in groups, playing instruments such as the trumpet, sackbut or viol. There were a number of soloists including ‘blynde Dikke, our harper’ who, on 6 December 1511, was granted a tawny gown furred with black Irish lamb and a black satin doublet.81 Henry also employed an organist — the best known being the Venetian Dionisius Memo who was in England from 1516–17. Most of the royal chapels possessed organs. At St James’s there was ‘a payer of Organes standing in the chapple’ (15325) and at Beaulieu there was ‘a paier of faier greate Organes in the Chappell with A curten afore them of lynnen cloth stayned Redd and blewe paned’ (13686).82 Periodically, Henry retained an organ maker. On 16 January 1530 John de John, ‘our organ maker’ was given 4 yards (3.6 m) of puke-coloured broad cloth for a gown and black budge to fur it, a black damask jacket lined with black cotton and a doublet of black velvet lined with white cotton.83 On 23 December 1535, John Jones, described as the king’s organ mender, was given a black puke gown lined with say and a damask jacket lined with cotton, costing £5 13s 10d.84 The number of trumpeters under the direction of the sergeant or marshal ranged between 14 and 16. The trumpeters were sometimes given clothing in preparation for specific events. On 25 April 1512 green and white camlet for coats was delivered to Francis Knyf for the trumpeters.85 Two years later the trumpeters of the king and the earl of Surrey were given coats of green and white camlet and banner cloths with the king’s arms.86 Similar provision was made towards the end of the reign. On 21 September 1545 the king issued a warrant to the great wardrobe for a livery coat and banner to each of

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15.4 Les Trompettes/The trumpeters, wearing short coats and with trumpet banners with the king’s arms. The Westminster Tournament Roll, The College of Arms

the trumpeters.87 In the following November a warrant for the trumpeters’ liveries was preferred by Sir Ralph Sadler, probably in connection with the visit of the French Admiral.88 On 12 February 1511 the great wardrobe supplied 15 painted trumpet banners with fringe and tassels costing £42 19s 1d (Fig. 15.4).89 These banners could be paid for via the chamber, as in the case of Pieter de Casa Nova, marshal of the king’s trumpeters, upon a warrant for 12 banners for trumpets against Christmas 1512 costing £12.90 On 25 April 1512 four trumpet banners were delivered to Francis Knyf, ‘one of our trumpets, painted in oil on sarsenet with fine gold’.91 Shortly after, banners were delivered to Thomas Gardiner, Francis Knyf, Christopher Papa and John Sturt, ‘our trumpets of war’.92 The orders for the trumpeters got larger as the reign progressed, partly because they often received two warrants a year from 1531–32. The king’s trumpeters provided fanfares and ceremonial music. They participated at events held in the outer rooms of the king’s palaces and in public occasions outside the royal houses. In 1521, when Henry received the title of Defender of the Faith (defensor fidei), Hall described how ‘the Bull eftsonnes declared . . . trumpettes blew, the shalmes and saggebuttes plaied in honour of the kynges newe style’.93 While the accuracy of Holbein’s drawing of a group of musicians, Musicians on a balcony (Fig. 15.5), has been doubted because the straight trumpet was not played in polyphonic groups, it still indicates how other musicians playing sackbuts and shawms might have performed at court events.94 Throughout his reign Henry VIII provided livery for a group of minstrels playing for his entertainment. Until the late 1520s, these men received livery individually, as happened in January 1511 with William Borow, on 6 May 1512 with Pety John Cokeron and Richard Denis and on 14 November 1514 with Blind Dick, Thomas Evans and William Kechyn.95 From 1529 group warrants were issued to the musicians. On 1 December 1529 Petre de la Planshe, Nowell de la Sale, John de

15.5 Musicians on a balcony, attributed to Hans Holbein the Younger. 1852-5-19-2. Reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

Shevernak and Gregory Vasher were issued with livery, while two weeks later a similar warrant was given to Mark Anthony, John de Anthony, Jasper de Barnard, Petre Mary, Ipolito de Salvator and Pilgrim de Symon.96 During the period covered by the privy purse accounts, a number of payments were made for the minstrels, including new livery coats on 21 July 1531 for Pety John and his fellows, costing £6 15s.97 On 24 October 1531, £13 6s 8d was given to four of the king’s ‘new mynstrelles for ther costes going to Southampton to fetch ther stuf’.98 In April 1540 the king made a grant to his minstrels, the musicians of the privy chamber, the sackbuts and the viols: Alinxus, John, Anthony, Jasper and Baptista de Basam, ‘brothers in the science or art of music’ were given stipends: to Alinxus £50 a year, to John 2s 4d a day and to

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Table 15.2: Expenditure on the king’s musicians Year

Minstrels

French minstrels

Sackbuts

Trumpets

Viols

1510–11 1516–17 1517–18 1521–22 1523–25 1526–27 1527–28 1530–31 1531–32

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ An entry on the king’s warrant £75 18s £74 and an entry on the king’s warrant ~ £73 2s 6d For 18 of the king’s musicians (five musician minstrels, four sackbuts, six flutes, two viols and one drum player) £233 8s

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ £76 2s ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ £89 14s ~

£42 19s 1d £14 14s 8d £2 16s £43 11s £45 2s 11d ~ ~ ~ £88 1s 11d

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ £20 15s

~ ~

£83 18s £88 16s

~ £20 16s 9d

£26 8s £25 10s

£73 2s 6d ~

£73 2s 6d £87 15s

£90 19s ½d £26 19s 2d

~ £24 14s

1533–34 1535–36 1537–38 1538–39 1543–45

the others 20d a day.99 In January 1546, the earl of Essex preferred a warrant for apparel for the king’s ‘musicians and minstrels’.100 Following the development of the privy chamber in the 1490s a specialist group of musicians emerged. This group was given proper definition in the Eltham Ordinances of 1526. The group included Mark Smeaton who played keyboard instruments (and who was implicated in the fall of Anne Boleyn) and Philip van der Wilder who played the lute. Van der Wilder later became keeper of the king’s musical instruments at Whitehall. It has been suggested that the portrait of an unknown man with a lute by Holbein could be him because he is dressed in clothes of the type that were worn by the officers of the privy chamber: a black doublet left unbuttoned to reveal a white linen shirt with a small frill on the collar, with a black gown with gold aglets on the sleeves and black bonnet.101 Henry also provided livery for at least two groups of continental musicians, including four to six French minstrels who received gowns of black camlet bordered with black velvet, jackets of black damask lined with frieze, doublets of black velvet lined with fustian and canvas.102 The Bassano family was such a group, with five members playing the recorder. On 10 December 1543 the king provided Lowys, Anthony, Jasper, Jethan and John Baptist Bassano with livery.103 Other specialist groups of musicians who were provided with livery on the same warrant included the flutes (John Bon Temp, Guillim Dowet, Piro Guye, Richard Penel, John Severnacker, Guillim Trochyy,) and the sackbuts (Nicholas Andrew, Mark Anthony, Anthony Mary and Anthony Symonds). He also had a group of three musicians who played the viol, which was a stringed instrument with a fretted fingerboard that was played with a bow. Like the drumslades, the viols received livery coats costing £3 7s 6d.104 The viols were provided with livery on four occasions between 1531 and 1538, which consisted of a black broadcloth gown furred with budge.105 The king had a number of drum players or drumslades in his service. These men played in combination with other musicians. In June 1539, a mock battle between the pope and the king featured in a river entertainment: ‘And also two other

barges rowed up and down with banners and pennants of the arms of England and St George, in which were sackbuts and waits, who played on the water.’106 In a letter of 15 May 1539 John Worth told Lord Lisle how the king ‘had his drums and fifes playing, and rowed up and down the Thames for an hour after evensong’.107 On 5 September 1532 the privy purse expended 45s for livery coats for Christopher drumslade and his fellow musicians.108 Later the drumslades’ livery was put on a more formal footing, and on 10 December 1543 Alexander, the drumslade, received a gown of camlet furred with black budge and guarded with black velvet, a damask jacket and a velvet doublet.109

the chapel royal, the closet and the vestry The provisions for religion in the royal household embraced a diversity of areas ranging from maintenance of the chapel royal to almsgiving. The provision of textiles for the chapel, vestry and closet was essential to sustaining magnificence at

Table 15.3: Religious provision within the great wardrobe Year

The Chapel

The Closet

The Vestry

1510–11 1516–17 1517–18 1521–22 1523–25 1526–27 1527–28 1530–31 1531–32 1533–34 1535–36 1537–38 1538–39 1543–45

£59 9s 4d ~ Entry struck through ~ £26 14s 10d ~ ~ £53 17s 6½d £23 12s £29 18s ~ ~ £33 10s £15 16s 7½d

£29 17s 3½d £70 10s 11d £3 £48 10s 1d ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ £18 11s 4d ~ ~ ~

~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ £65 14s 5d ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

THE DOMUS MAGNIFICENCIE AND THE DOMUS PROVIDENCIE

the royal court (Table 15.3). The chapel was integral to the king’s daily routine. Throughout his reign, Henry ordered gifts of vestments and other textiles for the chapel royal and religious foundations favoured by the Tudor dynasty until the Reformation. On 17 January 1510 he ordered six altar cloths of crimson cloth of gold paned with tawny velvet, lined with buckram and fringed with silk, and six vestments of crimson velvet with the orphreys of cloth of gold with albs with apparels for the Friars Observant at Greenwich. The altar frontals and vestments were decorated with 20 embroidered roses and portcullises.110 On 4 January 1512 he presented a traverse made of red sarsenet measuring 7 yards (6.4 m) by 2½ yards (2.2 m) ‘to be occupied at Our Lady of the Pew at Westminster’.111 On 26 January 1530 the king ordered six copes and vestments for priest, deacon and subdeacon of white velvet lined with buckram, along with two tunicles of white velvet with orphreys of cloth of gold and another of red velvet with the same orphreys. All were decorated with 34 oz (0.96 kg) of ribbon and 2 lb 5 oz (1.05 kg) of fringe. In addition, crimson velvet was supplied for making new orphreys for the cope ‘called the cope with garters’.112 Under Edward IV the staff of the chapel royal included the dean of the chapel (who received yearly clothing for winter and summer or money at the counting house (8 marks)), 26 chaplains and clerks of the chapel (who received clothing with the household in winter and summer or 40s), two yeomen of the chapel with clothing as of the household, and eight children of the chapel who received ‘all things for their apparel paid for by the jewel house’.113 By Henry VIII’s reign, it had evolved. The post of dean was highly responsible with duties extending far beyond the chapel. On 22 June 1529 the French ambassador informed Francis I that the dean had represented the king when Cardinal Campeggio and the other judges met at Blackfriars to consider the possibility of a divorce between the king and queen.114 In 1540 Thomas Thirlby held the post of dean when, on 19 December, he was consecrated as bishop of Westminster.115 The work of the sub-dean was more mundane. On 8 December 1530 a payment of £3 6s 10d was made by the subdean of the chapel ‘for wasshing and other necessaryes aboutes the chapell stuf’.116 The primary role of the chapel royal choir was to sing at mass, but it also performed at court entertainments and participated in court ceremonial. Henry took pride in the quality of his chapel choir and was keen to attract the best choristers. In 1515 a Venetian described the choir of the chapel royal as ‘more divine than human, not so much singing as carolling’.117 A group of letters exchanged in 1518 between Richard Pace and Cardinal Wolsey throw light on the extent of personal attention which was bestowed by the king on appointments. On 25 March 1518 Pace wrote to Wolsey: My lord, if it were not for the personal love that the King’s highness doth bear unto your grace, surely he would have out of your chapel, not children only, but also men; for his grace hath plainly shown unto Cornysche that your grace’s chapel is better than his, and proved the same by this reason, that if any manner of new song should be brought unto both the said chapels to be sung ex proviso, then the said song be better and more surely handled by your chapel than his grace’s.118

The following day he wrote: ‘The King has spoken with him again about the child of the chapel. He is desirous to have it

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without the procuring of Cornusche or other.’119 The king got his wish and Pace noted that Henry VIII had asked William Cornish to treat the child ‘otherwise than he doth his own’.120 On 1 April Pace assured Wolsey that ‘Cornysche doth greatly laud and praise the child of your chapel sent hither, not only for his sure and cleanly singing, but also for his good and craft descant’.121 As this sequence of letters makes clear, choirs consisted of both adults and boys. The adults were outnumbered by the boys whose ethereal and angelic voices were highly prized until they broke. Both Lady Margaret Beaufort and the duke of Buckingham kept choirs with about four gentlemen singers and about 12 boys.122 However, the composition of the choir maintained at the chapel royal was different. This can be seen from the number of surplices provided for the gentlemen and boys of the chapel: on 4 November 1511 and 31 October 1514, William Tebbe received 30 surplices for men and ten for children.123 By 7 October 1533 the numbers had increased to 46 surplices for gentlemen and 16 for children.124 Interestingly, Henry’s choir had a 3:1 ratio of adults to boys, the opposite of the other examples cited above. The adult singers were called the gentlemen of the chapel, one of whom took on the role of training and educating the children of the chapel. William Cornish, who held this role at the start of Henry’s reign, was given on 8 July 1512 4 yards (3.6 m) of black velvet and 8 yards (7.3 m) of black damask for a coat costing £5 12s.125 In November 1545, Richard Bowre, a gentleman of the chapel royal, was appointed as master of the children of the chapel with £40 a year for their education, clothing and exhibition, an office that he had held since 30 June 1545.126 In addition to surplices, amices, and tucking girdles, the gentlemen of the chapel also received livery. However, most of the evidence for this relates from the early years of Henry’s reign. On 21 October 1509, William Crane, John Lloyd and Robert Pond, gentlemen of the chapel, were ordered gowns of black camlet.127 On 3 July 1511 a riding gown made from 12 yards (10.9 m) of camlet was ordered for Dr Fairfax, gentleman of the chapel.128 Four years later, a similar group warrant was prepared for Thomas Farding, John Lloyd and Robert Pond, authorising the provision of camlet gowns furred with black budge, black velvet jackets furred with coney and black satin doublets.129 Three warrants from this period indicate that in some years group warrants were not always used: a black camlet gown on two different occasions to John Lloyd and violet cloth for a gown for Thomas Farding.130 The Black Book of Edward IV noted that the clerk of the closet received clothing for winter and summer, or 25s in lieu, and his role required him to ‘kepoth the stuf of the closet. He preparith all things for the stuf of the aultrez to be redy and taking vpp the trauers, leyyng the cuysshyns and carpettes and he settith all other thinges necessary for the king and the chapleyns’.131 The clerk of the closet was responsible for the king’s closet and the objects for the celebration of mass there. The incumbent clerk received items ordered for the closet annually. For example, on 16 November 1514, Geoffrey Wren, clerk of the closet, received two altar cloths and four

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albs.132 In 1527 the stuff and plate in the custody of Richard Rawson, then the clerk, was recorded in two indentures, one between him and Wren, his predecessor, and the other between him and Sir Henry Wyatt, master of the jewel house.133 He was allowed appropriate packing materials to facilitate the transportation of the chapel stuff as the king moved from one property to the next. On 22 June 1510 the clerk received a barehide ‘to cover the cart of our closet stuff’.134 A list of the expenses made by John Rudd, clerk of the closet, from Michaelmas 1544 until the Annunciation 1545, included payments of 10s to a laundress, 6d for tucking girdles, 6s 8d for repairs to vestments and 4s for flowers.135 The accounts for the half-year ending Michaelmas 1546 suggest a similar pattern of expenditure: the laundress, 10s; flowers, 6s; singing bread, 2s; hooks and crochets, 16d; thread and pins, 6d.136 On 5 December 1509 Geoffrey Wren was appointed as clerk of the closet and in the following year he received 5 yards (4.5 m) of fine russet for a gown costing 55s.137 On 16 November 1514 he was granted a gown of cloth, the colour of his own choosing.138 The final extant warrant for him dates from 5 December 1516 and cost £4 13s 4d.139 By Easter 1518 he had been succeeded by Richard Rawson, who received three known grants of livery which were the same as those given to Wren.140 Rawson and Thomas Westby appear to have shared the office between 1525 and 1529.141 Westby’s first receipt of livery dates from 12 November 1527 and is identical with the contents of the warrant issued on 7 November 1530 where he was given a gown of broad cloth (colour unspecified).142 On 22 May 1532 he received 7 yards (6.4 m) of scarlet broad cloth for a gown and hood costing £4 13s 4d.143 Some time in the following year Dr George Wolfet succeeded Westby. By 6 October 1533, it was he who accepted the livery. On 14 December 1535, he received 7 yards (6.4 m) of broad cloth for a gown and hood against Christmas costing £4 13s 4d.144 On the same warrant he was given two carpets for the closet costing 66s 8d and 26s 8d. He also received other textiles for use in the closet, including a red sarsenet traverse and crimson velvet for covering three missals in May 1534.145 On 3 November 1537, the warrant specified the following for use in the king’s closet at Whitehall: tawny double height pile velvet for covering service books, five linen albs and white damask with gold flowers for a baldekin.146 In March 1538 Edward Leighton was granted 7 yards (6.4 m) of broad cloth for a gown and hood, for livery, against next Easter, worth £4 13s 4d.147 He was still in office at Michaelmas 1544, but by 25 March 1545 John Rudd had taken his place. Rudd received his apparel from the great wardrobe by a warrant dormant preferred by Thomas Heneage ‘as other clerks have had’.148 He was still clerk two years later when the king died. According to the Black Book the sergeant of the vestry was responsible for ‘making the chaungez of the awlter clothes and vestymentes in sewtes and colours as the sayntes and festes require’ and he was provided with clothing for winter and summer or 25s.149 On 10 December 1520 Sir John Heron paid William Rothwell, sergeant of the vestry, 16s 4s for items bought by him while the king was in Calais, including two leather cases for images at 2s 8d each and a larger case for an image of Our Lady costing 3s 4d.150

Henry retained a number of priests. On 18 June 1511 Simon Weldon, one of the king’s priests singing in the chapel at Richmond, was supplied with broad cloth for two gowns, one of which was lined with black cotton. The other gown was faced with black budge and furred with black lamb. He also received a black sarsenet tippet.151 On 31 October 1513 he was given a similar grant.152 In 1514 his gown was made from broad cloth. It was also furred with black budge and came with a black sarsenet tippet.153 On 18 August 1514 Henry also provided livery for Thomas Wood, priest, consisting of a gown of London russet broad cloth, a doublet and jacket of black worsted, a tippet of double black sarsenet, two linen shirts and two bonnets.154 On 14 March 1531 John Hurt, was given a gown costing 26s 8d.155 The King’s Book of Payments demonstrates that the king regularly gave an offering of 6s 8d when he attended mass.156 In the final years of his reign, the scale of his alms is indicated by a receipt for £20 received by Dr Cox from Sir Thomas Heneage on 1 October 1546 for the month. Similar receipts dated 1 November, 1 December and 1 January 1547 were all signed by Heneage’s successor, Sir Anthony Denny.157 Several alms dishes (1923, 1927) and an alms ship (1984) were recorded in the 1547 inventory, further emphasising the importance of alms giving.

medical men Under Edward IV the doctor of physic attached to the royal household received clothing like the squires of the household, while the master surgeon was given clothing like the squires for the body or 40s. The yeoman surgeon had winter and summer clothing and changes yearly or 18s, the apothecary was given clothing like the yeomen of the chamber, and the barber received no clothing ‘but takes his shaving cloths, basins and other tools as an assignment of the jewel house’.158 This set of allowances had lapsed by the accession of Henry VIII in 1509. There is a paucity of warrants providing livery for the medical men in his service. On 31 December 1509 Jehan Veyzier, ‘our surgeon’ received 16 yards (14.6 m) of black camlet for a gown, 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet for a doublet and 6 yards (5.4 m) of black damask for a doublet.159 In 1540 Thomas Hosier was paid 8s for 3 yards (2.7 m) of kersey for the king’s surgeons.160 In the same year, Emmeringway, yeoman apothecary to the king, was given 22s 6d a year for his livery coat.161 Throughout his reign, Henry retained four physicians who attended court in rotation. One of these men saw him daily, usually in the morning. Of these men, Sir William Butts is perhaps the best known. Both he (Fig. 15.6) and his wife Margaret (Fig. 19.4) had their companion portraits painted by Holbein.162 He was painted wearing clothes which emphasised his professional status: a black gown worn over a highnecked, black fur-lined doublet and a close-fitting black cap with ties. His heavy gold chain of office denoted his status. He also appears in the group portrait by Holbein of Henry VIII and the Barber Surgeons (Pl. IIb).163 This picture was

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271

15.7 Miniature of a fifteenth-century bakery. Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, MS Canon Liturg. 99, f. 16

15.6 Sir William Butts, after Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1540– 43. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 210)

commissioned to celebrate the joining of the Guild of Surgeons with the Company of Barbers in 1540. The men depicted included Thomas Vicary, the sergeant surgeon, Sir John Ayleff, surgeon to the king, and Nicholas Simpson, the king’s barber. They all wear simple, close-fitting caps of the type found on the Mary Rose in the barber surgeon’s cabin.164 Holbein’s preparatory cartoon for the painting survives, albeit in a much altered form.165

The household below stairs The household below stairs or the domus providencie came under the auspices of the lord steward. It was responsible for feeding the royal household. Until its discontinuation in 1540 the lord stewardship was held successively by the earl of Shrewsbury (1502–32) and the earl of Sussex (1538–40). The responsibilities then devolved upon the lord great master: the duke of Suffolk (1540–45) and Lord St John (1545).166 Nevertheless, the structure of the household below stairs was much more stable than the household above stairs. As with the household above stairs it was divided into a number of sections, each with its own area of specialisation. Some departments were separate and others were in control of subordinate sections: the chaundry, scullery, larder, saucery, pastry making, acatry, buttery, the kitchen, with the wafery

and boiling house under it, the cellar with spicery, butterhouse and pitcherhouse, the ewery with the laundry under it, the poultry with the scalding house under it and the porters with the cart takers under it (Fig. 15.7).167 This pattern of offices was reflected in the physical structure of the houses within which they were located, as indicated in the description of Henry VII’s favourite palace of Richmond: ‘Undre and beside the halle is sett and ordred the housis of office — the pantry, buttry, selary, kechon and squylery — right poletikly conveyed, and wisely ther coles and fuell in the yardes without nyghe unto the seid offices.’168 The number of staff within the domus providencie expanded under Henry VIII, especially as a consequence of Cromwell’s reforms. However, in terms of the evidence for livery, this formed a much smaller group than the household above stairs, but this does not accurately reflect its significance. Indeed the provision of livery for the household below stairs is markedly different for the staff of the household above stairs. While there were groups of staff, such as the officers of the laundry or pastry, there are no group deliveries of livery. Equally, there are no individuals who received clothing on a regular basis from the great wardrobe — the recipients seem to have received clothes on a one-off basis. An entry in the wardrobe account for 1519–20 include 15 yards (13.7 m) of black damask costing £6 15s for a gown and a Milan bonnet of scarlet for ‘benedicto Spicys’.169 On 17 January 1532 a gown and jacket of tawny camlet, the former furred with lamb, and a doublet of tawny satin were ordered for Simon Dudley, page of the pastry.170 While on 3 April 1534 Richard Matthew, officer of the larder, received 4 yards (3.6 m) of broad cloth for a gown furred with black Irish lamb, a black satin doublet and a black camlet jacket, a pair of hose, a bonnet and a shirt.171 Henry VIII played cards and gambled on the outcome, as Henry VII had done and his daughter Mary was to do later. He often played with the sergeant of the kitchen and other kitchen staff.172 At Windsor castle, the king’s works were paid for ‘batenyng of the Clerk of the kechyns chambre to hang Clothes vpon’ in October 1535.173 There was one exception to this general rule, the king’s cook (Fig. 15.8). The master cooks were significant, in terms

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of influence within the household, their culinary skill and for overseeing cleanliness in the kitchens. According to the Eltham Ordinances, the three master cooks were to: provide and efficiently furnish the said kitchens of such scolyons as shall not goe naked or in garments of such vilenesse as they now doe, and have been accustomed to doe . . . but that they of the said money may be found with honest and whole course garments, without such uncleannesses as may be the annoyance of those by whom they shall passe.174

15.8 Detail of servants in the kitchen area, from The Field of the Cloth of Gold, unknown artist, c. 1545. RCIN 405794 OM 25. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

The office of the cook ‘for the king’s mouth’ was held by a series of individuals and the most important of these was a Frenchman called Piero le Doux. On 15 December 1510 he was given a gown of tawny cloth furred with 123 skins of black budge, a black velvet doublet and a black camlet jacket furred with white budge.175 Slightly over three years later he received livery consisting of a gown of broad cloth furred with black budge, a doublet of tawny velvet, a jacket of camlet and a pair of hose of scarlet in February 1514.176 On 17 November 1516 he got a similar order to the first, but with a tawny gown and jacket and a black doublet, at a cost of £11 4s 6d.177 Similar warrants with slight variations of the balance between tawny and black were issued on 8 December 1517 and 8 November 1523.178 On 24 June 1533 Thomas Heneage informed Cromwell that it was the king’s pleasure that Piero, his cook, should have lodgings in one of the new houses at Charing Cross.179 In December 1538 Piero received £10 on a warrant dormant towards the cost ‘for his yearly apparel’.180 His elegant appearance was not unique. George Cavendish recorded that Wolsey’s own master cook ‘went daily in damask, satin or velvet, with a chain of gold about his neck’.181 By May 1539, John Briket had replaced Piero as the master cook for the king’s mouth. Briket’s warrant dormant, also dated to 13 December, like Piero’s, provided him in 1538 with a part payment of £30 against £50 annually for clothing 33 ‘gallapynes’ for the previous year.182 In April 1541 Briket received a similar payment for the clothing of 24 ‘gallapyns’.183

Notes 1 LP iv.i, 547. 2 Reese, Master, p. 135. 3 Ibid., p. 136. 4 Myers, Black Book, p. 105. 5 Loades, Tudor Court, p. 204. 6 TNA E101/419/20, unfoliated. 7 TNA LC9/51, f. 163v. 8 TNA E101/423/11, unnumbered. 9 Rowlands, Holbein, p. 134; Foister, Holbein, p. 240. 10 A warrant dated 28 November 1514 described the Tower Livery in the following terms: for ‘yeomen of the chamber attending within the Tower of London’; TNA E101/418/5, no. 26. 11 Myers, Black Book, p. 117. 12 Myers, Black Book, pp. 127–28. 13 Myers, Black Book, p. 116. 14 TNA E101/417/3, no. 57 (LP i.i, 640). 15 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 45r. 16 TNA E101/418/5, no. 27 (LP i.ii, 3554). 17 LP xx.ii, 706.78, LP xx.ii, 1067.3.

18 LP xxi.ii, 770.30. 19 PPE, p. 104. 20 Ibid., p. 155. 21 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 35 (LP i.ii, 2429). 22 TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated. 23 TNA E101/417/3, no. 4 (LP i.i, 500). 24 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 15r (LP i.i, 679). 25 Ibid., f. 42r. 26 TNA E101/418/5, no. 35 (LP i.ii, 2622). 27 BL Additional MS 18,826, no. 51 (LP i.ii, 2813). 28 TNA E101/417/3, no. 24 (LP i.i, 542). 29 TNA E101/418/5, no. 39 (LP i.ii, 3454) 30 Hall, Chronicle, p. 697. 31 Andrew de Fosse, William Gore, Pety John, David Philip, Thomas Tristram and John Williams, BL MS Additional 18,826, f. 4r (LP i.i, 623); William Creek, Andrew de Fosse, Pety John, David Philip, Thomas Tristram and John Williams, BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 23r (LP i.i, 775); and Andrew de Fosse, William Gore, Pety John, David Philip, Thomas Tristram and John Williams, TNA E101/417/6, f. 82r (LP i.i, 915).

THE DOMUS MAGNIFICENCIE AND THE DOMUS PROVIDENCIE

32 CSP Milan, 1385–1618, 669. 33 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 43r. 34 Ibid., f. 53r (LP i.ii, 2817). 35 TNA LC 9/51, f. 115v. 36 TNA E36/456, f. 10v. 37 LP xx.ii, 706.63. 38 LP xx.ii, 706.64. 39 Elizabeth I abolished the office in 1565 because of the expense; Myers, Black Book, p. 246. 40 Ibid., p. 126. 41 Ibid., pp. 126–27. 42 BL Harley MS 3504, f. 264v. 43 Nichols, Literary Remains, p. lxxviii. The henchmen were Roger Armour, Patrick Barnaby, Richard Brown, Thomas Brown, Richard Cotton, George Dennys, Thomas Lestrange, John Stourton and Edward Ychingham. 44 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 45 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 46 TNA LC 9/51, f. 66v. 47 TNA E36/224, p. 41. 48 See above, pp. 248–49. 49 LP iv.i, 1939. 50 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 21r (LP i.i, 772) and TNA E101/417/6, f. 43r (LP i.i, 1105). 51 TNA E101/420/1, no. 69, E101/420/14, unfoliated, E101/421/3, unfoliated (account) and E101/420/1, no. 28 (warrant). 52 TNA E101/417/3, no. 18. 53 TNA LC 9/51, f. 263v. 54 The individuals named were Urian Brereton, Robert Bucher, John Gemiens, Edmund Harman, John Penne and Nicholas Simpson; TNA LC 9/ 51, ff. 253v–254r. 55 LP xvii, 1134. 56 TNA E101/423/10, f. 64r (account) and E101/423/11, not numbered (warrant). The grooms received black damask gowns furred with black budge and guarded with black velvet, black velvet jackets and doublets. 57 LP xx.ii, 909.56. 58 TNA E101/418/5, no. 39 (LP i.ii, 3454) 59 Dated 8 December 1514; TNA E101/418/5, no. 30 (LP i.ii, 3530). 60 HO, pp. 157–58. 61 See above, p. 249. 62 J. Southworth, Fools and Jesters at the English Court (Thrupp, 1998), p. 10. 63 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 208. 64 TNA E101/417/3, no. 53. 65 Dated 12 December 1511; TNA E101/417/6, f. 65r (LP i.i, 985). 66 Cavendish, Wolsey, p. 104. 67 PPE, p. 51. 68 Ibid., pp. 5, 11, 13, 21, 24, 25, 31, 34, 38, 199. 69 Ibid., pp. 61, 217. 70 Ibid., p. 53. 71 CSP Spanish, v.i, p. 520. 72 LP x, 181. 73 Caley, ‘Extract’, p. 249. 74 TNA SP1/246, ff. 46–48 (LP Additional i.ii, 1892). 75 See the half-length portrait of Gonella, the Ferraran fool, painted by Jean Fouquet, c. 1445. 76 See below, pp. 306, 309, 312. 77 Bentley, Excerpta Historica, p. 127; PPE Elizabeth of York, p. 69. 78 P. Holman, ‘Music at the court of Henry VIII’, in Starkey, European Court, pp. 104–06; J. Blezzard and F. Palmer, ‘King Henry VIII: Performer, composer and connoisseur of music’, Antiquaries Journal, 80 (2000), pp. 249–72. 79 LP xxi.i, 1206. 80 Myers, Black Book, pp. 131–33. 81 TNA E101/417/6, f. 73 (LP i.i, 975). 82 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 203. 83 TNA E101/420/1, no. 62. 84 TNA E36/455, f. 8r. 85 TNA E101/417/6, f. 38 (LP i.i, 1778). 86 On 12 April 1514; BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 50r (LP i.ii, 2803). 87 LP xx.ii, 418.29. 88 LP xxi.ii, 475.17. 89 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated; BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 16 (LP i.i, 700). 90 TNA E36/215, p. 217. 91 TNA E101/417/6, f. 37 (LP i.i, 1159.1). 92 Ibid., f. 35 (LP i.i, 1159.2). 93 Hall, Chronicle, p. 629. 94 Holman, ‘Music’, p. 106. 95 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 13r (LP i.i, 673), TNA E101/417/6, no. 31 and E101/418/5, no. 16.

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96 TNA E101/420/1, nos 58 and 70. 97 PPE, p. 147. 98 Ibid., p. 170. 99 LP xv, 611.19. 100 LP xxi.i, 148.93. 101 Inv. no. 2154, Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen, Berlin-Dahlem; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 141. 102 For example, TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated, and LC 9/51, f. 250r. 103 TNA E101/420/1, no. 5. 104 PPE, p. 260. 105 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated, E101/421/6, unfoliated, E36/455, f. 10r and E36/456, f. 8v. 106 LP xiv.i, 1137. 107 LP xiv, 967. 108 PPE, p. 250. 109 TNA E101/420/1, no. 5. 110 TNA E101/417/3, no.87. 111 TNA E101/417/6, no. 49. 112 TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated. The order cost £65 14s 5d. 113 Myers, Black Book, pp. 133–37. 114 LP iv.iii, 5702. 115 T. F. Shirly, Thomas Thirlby, Tudor Bishop (1964); Hayward, 1542 Inventory, p. 72. 116 PPE, p. 93. 117 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 624. 118 LP ii.ii, 4024. 119 LP ii.ii, 4025. 120 LP ii.ii, 4044. 121 LP ii.ii, 4055. 122 Mertes, English Noble Household, p. 144. 123 TNA E101/417/6, f. 76 (LP i.i, 930) and TNA E101/418/5, f. 25 (LP i.ii, 3397). 124 LP vi, 1231. 125 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 126 LP xx.ii, 910.11. 127 TNA E101/417/3, f. 62 (LP i.i, 210). 128 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 32r (LP i.i, 806.2). 129 On 3 November 1513; BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 34r (LP i.ii, 2426). 130 TNA E101/417/6, f. 71 (LP i.i, 938), E101/418/5, f. 48 (LP i.ii, 3335) and E101/418/5, f. 51 (LP i.ii, 3330). 131 Myers, Black Book, p. 137. 132 TNA E101/418/5, no. 49 (LP i.ii, 3443.2). 133 TNA SP1/41, ff. 201r–202v (LP iv.ii, 3085). 134 TNA E101/417/3, no. 6 (LP i.i, 505). 135 LP xx.i, 418. 136 LP xxi.ii, 179. 137 LP i.i, 263; TNA E101/417/4 unfoliated (dated 20 October 1510). 138 TNA E101/418/5, no. 49 (LP i.ii, 3443.1). 139 TNA LC 9/51, f. 12r. 140 Ibid., f. 60v (19 November 1517), ibid., f. 104r (18 November 1521) and E36/224, p. 56 (23 November 1524). 141 J. Bickersteth and R. W. Dunning, Clerks of the Closet in the Royal Household (Gloucester, 1991), pp. 12–14. 142 TNA LC 9/51, f. 159r, and E101/420/14, unfoliated. 143 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 144 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated, and E36/455, f. 8r. 145 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. 146 TNA LC 9/51, f. 241r. 147 TNA E36/456, f. 10r. 148 LP xxi.i, 148.14. 149 Myers, Black Book, pp. 138–39. 150 LP iii.i, 1093. 151 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 29r (LP i.i, 795). 152 Ibid., f. 33r (LP i.i, 2409). 153 TNA E101/418/5, no. 41 (LP i.i, 3538). 154 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 56r (LP i.ii, 3168). 155 PPE, p. 115. 156 See TNA E36/215. 157 LP xxi.i, 202. 158 Myers, Black Book, pp. 124–26. 159 TNA E101/417/3, no. 71. 160 LP xvi, 397. 161 LP xvi, 380. 162 Isabella Gardner Museum Boston; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 149; Foister, Holbein, pp. 66–67. 163 R. Strong, ‘Holbein’s cartoon for the Barber-Surgeons group rediscovered’, Burlington Magazine, 105 (1963), pp. 4–14. 164 M. Rule, The Mary Rose: the Excavation and Raising of Henry VIII’s Flagship (1982), p. 186. 165 Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, 882; Rowlands, Holbein, p. 149; Foister, Holbein, pp. 65–66. 166 Loades, Tudor Court, pp. 203–04.

274 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175

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Ibid., p. 43. Kipling, Receypt, p. 73. TNA E101/418/4, f. 1r. This cost £6 10s 4d; TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. This cost £5 14s 4d; TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. D. Loades, Power in Tudor England (Basingstoke, 1997), p. 107. NUL MS Ne01, unfoliated. HO, p. 148. TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated.

176 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 46r. 177 TNA LC 9/51, f. 10r. 178 Ibid., f. 59v, and E36/224, p. 55. 179 LP vi, 694. 180 LP xiv.ii, 781. 181 R. Lockyer, ed., Thomas Wolsey Late Cardinal his Life and Death, The Folio Society (1962), p. 46. 182 LP xiv.ii, 781. 183 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 185r (LP xvi, 1489).

xvi Outside the Household: The Stable, the Hunts and Beyond

H

enry viii provided livery for the men involved in the stable and the king’s hunts. They formed a highly visible group, and accordingly great attention was bestowed upon their clothing. This clothing and the equipment they were provided with was expensive, and represented a significant percentage of the great wardrobe’s expenditure (Table 16.1).

The stable and the master of the horse Under the direction of the master of the horse, the royal stables provided the horses needed during the military campaigns and social unrest. They more routinely provided the horses needed to transport the king and court from one destination to another, for his riding out and hunting. The royal stable was funded out of the exchequer. According to the Eltham Ordinances of 1526, its staff numbered 104 individuals. These comprised the master of the horse with a fee of £66 13s 4d a year, the avenor with £40, five squires with £40 or £20, and 97 others. The core staff consisted of the avenor, three squires, the clerk of the avenery, a surveyor, a purveyor, a yeoman garnitor, a yeoman of the stirrup, a yeoman farrier, a yeoman saddler and ten footmen.1 The officers of the stable performed four primary duties. First, they fed and cared for the horses, which included grooming before and after they were ridden or worked, and for this they were provided with comb, brushes and cloths. Sixteenth-century manuscript illustrations show grooms currying horses with curry combs with angular blades and semi-cylindrical blades of the sort found during archaeological excavations in London.2 Second, the blacksmith kept the horses shod. The late medieval style of horseshoe had an angular inner profile and square nail holes that tapered inwards from the profile of the shoe. They usually had three or four holes on each side, with the maker’s stamp on the

tapering heals.3 Third, medical care was administered whenever necessary. The stable had an allowance of £10 a year for ‘Medusons and drinks’ for horses which was supplemented as necessary.4 On 22 March 1531 £8 18s was paid to Hannibal Zinzano for ‘drynkes and other medicynes for the kinges horses’, and in 1532 one Burdet received £3 6s 8d for putting the king’s horses out to grass and for medicine.5 Fourth, the officers of the stable were expected to provide the king with horses. This could be by purchase, as illustrated by those acquired in 1546–47 by Gilbert Compert and Richard Gibson: £5 for a black grey gelding bought at Uxbridge Fair to serve as a bottle horse, £5 for a white grey gelding for Princess Mary, delivered to Mr Hungate, £5 for a white ambling gelding for the king’s saddle and 10s for Gibson’s expenses.6 Henry also bred horses. In 1547, the inventory of the late king’s goods listed the horses at four royal studs: two in England at Warwick and Malmesbury, two in Wales, at ‘Eskermayne’ and an unspecified location.7 According to the Eltham Ordinances, some of the stable staff received money to cover the costs of their livery coats. This explains why livery coats for them do not feature in the great wardrobe accounts.8 Three different types of coat were allowed and these were valued at 17s 4d, 15s and 10s. They were allocated as follows: coats of 17s 4d to the yeoman of the stirrup, three surveyors of the stable, one yeoman purveyor, the yeoman of the mules, the yeoman bit maker, one yeoman, the yeoman of the close car of the robes and a packman; coats of 15s to five grooms of the stirrup, one courser man, the groom of the close car of the robes and the page of the close carriage; and coats of 10s to a groom ferriour. The following did not receive livery: three surveyors of the stable, three yeomen garnitors, two yeomen ferrors, 28 courser men, keepers of the barbery horses, stallions, mules, hobbies and geldings, six sumpter men, one bessage man, two groom ferrors, 13 keepers of the carriage mules and ten footmen. Henry VIII made charitable provision for elderly members of the stable’s staff. On 1 April 1515 he gave 100s to William

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the stable, the hunts and beyond Table 16.1: Expenditure on the stable and the royal hunts

Year

The stable

The buckhounds

The leash

The toils

1510–11 1516–17 1517–18 1521–22 1523–25 1526–27 1527–28 1530–31 1531–32 1533–34 1535–36 1537–38 1538–39 1543–45

£465 2s 6d £336 2s 10½d £504 13s 7d £305 9s 10d £134 15s 5½d ~ £593 7s 3d ~ £942 18s 7d £651 17s 2d £769 8s 8½d £931 2s 4d £850 7s 3½d ~

£15 16s 7d £47 12s 4d £42 13s 9d £40 19s 6½d £40 11s 0d £19 4s 11d £30 15s 7d £116 8s 6d £115 18s 7d £75 19s 3d £92 17s 4d £76 15s 0d £76 15s £65 2¼d

£30 16s 8d £51 6s 2d £40 2s 5d £42 9s 8d £42 1s 8d £31 15s 0d £42 11s 4d £18 14s 8d £66 9s 4d £57 7s 4d £42 13s 4d £42 13s 4d £42 13s 4d £51 19s 4d

~ £18 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ £2 8s £2 10s 8d £26 3s 3d £70 16s 11½d £2 3s 4d £2 3s 4d ~

Kebet, late sumpterman, ‘fallen into poverty and decay’, and a year later a further £4.9 Some provision was also made for the stable staff via the privy purse. A number of the payments relate to clothing for the boys of the stable who seem to have a range of clothes on a sporadic basis. On 29 December 1529 £3 10s 11d was ‘paied to Ogull for shertes Cappes, hosen pointes and shoes for the boyes of the stable’.10 Other payments included ‘a paire of quarterd hosen for the boye of the stabull’ costing 9s, three nightcaps for the boys, and shoes and boots and coats for the riding boys of the stable, provided by John Scot costing £3 5s and delivered to the master of the horse.11 In October 1532 eight pairs of hose were provided for three running boys with the king’s geldings at 3s 4d a pair and shoes costing 14s.12 In the following month, Lancelot and Leonard, two of the riding boys, received coats and doublets costing £3 19s 4d.13 Some of the clothing provided for the officers of the stable was delivered to the master of the horse. On 23 December 1530 he received £3 14s ‘for Cotes doubelettes for the Ryding boyes and for making and lynyng of the same’.14 On 31 December 1546 Sir Anthony Browne signed a bill submitted by Alexander asking allowance for £6 9s for clothes, shoes for Robert Gounbe of the stable and for board wages for 35 weeks at 2s 4d a week.15 The list of clothes consisted of 15s for a coat, cloth, lining, making and embroidery, 8s for two doublets of fustian including lining and making, 8s for two pairs of hose, 4s for two caps, 4s 8d for two shirts, 2s 4d for a pair of boots and 5s 4d for eight pairs of shoes. For three months from 1 July 1546 Anthony Vannabrowke, one of the king’s boys with the stable, was allowed 43s 2d for 13 weeks’ board, four pairs of shoes, repairs to his shoes and washing his clothes.16 For the next three months, the bill for him rose to £2 17s 6d, the increase largely explicable on account of items bought against winter: a cap, a frieze coat and a pair of winter boots.17 A small amount of provision was made for the officers via the great wardrobe. Three such warrants are known. John de Naples, keeper of ‘our little jennet’, received a gown of violet furred with black lamb, a doublet of bridges satin, a coat of tawny medley lined with yellow cotton, two shirts, two pairs of tawny hose, a hat and cap.18 The other two provided the

more standard issue of a gown, jacket and doublet, on a par with what was issued to the officers of the privy chamber. On 31 December 1527 Hannibal, the king’s blacksmith, and five others (who might have been from the stable), were given gowns of black cloth guarded with black velvet, jackets of black camlet, doublets of black velvet.19 Nearly five years later, on 15 September 1532, the king issued a warrant to Robert Acton, saddler, Alexander Rider and John Owensted, surveyor of the stable, the first two of whom received 10 yards (9.1 m) of damask for a gown guarded with 3 yards (2.7 m) of velvet), while the third got 14 yards (12.8 m) of damask for a gown, guarded with velvet, and furred with black budge, 10 yards (9.1 m) of velvet for a jacket and 3 yards (2.7 m) for a doublet.20 The main provision for the stable from the great wardrobe was in the form of saddles, harness, horse blankets and other items for the care of the horses. The master of the horse was one of the three leading offices within the household, and the most important when the king was out of doors.21 It was also a ceremonial role. Sir Thomas Brandon, as master of the horse to Henry VII, officiated at his funeral in 1509: ‘Then followed Sir Thomas Brandon, Master of the Horse, leading a courser trapped with black velvet embroidered with the arms of England.’22 Sir Anthony Browne, appointed in 1538, was to have stuff from Henry VIII’s stable and the harness used at the king’s funeral (Fig. 16.1).23 Sir Francis Knollys, who had been master of the horse to Prince Edward, but did not continue to serve the new king in this role, received ‘all the furniture of the stable apperteigning to his charge at that tyme within charge of thequirye’.24 In general, the warrants granted to the master of the horse were to provide saddles and harness for the horses rather than livery for himself.25 On 23 February 1510 Thomas Knyvet received 20 horse houses of green and white cloth lined with canvas, linen for bags and dusting cloths for the king’s horses, as well as for his own four horses.26 On 29 June 1532 the master of the horse received money in full payment of a bill of £26 11s for horses and saddles.27 On 8 July 1533, a mail saddle and harness covered with blue velvet, three saddles covered white velvet, six pad saddles covered with Spanish leather and four saddles covered with black velvet were delivered to Nicholas Carew or George Lovekyn.28 Under a warrant dated 11 March 1539, Robert Acton received stuff provided at the instigation of Carew, costing £89 9s 9d. On 21 September 1545 Sir Anthony Browne signed a warrant for saddles and necessaries for the stable, and another for saddles and other stuff ‘for your geldings and the prince’s geldings’.29 Early in 1546 he signed a saddler’s bill headed ‘Mr Gates’ bill’ for the previous 26 April to 3 November 1545, totalling £6 12s 7d.30

The king’s ape In the closing years of his reign Henry VIII had a pet ape. This is perhaps the animal depicted on the shoulder of Will Somer in the Tudor family portrait of Henry VIII with his children and the dead Jane Seymour (Fig. 16.2). In this the ape wears a

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16.1 Sir Anthony Browne, unknown artist, c. 1550. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 5186)

red hooded gown. The king’s own warrant dated 27 March 1544 records the manufacture of four gowns for the ape of red and green striped satin, lined with buckram costing 4s.31 In the following a year another four coats were made for him from Spanish leather, three red and one blue, welted with passamayne lace.32

The king’s hunts Henry was a very enthusiastic huntsman. In 1520 Richard Pace described how the king rose ‘daily, except on holy days, at 4 or 5 o’clock, and hunts till 9 or 10 at night. He spares no pains to convert the sport of hunting into a martyrdom’.33 It was an enthusiasm that he shared with much of the European élite. In March 1523 Sir Thomas Boleyn and Richard Sampson reported from Valladolid that Charles V was ‘very assiduous in deliberating with his council, except one day in each week, when he hawks or hunts’.34 It was also a subject that had been written about by other enthusiasts. Gaston III, count of Foix, known as Gaston Phoebus, wrote his Livre de Chasse

between 1387–89. In the period 1406–13, Edward, duke of York, translated and extended Phoebus’s work as The Master of the Game. So it is not surprising that the Eltham Ordinances that ‘whensoever the King’s grace hath gone further in walking, hunting, hawking, or other disportes, the most parte of the noblemen and gentlemen of the court have used to passe with his grace, by reason whereof, not onely the court hath been left disgarnished, but also the King’s said disports lett, hindered and impeached’.35 Henry VIII’s interest in the sport is indicated by the sheer quantity of hunting paraphernalia he owned. In 1521 the wardrobe of the robes included two of his hunting trophies: ‘a great tuske of a bore in a case of crimosyn veluete’ [B387] and ‘a Roobuckes hed in a case of crimosyn veluete’ [B388].36 While some of the items were stored in boxes, others were on open display, such as the ‘Cx hawkes hoodes embrawdered hanging vppon the wall’ of the closet next to the privy chamber at Greenwich (9494).37 He had a bed specially made, which was described in the warrant ordering it dated 6 July 1526, as ‘a bed for hunting for the use of the king’. The great wardrobe provided 25 yards (22.8 m) of crimson gold baudekin damask for the testor, celure and counterpoint costing £57 10s, and

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the stable, the hunts and beyond Three main groups of hounds were maintained by the king: hart hounds, otter hounds and buck hounds. Of the men who cared for these dogs, only the officers of the buck hounds received regular issues of livery from the great wardrobe. Like the stable, the hunts were funded through the exchequer. In addition to the hounds and their carers, the exchequer also footed the bill for the falcons with the falconers, bowmen expert with longbows and crossbows, and the men of ‘the toils’, that is specialists in creating traps or driving animals into the path of the king, to be slaughtered by him and his companions. Many of the illustrations in Gaston Phebus’s Livre de Chasse show the huntsmen dressed in green, grey or a combination of the two, indicating that these colours were considered suitable for hunting livery.40 However, John I of Portugal believed that the cut and type of clothing were more important than the colour. The gown or coat should not come to below the knee and the sleeves should be fitted, either from the elbow to wrist or for the whole length, ‘provided this does not conflict too grossly with fashion’.41 He also considered boots to be obligatory for hunt staff.

the buckhounds

16.2 Detail of a male servant with a monkey on his shoulder, from The Family of Henry VIII, unknown artist, c. 1545. The monkey is dressed in a coat and cap, of the type listed in the great wardrobe accounts. RCIN 405796 OM 43. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

8½ yards (7.7 m) of green baudekin with flowers for the same valued at £14 3s 4d.38 It had matching curtains made from 10 yards (9.1 m) of red and 12¾ yards (11.6 m) of green sarsenet. The king’s goldsmith, Cornelius Hayes, made and gilded four pommels decorated with the arms of England, roses and cyphers for £16 4s 9d. The bed could be dismantled, and to transport its components one cloth-sack and two coffers were provided. The total cost for this bed came to £133 18s 9½d. The royal hunting parks were kept stocked with deer. The long-established royal parks at Clarendon, Windsor and Woodstock were supplemented by the creation of new parks at Westminster in 1536 and Hampton Court in 1539.39 A number of the lesser royal houses built by the king were intended primarily as bases for hunting with hounds, often described at the time as hunts and with falcons. The three main types of sight hound used at this period were the greyhound, the alaunt and the mastiff, while the scent hound was referred to as the running hound, rache or chien courant.

The general staffing of the hunt can be gauged from the quantities of livery issued. A change in the hunting staff took place in about 1536. Before that date there were two yeomen of the buckhounds, assisted by four or five grooms. On 23 November 1513, Edward Lyne and Thomas Borne were given tawny broad cloth for a gown furred with black lamb, camlet for a doublet, three pairs of hose, Holland for three shirts, bonnets, hats and shoes.42 The grooms also received livery twice a year. The basic order consisted of a gown, doublet, hose, shirts, shoes and bonnets (Figs 16.3 and 16.4). In the winter warrant, the gown (either of motley or broad cloth) was quite often furred with lamb, while the summer gown was not. The changes put in place late in 1535 or 1536 resulted in a staff of two sergeants, two yeomen prickers and five grooms. The changes were completed by the issue of a warrant dormant dated 23 May 1536 for livery to be delivered at Christmas and at Pentecost. In the final year of the reign, livery was also provided for two pages. For their winter wardrobe, the sergeants received camlet coats lined with cotton, two doublets, one of tawny satin and the other of fustian, linen shirts and bonnets. In the summer the order remained the same, except for their coats being made from green broad cloth. The yeomen received a similar allocation, except their winter coats were made from russet cloth, while those for summer were cut from kendal. The grooms received the same as the yeomen, but their coats contained 5 (4.5 m) rather than 6 yards (5.4 m) of cloth, and they also were provided with three pairs of hose and five pairs of double-soled shoes each (Fig. 16.5).43 The office also had two pages, for whom the earliest extant pair of warrants date from 3 September 1535 and 20 January 1536. Ralph Mountjoy and Owen Doddesworth received a similar livery to the yeomen

the stable, the hunts and beyond

16.3 Knitted, felted and fulled cap for a child or young man worked in stocking stitch using 2-ply yarn. Worship Street, London, 5008. Museum of London

16.4 Man’s knitted cap with a brim and a silk ribbon chin strap. Worship Street, London, A26566. Museum of London

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and grooms, but with no hose, two bonnets and seven pairs of double-soled shoes.44 Some additional costs for the buckhounds were covered by the king’s privy purse. In June 1530 Ralph Mundy received two pairs of hose, a leather jerkin and a doublet of white fustian costing 14s.45 In the following June the king paid for a pair of hose for Ralph costing 3s 5d.46 Livery coats costing £3 7s 6d were provided for Walter Doddesworth, Ralph Mundy and Humphrey Raynesford in December 1531.47 A month earlier, Mundy had received 15s for ‘bringing of whelpes to the kinges grace’.48 The king showed his closeness to his huntsmen when in June 1531 he paid 16s for the burial of William Doddesworth.49 The master of the buckhounds directed the staff of the office. In 1516, when the office of master was not liveried, the appointment was enjoyed by Sir Edward Neville and he received a payment of £30 on 21 September.50 In 1528, George Boleyn was appointed as master with a salary of £33 6s 8d, with the onus of the work undertaken by the sergeants who received 9s a month. In June 1529 Boleyn, received 60s ‘for finding the hounds meat’.51 In January 1519, Thomas Borne, yeoman of the buckhounds, was paid at a rate of £2 13s 4d (4 marks) a year.52 The hounds were provided with collars, leashes or liams, and possibly coats, certainly for those hounds given as gifts. On 5 November 1545 Bishop Gardiner announced his intention to Paget to give the regent of the Netherlands Henry’s gift of hounds and greyhounds, ‘which will be a gorgeous matter when their colours be on, which be very gay’.53 In addition to the regular issues of liams, leashes and collars made to the officers of the hunts with their grants of livery, further purchases were made during the king’s progress. These were listed in the accounts according to the purchaser, location and date. Between 17 June and 30 September 1546 Wheeler made seven purchases of collars, liams and couples costing 39s 10d.54 The hounds were transported by cart from one hunting place to another. On 22 September 1510 a cart for the hounds was bought from Thomas Pole of Stratford at Bow for 61s.55 Sometimes the cart was hired, as the accounts of the privy purse reveal. In September 1531 a cart was hired for 2s 6d to carry the hounds 15 miles from Grafton to Ampthill; in October another cart took the hounds from Ampthill to Waltham at a cost of 5s and also from Ampthill to Knebsworth (5s).56 In addition to the carts, linen canvas covers were provided in order to keep the hounds protected from the elements during the journey. The hounds also had collars and other equipment wherever they went. On 26 June 1510 a cart cover and other stuff was delivered to Thomas Carnyval and William Royte.57

the leash 16.5 Two adult leather square-toed Tudor shoes with slashed decoration, c. 1550. The officers of the hunts may have worn shoes of this type, and more hardwearing, double-soled versions. RS222. Museum of London

The leash was the second of the king’s hunts and unlike the buckhounds its staffing was consistent throughout the reign. Few specific details are recorded about their duties. However,

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the stable, the hunts and beyond

there are no payments for transporting their greyhounds, indicating that the leash did not follow the king on his progresses in the way that the buckhounds did. On 21 July 1510, John Colinson, groom of the leash, received 40s for kennels, leashes, chains and collars for greyhounds.58 The office was staffed by a yeoman, groom and four pages, or children of the leash, all of whom received livery. Each of these received their livery on separate warrants, with the yeoman and groom included on a warrant with the yeoman and groom of the bows. On 28 June 1514 William Harwood, yeoman, and John Colinson, groom, received a coat of motley made from 8 yards (7.3 m) of cloth and a number of collars and leashes.59 On 23 April 1513, Richard Dunmont, Richard Simpson, John Singleton and John Williams, the children of the leash, received a coat of motley, a camlet doublet, three shirts, three pairs of hose, along with double-soled shoes, bonnets, collars and leashes.60 Generally the staff received their livery twice a year, once between October to November and then again between April and May. They received a full set of clothing, including shirts, hats, bonnets, shoes, as well as outer garments, also collars and leashes and two doublets, usually one of camlet and one of fustian. In November 1510 the colour was given as tawny, and in November 1517, black; in March 1517 and May 1528 they received three pairs of hose of green kersey. They were given two gowns, often of motley or broad cloth and generally furred with black Irish lamb, or a gown and a coat, with the latter made from motley and once of red broad cloth embroidered with the king’s initials. They also received three shirts decorated with openwork on the collar, and double-soled shoes. In May 1538 the pages were John Barwick, Richard Bolton, William Hammond and Hugo Lee. In January 1546 a warrant dormant was issued to Thomas Moyle, yeoman of the leash, for yearly apparel as previously enjoyed by John Willesdon.61

the toils The office of the toils maintained and deployed the pieces of canvas and nets that were positioned to direct the game being hunted. The office came under a master whose staff included keepers and setters. In March 1519 Francis Bryan, master, received half-year wages of £33 6s 8d.62 Two months later he got £20 for repairing the toils.63 In 1514 Thomas Morris and Nicholas Harris, the toil keepers, were recipients of 16s a month.64 In December 1520 the toil setters, Charles Waleston and William Nicholson, had wages of 32s.65 There are only a handful of references to livery being issued to the officers of the toils. In the 1530s Hector Pirton and William Turner, grooms of the toils, were given red livery coats of broad cloth, lined with cotton or frieze and embroidered with the king’s initials.66 The toils were a drain on time and money. On 4 April 1512 Simon Balake was given £16 4s 6d to pay the wages of the persons who had been employed to mend the toils.67 On 9 July

1515 Wistan Brown was appointed as the keeper of the ‘great carol’ for the king’s hunting called the toils or the ‘pale of canvas’ which was to be repaired at the king’s cost.68 Repairs to the toils were also undertaken within the great wardrobe. On 27 February 1517 Richard Cokkes supplied canvas costing £18.69 In 1519 large-scale repairs were made to the toils. The numerous tailors and 17 cordwainers used 1,531 fathoms of net at 4d the fathom. Payments totalling £158 10s 4d were made to John Butler, Richard Gibson and William Guisnam.70 The entry on 4 August 1536 for repairs totalling £66 4s 11½d provides a good insight into the range of people and materials required: wages of tailors at 6d a day coming to £11 14s 3d, 726 ells (497.8 m) of canvas bought from William Lock for £18 3s, with a further 61½ ells (42.1 m) canvas from the great wardrobe stores, thread at 104s 2½d, black wax 7s 4d, wages of the net makers 46s, while William Shrief, net maker, and supplier of cord, head line and other materials, received £20 9s 8d, the wages of William Green, coffer maker, 31s, and leather wombs, thread, wax and nails £6 9s 6d.71 The toils were important throughout Henry’s reign. But when the king stopped riding out after hounds after 1536, the toils took on a slightly different role. Once the king started to shoot deer from a standing, that is, a raised, platform, the careful placement of the nets and canvas to direct the deer towards where the king stood became more significant.72 Catherine Parr rewarded William Alyn, groom of the stable, with 2s for riding to Langley and Old Windsor for the keeper of the toils, and then on to Guildford for a buck and a doe for the queen.73 The toils continued to be used by Edward VI and Mary I, but evidently less was spent in maintaining them. On 6 June 1552 a warrant signed by Sir John Gates and five others noted that ‘we be enformed that the kinges maiesties toiles be out of reperacion and therefore meate to be sent vnto and remied the rather for that his highness progresse is at hand wher the same toiles ar to be emploied’.74 In June 1556 the privy council told Sir Thomas Cawarden that the toils were unfit for the use of Philip of Spain and instructed him to ‘overlooke it and therevpon to make report vnto what provision may be made for the repairing of it that is may be dispatched accordingly’.75

the bows and the longbows Not withstanding the increasing use of handguns, bows, longbows and crossbows remained popular for hunting. The officers of the bows continued to be important throughout Henry VIII’s reign. According to The Master of the Game, the early morning preparations for hunting included ‘the maister forstere or parker oweth to shewe hym the kyngges stond, and if the kyng wold stonde with his bowe and where al the remenaunt of the bowes shuld stond and the yemen for the kynges bowe owen to be ther to kepe and make the kynges stondyng and abide ther without noyse to the kyng come’.76 Livery was provided for a group of six hunt servants on the same annual warrant: the groom and page of the long bows,

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the cross bows and the leash.77 Each of them received a coat made from 8 yards (7.3 m) of motley lined with cotton, a pair of kersey hose and a bonnet. From 6 May 1536 this order was established as a warrant dormant, and at this point the colour of the hose was specified as being green.78 In 1546 John Abre and Giles Churchill received from William Green a standard for ‘the keeping and carrying safe of the king’s crossbows benders and for all quivers arrows bolts and a till within the said standard for thread cord wire and all manner of tools to the said office belonging and for the said standard three locks and four keys’, along with two great quivers of leather and four leather cases costing £4 10s.79

the falconers Henry VIII was an avid falconer. In September 1533 Sir William Kingston remarked that he ‘hawks every day with goshawks and other hawks . . . lanners, sparhawks and merlins, both afore noon and after’.80 A number of these birds came from Europe. On 11 June 1526 Christopher de Schidlowijecz, chancellor of Poland, wrote to Henry explaining how he had met the duke of Norfolk’s falconer, who was travelling on the Continent to buy hawks. He had previously sent birds to Maximilian, the king of Hungary and the emperor, and now he wished to give the king a great saker with an injured claw ‘which does not fly from the fist, but on high and kills not only wild ducks but cranes and other large birds’ and four young falcons ‘from an approved nest’.81 The king’s personal choice of falcons is indicated by the payments made in his privy purse. On 8 December 1529 Walsh bought a goshawk and two falcons for £3 and seven days later five falcons and a tarsel for £8.82 Curiously, no formal provision was made for the king’s falconers by the great wardrobe (Fig. 16.6). Their livery was provided by other means. On 26 March 1529 the king paid for coats for ten falconers, nine at a price of 22s 6d and one for Old Hugh costing 25s.83 In December 1529 the king’s privy purse allowed 20s to provide livery of an unspecified type to ‘Elys, the falconer’.84 In April 1530 another payment of 20s was made for clothing young Ellis ‘ayenst Easter’, and Ellis the elder received a livery coat.85 In the previous month, Richard Brandon, falconer, took receipt of a livery coat costing 22s 6d, and Christopher, falconer, and Haukyn also got livery coats.86 Later in the year, John Scot was paid 20s 4d for ‘ij Cotes of freze And for ij doubelettes of fustyan And for making and lynyng of the same for henry Elys the fawcon’.87 Some of the king’s falconers specialised in the care of specific types of bird. In 1529 Nicholas Clamp, falconer, was paid for keeping a lanner falcon called Cutte for a year at 1d a day.88 In April 1531 he was sent overseas by the king and he received £10 for his costs, and at the same time he received a new livery coat.89 In the summer of 1546 John Harris made a number of purchases on behalf of the king. On 26 August when he was hawking at Hampton Court, Harris paid 2s 8d for a pair of lines of red silk and gold for the king’s hawk, 2s 6d for a

16.6 Robert Chesman, by Hans Holbein the Younger. It is uncertain whether Robert Chesman was royal falconer, but this portrait indicates how popular falconry was in Tudor England amongst the élite. The Hague, inv. no. 276. Royal Picture Library, Mauritshuis, The Hague

hawking glove and 4d for a hawk hood. Later, when Henry was hawking at Windsor, Harris bought a hawking bag (16d), a hawking glove embroidered with silk (2s 6d), a pair of fine lines for the king’s hawk (2s), a hawk hood (Fig. 16.7) and two pairs of fine bells for the king’s hawk (18d).90 The prices indicate that these were functional gloves bought to meet a specific need. A bill from Mark Milliner included a more luxurious hawk glove trimmed with crimson velvet and embroidered with gold and silver, and another trimmed with white velvet, also embroidered with gold and silver, both costing 15s. Hawking bags were made to have internal divisions, as in the case of a bag lined with white velvet with three purses set in and the whole trimmed with gold lace.91 More magnificent items were delivered by Mark Milliner in 1546–47: three saddles ‘gilt and engraved’ £10 each; a pair of stirrups to match (£3), 11 dozen hawk hoods at 8d, 24 dozen hawk bells at 6d, 18 hawking bags of silk with gilt rings at 15s, one dozen large hawk hoods (7s 6d) and 28 pairs of hawk bells (28s).92 The 1547 revels list includes a set of hawking stuff, a group of ‘viij shorte garments or cassocks for fawkeners’, supplied with hats of red gold sarcenet trimmed with white ribbon and feathers, double-ringed hawking bags and lures (8628). These garments had wide sleeves lined with green satin and ending in cuffs of white and green checked velvet. They were conspicuously elaborate. Even so, the double-ringed bags and lures suggest that these had been functioning hawking outfits, intended for use on a state occasion such as the meeting with Francis I in 1532 or during the reception of the French admiral in 1546.

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16.7 Henry VIII’s hawk hood covered in cloth of tissue. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

hunt officers not provided for by the great wardrobe Not everyone retained by the king for the hunt benefited from issues of clothing from the great wardrobe. The dog keepers, with the exception of the officers of the leash, the spaniel keepers and the keepers of the buckhounds were among the non-beneficiaries.93 Henry II had enjoyed otter hunting and his Tudor namesakes also kept a pack of otter hounds.94 In January 1519 Christopher Rochester, page of the chamber, was appointed as the king’s otter hunter with 3d a day, 4½d a day for the king’s six dogs, 1½d a day for a boy and 9d for 12 dogs, as held previously by Sir Edward Bensted.95 In September 1533 Sir Nicholas Carew was granted the reversion of the office, then held by Rochester, with 3½d a day for himself, 4½d for keeping six otter hounds, 1½d for wages for a page and 9d for keeping 12 hounds. These expenses were to be paid by the collectors of the customs of the port of Southampton.96 The king’s harriers were used to flush the young and small deer, including the fallow deer, out of the way of the hunt, but they could also be used to course hares.97 The organisation

of the office and the number and type of hounds employed are clearly indicated by the grant in April 1543 appointing Sir Anthony Browne as master of the king’s harriers. Like his uncle, the earl of Southampton, he held the office with 12d a day, and wages for a yeoman barners of 4d a day, 3½d a day for the keep of a horse, two yeomen barners and two yeomen veautiers at 2d a day each, two lads at 1¼d a day each, food costing ½d a day for 36 running dogs and nine greyhounds.98 Other offices in the king’s harriers were occasionally mentioned. In November 1520 Richard Bigge, the riding yeoman of the king’s harriers, received an annuity of £3 10d.99 Henry also kept some other dogs for hunting: namely mastiffs, beagles, greyhounds and spaniels. Prized for their strength and ferocity, if not for their appearance, mastiffs took their place in the hunts. In January 1532 William Ford was paid £10 17s 10d for collars and muzzles for the king’s mastiffs.100 Beagles and greyhounds were used for hare coursing, depending on whether the rest of the field followed on foot or not.101 On 12 April 1531 Robert Shere, keeper of the privy beagles, was given a livery coat.102 On 25 November 1509 livery was ordered for Richard Dunnoll, Richard Simpson, John Singleton and John Williams, the four keepers of the greyhounds.103 The livery consisted of a gown of tawny furred with black lamb, a camlet doublet, two pairs of hose, two shirts, two pairs of double-soled shoes, a hat and a French bonnet. Spaniels were used largely for retrieving the prey caught by hawks, but Henry had at least one for a pet. In 1528 Thomas Comper, keeper of the king’s goshawks and three pairs of spaniels, received £5 10s 4d.104 In November 1529 a servant of the earl of Westmorland delivered a gift of a spaniel to the king.105 His spaniel was lost at least twice in May 1530 and February 1531.106 In August 1546 John Gates received a liam and collar for Greke, the king’s spaniel. In the same year Robin, the king’s spaniel keeper, received a range of clothes including a canvas doublet (2s 8d), a doublet and pair of upper stocks made from three doe skins (8s 7d), a coat of grey frieze (2s 8d), a pair of satin hose with nether stocks (5s) and a doublet and hose made of fustian (8s). He also bought hair cloth to rub the spaniels with and several pairs of couples, as well money for transporting the spaniels, such as 8d for ‘coming with the spaniels from Sion to Guildford and home again’.107 As well as keeping parks stocked with deer, Henry also reared pheasants for his hawks to catch and for him to shoot. On 22 December 1532, he paid 40s paid to a French priest known as ‘the fesaunt breder’ for a gown and other items.108 Ten years later John Fries, taker of pheasants and partridges, was supplied with a livery coat for one year due at Michaelmas last past.109 Some keepers specialised in the care of hen pheasants, as in the case of ‘the hen taker’ who on 28 April 1530 was given a livery coat costing 20s.110

The barge The royal barge played an important part in the king’s travel arrangements while he was in London or visiting his houses

the stable, the hunts and beyond along the Thames.111 It could also be made available for visiting dignitaries, as in the case of Lorenzo Pasquaglio, a Venetian diplomat in England in 1515, who described how he went down to the Thames ‘where a large barge had been prepared, precisely like a bucintor covered with the royal colours in cloth, the cabin being hung in arras’.112 Access to and control over the queen’s barge played a significant part in the struggle between Catherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn. In September 1529 Thomas Spert was paid £28 for making the king a new barge, and in the following month John Johnson, master of the king’s barge, received 40s for 24 new oars.113 An illustrated copy of George Cavendish’s Life of Cardinal Wolsey included a sketch of ‘My lorde goes by water to grenewiche’. The image depicted the cardinal being transported down the Thames in his barge with a textile awning.114 On 5 November 1514 two tilts, one for the barge and one for the boat, were delivered to John Thurston, master of the barge.115 New green and white cloth covers were ordered for the king’s two barges on 13 April 1522.116 Not all of the covers were made from just textile. In March 1518 a new cover was made for the king’s boat from 38 skins of ‘portingal’ leather and two pieces of tick (one green and one white) by his saddler, Nicholas Mayor.117 In December 1531 Carter, the king’s boatman, was paid 20s for dressing the king’s barge, and 20s for cotton for lining the king’s boat. William Green delivered a barehide to cover the king’s barge, costing £8.118 The other textiles associated with the barge were the clothes worn by the watermen. On 22 December 1529 livery for six new watermen was bought at a price of £6.119 Two years later on 10 December 1531 the king ‘paied to xvj of the kinges watermen for ther lyverays to every of them xxijs vjd’, costing £18.120 The number of men needed to row the barge depended on who was travelling and whether the barge was going with or against the tide. John Johnson, master of the king’s barge, received 17s 4d for conducting the king to and from parliament with 24 men on 31 March 1531.121

Livery issued ‘out of court’ A number of individuals who were considered to be ‘out of court’ were provided with livery at the king’s expense. These included the chancery, the exchequer, the law courts, the great wardrobe and the privy wardrobe and the king’s works.

the great wardrobe The great wardrobe was a satellite of the royal household, independent of it but subsidiary to it.122 It provided employment for a range of individuals including the keeper, auditors, clerk, yeoman tailors, two other clerks, the porter and the rent gatherer. The provision of livery remained almost unchanged throughout our period. In 1480 the livery issued was as follows: 10 yards (9.1 m) of violet in grain and a piece of

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tartaryn, to Piers Courteys, keeper, 4 yards (3.6 m) of musterdeviliers to William Misterton, clerk, two yeomen tailors, Thomas Stanes, porter, the two clerks and the rent gatherer, and 3 yards (2.7 m) of the same to the two auditors.123 In 1499 Robert Lytton, keeper of the great wardrobe, received winter livery of 10 yards (9.1 m) of cloth in grain, a hood of 32 wombs of miniver gross, two furs of byse and a fur of made of 120 furs of miniver gross and a further 10 yards (9.1 m) of cloth in grain for his summer livery at a cost of £15. In contrast, Laurence Gower, clerk of the wardrobe, received 5 yards (4.5 m) of dyed cloth in the winter and the summer costing 50s.124 Similar provision was made in Henry VIII’s great wardrobe accounts.

the king’s works The office of the king’s works was responsible for building new properties for the king, or the structural maintenance and extension of old ones.125 Its staff also oversaw a regular programme of repairs, most of which were undertaken just prior to his arrival. A small number of specialist craftsmen were employed by the king’s works, while larger numbers of craftsmen were employed on a daily or weekly basis to complete the tasks in hand. In September 1519 William Vertue and Henry Redman, masons, were appointed as master masons of the king’s works in the Tower and elsewhere, with 12d a day and a robe like those issued to the esquires of the household.126 The prestige enjoyed by works’ officers can be seen by the establishment of a warrant dormant on 16 March 1533 for a red livery coat embroidered with the king’s initials delivered at Michaelmas to a group of leading craftsmen: Thomas Cune, sergeant plumber, John Molton, the king’s master mason, Christopher Diconson, master mason of the king’s works at Windsor castle, John Ripley, the king’s master joiner, John Russell, master carpenter, and Henry Kumming, the king’s builder.127 A number of the craftsmen employed by the king also worked for others. James Nedehan began his career as the king’s carpenter and in 1532 he was promoted to the clerk and overseer of the king’s works at the Tower. In 1532 he worked on Thomas Cromwell’s new house at Austin Friars, London.128 On 17 October 1532 John Williamson wrote to Cromwell to inform him that, ‘Your works go well forward. Mr Alwerd, Mr Heretage, Mr Russel, Nedam, Armstrong, Whalley and divers other carpenters and Bricklayers bestow great diligence upon them’.129 Thomas Alvard was paymaster of the works at Whitehall, Thomas Heritage surveyor of the works there, and James Nedeham surveyor general of the king’s works. The building accounts for the work at Tournai compiled by Arthur Lovekyn, clerk to William Pawne, master of the king’s works, ran from 29 March 1517 to 28 March 1518. His accounts included payments for a kendal coat costing 20s ‘for my master’, 20s to Nicholas van Haye, mercer of Tournai, for 2 yards (1.8 m) of black velvet to guard a gown of tawny

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velvet, 20s to John Fenn towards the outside of his ‘plak’ gown, 4s 4d to John Cawswell, hosier of Tournai, for hose and 2s to John Fenn for a cape ‘for my master’.130

other government officials The Black Book of Edward IV made provision for the following officers: the lord chancellor of England, none delivered; the great chamberlain, his winter and summer robes, at Christmas and Whitsun, payable out of the counting house at a rate of £10 13s 4d for both; the chief judge of common pleas received none, but the barons were allowed that ‘Though the king geue clothing embrawdid, yet these lordez nor knytes haue none but a speciall sute or warraunt vnder priuy seale directed to the kinges warderober of chaumber’.131 At the end of the yearly great wardrobe account there is a block of provision to a leading group of officials, including the treasurer of England (Fig. 16.8), the under-treasurer, the chamberlain of the receipt, the four barons of the chancellery, the clerks of the receipt, the teller of the receipt and the auditors of the exchequer. Amongst the others were the

16.8 Thomas Howard, third duke of Norfolk, by Hans Holbein the Younger. RCIN 404439 OM 30 WC 59. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

officers of the great wardrobe who received livery at Christmas and Whitsun in reward for clothing the king and his household.132 The orders were standardised and symbolic of their offices. The great wardrobe account for 1543–44 included the following provision: To the duke of Norfolk, treasurer of England, 10 yards (9.1 m) of crimson cloth in grain furred with 300 wombs miniver pure for his winter clothing and 10 yards (9.1 m) of cloth in grain for his summer clothing (£15 7s 8d). To the four barons of the chancellery, Richard Lister, John Smith, Thomas Welsh and Nicholas Luke, 10 yards (9.1 m) of cloth in grain, one hood of 32 wombs miniver pure and a fur of 120 wombs miniver pure each for their winter clothing. and 10 yards (9.1 m)of cloth in grain each for their summer clothing (£74 6s) To the count of Salop and [blank], two chamberlains of the king’s receipt, 10 yards (9.1 m) of cloth in grain, a hood of 32 wombs miniver pure and a fur of 120 wombs miniver pure each for their winter clothing. and 10 yards (9.1 m) of cloth in grain each for their summer clothing (£26 13s). To Richard Weston, the undertreasurer of England, 6 yards (5.4 m) of cloth of colour and a fur of buse for winter, and 6 yards (5.4 m) of cloth of colour for summer (£4 6s 8d). To Thomas Danyell and John Wodall, clerks of the receipt, 6 yards (5.4 m) of cloth of colour each for winter, and the same for summer (£5 8s). To Thomas Tamworth and the sub clerk, auditors of the exchequer, winter clothing only of 6 yards (5.4 m) of cloth each and two counting cloths (£6 2s).133

On 21 April 1517 the treasurer and barons of the exchequer and the surveyors of crown lands received an order. They were required to allow £61 20d to John Heron, clerk of the hanaper, for the master of the rolls and 11 other chancery officials for robes for the year starting Michaelmas 1515. In view of the very high cost of woollen cloth, and because they had received no further payment from the king apart from their robes, Heron was to pay whatever additional costs they had incurred as long as this did not exceed £43 a year.134 In April 1533 Thomas Cromwell was appointed as chancellor of the exchequer ‘with the fees, robes and vesture’ belonging to the office from the death of the previous office holder, Lord Berners.135 In March 1540 Thomas Wriothesley and Sir Ralph Sadler were appointed as the king’s principal secretaries. The warrant outlined their privileges which included that ‘the principal secretary shall sit in the Upper House of Parliament on one of the Woolsacks, as Wriothesley and Sadler may do the King’s service in the Nether House where they now have places’.136 Other officials also enjoyed the occasional provision of livery (Fig. 16.9). On 12 July 1509, the accounts of George Kirkham, the keeper or clerk of the hanaper in chancery, included a receipt of 32s 8d for a single special livery.137 In 1531 the expenses of chancery included 46s 8d for summer and winter gowns of the keeper, a winter gown for 13s 4d for John Judde, underkeeper of the hanaper, the gowns for Thomas Alberd, Spigernel, William Skyte and one Portjoy for 40s, a winter robe for John Hill 10s and for his shoes 4s. Additional costs included six bags for writs, patents and charters costing 3s, velvet for a bag for the great seal embroidered with the king’s arms, £5 5s 8d and £4 10s 10d for green say, cushions and other items stolen from the house of John Hill.138 Cromwell’s accounts on 29 September 1534 included a payment of £42 15s for winter and summer robes for the

the stable, the hunts and beyond

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links with cities: caps of maintenance The grant of a cap of maintenance by the English monarch was seen as a symbol of loyal service to him. The cap, often in conjunction with a sword, was granted by the king to the municipal authorities of his cities and towns; in 1388, for example, Richard II granted a cap of maintenance to York.143 From the closing years of Edward III’s reign and 1497, 17 English and Irish cities (including London, Calais, Dublin and Drogheda) were granted this honour, and one feature that linked them all was their mercantile and strategic importance.144 The sword and cap of maintenance were given to the mayor and corporation of Exeter by Henry VII in 1497 after the unsuccessful siege of the city by Perkin Warbeck (Fig. 16.10) ‘to encourage the mayor and citisens to be

16.9 Sir John Godsalve, by Hans Holbein the Younger. Sir John’s fur-lined gown and turned-back cap are typical of the style of dress favoured by government officials. RL 12265B P22. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

master of the rolls and 11 masters in chancery. He made special allowance for the high cost of the cloth used for the summer and winter robes received by the clerk of the hanaper. Other payments included 12s for skins of vellum for the jointure of Anne Boleyn and garnishing, 6s for silk and gold to the same, along with two cushions with the king’s arms and the garter, 12 yards (10.9 m) of green say to hang behind the lord chancellor’s back in chancery and a green cloth to keep the wax warm.139 On 12 July 1536 the account of Henry Polsted, receiver of Thomas Cromwell, included money for summer and winter robes and a payment for 12 yards (10.9 m) of broad cloth given yearly by the comptroller of the household.140 The fees associated with some royal offices were intended to cover the costs of paying junior staff and providing them with clothing. However, these payments were not always sufficient, as indicated by a grant made in August 1536 to John Gostwick, treasurer and general receiver of the court of first fruits and tenths. Gostwick was given an annuity of £200, over his yearly fee of £100, to cover the cost of the diets of himself, his clerks and servants and for robes.141 In May 1541 Thomas Massey was appointed as the usher of the court of first fruits and tenths during good conduct with fees of 40s 7½d a year and 10s for his livery.142

16.10 The Exeter cap of maintenance, 1497. Royal Albert Memorial Museum and Art Gallery. Reproduced by kind permission of Exeter City Council

16.11 The Waterford Cap of Maintenance, 1536. By kind permission of Waterford Museum of Treasures

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myndefull of their duties and to continue dutyfull and obedient subgects hensforth as tofore they had donne: he toke his sword which he then wore about his mydle & gave it to the mayere together with a hatte of mayntenaunce to be borne before him and his successors as it is used in the Citie of London’.145 The accounts of the receiver of Exeter for 1497–98 record the purchase of a sword and hat in London. In February 1536 Henry VIII granted to the inhabitants of Waterford ‘a bearing sword to be borne before the mayor from time to time within our said city’. In the following April he presented the city with a cap of maintenance: ‘And now at

this time, as a remembrance and evident token of our favours, we have sent you, by the bearer, a cap of maintenance, to be borne at times thought fit by you our mayor, being our officer of that our said city’ (Fig. 16.11).146 As the king’s letter indicates, the cap was intended to be carried in procession rather than to be worn. The cap is made from red silk velvet which is embroidered in the centre of the crown and around the brim with Tudor roses. It had a broad brim and quite a deep crown, with embroidered roses around the outer edge of the brim, on both sides of the brim, also around the base and the top of the crown.147

Notes 1 HO, p. 202. 2 BL Stowe MS 955, f. 11; J. Clark, ‘Curry combs’, in Clark, Medieval Horse, pp. 157–68. 3 J. Clark, ‘Horse shoes’, in Clark, Medieval Horse, pp. 88–91. 4 HO, p. 205. 5 PPE, pp. 118, 263. 6 LP xxi.ii, 769.3.5. 7 The keepers were Christopher Errington, Lancelot Sacker, Thomas Guilliam and Rice ap Morris; SoA MS 129, ff. 446r–447v. 8 HO, pp. 203–04. 9 TNA E36/215, pp. 371, 440. 10 PPE, p. 283. 11 Ibid., pp. 11, 31, 132. 12 Ibid., p. 263. One entry refers to three boys, while the other mentions four. 13 Ibid., p. 277. 14 Ibid., p. 98. 15 TNA SP1/228, f. 3r (LP xxi.i, 641). 16 LP xxi.ii, 769.2.1. 17 LP xxi.ii, 769.2.13. 18 TNA E101/417/3, no. 60. 19 TNA LC9/51, f. 164v. 20 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 21 Henry VIII’s masters of the horse were: Sir Thomas Brandon, Sir Thomas Knyvett (LP i.i, 381.76), Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, Sir Henry Guildford (LP ii.i, 1114), Sir Nicholas Carew (LP iii.ii, 2395) and Sir Anthony Browne (SoA MS 129, f. 444r); Reese, Master, pp. 342–43. 22 BL Harley MS 3,504, f. 264v. 23 APC, ii, p. 479. 24 Ibid., p. 479. 25 A. MacGregor, ‘Horsegear, vehicles and stable equipment at the Stuart court: a documentary archaeology’, The Archaeological Journal, 153 (1996), pp. 148–200. 26 TNA E101/417/3, no. 82. 27 PPE, p. 257. 28 TNA E101/417/3, no. 38. 29 LP xx.ii, 418.19 and 20. 30 LP xxi.i, 157. 31 TNA E101/423/10, f. 21v. 32 TNA E101/423/11, unnumbered. 33 LP iii.i, 950. 34 LP iii.ii, 2898. 35 HO, p. 158. 36 BL Harley MS 4217, f. 11v. 37 In the closet over the water stair at Greenwich there were ‘Cxxxviij hawkes whoddes of leather’ (9588). In contrast, Arthur MacGregor noted that there were surprisingly few objects relating to hunting in the Commonwealth Sale inventories in view of James I and Charles I’s passion for the sport; A. MacGregor, ‘The King’s disport: Sports, games and pastimes of the early Stuarts’, in A. MacGregor, ed., The Late King’s Goods: Collections, Possessions and Patronage of Charles I in the Light of the Commonwealth Sale Inventories (London and Oxford, 1989), pp. 405–07. 38 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. 39 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 68. 40 M. Thomas and F. Avril, eds, The Hunting Book of Gaston Phebus (1998).

41 Cummins, Hound and Hawk, p. 178. 42 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 39r. 43 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. The two orders cost £39 4s 9d and £37 7s 7d. 44 TNA E36/455, ff. 35v–36r. The two orders cost £7 10s and £8 12s 4d. 45 PPE, p. 54. 46 Ibid., p. 137. 47 Ibid., p. 181. 48 Ibid., p. 175. 49 Ibid., p. 141. 50 TNA E36/215, p. 467. 51 TNA E101/420/11, f. 42r (LP v, p. 312). 52 TNA E36/216, p. 65. 53 LP xx.ii, 731. 54 TNA SP1/228, f. 166r. 55 TNA E36/215, p. 78. 56 PPE, p. 168. 57 TNA E101/417/3, f. 42 (LP i.i, 510). 58 TNA E36/215, p. 70. 59 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 54r. 60 Ibid., f. 55r. 61 LP xxi.i, 148.81. 62 TNA E36/216, p. 75. 63 TNA E36/215, p. 90. 64 Ibid., p. 286. 65 LP iii.i, 1114. 66 On 30 June 1532 (TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated), 7 November 1535 (E36/455, f. 8r) and 23 May 1536 (E36/455, f. 37r). 67 TNA E36/215, p. 174. 68 LP ii.i, 680. 69 TNA LC9/51, f. 13v. 70 TNA SP1/232, ff. 176–81 (LP App. i.i, 272). 71 TNA E36/455, f. 38r. 72 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 192. 73 TNA SP1/195, f. 180v. 74 GMR LM 59/1, f. 2r. 75 Ibid., f. 1r. 76 Cummins, Hound and Hawk, p. 64. 77 For example, 6 May 1528 (TNA LC 9/51, f. 168v) and 18 June 1532 (E101/421/3, unfoliated). 78 TNA E36/455, f. 38r, and then repeated in TNA E36/456, f. 42v. The office holders were named as follows: Henry Bird and John Ridley, groom and page of the longbows, and William Aubrey and Egido Churchill, groom and page of the crossbows. 79 TNA SP1/228, f. 189r. 80 Lisle Letters, i, 52 (LP xvii, 1153). 81 LP iv.i, 2241. 82 PPE, pp. 9–10. 83 The coats cost £11 7s 6d; ibid., p. 287. 84 Ibid., p. 8. 85 Ibid., p. 39. 86 Ibid., p. 30. 87 Ibid., p. 87. The payments continued in 1531. On 14 September John Awod and Cowpar, keepers of the king’s goshawks, were given livery coats costing 45s; ibid., p. 162. 88 Ibid., p. 288.

the stable, the hunts and beyond 89 Ibid., p. 130. 90 TNA SP1/228, f. 167v. 91 Ibid., f. 190r. 92 LP xxi.ii, 769.3.4. 93 LP App i.i, 1284. In 1537 a list of people described as receiving ‘your Majesty’s wages, exhibition and finding’ included the individuals responsible for keeping and feeding the king’s mastiffs, his spaniel keepers, the hunt, horse keepers, keepers of running geldings and gardeners. 94 Cummins, Hound and Hawk, pp. 149–50. 95 LP iii.i, 55. 96 LP vi, 1195, 25. 97 Cummins, Hound and Hawk, p. 65. 98 LP xviii.i, 474.40. 99 LP iii.i, 1081.14 and 24. 100 PPE, p. 186. 101 Cummins, Hound and Hawk, p. 115. 102 PPE, p. 126. 103 TNA E101/417/3, no. 69. 104 TNA E101/420/11, f. 11v. 105 PPE, p. 5. 106 Ibid., pp. 43, 108. 107 TNA SP1/228, ff. 167r, 173r (LP xxi.ii, 769.2.7 and 2.9). 108 PPE, p. 280. 109 LP xvii, 880. 110 PPE, p. 41. 111 Thurley, Royal Palaces, pp. 75–76. 112 Williams, Documents, p. 388. 113 TNA E101/420/11, ff. 57v, 60r (LP v, p. 315). 114 Bod Lib Douce MS 363, f. 52v; illustrated in Starkey, European Court, p. 21. 115 TNA E101/418/5, f. 22 (LP i.ii, 3413). 116 TNA LC 9/51, f. 116r. 117 At a cost of £7 8d; ibid., f. 75r. 118 PPE, pp. 181–82. 119 Ibid., p. 12. 120 Ibid., p. 179. 121 TNA E101/420/11, f. 162v.

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122 See above, pp. 25–28. 123 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 169–70. 124 TNA E36/209, ff. 29r–v. 125 Colvin, HKW, iii.i, pp. 25–45. Seven craftsmen were employed by the king’s works: the master mason, the master carpenter, the chief joiner, the sergeant plumber, the chief glazier, the chief smith and the king’s painter. In 1555, an eighth craftsman joined the group: the master plaster; ibid., p. 25. 126 LP iii.i, 458.12. The warrant does not supply any details of what form this livery took. 127 For example, see TNA E36/455, f. 39r, and E36/456, f. 41v. 128 P. Hunting, A History of the Drapers’ Company (1989), p. 13. 129 LP ii.ii, 3065. 130 LP ii.ii, 3065. 131 Myers, Black Book, p. 103. 132 TNA LC9/50, ff. 127v-129r; Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, pp. 179–80. 133 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 76r-v. 134 LP ii.ii, 3153. 135 LP vi, 417.22. 136 LP xv, 437. 137 LP i.i, 109. 138 LP v, 445. 139 LP vii, 1204. 140 LP xi, 66. 141 LP xi, 385.12. 142 LP xvi, 878.67. 143 A replacement was purchased in 1445 and again in 1580; see S. Landi, ‘The York cap of maintenance’, The Conservator, 10 (1986), p. 25. 144 C. Blair and I. Delamer, ‘The Dublin civic swords’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 88c (1988), pp. 90–92. 145 Ibid., p. 92; with thanks to Dinah Eastop for bringing this cap to my attention. 146 E. McEneaney, ed., A History of Waterford and its Mayors from the Twelfth Century to the Twentieth Century (Waterford, 1995), p. 105. 147 C. Devitt, ‘To cap it all: the Waterford cap of maintenence, English, circa 1536’, Costume, 41 (2007), pp. 11–25.

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xiomatic to his kingship was Henry VIII’s wish to demonstrate his physical prowess in the hunt, the mock warfare of the court in the tiltyard and his military skills on campaigns. He was always keen to dress the part. When he landed at Calais in 1513, Henry VIII was ‘apparilled in almayne ryuet . . . [and] ouer his riuett he had a garment of white cloth of gold with a redde crosse’.1 During the expedition against Tournai in 1513 he wore a sword to denote his role as head of the English army. Lyon, herald to James IV, observed that when he informed the king of James’s intention to invade England, Henry was ‘standing still with a sober countenance, having his hand on his sword’.2 For his meeting with Maximilian, Henry ‘was in a garment of greate riches in iuels as perles and stone he was armed in a light armure’.3 The king also took his role as commander in chief seriously. On 21 August, ‘Such heavy rains fell in the afternoon and night, that the tents could scarcely protect them . . . The King did not put off his clothes, but rode round at 3 in the morning comforting the watch’.4 Under happier circumstances, Henry attended the launch of a new ship in October 1515 dressed in a doublet of gold brocade reaching to the middle of his thighs, hose of cloth of gold and scarlet, a gold chain more than four fingers wide, a gold whistle over a span in length and other jewels.5 The whistle was the traditional emblem of a naval commander, which he appropriated on this occasion, denoting his pride in his new ship. On both occasions, he was accompanied by the royal guards. While their role was frequently ceremonial, their primary duty was to protect the king. Consequently, they played a prominent role in court life and their livery featured regularly in royal accounts, along with the provision made for the kings of arms, heralds and pursuivants. Their duties included proclaiming war, negotiating peace and managing court ritual and entertainments. While he did not maintain a permanent army, Henry provided livery for troops as required.

The yeomen of the guard The yeomen of the guard were established by Henry VII ‘for the safeguard and preservation of his own body’, and so ‘he constituted and ordained a number as well of good archers as of diverse other persons being hardy, strong and of agility to geve daily attendance on his person’.6 This emphasis on physical strength continued and in October 1532 a payment of 44s 8d was made to John Parker, yeoman of the robes, ‘for doublettes for the garde to wrestle in bifore the king and the Frenche king at Calys’.7 The yeomen had a highly visible role at court because they were stationed in the guard chamber, the first of the ceremonial rooms on the route to the king. The guard’s duties included the arrest and removal of anyone unwelcome in the state rooms. In 1530 Edward Hall chronicled that ‘When the cardinal was thus arrested the kyng sent sir Wyllyam Kingston knight, capitaine of the Garde, and Constable of the Tower of London with certain of the yomen of the Gard to Sheffelde to fetch the Cardinal to the Tower’.8 A clerk of the check had responsibility for the storage and upkeep of their ceremonial jackets. In 1501, at the marriage of Prince Arthur to Catherine of Aragon, they wore green and white coats embroidered on the chest and back. They also had a watching livery of russet. These were regarded as their first and second types of livery coat or jacket. In addition, they were provided with other clothes as required. On 26 January 1512 John Bradley and Roger Hachman received broad cloth of crane colour for gowns.9 According to Hall, on 5 June 1514, the guard wore white gabardines.10 1514 marked the introduction of their scarlet livery and on 20 October 1514 Laurence Eglesfeld, clerk of the check, received velvet for trimming the coats of six men who were to be at Tournai and 17 yards (15.5m) of scarlet at 8s.11 For May day 1515 ‘the king’s guard, [were] all dressed in green, in the German fashion, with certain slashed hoods on their heads, and bows and arrows in their hands’.12 On 8 July 1518 William Mortimer, the king’s

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embroiderer, was paid for embroidering 123 coats of green cloth at 6s 8d each.13 Embroidery figured prominently on the guard’s livery. In December 1528, the treasurer of the chamber paid £18 4s to Mortimer, for embroidering 62 coats of red cloth for the guard with roses and the crown imperial at 5s each, and for 5 yards (4.5 m) of crimson satin for the roses at 8s the yard and 2 yards (1.8 m) of white bridges satin at 4s the yard and 24 ells (16.5 m) of canvas at 5d the ell.14 Early in 1547, William Ibgrave received £57 7s 4d for embroidering the coats of the guard, the footmen and the messengers.15 This level of expenditure on embroidery ensured that their attire was splendid, rich and costly. In 1522 Sir Andrew Windsor was paid £300 for 124 coats for the guard.16 The danger of possible shabbiness was avoided by a regular programme of cleaning and airing. In February 1538 a payment, authorised by the vice-chamberlain, of 6s was made to John Piers and John Belson, yeomen of the guard, for themselves and four women ‘to brush and a yere for the rich cotes of the Garde’.17 The yeomen of the guard accompanied Henry VIII wherever he went. As a result, information about the removal and storage of their clothes features frequently in the accounts of the royal household. In the early years of his reign, the jackets were transported in two standards by cart at a rate of 2d per mile. During the spring and early summer of 1510 most of the journeys saw the movement of the jackets between Greenwich, Richmond, Westminster, Windsor and the Tower.18 Then, between July and October the guard and their jackets went with the king on his summer progress over 262 miles at a cost of £2 6s 2d.19 In other years the accounts record less detail, giving just a blanket payment to cover the travel costs, as in the case of a payment of 29s 2d from October 1514 to October 1515.20 However, it is clear from this total that the jackets were moved far less in this year than they had been in 1510. Provision was made for the guard’s clothes and weapons. On 13 July 1516 John Champnes of Greenwich received 5s 4d for the hire of a room for 17 weeks at 4d the week and then 8d for moving them into his own home.21 In 1517 and 1518 the guard hired a house in Greenwich from John Amadas at the same rate.22 A year later the bailiff of Greenwich was paid for houseroom, and John Digby let a room in Windsor for four weeks.23 When the king went to the Field of Cloth of Gold, Laurence Eglesfeld spent £6 2s in taking the jackets from London to Calais and Guisnes and back, and for 12 weeks of house hire in Calais for the jackets, standards, halberds, arrows and bows.24 For ceremonial occasions, the guard was armed. In July 1538, 77 sheaves of arrows and bows and three javelins were issued from the Tower ‘for the yeomen of the Guard to ride with the King in his progress and for the carriage of it thence to the White Friars in Fleet Street for the King’s use by the space of iij days’.25 In December 1545 arrows, bows, javelins as well as new coats were ordered for the guard.26 In January 1547, as the king lay dying, the master of the ordinance supplied 130 livery bows, and William Temple, fletcher, was paid £34 3s 4d for 130 sheaves of arrows.27

The band of spears or pensioners The band of spears was established by Henry VIII at his accession in 1509. He ordeined fiftie Gentlemen to be Speres, euery of theim to have an Archer, a Demilaunce, and a Custrell, and whiche bende the Erle of Essex was Lieuetenaunt and sir Jhon Pechie Capitain, who endured but for a while, the apparell and charges so greate, for there were none of theim but they and their Horses were appareled and trapped in Cloth of Golde, Siluer, and Golde Smithes worke and their seruauntes richely appareled also.28

Members had to provide their own arms, ‘have three greate Horses’ and to equip their own attendants. In addition, the band provided a source of participants at court jousts. References of members of the spears receiving clothing are rare. On 30 June 1510, Gyot was given a gown of black velvet and a gown of black satin, both lined with black sarsenet, a doublet of crimson satin guarded with cloth of gold and a doublet of tawny satin guarded with purple tilsent.29 In the following November, Edward Neville, described as ‘one of our speyers’, got 18 yards (16.4 m) of black velvet by a warrant.30 Following the king’s return from the Tournai campaign in 1513, the spears were disbanded.

The gentleman pensioners The establishment of a new royal guard was first mooted in 1537, but it was not instituted for another two years.31 On 20 December 1538 it was noted that the royal guard were expected ‘in their livery coats to wait upon his Grace in his chamber to the great setting forth and honour of his house’. The yeomen of the guard were not always present and to meet new ideas of magnificence a new guard was required ‘with one captain, and . . . they should wait in his chamber, and where the yeomen bear bills or halberds the gentlemen might bear poleaxes, and go before the King when he goes to mass or evensong’. They were to receive livery gowns of silk twice a year and the average cost per gentleman would be £50 a year.32 Where they obtained their clothes has not been established, beyond the fact that the great wardrobe was not the source. It is conceivable that they provided their own clothes. The membership was initially restricted to 50.33 Sir Anthony Browne, who was also master of the horse, was appointed as their first captain. Their first public appearance was on 3 January 1540 when they attended the reception of Anne of Cleves at Blackheath. They were dressed in a black velvet coat and doublet and Milan bonnet, and wore a gold chain with the badge of the pensioners on it. It has been suggested that the clothing, medallion and hat badge depicted in the drawing by Holbein of William Parr, marquess of Northampton, are those of the gentlemen pensioners (Fig. 17.1).34 Northampton joined Browne in the captaincy late in 1541 or early in 1542. While the medallion and hat badge fit with this suggestion, the colours of his garments, that Holbein identifies as wis felbet (white velvet), burpor felbet (purple velvet) and wis satin (white satin), do not.35

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messenger of the chamber, succeeded him.39 On a warrant dated 2 June 1539, Robert Smith, messenger, received an embroidered red livery coat made from 3 yards (2.7 m) of wool and 6 yards (5.4 m) of frieze costing 22s.40 Two years later, John Ward and Jasper Punt, messengers, received £3 towards the cost of their liveries. This was a fair sum, covering the cost of the materials and making it up.41

The kings of arms, heralds and pursuivants

17.1 William Parr, first marquess of Northampton, by Hans Holbein the Younger. RCIN 12231P57. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

The portrait of one of the gentlemen pensioners, Sir William Palmer, by Gerlack Flicke dating to 1546, does accord with what is otherwise known. Palmer wears a high-necked, black doublet, a black gown trimmed with dark fur and a black bonnet. In his right hand he clasps a poleaxe, while his left rests on his sword hilt.36

Royal messengers The royal messengers delivered the king’s personal letters as well as more routine government letters to their recipients.37 The Black Book of Edward IV recorded that four royal messengers received winter and summer clothing worth 13s 4d (1 mark) and each man received ‘for his chaunces 4s 8d’.38 In May 1519 John Hune was appointed one of the four messengers in the exchequer at the rate of 4½d a day and a grant of livery as worn by the yeomen of the chamber, and on surrender of his patent in January 1532 Robert King, a king’s

The Black Book noted that the kings of arms, heralds and pursuivants were to take largess from the jewel house, but were not to receive any wages, fees or clothing, while the four sergeants of arms were given clothing paid for from the profits of diverse counties of England.42 By 1509 these arrangements had changed. By the accession of Henry VIII there were three kings of arms (Garter, Clarencieux and Norrey), six heralds (Somerset, York, Richmond, Chester, Lancaster and Windsor) and four pursuivants (Rouge Cross, Bluemantle, Rouge Dragon and Portcullis).43 The offices were hierarchical and there was a clear sense of progression from pursuivant to king of arms. On 17 May 1522 John Joiner, alias Richmond, was appointed as Norrey, king of arms and principal herald of the north, with £20 a year and a livery from the great wardrobe as worn by kings of arms in the time of Edward III.44 On 5 November 1522 Thomas Byseley, alias Rouge Dragon, was made Bluemantle pursuivant at arms with £10 a year.45 One of the traditional functions of the heralds was the declaration of war. In February 1528 Clarencieux herald informed Cardinal Wolsey that he had ‘made declaration of war against the Emperor . . . sitting in a great hall in the siege royal, accompanied with all the nobles and gentlemen of his court’. He had returned with the emperor’s reply, ‘which I have carried in clews of silk wherfore they be evil to read’.46 The coats that the heralds wore were seen as symbolic of their office and as such gave them a degree of protection, but their distinctive livery could also endanger them. On 19 August 1544 Secretary Paget informed Lord St John how the French had ‘shot a piece of ordnance at one of our heralds sent to them in his coat armour, and slew his horse under him’.47 Heralds did not invariably wear their coats of arms. On 1 September 1524 Tomasso Hannibal, the papal ambassador, who was the bearer of a gold rose from the pope to the king, landed at Dover. On his journey to London he was met by many dignitaries, including Sir Andrew Windsor, Lord Fitzwater, Lord Roos and ‘others of the King’s servants, and certain officers of arms without their coats of arms, for it is not usual for them to be worn when the King is not present at such ceremonies’.48 This could prove dangerous. In January 1543 Somerset Herald was murdered on his return from Scotland. According to his killers, he was ‘withowt coitt armore, bagges on his brest or saffe cundithe contrary to ye lawe of armis’.49 The heralds orchestrated ceremonial at court. Tournaments were their preserve: they made the announcements,

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proclaimed the challenges, introduced the combatants and kept score. They also maintained the partition books. For example, on 5 January 1511 the heralds issued articles of the challenge on behalf of the four knights of the queen for tilts to be held at Richmond to celebrate the birth of Prince Henry.50 In 1520 English heralds proclaimed the jousts to be held at the Field of Cloth of Gold at the courts of Zeeland, Holland and France, while the French heralds performed the same task in Artois and Flanders, as well as Greenwich.51 Heralds managed revels in much the same way. The heralds ensured that etiquette was maintained. They were fastidious about coats of arms being displayed at any time. They oversaw coronations, weddings and funerals. At the burial of Prince Arthur, his own pursuivant ‘sore weeping’ threw his tabard into the prince’s grave, symbolic of his own grief as well as his loss of office.52 In contrast, at Henry VII’s funeral, the heralds all threw down their tabards with the king’s arms and then put on coats with his son’s arms and proclaimed Henry VIII. On 2 March 1511 the heralds presented ‘A bill of peticion to ye Kinge touching the rights, annuities and largesses appertaineing of auntient custome to the Officers of Armes after the usage of England’ including their rights at a tourney, preparation for the creation of a prince, the creation of estates for the degree of an earl and upwards.53 The same day John Heron, treasurer of the chamber, received a warrant to pay Garter, king of arms and the others £40 for their rights and duties at the tournament.54 On 29 September 1514 Sir John Dauntsey gave £8 to Garter king of arms, for his expenses at 8s a day for 20 days when attending the marriage of Princess Mary to Louis XII of France.55 In 1534 the executors of Thomas Benout, Clarencieux king of arms, petitioned Thomas Cromwell for satisfaction of fees amounting to £14 6s 8d from the burial of Sir Robert Johns, promised by Sir John Alen and Sir John Mylborne but still unsettled: for Clarencieux’s mourning livery, 5 yards (4.5 m) of black cloth or 33s 4d and 40s for his pains; for the herald at arms 5 yards (4.5 m) of black cloth or 33s 4d and 20s for his pains; for black cloth to set round the hearse 40s; for the hatchments to be set on John’s tomb 40s, for amending and reforming John’s arms and crest £4.56 According to Jean Coutois, Sicily herald in the 1430s, the heralds’ tabards were long in the body and short in the sleeves, while those of the pursuivants, the junior heralds, were the reverse, with long sleeves and short in the body. The tabards were the same but worn in a different orientation and, when pursuivants were promoted to heralds, they rotated their tabards through 90 degrees to achieve short sleeves and a longer section at the front and back.57 By the mid fifteenth century the herald’s tabard had developed into the form that can be seen in the Westminster tournament roll of 1511: a loose tabard usually split at the sides with open sleeves. The front, back and sleeves of the tabard would be decorated with coats of arms. New livery was ordered for the heralds from the great wardrobe when they were sent on diplomatic missions or when attending events such as coronations and royal funerals. All the kings of arms at Anne Boleyn’s coronation received

embroidered coats.58 A dearth of diplomatic tasks and certain court rituals sometimes resulted in garments having to last for far longer than perhaps envisaged. In May 1532 Garter herald asked for a coat of arms ‘considering that these 17 years passed the said garter hath had no new coat of our said arms’.59 They also received perquisites. In 1520 Henry gave ‘to Clarenceaux a Cote of purpull veluete opon veluete pirled frenged with Ermyns’ [A244]. In June 1541 Henry Ree, pursuivant, wrote to the king from Scotland where he had taken secret letters to Margaret. She ‘sent secret word that she durst not speak with him and he sent her the letters by her servant; and received letters from her again and a black velvet doublet as reward’.60 The coats of arms could be produced by painting and stamping the royal arms and badges onto the cloth. For Henry VII’s coronation, the king’s painter decorated ‘xij cotes of armes for herauldes, beten and wrought in oyle colers with fyne gold’ at a cost of 30s each.61 In May 1541 a payment of £39 6s 8d made to Andrew Wright, the king’s sergeant painter, for ‘painting of certain coats of arms for the heralds at arms’.62 On occasion they were embroidered, as indicated by Garter receiving a tabard with embroidered arms for Henry VII’s funeral and the delivery made in August 1518 ‘to mortemer the brawderer ij yerdes of tawny cloth of gold opon saten for thenbraudryng of a Cote armor for one of tharoldes at armes’ [A397].63 The distinctions of rank were made by the choice of fabric used: the tabards of the kings of arms were made from velvet, those for the heralds were made from damask and those for the pursuivants were made from sarsenet.64 The coats were often decorated with fringe, as indicated by the warrants dated 8 May 1512 which ordered a coat with the king’s arms of damask beaten with fine gold and ‘enoyled’, fringed with red and blue silk for Somerset Herald.65

Military roles for Henry VIII’s nobility The nobility was expected to lead the king’s forces on land and sea in times of war and social unrest. At such time noblemen represented the king and they were equipped accordingly. In March 1511 Lord Darcy was provided with two horse cloths, one of green velvet and white cotton with green silk tassels and the other of red and yellow, costing 43s 7d.66 It seems very likely that these horse cloths were provided for Darcy’s expedition to aid Ferdinand of Aragon against the French. On 12 April 1514 William Bull, Thomas Cappe, Thomas Kirtewon, Thomas Last and William Newman, trumpeters with ‘our cousin the earl of Surrey, admiral’, were given a coat of white and green camlet containing 4½ yards (4.1 m) of each colour of fabric and lined with yellow cotton and a banner cloth with the king’s arms ‘beaten with gold and in oil’.67 Not all royal armies were sent abroad. On 15 October 1536, at the time of the Northern rebellion, the earl of Surrey informed his father, the duke of Norfolk, that ‘The gentlemen have doubled and trebled the numbers limited to them by the

tudor military splendour king’s letters, so that the livery you provided was too little by 1,500 coats for which I have sent unto Suffolk’.68 Norfolk passed this information on to Henry VIII: ‘those who have brought men ask for money for coats; it is said that 8d a day is not enough for a man and horse now that horses are on hard feed.’69 About the same time, the earl of Shrewsbury raised men to help restore order in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire. Payments made by his paymaster Anthony Neville included 3,917 coats at 2s 6d each, with a total cost of £498 7s 6d.70 Between 1540 and 1545, Suffolk acted as the king’s lieutenant. He had wide-ranging military responsibility including oversight of the northern border, the defence of southern England and the expedition to Boulogne (Fig. 17.2). He also took a leading role on the king’s council, advising on military issues.71 The king summed up Suffolk’s standing when he described him as ‘o[ur] chief minister in the wynnyng of Bulleyn’, which had increased the ‘sp[ec]iall love, confidence and good affection w[hich] we beare to you before others’.72 Acting as a royal commander could prove fatal. In April 1513 Sir Edward Howard engaged the captain of the French galleys, Prégent de Bidoux. When Howard realised that the fight could only end in disaster, he threw the gold whistle which was the symbol of his office overboard. He was killed and his body stripped. His clothes were sent to Claude, the French king’s daughter, while his gold chain was given to her

17.2 Charles Brandon, first duke of Surrey, unknown artist, c. 1545. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 516)

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mother.73 Prégent de Bidoux noted in his letter dated 28 April that ‘As the Queen gave him a whistle he sends her the Admiral’s’.

The rank and file of the king’s military forces In the absence of a standing army, the royal household continued to provide the backbone for armed forces whenever needed, even though by the end of Henry VIII’s reign this function had been overstretched and was breaking down, with the result that alternative means were being investigated. In times of need, groups of soldiers were mustered to fight for the king, either abroad or at home (Fig. 17.3). Some of the forces assembled were sizeable. In August 1523 the list of diets and wages of the army beyond the sea under the duke of Suffolk included 100s a day for the duke, 12d a day for his standard bearer, 4s for a herald, 2s each for two pursuivants and 16d a

17.3 Detail showing the soldiers in the fort and mariners on board ship in Dover Harbour from The Embarkation of Henry VIII at Dover, unknown artist. RCIN 405793, OM 24. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

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day each for eight trumpeters. The total size of the army amounted to 10,688 men.74 John Brown, the king’s painter, made Suffolk a standard on double sarsenet costing £3, two banners of the king’s arms costing £5 6s 8d, ten gittons at 13s 4d each, 50 escutchions on paper and two dozen on buckram, 40 flags and pencils for the duke’s baggage and a coat of arms for his herald, costing in all £24.75 The account of Suffolk’s campaign in France included a reference to how ‘Monsieur Lyne won Bowgard by a train, and put out the French in their doublets and hose’.76 Brigandines were also provided for some of the troops. In January 1547 there were 19 pairs of brigandines (5062) in the armoury at Calais and 24 ‘Mayhurtes for brigandynes’, which may have been shoulder pads (5069). The items in the armoury at Westminster were described more fully: 210 ‘Briggendines couered with blacke fustian and white lynnen Clothe called Millen Cootes’ (8198). There were another 50 jacks at Dover (4154), four in the wardrobe at St John’s Clerkenwell (13862) and ‘one Northerne Jacke couered with lynnen’ at Westminster (8200).

flags and banners During the hostilities the great wardrobe provided flags and banners for the king’s armies and his ships. The warrants supplied to the great wardrobe indicate that new banners were made for each major campaign or engagement, although these could be supplemented with existing banners. On 2 August 1514 the earl of Surrey was supplied with one new standard and two flags of crimson and white sarsenet with the cross of St George and two flags on double sarsenet painted in oil and gold.77 Henry VIII’s wars with France and Scotland early in his reign provide copious evidence relating to the provision of banners. A series of eight payments totalling £290 was made to Dominick Cyny for flags and streamers for the king’s ships.78 On 25 and 26 April 1512, 200 ‘pencelles wrought upon buckram, white and green, and upon every of them a red rose with a crown imperial yellow colour inoyled’ that were to be set upon the carriage of ‘our treasure of war’ were delivered to Sir Henry Willoughby.79 In the following July, flags were delivered to the marquess of Dorset, lieutenant general of the army in Guyenne.80 A month later, banners and standards were delivered to the earl of Surrey, ‘lieutenant of our army now to be sent Northwards’.81 In the following year, further large-scale provision of banners was made. On 7 August 1513 John Dauntsey acknowledged a payment of 7s 2d made to James Glydo, servant of Sir Andrew Windsor, for carrying a hamper with the king’s standards, banners and streamers from London to Canterbury.82 A month later, two standards of the lion crowned imperial according to ‘my lord’s standard and pattern’, two banners of the arms of England, two with those of England and Spain were delivered to Richard Justice, groom of the robes.83 In 1544 a set of banners and standards were ordered for the Boulogne campaign which was ‘delivered into the hands of

the king’s majesty’. The religious iconography of some of the banners reflected Henry’s religious conservatism in combination with his promotion of St George as the national saint of England and patron of the order of the Garter: One great banner of crimson and blue satin with the king’s arms embroidered richly with cutwork of cloth of gold Six banners of blue and crimson damask with the king’s arms painted in gold and oil Four banners of the king’s arms painted upon double sarsenet in oil and gold Four banners of the cross of St George of white and crimson sarsenet One standard of the lion of England with crown imperial upon the king’s arms painted upon double sarsenet in oil and gold Three banners of the Holy Trinity of crimson and blue damask likewise painted Three banners of the Holy Mary the Virgin of crimson and blue damask likewise painted One banner of St George of crimson and blue sarsenet likewise painted.84

Banners could be pieced to make the design, as in the case of a banner with a cross of St George made from white and crimson sarsenet and then fringed with crimson and white silk fringe.85 However, the designs were often painted by one of the king’s painters working in oil on a silk or linen canvas ground.86 The range of materials in use can be seen from a payment made on 2 June 1514 for streamers and banners painted by Vincent Volpe for the king’s newly built ship the Henry Grace a Dieu, costing £112 19s 8d.87 William Botry provided cloth for making the streamers and pennants: 11 pieces of red buckram, seven pieces of ‘bressell’, five pieces of blue buckram, 12 pieces of green buckram and five pieces of black buckram costing in all £20 5s 4d.88 Flags and streamers were often trimmed with fringe, as in the case of a streamer supplied for the Henry Grace a Dieu that was 51 yards (46.6 m) long and edged with cadow fringe.89 While banners were a potent symbol for identifying the king’s forces, they were not always provided as promptly as the commanders wished. On 27 March 1546 the earl of Hertford, who was in Calais, desired ‘a banner of the King’s arms and another of St George, to be had from Mr Sadleyr out of the Great Wardrobe, which the heralds have forgotten to bring’.90 A month later he had to repeat his request.91

conduct coats Some of the levies, that is the troops raised, were issued with a conduct coat or jacket to identify their being in the king’s service. The coats were usually green and white but the colour was not always specified. Coats were also provided occasionally for men serving in the garrisons at Calais and Berwick and for mariners taken into the king’s service. Occasionally the king provided armour for the troops. On 20 May 1513 Robert Bolt, a London grocer, received £1,040 for 1,300 sets of armour already delivered by him to John Blewberry in the king’s armoury.92 Four days later, Giovanni Cavalcanti, acting on Bolt’s behalf, contracted with Edward Guildford, the master of the armoury, to supply 1,700 complete sets of harness for foot soldiers. In the following month, William Jekell, one of the king’s commissioners, provided cart

tudor military splendour horses for the army and 145 jackets for carters costing £43 10s.93 Henry VIII also employed mercenary companies and the leading mercenaries were given livery to indicate that the whole company was in his service. On 3 July 1513, Thomas Trye and Richard Cotton were issued with a receipt for necessaries bought ‘for the retinue of the Almayns’, including green and white sarsenet to make a standard.94 On 19 July further provision was made for this group of soldiers: 13s 4d each for the 23 drumslades and fifes as a reward, and jackets of green and white damask for the three standard bearers at a cost of 7s 6d a yard, and taking 12 yards (10.9 m) in all.95

France Livery costs were supplied in large numbers for the king’s troops fighting in France. For example, in August 1522, 6,928 coats at 3s 4d each were supplied for an expedition under the command of the earl of Surrey at a cost of £1,154 13s 4d. In the following August 1,700 coats costing £840 were provided for the army under the leadership of the duke of Suffolk. A further 6,608 coats were supplied at 3s 4d and 1,331 coats at 2s 4d, costing £1,256 12s 4d. Money was also given to Lord Mountjoy for 214 coats, to Sir Edward Croft for 102 coats, to Sir George Throckmorton for 102 coats, to Sir Thomas Tyrrel for 50 coats, to Sir Thomas Tey for 50 coats, to William Fermor for 20 coats and to John Pye of Oxford for 20 coats all at 3s 4d; and ‘For so many men which were appoynted to have gone over the see for the reenforcing of the seid army and afterward retorned home from diverse places as the were commyng up from London. Wherfor the seid cotes been to be restored to the kynges use iiijxx xiij li’ — £1,349 12s 4d. The invasion of France in 1544 was planned meticulously.96 The livery worn by the soldiers gives a clear indication of the composition of the core of the king’s army for this campaign and so it is worth citing it in some detail. The men who came directly under the king’s control were given a special issue of red and yellow livery. A warrant signed by the stamp authorised Sir Ralph Sadler to provide ‘certain coats and stuff for captains, horsemen and footmen’ to be supplied by the great wardrobe against the king going to Boulogne.97 This red and yellow livery gave emphasis to the men of the household as the core of the royal army; it also stressed the importance of the heralds and musicians amongst the king troops. Interestingly, the livery was uniform in that it was cut from standard patterns. The campaign accounts included a large delivery of kerseys to Sir Thomas Cawarden to make these patterns: 15 pieces of red kersey ‘for to cut out part of the patrons for the fashion of all the forenamed coats for the foot guard, stand guard, demi lances, javelins and divers others’ costing £20 5s; 11 yards (10 m) of yellow kersey for the same cause, £14 17s and two pieces of blue kersey for the same cause, 54s, with a total cost of £37 16s.98 The king also paid for some items on his own warrant: cassocks for 11 gentlemen of the privy chamber, one part of crimson velvet new making and the other cloth of gold welted with cloth of gold and velvet, lined with sarsenet, cassocks for ‘singing pages’ in the privy chamber of red cloth guarded with yellow velvet, lined with buckram and cotton and 20 doublets

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for the same, ten of red damask and ten of yellow satin, the satin doublets slashed and lined with red sarsenet and all lined with fustian and canvas. Will Somer, the king’s foot, also received a cassock of red cloth guarded with yellow velvet, pulled out with sarsenet and lined with buckram, six hoods of yellow buckram and two cassocks, part of red cloth and part of yellow bridges satin paned and lined with buckram.99 Cloth was used to indicate rank. Decorative techniques such as welting and slashing were also employed. For example, in 1544 the king ordered two cassocks of crimson velvet welted with cloth of gold and lined with buckram on his own warrant for Mr Throckmorton, captain of 100 cavalry and Mr Wentworth, captain of 100 foot.100 Under this pair, there were 18 petty captains who each received a coat of crimson and yellow velvet guarded with like colour velvet. These coats were slashed and the cuts were welted with taffeta and lined with crimson and yellow sarsenet. They were lined with black buckram. Beneath them, the king allowed for: 18 standard bearers each having a coat of the same type made from yellow velvet and crimson damask; 140 men at arms each having a coat of crimson and yellow damask guarded with a cut guard of crimson and yellow velvet; 110 demi lances, gentlemen each receiving a coat of yellow damask and red kersey full of cuts; 334 demy lances each having a coat of red kersey full of cuts welted with yellow satin and tuffed out with yellow sarsenet; 487 of the stand guard and the foot guard each receiving a coat of red kersey full of cuts welted with yellow satin and tufted out with yellow sarsenet; 403 javelins each having a cassock of red kersey guarded with a cut guard and welted all of satin bridges; to every cassock four yards kersey and 1½ yards satin bridges for the guard and welts; 374 Northern men and demi-hakes each having a cassock of red kersey guarded with a cut guard of yellow satin bridges to every cassock three yards kersey and ⅜ yard satin bridges for the guard; four grooms of the king’s majesty’s privy chamber each having a coat of crimson and yellow velvet guarded with crimson and yellow velvet and lined with buckram; 25 officers each receiving a coat of crimson damask guarded with yellow velvet and lined with black buckram;101 48 officers each having a coat of red kersey all guarded with yellow satin or yellow kersey from four yards of red kersey for each coat;102 11 trumpeters, with the sergeant of the trumpets received a coat made of scarlet and red damask, guarded with yellow velvet, while the ten trumpeters received coats of red broad cloth guarded with yellow velvet; ten singing children having scarlet kersey for hose; six drum players [of] crimson and yellow satin for doublets and hose; two officers of the stable and four mule men — incarnate damask for the coats for the officers of the stable guarded with yellow velvet; incarnate damask for jerkins for mule men, guarded with yellow damask and lined with buckram; crimson velvet for guarding the jerkins and hose; 692 pairs of crosses of crimson velvet and roses of crimson satin cloth of silver and cloth of gold for captains, petty captains, men at arms, standard bearers, demi lances with others; 473 pairs of crosses of crimson velvet and roses of crimson satin and white satin embroidered with spangles of silver and gilt embossed with eight holes to every coat for the king’s stand guard and foot guard; 881 pairs of crosses of crimson satin and roses of crimson and white satin and cloth of gold for javelins and northern men, demi hakes and others;

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king’s at arms, heralds and pursuivants at arms — coats of incarnate double jean velvet guarded with yellow velvet for coats for Garter and Clarenceux kings at arms; coats of incarnate damask guarded with yellow damask for Windsor and Somerset heralds; a coat of blue damask guarded with incarnate damask for a coat for Richmond herald; a coat of blue damask guarded with yellow damask for a coat for York herald;103 coats of red camlet guarded with yellow camlet for Portcullis, Blue Mantle, Risbank, Hammes and Guynes pursuivants at arms; a coat of blue camlet guarded with red camlet for a coat for Rouge Dragon pursuivant; a coat of blue camlet guarded with yellow camlet for a coat for Rouge Cross pursuivant.

A letter sent from the privy council to Thomas Chamberlain on 1 May 1544 about the livery to be worn in the ward that Monsieur Buren would fight in reveals that different sections of the army wore different colours. The colours for Buren’s section were red and blue with ‘the body of the garment blue and a broad guard of iij fingers’ broad red, and one of the sleeves: every man maketh his own colours’.104 The troops under the command of the duke of Norfolk in the vanguard of the army were equipped as follows: Furste euery man Sowdyer [is] to haue a Cote of blew clothe After suche fasshyon as all footemens cotes be made here at London / to serve his maiestie in this Jorney / And the same to be guarded with redde clothe / after suche sorte as others be made here And the beste serve to be trymmed after suche sortes as shall please the Cappetaine to deuyse. Provyded allwaies that no gentelman nor other wore any manner of sylke vpon the garde of his cote / Save oonely vpon his lefte sleves / And that no yomen were any manner of sylke vpon his said cote nor no gentelman nor yoman to were any manner of badge. Item euery man to provyde A payre of hose for euery of his men the Right hose to be all redde and the lefte to be blew / with oone strype of iij fingers brode of redde vpon the owtesyde of his left legge from the stockes dounewarde. Item that euery man have an arminge Dowblette of fustyan or canvas. Item every man to haue a cappe to be made to putte his Sculle or Sallette in after suche fasshyon as I haue deuysed with Sir William Tayllor Capper within Ludgate doth make for me / where you may have as many of them as ye lyste for — viijd the pece.

The king also specified which banners were to be made. In addition, some of the heralds and pursuivants received the traditional coats of arms while others received two coloured liveries on three warrants dated 2 to 9 June 1544: for Richmond Herald (Gilbert Dethink) ‘viij yardes of blew And ij yardes of redde damaske / And to Roug Dragon (Martin Marroffe) purcevant viij yardes of blew / And ij yardes of redde chalett for their lyverys’ in the vanguard under the duke of Norfolk for York Herald (Bartholomew Butler) ‘viij yardes of blew And ij yardes of yelowe damaske / And to Rougecrosse (William Flower) purcevant viij yardes of blew / And ij yardes of yelowe chalett for their lyverys’ in the vanguard under the duke of Norfolk to Garter and Clarenceaux kings of arms 8 yards of red and 2 of yellow velvet, to Windsor and Somerset heralds, 8 yards of red and 2 of yellow damask and to Portcullis, Bluemantle, Risebank, Hampnes and Guisnes, 8 yards red and 2 yellow of sarsenet.105

Finally, on 24 June 1544 two auditors compiled an account for Sir Francis Lovell for money he had received from Sir Richard Rich, treasurer of the king’s wars against France, for horses to draw the king’s carts. The account included payments for 399 horses costing £498 13s 4d, for red and yellow cloth to make 114 coats for the carters at 4s each and conduct money for 114 carters at ½d a mile from Norwich to Dover

(140 miles). Horse meat was provided for seven days at 8d the day a horse. With various other expenses included, the total account came to £656 6s.106 Two examples of textiles survive from the Boulogne campaign and provide further evidence of how pervasive the red and yellow livery was. The suit of armour made for the king’s use as commander, known as the Wilton armour, has red and yellow piccadills or textile borders.107 At the other end of the spectrum, a gun-shield c. 1540, from the royal arsenal, has a yellow upholstered pad on the reverse and fragments of red 2/2 twill woollen textile on the proper right of the gun mount over a plain weave hemp textile stuck to the wood under the red top fabric.108

Scotland Relations with Scotland, the kingdom’s northern neighbour, were rarely harmonious. Warfare was periodic and a few examples will serve to show the range of provision made for the king’s troops. The accounts of Edward Bensted, late treasurer of the king’s war northward, record the money spent by the earl of Surrey as commander, for 84 days up to 27 October 1522. The accounts include payments to the earl for 500 green and white coats at 4s each, coming to £100.109 Green and white coats were also provided for Edward Bensted, in his official capacity as treasurer, and Thomas Wharton, as clerk of the wars.110 Other recipients included William Butler, sergeant of arms, and two soldiers, John Millett, comptroller of the war, and his six soldiers, all at the same price of 4s. Sir William Sands’ expenses included a payment to ‘Guyot Heull for retaining 400 Almayns for six weeks, wages, cloth for coats and houses (hose)’.111 On 31 May 1524 Lord Dacre acknowledged receipt of some money but he went on to say that he needed a further £3,000 to cover the wages for the garrisons and the jackets to be given them at the command of the king and Wolsey.112 The accounts for the northern borders declared on the death of the abbot of St Mary’s York, covering the ten years up to 31 May 1526, include payment for 1,000 jackets costing 3s 4d each on 5 September 1522 to the earl of Shrewsbury, as lieutenant in the north.113 On 1 May 1541 Henry VIII sent troops north dressed in ‘the old fashion with jacks or coats of mail’.114 Makers of jacks were welcome in England, as indicated by letters of denization given in June 1544 to John and Patrick Howye of Bamborough, jack makers. The letters described them as Scots by birth who had lived in England for 14 years.115 Conduct coats were simpler to make than jacks but they still took time to prepare. On 30 September 1543 Henry informed the duke of Suffolk that, although he had been told that the making of conduct coats and delivering them to the borders would take 15 days, he thought 12 to 14 was more likely. He added that ‘to save expense, they may wear only red crosses, to which they will be easily persuaded if Borderers are told that nothing else is meant but a raid into Scotland, and inland men that they are levied for the defense of the Borders, which the Scots are ready to enter and burn’.116 The king was not always so stingy. On 13 November 1543 he agreed to Viscount Lisle, warden of the marches against Scotland, being awarded £407 16s 8d for his own diets, coats and conduct money for himself, five captains, five petty captains and 500 men.117

tudor military splendour When in March 1544 the earl of Hertford entered Newcastle upon Tyne in procession, he took the opportunity to display his authority and the magnificence of the royal army: first rode 3,000 Northern horsemen in jacks with spears, then 8 score nobles and gentlemen in coats of black velvet and chains of gold, 3 trumpets and 3 clarions, 3 officers of arms in their coats of arms, a gentleman bearing a naked sword, then the Earl himself in very rich apparel, 3 pages of honour richly clothed, 8 score of his servants in his livery, and last, 5,000 men on foot.118

In the following month a series of warrants were issued by the earl of Hertford to pay Sir George Conyers, Lancelot Neville, George Stafford and John Winter for wages and conduct coats for the expedition against Scotland.119

Ireland Disorder, civil unrest and open rebellion in Ireland recurred throughout Henry VIII’s reign. In 1520 Sir William Bulmer received £213 6s 8d for wages, conduct money and coats for 100 light horse sent there from Calais.120 By 24 September 1520 Kite, archbishop of Armagh, reported to Cardinal Wolsey that peace had been restored. He continued that 18 of the 220 men accompanying the lord lieutenant were dead and 117 had been given licence to return home and only 95 remained. Although he noted that all of the Irish captains were at peace, he warned that ‘of a surety, and it pleaseth your grace, the people of this land be variable, subtle and crafty, naturally; in whom is little confidence or trust to be taken, otherwise than for their proper advantages; and be people of fair promises and words and marvellous vainglorious and covetous’.121 Further troops were sent in 1563 as the accounts of William Brabason, treasurer of the army in Ireland, record. Payments were made to Edward Aglionby, Thomas Dacre, Laurence Hamerton and Leonard Musgrave for 300 coats at 3s 4d each.122 About the same time, the earl of Derby wrote to Thomas Cromwell, ‘In times past ever man has had an allowance of 4s for a jacket in time of war and this time they have paid for them at their own costs’.123 Derby’s remarks seem to have been noticed. On 9 July 1540 John Gostwick informed the king that he had given £200 to William White for coats, wages and conduct money for 100 horsemen sent to Ireland.124

Naval expeditions At the king’s accession the ships owned by the crown were in the charge of the keeper or the clerk of the king’s ships, assisted by the clerk controller and the clerk of the storehouses.125 However, by Henry’s death a group of seven officers known as ‘the admiralty’ or ‘the council for marine causes’ had been established.126 A memorandum, probably dating from February or March 1545, outlined the membership of the council. The three existing clerks were supplemented with the lieutenant or vice-admiral, the treasurer, the surveyor and rigger and the master of the naval ordinance.127 A list of the king’ ships taken at the end of the king’s reign recorded that Henry had 53 ‘sheppes, barkes, Galles, pynnassis’ with 11,065 tonnes and capable of carrying 7,995 men. Each ship was listed in turn giving details of the crew: For example, The Jesus had 158 mariners, 24

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gunners and 118 soldiers, while The Brigandine had 40 mariners and 4 gunners.128 The sailors and soldiers on the king’s ships were provided with livery. For example, in November 1511 William Hilton, tailor, received £42 12s 11d for 100 white and green cloth jackets for the mariners of The Peter Pomegranate against her voyage into Zeeland.129 On 8 April 1512 Sir Edward Howard, admiral, undertook to command the fleet with 3,000 men in addition to the 700 soldiers, mariners and gunners in The Regent. The coats for each captain and soldier cost 4s, while those for mariners and gunners cost 20d.130 Several months later, William Mortimer and Thomas Foster, embroiderers of London, were paid £6 6s 4d upon a bill signed by Howard, for badges with roses and crosses that they made for the masters and mariners of the king’s ships, the Mary John and the Anne of London.131 On this occasion, no reference was made to the colour of the fabric of the coats, but they appear to have been of two different qualities as there were two prices: 3s 4d and 2s 4d. They were issued in large numbers. By the autumn Howard was still receiving coats for his troops. On 28 October 1512 he was allowed coats for the soldiers at 4s each and to the mariners at 20d each.132 Coats were also supplied to those involved in building the king’s ships. The shipwrights working on Henry VIII’s new ships between 1509 and 1512 were paid from 2d to 6d a day, as well as being provided with an allowance of 2½d a day for food and a livery coat.133 In all, 141 coats were supplied at a cost of £24 11s.134 Provision was also made for their bedding, including 60 mattresses, bolsters, coverlets, pairs of sheets and blankets, and 60 feather beds were hired at Woolwich and Erith for £68 11s 2½d.135

Garrisons The king maintained garrisons at several outposts of the kingdom: Boulogne, Berwick, Calais and Tournai. The evidence is spasmodic but it suggests that he provided some livery under some duress when the soldiers were disaffected. At other times, the costs appear to have been defrayed by the commander of the garrison or by the civic or municipal authorities. On 14 September 1509 a warrant issued to Fox, bishop of Winchester, authorised him to pay wages for 100 men sent to reinforce the Calais garrison under Sir John Peche. The men were issued with jackets costing 2s, with Peche’s jacket priced at 6s 8d and those for his petty captains at 3s 4d.136 In 1516 the accounts of the treasurer of the Calais garrison included several payments relating to livery: to Sir Richard Jerningham for red cloth for bends for the guard, £2 4d, and to Simkin de Rode, draper, for red cloth for bends for the soldiers, ‘the same day that the great rebellion was like to be’, £6 10s.137 In May 1522 the soldiers received 1,523 coats at 3s 4d each, totalling £253 16s 8d. Two months later, the king’s own warrant dated 22 July included making the body of 22 coats of red cloth for soldiers embroidered with gold and goldsmiths’ work and a red and white rose.138 The pale of Calais included the fort at Guisnes. In July 1524 the garrison there numbering 232 got coats costing £38 13s 4d. Eighteen years later, Peter Swift was given £63 16d for coats and conduct money of a

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captain, petty captain and 100 soldiers to serve there under Lord Sandys.139 The items allowed to garrisons went beyond conduct coats. For example, in October 1545, £135 8s ½d was spent on ‘frysses and mattresses’ for the men at Boulogne.140 There was often a delay between an outlay being incurred and reimbursement. In May 1546 Sir Ralph Sadler received a warrant ‘for certain coats and stuff for captains, petty captains, horsemen and footmen, delivered out of the Great Wardrobe against your majesty going to Boloigne’ two years earlier.141 As part of the scheme to protect the marches from Scottish incursions in 1542, the castle at Alnwick, then in the crown’s possession, was manned. Coats were supplied for 12 men costing £2, while Thomas Browne, Edmund Friar, Arthur Scarlet and John Toke received 6 yards (5.4 m) of white camlet for their coats.142 The management of the larger garrison at Berwick was laid down in a set of statutes drawn up in May 1542. Two of the points related directly to the livery worn by the troops: point 26 noted that every soldier admitted to wages was to wear a jacket of the king’s colours, viz. white and green, whenever summoned by the captain; point 35 required soldiers wearing any other livery that was not the king’s or his captain’s to forfeit it and lose their room. In addition, point 23 linked the ownership of armour to social standing. Any soldiers of the garrison ‘taking an enemy which is a gentleman of coat armour’ and not presenting him first to the captain was to be fined.143

arches combined to celebrate royal magnificence and military power.144 Tudor entries consisted of a formal procession. Such entries were into London as the capital of England. Henry VIII also made entries elsewhere in the kingdom and abroad in 1513 and 1544. His entry into Therouanne on 24 August 1513 was recorded by a number of observers. Laurent de Gorrevod wrote to Margaret of Savoy, noting that, ‘the King and the Emperor entered Terouenne at vespers. The Lords with them were all in cloth of gold and accoutred as if for a triumph’.145 The entry was described by Hall: the kyng . . . entered into the cytye . . . his persone was apparelled in armure gilt and grauen, his garment and barde purple veluet full of borders and in all places trauersed with branches in ronnyng worke of fyne golde, the branches of hauthorne wrought by goldsmythes crafte wounde with a braunche of Roses, and euery flower, lefe and bury were embossed.146

On 12 September Henry made his entry into Lille: which the King entered with as much pomp as ever he did at Westminster with his crown on, to visit Lady Margaret of Savoy . . . Between the gate of the town and the palace the way was lined with burning torches, although it was bright day . . . Tapestries were hung from the houses, a tent erected at frequent intervals, where histories of the Old and New Testament and of the poets were acted.147

Royal entries as part of military campaigns

When on Sunday 25 September he made his entry into Tournai, he entered the city through the main gate and passed along the main street, into the street of Our Lady before reaching the main church and his lodgings. On his return ‘through the same streets (which were hung with tapestry), all the bells were rung and the officers of the said town, holding flambaux in their hands conducted him . . . to his lodgings’.148 Three decades later, following a tried and tested model, the king entered Boulogne in 1544:

Royal entries under the Tudors derived from Roman triumphs in classical antiquity and took their inspiration from Petrarch’s Trionfi. The theatrical pageants and triumphal

the kinges highnes, hauyng the sworde borne naked sword before him by the Lorde Marques of Dorset, like a noble and valyaunt conqueror rode into Bulleyn, and the Trompetters standyng on the walles of the toune sounded their Trompettes, at the same time of his entring, to the great comfort of al the kynges true subiectes, the same beholdyng.149

Notes 1 Hall, Chronicle, p. 539. 2 LP i.i, 2157. 3 Hall, Chronicle, p. 544. 4 LP i.ii, 2391. 5 CSP Venetian, 1509–19, 662. 6 Norris, Costume, p. 51; for a detailed analysis of the yeomen of the guard, see A. R. Hewerdine, ‘The Yeomen of the King’s Guard 1485–1547’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, 1998). 7 PPE, p. 269. 8 Hall, Chronicle, p. 774. 9 TNA E101/417/6, 22 (LP i.i, 1033). 10 Hall, Chronicle, p. 539. 11 TNA SP1/230, ff. 289–90 (LP i.ii, 3373). 12 Brown, Four Years, i, p. 90. 13 TNA SP1/232, f. 79 (LP Additional i.i, 214). 14 LP v, p. 306. 15 LP xxi.ii, 770.33. 16 LP iii.ii, 2750.

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

LP xiii.2, 1280. TNA E36/215, pp. 43, 44, 47, 68. Ibid., pp. 70, 72, 73, 77, 78, 84, 85. Ibid., p. 406. Ibid., p. 460. Ibid., pp. 493, 543, 562. Ibid., pp. 80, 104. TNA E36/216, pp. 197, 241. LP xiii.2, 1280. LP xx.ii, 1067.4, 6 and 7. LP xxi.ii, 770.31 and 32 Hall, Chronicle, p. 512. TNA E101/417/3, no. 76. BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 3. Starkey, European Court, pp. 136–37. LP xiii.ii, 1111. LP xiv.ii, 783. RL 12231, Parker 57.

tudor military splendour 35 Millar, Holbein, pp. 90–91; Roberts, Holbein, pp. 72–73. 36 Nevinson, ‘Portraits’, p. 6; private collection, illustrated in Starkey, European Court, p. 137. 37 For an insight into their working lives, see the accounts of William Brereton, Edward Leighton and Thomas Wriothesley while working as royal messengers; LP iv.iii, 6489. 38 Myers, Black Book, p. 133. 39 LP v, 766.11. 40 TNA E36/456, f. 32v. 41 LP xvi, 745. 42 Myers, Black Book, pp. 130–31. 43 For more information, see A. Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry in the Middle Ages. An Inquiry into the Growth of the Armorial Function of Heralds (1939), and A. Wagner, Heralds of England: A History of the Office and the College of Arms (1967). 44 LP iii.ii, 2261. 45 LP iii.ii, 2654. 46 LP iv.ii, 3940. 47 LP xix.ii, 112. 48 LP iv.i, 614. 49 LP xviii.i, 26.5. 50 LP i.i, 671. 51 Young, Tournaments, p. 44. 52 A. Ailes, ‘“You know me by my Habit”: Heralds’ tabards in the fourteenth and fifieenth centuries’, The Ricardian, 13.1 (2003), pp. 7–81. 53 Ashmol MS 857, ff. 504–10 (LP i.i, 711). 54 BL Additional MS 6,113, f. 208v (LP i.i, 710). 55 TNA SP1/230, f. 256 (LP i.ii, 3309). 56 TNA SP1/239, f. 89 (LP Add. i.i, 956). 57 Ailes, ‘Heralds’ tabards’, p. 4. 58 TNA E36/113, f. 35r; LC2/1, ff. 102v, 98v. 59 TNA E101/420/1, no. 38. 60 LP xvi, 946. 61 Campbell, Materials, 2, p. 14. 62 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 188r (LP xvi 1489). 63 TNA SP1/229, f. 4v (LP i.i, 20.2). 64 TNA LC 2/1, f. 98v; E36/113, f. 34. 65 TNA E101/417/6, f. 30 (LP i.i, 1185). 66 TNA SP1/229, f. 25 (LP i.i, 728.ii). The bill was annotated to record that Francis Howlson had received 28s in part payment. 67 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 50r. 68 LP xi, 727. 69 LP xi, 754. 70 LP xi, 930. 71 Gunn, Charles Brandon, pp. 183–98. 72 LP xix.ii, 483. 73 LP i.ii, 1825; A. Spont, ed., Letters and Papers Relating to the War with France in 1512–13, Navy Records Society, 10 (1897), pp. 132–39. 74 LP iii.ii, 3288. 75 LP iii.ii, 3517. 76 LP iii.ii, 3516. 77 TNA LC 9/51, f. 120v. 78 TNA E36/1, ff. 43v–44r. 79 TNA E101/417/6, f. 36 (LP i.i, 1159.3). 80 Ibid., f. 2 (LP i.i, 1283). 81 Ibid., f. 7 (LP i.i, 1313). 82 TNA SP1/230, f. 22r (LP i.ii, 2148). 83 TNA E101/417/3, no. 9 (LP i.ii, 2243). The warrant was signed by the queen and countersigned by Canterbury, Rochester, Englefield and Southwell. 84 TNA E101/423/10, f. 92r. 85 TNA LC 9/51, f. 120v. 86 M. A. Hayward, ‘The flags: Fabric’, in C. S. Knighton and D. M. Loades, eds, The Anthony Roll of Henry VIII’s Navy, NRS (Aldershot, 2000), pp. 31–33. 87 BL Stowe MS 146, f. 124 (LP i.ii, 2967). 88 TNA E101/56/10/6, no. 56. 89 BL Stowe MS 146, f. 111 (LP i.ii, 2799). 90 LP xxi.i, 471. 91 LP xxi.i, 637. 92 LP i.ii, 1920. Also see LP i.ii, 1935, for a similar order placed with Guido Portenary. 93 LP i.ii, 2054. 94 TNA SP1/230, f. 13r (LP i.ii, 2062). 95 TNA E101/56/10/6, no. 226. 96 LP xix.i, 272–73. 97 LP xxi.i, 963.123.

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98 TNA E101/423/10, f. 91v. 99 Ibid., f. 48v. 100 Ibid., f. 37r. 101 Three for the officers of the wardrobe of the robes, one for the king’s clerk, three for the barbers, three for the surgeons, one for the apothecary, one for the armourer, eight for the officers of the wardrobe of the beds, three for the officers of the jewel house, one for the groom porter, one for the sergeant painter. 102 For the yeoman armourer, the morris pike maker, their coats guarded with yellow satin, 16 armourers, seven grooms of the chamber, four messengers, 12 officers of the stable, four horse keepers, two grooms of the stirrup, the fool keeper, their coats guarded with yellow kersey. 103 A warrant dated 9 June 1544 required Ralph Sadler to deliver the following: to Garter and Clarenceux kings of arms, 8 yards (7.3 m) of red and 2 yards (1.8 m) of yellow velvet each, to Windsor and Somerset heralds, 8 yards (7.3 m) of red and 2 yards (1.8 m) of yellow damask each, to Portcullis, Blue Mantle, Risbank, Hammes and Guisnes pursuivants, 8 yards (7.3 m) of red and 2 yards (1.8 m) of yellow camlet each; LP xix.i, 651. 104 LP xix.i, 448. 105 CoA MS M16bis, ff. 97v–101r. 106 LP xx.i, 134. 107 Blair and Pyhrr, ‘The Wilton “Montmorency” armour’, pp. 96–97. 108 V&M M 507–1927; S. Metcalf, A. R. E. North and D. Balfour, ‘A gun-shield from the armoury of Henry VIII: decorative oddity or important discovery?’, V&A Conservation Journal (Autumn 2001), pp. 14–16; and S. Metcalf, A. R. E. North and D. Balfour, ‘The conservation of a gun-shield from the arsenal of Henry VIII. Textiles meet arms and armour: the benefits of a multi-disciplinary approach’, in R. D. Smith, ed., Make All Sure: The Conservation and Restoration of Arms and Armour (Leeds, 2005), pp. 76–90. 109 TNA E36/1, f. 52v. 110 Ibid., f. 53r. 111 LP i.i, 1463. 112 LP iv.i, 383. 113 LP iv.i, 2216. 114 LP xvi, 785. 115 LP xix.i, 812.23. 116 LP xviii.ii, 234. 117 LP xviii.i, 436. 118 LP xix.i, 534. 119 LP xix.i, 408. 120 LP iv.i, 2216. 121 LP iii.ii, App. 15. 122 LP xi, 934. 123 LP xi, 1066. 124 LP xv, 862. 125 M. Oppenheim, A History of the Administration of the Royal Navy, 1509–1660, 1 (1896), p. 3; D. Loades, The Tudor Navy (Aldershot, 1992), pp. 15–16. 126 C. S. L. Davies, ‘The administration of the Royal Navy under Henry VIII’, EHR, 78 (1963), p. 170. 127 Loades, Tudor Navy, p. 81. 128 Bod Lib Rawlinson MS C. 846, pp. 85–92; also see Knighton and Loades, Anthony Roll. 129 TNA E36/1, f. 33r. 130 LP i.i, 1132. 131 TNA E36/1, f. 41v (LP i.i, 1463). 132 LP i.i, 1453. 133 TNA E36/5, ff. 20v–25v. 134 Ibid., f. 177v; ten coats at 5s, 38 coats at 4s, 48 coats at 3s 4d, 39 coats at 3s and six coats at 2s. 135 Ibid., ff. 69r–80v. 136 LP i.i, 168. 137 LP ii.i, 1514. 138 TNA LC 9/51, f. 123r. 139 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 133v (LP xvi, 380). 140 LP xx.ii, 558. 141 LP xxi.i, 963.123. 142 LP xvii, 726. 143 LP xvii, 343. 144 Strong, Splendour at Court, pp. 23–37. 145 LP i.ii, 2201. 146 Hall, Chronicle, p. 552. 147 LP i.ii, 2391. 148 LP i.ii, 2302. 149 Hall, Chronicle, p. 862.

xviii The Households of Henry VIII’s Wives, Sisters and Children

A

queen brought her husband political links, companionship and, perhaps, children. Even so, she was an expensive commodity.1 English kings endowed their wives with land and other sources of income in order to provide them with funds to finance their own households. Consequently, a queen’s dower of lands made her one of the leading landowners in England. This is made clear by the ‘kiercheffe wherin is knitte diuerse Evidences feoffamentes Recoueries and diuerse other Assuraunces for the Quenes Joncter of the Lorde Latymer Landes’ (17759), found amongst the papers of the recently deceased Catherine Parr in 1550. The king’s children also had separate households because heading a household when young helped to prepare them for their roles as adults at the pinnacle of Tudor society. Some of the retainers that grouped around these princes and princesses when young would serve them throughout their lives. These minor royal households had their own livery colours supplemented by others in liveries of black, tawny, russet and a range of colours. The overall impression would have been of colour, and difference rather than uniformity, reinforced by changes in the small details on an annual basis.

The queen’s household Henry VIII established households for each of his six queens. These essentially ran consecutively, although in the cases of Catherine of Aragon and Anne of Cleves, both of whom he divorced, he allowed them money for their maintenance after separation. In addition, the king also made short-term provision for the households of his sisters and his children. These subsidiary royal households could operate independently of each other, or they could come together occasionally in a single house if it was sufficiently large to accommodate all of them. For example, on 16 December 1543 Layton wrote to

Henry, reporting a conversation with Mary of Guise who had asked after the king, queen and the royal children, and wondering whether ‘they continued still in one household’.2 The political and religious loyalties of the men and women appointed to the queen’s household would inevitably influence the character of this institution. Consequently, it was important for the king to maintain the right to control appointments to the queen’s household, even though interference on this scale could result in marital discord. In 1525, following the ennoblement of the duke of Richmond, the Venetian ambassador noted that ‘It seems that the Queen resents the Earldom and Dukedom conferred on the king’s natural son and remains dissatisfied, at the instigation it is said of three of her Spanish ladies her chief councillors, so the king has dismissed them the court, a strong measure, but the Queen was obliged to submit and have patience’.3 The officers in the queen’s household could be divided into two distinct groups: clerks and administrators and those who served the queen on a personal level.4 The latter could also be subdivided into the officers serving outside such as the footmen and littermen, and those serving inside, either within the chamber, such as the yeomen and gentlemen of the chamber, or within the kitchens and other service areas of the household. In addition, the queen had her own tailor and her own wardrobe. However, the queen’s wardrobe was not a permanent establishment like the king’s great wardrobe, because there were periods when England lacked a queen. The queen’s wardrobe provided clothing for the queen and her household, although the king often provided some items for her staff. Households were established for English queens, with the women selected from the leading noble and gentry families, and the men mainly drawn from within the king’s own household. Little evidence survives from the household of English queens consort in the middle ages. For the fifteenth century, there are only partial accounts for Margaret of Anjou, wife of Henry VI, Elizabeth Woodville, wife of

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Edward IV, and the coronation records for Anne Neville, wife of Richard III.5 The scale of expenditure depended on the queen’s means and her personality: in 1466–67 Elizabeth Woodville spent £1,200 3s ¾d on her wardrobe, which was just over half the amount laid out by Margaret of Anjou in 1452–53.6 For Elizabeth of York, the wife of Henry VII, we have her privy purse accounts for 1502–03.7 These accounts include payments for Elizabeth’s own clothes, jewellery and furs, as well as clothing for members of her household and her family. On 18 August 1502 Elizabeth paid £13 6s 8d of a bill for £32 16s 1d submitted by her tailor, Robert Johnson, ‘for making of certain gownys kyrtilles and other apparrell belonging to the Quenes grace and divers ladyes and gentilwomen being at her fynding’.8 The structure of a queen consort’s household paralleled that of the king’s household, only on a smaller scale, with officers who served in the chamber and privy chamber under the authority of a chamberlain. Women held offices in the privy chamber, as ladies in waiting and chamberers, but the key officers were still male. The Black Book made the following observation on the size and structure of the queen’s household and the need for appropriate issues of livery: ‘We fynde of old recordes and new both, that for the quene is seruyse, wich must be nygh like vnto the king, and for her ladyes and other worshipfull men and jentylwomen, theire seruices and lyuerez after hit accordith to high and low degree aftyr the maner as hit is to the kinges household maynie.’9 There was some continuity in staffing the household’s of Henry VIII’s wives. In addition, the same suppliers provided goods to his queens. On 2 August 1542 the court of augmentations paid £328 1s ¼d to William Lock, mercer, Thomas Hungrace, avener to the late Queen Jane, and William Fulwood, merchant taylor, ‘to their own use and the use of divers others and for necessaries provided for the Lady Anne of Cleves’.10 As with the king’s household, the queen’s household could provide opportunities for the education of the young. In 1513 Anne Boleyn entered the household of Margaret of Austria as a maid of honour. Margaret wrote to Thomas Boleyn, informing him: I have received your letter by the Esquire Bouton who has presented your daughter to me, who is very welcome and I am confident of being able to deal with her in a way which will give you satisfaction, so that on your return the two of us will need no intermediary other than she. I find her so bright and pleasant for her young age that I am more beholden to you for sending her to me than you are to me.11

Anne wrote to her father, acknowledging his wish for her ‘to be a woman of good reputation’ which made her ‘all the keener to persevere in speaking French well’.12 On 30 May 1515 the duke of Suffolk thanked Margaret of Savoy for looking after his daughter ‘whom he had intended to leave permanently with her, but the queen is desirous of her presence’.13 From the point of view of the nobility, the gentry and the merchant class, the prospect of a queen’s household provided additional opportunities for service and patronage, as reflected by the comment of Anne Basset to her mother, ‘I trust to God that we shall have a mistress shortly’.14 Recent studies of the development of the royal household under a female monarch considered the formation of a queen

regnant’s household. However, some of these observations also apply to the households of queen consorts.15 Women were given key roles in the households of queens in order to ensure modesty in the bedchamber and privy chamber. There were also opportunities as the mistress of the queen’s robes and the keeper of her jewels. Taking a specific example, there was a small group of attendant ladies in the household of Anne Neville, as well as two chamberers, seven ladies in waiting, three other ladies receiving fees, five henchmen, a yeoman of the horse, two gentlemen of her chair, two gentleman ushers, one yeoman usher and one yeoman of the chamber and a group of players.16

Acquiring a position within the queen’s household In July 1537 John Husee wrote to Lady Lisle about the possiblility of obtaining positions for her daughters from her first marriage, Anne and Catherine Basset, as maids of honour with Jane Seymour. He observed: upon Thursday last, the Queen being at dinner, my Lady Rutland and my Lady Sussex being waiters on her Grace, her Grace chanced, eating of the quails, to common of your ladyship and of your daughters; so that such communication was uttered by the said ij ladies that her Grace may grant to have one of your daughters; and the matter is thus concluded that your ladyship shall send them both over.17

Anne joined the household on the understanding that Jane would ‘be at no more cost . . . but wages and livery’.18 While Catherine remained with the countess of Rutland. Even so, Husee remained confident of finding a place for her as Lady Margery undertook to approach the wives of two courtiers to take her daily to the queen’s chamber. A queen provided some of the clothes worn by the people in her service. In general, greater provision was made for those who served the queen in highly visible roles, such as her footmen and chairmen. Jane Seymour gave very precise instructions about the clothes to be worn by her female attendants and specifically banned the French style of headdress. Throughout the autumn of 1537 Jane Seymour repeated her instructions: the Queen’s pleasure [is] that Mrs Anne shall wear out her French apparel, so that your ladyship shall thereby be no loser. Howbeit, she must needs have a bonnet of velvet and a frontlet of the same. I saw her yesterday in her velvet bonnet that my Lady Sussex had ‘tired her in, and me thought it became her nothing so well as the French hood: but the Queen’s pleasure must needs be fulfilled. I think your ladyship’s old apparel would serve this matter for Mrs Anne, and your frontlets, as well as new, for a while.19

Again: now your Ladyship shall understand that the Queen’s pleasure is that Mrs Anne shall wear no more her French apparel. So that she must have a bonnet or ij, with frontlets and an edge of pearl, and a gown of black satin, and another of velvet, and this must be done before the queen’s grace churching. And further that she must have cloth for smocks and sleeves, for there is fault founden that their smocks are too coarse.20

And again: Mrs Hutton hath prepared ij frontlets which cost vj li and ij bonnets which cost xxiijs the piece for Mrs Anne and Mrs Katherine . . . on

wives, sisters and children Sunday last my Lady Sussex sent to me with all speed to make for Mrs Anne either a new gown of lion tawny velvet, or else one of black velvet turned up with yellow satin; which with much work I have done . . . by Tonge’s good help the gown was made up, and she ware the same at the christening . . . she must have against the Queen’s churching a new satin gown, and against Christmas a new gown of lion tawny velvet.21

Jane Seymour expected Anne Basset to renew and refresh her clothes in honour of her baby about to be born: ‘And further, Mrs Anne must have such apparel as is also written in the same book, which was ‘pointed by my Lady Rutland and my Lady Sussex.’22 She also expected Lady Lisle to provide Anne’s bed and bedding. Even after Jane’s death, clothing was still in demand: ‘Mrs Anne shall need nothing till her mourning gear be cast off.’23 And yet again: Lady Sussex wanted John Husee to buy for Anne ‘a gown of lion tawny satin, turned up with velvet of the same, and also to buy her a standard for her gowns, which shall be done, God willing against Christmas’.24 On 19 December, Anne needed ‘a new gown of lion tawny satin . . . [as] it was uncertain how long the King’s pleasure should be that they should wear black . . . [and] this should be made ready out of hand’.25

The households of Henry VIII’s queens

catherine of aragon More evidence survives about Catherine of Aragon’s household and how it was clad than for any of the king’s other wives. When in 1501 Catherine arrived in England for her marriage to Prince Arthur, she was accompanied by a substantial Spanish entourage. The English observers commented upon their appearance on their entry into London. One of her four ladies aroused particular attention: she was ‘all in blake, callid Lady Mastres, with kerchiers upon her hed, a blak thinge of clothe over her kerchiers like unto the fachion of a religious woman aftir the maner of Spayne, her sadill, aftir the manner of the other ladies sadylles of Spayne, coverd with blak and sate upon the wronge side of the mule as other ladies of Spayne did’.26 After Prince Arthur’s death, Catherine lacked sufficient means to maintain her household, details of which were preserved amongst the papers of Lady Margaret Beaufort.27 On her marriage to Henry VIII, Catherine was provided with a household appropriate to her status as queen consort. For her joint coronation with her husband, her household wore scarlet livery. This was a defining moment. A handful of her original retinue remained and several outlived her. For example, Ochoa de Salsicho, a yeoman of her chamber, was given a gown of dark tawny broad cloth furred with black budge, a black doublet and jacket, two pairs of black kersey hose and two French bonnets.28 Several years later he received 16 yards (14.6 m) of tawny camlet for a gown, furred with black budge, 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet for a doublet, 8 yards (7.3 m) of tawny damask for a jacket lined with black cotton, 3 yards (2.7 m) of black kersey for two pairs of hose, two bonnets, costing £10 19s 8d in all. His wife received

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14 yards (12.8 m) tawny camlet for a gown, a fur of shanks, 2 yards (1.8 m) black velvet and 6 yards (5.4 m) of black buckram for lining, costing £4 7s.29 Most of the information relating to the livery issued by Catherine to her household comes from a set of accounts for 1519–20. This has been presented below, focusing first on the different groups of male officers who received livery and then on the women. Catherine provided livery on a regular basis for only a fairly small group of her male household such as her footmen and littermen. Even so, she still marked out the leading members of her household by giving them robes of office: Edward Jerningham, her chief cupbearer, John Verney, her chief sewer, and Alexander Frognal, her chief carver, were all given 18 yards (16.4 m) of gold ribbon at 20d a yard (30s), and 24 timbers of miniver to border their robes at 16d the timber (32s), in addition to 36 letters (presumably K[aterina] R[egina]) for the robes at 2s per dozen (6s).30 Several officers of her chamber also received livery. On 21 June 1509 Robert Hasilrig and Oliver Holland were given 16 yards (14.6 m) of tawny camlet for a gown. The camlet cost £5 17s 4d.31 John Harrison was granted 5 yards (4.5 m) of broad cloth russet for a gown costing 25s.32 By 8 November 1514 Harrison had risen to the office of yeoman and he received a gown of tawny camlet furred with black budge, a doublet of black velvet and a jacket of damask.33 As with Henry VIII’s household, there is very little evidence of her providing livery to the household below stairs. One exception was Bowet Foynes, groom of the scullery, who received 7 yards (6.4 m) of Welsh frieze for a coat costing 9s 4d with 16d for the making. Like Elizabeth of York had done before her, she also provided livery for a few members of the king’s household. In 1520 these included Jacques Roshardone and Baltasar Robert, two of the king’s minstrels, and Giles Duwes, who was clerk of the king’s and queen’s libraries.34 Catherine kept a fool. In c. 1516–20 Richard a Gillim had the post. He received a case of green satin and clothes for him. The order consisted of a coat of 2½ yards (2.2 m) of blue and yellow cloth, a short coat of green camlet, a doublet of green damask, a pair of hose of green kersey and a green bonnet. His blue and yellow fool’s coat cost 5s to make.35 By 1519–20 she had another fool called Lob who received 2⅝ yards (2.3 m) of green broad cloth and of russet for a paned coat lined with yellow cotton. In addition he had 3 yards (2.7 m) of white blanket for a petticoat, a pair of slops of green cloth, two lockram shirts, napkins and a leather bag costing 40s 11½d.36 In 1519–20 Catherine had two French pages, possibly as part of her preparations for attending the Field of Cloth of Gold. They received 16½ yards (15 m) of russet velvet for chammers, welted with black velvet and lined with thick frieze, 6 yards (5.4 m) of broad cloth white russet for another two chammers, lined with 12 yards (10.9 m) of yellow cotton and welted with russet velvet; two pairs of scarlet hose and two pairs white hose, two Milan bonnets with aglets, two pairs of shoes and four new shirts, coming to £17 2d. A further delivery was made to the French pages by the commandment of Sir Edward Darrell of 5 yards (4.5 m) of black fustian for two doublets lined with lockram and canvas and costing 5s 2d.37

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More visually prominent than her pages were her footmen and her littermen and this was repeated in the large quantity of clothing they received. In May 1516 three footmen each received a gown of crane-coloured broad cloth lined with sarsenet, two doublets, one of yellow velvet and one of black satin, a jacket, three shirts and four pairs of hose.38 They also received 5¼ yards (4.8 m) of black velvet each for a coat costing 56s and white fustian for lining.39 An undated entry for the footmen consisted of gowns of crane cloth, doublets of black velvet and russet satin, jackets of crimson velvet, three shirts, three pairs of tawny hose, one pair of scarlet hose, a Milan bonnet, a black French bonnet, eight pairs of double-soled shoes, points and a hat, costing £26 12s 3d.40 In 1519–20 the queen’s four footmen were named as Francis Black, Richard Cooper, Lancelot Courouble and Geoffrey Griffiths. They received gowns of tawny broad cloth furred with black Irish lamb, jackets of crimson velvet, doublets of tawny velvet and one pair of scarlet and three pairs of tawny kersey hose each. In addition they were allocated four shirts, a Milan bonnet, a black French bonnet, four dozen ribbon points, a hat and four pairs of single-soled shoes, costing in all £30 19s 8d.41 On another occasion they were provided with tawny hose.42 Ellis Hilton’s accounts in 1520 include a reference to William Ibgrave embroidering arrows onto the doublets of the queen’s footmen.43 In June 1516 her littermen, John Boly and William Sugden, each received 2½ yards (2.2 m) of black satin for a doublet, 2 yards (1.8 m) of russet and green camlet for a short jacket, 10 yards (9.1 m) of russet and green camlet for long coats and cotton for lining, 1½ yards (1.3 m) of tawny and the same of white kersey for two pairs of hose, two shirts, a scarlet Milan bonnet, two pairs of shoes and a hat.44 When Sugden had been a groom of the litter he received less livery: a doublet of green satin, 2 yards (1.8 m) of russet and green camlet for a short coat, two shirts, a pair of tawny hose, a Milan bonnet, a pair of shoes and a hat.45 In 1520 Catherine’s littermen, George Holt and Richard Hayes, received black velvet doublets, green satin doublets and tawny hose.46 Her litter had sumptuous hangings made from 32½ yards (29.7 m) of crimson velvet costing £21 13s 4d that were lined with 19 yards (17.3 m) of crimson damask costing £6 13s.47 Catherine had her own yeomen of the guard, and the quality of their livery is on a pair with that made for the king’s guard. In 1519–20 her wardrobe accounts included an entry ‘for the reppynge of xxv cotes of gold smethwerke & for the sortenge & pykkyng of all the spangalys of the same the weche were delyvered to the quenes goldsmeth [crossed out and replaced with embroiderer] for the performing of the coats of the queen’s guard at 12d the coat’, costing 25s. A further 21s 4d was spent ‘for the sorttenge of Cxxviij onces of spangelys of golte & whyt grete & smale mexsed togedder at ijd the once’.48 On occasion they were dressed in the king’s livery colours, as indicated by the order for 55 coats made from green velvet which were worn with doublets of white satin. However, it is clear that not all of the livery ordered for the guard met with approval. Two other coats were made for the guard from green and marble-coloured cloth ‘which she did not like, and so gave one to Richard Justice, and the other remains’.49 At her death in 1536, Catherine’s wardrobe

included the upper sections of 36 coats of striped russet cloth and green velvet, ‘enbrowdered as welle upon the breeste and backe with a large roose upon a sheffe of arrowis, garnysshid and enriched withe spangilles of silver and gilte, as also aboute the coller withe lettres of like silver and gilte’. There were also 32 halberds described as ‘made ayenste the campe’, that is the Field of Cloth of Gold.50 There were a number of women in Catherine’s service, as indicated by a list compiled in October 1519 of the liveries issued. The staff of the queen’s chamber consisted of two ladies in presence and seven ladies and gentlewomen, including Anne Boleyn.51 Her chamberers constituted the largest group of women in her service and they were periodically issued into block grants of livery. On 18 October 1511 Elizabeth Colins, Elizabeth Lisle, Margaret Pennington and Elizabeth Vergas received gowns of damask furred with miniver pure and edged with lettice.52 A similar group order was made on 18 November 1514, when Elizabeth Colins, Blanche Merbury, Margaret Mulshoo and Elizabeth Vergas were given 11 yards (10 m) of russet damask for a gown, with the edge, cuffs and collar furred with mink and lined with calabre.53 In addition, these women also received individual orders of clothing. In June 1511 Elizabeth Lisle got a black damask gown edged with crimson velvet and lined with buckram costing £5 9s 5d and a black damask gown furred with mink costing £9 8s on 29 December 1516.54 On 31 May 1512 Margaret Pennington received a gown of russet satin made from 11½ yards (10.5 m) of fabric edged with mink and furred with calabre, and a kirtle of yellow satin bordered with crimson velvet.55 In January 1517 Elizabeth Vergas was given a gown of tawny satin furred in the vents, purfil and cuffs with lettice and lined with miniver gross, and a kirtle of green satin at a cost of £11 6s 7d.56 In August 1520 Elizabeth Souldon, a recent addition to the group, received quite a substantial order consisting of a gown of black and crimson velvet lined with cotton and buckram, and a kirtle of russet satin and crimson velvet.57 In 1519–20 Elizabeth Kemp, chamberer, received a gown made from 4 yards (3.6 m) of black broad cloth priced at 28s, trimmed with 2 yards (1.8 m) of black velvet costing 25s and lined with buckram for 3s 4d (Fig. 18.1).58 At Michaelmas 1528, she was given 3½ yards (3.2 m) of puke cloth for a gown with 2½ yards (2.2 m) of tawny velvet to line the sleeves and 3 ells (2.1 m) of worsted for a kirtle at a total cost of 79s 4d.59 In the great wardrobe account for 1531–32, this order became a warrant dormant and as such it appeared in the account books for 1535–36, 1537–38 and 1538–39.60 Although she was probably still in Catherine’s service in 1531, Catherine died early in 1536 and it is not known in what capacity Kemp received livery in for the last two accounts. Some of the warrants were very full. For example, in 1519– 20 Anne Knyvet received 6 yards (5.4 m) of yellow bridges satin for a kirtle, 2¼ ells (1.5 m) of black worsted for another kirtle, lined with 2 ells (1.3) of black kersey and 10 ells (6.8 m) of linen. She also had 6 yards (5.4 m) of double sipers, 1 yard (0.91 m) of sarsenet in various colours for tippets, 3 ells (2.1 m) of ribbon for girdles, two pieces of pointing ribbon and a purse of crimson velvet (3s). In addition there were

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The number of gentlewomen in Catherine’s service was modest, and the membership of this group demonstrates that women could progress from the rank of chamberer to gentlewoman. They could also benefit from the queen’s patronage. On 26 June 1510 Mary Jerningham was given tawny velvet for a gown.65 In August 1514 Elizabeth Lisle, the queen’s gentlewoman, received a grant of land for life at the queen’s request.66 On 3 January 1517 Elizabeth Vergas, described as a native of Spain and gentlewoman to the queen, obtained letters of denization.67 Two years later on 5 January 1519, Alice Davy, gentlewoman to Catherine and formerly nurse to the queen of Scots, was granted of an annuity of £10 out of the petty customs of Portsmouth in consideration of her service.68 Like Henry VIII, Catherine made gifts of her own clothing to the women in her household. Her wardrobe books reveal a similar pattern of gift-making to the king’s, but on a smaller scale: a gown of crimson velvet with Spanish sleeves lined with green cloth of gold of damask to my Lady of Norfolk 24 May a8 [1516] a gown of green tinsel with green velvet and a gown of crimson velvet upon velvet to mistress Mary a gown of tawny velvet given to the chamberers was furred with ermine in November a gown of white satin with a cut of gold of damask given to my lady Matravers in August a gown of crimson velvet lined with crimson satin given to mistress Norris in October.

18.1 An unknown woman walking lifting her skirts to reveal her flat, square-toed shoes, Hans Holbein the Younger. This young woman is dressed in a style that would have been similar to the women in the queen’s household who were issued with woollen cloth for their livery. WA1863.423, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

many smaller items, such as 1 oz (28 g) of open silk, 1,000 pins, six pairs of shoes and six pairs of hose, costing in all £3 10s 8d.61 On 30 April 1529 three gowns of tawny damask lined with tawny velvet costing £22 19s were ordered for Margaret Atwell and two chamberers with the queen.62 Although the endence is fragmentary, it is clear that Catherine did not uniformly provide the women in her service with black livery. In addition to her regular livery, Elizabeth Collins was given a special grant of clothing towards her marriage by Catherine made up of 11 yards (10 m) of russet satin for a gown (£4 11s 8d), 6½ yards (5.9 m) of black satin for a kirtle (46s 8d), ¼ yard (0.22 m) of crimson velvet for the kirtle’s hem (3s 4d) and calabre and mink for the same (£4).63 Catherine also placed orders for accessories, such as a group of six pastes for Lady Capel, Mistress Mary and the four chamberers costing 2s.64

However, there is an indication that not all of the pieces were given away. Richard Justice, yeoman of the robes, listed his debtors, and one of his entries records ‘that lady Selinger owes me for a gown of right crimson velvet’ sold on 9 January 1514 to her for £6.69 Justice also sold cloth to the women of the household. This may have been because it had been bought at an advantageous price or because it was just convenient: Lady Verney the younger bought 2½ yards (2.2 m) of yellow satin, while Mary Selyna and Mistress Vergas paid for 14 yards (12.8 m) of black cotton. After Archbishop Cranmer had granted a divorce to Henry VIII from her in May 1533, Catherine provocatively ordered new livery for her household embroidered with H and K, as though she was still married.70 On 23 August 1533 Eustace Chapuys noted: the King has set about the reformation of the Queen’s household, renewing her officers, who are sworn to her as Princess Dowager, and giving her about 30,000 crowns for her support, of which 12,000 will be freely at her disposal, except that she must pay her ladies out of them, and the rest will be administered by a deputy of the King for her servants’ wages.71

On the following 10 October Thomas Bedyll told Cromwell about her resistance to change: All women, priests and ministers of the Princess’s chamber, as sewers, ushers and such other, who fetch any manner of service for her, call for the same in the name of the Queen, for so she has commanded them. They all consider that they ought to call her Queen still, considering that those who appertain to the chamber were sworn to king Henry and queen Katherine.72

On 19 December 1533 the duke of Suffolk informed the king that ‘by her wilfulness, she may feign herself sick, and keep her bed, or keep her bed in health, and will not put on her clothes or otherwise order herself’.73 A month later Chapuys noted that she ‘has not been out of her room since the Duke of

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Suffolk was with her, except to hear Mass in a Gallery. She will not eat or drink what her new servants provide. The little she eats in her anguish is prepared by her chamberwomen, and her room is use as her kitchen’.74 On her deathbed on 7 January 1536 Catherine implored Henry VIII, ‘I entreat you also, on behalf of my maids, to give them marriage portions, which is not much, they being but three. For all my other servants I solicit the wages due them, and a year more lest they be unprovided for’.75 The king met his financial obligations. One bill honoured by him came from a servant who had been in her service for 26 years. He and his wife were owed £123 10s 6d which included wages, livery for himself and his wife for three years at £9 2s 8d a year.76

anne boleyn Very little is known about Anne Boleyn’s household as queen and the livery issued to it. However, three years before her marriage, when the proceedings to secure the annulment of the king’s first marriages were progressing shortly and she was not held in much esteem, she had Ainsi sera, groigne qui groigne (‘that is how it is going to be, however much people grumble’) embroidered onto her household’s livery at Christmas 1530.77 This provocative behaviour contrasts with the rather saintly new presented by her chaplain, William Latimer. Conscious of her duty to provide charity, she ‘kept her maids . . . so occupied in sewing and working of shirts and smocks for the poor, that [never] was there any leisure to follow such pastimes as daily are seen now-a-days to reign in prince’s courts’.78 The garments produced were distributed to the needy wherever she went. The recipients were selected at prearranged stops by her priest and two people from the parish, and a shilling accompanied each garment. Pregnant women received a pair of sheets and two shillings.79 The little evidence we do have comes from the Lisle Letters. On 12 March 1535 John Husee also noted to Lady Lisle that ‘Mr Receiver says you shall have a livery’.80 A month later he assured her of ‘having your kirtle of the Queen’s livery before Midsummer’, but it was not ready before the end of the year.81 On 21 December Husee wrote ‘I have been for the kirtle the Queen’s Grace gave your ladyship within this vj days v times; and ever I am driven off from day to day. And tomorrow I am promised a determinate answer’.82 Indeed, it was not until 18 March 1536 that Thomas Warley could tell Lady Lisle that ‘I have been attendant at the Court for the kirtle which your ladyship have long looked for . . . I received the said kirtle, which is of cloth of gold paned, as this other paper here enclosed maketh proportion of, which I did draw out as nigh as I could to the fashion of the cloth of gold’.83

jane seymour The evidence for Jane Seymour’s household is meagre. In 1536–37 watching livery was bought for the yeomen, grooms

and pages of her chamber.84 It was issued to 39 individuals, each of whom received 5 yards (4.5 m) of broad cloth at 5s the yard. William Hewetson provided the full order of 195 yards (178 m) costing £48 15s. On New Year’s day 1537 Jane also gave satin doublets to 22 men made from 3 yards (2.7 m) of cloth, costing £23 2s. In addition to this, large scale, uniform provision, several individuals or groups were singled out. John Askew, Edward Canner, Robert Mulson and Richard Morgan, the pages of her chamber, were given as much cloth as costed 20s for livery coats coming to £4. Like Catherine of Aragon, Jane had two footmen, who were well provided for and their clothing provdes the most detailed gumpse of the queen’s livery. Laurence Lye and Robert Case, received gowns made from black broad cloth, furred with Irish lamb vented with black budge, doublets of tawny velvet, short coats of red velvet, three shirts with drawn thread work each, three pairs of hose of black kersey and one pair of scarlet, four dozen points of silk ribbon, one scarlet cap, one black French bonnet and 12 pairs of single soled shoes. The full order cost £16 14s.85 In contrast, Jane, the queen’s fool, the only woman to receive livery, was given 11 yards (10 m) of unwatered changeable camlet for a gown costing 29s 4d.86

anne of cleves Late in 1539 Anne of Cleves arrived in England with a household of her own. The king also established a household for her, in advance of her arrival with the first wages being paid to the individuals working on her wardrobe from Midsummer 1539, including Worsley, yeoman of the robes, Mistress Addington, silk woman, John Scut, her tailor, William Ibgrave, the embroiderer, Cornelius Hayes, her goldsmith and the keeper of her barge.87 As in Catherine of Aragon’s reign, livery was provided for the queen’s artificers. Ibgrave, the embroiderer, was given 18s for his livery coat.88 The chief officers included the earl of Rutland, her lord chamberlain, Sir Edward Baynton, her vice-chamberlain, Mr Dudley, her master of the horse, and Wymond Carew, her receiver. On 8 October 1539 Anthony Denny wrote to Cromwell about ‘the late Mistress Parker, now Mistress Gylmyn’ who the king wished to appoint to her household. However, ‘As the king wishes her to be in her chamber, and she is poor, he desires Cromwell to set her forth as appertaineth to such an one’.89 This indicates that the king provided all her clothing and livery. In March 1540 Cromwell’s remembrances included a reference is ‘The Queen’s servants: how the strangers shall be paid that came over with her Grace’.90 At least some of these individuals stayed in England because a warrant was issued in July 1540 for the payment of wages to the officers of Anne of Cleves’ household coming to £505 a year.91 Her recipients included Catherine and Gertrude, Dutch women, who received £10 each. On 6 January 1540 Henry Olisleger wrote to Lord Lisle about the possibility of placing his stepdaughter Catherine Basset in Anne of Cleves’ privy chamber. Olisleger remarked how ‘the ladies and gentlewomen of the Privy Chamber were

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appointed before her Grace’s coming, and that for this time patience must be had’.92 Later John Norris informed Lady Lisle of the composition of the queen’s privy chamber: ‘my Lady of Rutland my Lady Browne and my Lady Edgecombe. These be all the ladies of her Privy Chamber that I know yet.’93 Catherine Basset wrote to her mother shortly after, noting that:

offences that she had done in misusing her bodye with certeine persons afore the kynges tyme, wherefore he there discharged all her household.

my Ladye hath gyven me a Gown of Kaffa Damask, of her own old wearyng, and that she wold in no wise that I shuld reffuse yt; And I have spoken to Mr Husse for a Rowle of Buckeram to new lyne yt, and Velwyt to edge it withall. Madame, I humbly beseech your ladyship to be good lady and mother to me; For my Ladye of Rutland sayth that Mother Lowe, the Mother of the Dowche Maydes, maye do muche for my Preferment with the Queen’s Highness, so that your Ladiship wold sende her my good Token.94

The rest departed, with the maids of honour returning to their families. The single exception was Anne Basset, who the king took under his financial wing. According to the duke of Suffolk, Catherine finally admitted her guilt. She begged forgiveness of Henry VIII and asked if ‘it would please him to bestow some of her clothes on those maid-servants who had been with her from the time of her marriage, since she had nothing else left to recompense them as they deserved’.102 Finally, in April 1542, one of the gentlewomen of her privy chamber, Anne Herbert, who had had custody of Catherine’s jewels, took the precaution of obtaining an acquittance exonerating her when she surrendered the jewels to the king.103

After the annulment of her marriage in July 1540, Anne maintained a much smaller household. On 20 August 1540 Wymond Carew wrote to John Gates: ‘I pray you learn of my Lord Privy Seal whether I and my wife shall have the same allowance as My Horsey and his wife have, for I think myself no meaner than he. If his Lordship seem not so to esteem me, get my brother Denny to despatch me hence, for the lady Anne of Cleveland is bent to do me displeasure.’95 By her will dated 12 July 1557, Anne left ‘our plate, jewels and robes [to] be sold with other of our goods and chattels towards the payment of our debts, funeral and legacies’. She asked for wages and allocations of black cloth to be made to the officers of her household: to the gentlemen waiters and gentlewomen black cloth at 13s 4d a yard to make a gown and hood, to the yeomen, grooms and children of the household, 2 yards (1.8 m) of black cloth at 9s the yard (0.91 m), to her chaplains to pray for her soul, £5 each, and a black gown and gifts of jewellery to Queen Mary, Princess Elizabeth and others.96

catherine howard Beyond the well-documented sexual laxity, not much is known about Catherine Howard’s household. Her stable expenses for 1540–42 include wages and board wages for 37 men, shoeing horses, hay for them and cleaning saddles. They record the costs of her litter going to York as part of the summer progress of 1541, with payments to John Symonds and John Coke, her litter man, at 4d a day for 41 days.97 In June 1541, Laurence Lee, one of Catherine’s footmen, was appointed as keeper of woodlands in Rutland.98 On Alice Restwold’s entry into her household, Catherine sent her upper and nether habiliments of goldsmiths work for a French hood and a tablet of gold.99 More tellingly, in hindsight, she gave Thomas Culpepper a velvet cap.100 In contrast, we know far more about the dissolution of her household. Following her arrest for adultery in November 1541, the membership of her household was reviewed and reduced in size: 1541 This yeare, the 13th daye of November, Sir Thomas Wriothesley, knight, and Secretary to the kinge, came to Hampton Court to the Quene and called all the ladies and gentlewomen and her servauntes into the Great Chamber, and there openlye afore them declared certeine

The furniture of three chambers, hanged with mean stuff, without any cloth of estate, of which three, one shall serve for Mr Baynton and the others to dine in and the other two to serve for her use. The king’s highness pleasure is that the queen should have, according to her choice, four gentlewomen and two chamberers, foreseeing always that my lady Baynton be one, whose husband the king’s pleasure is should attend the queen and have the rule and government of the whole house.101

catherine parr Shortly after her marriage to Henry VIII on 12 July 1543 Catherine Parr’s household was sworn into her service. Princess Mary’s privy purse accounts included a reward of 7s 6d that was made in July 1543 to ‘Mistress Barbara, when she was sworn the queen’s woman’.104 On 8 September 1544 Henry wrote to Catherine concerning the appointment of women to her chamber; ‘he remits their acceptance to her choice; and although some that she names are too weak to serve, they may pass the time with her at play’.105 The senior male officers were also required to take an oath of obedience and ‘The oath of the queen’s councillors [was] ministered to Anthony Bourchier by Sir Edmund Walsingham, the queen’s vice-chamberlain’ in December 1544.106 Many of the key offices were held by men who had served previous queens: Sir Thomas Arundell as chancellor, Sir Philip Hoby, receiver for foreign receipts, Sir Edmund Walsingham, vice-chamberlain, Wymond Carew as receiver general and Sir Robert Tyrwhitt, the master of the horse.107 A list dating from May 1546 of the queen’s ordinary household accustomed to be lodged within the king’s house included: the lady Mary’s grace, the lady Elizabeth’s grace; the ladies Margaret, Frances and Eleanor, the ladies of Suffolk and Arundel; ladies Lane, Tyrwit and Carowe; the maids; the lady Kempe; the Queen’s lord Chamberlain, Vice-Chamberlain, robes, physicians and gentlemen ushers, Mr Webbe, the Queen’s wardrobe of the beds, groom porter and pages; the lady Mary’s robes.108

The best impression of the size of Catherine’s household can be gleaned from the issue of livery to its members for Henry VIII’s funeral. Taking the female ranks, there were 26 ladies of the queen’s chamber, with the list headed by the countess of Lennox and the marchioness of Dorset, six gentlewomen of the privy chamber, five chamberers, eight of the queen’s maids and Jane, the queen’s fool.109

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Catherine’s household accounts for 1543–44 record her distribution of livery at the New Year: 45 yards (41.1 m) of black satin for 15 doublets at a cost of £16 10s; 60 yards (54.8 m) for 20 doublets for £22 10s; 48 yards (43.8 m) of ‘fyne bolloyn satten blacke’ for 16 doublets costing £18. William Lock provided a further 57 yards (52.1 m) for 20 doublets costing £21 7s 6d.110 The earl of Essex received a gown of black satin guarded with black velvet. She also distributed red cloth for her livery: 128 yards (117 m) of red cloth for £38 8s and 10⅝ yards (9.7 m), costing 63s 9d.111 Anne Herbert (her sister), Maud Lane and Elizabeth Tyrwhitt (her cousins) were Catherine’s ladies of the chamber. They were described by John Foxe as being ‘great with [the queen] and of her blood; [and] the chiefest whereof, as most of estimation and privy to all her doings, were these’.112 They were issued with gowns of black double jean velvet: Lady Herbert and Lady Tyrwhitt received 28 yards (25.6 m) of black double jean velvet for £21 for a gown each and 7½ ells (5.1 m) of black sarsenet for lining costing 35s. A similar gown was given to Lady Lane ‘of the Quenes graces gifte’. These women wore ‘the queen’s badge on their caps displaying the head of St Katherine adapted from the woodblock print in the old Horae ad Usum Sarum’.113 Lady Herbert was given 3½ ells (2.4 m) of blue sarsenet for lining a gown of blue velvet. In addition, Mistress Kendal received 13½ yards (12.3 m) of black damask for a gown costing £4 14s 6d and 2½ yards (2.2 m) of black velvet to trim the gown at 33s 4d. She was also given 7½ yards (6.8 m) of russell worsted for a gown and ¾ yard (0.7 m) of black bridges satin priced at 12s 11d in all, and 2½ yards (2.2 m) of russet lukes velvet. By the 1540s the regular provision of black livery to the women of the queen’s chamber echoes the livery issued by the king to the offcers of his privy chamber.

Two of Catherine’s ladies in waiting, Anne Basset, the stepdaughter of Viscount Lisle executed for treason in 1540, and Dorothy Bray, the daughter of a minor nobleman (whose name had briefly been linked in the early 1540s with Catherine’s brother), seem to have received greater provision for their clothing than the others.114 They were in receipt of a number of lengths of silk from the silk house at Whitehall (Table 18.1). The lengths they received were clearly specified as for their use. Catherine’s accounts for 1543–44 also include payments for the carriage of Anne’s stuff from Guildford to Sutton, 6d, from Sutton to Reading, 3s 8d, from Reading to Dorchester, 3s 9d, and from Dorchester to Woodstock, 2s 6d.115 In January 1546 two warrants were signed by the stamp for apparel delivered to her last Whitsun and for apparel at Christmas.116 She received two more, similar warrants in her favour, in June 1546 against Whitsun and in the following November for clothing against Christmas.117 On 8 December 1543 Catherine bought livery for John Symonds and John Coke, her two littermen, at a cost of £20 7s 2d. Their livery consisted of a long frock of camlet lined with black cotton, a jerkin of crimson velvet, a doublet made half from yellow velvet and half from crimson velvet, four pairs of black kersey hose, four holland shirts, one bonnet and six pairs of shoes.118 On 10 June 1544 Peter Richardson received £20 from Wymond Carew in part payment for a delivery of spangles for the coats of the queen’s footmen.119 Catherine’s account for 1543–44 records that Hugh Apparry, groom of the queen’s stable, rode to London with the footmen’s coats for four days at 12d the day, boat hire from Lambeth to Baynard’s Castle and back again cost 4d, fetching the coats again cost 6d, while fire to air and lavender to scant the coats cost 4d.120 On 1 December 1545 livery was issued to Laurence Leigh, Giles Bateson, Robert Tyrthrey and [. . .], footmen, consisting of

Table 18.1: Cloth distributed to Anne Basset and Dorothy Bray from the silk store at Whitehall, 1542–7 Type of cloth

Anne Basset

Dorothy Bray

Type of cloth

Cloth of silver Tinsel Velvet – black – blue – crimson – green – orange – purple – tawny – white – yellow Satin – black – blue – crimson – incarnate – tawny – white Taffeta – black – tawny

5 yards (4.6 m) ~

7½ yards (6.86 m) 6 yards (5.5 m)

94½ yards (86.4 m) ⅜ yard (0.3 m) 10½ yards (9.6 m) ~ ⅜ yard (0.3 m) ~ 48½ yards (44.4 m) ⅜ yard (0.3 m) 7½ yards (6.8 m)

144 yards (131.7 m) 3¾ yards (3.4 m) 43¼ yards (39.5 m) 18¼ yards (16.7 m) ~ 18 yards (16.5 m) 18 yards (16.5 m) 1 yard (0.9 m) 7⅞ yards (7.2 m)

42 yards (38.4 m) 9 yards (8.2 m) 10 yards (9.1 m) 1 yard (0.9 m) 30 yards (27.4 m) 20 yards (18.3 m)

67 yards (61.2 m) 10½ yards (9.6 m) 25 yards (22.9 m) 2¾ yards (2.5 m) 10½ yards (9.6 m) 29½ yards (26.9 m)

14 yards (12.8 m) 1¼ yards (1.1 m)

16⅜ yards (14.9 m) 9 yards (8.2 m)

Damask – black – blue – crimson – murrey – orange – tawny – white – yellow Sarsenet – black – crimson and red – green – murrey – purple, blue and violet – tawny – white Bridges satin Holland Normandy cloth Cambric Totals

Anne Basset

Dorothy Bray

42½ yards (38.8 m) ~ 16¼ yards (14.8 m) 15 yards (13.7 m) 9 yards (8.8 m) 12½ yards (11.4 m) 18 yards (16.5 m) 10½ yards (9.6 m)

29½ yards (26.9 m) 15 yards (13.7 m) 43½ yards (39.8 m) ~ ~ ~ 36¼ yards (33.1 m) 10½ yards (9.6)

49½ yards (45.3 m) 6 yards (5.5 m) ~ 6 yards (5.5 m) ~ 6 yards (5.5 m) 6 yards (5.5 m) ~ 72 ells (49.7 m) 61 ells (42.1 m) 26 ells (17.9 m) 491⅝ yards (449.5 m) 159 ells (109.7 m)

41½ yards (37.9 m) 21¼ yards (19.4 m) 6 yards (5.5 m) ~ 12¼ yards (11.2 m) 14 yards (12.8 m) 6 yards (5.5 m) 7¾ yards (7.1 m) 90½ ells (62.5 m) ~ 44⅜ ells (30.8 m) 681¾ yards (623.4 m) 135⅛ ells (93.2)

wives, sisters and children a scarlet cloak guarded with crimson velvet and a crimson velvet running coat and hose, the latter being lined with kersey and sarsenet. They also received doublets, shirts, hats, Milan and French bonnets, ribbon points and shoes, costing £56 10d.121 Catherine retained the service of a fool called Jane who had previously been attached to the Princess Mary. In 1543–44 she bought her a red petticoat.122 In June 1546, Jane was described as ‘the Queen’s fool’ and she was provided with ‘two gowns and two kirtles’ by the great wardrobe.123 Jane could be the figure in the background of the group portrait of Henry and his family (Fig. 18.2). She is dressed in a tight-fitting cap in white and red, a red patterned gown and an unusual pleated kirtle. The expensive materials used to make the clothes worn at court inevitably proved too much of a temptation for some. A letter from the queen’s council to the king’s council written on 28 September 1544 concerned a boy waiting upon one of the queen’s maids who had ‘picked certain pieces of goldsmith’s work from his mistress’. The queen’s councillors asked the king’s pardon for the boy on the grounds of his youth, his penitence and ‘the fact is but hardly construed felony’.124

18.2 Detail of a female servant, possibly Jane the fool, from The Family of Henry VIII, unknown artist, c. 1545. RCIN 405796 OM 43. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

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Short-term provision for the king’s sisters Princess Mary’s household had been augmented in 1508 by Henry VII. On her engagement to the prince of Castile, the king consented to the appointment of ‘certayn . . . ladies’ to Mary’s household, ‘the which with thear attendaunce gevyng uppon the said ladie maistres, and by her advise have the charge to devise for thapparelle of her person’.125 He also allowed her ‘iij or iiij fotemen with riche cotes of goldsmyth worke to goo aboute her litter, or about her palfray’.126 On his accession, Henry VIII assumed responsibility for his younger sister and her household. He provided some livery via the great wardrobe, in addition to grants of land and offices. For example, in September 1509 Henry Calise, her yeoman of the robes, was appointed during pleasure, as keeper of Okehampton park, in Devon, a post which had reverted to the crown on the death of the earl of Devon.127 Henry VIII maintained Mary’s household until her marriage in 1514. There are a few fleeting references to individuals who were in her service: on 14 November 1509, William Studdon and Thomas Hill, yeomen of the chamber, were appointed to wait on her.128 Two warrants dated 5 November 1509 and 12 December 1510 refer to Thomas Parker, ‘footman with our sister’.129 In the first of these he was granted a gown of tawny cloth. Equally, there was a passing reference to Arnold Chollerton, Mary’s servant, in a warrant dated 3 July 1511, ordering sheets and other bed linen for her.130 In March 1512, Alexander Duwes and John Tremayle were named as grooms of her chamber.131 The same year saw Anne Jerningham in Mary’s service as a gentlewoman attendant on her.132 In April John Wellys, yeoman of the king’s chamber, was appointed to give attendance on her and he was granted watching livery of London russet.133 Rewards issued in 1514 indicate that a number of the women in her service had also served her mother, suggesting, that on the death of Elizabeth of York in 1503, certain women transferred to her household: in September 1514 Elizabeth Saxby, widow, received an annuity of £20 for her services to the king’s father and mother and his sister, Mary, while Elizabeth Catesby, the king’s kinswoman, was given an annuity of 40 marks for services to both mother and daughter.134 On 2 March 1515, Jane Barners, chamberer, received 12 yards (10.9 m) of damask at 8s the yard (0.91 m) for a gown, and as much calabre as was required to fur the gown and mink to edge the collar and cuffs.135 One of Mary’s maids of honour was Jane Popincourt. She was a Frenchwoman who had entered the service of Henry VII to look after his daughters as a companion. By 1502 she was a maid of honour to Mary and she received two grants of livery in this capacity from Henry VII. On 20 December 1504 the warrant was quite small and cost 57s 10d. She received a frontlet of tawny velvet, linen for kerchers, smocks and rails, sipres, silk for girdles, 1,000 pins, a selection of French and English ribbons and 1¼ yards (1.1 m) of kersey for hose.136 A year later her provision was more generous: a gown of tawny cloth lined with buckram, black cotton and linen and with black velvet for the collar, cuffs and purfil, a kirtle of black worsted lined with black cloth and linen, three pairs of hose and three pairs of shoes which cost 64s 4d.137 Following his

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father’s example, on 23 July 1509 Henry VIII ordered clothes for her.138 By 1512 she had entered Catherine of Aragon’s household with a salary of £10 a year.139 In 1516 she returned to France, from where she kept Mary informed about the most recent French fashions, including headdresses.140 As king of England, and the man giving his sister away to the king of France, Henry VIII was responsible for the costs incurred by Mary travelling to France. An idea of their heaviness can be gained from the accounts of Sir Edward Benstead, Mary’s treasurer, dated 21 January 1515. He had received £1,740 from the king to provide clothes and household goods for Mary.141 The list of costs of conveying Mary into France included £252 15s for the use of 18 hoys at London at 3s 8d a ton, £6 13s 4d for the clerk of her stable for food for her horses at Sandwich and £5 6s 8d to Sir John Scott and the porters of Dover for embarking and disembarking horses.142 On the eve of her departure to meet Louis XII, her brother enlarged her household from one suitable for a princess to one befitting a queen. Her three footmen were provided with three grades of livery: the first was of white cloth of gold paned with crimson velvet, embroidered with a porcupine (one of Louis’s badges), the second of tawny cloth of gold of damask and blew velvet embroidered with a fleur-de-lis and a rose, and the third of green velvet embroidered with roses and the sun.143 On 8 October 1514 Louis bestowed upon Mary her dower as previously held by Anne of Brittany.144 But on the day after their marriage, Louis dismissed her English entourage. Mary described how: On the morn next after my marriage my chamberlain, with all other men servants, were discharged, [an]d likewise my mother Guldeford, with other my women and maidens, except such as never had experience nor knowledge how to advertise or give me counsel, which is to be feared more shortly than your grace thought at the time of my departing.145

Following the death of Louis XII on 31 December 1514, the duke of Suffolk raised with Henry how best to recover Mary’s dowry, jewels, plate, household stuff and clothes. To help him in this complex task, he asked for ‘an inventory of her wardrobe from Master Wyndesor, of her jewels and plate for Master Wiott, another of the master of the horses for the stable and another of the costs and charges of her said traduction, as soon as possible’.146 As part of the settlement of moneys due her, Francis I gave her 20,000 gold crowns on 14 April towards the costs of travelling to Abbeville for her marriage.147 Henry VIII compensated the English appointees to Mary’s household on its dissolution by Louis XII. Dorothy Verney received an annuity of 20 marks for her service to Mary, the French queen.148 Other annuities granted at this time included recompense for service to Mary. In November 1514, Lady Guildford, the widow of Sir Richard Guildford, got an annuity of £20 for service to the late king and queen and Mary and Margaret.149 In the following February, Elizabeth, wife of Reginald Wolvedon, received an annuity this time of £10 for service to Mary, queen of France, and Catherine, queen of England.150 Mary herself took a personal interest in the process of compensation. In February 1515 she wrote to Thomas Wolsey from Paris in favour of her almoner who she wished to see appointed as a prebend in St Stephen’s, Westminster.151

In contrast, Henry VIII only needed to provide temporary assistance to his older sister, Margaret. Ever so, when Margaret, queen of Scots, paid a visit to her brother, in 1517, the king assumed much of the financial burden and a number of Margaret’s household received livery. By a warrant dated 14 May 1517 Joanna and Margery Rutherford received black velvet gowns, while Elizabeth Murray and Christine Crow were given black damask gowns, James and Luke had black velvet doublets and black camlet gowns and Fenlow and the two footmen got black camlet doublets.152 Worsley’s wardrobe book also mentions the provision of velvet for gowns for the gentlemen of her chamber [A1079]. In addition, Henry gave his sister new horse harness in the form of a pillion saddle covered with white leather, a slop house and pillion of cloth of cloth of gold and two sets of harness and two footstools, also covered with cloth of gold costing £32 15s 5½d.153 Finally, on 23 February 1517 William Blackenhall, clerk of the king’s spicery, received a receipt for £100 from Robert Preston, goldsmith, for the charges of the queen of Scots.154

The households of the king’s children Each of the king’s children enjoyed their own households, the size and composition of which reflected their status and their kinship. Each had properties that they visited on a regular basis, but they could also join their father and the main court. Sometimes they spent time together, as in the case of Christmas 1542 when they all lodged at Enfield.155 In the early years of a royal child’s household, the staff often overlapped with those appointed to work in the royal nursery prior to the child’s birth. Even so, service in the household of one of the king’s children could be a step towards advancement in the king’s household. Unfortunately, as with the king’s wives, the evidence relating to the livery supplied to these households in meagre. Even so, we know the liveries colours adopted for two of the households: blue and green for Princess Mary and blue and yellow for Richmond.

princess mary One of the earliest references to named members of the princess’s household dates from 5 October 1516 when Anne Bright, Margery Consine, Ellen Hutton and Margery Parker, the princess’ rockers, were paid their wages of £12 for threequarters of a year. The princess’s laundress, Avis Wood, also received 33s 4d for half a year’s wages.156 The first reference to livery being issued dates from a little over a year later. On 8 January 1518 John Bill and three other grooms of the princess’s chamber were granted clothing costing £20 9s 8d. Each man received a gown of broad cloth furred with black Irish lamb, black velvet doublets lined with white fustian and canvas, two pairs of hose, two shirts and a bonnet.157 In the period 1519–20 Catherine of Aragon provided livery for

wives, sisters and children Thomas Preston, ‘servant to my lady princess’, consisting of a black camlet gown furred with black budge, and a black velvet doublet costing £5 10s 8d.158 Even at this early age, Mary’s household was well furnished. A list of the wardrobe stuff provided for Mary in December 1519 was headed by a cloth of estate with two cushions of cloth of gold and red velvet paned with valances of red silk and gold, all denoting her status as the heir to the throne.159 While Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon attended the Field of Cloth of Gold, Mary remained at Richmond where she was visited by three French ambassadors. For their reception: her house and chambers [were] furnished with a proper number of goodly gentlemen and tall yeomen. Her presence chamber was attended, besides the lady governess and her gentlewomen, by the duchess of Norfolk, and her three daughters, the lady Margaret, wife to lord Herbert, the lady Grey, lady Neville and lord John’s wife. In the great chamber were many other gentlewomen well apparelled.160

The accounts for Mary’s household for 1521–22 recorded the expenses of John Thurgood, her lord of misrule at Christmas 1521, including providing him with a pair of slops for when he played the sailor, and a blue garment ‘made like harness’.161 They also include information on the number of carts required to transport her household stuff, as well as inventories of her wardrobes of robes and beds.162 Thomas Linacre, who had been Arthur’s tutor, was appointed to provide her initial education, and on his death in 1523 Catherine of Aragon selected the Spaniard Juan Luis Vives to complete her education. When Mary went to Ludlow in 1525 as princess of Wales to head the council in the marches of Wales, she was provided with extra furnishings for her chapel and her wardrobe of the beds, as well as ordnance, two gunners and an armourer.163 The members of this enlarged household were given livery made from 348¼ yards (318.4 m) of blue and green damask supplied by William Botry for ‘divers servants of the princess’. Other liveries totalling 525 yards (480 m) at 4s the yard were provided for a range of individuals including her launderer, the keeper of the vestry and the four officers of the wardrobe. A further set of liveries were made from cloth of 3s 4d the yard for 12 ladies and gentlewomen, coming to 729 yards (666.5 m) of cloth at a cost of £139.164 In addition, the nine members of her council received black velvet for riding coats, while black damask was given to the clerk of the greencloth and the gentlemen ushers, and black camlet to her minstrel. Cardinal Wolsey wrote to Sir Andrew Windsor, ordering for Dr Butts, ‘appointed physician to my Lady princess, a livery of blue and green damask, for himself, and in blue and green cloth for his two servants; also a cloth livery for the apothecary’. There was another indenture with Windsor for cloth of gold.165 The scale of her enhanced household can be gauged from the cost of their salaries, which came to £741 13s 9d.166 A pillion cloth of ‘blacke veluett enbraidered aboutes the skirtes withe clothe of golde with the letter M and estridge Fethers Rooses and Pomgarnettes’ survived in the great wardrobe until 1547 (14767). In January 1526 a list of Mary’s officers in Wales and their wages was drawn up.167 From the same period there were also lists of her household expenses and household accounts.168 On

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25 May Lord Ferrers was appointed as the steward of Mary’s household and chamberlain of South Wales, as previously held by Sir Rees ap Thomas.169 In July James Vaughan, master of her horse, received the reversion of offices of steward, chancellor and surveyor of the manors of Haverfordwest and Roch.170 Wolsey continued to take a close interest in her household and on 17 August Bishop Veysey of Exeter wrote to Wolsey, informing him that the son of Wotton, the beadle of Oxford, ‘does not think he has enough experience in physic to be the Princess’s physician’. He added that he had written to Catherine of Aragon’s almoner ‘about Wolsey’s liberality to the Princess and her servants, so that her Majesty and the King may the better know it’.171 The household accounts for July to December 1526 included the costs of her messengers and livery of her footmen, £89 15s 6½d, cloth, velvets and other fabrics for her wardrobe, £163 11s 2d, and the wages of Mistress Anne Rede, Mary Victoria, Mary Danet, Mary Fitzherbert, of £10 a year paid quarterly.172 However, on 3 February 1528 the council in the marches informed Wolsey that they had discharged part of the princess’s household. Those affected were chiefly the gentlemen and the yeomen, who were allowed to keep their wages, but the bill for diets was still very high because of the grain shortage.173 Later in the year, Bishop Veysey wrote to Wolsey on 5 July 1528 asking for his help to gain preferment of some of Mary’s officers to the various posts held until then by Sir William Compton.174 In March 1530 the treasurer of the chamber’s accounts include a payment of £20 made to William Cholmley, for conveying all her household stuff from Ludlow to London and setting up the princess’s household there.175 In the following year, on 10 November 1531 a warrant was issued for a set of clothes to be delivered to Simon Burton, servant to the princess.176 Burton received a black camlet gown lined with black velvet and furred with black budge, a black damask jacket guarded with black velvet and lined with frieze, two doublets, one of black velvet and one of black satin, both lined with white fustian. On a warrant dated 28 May 1532 Mary Fitzherbert, one of Mary’s gentlewoman, received against her marriage a gown of tawny lucca velvet and a kirtle of crimson satin.177 In the following month, John Bury, clerk of her avery, received the following for the princess’s use: black velvet to cover a saddle, harness, stirrup leathers and a head of copper for the same saddle, engraved with roses, parcel gilt stirrups and gilded copper buckles along with a bit, a brush, comb, head collar and canvas for a dusting cloth and a bag to carry the other items.178 In the same year Thomas Bigg, Charles Morley and John Reginold, three of her footmen, received scarlet cloaks guarded with black velvet, doublets of tawny velvet, hose of white kersey and of scarlet, three shirts, Milan bonnet and coats of black velvet embroidered with the princess’s badges on a warrant dated 22 June.179 This grant of livery cost £27 6s 3d. The divorce of her parents in May 1533, Anne Boleyn’s marriage to Henry VIII and Anne’s coldness towards her marked a downturn in her life. On 28 August Lord Hussey wrote to Thomas Cromwell concerning some plate the king wanted back from Catherine of Aragon, noting that he had:

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examined the clerk of the Princess’ jewel house for it, and he says it was never in his custody, nor his indenture, which I send. I have spoken on the subject with my lady Governess (Margaret countess of Salisbury) who has the plate for the use of the Princess; and she say ‘it is occupied at all such seasons as the Princess is diseased and cannot be conveniently spared’. She is ready, however, to obey the King’s pleasure.180

Following Elizabeth’s birth on 7 September, the imperial ambassador wrote to Charles V: after the child was baptised, a herald in front of the church door proclaimed her princess of England. Previously, i.e. from her birth, it was ordered that the true princess should not be so called, and her lackeys were deprived of their gold-embroidered coats, which they bore with her device, in place of which the arms of the King alone have been put on them.181

Three weeks later, in compliance with her father’s wishes, her household was reduced. Her household transferred from her personal control to a lady governess, the countess of Salisbury, who was allowed one chaplain, one gentleman, two gentlewomen, one chamberer, two yeomen and two grooms. Mary’s household included 22 ladies and gentlewomen, headed by Lady Margaret Douglas, who received £10 a year. Further down the list were her laundress, Beatrice ap Rhys, and the officers of the robes, John Keen and Thomas Palmer.182 In all, her household at this time had a staff of 162 people. At the same time Mary learnt that she had been stripped of her title princess and of her deprivation of her houses of Beaulieu and Hunsdon, which were transferred to Elizabeth. Following her acknowledgement of the Act of Supremacy (and with it her bastardy) in 1534 Mary’s fortunes took an upturn. Her royal birth was once more recognised. On 20 December 1534 a cloth of estate was ordered for Mary of crimson cloth of gold with double valances, trimmed with 4 lb 11½ oz (326 g) of red silk fringe and made en suite with three cushions of the same material, two long and one short. It was embroidered at a cost of £80 with the arms of the king and queen in a garland using cloth of gold, cloth of silver and satin and cost of £164 16s 9d.183 The cloth acknowledged her status as the king’s daughter, but the embroidered coat of arms implied her acceptance of her father’s second marriage to Anne Boleyn. However, her humiliation ended with Anne Boleyn’s downfall in 1536. In May Eustace Chapuys told the emperor: Three days after the Concubine’s imprisonment the Princess [that is Mary] removed, and was honourably accompanied both by the servants of the little bastard [Princess Elizabeth] and by several gentlemen who came of their own accord. Many of her old servants and maids at this news went to her, and although her governess allowed them to remain, she was warned by me not to accept or retain anyone but those given her by the king her father.184

That year Mary wrote to Cromwell, observing that ‘Touching the nomination of such women as I would have about me, surely Mr Secretary, what men or women so ever the king’s highness shall appoint to wait upon me, without exception shall be to me heartily welcome’.185 She then went on to name several women that she wished to keep: Margaret Baynton, Susan Teonge, the daughter of Clarencieux herald, and her maid Mary Brown. Susan Teonge, at least, remained in Mary’s service, and on 14 January 1543 she was awarded an annuity of £13 6s 8d as Susan Clarencieux for her service to the princess.186 The livery provided for the women in her

service was simple and understated. On 8 April 1536 Lady Shelton received 4 yards (3.6 m) of black cloth for a gown costing 53s 4d and 14½ yards (13.2 m) of the same cloth for gowns for her four women costing £5 16s.187 On 10 June 1538 her four women received black satin for gowns, while her two chamberers were given black damask for their gowns and black velvet to line them.188 In addition, Mary had a fool called Jane. She is mentioned in Mary’s privy purse accounts in December 1537 when she was given clothes and her horse was stabled. She also had a tumbler called Lucretia. In December 1542 Mary paid for a ‘payr of Shoes for Jane & an other for lucrece’. However, in 1545–46, Jane entered Catherine Parr’s household. A warrant was issued to the great wardrobe for stuff for her women and footmen in November 1545.189 In November of the same year, the king authorised a warrant for the gentlewomen with Mary and Elizabeth and some additional items for Mary.190

the duke of richmond Cardinal Wolsey concerned himself with Henry Fitzroy’s welfare even before his ennoblement. In June 1524 he wrote to the boy’s council, stating that ‘And hereafter as my said godson your . . . [shall increase] in years so he shall mowe increase in the per . . . and have a chapel with all things thereto appurtain[ing. And as his state] and degree doth require I shall not fail with diligen[ce to see him furnished] of a [po]ticary and a physician whereof I right [well know he shall] have great need’.191 Notwithstanding his illegitimacy, Henry VIII allowed him a household comparable with what he later provided for Prince Edward. In 1525 he was ennobled, appointed as the president of the council in the north and breeched. His household was put on a new footing. On 11 July 1525 Peter Malery, yeoman of the ewery with the duke, received a selection of napery including five tablecloths of diaper, three double towels, six dozen napkins, four single towels and eight neck towels.192 The expenses of the duke’s household from 12 June to 24 July 1525 include 28s for the laundry, £46 14s 10d for standards and coffers, 40s for a pair of virginals, £60 to Sir Edward Seymour, his master of the horse, and £13 6s 8d to Master Pexall for sealing and writing the patents of creation as a nobleman.193 His new standing was further emphasised by the contents of his wardrobe of the beds which included stuff for his hall, chapel, privy chamber, great chamber, dining chamber, bed chamber and his council chamber.194 Vestments and other textiles were provided for his chapel to a value of £50 12s 9d. They included vestments of blue damask bound with silk ribbon and embroidered with three of the duke’s badges.195 In addition, large-scale issues of livery were made to his household, including 3½ yards (3.2 m) of cloth costing 8s a yard to his chamberlain, vice-chamberlain, steward, treasurer and comptroller, 3½ yards (3.2 m) of cloth costing 6s for 17 councillors and officers, 3 yards (2.7 m) at 5s for 23 chaplains and gentlemen, 3 yards (2.7 m) at 4s for 55 yeomen and 3 yards (2.7 m) at 3s 4d for 57 grooms and pages, costing in total £103

wives, sisters and children 12s.196 In addition, there were seven coats of velvet for six councillors and his companion, the son of the marquess of Exeter, 35 coats of damask for the gentlemen and head officers with the duke, at a cost of £180 18s 10d and 205 coats of cloth for the servants and officers of the household, costing £322 11s 3d.197 However, as is usual, the most extensive provision went to his footmen. They each received a doublet and a coat of blue and yellow satin crested with white satin, a doublet of black velvet, all with badges of damask gold, a pair of quarters hose of blue and yellow satin, a pair of black and a pair of scarlet hose and a cloak of scarlet bordered with black velvet at a cost of £32 7s 6d.198 On 17 February 1527 livery was ordered for Rowland Farrer, footman with the duke, on the king’s warrant.199 Farrer received a ‘coat of cloth of the new colour with three swelling welts of the same cloth’ lined with frieze, a doublet of black velvet lined with fustian and canvas, a jerkin of leather and a pair of hose of black cloth. Cardinal Wolsey continued to maintain a vigilant eye over Richmond. On 17 August 1526 Sir Thomas Magnus wrote to Wolsey from Sheriff Hutton, noting that ‘the borders never kept better rule’ and adding that he ‘will do his best now at his return to these parts to put my lord of Richmond’s household in order’.200 A month later, undoubtedly in response to Wolsey’s prompting, his council in September 1526 drew up a set of regulations which were submitted to Wolsey for his approval.201 In the November the council sought Wolsey’s advice about a New Year’s gift for the king from the duke, and about whether he should provide gifts for Catherine of Aragon, the duchess of Suffolk and the leading members of the nobility.202 The dearth of references in the accounts of the great wardrobe to the provision of livery for the ducal household suggests that it was paid for out of his own pocket. Richmond was given Collyweston, the home of his paternal grandmother, Lady Margaret Beaufort, and he lived there between 1531–36 until he exchanged it for Baynard’s castle and Durham house in London.203 He was occasionally resident at St James’s palace where he died. After his death, an inventory was taken of his possessions on 25 July 1536.204 The compilers asked a series of questions: how long the household should stay together after his death and what liveries of black cloth were to be given to his head officers. Three days later John Gostwick notified Thomas Cromwell that he had taken the inventory of the robe, beds and plate, ‘and have delivered the latter into the jewel house in four coffers sealed, except certain parcels which remain with the duchess delivered long ago by indenture and other jewels in the custody of John Cotton’.205 Henry VIII rewarded members of the ducal household with £528 17d and paid three of them £4 13s 4d for two months’ attendance on the duke’s stuff at Chester place.206

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goldsmith, Cornelius Hayes.207 The cradle cost £16, stones set in the cradle cost 15s, ‘for fringes, the gold about the cushions, tassels, white satin, cloth of gold, lining, sypars and swadylbands’, a further 13s 6d with a total cost of £18 1s 10d. Holbein painted the figures of Adam and Eve for 20s. Three months after Elizabeth’s birth, the council on 2 December 1533 made ‘a full conclusion and determination . . . for my Lady Princess’s house’.208 Eight days later she went to Hatfield but, as Eustace Chapuys noted cynically, she was paraded through the City ‘for greater solemnity and to insinuate to the people that she is the true Princess’.209 The accounts of William Cholmley, late cofferer with Elizabeth, covered the first period of this household running from 10 December 1533 to 25 March 1534. The accounts included receipts of £935 14s 8½d and expenditure of £803 12s 4½d. There were victuals remaining worth £98 7s ¼d and arrears of £32 6s 8¾d, £11 15s ½d and 119s 2½d.210 The expenses of Elizabeth’s household from December 1533 for a year came to £111 19s 8d and then from Christmas to Lady Day a further £679 16s 2d. This was followed by a list of reasons as to why the costs were so high. These included the provision of napery and utensils against Christmas costing £40 and the presence of her older sister Mary within the

princess elizabeth In anticipation of the birth of a male heir in September 1533, Henry VIII commissioned a silver cradle decorated with figures of Adam and Eve, apples and roses from his

18.3 Prince Edward, circle of William Scrots, c. 1546. Even though only young, Edward is still dressed in a very adult style. National Portrait Gallery, London (NPG 442)

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household and the need for extra provision while she was ill.211 Cromwell’s remembrances for November 1534, the month of the visit to England of the French admiral, had an entry for ‘The livery of my lady Princess’s household’.212 A warrant sent to Cromwell for payment of expenses dated 2 May 1535 included a payment of £49 15s ‘to Henry Hoberthorne, merchant tailor for certain liveries for the household of the king’s daughter, the lady Princess’.213 On 10 October 1536 Catherine Champernon wrote to Cromwell to thank him for promoting her admission as a gentlewoman to Elizabeth, and begged him to obtain her a stipend from the king.214 This paucity of evidence relating to Elizabeth’s household as a child ends with a warrant dated November 1545 providing items of dress for her women.215

prince edward Prince Edward was not 18 months old when Henry VIII set up a household for him under the direction of Sir William Sidney. Edward had his own lodgings at Enfield, Greenwich, Hampton Court, Hatfield and Tyttenhanger. He also spent a lot of time at Hunsdon and a view of the house was included in the background of the portrait painted of the prince c. 1546 (Fig. 11.8).216 In addition, he had lodgings in St James’s palace which in 1553 the imperial ambassador described as having been ‘built by the late King Henry VIII as a residence for the royal children’.217

Almost nothing has come to light about the livery for Edward’s household. Men looked to family connections to get relatives placed in his household. For example, on 18 June 1543 Wymond Carew suggested one Mr Croft to John Gates as a gentleman waiter to the prince, even if it was without wages, on the grounds that ‘Queen Jane’s father and his mother were brother and sister and I promise you Queen Jane did favour him well’.218 Whether he was successful is uncertain. Thomas Brown did secure an office and he featured on Edward’s own warrants. In March 1544 Brown received a coat made of cloth of the new colour with one wide and two narrow guards of velvet, fringed on the edge, stitched with silk, slashed, lined with frieze and fustian, with a pocket and the collar and vents of satin.219 On the eve of his departure for the Boulogne campaign in 1544, Henry VIII reorganised Edward’s household: Item. His Majestie woll that my lord Prince shall on Wednesdaye next remove to Hamptoncourte; and that the lord chauncellour and th’erle of Hertford shall repayre thither on Thoresdaye, and there discharge all the ladyes and gentlewomen out of the house, and also admit and sweere sir Richard page chamberlayne to my lord Prince, mr Sydney to be avaunced to the office of Stuard, Jasper Horsey to be chief gentleman of his Privey Chamber, and mr Cox to be his Aulmoner, and he that is now Aulmoner to be Deane and Mr Cheke.220

Two years later on 23 May 1546, Edward wrote to Dr Cox ‘only a little letter to his dearest Almoner; but a little letter with goodwill is better than a greater will ill, and this is written with goodwill’ (Fig 18.3).221 In November 1546 the king authorised a warrant for the liveries of the prince’s servants ‘against the coming of the Admiral of France’ that was preferred by Sir Ralph Sadler.222

Notes 1 Crawford, ‘King’s burden’, pp. 33–56. 2 LP xviii.ii, 501. 3 CSP Venetian, iv, 1053. 4 Crawford, ‘King’s burden’, p. 50. 5 A. R. Myers, ‘The household of Queen Margaret of Anjou, 1452–3’, BJRL, 40 (1957–58), pp. 99–113; A. R. Myers, ‘The household of Queen Elizabeth Woodville, 1466–7’, BJRL, 50 (1967–68), pp. 207–15; Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, pp. 83–86. 6 Ibid., p. 84. 7 PPE Elizabeth; abridged edition of BL Harley MS 4780. 8 PPE Elizabeth, p. 40. 9 Myers, Black Book, p. 92. 10 TNA E315/251, f. 83v. 11 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 23. 12 Ibid., p. 24. 13 LP ii.i, 529. 14 Lisle Letters, v, 1558 (LP xiv.ii, 284). 15 See P. Wright, ‘A change in direction: the ramifications of a female household, 1558–1603’, in Starkey, ed., The English Court, pp. 147–49. 16 Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 84. 17 Lisle Letters, iv, 887 (LP xii.ii, 271). 18 Ibid., 887 (LP xii.ii, 271). 19 Ibid., 895 (LP xii.ii, 711). 20 Ibid., 896 (LP xii.ii, 808). 21 Ibid., 900 (LP xii.ii, 923). 22 Ibid., iv, 895 (LP xii.ii, 711). 23 Ibid, 905 (LP xii.ii, 1157). 24 Ibid., 906 (LP xii.ii, 1210). 25 Ibid., 908 (LP xii.ii, 1234).

26 Kipling, Receyt, p. 32. 27 SJC, D102.11. 28 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 29 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 12v. 30 TNA LC 9/50, f. 190v. 31 Ibid., f. 187v. 32 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 33 TNA E101/418/5, no. 50. 34 JRL Latin MS 239, ff. 14r, 13v. 35 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 36 JRL Latin MS 239, ff. 10r, 14r. 37 Ibid., f. 13r. 38 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 39 Ibid., unfoliated. 40 Ibid., unfoliated. 41 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 9v. 42 Ibid., f. 11v. 43 LP iii.i, 852. 44 The order, including making cost £7 16s 4d; TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 45 Ibid., unfoliated. 46 LP iii.i, 852. 47 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 48 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 4r. 49 LP iii.i, 852. 50 Nichols, ‘Inventories’, p. 35. 51 LP iii.i, 491. 52 TNA E101/417/6, no. 85 (LP i.i, 908). 53 TNA E101/418/5, 31.

wives, sisters and children 54 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated, and LC 9/51, f. 12r. 55 TNA E101/417/6, no. 18. 56 TNA LC 9/51, f. 12r. 57 The cost of the order was £11 11s 2d; TNA LC 9/51, f. 105r; others listed in warrants include Margareta Cousins and Margery Parker. 58 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 11r. 59 TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated. 60 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated, E36/455, f. 38v, LC 9/51, f. 271r, and E36/ 456, f. 41v. 61 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 8v. 62 TNA E101/420/14, unfoliated. 63 The entry is dated April a7, which could mean either 22–30 April 1515 or 1–21 April 1516; TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 64 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 65 TNA E101/417/3, no. 2 (LP i.i, 512). 66 LP i.ii, 3226. 67 LP ii.ii, 2747. 68 LP iii.i, 8; repeated on 28 November 1519 (LP iii.i, 524). 69 TNA E101/418/6, unfoliated. 70 CSP Venetian, 1527–33, 923. 71 LP vi, 1018. Catherine’s actual household expenses for the period 19 December 1533 to 30 September 1534 came to £2,951 14s 6¼d, which included £271 14s spent on furniture and linen; LP vii, 1208. 72 LP vi, 1253. 73 LP vi, 1541. 74 LP vii, 83. 75 Crawford, Letters, p. 180. 76 LP xi, 1436. 77 CSP Spanish, 1529–30, pp. 710, 852; Ives, Anne Boleyn, pp. 173–75. 78 D. R. Starkey, The Reign of Henry VIII: Personality and Politics (1991), p. 91. 79 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 327. 80 Lisle Letters, iv, 830 (LP viii, 378). 81 Ibid., 833 (LP viii, 545). 82 Ibid., ii, 502a (LP ix, 1004). 83 Ibid., iii, 658 (LP x, 499). 84 TNA LC 5/31, pp. 5–6. 85 Ibid., pp. 4–5. 86 Ibid., p. 7. 87 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 88 Ibid., unfoliated. 89 LP xiv.ii, 297. 90 LP xv, 322. 91 LP xv, 937. 92 Lisle Letters, vi, 1636 (LP xv, 33). 93 Ibid., vi, 1634 (LP xv, 135). 94 Ibid., 1650 (LP xv, 216). 95 LP xv, 991. 96 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, pp. 217–19. 97 TNA E101/107/21, unfoliated. 98 LP xvi, 947.10. 99 LP xvi, 1339. 100 LP xvi, 1339. 101 Wriothesley, Chronicle, pp. 130–31. 102 Starkey, Six Wives, p. 683. 103 LP xvii, 283.35. 104 PPE Mary, p. 123. 105 LP xix.ii, 201. 106 LP xix.ii, 798. 107 For an analysis of her household, see James, Kateryn Parr, pp. 145–53. 108 LP xxi.i, 969. 109 TNA LC2/2, ff. 44r–45r. 110 TNA E101/423/15, unfoliated. 111 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 112 S. James, ‘Lady Jane Grey or Queen Kateryn Parr?’, The Burlington Magazine, 138 (1996), p. 20. 113 James, Kateryn Parr, p. 123. 114 Ibid., p. 99; LP xvi, 1339. 115 TNA E315/161, f. 150r. 116 LP xxi.i, 148.27 and 28. 117 LP xxi.i, 1165.58 and LP xxi.ii, 475.118. 118 TNA E315/161, f. 1r. 119 Ibid., f. 18r. 120 Ibid., f. 147r. 121 LP xx.ii, 911. 122 LP xxi.i, 645. 123 LP xxi.i, 1165.22. 124 LP xix.ii, 324. 125 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, p. 61. 126 Ibid., p. 58.

315

127 LP i.i, 190.1. 128 TNA E101/417/3, no. 66. 129 Ibid., no. 75 and BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 9r. 130 Ibid., f. 31r (LP i.i, 806). 131 TNA E101/417/6, no. 42. 132 Ibid., no. 44. 133 Ibid., no. 14 (LP i.i, 1165). 134 LP i.ii, 3324.8 (also LP ii.i, 470) and LP i.ii, 3324.12 (also LP i.ii, 3582.22, LP ii.i, 643). 135 BL Additional MS 18,826, f. 49r. 136 TNA LC 9/50, f. 229r. 137 TNA E101/416/3, f. 22r. 138 TNA E101/416/7, not numbered. 139 Murphy, Bastard Prince, p. 24. 140 Strickland, English Princesses, p. 53. 141 LP ii.i, 46. 142 LP ii.i, 68. 143 TNA SP1/9, ff. 140r–141r. 144 LP i, 5480. 145 LP i, 5488. She also wrote to Wolsey seeking help (LP i, 5489). 146 LP ii.i, 139. 147 LP ii.i, 318. 148 LP i.ii, 3324.18 (also LP i.ii, 3499.20). 149 LP i.ii, 3499.59 (also LP ii.i, 569). 150 LP ii.i, 123 (also LP ii.i, 461). 151 LP ii.i, 173. 152 TNA LC 5/91, f. 21v. 153 Ibid., f. 19v. 154 LP ii.ii, 2957. 155 Bod Lib Rawlinson MS D781, ff. 188, 191, 193, 203; Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 81. 156 TNA E36/215, p. 474. 157 TNA LC 9/51, f. 63r. 158 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 12r. 159 TNA SP1/19, f.153 (LP iii.i, 580). 160 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 365. 161 LP iii.ii, 2585. 162 LP iii.ii, 3375. 163 Nichols, ‘Inventories’, pp. 1–21, 23–41. 164 TNA E101/419/16, pp. 71–113. The actual costs for livery would have been higher than this. This figure represents the bulk of the household who were all outfitted at one time. Other people were given clothing in later sections of the accounts. 165 LP iv.i, 1577.5. On 18 August 1525 a list of necessaries provided for Mary’s household included two bucking tubs for 4s 4d, a large washing stool for 6d, two hoped washing bowls for 2s, eight washing ‘betylls’ costing 3d and a pail for 6d; LP iv.i, 1577. Several months later in October another indenture recorded the delivery of items for her household; LP iv.i, 1691. The household accounts also included locks for the wardrobe and great chamber costing 14d; LP iv.i, 1698. 166 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 370. 167 LP iv.i, 1941. 168 LP iv.ii, 2598 and 2739. 169 LP iv.i, 2200. 170 LP iv.i, 2362.4. 171 LP iv.ii, 2395. 172 LP iv.ii, 2739. 173 LP iv.ii, 3874. 174 LP iv.ii, 4470. 175 LP v, p. 318. 176 TNA E101/420/1, no. 24 (LP v, 526). 177 Ibid., no. 32. 178 Ibid., no. 36. 179 Ibid., no. 33; E101/421/3, unfoliated. 180 LP vi, 1041. 181 LP vi, 1125. 182 LP vi, 1199. 183 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. 184 LP xii, 908. 185 Strickland, Queens of England, ii, p. 399. 186 LP xviii.i, 982. 187 TNA E36/455, f. 31v. 188 TNA LC9/51, f. 264v. 189 LP xx.ii, 909. 190 LP xxi.ii, 475.16. 191 TNA SP1/235, f. 1 (LP Additional i.i, 464). 192 TNA E101/417/3, no. 91. 193 LP iv.i, 1512. 194 LP iv.i, 1515. Quite a substantial amount of his plate was delivered to the Mint to be coined in December 1533: 90 oz (2.5 kg) of gold, 2,994½ oz

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wives, sisters and children

(84.9 kg) of gilt and 2,262¼ oz (64.1 kg) of parcel gilt and white plate which was worth £1,218 11s 6½d; LP vi, 1612. 195 TNA E101/424/18, m. 1. 196 LP iv.i, 1514. 197 TNA E101/424/18, m. 2. He received further trappings for his chapel and stable. In addition, extra equipment was provided for the hall, spicery, jewel house, pantry, buttery, cellar, ewery, kitchen, scullery, larder and privy kitchen. 198 Ibid., m. 2. They also received six linen shirts each, 12 dozen ribbon points, two black bonnets, two scarlet bonnets and eight pairs of doublesoled shoes. 199 TNA E101/419/20, unfoliated. 200 LP iv.ii, 2402. 201 LP iv.ii, 2450. 202 LP iv.ii, 2608. 203 Thurley, Royal Palaces, p. 81. 204 BL Royal MS 7F.XIV, f. 83 (LP xi, 163).

205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222

LP xi, 174. LP xi, 516. LP vii, 1668. SP i, p. 414. LP vi, 1528. LP vii, 372. LP viii, 440. LP vii, 1436. LP viii, 653. LP xi, 639. LP xx.ii, 909.18. Thurley, Royal Palaces, pp. 80–81. CSP Spanish, xi, p. 214. LP Additional i.ii, 1594. TNA E101/423/10, f. 33r. LP xix.i, 864. LP xxi.i, 886. LP xxi.ii, 475.14.

xix The Royal Artificers

E

dward Hall observed in his Chronicle under the year 1509:

If I should declare what pain, labour and diligence the tailors, embroiderers and goldsmiths took both to make and devise garments for lords, ladies, knights and esquires and also for decking, trapping and adorning or coursers, jennets and palfreys, it were too long to rehearse; but for a surety, more rich, nor more strange nor more curious works hath not been seen than were prepared against this coronation.1

And so, Hall makes it clear that the quality of the work produced by the craftsmen and women in the king’s service was integral to the magnificent impression that the king and his court created at home and abroad. This was to hold true throughout his reign. For example, on 28 March 1540 the earl of Southampton wrote to Lord Privy Seal Cromwell about a request from the duchess of Etamps for two horses. Their existing harness: would not be rich enough, though they be no worse than those sent to the Queen into Cleves, the Scottish king or duke of Ferrara. His Majesty has given orders to the Master of the Horse for clothes, bits and other necessaries; though some respect should be had to the shortness of the time, the holy days, and the work that goeth thereto, as gilt buckles, fringes, buttons of silk and other such.2

This request highlights not only the quality of the objects that were being made, but also the time they took to produce and the constraints imposed by the religious calendar. The men and women who made the clothes for Henry VIII, his family and his household were at the centre of a cycle of consumption and production. Their skills and ingenuity often brought them substantial financial rewards, while their roles as royal artificers brought them status and additional business. The king’s artificers were frequently leading members of their crafts. If they were English, they were likely to be prominent members of their respective livery company. If they were alien craftsmen, and they often were, the situation was rather different and could result in tension between the court and the city. John Stow recorded the locations of the various trades within London in his Survey, and the extract given here concentrates on the crafts engaged in providing the clothing and accessories used at the Henrician court:

Men of trades and sellers of wares in this city have oftentimes since changed their places, as they have found to their best advantage. For whereas Mercers and Haberdashers used to keep their shops in West Cheap, of later time they held them on London Bridge, were partly they yet remain. The Goldsmiths of Gutherons-lane and Old Exchange are now for the most part removed into the south side of West Cheap; . . . The Drapers of Lombard-street and of Cornhill are seated in Candlewick-street and Watling-street; the Skinners from St Mary Pellipers or at the Axe into Budge-row and Walbrook; . . . The Hosiers of old time in Hosier-lane, near unto Smithfield, are since removed into Cordwainer-street, the upper part thereof by Bow Church, and last of all into Birchovers-lane by Cornhill. The Shoemakers and Curriers of Cordwainer-street removed the one to St Martins-le-grand, the other to London Wall near unto Moorgate.3

In spite of this geographic demarcation between the crafts and companies, individuals worked together on a regular basis and the interconnections between crafts can be seen very clearly in Holbein’s will. The men who acted as witnesses were ‘Anthoney Schnecher, armerer, Mr John of Antwarpe, goldsmythe before said, Olrycke Obynger, merchaunte and Harry Maynert, painter’.4 A core group of craftsmen were employed by and within the great wardrobe, and they were provided with space to work in.5 The king’s tailor and skinner enjoyed a degree of permanency in their employment, while many other tailors and furriers were engaged on an ad hoc basis and paid by the day. Almost all of the king’s artificers were based in the capital because this was the principal outlet for their work, although, as individuals became wealthy, they bought land, predominantly in the home counties but not exclusively so. Royal tailors could become very rich as a consequence of their office. Between 1470 and 1504 George Lovekyn, a leading merchant taylor, held the office of the king’s tailor. This trend continued throughout the sixteenth century and into the seventeenth, as the careers of John Burnford, George Furseman and Francis Taylor demonstrate.6 For some individuals, such as the king’s tailor, their work for the king was likely to constitute a substantial part of their business, whereas for others, who had a more specialist craft, such as the king’s spurrier, the king would be a very significant customer, but only one of many. The leading royal artificers had workshops where they employed journeymen and trained apprentices. An establishment of this size was essential, as

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the royal artificers

they undertook large volumes of work for the king, and it was impossible for one person to complete it all. Under Henry VIII, the royal armourers were only allowed to work for external clients if the king had consented to this with a warrant from him authorising it. Sir Robert Southwell, who died on 30 March 1514, was such a client, and his final set of household accounts included a payment of 26s 8d to ‘The King’s armourer for a pair of leg harness and a pair of aubarcs’.7 Other royal artificers do not appear to have been constrained in the same way as the armourers were. There is evidence that many of them undertook commissions from members of the court, the royal household and wealthy Londoners. For some, these commissions may have been a route to royal service. In 1526 the duke of Suffolk had work done by the painters John Browne and Clement Urmeston, and the embroiderer, William Ibgrave. Ibgrave, who was already working for the revels, would become the king’s embroiderer in two years’ time.8 When Syrres Gwynello, a former French servant of the duke’s, died in 1534, the witnesses of his will included Ibgrave.9 For others, such as John Scut, the queen’s tailor, there is evidence of him working for a range of external clients. The best documented of these was Lady Lisle. On 21 August 1538 John Husee informed her that he had delivered to Scut ‘for the upper bodies and plackards j yard iij quarters of Lucca velvet and for the lining of the sleeves ij yards di of the best black satin I could get . . . I have further delivered him xv yards of Lucca velvet and a roll of buckram for your gown and vj yards of Lucca velvet for your kirtle and sleeves’.10 In September he told her that Warley had ‘the books and bills of reckonings of Skut’ as well as ‘the piece of cloth of gold Skutt sent’.11 In the following April 1539 he assured her that ‘as touching your ladyship’s taffeta gown, Mr Skut hath promised to make it according to your ladyship’s desire. It is not much worse for the wetting’.12 The crafts people working for the king were predominantly male, but with a few notable exceptions: his silk women and one female skinner. Most of their skills were labour intensive, repetitive and learned by watching and working with others through a formal training. While paid at a much higher rate than unskilled workers, the value of their labour was invariably exceeded markedly by the cost of their materials. Equally, some offices were kept within family groups such as the king’s cordwainer and silk woman, while in others such as the king’s tailor there was no continuity. Many of these individuals spent a long period in the king’s service, often dying in office. This suggests that such posts were seen as the pinnacle of a craftsman’s career. These offices certainly brought advantages including wealth, access to royal patronage and patronage from the wider court circle. The queen’s tailor was often in demand and the clothes that came out of his workshop provided a very direct means of disseminating court fashion. The role of European, as opposed to English, craftsmen at Henry VIII’s court was small but highly significant. The transmission of skills and ideas on fashion and fashionable design was linked to the migration of craftsmen. When in 1503 Henry’s sister Margaret went to Scotland to marry James IV, she took a London skinner with her and he was referred to in Scottish records as ‘the Inglis Furrour’.13 On 3 December 1528

a certificate was issued to the commissioners appointed to enquire within the city of London and within a two-mile radius into the number of alien artificers and the number of their stranger servants, especially focusing on cordwainers.14 The records providing information about Henry VIII’s artificers are more detailed and more numerous than those for his queens. This is partly because the queen’s household was not continuous, although what evidence there is suggests that there was a surprising degree of continuity of service between all six wives.15 In many of the accounts the names of the officers were either familiar to the clerk so they did not need naming, or such details were felt to be redundant and payments were often recorded against an office rather than a named individual. The accounts of Lady Margaret Beaufort include the names of a number of individuals who made her clothes and shoes: for example, in 1498 her cordwainer was named as Rowland, who received 21d for shoes and slippers.16 However, an entry in Catherine Parr’s accounts from June 1544 recorded that Thomas Berk received 7s 6d in part payment for 12 yards (10.9 m) of yellow cotton, this was for trussing jewels going to ‘her grace’s goldsmith and her silkwoman at sondry times’.17

The principal artificers

the king’s tailor The scissori regis or king’s tailor would have been a familiar figure to Henry VIII. Not only did he know the king’s dimensions, he knew his taste in clothes. He was well placed to be an arbiter of fashion, by promoting new ideas while dissuading the king from breaking with long favoured styles. The royal tailor made the king’s clothes to measure as opposed to readyto-wear items. A number of clothes, especially hose, hats and shoes, could be bought off the peg for some members of the household, but not for the king. The king’s tailor generally appears to have undertaken the work on a garment from start to finish. However, sometimes he would complete a job started by another, as in the case of William Hilton, inserting linings into riding coats of kendal and cottoned cloth [A1582, 1587]. Royal tailors also undertook some of the decorative work that embellished the king’s clothes, using a variety of techniques listed in the accounts and wardrobe books, including bordering, edging, guarding, hemming and welting. Fur linings were taken out [A111, B26, 34] and put back in [B96] on a regular basis. Most of the royal tailors had strong links to the company of Merchant Taylors which had been established under Henry VII. It had received a charter in 1503 that recognised the links between the tailors and linen armourers. On 6 January 1503, Richard Smith, yeoman of the robes with the queen and master of the company, and four men, who were the wardens of the guild of tailors and linen armourers, were granted the right to be called the guild of Merchant Taylors after payment of £10 in hanaper.18 The cost of the tailor’s labour was small in comparison to the value of the materials he worked with.

the royal artificers Indeed, most tailors kept a modest stock of materials, as the customer generally provided the cloth. However, in the case of the king’s tailor, the cloth came either from the great wardrobe, the wardrobe of the robes or the silk store at Whitehall, or it was supplied by the tailor himself. In this respect the role of the king’s tailor underwent a change during Henry VIII’s reign and it is linked to the new concept of the merchant taylor. In this context, the distinction between a ‘household tailor’, or one who worked for a specific patron and lived in their home, and the ‘salesman tailor’ who produced off-thepeg garments is an interesting one. While tailors were not officially distinguished in this way in contemporary records until the mid Elizabethan period, the Henrician great wardrobe accounts make it clear that the different types had existed earlier than this. By the Elizabethan period the salesman tailor was often associated with producing cheap, sub-standard clothing.19 This association does not appear to have been made overtly during the mid Tudor period, but the king’s tailor was essentially a ‘household tailor’, while ‘salesman tailors’ only provided goods to the lower ranks of the household. The range of garments a tailor made defined the extent of his craft. During the fifteenth century and the early decades of the sixteenth, the tailor’s repertoire included gowns, doublets, jackets and mantles (Fig. 19.1). Both William Hilton and John

19.1 John More, by Hans Holbein the Younger. John More’s doublet and highly decorative gown are good examples of the Tudor tailor’s craft. RL 12226 P6. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

319

de Paris also made hose for the king but only in limited quantities: on 31 December 1516 John de Paris was provided with 4 yards (3.6 m) of black tilsent [A723], and 7½ yards (6.8 m) of blue velvet on 12 February 1517 towards making up two sets of matching doublet and hose [A909], while on 1 June 1518 Hilton received 1¼ yards (1.1 m) of cloth of damask to make stocks for a pair of hose [A388]. However, from 1504 William Croughton, the king’s specialist hosier, had been making hose for Henry VII, and he and his son held the post of king’s hosier throughout Henry VIII’s reign. A similar trend in the specialisation of the tailor’s skills resulting in a new sub-group of artisans can be seen during Elizabeth I’s reign. Towards the end of Henry’s reign, tailors started making farthingales for women. However, in 1567 there was the first reference in the great wardrobe accounts to ‘John Bate verthingale maker’ who was paid for making a farthingale of crimson satin edged with crimson velvet for the queen.20 The warrants for Henry VII and his son reveal that the king’s tailor made a growing number of garments for the king, while also making some pieces for members of the household. There were set prices for different types of garments, and standard amounts of fabric were distributed to make them. Most of the garments were outer garments for the upper body, but the king’s tailor also made some headwear, including bonnets and hats, as well as occasionally overlapping with the work of the king’s hosier and the king’s skinner, particularly in the area of inserting or removing fur linings. By the 1530s, the king’s tailor also often provided a substantial amount of the fabric used for making the orders of clothes supplied for the king. It is not possible to tell from the accounts whether the king’s tailor claimed any of the trimmings as a perquisite, which later came to be known as cabbage.21 In fifteenth century London the main distinction was between tailors who made new clothes and had ‘the experience or Cunnying to Cutt or shape Garmentes of the newe & diverse fashions’, and botchers who modified and repaired existing clothing or second-hand clothing.22 However, by the early sixteenth century this distinction had effectively ceased to exist. In 1518 the Merchant Taylors’ company petitioned the mayor of London about elderly tailors with poor eyesight who ‘are fain to fall to the said feat of botching’.23 Recycling and refurbishing or, to use contemporary terms, ‘new making’ and ‘performing’ Henry’s clothing became an increasingly significant part of the royal tailors’ work as the king became older and bigger. While this work might be technically regarded as coming close to the tasks undertaken by the botcher, these alterations needed to be undertaken with a very high level of skill and attention to detail in order to ensure that these modifications were discreet. While the great wardrobe accounts leave little doubt as to Henry VIII’s passion for new clothes, he also had garments repaired and altered, albeit on a much lesser scale. Linings were replaced chiefly as a means of keeping clothing fresh smelling, but it could also have been in response to a lining becoming worn through use. Like was not always replaced with like, as in the case of ‘a Jaquet of blacke tylsent lined with blacke saten’ against which there was a marginal note recording that ‘the saten woren & new with sarcenet’ [B179]. Some

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the royal artificers

pieces were refurbished, including ‘a Jaquet of siluer tissewe newe clocked ay guysnes with crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lined with blacke saten’ [B177]. Garments could also be unpicked and made up as something else, as in the case of ‘a Gowne of Russet veluete single’ delyuerd to Richard Gibson in 1519–20 to make ‘half a trapper & half a horsharnes panes with venis siluer’ [A153] and ‘a mantel of white tylsent single to make iij doblettes & iij payr of hose for the king’ [A143]. Many people kept their clothes long after they were past their best, partly because of their retained value and possibly for sentimental reasons. At her death in 1509 Lady Margaret Beaufort had ‘an olde Broken gown of white damaske in ix peces’ in her ‘bede chambre’ and one of her coffers contained ‘a litill olde broken gown of tynselde satin’ and ‘an olde purphill of velwet’, valued at 20s, 6s 8d and 14s respectively.24 In contrast, Henry VIII gave away a lot of his clothes, but he did keep a few items, including ‘a very olde shorte gowne of blacke Damaske embroidered with golde and iiij Cordauntes black silk & gold furred with Budge’ (14218).25 The revels accounts often record the translation of garments and other textiles. The men working on the jousts held on 29 December 1524 were paid at the rate of 8d and 6d the day for the ‘translacyun of garments’, while the sleeves of six rich garments were enriched with ‘cut work of the broken cloth of gold in the king’s store’.26 In May 1519, George Lovekyn, clerk of the stable, stored embroidered bards decorated with the arms of England and France within the armoury at Greenwich.27 Ten of these pieces were selected to be reworked by Richard Gibson and Thomas Forster who were to ‘Ryppe’ off the embroidery and to remount it ‘vppon Russet and white’. In other instances, the valuable materials were removed. A trapper ‘enbrawdered with dragons and powdered with dragons winges of goldsmythes worke’ was dismantled and the dragons’ wings were delivered to George Senesco and John Burton, gold wire drawers.28 As Henry VII had spent 14 years in exile before his accession in 1485, he had no familiarity with London craftsmen on coming to the throne. During his 12 years in Brittany and two in France, he knew Breton ducal court dress and the styles favoured at the French royal court. This may have influenced his choice of George Lovekyn as his tailor. Lovekyn originated from Paris but he had worked for both Edward IV and Richard III and knew how an English king was expected to dress. Henry VII retained only two royal tailors, and after Lovekyn’s death in 1504 he chose Lovekyn’s apprentice, Stephen Jasper. Jasper also made the clothes of Henry, prince of Wales, and on his accession in 1509 Henry VIII made Jasper his tailor. The value of having a foreign tailor was obvious. They had first-hand experience of and familiarity with the cut and construction of fashionable styles and garment shapes from other areas of Europe. Gustavus Vasa’s tailor, George Ballinger, was German, which was highly appropriate as Vasa favoured clothes cut in the German style: long, paned hose with lots of slashing and worn with a codpiece, a doublet, also decorated with slashing and a short gown. In the 1540s a new item appeared in Vasa’s wardrobe, the French coat or mantlar, which may have been as a result of Gustavus sending an embassy to Francis I in 1542.29

When in 1567 Elizabeth I was looking for a new tailor, Sir William Cecil wrote to Sir Henry Norris in Paris, saying, ‘The Queen’s Majesty would fain have a tailor that had skill to make her apparel both after the Italian and the French manner, and she thinketh that you might use some means to obtain some one that serveth the French Queen, without mentioning any manner of request in our queen’s majesty’s name’.30 Elizabeth was unsuccessful. While queen, she engaged only two tailors, both of whom were English: Walter Fyshe (1558–82) and William Jones (1582–1603).31 George Lovekyn had been king’s tailor under Edward IV and Richard III, but in 1483 he had been temporarily displaced by Henry Davy. He went on to make clothes for Henry VII and his eldest son, Arthur.32 His reappointment by Henry VII thus accorded with the king’s general policy of benevolence towards Yorkist appointees, while being cool to Ricardian nominees. Born in Paris, by 1470 he was working for Edward IV in London and in 1475 he was designated as the king’s sergeant tailor.33 In the following year, he received letters of denization. Following his reappointment in 1485, he made Henry VII’s coronation clothes at a price of £15 4s 4d.34 On 7 November 1485 Lovekyn was appointed for life as the sergeant tailor of the great wardrobe with 12d a day, and given 100s for the rent of a house in the city of London.35 The following November when the grant was repeated, it noted that he had held the office since the previous October and that he was entitled to summer and winter livery.36 In October 1489 Lovekyn, along with two others, received the grant of two messuages in the parish of St Martin le Grand during the minority of the earl of Northumberland.37 Two years later he was paid £175 11s 8d ‘for apparel for our person and our son, our cousin, the earl of Northumberland, henchmen, footmen and other persons, from the beginning of the reign’.38 On 19 October 1493 he received a smaller payment of £83 16s 4d.39 When Lovekyn married for a second time in 1497, Henry VII gave him 5 yards (4.5 m) of ‘good scarlet to be taken of our gieft towardes his wedding clothing’.40 His apprentices included Stephen Jasper, who he remembered in his will of 1504, and who succeeded him as the king’s tailor. During 1486–87 he was the warden of the Merchant Taylors’ company.41 His eldest son and namesake also entered royal service: by 1503 he was a clerk in the king’s stable.42 Stephen Jasper succeeded Lovekyn as king’s tailor and the great wardrobe accounts from 1504–05 and 1505–06 provide a good insight into his role. His work fell into four main categories: furring garments and laying in furs; laying in linings; making new garments including doublets, glaudekins, gowns, jackets, jerkins, maundy gowns, palls, partlets, riding gowns and tippets; and mending and translating gowns and glaudekins. On 21 May 1509 Henry VIII appointed him, during pleasure, to be the king’s tailor in the place of one George [Lovekyn].43 On 11 October 1509 Jasper, a native of Hainault, was granted English denization. In the margin was a note that he had sworn that his goods did not exceed £20 in value.44 The first warrant for his work as king’s tailor dates from 6 May 1510. His work features in the wardrobe account covering 1510–11, where it is evident that he alone made new garments for the king, including arming doublets, bases, cloaks, coats for harness, doublets, gabardines, glaudekins,

the royal artificers gowns, hunting coats, jackets, nightgowns, partlets with sleeves and riding coats, as well as supplying a very small amount of cloth including violet in grain. He also received livery. On 28 June 1511 he was granted 4½ yards (4.1 m) of violet in grain for a gown furred with 132 black lamb skins, 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet for a doublet lined with canvas and fustian and 7 yards (6.4 m) of black damask for a jacket costing £10 18½d.45 He died the same year. William Hilton started his work as king’s tailor on 29 September 1511, but it was not until 23 November of that year that he was officially appointed as the king’s tailor, with 12d a day.46 A list of fees and annuities paid by the king in 1516 listed William Hilton as the king’s tailor, receiving a salary of £18 5s.47 The range of his work can be seen from two warrants from 1513 and 1514. On 12 December 1513 a warrant was issued to pay Hilton, ‘our tailor’, for making a bard of purple velvet and other items for Lord Lisle.48 On 1 January 1514, Hilton was paid £40 12s 11d for 100 white and green cloth jackets for the mariners of the Peter Pomegranate against her voyage into Zeeland.49 Hilton is listed as the king’s tailor in two extant accounts: 1516–17 and 1517–18. He supplied a fairly modest range of materials: budge, buff leather, canvas, coney, damask, frieze, fustian, satin and velvet. However, the vast majority of Hilton’s work consisted of making new garments for the king: arming doublets, bonnets, cloaks, coats, doublets, doublets with bases, gabardines, gowns, jackets, jackets with bases, mantles, maundy gowns, night bonnets, night caps, partlets, riding coats, riding coats and caps, short coats, stalking coats, stomachers and tennis coats. In addition, he put in a small number of linings and undertook the translation of several gowns. Hilton also appears as the king’s tailor in Worsley’s wardrobe book and between 24 December 1516 and 10 September 1519 he received cloth on numerous occasions.50 In 1519 he was listed as the king’s tailor, but against his name was a marginal note ‘mortuus est’.51 Not long after his receipt of the last documented quantity of cloth, Hilton died. On 20 October 1519 John de Paris was appointed the king’s tailor with 12d a day.52 However, he had then been in the king’s service at least three years. He appears in December 1516 in James Worsley’s wardrobe book as making two sets of doublets and hose of black tilsent and blue velvet. The start of his tenure and the range of work undertaken by him for the king can be charted in detail within BL Harley MS 2284. Cloth was delivered to him to be made up into clothing for the king on the following dates in Worsley’s book: 13 October, 5, 6, 13 and 30 November 1519 and 26 March, 19 April, 4 May, 2, 14 and 27 June, 6 August, 7 October and 17 December 1520. John, as his name suggests, was of French origin, and in January 1521 he was granted denization.53 De Paris was named in only one extant great wardrobe account, that for 1521–22, in which he provided broad cloth, buckram, cloth, leather belts, velvet and made bonnets, cases, chammers, cloaks, coats, doublets, frocks, gowns, jackets, night bonnets, riding coats, sleeves and stalking coats. In addition to making up complete garments he also applied borders, put in linings, new made, performed and welted items. The date of Paris’s death has not been established. He died some time between 1528 and January 1532, when John Malt was named as his successor.

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On 21 February 1528 John Malt, described as ‘our tailor’, received along with Henry Johnson, ‘our shoemaker’, a 40 mark fine levied on Felix Macerosa, clerk of chancery.54 In January 1532 he was formally granted the office of the king’s tailor with fees of 12d a day.55 By 1533 he kept a large enough establishment to require a foreman called William Holt who brought evidence against Andrew Hewet, an apprentice tailor accused of heresy.56 In November 1534, Malt succeeded the recently deceased Richard Gibson as yeoman tailor in the great wardrobe with 6d a day and livery.57 Along with John Scut and Thomas Addington, he was assessed on goods worth £1,000 in the subsidy of 1535.58 In 1536 he was listed as one of those owed money by Anne Boleyn.59 In 1539–40 or 1540–41 he was master of the Merchant Taylors’ company.60 In 1540 he was appointed to a commission of five aldermen and five commoners who were ordered to appear before the commissioners for the first payment of the subsidy.61 Unlike his predecessors, the scale of his business with the great wardrobe was substantial. On 27 April 1541 the court of augmentations settled a bill of £1,778 3s 5d owing to John Malt for silk and other stuff delivered by him to the great wardrobe between Michaelmas 1539 and Michaelmas 1540.62 He converted his profits into properly, for example, in May 1541 he acquired the reversion and rent of the rectory of Uffington, Berkshire, and a selection of other property in the area.63 Three years later he bought the manor of Andresey (otherwise Nyland), Somerset, for £1,824 16s 8d.64 In 1546 he purchased further property in Somerset for £1,311 2d.65 Several of his purchases were made in conjunction with his illegitimate daughter Audrey and they provide a clear indication of his prosperity. He continued to have very strong links with the great wardrobe, right to the end of his life. There is a warrant signed by the stamp dated 21 September 1545 and presented at the suit of Richard Cecil, yeoman of the robes, granting a joint patent to Richard Egliston and John Malt, for the office of cutter and botcher in the great wardrobe with 6d a day.66 A warrant dated 1546 and signed by Sir Ralph Sadler authorised Sir John Williams to pay Malt £1,162 1s 8¾d for stuff and workmanship delivered into the great wardrobe in the previous two years ending in Michaelmas.67 Malt was Henry VIII’s longest serving royal tailor. He appears in ten of the extant great wardrobe accounts: those for 1521–22, 1523–25, 1526–27, 1527–28, 1530–31, 1531–32, 1533–34, 1537–38, 1538–39 and 1543–44. Over the years he supplied increasingly greater amounts of the fabric used to make the king’s clothes, culminating in 1543–44 when he supplied the following: bridges satin, broad cloth, brushes, buckram, budge, cambric, camlet, canvas, cloth, cloth of silver, cord, cotton, crest cloth, damask, frieze, fringe, fustian, linen, passamayne, ribbon, rubbers, sackcloth, sarsenet, satin, taffeta, velvet, silk buttons, Venice gold and silver buttons (Figs 19.2 and 19.3). The range of clothes he made was similar to those produced by Hilton and Paris, but there were a few additional items, including shirts and livery coats embroidered with HR and the royal arms. From the account in 1521– 22, he undertook a small amount of translation work, but this increased markedly in volume as the reign progressed.

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19.2 Detail from a sixteenth-century Italian cloth of tissue with the design worked in black silk pile and metal loops on a white ground. 2197. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Christoph von Viràg)

19.3 A piece of sixteenth-century silk damask with a pomegranate design. 2970. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg (Christoph von Viràg)

Malt’s death sometime in 1545–46 led to rivalry as to who would be his successor. In September 1545 Richard Cecil, yeoman of the robes, was promoting Richard Egliston as the king’s tailor.68 But it was John Bridges who in December 1546 secured the appointment at the traditional rate of 12d a day from the previous Michaelmas.69 This grant of office was confirmed by a document signed by the stamp.70 Bridges held the office until 21 April 1559 when he surrendered it. There are no warrants extant for Bridges from the closing months of Henry VIII’s reign, and in view of the king’s physical decline and death it is possible that he never provided any clothes for him. Bridges figured as the king’s tailor at Henry VIII’s funeral. Among the items that he made was Edward VI’s blue velvet mourning robe, for which Anne Grey provided a blue silk mantle lace with buttons and tassels.71 Other tailors in the king’s service included Richard Gibson who had been appointed in January 1501 as the yeoman tailor in the great wardrobe, the office being void after the death of Christopher Sandes.72 In June 1509 he was also made porter there.73 On 26 March 1516 Sir Richard Whethill complained to Cardinal Wolsey that Gibson had not paid his servant rent of £13 6s 8d for a house in Tournai.74 Four months later Henry VIII sent him to deliver a gift of three hobbies to the emperor. The emperor insisted on seeing the horses as soon as they arrived and ‘praised right largely their beauty and rich appar[el]’.75 Between 1516–20 he received large amounts of cloth from James Worsley to be made up into a range of garments and accessories for use in the king’s revels and jousts, including jousts ‘after the manner of Italy’ held at Greenwich. George Lovekyn, the namesake and son of Henry VII’s tailor,

undertook a number of commissions for the stable, revels and armouries. An inventory of 1519 lists the harness in his care.76 He received 12 yards (10.9 m) of cloth of silver damask, 15 yards of cloth of gold (13.7 m), 18 yards (16.4 m) of cloth of silver tissue and 2½ yards (2.2 m) of cloth of gold tissue to make horse harness and doublets for footmen in April 1520 [A609–12], and on 2 June 1520, 12½ yards (11.4 m) of black velvet for a foot mantle and saddle house [A1172] and 17 yards (15.5 m) of russet velvet for a footcloth and harness for the king’s mule [A1174]. He was still in office in 1534 because on 6 May of that year John Husee wrote to Lord Lisle, noting that ‘Lovekyn saith your lordship resteth his debtor of a doublet of satin [for] xxs in money’.77 Within the great wardrobe there was periodic, large-scale temporary employment of tailors and skinners. The most notable occasions for this were the royal coronations, weddings and funerals that punctuated the reign. For example, for Henry VII’s coronation in 1485 there was a team of 19 tailors headed by Robert Johnson, working a total of 230½ days, ranging individually from 5 to 22½ days. They were paid at a rate of 6d a day and received a total of £5 18s 3d in pay. There was a team of 15 furriers led by John Ring, working a total of 281 days, ranging individually from two to 37½ days and receiving a total of £7 9d in pay.78 When necessary the tailors worked through the night to meet tight deadlines. In 1511 Gibson bought 100 lb of ‘koton kandyll’ ‘spent by the spas of xxviij dayes morning and evening and also dyvers nyghtes by svndry werke men as kavs reqveryd’ for the men working on the tournament held to celebrate the birth of Prince Henry.79

the royal artificers

the queen’s tailor The office of the queen’s tailor was a well established position and it was based within the queen’s wardrobe in Baynard’s castle. The role of the queen’s tailor was to provide the queen’s clothes paid for by her. However, not all the work carried out on the queen’s clothes was undertaken by her tailor. For example, on 19 April 1502 Richard Justice, page of the queen’s robes, hemmed a damask kirtle for Elizabeth of York and carried out repairs on a crimson velvet gown and a black velvet gown.80 Two months later, Robert Ragdale, a tailor, made a petticoat of scarlet and linen petticoats for the queen, and not long afterwards he undertook some repairs for her and received 4s 10d for mending gowns and kirtles.81 In the following November Ellis Hilton, groom of the queen’s robes, made a cloak for the queen as well as providing the interlining.82 Some male tailors specialised in women’s clothes. This was standard practice at the time and it continued to be so until the eighteenth century, when women began to make women’s clothes.83 Somewhat confusingly for us today, the male tailors making women’s clothes were called ‘the womans taylor’. For example, in February 1511 the amount of linen needed for lining women’s revels costumes was determined ‘after the dysscrecyvn of the womans tayloor’.84 This group of tailors produced a much smaller range of garments than tailors working for male customers. The core of their repertoire consisted of the gown, kirtle and on occasion the French hood. This period also saw the beginnings of specialist riding clothing that would later evolve into the riding habit.85 Not all women’s clothes were made by tailors who specialised in making women’s garments. Henry VIII periodically ordered items for his queens and daughters from his own tailor, and the implication from the warrants is that the king’s tailor made these, along with the rest of the order. As with tailors specialising in men’s clothes, they could supply some or all of the fabric, depending on the client, as indicated by a letter of 5 October 1538 when John Husee informed Lady Lisle that ‘I have been in hand with Mr Skut, who laugheth out the matter, and saith he put velvet of his own to the last he made’.86 Very little is known about Elizabeth of York’s tailor. However, in August 1502 Robert Johnson was listed as the queen’s tailor in service to Elizabeth of York when part payment of his bill of £13 6s 8d was noted in her privy purse accounts.87 In contrast, John Scut served each of Henry VIII’s queens in succession.88 The first reference to John Scut as Catherine of Aragon’s tailor dates from 1519–20 and appears in a grant of 4½ yards (4.1 m) of tawny broad cloth for a gown costing 45s each to Scut and Richard Hanchet, the queen’s skinner.89 Like his predecessors, Scut did not enjoy a monopoly. At the time of the Field of Cloth of Gold, Thomas Kelevytt, tailor, was paid £28 3s 4d for making clothes for the queen.90 Equally, Scut also made clothes for the female participants in the revels. On 3 May 1527 Scut received three pieces of crimson tinsel containing 16¾ yards (15.3 m), 19 yards (17.3 m) and

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16¼ yards (14.8 m) from Richard Gibson.91 In Gibson’s account dated 6 May 1527, Scut was paid for making eight gowns of cloth of tissue and red tinsel for the Princess Mary and seven others for the triumph at Greenwich, costing 10s each.92 In the revels account of 10 November 1527, Scut received payment of 20s for repairing ladies’ garments with 4¾ yards (4.3 m) of crimson tinsel satin.93 On 14 December 1531 Scut was given £28 6s 4d by George Tailor from the king’s privy purse ‘for making of Apparell for my lady Anne’.94 At the time of her death, Anne Boleyn owed Scut £24 16s 1d and, as with Catherine of Aragon, he was not working alone. Anne was also in debt to John Malt, the king’s tailor.95 In 1536 Scut’s professional standing was acknowledged when he became master of the Merchant Taylors’ company.96 Scut was tailor to Anne of Cleves and he received wages of 50s at Midsummer, Michaelmas and Christmas 1539.97 Little is known about his personal circumstances. He was widowed in the summer of 1537 and on 23 June John Husee wrote telling Lady Lisle that ‘Mr Skutt has buried his wife’.98 Lady Lisle was not his only private client. A paper roll with three leaves titled ‘Skutt the tailors book’ lists a number of items made up for ‘my lady Latymer’ (shortly to become Henry VIII’s last queen) and her stepdaughter in 1543.99 In 1547 Scut’s role as queen’s tailor was acknowledged by his receipt of black livery at the king’s funeral.100 The differentiation of skills between cutting cloth and pinning and stitching the resulting pieces can be seen in the payment made to Thomas Staunton, the queen’s cutter, who worked for Elizabeth of York. He received a reward of 6s 8d from the great wardrobe in 1487.101 This is the only specific reference to a specialist cutter being employed within the great wardrobe, but it does highlight that the most skilled part of the tailor’s work lay in the ability to cut out, or shape, garments, so creating new fashionable styles while making the most efficient use of the cloth. In the accounts, the references to the production of garments usually refer to payments for making. However, a set of accounts listing clothes made in 1546 for Princess Mary include a number of payments for cutting, including: cutting of a pair of sleeves of tawny velvet and drawn of tawny sarsenet 5s cutting of a pair of sleeves of purple velvet and drawn of purple sarsenet 5s cutting of a pair of sleeves of crimson velvet and drawn of crimson sarsenet 5s.102

While the queen’s tailor undertook most of the work on her wardrobe, James Worsley’s wardrobe book indicates that Scut received help from John Wheler. Wheler made and lined gowns for Princess Mary as well as making kirtles for Catherine of Aragon. All told, he is known to have made 11 garments for mother and daughter, ordered on four occasions between 30 September 1518 and 7 October 1520. Richard Justice, the yeoman of the queen’s robes, also received cloth from Worsley to make and trim gowns for the queen and princess in June and August 1518. Scut undertook work for Mary too. In January 1543 a payment of 16d was made to ‘John Scuttes man for his costes comyng from london’.103

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the king’s hosier

the king’s skinner

In the first half of the sixteenth century hose became increasingly complex garments. As a consequence, specialist hosiers developed alongside tailors, some of whom still continued to make hose. Hosiers made a variety of types of hose, including ‘almain’ hose. The hosier liaised closely with the king’s tailor as doublets and hose were often made as matching pairs. Hose were also made to match jerkins. The standard fabric allowance made to the king’s hosier for a pair of upper stocks was 1¼ yards (1.1 m), as in the case of ‘a yerde quarter of cloth of gold after baudkyn for the stocking of a payr of hose for the kinges grace’ [A387] in April 1518. From 1498–99 until 1505–06 Thomas Mount provided hose, including ready-made hose for Henry VII’s household. However, a man called William Croughton or William hosier appears in the great wardrobe accounts for 1504–05 and 1505–06 making hose for the king. Croughton also features in all of Henry VIII’s accounts, starting with the account from 1510–11. A payment of £4 made to Davy Francis, the king’s hosier, on Whit Sunday 1514 for his whole year’s wages, ‘as received by the late William Croughton’, suggests that there were two William Croughtons, probably father and son, who held the office.104 In March 1521 Croughton’s wages, which had been paid daily at a rate of 2d, were then paid quarterly (15s 2d).105 However, as the reign advanced his wages increased. Croughton received quarter wages of 35s at Lady Day 1539.106 On 9 October 1539, Croughton’s house in St Giles in the Fields burnt down and he lost goods to the value of £200. To assist him, Henry VIII licensed him to collect alms through England and Wales.107 Occasionally other hosiers are mentioned in the royal accounts. In 1530 John Pyne, hosier, made three pairs of hose for Weston, three pairs for Mark, six pairs for the two Williams, three pairs for Philip’s boy, two pairs for Henry Ellis and three pairs for Patch, at 5s per pair, with a total cost of £5.108 The revels account for 23 August 1519 included a payment of 8s to Gabriel the French hosier for making four pairs of hose for Frenchmen.109

The first king’s skinner was appointed in 1405 and his name was Henry Barton. His role was to supply or purvey the furs required by the king and his household and to oversee the work being undertaken by skinners employed within the great wardrobe. He received a fee of 12d a day and livery.115 Like the royal tailors, the skinners could be required to work through the night to get clothes ready in time. John Ryng was given 8s 4d for fuel for the cutters, skinners and other workers working in the winter time in the great wardrobe.116 In some instances, the skinner evidently undertook the preparation of the skins, as the accounts include payments for tawing. For example, a bill for work carried out by Nicholas Barley for Henry VII in the first year of his reign includes payments of 100s for making a lining of ermine for a purple velvet gown, £22 10s for 22½ timbers of ermine and 22s 6d for tawing the skins.117 However, there were also specialists such as John Massey, the tawyer, who was paid 40s for tawing seven timbers of whole sables at 5s the timber.118 The skinners also periodically provided damask powder used to scent the furs and keep them clean. As indicated above, some work with furs could be undertaken by tailors, such as the insertion of linings or the addition of fur borders. Consequently, disputes could arise between tailors and skinners over who had the right to fur garments. In 1555 the lord deputy in Ireland had to intervene in such a dispute, ruling that it was illegal for a tailor to undertake such work.119 Sixteenth-century skinners worked with quite a small range of furs. These included budge, sable, coney and lynx. Some of the skins were small — the usable section of a sable skin measures 12 × 3½ in. (0.30 × 0.09 m) — meaning that large numbers were required to fur a full garment, so making full fur linings were very labour intensive to make. On 26 December 1517 Thomas Jenyn received 80 budge skins that were ‘delyuerd by the kinges commandement . . . for a mantell of purpull tylsent for the king’ [A354]. A black satin gown that was furred with sable for the king had 110 skins for the front, 130 for the back, 64 for the upperstocks and breeches, 32 for the fore-sleeves and 14 for the cape and collar.120 The skins were usually stitched together using silk thread, and they were sometimes stitched onto canvas to give them extra strength. The edges of large sections of fur could be bound with strips of fine leather. On 10 November and 4 December 1485 Nicholas Barley, skinner of London, received grants of the sergeant skinnership with wages from Michaelmas of that year.121 He was succeeded by Thomas Jenyn, also a London skinner, who was appointed as the king’s skinner with 12d a day, on the death of Barley, from 6 November 1511.122 On 9 April 1514 Sir John Dauntsey paid Jenyn £54 8s for furs bought for the king in Calais.123 While there, he furred three gowns: a gown of russet velvet with black ermine at £5 6s 8d for the fur, a gown of yellow velvet with libard wombs at £17 13s 4d for the fur, and a gown of white velvet with powdered ermine costing £31 8s for the fur. On his death in August 1518 his widow wound up his affairs. James Worsley’s inventory included an entry for ‘Item xiij fyne bugie skynnes. Mistress Jenyns must answer for

the queen’s hosier The hose made for women differed from those supplied for men. In essence, the hose for women were like stockings or long socks, and they could be made either from woollen cloth or by knitting.110 It is possible to trace the names of some of the queen’s hosiers, but little is known of their careers. While he is never named as her hosier, in November 1502 Thomas Humberston, hosier, supplied the cloth and made up seven pairs of socks for Elizabeth of York at a price of 6d a pair.111 In 1536 Thomas Hardy was named as Anne Boleyn’s hosier in the list of debts of her wardrobe of the robes. He was owed 22s.112 Robert Hardy was described as hosier to Anne of Cleves when he received wages of £4 18s on 11 May 1540.113 He was also hosier to Catherine Parr.114

the royal artificers theim’ [B327]. Jenyn worked in close association with John Ring who worked in the great wardrobe from 1483, selling furs to the crown. Ryng played a very important role in preparing the furs for Henry VIII’s coronation. In 1514 Ring undertook all of the work on Mary Tudor’s trousseau, and he died in 1516.124 In 1516 Nicholas Jenyn, leather dresser of London, was described in a list of fees and annuities as the king’s leather dresser and as being in receipt of £18 5s a year for life.125 In the same year, Jenyn was listed on a bill of receipt by Dauntsey as paying £6 for a year’s rent of the king’s armoury in Tower Street, presumably, as his place of business.126 On 22 September 1518 he received a grant of the office of the king’s leather dresser or sergeant furrier, after the death of Thomas Jenyn, with 12d a day.127 In 1523 he was elected as an alderman of the Skinners’ company, but he was exempted from office as he was not worth £1,000. However, by the time of his death in 1533 he owned property in at least nine London parishes, and throughout the home counties and a manor in Surrey.128 On 23 April 1533 Jenyn was succeeded by Thomas Addington as ‘the king’s leather dresser, alias sergeant of the pelletria’.129 However, as with his predecessors, he had been undertaking work for the king prior to his appointment as king’s skinner. On 30 December 1530 he had been paid £80 8s 8d ‘for furres & furring of my lady Annes gownes’.130 In the following year he was paid £40 15s 8d for work undertaken for Anne.131 His wife, Catherine, also undertook work for the great wardrobe, and on Addington’s death in December 1543 she succeeded him as king’s skinner.132 In April 1544 Catherine and Thomas Addington (posthumously) bought the lordship of the manor of Harlow in Essex, along with the rectory there and other property for £1,549 14s 10d.133 In February 1546 Catherine Addington and Richard Brykett, skinner of London, were granted the office of the king’s skinner in survivorship. Catherine was granted the fee of 12d a day.134 The scale of her business with the king is further indicated by a document signed by the stamp in August 1546 which authorised the treasurer of the tenths to pay her £781 147s 2d ‘for stuff and workmanship delivered to your Majesty’s use before Michaelmas last’.135

the queen’s skinner The nature of the female wardrobe meant that the queen’s skinner had a much more limited range of garments to work with than the king’s skinner. The work consisted chiefly of furring gowns, sleeves and buskins, taking out and putting in fur linings, making fur bonnets and trimming garments with fur (Fig. 19.4). In 1485 Richard Storey was listed as skinner to Elizabeth of York, but the patchy nature of the accounts reveals little about the work he undertook.136 The same is true of Richard Hanchet who in 1520 was listed as skinner to Catherine of Aragon when he received livery of 4½ yards (4.1 m) of tawny broad cloth for a gown.137 It is very likely that Thomas Addington was Anne Boleyn’s skinner, because he was listed as being owed money (£29 19s 2d) in her wardrobe of the robes at the time of her execution.138 Addington was

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19.4 Lady Butts wears a fur-trimmed loose gown over her kirtle. Lady Butts, by Hans Holbein the Younger. Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston

also skinner to Catherine Parr, as is shown by a payment for his work made to his widow.139

the king’s embroiderer The embroiderers in the king’s service undertook a range of different embroidery techniques and produced a variety of items, including embroidered motifs, often with heraldic overtones, such as roses, garters and initials. These motifs could be made up in advance of when they were needed. Earlier extant examples of motifs of this sort include a badge of the order of the Dragon worked in couched gold or gilt metal thread and in the context of a whole garment, on the ‘Eagle Dalmatic’ which forms part of the regalia made in c. 1320.140 Comparable pieces appeared in the wardrobe of the robes in 1547, including ‘twoo crownes embrawderid vppon crimesen vellut’ (14548), a fleur-de-lis worked in the same way (14549) and ‘iij skutchions embrodrid with tharmes of Inglonde & Castell’ (14550). Appliqué and couched thread work were also used to decorate the king’s own clothes, revels costumes and furnishings. In addition, royal embroiderers undertook repairs, as in the case of ⅜ yard (0.33 m) of plain cloth of gold being delivered to William Mortimer ‘for mending of the bordors of enbraudry of iij doblettes & iij Jaquettes for ye king’ [A501].

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The embroiderers’ working methods are hinted at in the payments made for Henry VII’s coronation. Cristian Peynter received 20s ‘for devising of xij trappours of the kinges armes, portred on papir with diuers colours for the brauderers and the hexmenes jaketts’.141 Further details are provided in letters sent to Lady Lisle. On 19 June 1539 John Husee told her about her sleeves: wherin with the broiderer’s advice I shall do my best. Yet the pattern your Ladyship shall understand, will serve no purpose, as far as I can see, for it is too little for the whole sleeve and too large for the half sleeve. I will not be too busy in cutting of it till I see the broiderer’s ways; of which, if it frame not to my purpose, shall not be cut till I know further of your Ladyship’s pleasure.142

The embroiderer engaged by Lady Lisle was William Ibgrave, the king’s embroiderer who travelled to Calais, and ‘he will signify your ladyship, I doubt not, at his coming to Calais’. Ibgrave did not undersell himself: ‘the broiderer will have no less for his labour than xxs . . . he hath promised to do it as well as any man can do it’.143 While the king had one royal tailor, he regularly appointed a pair of craftmen to the office of the king’s embroiderer. In December 1485 William Moreton, citizen and mercer, vestment maker and embroiderer, and William More were granted the office of the king’s embroiderer in survivorship.144 Following Morton’s death, More enjoyed the office solo until on 3 October 1518 he surrendered his patent of 6 December 1509 in favour of a new one, naming him in survivorship with William Mortimer.145 A year later, on 2 October 1519, More gave up his interest. In March 1528 Mortimer was joined by William Ibgrave.146 Mortimer died in the next 15 months and Ibgrave remained in office until the king’s death in January 1547. The embroiderer was paid at a rate of 1s a day. Other individuals also feature in the accounts. For example, on 7 September 1516, Thomas Forster was paid £84 13s for embroidering certain pieces of horse harness which were sent to the emperor.147 Foster was listed as an embroiderer in Worsley’s wardrobe book where he undertook a small amount of work between May and December 1520. His commissions included bases and trappers for three men at arms decorated with 25 yards (22.8 m) of cloth of silver, and a gift of collars and muzzles for mastiffs made from 1¼ yards (1.1 m) of crimson velvet sent to Francis I. William Mortimer appears in Worsley’s wardrobe book as receiving 4 yards (3.6 m) of tawny cloth of gold on satin damask for embroidery on a mantle on 24 December 1516 [A371]. The last amount of embroidery recorded by him in the book was in May 1520 when he received ½ yard (0.45 m) of purple velvet for an embroidered border on a cloth of estate [A1170]. In all of the entries listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book, Mortimer was undertaking an appliqué technique because he was supplied with cloth in all cases. He was given cloth of gold and velvet for embellishing the king’s clothes and satin for making embroidered roses and crowns to decorate coats for the yeomen of the guard. On 31 December 1516 he received 6¼ yards (5.7 m) of crimson satin for roses and crowns to put on 120 coats for the guard [A1190]. On 8 July 1518 Mortimer received payment for embroidering three red satin coats at 5s each and the breast of a doublet of crimson satin ‘with pearls of damask, gold and silver’ for

the king’s own wear, costing 26s 8d. He also worked on a pair of hose to the same doublet, costing 26s 8d, and quilted a night cap of black satin for the king, 2s.148 In 1520 he made a mule harness in anticipation of Charles V’s visit to Calais.149 Eight years later, he is mentioned in the accounts of the treasurer of the chamber for embroidering 62 coats of red cloth for the guard with roses and the crown imperial at 5s each, and for 5 yards (4.5 m) of crimson satin for the roses at 8s the yard and 2 yards (1.8 m) of white bridges satin at 4s the yard and 24 ells (16.5 m) of canvas at 5d the ell, costing £18 4s.150 In 1529 his executors, William Botry, Richard Gresham, John Malt and Ralph Worsley, received £491 2s 1d owed by the king for velvets, silks and embroidery.151 By July 1529 William Ibgrave was listed as the king’s embroiderer in the treasurer of the chamber’s accounts for embroidering coats of red cloth.152 In January 1530 he received £21 3s 4d for embroidery for the king and nearly three years later he was paid £257 5s 4d for embroidery.153 For special commissions Ibgrave incorporated jewels and pearls into his designs for the king. A list of items delivered to Thomas Alvard on 16 November 1534 included ‘a doublet of crimson velvet Inbroyderyd with cordons of gold the forslevys and placard garnysshed with eighteen gret Emerodys set in gold and twenty and nyne letters of gold and in euery of them nyne perlys’.154 On 10 May 1536 he signed a receipt for 516 pearls from the king, to be bestowed upon his doublet and the queen’s sleeves, and the rest to be returned to the king.155 A little over a month later, Ibgrave received 1,562 pearls to decorate ‘the hinder part’ of the queen’s kirtle.156 He also signed a receipt for 18 emeralds and 29 letters of I [that is for Jane], each containing nine pearls, all set in gold to be put upon the foresleeves and placard of a doublet delivered by Anthony Denny.157 He could also undertake work for the king’s children. In April 1540 Princess Mary ‘payed to the kinges Braudrer for Enbraudring a Cote for the Prince grace 54s 4d’.158 On 6 May 1540 he was paid £391 9s 4d upon a warrant by John Gostwick for work in preparation for the arrival of Anne of Cleves.159 Five years later he got £71 for embroidering coats for the yeomen of the guard, footmen, four ordinary messengers and others.160 A month later in January 1546, he was paid the extraordinarily high figure of £698 3s 2d ‘for stuff and workmanship employed upon your Majesty’s apparel’.161 Like John Malt, William Ibgrave prospered sufficiently to become a country gentleman with a domicile at Abbots Langley in Hertfordshire.162 In May 1540 he received a grant of the rectory and church there for £460 10s 10d.163 Three years later in July 1543 he received a grant in fee for £87 2s 3d of lands elsewhere in the country.164 A number of other embroiderers were working in London, many of whom were not English. In May 1524 Guillaume Breyllant of London, an embroiderer and a native of Normandy, was granted denization, while in June Martin Graunde, embroiderer, native of Tournai, received denization.165 However, there was work for English-born embroiderers too. In March 1530 the treasurer of the chamber’s accounts record a payment of £126 9d to Stephen Humble, embroiderer, ‘for embroiderings’ made for the king.166 In the following year Stephen, described simply as the king’s embroiderer, received £100 from the privy purse on his bill which was paid

the royal artificers on 9 April 1531.167 While some tasks were small, as in the case of a payment on 12 January 1531 of 40s made to ‘one peter Chadwyke, the kinges enbrawderer’, others could provide longer-term employment.168 On June 1538 Edmund Hodgeson, embroiderer, was paid on a warrant of 18 April 1538 for 6d a day for a quarter from 2 April to 30 June, 45s.169

the queen’s embroiderer The evidence is uneven, but what there is suggests that Henry’s queens often had several embroiderers in their service at any one time. The bulk of their work would have been to decorate clothes made for the queen or to make badges to place on her household’s livery. Like the king’s embroiderer, the queen’s embroiderer could work for others. On 22 November 1533 Leonard Smith wrote to Lady Lisle to tell her that ‘I have also this day . . . delivered your frontlet to the Queen’s broiderer, who saith you shall have one of other fashion shortly after Christmas, to be at your pleasure and commandment’.170 Three weeks later he assured Lady Lisle that the frontlet would reach her, and in the meantime he enclosed the bond from the queen’s embroiderer.171 Robinet was embroiderer to Elizabeth of York. In November and December 1502 he received payments of £6 18s 11d and 113s 1d to reimburse him for money spent on wages for embroiderers and others working on the ‘Queen’s rich bed’, and on 2 January 1503 he claimed 30s for his house rent for three-quarters of a year, for a period ending in Christmas 1502.172 Shortly after Henry VIII’s accession he entered the service of Catherine of Aragon . He was paid for making fleurde-lis, great and small, wreathes, clouds, roses and rose buds of gold for nine jackets for the henchmen, which were ordered on 15 November 1509.173 No further references to the queen’s embroiderer have been discovered until 1520 when Arnold Lock was described as holding the post.174 A payment of 22s 6d was made to him for 4½ yards (4.1 m) of tawny broad cloth for a gown. In parallel with his work for the king, William Ibgrave also worked for Anne Boleyn long before she became queen: on 16 April 1531 the king settled on her behalf a bill from Ibgrave for £18 14s 9d.175 Ibgrave was one of the three embroiderers, along with Guillaume Brellant and Stephen Humble, to whom she owed money to at the time of her execution. She owed Ibrgave, Brellant and Humble £31 2s 6d, £10 4s 8d and £13 13s 4d respectively.176 Ibgrave and Brellant are both mentioned as embroiderers in Anne of Cleve’s accounts.177 Brellant then went on to embroider for Catherine Parr.178 While he is never named as Catherine Parr’s embroiderer, two quite substantial payments were made to him in her bills recorded in the 1547 inventory: ‘an acquitaunce of Cxxli paid to Guillam the Embroderer’ (17752) and ‘an Acquitaunce of William Smithe broderer for Cli receaued of Sir Anthonie Coope knight to the behalfe of Gillam Braibot the Emborderer’ (17760). He continued to be engaged by the royal family. In 1559, he was listed as working for Elizabeth I’s

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coronation, along with William Middleton and David Smith.179

the king’s silk woman Notwithstanding the assertion that royal silk women did not exist until the reign of Mary I, such women can be traced back to the reign of Richard III.180 Of these, Alice Claver supplied 6 oz (170 g) of red ribbon for the coronation of Henry VII.181 Even so, very little is known about how the silk women were organised for business purposes. However, it has been demonstrated that they did work together in order to protect their business interests. In particular, the silk women sought to prevent the import of twined silk and ready-made silk goods such as laces and ribbons.182 The silk women mainly bought the raw silk from the mercers which they then made into a range of small, fancy goods including buttons, laces, ribbons, fringe and tassels. However, other activities that silk women were associated with were highlighted in the 1547 inventory: ‘a litle purse of lether with iiij Registre pynnes whereof twoo Silke womens worke’ (2587) and ‘one Coiffe Venice golde Sylkewomans worke’ (8730). Elizabeth Langton was listed as the king’s silk woman in Henry VII’s accounts for 1502–03, 1504–05 and 1505–06. She was perhaps the widow of Thomas Langton who had supplied the king with silk in 1498–99. Thomas and Elizabeth provided a range of goods including bonnets, buttons, frontlets, girdles, lacing ribbon, round silk ribbon, silk laces, silk points, sipers and tassels (Fig. 19.5). The name Elizabeth Langton does not recur after 1506, but the appearance early in Henry VIII’s reign of Elizabeth Worship, the king’s silk woman in 1510–11, suggests that in the interval she may have married, or more likely, remarried. Elizabeth Worship appears as the king’s silk woman in the accounts for 1510–11, 1516–17, 1517–18, 1520– 21 and 1523–25. Her career overlapped with that of Catherine Worship who figures in the accounts for 1523–25 and 1526– 27, on the latter occasion with John Worship. From 1527–39 Lettice Worship features and in 1540 she received £177 10s from John Gostwick in connection with Anne of Cleves.183 From the rehearsal of the facts it is tempting to see Catherine, John and Lettice of the children of Elizabeth Worship, née Langton. Catherine Addington, wife of Thomas Addington of London, and widow of Thomas Jenyn, was granted the room of silk woman to the king on 25 May 1524.184 However, she was not listed in her own right in the great wardrobe accounts as the king’s skinner, until after the death of her second husband in 1543–44. Anne and Agnes Grey are also listed in the account for 1543–44. They supplied a very similar range of goods including arming points, buttons, cord, Guernsey hose, hose, needles, passamayne, English ribbon, ribbon for stocks, shirts for day and night and silk thread. They may make been related but it is also possible that Agnes was an alias used by Anne. A warrant dated September 1545 allowed William and Anne Grey £1,158 13s for stuff delivered to the great wardrobe in the year ending Michaelmas 1544 which was paid to Sir John Williams for land they had bought.185

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the royal artificers

the queen’s silk woman

19.5 Many of the silk tassels were highly decorative, as indicated by this design for a tassel, by Hans Holbein the Younger. 5308.125, reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

Under Elizabeth I the provision of silk, which until then had almost exclusively been a preserve for entrepreneurial women, was taken over by men. In his description of England, William Harrison observed, ‘And untill the tenth or twelfe yeere of Queene Elizabeth there were but few silke shoppes in London, and those few were onely kept by women, and maide servants, and not by men, so now they are’.186 A hint of when this process began can be found in the 1526–27 and 1527–28 great wardrobe accounts when John Worship traded as a silk man. While silk points were integral to the king’s wardrobe, the warrants for Henry VIII’s henchmen, for example, include references to the provision of leather points, which had formed a staple of the male wardrobe in the previous century. On 21 June 1461 John Skirwith, leather seller of London, was appointed as serjeant point maker (factor ligularum) to Edward IV.187 However, no comparable appointments were made by the Tudor kings. Even so, leather points were still made by specialists such as Robert Grisely of London, leather seller and point maker, who either sold them directly to the great wardrobe or through the aegis of a middleman.188

The queen’s wardrobe also provided a number of opportunities for silk women. For example, Agnes Bretayn of London received £23 16s from Elizabeth of York’s privy purse on 3 July 1502 for 9 lb 11 oz (4.4 kg) of Venice gold.189 On 3 October 1502 Mistress Bourne sold the queen laces, ribbons and sarsenet for girdles at Langley costing 40s.190 In addition, a man called Friar Hercules provided gold and then made a lace and buttons for Henry VII’s garter mantle, for which Elizabeth paid 100s.191 While she is not named as such in the privy purse accounts, Mistress Lock may have been the queen’s silk woman. She provided a range of items falling within the silk woman’s remit. On 25 May 1502 Edmund Calvard, page of the queen’s chamber, received 8d for going from Richmond to London to collect bonnets for the queen from Mistress Lock.192 In addition, on 31 January 1503 she received £20 in part payment of a bill of £60 6s 5d for frontlets, bonnets and other stuff.193 While no specific person was described as the queen’s silk woman, several women supplied Catherine of Aragon with ribbons and silk: they were Alice Burley, Isobel Burgess and Elizabeth Worship. At the time of Anne Boleyn’s death, a small group of silk women were listed in the accounts of her wardrobe of the robes: Mistress Curtis, Mistress Keling and Mistress Philips. They were owed respectively £5 19s 4d, £1 2s 10d and 10s 8d.194 On hearing that Anne Boleyn was looking for a new silk woman in May 1533, Stephen Vaughan wrote to Cromwell about his wife, suggesting that, ‘I suppose no woman can better trim her grace’.195 When Anne Boleyn did not engage her, Vaughan wrote again: ‘I recommend my wife to your care in my absence. She devised certain works for the Queen, which were neither seen, nor was she thanked for them. Please remember her with her Grace. In her faculty she can serve her better than any other woman in the realm.’196 Vaughan’s persistance paid off and his wife became one of the silk women working for Anne of Cleves.197 She also served Catherine Parr in the same capacity. She supplied goods to Catherine’s wardrobe (£186 12s 5d), to her stable (£128 13s 6d), to her tailor (16s), to her coffer maker (62s 8½d) and her embroiderer (65s 3½d).198 Mistress Shakerley also supplied goods worth £56 4s 7d. Unfortunately, Catherine Parr was not a punctual payer. On 9 December 1544, two months after his wife’s death, Vaughan complained to Secretary Paget that ‘The Queen owes him about £360 for labour and stuff of his wife’s, wherein she spent her life, and has owed it since her first being queen’.199 He explained that, ‘The Queen also owes him more money than he can well forbear: for although at the auditing of his wife’s account, the Queen’s Council abated a good portion of it, he still remains unpaid’.200 He was still seeking settlement when on 7 January 1546 he asked Paget: ‘I pray you help my reasonable desires, that, whilst my wife died and lost her life with painful serving, I be not all together forgotten.’201 The vacancy caused by Margery Vaughan’s death was filled by Mistress Shakerley. In the 1547 she is mentioned as Catherine Parr’s silk woman in an ‘Acquitaunce of iiijxx li paied by sir Anthonie Coope knight to mestres

the royal artificers

329

Shakerley the quenes silkewoman in parte of paimente of Cxxxvjli iijs ob’ (17758).

The minor artificers of the royal wardrobe: the king’s armourer to his spurrier The range of crafts employed within the great wardrobe and listed on the king’s warrants varied over time, reflecting the decline of some specialisms and the emergence and development of others. Under Richard III the main crafts involved were the tailor, skinner, embroiderer, painter and silk woman.202 A century later they were tailors, embroiderers, skinners, farthingale makers, cappers, hatters and hood makers, hosiers, shoe makers, glovers, pinners, silk women and silk men, cutlers, coffer makers and coach makers.203 The accounts from the great wardrobe during the reign of Henry VIII tell us much about the artificers who created and maintained the king’s wardrobe, and an overview of their activities, is given below.

the king’s armourer Armour was an essential part of a Renaissance prince’s wardrobe. It was required for tournaments and warfare. It was also an item for the younger man rather than the older. Following a serious jousting accident in January 1536 Henry VIII only wore armour twice again, for the spectacular May day jousts in 1540 when he did not participate and for the French campaign in 1544 when he took three complete sets of armour with him (Fig. 19.6).204 Bespoke plate armour was a very expensive commodity. By the early sixteenth century the best armourers throughout Europe were largely dependent upon princely patronage. In England, although armourers were working in York and elsewhere, London was paramount in armour production. In 1347 the guild of helmet makers or heaumers had been established and in 1453 the Armourers’ company received its royal charter.205 But, even with royal support, the native armourers in London were unable to compete with European craftsmen. Consequently, Henry VIII invited men from abroad to set up two court armouries at Greenwich. In 1511 he secured two groups of armourers: one from Milan under the leadership of Filippo de Grampis and Giovanni Angelo de Littis and the other from Brussels, headed by Peter Fevers and Jacob de Watte.206 The king, who prided himself on his physical prowess, needed the best armour to compete at the jousts and tournaments held at his court. It was part of the creation and maintenance of his magnificent, martial image. He succeeded. In October 1518 Sebastiano Giustinian described the presents Henry gave to the French ambassadors as being ‘most liberal’. The gifts included a suit of armour that ‘the French themselves say they never saw anything finer’.207

19.6 This suit of armour for field and tournament is one of three that Henry VIII took on the 1544 French campaign. Front view, made in Greenwich, 1540. The Royal Armouries, Leeds. © The Board of Trustees of the Armouries. Also see Figure 1.8

The king’s armourers were provided with his livery. On 1 May 1515, John Blewbery received £11 8s 2d for 11 gowns, coats and pairs of hose bought for 11 Almain armourers.208 In addition, the Almain armourers were well paid. Erasmus Kirkener, the chief armourer, received £17 a year, the junior armourers and the mill men were paid £15 and the apprentices had £9 each.209 In 1539–40 the annual costs of the king’s armoury led by Kirkener were £308 8s 4d.210 The wages, livery and materials supplied for a further 12 armourers cost £303 4s 4d. Their materials consisted of 16 bundles of steel, a hide of buff leather and a cowhide a month, a hundred weight of iron a month, four loads of charcoal a month for both shops, 15 lb (6.8 kg) of wisp steel at 4d the lb, 12 lb of wire at 4d and nails and (5.44 kg) buckles costing 5s. From these supplies they were expected to produce 32 full sets of armour and these were

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the royal artificers

to be priced at £12 each.211 For their livery, they all received 4 yards (3.6 m) of broad cloth and 3 yards (2.7 m) of kersey. In November 1530 Sir Edward Guildford, master of the armoury, received apparel for 18 armourers costing £23 8s, while in May 1541 Sir John Dudley was given £26 to buy gowns, doublets and hose for 20 armourers.212 The correct fit of the armour was vital for the safety and comfort of the wearer. At the start of the reign, Henry VIII sent clothing to the armourer commissioned to produce a set. But after he had his own armourers, they took measurements from him in person or consulted closely with his tailor. On 3 February 1515 Cardinal Wolsey informed the duke of Suffolk that Henry said, in response to the duke’s request for armour, ‘it is impossible to make a perfect headpiece for you, unless that the manner of making your sight were assuredly known’.213 There were other, less sophisticated ways to ensure a better fit, as indicated by a list of items provided for the earl of Northumberland during the siege of Terouenne, including ‘a trussing boulster of white fustian for my Lord to were abowt his myddel under his harness, for berrying up of the currese’.214 On 16 March 1520 Sir Richard Wingfield reported to Henry VIII how Francis I had received the gift of a sword sent by him. Francis thought ‘for the nimble handling whereof he hath or knoweth no feat, but thought it not maniable’. He had been told a gauntlet made the handling easier and asked for one. In exchange, he asked Henry to send him one of his arming doublets in order to make him a pair of cuirasses, ‘the

secret whereof was only for the easy bearing and sustaining of the weight of such pieces as rest upon the cuirass, which is most commonly borne upon the shoulders; and it this sort of cuirass, the shoulders should not sustain the burden’.215 When Henry was slow to oblige, Francis became impatient. On 18 April Wingfield noted that he ‘looketh daily to receive from him as well his measure for the making of the cuirass as also to receive the vauntbrasse and gauntlet’.216 Armourers worked in conjunction with other craftsmen, especially when it came to decorating their work. Artists provided the designs to be etched or engraved onto the armour, while goldsmiths applied the decoration. In 1513 Robert Amadas was paid £462 4s 2d for gilding a headpiece and a sallet for the king and for setting it with gemstones.217 Armour decorated in a range of styles, including gilding, was worn at the jousts to celebrate Henry’s coronation: ‘Thys daye was alsoo shewid dyvers devysis of armour as soom of whyte and grene chekeryd Soom of blak palyd with gold, soom alle Reed, and soom all grene, and the harnys whichh the sayd Charlys Brandon that day turnayed in, was alle ovyr gylt from the hede pese unto the Sabatons.’218 On 28 May 1516 Henry wrote to John Heron, treasurer of the chamber, informing him that he had made a bargain with Paul van Urelande, harness gilder for making, engraving, gilding and silvering of a barb, saddle and neckpiece for a horse ‘according unto a complete harness which of late he made for our body’ (Fig. 19.7). Urelande was to supply all of the materials including the gold, silver, coal and quicksilver and pay the wages of the workmen. In return

19.7 The Burgundian Bard is a very fine example of early sixteenth-century horse armour. It was given to Henry VIII by Maximilian I and made by Martin van Royne and decorated by Paul van Vrelant. It is probably Flemish, c. 1510. VI.6–12, The Royal Armouries, Leeds. © The Board of Trustees of the Armouries

the royal artificers he received £200 for his labour which was to be paid in instalments.219 Plate armour could have textile components, such as velvet linings for targets (shields made of wooden laths covered with iron plates). Henry owned several examples, including ‘a faier great Targette of Stele grauen and guilte fringed with golde & lyned with crymsyn vellat’ (8236).220 Morions, a form of open brimmed helmet, could be covered with textile that could be embellished with pirled gold, passamayne or embroidery. The Greenwich armoury in the charge of Erasmus Kirkener housed examples covered in crimson, yellow, black and blue velvet (8362–66) and crimson satin (8361). On 21 April 1545 ‘The Kynges Majesties Boke’, the accounts of Erasmus Kirkener, from 15 September 1536 to 13 October 1545 included a range of items made for ‘lords and gentlemen by the king’s command’, for complete harness both for tilt and field or just the field, the former costing £10–£12 and the latter costing £8. It included an order for the earl of Derby, ‘being young of age [for] a complete harness for his own body at that time the which the King’s majesty did give him, he paying for the stuff’, 40s. Other orders included a pair of ‘synggell curettes’ costing 26s for Henry Knyvet and a coat of plates costing £4 for Michael Stanhope.221 Additional entries dating from 1544–45 included a full harness for the earl of Surrey for £8, the ‘fore parte of a payre of curtyes’ costing 20s and a complete harness for the duke of Norfolk, £8. The names of the office holders suggest that none were English by birth. Rouland Depontien was described as ‘our brigandine maker’ when on 8 April 1496 he was granted letters patent and an annual fee of £10 for ‘services done before this’.222 On 5 February 1504 John Depounde, otherwise called Crochet, was appointed to the office of the king’s armourer with £20 a year, previously held by Vincent Tuteler, now deceased.223 William Gurre received his grant of office in November 1511 when he was appointed to be the king’s brigendarius with £10 a year, during pleasure.224 On 26 May 1513 he was paid £99 14s by John Dauntsey for 36 items, including carriage and cleaning of harness between December 1512 and April 1513. He also covered the cost of bringing 22 sets of armour to Greenwich by boat on the eve of St George’s day and 35 on the following Tuesday.225 Gurre often worked on large orders of armour for the king. In October 1512 he received payment for making clean and workmanship on certain harness delivered to the Mary and John. This was linked to payments to Leonard Frescobaldi for 177 pairs of Almain rivets delivered to Gurre at 11s a pair.226 In September 1513 he sold much of the armour seized at Flodden, but 350 pieces remained unsold and were left by him with the sheriff of Nottingham.227 The accounts of the wardrobe of the robes for 1523–24 include a payment of 64s for 8 yards (8 m) of black satin for a jacket for ‘Willimo Armerer’.228 In February 1527 he was succeeded by John Gurre, possibly his son or brother, with the same fees.229 However, little more has been discovered about John Gurre’s career. Erasmus Kirkener was made armourer for the body in November 1519 with an annuity of £10.230 The break in the surviving chamber accounts means that little is recorded about him until 16 January 1531 when he was paid £19 2s 8d

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out of the privy purse for his bill.231 On 13 October 1536 payments were made to him for employing 18 armourers at 6d the day from 15 September to 13 October 1536, ‘in the scouring, leathering and buckling of the harnesses’ brought from the Crowned Key in Southwark to the tiltyard armoury ‘when the rising was in the North parts’, at a cost of £3 13s.232 In October 1541 a writ was issued to the treasurer and chamberlains of the exchequer for the arrears of his annuity of £10.233 By 1547 he was responsible for the armoury at Greenwich which was one of specialist armouries that came under the charge of Sir Thomas Darcy, master of the armouries.234

the king’s bit maker The king’s bit maker was a specialist craftsman who supplied bits for the horse kept by the king. Very little information is recorded about the types of bits supplied, other than they usually had decorative bosses which sometimes had slots in. Their design was a subject of interest: in 1520 the expenses of Sir Edward Guildford included 8d for ‘painting the pattern of a bit’.235 A few examples were recorded in the 1547 inventory and they are very similar in description to those listed in the great wardrobe accounts: ‘one Bitte of Counterphet Damaskine worke with bosses j’ (8181), ‘a Bytte grauen and guilte’ (8336) and ‘one Bytte for a horsse with gilte bosses’ (11596). Archaeological finds from London suggest that there was a wider variety of types including curb and snaffle bits.236 William Cristamed, or Tristmed, supplied bits to Henry VII and Henry VIII and he featured in 11 great wardrobe accounts between 1505–06 and 1538–39. Little information about the type of bit he provided is supplied. However, in 1531–32 he sold bits with bosses, mule bits, snaffles and watering bits, and in 1533–34 he supplied bits with slots for coursers and running snaffles for barbery horses, in addition to undertaking repairs. He may well be the William Crescent who was named as the king’s bit maker in 1542 when he was granted a licence to export 200 tuns of beer.237 He was not the only person to provide bits. William Stile sold bits, along with other items to the great wardrobe between 1502–03 and 1515–16. The king’s saddlers, Nicholas Mayor and Robert Acton, also supplied bits. Equally, at midsummer 1519 Guillam Breton, bit maker, received wages of 50s.238

the king’s coffer maker The Tudor royal household was itinerant. Its various departments were provided regularly with a broad range of packing materials in the form of coffers, cloth sacks and males.239 These coffers and chest were moved mainly by cart which were covered with cart canvases and barehides. Coffer makers supplied regular deliveries of these materials as part of the king’s warrants.240 They chiefly worked for the wardrobe of the robes and beds, along with the closet and the chapel.

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Coffers could be made to house particular items, as in the case of ‘one coffer . . . to put in hur graces plakards’, ‘on Juell coffer with xx drawing tylles and partycyons’, ‘a coffer with xij drawing tylles & a Rome a bowe to put yn yowr graces sleves’ and ‘on coffer for hur graces lyneng’.241 An extant example of a coffer of this type is provided by Lady Margaret Beaufort’s coffer at Westminster abbey (Fig. 8.2 and 8.3). The coffer is subdivided with 18 wooden partitions covered with blue, plain weave linen, while the inside of the coffer is lined with red linen. The coffer makers also undertook a range of related activities, such as covering and upholstering chairs. The names of two of Henry VIII’s coffer makers are known: Philip Evaker or Sewaker and William Green. In 1520 Philip Evaker made three short standard chests costing £9 and one long one costing £6 for the revels.242 He was described as ‘our coffer maker’ in a warrant dated 16 February 1522 when he supplied two standards, a coffer, a cloth sack and two ‘mayles’.243 By 8 February 1526 William Green was described as ‘a coffer maker’ and he was granted ‘a red coat of our livery’.244 A warrant dormant dated 8 February 1536 ordered a red livery coat for Green to be delivered annually at Michaelmas at a cost of 29s 6d.245 In 1539 Green gave the king ‘a small coffer couered with blakk veluet with H and R and Rooses and floure deluces’ as a New Year’s gift. In return he received a gilt cruse weighing 12⅜ oz (0.35 kg).246 The great wardrobe accounts record regular deliveries made by Green of coffers, chests and barehides to the offices of the wardrobe of the robes. Two of his accounts survive from 1545–46.247 He also supplied the king with close stools, as indicated by his bill from December 1546 for a close stool delivered to Sir Anthony Denny, including black velvet to cover it, 3 lb (1.36 kg) of down for padding the seat, elbows and side pieces, 2,000 gilt nails and 26 ‘bolyeon’ nails at 6d each, in total £4 10s 6d.248 There is also a bill from Elizabeth Slanning for silk fringe and ribbon delivered by her to Green for a close stool costing 27s 7½d.249 Other bespoke items included a standard for the king for keeping and carrying his crossbows costing £4 10s.250 The Green family continued to work in royal service under the later Tudors and transported into the service of James I in 1603.251

the queen’s coffer maker The queen’s coffer maker preformed much the same work for the queen as the king’s coffer maker did for the king. Indeed the two posts seem to have been performed by the same man. William Green was also coffer maker to Anne of Cleves.252 Later he served Catherine Parr in the same capacity.253

the king’s cordwainer Cordwainers worked with cordwain, which was a type of leather that had originated in Cordoba. Originally, in the eighth century, it had been made from mouflon, a native Spanish sheep breed, but by the sixteenth century it was more

commonly goat skin. There were several types including those tanned with sumac or alum and dyed, most particularly to produce scarlet leather by dying alum tawed skins with kermes. Cordwainers derived their name from the leather that they worked, and at one time they had produced a broad range of goods, but by the Tudor period they had specialised as shoe makers. The king’s cordwainer made shoes, boots and slippers, chiefly for the king, but he also provided footwear for certain groups within the royal household, such as the footmen, the henchmen and the officers of the royal hunts. The latter generally received double-soled shoes as these were more hardwearing.254 Sixteenth-century shoes had a fairly simple construction and were not durable. Fashionable shoes of the sort worn at Henry’s court would have been made from dyed goatskin or with textile uppers. The shoes of this period had a welted construction. The toes were round or more usually square and this feature became very exaggerated by the middle of Henry VIII’s reign, with shoes being over 6½ in. (0.17 m) wide. This style of shoe was known as a high shoe and they could fasten at the front with a buckle, toggle or lace. Lower cut shoes were also available with an ankle strap as a means of attaching them and a square or horned toe. By the 1550s the pointed toe started to become fashionable again. Leather shoes were often decorated either with slashing that usually ran parallel to the end of the toes, stamping, piercing or incising.255 Fur linings could be supplied for boots and buskins, but these were usually made and inserted by a skinner. The position of king’s cordwainer during Henry VIII’s reign was monopolised by Cornelius and Henry Johnson, who were probably father and son. Both men worked with the high quality Spanish leather and the less esteemed English leather, for shoes, buskins and boots, and they also made shoes and slippers with textile uppers, chiefly silk velvet. Their descendants remained in royal service until the early seventeenth century: Garrett Johnson was Elizabeth’s cordwainer from 1552 until 1590, while his son Peter worked for Elizabeth and later made shoes for James I and Anne of Denmark.256 Cornelius Johnson is mentioned within the great wardrobe accounts for 1510–11, 1516–17, 1517–18, 1521–22 and 1523– 25. On 16 June 1510 he submitted a bill for five pairs of winter boots, nine pairs of riding buskins of Spanish leather, four pairs of hunting shoes, two pairs of arming shoes and five pairs of tawny velvet shoes.257 He regularly supplied shoes, boots and buskins with the variety of footwear increasing from boots, double-soled shoes, pinsons, shoes and slippers in 1510–11, to arming shoes of red Spanish leather, boots, boots of English leather, boots of Spanish leather, buskins of Spanish leather, buskins of velvet, double-soled shoes, night slippers, pinsons, shoes made from English leather, shoes for football, shoes made from Spanish leather and velvet-covered shoes. In addition, in 1523–25 he also supplied skins of Spanish leather for making a coat for the king and he undertook the sewing. Henry Johnson was listed in the royal accounts for nine years between 1523–23 to 1543–45. As well as making a wide variety of shoes, slippers, pinsons and boots, he also made leather-covered cases and supplied leather on occasion. In addition, in December 1531 he was sent on a journey with Anthony Anthony by the king and he was paid £6 6s 4d for his costs.258

the royal artificers Others occasionally made shoes for or sold shoes to the great wardrobe. These were mostly sales in a single year and involved double-soled shoes for the officers of the hunt or the king’s footmen: Roger Allen, haberdasher, provided doublesoled shoes in 1523–25; Andrew Carre, double-soled shoes in 1537–38; William Hewetson, double-soled shoes in 1543–45; Ralph Warren, shoes, double-soled shoes and velvet shoes in 1533–34, and John Witpain, double-soled shoes in 1543–45. Sometimes the shoes purchased were of velvet: Thomas Mount sold velvet shoes to the great wardrobe in 1533–34, shoes of an unspecified type in 1538–39 and double-soled shoes in 1543–45, and Henry Mints made velvet shoes in 1538–39. Shoes were also bought for the king’s revels, as in the case of the revels held on 23 August 1519 when 12 pairs of shoes ‘overhylled with satin’ were bought from ‘divers persons at Southwark, St Martin’s, Temple Bar and Bak Chapyllton’ for 16s.259

the queen’s cordwainer The wardrobe accounts indicate that the queen’s cordwainer offered a more limited range of footwear than that provided to the king. Most of the references are to shoes, slippers and fur-lined buskins for sleeping. A pair of accounts for shoes made for Catherine Parr, Mistress Neville (her stepdaughter) and Jane, her fool, from 1544–45 lack the name or signature of the cordwainer, but they are signed off by Sir Thomas Arundel and Sir Robert Tyrwytt, and they come to £25 12d and £17 19d.260 Rutte was described as Elizabeth of York’s cordwainer when on 2 January 1503 he supplied a large order of shoes and buskins for the queen, in addition to shoes given to poor women on Maundy Thursday, a pair of buskins for the countess of Suffolk and shoes for the queen’s footmen.261 By 1520 Lybart Vaughan had become cordwainer to Catherine of Aragon, and in this capacity he received 4 yards (3.6 m) of tawny broad cloth costing 20s for a gown.262 At the time of her execution in 1536, Anne Boleyn owed her cordwainer Anilee 42s 6d for shoes.263 Other references indicate that in 1531–32 John Scut provided shoes for Anne Boleyn.264 Anne of Cleve’s cordwainer is mentioned but not named in her household accounts. Amongst others, Philip Ryves and Francis Woodville, supplied shoes for Anne.265 Godfrey Lowley was shoe maker to Catherine Parr.266

the king’s cutler Swords and daggers, although still a necessity for selfprotection, had also become fashion accessories. The authorities, including Henry VIII, were concerned about their use in brawls and duelling. On 18 October 1524 it was stated that ‘no manner of person, of whatsoever estate, degree or condition he be, except the sheriff of Middlesex, the warden of the Fleet and his officers, bear or wear any manner of weapon, that is

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to say bills, swords, bucklers, wood knives, daggers or other weapons, within his palace or hall of Westminster or the precincts of the same, upon pain of forfeiture of the same weapon’.267 Hunting knives also had a practical use, especially as Henry’s court, where hunting was such a popular pastime. Finally, swords could have a processional role, when they would be carried before the monarch as he processed. All such items that were in regular use by the king were kept within the wardrobe of the robes or in the keeping of the king’s cutler. The role of the king’s cutler included making scabbards, sheaths and girdles, undertaking repairs or refurbishing items when they became worn or dirty, in addition to maintaining the weapons and their sharpness. Even so, he did not have a monopoly on these tasks. In 1489 John Smith, armourer, received 6s 8d for covering two swords and a scabbard with cloth of gold.268 Alternatively, they could work with materials provided by other craftsmen: in 1486 Nicholas Warley, a London goldsmith, was paid £6 for ‘the gyrdille harneys of the kynges swerd, weieth iij oz’, and 6s 8d ‘for a cors for the same swerd’.269 An undated bill from the closing years of Henry VIII’s reign for ‘armourer’s work’ signed by Richard Cecil, Thomas Sternold and John Rowland recorded payment for a range of work. This included making girdles and scabbards, cleaning weapons and ‘for gilding a dagger with a crystal haft and a knife gilt to the same dagger’.270 The bill also itemised payments of 12d for travel for ‘my costs and charges for my horses and myself to Hampton Court one day’, as well as to Oatlands and Guildford. In May 1513 Marinus Garet was described as the king’s cutler. He was a native of Normandy but resident in London, and he was granted a licence to employ English or foreign apprentices.271 He may well have been the Marion listed in James Worsley’s wardrobe book as having received velvet to make girdles, sheaths and scabbards for wood knives and swords. These deliveries of cloth, usually of 1 or 1¼ yards (0.91 m or 1.1 m), were made between 4 June 1517 and 2 June 1520.272 He was also described as ‘the blade Smythe’ when on 3 February 1531 he was paid £6 16d on his bill.273 On 11 November 1532, 31s 1d was ‘paied to the Cutler for dressing of the kinges swerdes at Calays’.274 On 10 October 1537 John Gates, page of the robes, listed the ‘daggers and swords remaynyng with Maryon’.275 This included a large number of items, similar in range to the group of weapons held by the wardrobe of the robes in 1547. Entries include ‘a dagger with an ivory haft plain the sheth all siluer with ij men wrestlyng the one breaking the back of the other’, and ‘a sword the hilt flat the pommel and hilt gilt the hilt and haft covered with velvet and robed with silk’. In March 1542 John Videe was appointed as the king’s cutler and worker in iron, with fees of 4d a day.276 Little else is known about him. Philip Lenthall, cutler, was granted by the king a red gown guard with black velvet, lined in the bases with frieze and in the vents and collar with satin, with one pocket. The gown was ordered for Lenthall on the king’s own warrant dated 27 March 1544 at a cost of 3s 4d to make.277 The king’s most famous cutler was the Spanish damascener and swordsmith Diego da Çaias (Fig. 19.8). By March 1543 he

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19.8 Henry VIII’s steel etched and gilt hunting sword, scabbard and bye knife, Diego da Çaias, c. 1545. RCIN 61316 a-c. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

had entered the royal service after his expulsion from France where he had been employed in the household of the Dauphin Francis.278 From March 1543 he held an annuity of £30 from Henry. Later in the same year he received a licence to export 600 dickers of leather.279 Just under two years later he received a licence to export 500 woollen cloths.280 A number of items were identified as Çaias’s work in the wardrobe of the robes in 1547. These included ‘a Tocke the pomell crosse and chape of damaske worke of dego his makinge the skaberde & handle thereof of purple vellut whipped with venice silver’ (14451), three rapiers (14494), two long wood knives (14511), one arming sword (14515) and three daggers (14519).

the king’s feather maker or plumier Feathers were chiefly used to decorate hats and bonnets for men and, to a lesser extent, on the hats worn by women in

the 1540s. Fancy feathers of this type were given as gifts, as indicated when Stephen Vaughan told Secretary Paget on 2 August 1544 that he would forward the feathers given to him by Edward Carne.281 They were also used to decorate helmets and horse harness. In May 1546 Peter van der Waal sold feathers to the king, including ‘three Plewmes of feathers white garnished with redde roses and venyce golde and spangles videlicet one for a horseman another for a foteman and the thirde for a horse toppe’ (11740). A selection of new feathers was bought from van der Waal and others for Edward VI’s coronation. Several types of feathers are identified in the 1547 inventory, including ostrich (17246), heron (17259) and pelican (17278). They could be worn in the form of whole birds (17260), or made up into beasts and animals such as ‘a Draggon of redde feathers’ (17287). Feathers are easy to dye, mostly yellow, purple and red but also blue, green and russet. They could also be embellished with a range of materials such as fringe, pearls or gold, as in the case of ‘ostereche fethers betyn with fyne golld’ supplied for jousts held in 1517 at Greenwich.282 In case he ever felt the need to enhance his own feathers, the king owned a box ‘wherein is perle passemayne fringes and greate and small Spangles of golde to garnishe feathers’ (11719). A few trimmers and sellers of feathers appear in the king’s accounts, but the evidence is so scanty that their careers cannot be reconstructed. On 5 December 1518 £6 was paid to Gerard van Hartell ‘the king plumer’ for white thread, shears and needles used in preparing feathers. The following year he received £34 16s 8d for plumes and feathers bought for the king.283 There is slightly more evidence for Paul van Vrelant or Freland, ‘oystregefedermaker’, who was Flemish. The first reference to him dates to 1505 when he was in the employment of Philip of Castile. By 1514 he had transferred to the service of Sir Edward Guildford and Sir John Dauntsey, and he was described as ‘of Bruxelles in Braband Harness gilder’.284 Even so, feathers were one of his sidelines. In February 1538 Vrelant received 22s 2d for his monthly wages and he continued in royal service until his death in 1551.285 There is also a reference to Jeny Bontudy, the king’s feather maker, who received 22 single white feathers from James Rufforth on 17 March 1549.286

the king’s goldsmith The king’s goldsmith’s primary duties involved making plate for use in the royal household or to be given as gifts at the New Year. However, he was also required to supply items associated with the king’s dress, including buttons and aglets, as well as decorative items, such as spangles, initials and gem-set shapes, such as trefoils, often culminating in complex pieces of jewellery, all of which formed an essential part of the king’s appearance. On 13 May 1513 Robert Amadas was paid £1,057 15s 10d for ‘making of diuerse thinges for the kinges grace as whiselles Chaynes braunches bottons aglettes & other diuerse necessaries’.287 There was also overlap between the work of

the royal artificers the king’s goldsmith and the role of the king’s jeweller, and both crafts are identifiable within the king’s accounts. Equally, like the royal embroiderers and painters, the king’s goldsmith often undertook work in conjunction with other craftsmen. On 1 September 1513 Amadas was paid £462 4s 2d for garnishing a headpiece with crown gold and a sallet and mending of a shapew and other things according to the warrant.288 Decorative motives of precious metal were supplied for the king’s revels clothes. These were frequently taken as souvenirs, as in the case of 439½ oz (12.45 kg) of gold H’s and K’s and hearts, 887 motives in all, which were supplied for a revel in February 1511. The revels accounts record that these were ‘Set on the King’s apparel. On Sir T. Knevett’s, 893 . . . The King’s and Knevett’s dresses were damaged and lost to the extent of 225 ounces of gold’.289 Goldsmiths also provided metal fittings and decoration for saddles used by the king and others for everyday and for revels and jousts. Amongst the items in George Lovekyn’s care were 14 sets of harness for coursers covered with blue velvet, embroidered ‘with Essis’ and embellished with ‘bellis of siluer and gilte like hartes’. One set of harness was ‘newe made’ without bells, but the other sets had 945 small bells and 13 ‘greate bellis’ on the cruppers.290 Fancy decorations were regularly sent to the king’s goldsmith to be recycled by converting the metal and gems from one form to another. On 27 May 1519 Amadas received 448¾ oz (12.7 kg) of fine gold and 851 pearls that had been removed from the king’s coat, one side of which was made from pirled purple velvet and the other of white cloth of silver tilsent [A209]. When decorative metal work was removed from the king’s clothing, it was given either to the king’s goldsmith, or it could be ‘delyuerd to the kinges owne handes’, as in the case of ‘a small border of wrethes of goldsmyth werke yt was set opon a doblet & a payre of hose of grene saten’ [A245]. Even items as small as spangles were reused, although they may well have been removed from one object and put on another rather than being returned to the goldsmith for reworking. Thus, a set of coats of russet and green velvet made for members of the household of Catherine of Aragon, of which the ‘upper bodyes be moche defaced for that mooste of the arrowe heedis and also manye of the saide lettres and spangilles be pyked of’.291 Amadas’s accounts dated 2 March 1529 record the receipt of 42⅜ oz (1.2 kg) of fine silver to make spangles on 4 April 1528, 70½ oz (1.9 kg) of fine silver for the footmen’s coats at 4s on 6 July 1529, 45½ oz (1.3 kg) of crown gold for the king’s cramp rings 41s 4d per oz on 19 March 1529; 200 oz (5.7 kg) of sterling silver for gilt and white spangles at 3s 8d the ounce, and 3 oz (0.08 kg) of fine gold at 45s to gild them on 28 March 1529.292 Robert Amadas (1470–1532) was one of the English goldsmiths in the king’s service. Much of his basic work came from making spangles and other metalwork to decorate jackets for the king’s guard. On 24 June 1510 he was paid £100 for goldsmith’s work on 100 jackets for the guard.293 Three months later he received a further £70 11s 7½d for gilt and white spangles for jackets and £248 2s 4½d for letters, wreathes, hearts and roses of fine gold.294 Spangles were also used to decorate 13 long coats for the henchmen, as in May

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1513. At the same time he received £1,057 15s 10d for ‘making of diuerse thinges for the kinges grace whiselles Chaynes braunches bottons aglettes & other diuerse necessaries’.295 In 1521–22 and 1523–25 he was recorded supplying spangles to the great wardrobe. In 1526 he was appointed as master of the jewel house.296 The collar of SS belonging to Sir John Alen is thought to have come from Amadas’ workshop.297 He was married to the granddaughter of Sir Hugh Bryce, goldsmith to Henry VII, and he was part of the mercantile élite in London. He had a house in Aldersgate and land in Essex and the scale of his wealth is evident from the inventory taken at his death in 1532.298 A list of his bad debts provides a good indication of his clientele.299 Cornelius Hayes was born in Holland. He had been in Henry VIII’s service for at least three years when, on 1 August 1527, he completed an order from the king and Anne Boleyn including rings, buttons, embellishing books and walking staffs, with his work and materials coming to £293 19s.300 The great wardrobe accounts for 1526–27, 1527–28, 1530–31 and 1531–32 list him as supplying gilt and silver (or white) spangles for the jackets of the guard. A memo dated 21 April 1530 records the delivery of jewels to Henry by him.301 In May of the following year, he received a grant allowing him to keep six alien apprentices and 12 journeymen.302 On 29 December 1531 he was paid 30s for trimming eight horns for the king.303 The accounts of John Gostwick record a further payment for £403 6s 8d made to him for spangles.304 On 27 April 1543 he received 50 oz (1.4 kg) of gold cramp rings delivered to the king on Good Friday at 45s 4d the ounce and 140 oz (3.9 kg) of silver cramp rings at 4s 4d the ounce from the court of augmentations.305 On 22 December 1538 Morgan Wolf, alias Philip, was linked to John Gardiner’s failure to take a gilt posset bowl to the goldsmiths’ hall for hallmarking and assay.306 In September 1541, he was described as the king’s goldsmith and one of the stewards of his chamber.307 Like his other colleagues, spangles formed a staple of his work. On 20 August 1543 he received payment for 748¾ oz (21.205 kg) of silver gilt spangles at 6s 8d the ounce and 46¾ oz (1.304 kg) of white spangles at 5s the ounce for the coats of the footmen and the yeomen of the guard, costing in all £261 3s 8½d.308 In September 1544 Wolf was exempted from accompanying the king to war and received houses in London to the net yearly value of £18 ‘of the king’s gift’.309 In December 1545 Wolf was paid £262 2s 4d for spangles delivered to Ibgrave.310 Ten months later he was paid a further £359 6s 8d for spangles delivered to Ibgrave.311 It is possible that some of his spangles were applied to ‘one Saddell of blew vellet enbrodered with spangles of goldesmithes worke all white’ (8395).

the queen’s goldsmith The accounts of the queen consorts yield glimpses as to the duties of the queen’s goldsmith. The accounts indicate that sometimes the queens were thrifty. Not all of the spangles applied to revels costumes were made from precious

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metals, as in the case of those supplied in June 1502 for disguising jackets for Elizabeth of York by William Antyne, coppersmith, for 56s 8d.312 Fernando Gawo appears as Catherine of Aragon’s goldsmith in her wardrobe book of 1520. He was given 4 yards (3.6 m) of tawny broad cloth for a gown costing 20s, which was furred with black budge worth 46s 8d. He also received 3 yards (2.7 m) of black velvet for a doublet priced at 30s. His wife was also issued with livery consisting of 14 yards (12.8 m) of tawny camlet for a gown costing 37s 4d, 2 yards (1.8 m) of black velvet to line the sleeves and purfil for 20s and a roll buckram worth 3s. In all, the warrant came to £7 17s.313 This indicates that it was an important enough post to warrant the provision of livery, and his name indicates that Catherine favoured a Spanish goldsmith who would create traditional Spanish designs. In 1536 Richard Silcock is listed as Anne Boleyn’s gold wiredrawer in the list of debts owing to her wardrobe of the robes and she owed him £38.314 In September 1536 Henry granted Peter Richardson, an alien goldsmith, ‘a native of Holland in the Emperor’s dominions’, a licence to have six servants or journeymen, natives or foreigners, for the making of ‘juells, works an dyvyses’ for Queen Jane.315 Richardson transferred to Anne of Cleves’s service and as her goldsmith on 27 May 1540 he received £46 18s for jewels. However, Cornelius Hayes also undertook work for her, providing spangles for coats for her guard at a cost of £20. Her accounts also refer to John Hawes, the queen’s gold cutter, and Robert Copper, goldsmith, who provided items for her saddles.316 Richardson entered into partnership with the goldsmith Hans of Antwerp and after Catherine Parr’s marriage to Henry VIII he became her goldsmith.317

the king’s jeweller A jeweller can be both a maker of jewellery and a vendor of it and jewelled fastenings. The word was often used interchangeably with goldsmith. Hans of Antwerp is often described as a goldsmith, but his skills included cutting hardstones. Hans arrived in England in 1513. In 1537 he was admitted to the Goldsmiths’ company. As a friend and colleague of Hans Holbein the younger, he was soon drawn into the king’s service and he married an English woman. A girdle prayer book depicting the worship of the brazen serpent and the judgement of Solomon has been attributed to Hans’ workshop.318 The monetary value of jewels is made clear in a letter of Charles V dated 2 August 1545: ‘The emeralds and precious stones from Cartagena, and the pearls, came just in time to provide payment for Prince Doria and other matters.’319 Consequently, jewellery was highly prized by most European monarchs and, as with other desirable commodities, Henry often granted licences to foreign merchants to encourage them to bring their wares to England. In April 1524, Nicoluccio Ninaicciesi, merchant of Florence, was granted a licence to import jewels, which were to be shown to the king first, and

to export those unsold without paying customs and then to proceed into foreign parts with one servant and two ambling or trotting horses.320 Henry’s accounts emphasise the significance of Parisian goldsmiths and jewellers as producers and sellers of high quality items. Paris was the largest European court city throughout the sixteenth century. The range of goods is evident from the licence issued to Jean Langue, jeweller of Paris and Gilles, his son, in July 1546. Father and son were authorised by Henry VIII to bring in to England all manner of ‘juelles, perlles, precious stones, as well set in gold and embrawdred in garments as unsett, almoner goldsmythes worke of golde and sylver, almanner sortes of skynnes and furres of sables and lusardes, clothes, newe gentlelesses of what facion or value the same be, wrought and set or unwrought and not set, in gold or otherwise’.321 In the following month Jean Langue received a discharge for the custom duties on the jewels that the king had bought from him ‘in recompense whereof he did give your Highness a ring with a fair sapphire’.322 The sources of jewellery designs, many deriving from Islamic ornament, included published engravings by Virgil Solis (1514–62) and Hans Brosamer (1506–52) and books such as Thomas Geminus’s Moryse and Damashin renewed and encreased very profitably for Goldsmythes and Embroderers published in 1548. The jewellers working for Henry often worked from specially commissioned designs produced by artists of Holbein’s calibre (Fig. 19.9). Holbein also designed a brooch for Catherine Parr incorporating her personal badge.323 How items were commissioned is the subject of a letter dated 24 October 1535 from Richard Blount to Lady Lisle. He described his discussions with a jeweller in Bruges who would be making a jewel for her: ‘He demands three weeks to make it, and 4 angels 12 styvers for the work . . . I enclose a pattern of the goldsmith’s doing and the xx with spottes be the plassys wer the dyamondes shullde stoned.’324 Another Lisle letter which survives only in a damaged condition discusses a variety of jewellery, particularly a flower like a gillyflower ‘which it is desired shall be made of more substance, for it breaketh oft times because the branches be slender . . . [it is to] be rich and goodly, and of the best and newest fashion that you can devise, though it were for some person being under a cloth of estate’.325 Antwerp was the north European centre for the sale and purchase of gemstones. In 1551 Edward VI bought ‘a fayer flower of golde having sett in the same three ballace a perle sett withowte foyle and betwene euerey ballace a perle and in the myddes betwene the three ballaces a large pointed Diamounte and a perle pendaunt at one of the ballaces’ (3686) from Anthony Fulker in Antwerp. Erasmus Skeetz, merchant of Antwerp, sold jewellery to Edward VI using Thomas Gresham as an intermediary. On 10 March 1552 he delivered ‘a fayer greate table Dyamounte ring sett in fayer worke enameled blacke redd white and blewe And in a case of Leather gilte and veluet within’ (3687). As with other specialist skills, jewellery making and stone cutting were areas where Henry was dependent upon foreign craftsmen. This was highlighted by a petition made to the king’s council in 1524 by Hubert Busman, factor of Leonard Hyrsfogel and his fellow merchants who were transporting

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jewels.328 In July 1538 a passport was issued to Peter van der Waal, of Antwerp, which described him as the king’s jeweller.329 He was allowed to leave the country with six horses, baggage and servants.330 However, he was described as a goldsmith in the 1547 inventory and examples of his work were recorded (281, 948–49, 1039) along with the other luxury goods he dealt in. (12157–58). Alvard Plumber received a grant in March 1542 to import 400 tons of Toulouse woad and Gascon wine.331 In November 1546 he was described as a merchant and jeweller of Paris, and he was trading in partnership with his son-in-law, Thomas Sible, and they received a licence to import jewellery and stones into England, for the pleasure ‘of us, of our dearest wief the Queen, our nobles, gentlemen and other’.332 There were several other highly specialised offices that were closely related to the post of the royal jeweller. In June 1541 Peter Francis Benall, engraver of precious stones, was given a salary of £10 a year plus 22s 6d for a livery coat, and in May 1546 Thomas Geminus, engraver, received a salary of £10 a year.333 Very shortly after in September 1546 Everard Everdes received a safe conduct for his wife, children, household stuff and necessaries.334 He was listed as a goldsmith and the king’s lapidary in the 1547 inventory. In July 1547, at the commandment of the Lord Protector, Everdes was sent a large sapphire ‘to cutt’ which he supplied for Edward VI’s use ‘cutt in squares’ (2849). These men would have probably been producing similar work to that undertaken by Richard Astyll, who was employed by the king to produce portrait cameos.335

19.9 Design for a cipher combining the letters HI, almost certainly for Henry and Jane Seymour for a pendant, by Hans Holbein the Younger. 5308.116, reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

unpolished diamonds on a ship, the Martyn. When the ship sank near to Chichester, the passengers lodged with Arnold Stoltz, beer brewer of Portsmouth. The master of the ship died in Stoltz’s house and, when the diamonds were asked for, Stoltz denied any knowledge of them, but his wife allegedly offered them for sale in London, ‘but as no man here could polish and dress them, none would buy’. Stoltz, assisted by Mr Skeffington, the master of the king’s ordinance, then took the diamonds to Flanders, but returned hastily when he feared he might be discovered. Undeterred, his wife took some of the diamonds to Cornelius Hayes, whereupon the Stoltzes were arrested.326 The ambiguous use of the term jeweller makes it hard to plot the careers of the men who became the king’s jewellers, a process that is not facilitated by the post apparently being an Henrician development in the reign and it sometimes being left vacant. John Lengram was a merchant of ‘Valenayne beyond the sea’, and he was described as the king’s jeweller in a licence issued in April 1524 allowing him to come to England for six years and to import jewels of which the king was to have first choice.327 In September 1536, £180 was paid to Henry Salvage, merchant of Genoa, for three emeralds bought by the king, while ‘Jenyns Longraunt’ received £1,000 for

the king’s milliner The king’s milliner made bonnets, caps and hats for the king. In addition, milliners also sold fancy goods and consequently they came into competition with haberdashers. According to Sir Thomas Smith in his Discourse of the Commonweal of this Realm of England, written in 1549, haberdashers sold ‘white paper, looking glasses, pins, pouches, hats, caps, brooches, silk and silver buttons, laces and perfumed gloves’, noting that ‘the list descends from luxuries to frivolities’.336 However, milliners did not have a monopoly on élite hat making in the first half of the sixteenth century. Some headwear was made for both the king and other members of the household, including the henchmen and footmen, by the king’s tailor. Worsley’s wardrobe book records that William Hilton made a range of hats for Henry VIII: bonnets made from 1¼ yards (1.1 m) of velvet [e.g. A921], night bonnets made from ⅜ of a yard (0.33 m) of velvet or satin and hoods made en suit with riding coats and demi-coats [A937]. On 28 June 1535 John Malt, the king’s tailor, was required to make one green velvet hat, three velvet caps of yellow, orange and green and a cap for Henry VIII, along with a hood for William Somer, the king’s fool.32 However, some hats for members of the household were bought in ready made and consequently were cheaper than the bespoke items. Christopher Milliner was probably the Christopher Carcano listed in the accounts relating to expenditure within the king’s privy purse.337 On 21 July 1539 he provided hats,

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feathers and aglets for Prince Edward costing £18 14s 11d.338 Carcano was not the only milliner serving the king. Two bills submitted by Mark Milliner indicate a similar pattern of goods and expertise. The bills itemised a number of caps and night caps, amongst a profusion of gloves, buttons, aglets and hunting equipment.41 The range of goods that Carcano dealt with can be assessed from a list of jewellery imported by him under licence via the port of London on 4 February 1544. The list includes ‘one martron skynne with the head and claws of gold, the head garnished with iij emeralds, ij diamonds and iij rubies. A carcan of gold garnished with iiij great table diamonds, iiij great rocke rubies, viij great pearls and a pearl pendant, a chain, a girdle, two crosses and two rings’.339 He is also mentioned in the 1547 inventory supplying knitted doublets and hose to the king.340 Francis Albert, milliner, the king’s servant, was granted a licence to bring a range of luxury goods into the realm for sale, including: all manner of jewels, pearls, precious stones as well set in gold and embroidered in garments as unset, all manner of goldsmiths’ work of gold and silver, all manner of cloth of gold, tinsel, tissue, velvets, damask and such other like silks, mixed with gold or silver or with silk or otherwise, all manner of garments as hose, doublets or other garments or things embroidered with gold and silver or silk, of what making or new fashion so ever they be and all manner sorts and making of fringes and passamayne wrought with gold and silver or otherwise all manner of sorts and ribbons . . . [and] all manner of caps of whatsoever foreign country making they be of.341

There was also the related office of the king’s capper. The king’s capper does not often appear to have made caps for the king, but for members of his household. Cappers worked with non-woven materials such as felt and felted knitting, as well as woven textiles.342 In May 1514, according to the king’s book of payments, money was paid to Bartholomew Whale of London, the king’s capper, for bonnets and to other unspecified individuals for kersey and other cloth for the king’s cordwainer. It is not clear from this reference what materials Whale was working with, but there is a suggestion that he was working with wool. He also provided 18 hats for the members of the yeomen of the guard who accompanied the duke of

Suffolk to France for Princess Mary’s marriage to Louis XII. The hats cost 2s 4d each, coming to a total of 42s.343 About the same time Whale supplied 18 hats for the yeomen of the guard which were delivered to Laurence Eglesfeld, clerk of the check with the guard.344 However, the king’s capper had competition. For example, in December 1514 John Hendry of London, ‘attending upon our court with haberdash wares’, was granted a licence for to import 500 dozen caps and 100 dozen hats.345

the king’s saddler On 28 October 1495 Henry VII granted a charter to the Saddlers’ company confirming an earlier one and in 1540 Henry VIII reconfirmed it. In 1537 the Saddlers’ company was 26th in the list of London companies, with a membership of 60.346 The king’s saddler made saddles, covered saddles and harness in velvet and undertook repairs. The styles of saddle and horse harness were influenced by fashion and national taste (Fig. 19.10). For example, on 9 April 1519 Alfonso d’Este wrote to Henry VIII about horses, and added that he had sent him ‘200 patterns of bridles’.347 The great wardrobe accounts demonstrate that the king’s saddler also provided buckles, hooks, pendants (quatrefoil, octofoil, lozenge, cruciform, circular and rectangular that could be gilded, enamelled, engraved or have punched decoration) and suspension mounts. These fittings were recorded in inventory entries as in the case of ‘A bridell of Cloth of tissue and Ruset vellet and two collers of belles siluer and guilte conteyninge xvj great belles’ (8393). These could be their own work or they could be selling on the work of lorimers. Lorimers made the metal elements of horse harness and so they worked in close conjunction with the saddler who incorporated the metal elements into the finished harness. In 1377 the lorimers were listed amongst the group of crafts sending representatives to the common council, and in 1504 they contributed to the guildhall kitchens, although they were not

19.10 An example of the style of saddle and harness fashionable in the early sixteenth century. La selle d’honneur/Le grant Escuyer/Le maistre des pages (The saddle of honour/the master of the horse/the master of the pages). The Westminster Tournament Roll, The College of Arms

the royal artificers appointed to keep the watch in 1518.348 A list of payments for horses bought for the king’s armouries in 1520 included a payment for 22 laten buckles and 22 pendants costing 11s 6d, cleaning off the sprue 11d and gilding 36s 9d.349 The 1547 inventory includes a reference to ‘one stele Sadle of redd Lether with A Seat of Crimsen Vellet embrodered with grene Silke’ (8385).350 This compares well with a very good example of a complete Italian saddle from slightly later — c. 1570–80 — with a wooden saddle tree, gilded saddle steels and a padded saddle cover of red silk velvet which is decorated with cord and braid and embroidered with a small foliate motif in metal thread.351 This saddle is very similar in construction (with the pommel and cantle joined by two semicircular arches which are connected by two metal sidebars) to the saddle made for the ‘Genouilhac’ armour which was possibly made for Henry in 1527.352 English kings often kept a mule for riding, as well as horses. Consequently, presents of mules and mule harness were most welcome. On 22 May 1526 Cardinal Wolsey reported that the king had received two mules sent to him by the Regent of France that were ‘fair, goodly and well trained beasts as hath been seen and their garnishing was rich and of the best fashion’. He added that he had received two similar mules that ‘might have been a right honourable present to have been sent unto the Pope’s holiness’.354 Henry periodically employed a specialist saddler to make mule harness. For example, in September 1533 Michael Borsert, the maker of saddles for the king’s mules, was granted a passport because the king planned to send him abroad on business.353 By 1547 the king’s possessions included ‘a footeclothe for a Moile of purple vellat allouer embraudered with veanice and damaske golde perle and blewe stones with a Border likewise embruadered with perle and garnettes fringed with a narrowe frindge of veanice golde with heddestall patrell Rsyne and hinder parte . . . with Bockells and penauntes of siluer and gilte’ (9924). The king’s saddler is rarely mentioned in Henry VII’s great wardrobe accounts. In the account for 1498–99 there are references to John Lere, saddler, supplying items including bridles, buckles, harness, saddles and stirrups (Fig. 19.11). A payment

19.11 Two stirrups thought to have been made for Henry VIII. 1685-B449-50, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

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of £4 16s 8d was made to him for covering a saddle with crimson velvet and decorating it with gold and silk fringe, for 16 yards (14.6 m) of crimson velvet and labour for covering four other saddles in July and November 1498.355 William Stile seems to have succeeded Lere as saddler, as he appears in the accounts of 1502–03, 1504–05 and 1505–06, making similar provision. Stile’s period in office overlapped with that of Nicholas Mayor, a saddler of Southwark, who served as both the king and queen’s saddler. Mayor’s work features in the great wardrobe accounts from 1502–03, 1504–05, 1505–06, 1510–11, 1516–17, 1517–18, 1521–22, 1523–25 and 1527–28. Between 9 May 1516 and 2 June 1520, he received cloth of gold, tilsent and velvet from James Worsley to cover harness for the king’s horses. He undertook a range of tasks including covering horse harness with 1½ yards (1.3 m) of purple tilsent [A782], making a trapper from 12 yards (10.9 m) of russet cloth of gold [A439] and performing a saddle house for the king’s mule with ½ yard (0.45 m) of russet velvet [A1173]. Examples of his accounts survive, countersigned by George Lovekyn and entitled, ‘The Reperacyon of the grete warrant done by me Nycholas Maior that wasse gyuyn at Stony Stratford the x day of September anno xvijo Regis H VIIImo’ and ‘The Reperacyons of the kynges horses in Gloseter and in abyngton and in oxefforde’, which come to £3 3s 11d.356 Robert Acton was born into a family of Worcestershire gentry. How he gained his first post at the Tudor court is unknown. However, by 22 October 1518 he was a groom of the chamber and by 1528 he was a gentleman usher. By May 1528 he was married to Margery Mayor, daughter of Nicholas Mayor of Southwark, and in September of that year Acton was appointed as the king’s saddler with 12d a day on the death of his father-in-law.357 He sat as MP for Southwark in three parliaments. He was listed as the king’s saddler in the extant great wardrobe accounts for 1531–32, 1533–34 and 1535–39. He made and covered saddles and horse harness as well as supplying buckles and pendants, usually the preserve of the lorimer, and brushes and combs. He also undertook repairs and the restuffing of saddles. In August 1540 he obtained a grant of the abbot of Hailes’s lodging at Coscombe, Gloucestershire.358 On 15 March 1542 he received £661 14s 8d for saddles and other stuff delivered to the great wardrobe.359 By September 1543 he had been knighted. John Gitto or Gytto, the king’s saddler, appears in the accounts for 1527–28, 1531–32, 1533–34, 1537–38 and 1538– 39. He seems to have been subsidiary to Acton, with his primary role being to undertake repairs and to re-stuff saddles. However, in 1538–39 he also covered saddles with leather as well as supplying buckram, harness, reins, slop houses, stirrup leathers and velvet. A set of his accounts survives for a year from Michaelmas 1525 which has been dated in another hand to the year from Michaelmas 1527.360 The accounts record a steady pattern of repairs and sales of buckles, buttons and small pieces of tack at a range of locations as the king removed from one property to the next, including Windsor, Eltham, Greenwich, Richmond, Waltham, Guildford and the More. The total came to £11 6s 7d.

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the queen’s saddler In 1508 the preparations for the marriage of Princess Mary to Charles of Castile included a ‘goodlie palfray, with a riche side sadille, for the said ladie princesse to ride alone’ and ‘a pase to lifte her upon her palfray, covered with silver plates gilte, as the qwene’s grace is’.361 Women required side saddles and other specialist equipment for riding, including ‘iij ryding roddes for ladyes’ (9608) and ‘a bagg of blue Buckram with riding roddes for gentlewomen’ (10544). On 19 September 1534 Robert Acton wrote to Lady Lisle about some items he was to make for her. He noted that Christopher, the yeoman of Lord Lisle’s horses, could not: ascertain me whether that your ladyship will have your saddle and harness fringed with silk and gold or not, and in likewise whether your saddle and harness shall be of Lucca velvet or Genoa velvet. Madam, other lords’ wives hath their saddles and harness of Lucca velvet, fringed with silk and gold, with buttons of pear fashion and tassels quarter deep of silk and gold. And whether ye will have a stirrup parcel-gilt, with a leather covered with velvet, or else to have a footstool according unto your saddle; and saddle head of copper and gilt?362

Other letters to Lady Lisle from John Husee provide more details on how women’s saddles were constructed. On 1 October 1538 he noted that ‘Mr Coffin will search for a seat for your ladyship’s saddle and a new tree and head for it’.363 A year later he informed her that he could not ‘get the head and plate of your new saddle from the guilder’s, there is so much business in hand for the King and Queen; yet I have paid for it in advance’.364 Litters were both prestigious and practical. They were used for general travel and for ceremonial occasions, such as for carrying the queen at her coronation. They were used by women, the young, the infirm and the elderly. Lady Margaret Beaufort kept a litter which required regular maintenance. In 1498 the cost of repairing her chair came to £10 13s, including a payment of 44s made to Roger Ormiston for making escutcheons of gold and portcullises for the chair and 38s 5d for cloth of gold to cover elements of the chair.365 In 1502 Elizabeth of York sent a litter covered with black velvet to Catherine of Aragon in Ludlow after the death of Arthur to bring her back to London when she was well enough to travel.366 Wolsey provided the duke of Richmond with a litter covered with crimson velvet and cloth of gold for his journey north to Sheriff Hutton. Even though he was only six, the duke chose to ride the ‘little bay ambling’ given to him by the marquess of Dorset. An observer noted that ‘In all which journey my lord’s grace rode not in his horse litter, but only from William Jekyll’s house 3 or 4 miles, which riding in his horse litter his grace liked nothing; but ever since his grace hath ridden upon his hobby and been very well at ease’.367 With the exception of the young duke, a well-apparelled litter was regarded as a sumptions gift. One with three mules was sent to Anne Boleyn by Francis I as a wedding gift on her marriage to Henry VIII.368 Nicholas Mayor was described as saddler to Elizabeth of York on 24 March 1502.369 He provided a range of items for her, including six tappets for sumpter horses, costing with the lining, grayling, jagging and worsted yarn, 16d each.370 While

he was not described as the queen’s saddler in Worsley’s wardrobe book, Major he certainly undertook work on saddles for women during this time. On 9 May 1516 he received 7 yards (6.4 m) of white cloth of gold of damask to cover a pillion saddle house, harness and footstool and 5 yards (4.5 m) of crimson cloth of gold of damask to cover a saddle, harness and two footstools for Margaret, queen of Scots [A373–74]. On the same day, he also received 8 yards (7.3 m) of black velvet to cover a saddle, harness, a footstool and to mend a horse house for one of her ladies in waiting [A924]. In the following year a warrant dated 8 May 1517 named Edward Nailor as the queen’s saddler. He was making saddles, harness and footstools for the king’s sister Margaret.371 However, in 1520 William Robinson was described as Catherine of Aragon’s saddler when he undertook the covering of new saddles and made repairs to existing saddles.372 At the time of her death, Edward Steward was listed as Anne Boleyn’s saddler and she owed him £21 4s 10d. However, it is not clear whether he held the role of queen’s saddler.373 The queen’s saddler was not named in Anne of Cleves’s wardrobe or household accounts, but a lot of work was taking place. Lock provided 9 yards (8.2 m) of black velvet for covering a saddle, William Ibgrave was paid £12 for embroidery on a purple velvet saddle, while Guillaume Brellant received £170 16s for embroidering saddles, Margery Vaughan, silk woman, provided goods worth £203 3s 2d, Peter Cooper, goldsmith, provided two deliveries of items worth £100 and £66 13s 4d.374 A number of saddlers worked for Catherine Parr, including William Jobson, the groom saddler, Richard Baynam, the yeoman saddler, and Edward Steward.375

the king’s spurrier Spurs were both functional for men who spent a lot of time in the saddle and they were a mark of knighthood, thus making them a social marker. There were two main types of spur at this period and examples of both have been found in archaeological excavations in London. Short prick spurs, or spurs with a single pointed goad, were the earlier type with rowel spurs, which were available from the thirteenth century, becoming the predominant style. Long spurs were increasingly fashionable towards the end of the fifteenth century, while short prick spurs were more practical.376 The spurs could be attached to the wearer’s boots either with plain leather straps or with leather straps covered with black velvet, the latter being more expensive. The straps had metal buckles and often had applied metal decoration, as can be seen on an example of a fragmentary rowel spur with complete leathers.377 The king’s spurs could be highly decorative, as indicated by ‘twoo paier of Spurres grauen and guilte thone with crimsen vellet and thother with purple vellet’ (8335). The great wardrobe provided spurs for the king, his sons and his henchmen. In 1483 Piers Curteys, keeper of the great wardrobe, supplied Richard III with ‘ij pair of spurres long white parcell gilt’ and ‘iij pair of spurres short all gilt’.378 William Foster, spurrier, supplied spurs for Henry VII’s coronation and throughout his reign, for example in 1504–05 he

the royal artificers delivered arming spurs, long spurs and short spurs, while in 1505–06 he supplied black spurs. He continued to supply the great wardrobe into Henry VIII’s reign, providing oris, stirrups, spurs and hunting spurs in 1510–11. A warrant dated 18 September 1512 refers to Margaret Foster, ‘our spurrier’, who may have been his widow or daughter. She supplied the king with 18 pairs of spurs of white and black, as well as lace of crimson silk and gold for making points.379 John Spurrier was listed in three sets of accounts (1510–11, 1516–17 and 1523–25) and, while he did provide spurs, he more regularly

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supplied pairs of stirrup irons. In contrast, William Miles, the king’s spurrier, made regular deliveries of spurs for the king from the 1516–17 great wardrobe account to the last extant account in 1543–45. While in some instances the spurs are not described in any detail, on other occasions there were references to white spurs, black spurs, gilded spurs, long varnished spurs, black spurs with black leather and gilded spurs with velvet. On 6 January 1539 he was granted a red livery coat embroidered with HR.380 This marked him out as one of the small but élite group of royal artificers.

Notes 1 Hall, Chronicle, p. 507. 2 LP xv, 412. 3 Stow, Survey, pp. 107–08. 4 Rowlands, Holbein, p. 122. 5 See above, p. 25. 6 N. Sleigh-Johnson, ‘Aspects of the tailoring trade in the City of London in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries’, Costume, 37 (2003), p. 29. 7 LP i.ii, 2765. 8 Gunn, Charles Brandon, p. 97; LP iii.i, 750, 852.ii, 3517; LP iv.ii, p. 1395; LP v, pp. 314, 320, 324. 9 Gunn, Charles Brandon, p. 128. 10 Lisle Letters, v, 1207 (LP xiii.ii, 148). 11 Ibid., V, 1218 (LP xiii.ii, 317). 12 Ibid., v, 1382 (LP xiv.i, 791). On 7 April 1539 Husee had informed Lady Lisle that the ship her goods were travelling on had sunk near Margate, adding that ‘your ladyship’s taffeta is saved, but wet’. Ibid., v, 1375 (LP xiv.i, 713). 13 Veale, Fur Trade, p. 81. 14 LP iv.ii, 4997. 15 See above, p. 302. 16 SJC D91.17, p.28. 17 TNA SP1/195, f. 177r (LP xix.ii, 688). In October 1545 a saddler’s bill for saddles, stirrups, bits and other things priced at 48s 4d was sent to Anthony Bourchier, Catherine Parr’s auditor; LP xx.ii, 580. At the same time, a tailor’s bill for 15 items costing 27s 11d and a furrier’s bill for furring a cassock of damask with three sable skins for 22s were also settled; LP xx.ii, 592. 18 CPR 1494–1509, p. 313. 19 Sleigh-Johnson, ‘Aspects of the tailoring trade’, p. 28. 20 TNA, LC5/33, ff. 189–90; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 195–96. 21 Alçega, Pattern Book, pp. 26–27; J. Milhous and R. T. C. Hume, ‘The tailor’s shop at the Pantheon Opera, 1790–1792’, Costume, 35 (2001), p. 29. 22 Sleigh-Johnson, ‘Aspects of the tailoring trade’, p. 26. 23 Davies and Saunders, Merchant Taylors, p. 52. 24 SJC D91.2, pp. 12, 9. 25 See above, pp. 121–23. 26 LP iv.i, 965. 27 TNA SP1/29, ff. 191r–205v. 28 Ibid., f. 197r. 29 Rangstrom, ‘Renaissance lions’, p. 292. 30 Arnold, Patterns, p. 8. 31 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 177–80. 32 Sutton, ‘Lovekyn’, p. 4. 33 Ibid., pp. 1–3. 34 Ibid., p. 3; Campbell, Materials, ii, p. 29. 35 CPR 1485–94, p. 30. 36 Ibid., p. 32. 37 Ibid., p. 293. 38 TNA E404/81, not numbered. 39 Ibid., not numbered. 40 TNA E101/414/8, no. 39. 41 M. Davies, ed., The Merchant Taylors’ Company of London: Court Minutes, 1486–1493 (Stamford, 2000), pp. 295–96. 42 Sutton, ‘Lovekyn’, p. 5. 43 LP i.i, 54.68. 44 LP i.i, 218.21. Hainault was south of Brussels, east of Lille and west of Liége.

45 TNA E101/417/4, unfoliated. 46 LP i.i, 969.61. 47 LP ii.i, 2736. 48 TNA E101/418/1, no. 20 (LP i.ii, 2506). 49 LP i, 5720. 50 See above, pp. 145–46. 51 LP ii.i, 2736. 52 LP iii.i, 492 (LP iii, 1461). 53 LP iii.i, 1151.21. 54 TNA E404/96, 138. 55 LP v, 766.24. 56 Lisle Letters, i, p. 473. 57 LP vii, 1498.18. 58 LP viii, 478; Lisle Letters, ii, p. 340. 59 TNA SP1/104, f. 4r. She owed him £9 13s 7d. 60 Davies and Saunders, Merchant Taylors, p. 270; Blair, ‘16th century’, p. 105. 61 R. G. Lang, ed., Two Tudor Subsidy Rolls for the City of London: 1541 and 1582, LRS, 29 (1993), p. xxviii, n. 44. 62 TNA E315/250, f. 50v (LP xvii, 258). 63 LP xvi, 878.41. 64 LP xix.i, 1035.109. 65 LP xxi.ii, 200.33. This payment appears in the accounts of the court of augmentations where the land cost an additional £1 10d; LP xxi.ii, 712.15. 66 LP xx.ii, 418.22. The grant was repeated in November 1545; LP xx.ii, 910.46. 67 LP xxi.ii, 199.27. This payment also appears in the accounts of the court of augmentations; LP xxi.ii, 775, f. 92. 68 LP xx.ii, 418.52. 69 LP xxi.ii, 648.59. 70 LP xxi.ii, 475.102. 71 TNA LC 2/2, f. 3r. 72 CPR 1494–1509, p. 221. 73 LP i.i, 94.48. 74 LP ii.i, 1708. 75 LP ii.i, 2153. 76 TNA SP1/29, ff. 191r–205v. 77 Lisle Letters, ii, 184 (LP vii, 620). 78 TNA LC9/50, ff. 140r–140v. 79 Anglo, Great Tournament Roll, p. 119. 80 PPE Elizabeth, p. 7. 81 Ibid., pp. 20, 34. 82 Ibid., p. 54. 83 See, for example, E. Sanderson, ‘The new dresses: a look at how mantua making became established in Scotland’, Costume, 35 (2001), p. 14. 84 TNA E36/217, f. 51. 85 See above, pp. 168–69. 86 Lisle Letters, v, 1242; (LP Additional i.ii, 1362). 87 PPE Elizabeth of York, p. 40. 88 Also see the entry by M. A. Hayward on John Scut for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, online. 89 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 12r. 90 LP iii.i, 852. 91 LP iv.ii, 3093. 92 LP iv.ii, 3098. 93 LP iv.ii, 3564. 94 PPE, p. 179. 95 TNA SP1/104, f. 4r.

342

the royal artificers

96 Davies and Saunders, Merchant Taylors, p. 270. 97 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 98 Lisle Letters, iv, 856 (LP xii.ii, 130). 99 LP xviii.i, 443. 100 TNA LC2/2, f. 45v. 101 Campbell, Materials, ii, p. 170. 102 TNA E101/424/7, f. 2r. 103 PPE Princess Mary, p. 99. 104 TNA E36/215, p. 315. 105 TNA E36/216, p. 256. 106 LP xiv.ii, 781. 107 LP xv, 613.15. 108 PPE, p. 98. 109 LP iii.ii, p. 1551. 110 For the role of the queen’s hosier in Elizabeth I’s reign, see Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 206–10. 111 PPE Elizabeth, p. 66. 112 TNA SP1/104, f. 8r. 113 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 114 TNA E315/161, f. 210r. 115 Veale, Fur Trade, p. 186. 116 Campbell, Materials, i, p. 490. 117 Ibid., ii, p. 264. 118 Ibid., i, p. 491. 119 Dunlevy, Dress in Ireland, p. 44. 120 TNA E101/422/8; Veale, Fur Trade, p. 20. 121 CPR 1485–94, pp. 65–66. 122 LP i.i, 969.42. 123 BL Stowe MS 146, f. 110 (LP i.ii, 2795). 124 Veale, Fur Trade, pp. 206–07. 125 LP ii.i, 2736. 126 TNA SP1/231, f. 284 (LP Additional i, 157). 127 LP ii.ii, 4458; LP iii.i, 458.27. 128 Veale, Fur Trade, pp. 186, 207. 129 LP vi, 419.6. 130 PPE, p. 101. 131 PPE, p. 183. 132 LP xix.ii, p. 411. 133 LP xix.ii, 444; also LP xix.ii, 278. 134 LP xxi.i, 302.45. 135 LP xxi.i, 1536.32. 136 Campbell, Materials, i, p. 228. 137 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 12r. 138 TNA SP1/104, f. 8r. 139 TNA E315/161, f. 210r. 140 Both pieces are in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna; K. Staniland, Medieval Craftsmen: Embroiderers (1991), pp. 30–31. 141 TNA LC9/50, f. 137r. 142 Lisle Letters, v, 1455a (LP xiv.i, 1131). 143 Ibid., v, 1463 (LP xiv.i, 1165). 144 CPR 1485–94, 125. 145 LP ii.ii, 4474. 146 LP iv.ii, 4124.29. 147 TNA E36/215, p. 466. 148 TNA SP1/232, f. 79 (LP Additional i.i, 214). 149 LP iii.ii, p. 1555. 150 LP v, p. 306. 151 LP v, p. 313. 152 LP v, p. 314. 153 TNA E101/420/11, f. 77r; PPE, p. 280. 154 BL Royal MS 7.F.XIV, f. 124r. 155 BL Royal MS 7C XVI, f. 37 (LP x, 1132). 156 Ibid., f. 33. 157 Ibid., f. 36. 158 PPE Princess Mary, p. 89. 159 LP xv, 642. 160 LP xx.ii, 1067.4. 161 LP xxi.i, 148.72. Thomas Ibgrave was also paid £90 7s 4d for embroidery for the prince. 162 See above, pp. 321–22. 163 LP xv, 733.53. 164 LP xviii.i, 981.93. 165 LP iv.i, 390 and 464. 166 LP v, p. 318. 167 PPE, p. 124. 168 Ibid., p. 103. 169 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 21v (LP xiii.ii, 1280). 170 Lisle Letters, i, 81. 171 LP Additional i.i, 887. 172 PPE Elizabeth, p. 86. 173 TNA E101/417/3, no. 65.

174 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 12v. 175 PPE, p. 128. 176 TNA SP1/104, f. 4r. 177 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 178 TNA E315/161, f. 212r. 179 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 189. 180 M. K. Dale, ‘The London silkwoman of the fifteenth century’, Econ. History Review, 4 (1933), pp. 138–45; and K. Lacey, ‘The production of “narrow ware” by silkwomen in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century England’, Textile History, 28.2 (1987), pp. 187–204. The lack of a grant of office did not stop these women holding the title, being named as such in the great wardrobe accounts or making a good living in royal service. 181 Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, p. 66. 182 A. Sutton, ‘Alice Claver, silkwoman of London and maker of mantle laces for Richard III and Queen Anne’, The Ricardian, 5 (1980), p. 245. 183 LP xv, 642. 184 LP iv.i, 369. 185 LP xx.ii, 418. 186 F. J. Furnivall, Harrison’s Description of England in Shakespeare’s Youth, ii (1877–1908), p. 36; Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 219. 187 A. F. Sutton, ‘John Skirwith, King’s pointmaker, 1461–?86, and leatherseller of London’, The Ricardian, 9, 137 (1997), pp. 54–93. 188 LP i.i, 604.28. 189 PPE Elizabeth, p. 27. 190 Ibid., p. 51. 191 Ibid., p. 8. 192 Ibid., pp. 13–14. 193 Ibid., p. 92. 194 TNA SP1/104, f. 6r. 195 TNA SP1/76, p. 143 (LP vi, 559). 196 LP vi, 917. 197 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 198 TNA E315/161, f. 212. 199 LP xix.ii, 724. 200 LP xxi.i, 26. 201 LP xxi.i, 26. 202 Sutton and Hammond, Coronation, pp. 61–66. 203 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, pp. 177–240. The chapter includes an entry for locksmiths and blacksmiths, which Henry VIII had but who are not discussed here because they did not have a direct involvement with producing the king’s clothes. 204 Blair and Pyhrr, ‘Wilton “Montmorency” armor’, p. 100. 205 M. Pfaffenbichler, Medieval Craftsmen: Armourers (1992), pp. 23, 29. 206 I. Eaves, ‘The tournament armours of King Henry VIII of England’, Livrustkammaren (1993), p. 6. 207 LP ii.ii, 4491. 208 TNA E36/215, p. 376. 209 A. Williams and A. de Reuck, The Royal Armoury at Greenwich 1515–1649: a History of its Technology (Leeds, 1995), p. 28. 210 LP xv, 599.2. 211 LP xv, 599.3. 212 LP v, p. 322; BL Arundel MS 97, f. 187v (LP xvi, 1489). 213 LP ii.i, 113. 214 H. A. Dillon, ‘Arms and armour at Westminster’, Archaeologia, 51.1 (1888), p. 260. 215 LP iii.i, 685. 216 LP iii.i, 750. 217 TNA E36/215, p. 266. 218 Thomas and Thornley, Great Chronicle, p. 343. 219 LP ii.i, 1950. 220 Other examples lined with velvet include 8237–39, while the 12 targets in entry 8240 were lined with wool cloth. 221 BL Royal MS 7F, XIV, f. 67 (LP xx.i, 558; also see LP xi, 686). 222 TNA E404/82, not numbered. 223 Ibid., not numbered. 224 LP i.i, 969.6. 225 BL Stowe MS 146, f. 63 (LP i.i, 1927). 226 LP i.i, 1463. 227 TNA SP1/5, f. 31 (LP i.ii, 2325). 228 TNA E101/418/4, f. 6v. 229 LP iv.ii, 2927.12. 230 LP iii.i, 529. 231 PPE, p. 105. 232 LP xi, 686. 233 LP xvi, 1308.29 and 30. 234 SoA MS 129, ff. 433v, 429r. 235 LP iii.i, 932. 236 J. Clark, ‘Bits’, in Clark, Medieval Horse, pp. 43–53. 237 LP xvii, 714.11. 238 TNA E36/216, p. 101. 239 See above, pp. 147–49; Hayward, ‘Packing’, pp. 8–15.

the royal artificers 240 M. A. Hayward, ‘William Green, coffer-maker to Henry VIII, Edward VI and Mary I’, Furniture History, 36 (2000), pp. 1–13. 241 TNA E101/424/11, ff. 1v–2v. 242 LP iii.ii, p. 1556. 243 TNA E101/417/3, no. 59 (25). 244 TNA LC9/49, p. 5. 245 TNA E36/455, f. 39v, and E36/456, f. 42r. 246 FSL MS Z.d 11, m. 1v; Hayward, ‘Gifts’, p. 168. 247 TNA E101/424/11 and E101/425/17. 248 TNA SP1/228, f. 4r (LP xxi.ii, 642.i). 249 Ibid., f. 6r (LP xxi.ii, 642.ii). 250 LP xxi.ii, 769.3.2. 251 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 229. 252 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 253 See above, p. 332. 254 See above, pp. 278–80. 255 Bäumel and Swann, ‘Die Schuhsammlung’, pp. 3–34. I am also most grateful to June Swann for corresponding with me about Tudor shoes and generously sharing her knowledge. 256 Arnold, Queen Elizabeth, p. 210. 257 TNA E101/417/3, no. 5. 258 PPE, p. 179. 259 LP iii.ii, p. 1551. 260 TNA E101/423/14, f. 1v. 261 PPE Elizabeth, pp. 85–86. 262 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 13v. 263 TNA SP1/104, f. 8r. 264 TNA E101/421/3, unfoliated. 265 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 266 TNA E315/161, f. 210r. 267 P. L Hughes and J. F. Larkin, eds, Tudor Royal Proclamations, i, no. 101 (New Haven and London, 1964), p. 145. 268 Campbell, Materials, i, p. 491. 269 Ibid., p. 263. 270 TNA E101/424/16. 271 LP i.ii, 1948.71. 272 BL Harley MS 2284, ff. 31v–38v. 273 PPE, p. 108. 274 Ibid., p. 272. 275 TNA SP1/125, ff. 175r–177v. 276 LP xvii, 220.62. 277 TNA E101/423/10, f. 20v. 278 C. Blair, ‘A royal swordsmith and damascener: Diego da Çaias’, Metropolitan Museum Journal, 3 (1970), pp. 149–98. 279 LP xviii.i, 346.24 and LP xviii.ii, 529.8. 280 LP xx.ii, 707.46. 281 LP xix.ii, 13. 282 TNA SP1/8, f. 56v; H. A. Dillon, ‘Feathers and plumes’, Archaeological Journal, 53 (1896), pp. 126–39. 283 TNA E36/216, p. 126. 284 TNA E101/418/2; Blair, ‘Maximilian’, pp. 26–27. 285 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 3v (LP xiii.ii, 1280); Blair, ‘Maximilian’, pp. 29–30. 286 APC, ii, p. 411. 287 TNA E36/215, p. 251. 288 Ibid., p. 266. 289 LP ii.ii, p. 1496. 290 TNA SP1/29, f. 200r. 291 Nichols, ‘Inventories’, p. 35. 292 LP iv.iii, 5341. 293 TNA E36/215, p. 66; also P. Glanville, ‘Robert Amadas court goldsmith to Henry VIII’, Proceedings of the Silver Society, 3.5 (1986), pp. 106–13. 294 TNA E36/215, p. 78. 295 Ibid., p. 251. 296 LP iv.i, 2114. 297 See above, pp. 250–51; Scarisbrick, Tudor, pp. 35–36. 298 Glanville, Silver, pp. 55, 81, 143. 299 LP vi, 924. 300 TNA SP1/66, ff. 39r–45r. 301 BL Royal MS 7C. XVI, f. 53 (LP iv.iii, 6349). 302 LP v, 278.8. 303 PPE, p. 184. 304 LP xv, 642. 305 LP xviii.i, 436. 306 Glanville, Silver, p. 35. 307 LP xvi, 1226.14. 308 LP xviii.i, 436. 309 LP xix.ii, 340.47. 310 LP xx.ii, 1067.5. 311 LP xxi.ii, 199.76. 312 PPE Elizabeth, p. 21.

343

313 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 13v. 314 TNA SP1/104, f. 4r. 315 LP xi, 519.17. 316 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 317 TNA E315/161, f. 214r; James, Kateryn Parr, pp. 123–24. 318 H. Tait, ‘The girdle prayer book or “tablet”’, Jewellery Studies, 2 (1985), pp. 29–58; Scarisbrick, Tudor, pp. 35, 48. 319 LP xx.ii, 20. 320 LP iv.i, 297.16. 321 LP xxi.i, 1383.96. 322 LP xxi.i, 1536.56. 323 James, Kateryn Parr, pl. 35, p. 125. 324 Lisle Letters, ii, 466 (LP ix, 679). 325 Ibid., ii, 484 (LP ix, 857). 326 TNA SP1/234, f. 181 (LP Additional i.i, 439). 327 LP iv.i, 297.20. 328 LP xi, 516. 329 Scarisbrick, Tudor, p. 34. 330 LP xiii.i, 1519.52. 331 LP xvii, 220.3. 332 LP xxi.ii, 56. 333 BL Arundel MS 97, f. 190v (LP xvi 1489); LP xxi.i, 963.94. 334 LP xxi.ii, 199.5. 335 A. B. Tonnochy, ‘Jewels and engraved gems at Windsor Castle’, The Connoisseur, 95 (1935), p. 275. 336 J. Thirsk, Economic Policy and Projects: The Development of a Consumer Society in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1978), pp. 14–16. 337 Hayward, ‘Sign’, p. 7. 338 TNA E36/456, f. 32r–33v. 339 BL Royal MS 7C. XVI, f. 52r (LP xix.i, 88). 340 See above, p. 124. 341 LP xix.i, 442.17. 342 K. Buckland, ‘The Monmouth cap’, Costume, 13 (1979), pp. 23–37. 343 TNA SP1/230, f. 265r. 344 LP i.ii, 3373. 345 LP i.ii, 3582.13. 346 J. W. Sherwell, A Descriptive and Historical Account of the Guild of Saddlers of the City of London (1889), p. 51. 347 LP iii.i, 171. 348 C. M. Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages: Government and People 1200–1500 (Oxford, 2004), pp. 220–21. 349 LP iii.i, 1115. 350 Separate girths were required: ‘A paier of girthe of grene Silke and bockles of Copper and guilte’ (8338). 351 Rogers Fund 1904 (04.3.252), Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York; illustrated in Pyhrr et al., The Armoured Horse, pp. 60–62. 352 Ibid., p. 61; 19.131.2a, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 353 LP vi, 1195.8. 354 LP iv.i, 2197. 355 TNA E404/80, 616, 617 and 613. Also see A. Sutton, ‘John Hertyngdon, supplier of saddlery to Richard III’, The Ricardian, 6 (1984), pp. 379–84. 356 TNA LC 9/51, ff. 156r–157v. 357 Bindoff, House of Commons, i, pp. 291–92; LP iv.i, 4801.17. 358 LP xv, 1027.2. 359 LP xvii, 258. 360 TNA LC 9/51, ff. 150r–154v. 361 Nichols, Chronicle of Calais, p. 58. 362 Lisle Letters, ii, 257. 363 LP Additional i.ii, 1359. 364 LP xiv.ii, 535. 365 SJC D91.17, pp. 67, 23, 27. 366 PPE Elizabeth, p. 103. 367 SP Henry VIII, iv, 135. 368 Ives, Anne Boleyn, p. 228. The coach would not appear in England until 1555. According to John Stow this was the year that Walter Ripon made a coach for the earl of Rutland; see J. Munby, ‘Queen Elizabeth’s coaches: the wardrobe on wheels’, The Antiquaries Journal, 83 (2003), p. 311. 369 PPE Elizabeth, p. 1. 370 Ibid., p. 14. 371 TNA LC 9/51, f. 19v. 372 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 14r. 373 TNA SP1/104, f. 14r. 374 TNA E101/422/15, unfoliated. 375 TNA E315/161, f. 214r. 376 B. A. Ellis, ‘Spurs and spur fittings’, in Clark, Medieval Horse, p. 125. 377 MoL BC72; illustrated in Clark, Medieval Horse, p. 133. 378 BL Harley MS 433, f. 126. 379 TNA E101/417/3, no. 96. 380 TNA E36/456, f. 19v.

xx Making the Tudor Wardrobe

A

letter sent by Jean Langue to his colleague Jacques Poullan in Paris recorded his success in tempting Henry to buy Parisian fashion. He reported ‘of your embroidery I have only shown the gown and the [hose]. The King was very glad to see such riches. I told him they were made for him. He said he was too old to wear such things, but he offered 4,000 crowns for both’.1 The appeal of these garments undoubtedly lay in the quality and style of the embroidery, the fashionable nature of their cut and construction and that they were made especially for him. This example also demonstrates how the quality of the king’s clothes and the magnificent impression that they created were directly related to the skill of the craftsmen and the range of techniques that they employed. Consequently, the skills used by the king’s tailor and the other royal artificers were all part of the production of the king’s image. However, the direct evidence of the cut and construction of Henry’s clothes and those of his contemporaries is limited. Indeed, it is very hard to get a sense of the actual shaping of garments from most written sources. Even so, the written sources do provide insights into the range of materials used, and hints on the dating of when particular techniques were used to decorate the king’s clothes. These insights can be enlarged upon by reference to visual sources and the few extant garments or fragments of garments, although most of these date to the middle period of the sixteenth century or later.2

Tailoring books Ideas about cut and construction were passed on in the early sixteenth century by word of mouth, by studying garments made by others or dressed figures that were the forerunner of fashion dolls and by watching a master craftsman at work, as in the apprenticeship system run by the London guilds such as the Merchant Taylors (Figs 20.1 and 20.2). The Merchant Taylors’ company had developed out of the tailors and linen

armourers and its regulations required that a tailor should be ‘able and cunning to serve the king’s lieges and the people of all such garments and things as shall be put into his hands to make’.3 Information on the cut and construction of garments was recorded in unpublished manuscripts or what have been termed ‘master-piece books’, and a small group of these have survived in European archives. The earliest account, which only consists of written descriptions, dates from the mid sixteenth century and is based on the masterpiece-book of Jörg Praun, while the first extant book with diagrams is that of Hans Nidermayr the younger of Innsbruck.4 A book compiled by an unknown Milanese tailor includes sections on how to make robes for scholars and doctors, male clothing c. 1555, female garments from 1555–60 and servant’s liveries c. 1570 in the German style.5 While it has been suggested that there were extant books produced by the tailors’ guild in Poznan dating from 1499, 1533, 1577 and 1747, recent research has revealed that there is only one book in Poznan dating from 1747 which included patterns dating from 1628.6 The early printed tailoring books contained cutting diagrams but no instructions on the actual techniques because tailors were concerned with cutting, not sewing. The best known of these is by the Spaniard Juan de Alçega, whose Libro de Geometria practica y traça was first published in Madrid in 1580.7 In 1588 Alçega’s book was followed by Diego de Freyle’s Geometria, y traça para el oficio de los sastres which was published in Seville. While the patterns included in Alçega’s book were fashionable in the late sixteenth century, many of the details were in existence in the earlier decades of the century.

Patterns Lady Margaret Beaufort’s household account for 1505 included a payment of 3s 6d for 7 yards (6.4 m) of black cotton ‘whiche made a Gowne for a patron to my lady’.8 At the time of her death four years later in 1509, her wardrobe of the robes

346

making the tudor wardrobe

20.1 Don Garzia de’Medici’s cloak, after conservation, giving a very clear indication of the cut and piecing of the fabric and placement of the guards. Reproduced with the permission of Mary Westerman for the Janet Arnold slide archive, Galleria del Costume, Palazzo Pitti

20.2 Detail of the sleeves of Don Garzia de’Medici’s cloak, after conservation. Reproduced with the permission of Mary Westerman for the Janet Arnold slide archive, Galleria del Costume, Palazzo Pitti

contained ‘a blake kyrtill clothe redy shaped price vjs’.9 While these examples indicate that patterns were in use in a noble household, there were very few references to patterns or toiles being made within the great wardrobe in the early and mid Tudor period. This suggests that there were either existing patterns that were used and modified, or that the tailors cut the pieces by eye, aided by experience.10 However, there were a few exceptions, such as the patterns used for making the king’s coronation robes. This may reflect that coronation robes were not made very frequently. Henry VII’s coronation accounts included a payment to Thomas Windwood, mercer of London, for 4 yards (3.6 m) of crimson cloth ‘for a patron for the kinges gowne’ costing 13s 4d.11 Twently-three years later, on 1 June 1509 Elizabeth Swayne supplied 118½ ells (81.3 m) of canvas for ‘patterns for robes of coronation,

long gowns, glawdekins, riding coats and jackets’, costing 41s 11½d.12 After Henry VIII’s accession, the evidence suggests the sporadic use of patterns both for revels costumes and items for the king’s personal wardrobe. The account for a revel held on 23 August 1519 included a payment of 3s 2½d for 7 ells (4.8 m) of canvas ‘for a pattern for a garment of the King’s device, and kept by him’.13 Some years later, on 26 February 1545 John Malt received 20d for making a pattern of canvas for a coat of mail or tunica de maile.14 Royal patterns could be disseminated in various forms and stored in unlikely places. On the fourth shelf of the little study next to the king’s old bed chamber at Whitehall were ‘diuerse plattes and paternes of gownes’ (11142) and ‘A booke of parchement conteyninge dyuerse paternes’ (11164).15 This may indicate that Henry VIII consulted the pattern books and had his fittings in his bedchamber. This would certainly fit with the development of special dressing rooms for the king at Whitehall in the 1540s.16 Exchanging patterns was one way of spreading ideas about what was fashionable, especially for women’s dress, from one country to another. On 13 April 1513 Princess Mary wrote to Margaret of Savoy, thanking her for ‘some patterns of costume of the ladies of her court’, adding that she hoped ‘to introduce the same fashion for herself’.17 An account for Catherine of Aragon from March 1520 included a number of gowns made in the ‘Milan’ fashion, including a gown of black velvet lined with quilted black satin. It also contained an entry for 2 yards (1.8 m) of canvas that was used for ‘patrons of myllon facion’, costing 6d.18 The suggestion is that these gowns were for inclusion in her wardrobe at the Field of Cloth of Gold. An account for Princess Mary in 1546 included 3s 4d ‘for drawing of the lining of a partlet upon cambric’.19 Patterns were not exclusive to women in royal circles, although they could sometimes prove to be elusive. On 9 November 1539 John Husee wrote to Lord Lisle to inform him that he could ‘get no new pattern for my lady’s frontlet’.20 By Elizabeth I’s reign, the frequency with which patterns were made, or at least recorded and charged for, had changed and a number of references to the taking and making of patterns and toiles appear in the great wardrobe accounts.21

Equipment Tailoring did not require the use or acquisition of expensive or extensive equipment.22 Scissors were the most important tool and they feature both in written and visual sources. A manuscript illumination of c. 1320–30 depicts a tailor using a pair of shears to cut out a garment, possibly a coat.23 The same activity was captured in Giovanni Moroni’s portrait of The Tailor, c. 1570–79, which presented the tailor, fashionably dressed in a doublet, holding a pair of scissors and in the process of cutting out a garment.24 Shears could be bought for a specific project, as in the case of the preparations for the revels held on 12 and 13 February 1511 when Richard Gibson bought ‘of fyen sesors of breges kolen makyng xxiiij payer . . .

making the tudor wardrobe ix payer of kolen scheres . . . iiij fyen tolovs scheres’. These scissors were given heavy use, as Gibson’s comments recorded that they were all ‘spent and vtterly worn to nothing . . . and svm borkyn yn the revets and svm in the bowes’.25 Purchases of shears feature in other revels accounts, such as Gibson’s account dating from 25 April 1527. William Botry, mercer, supplied two pairs of tailor’s shears costing 3s 4d.26 The king also had scissors in his possession: there were ‘a small paier of sheres and a paier of Sisars’ (2363) in removing coffer E. These may have been for the officers of the robes to undertake emergency repairs or alterations while the king was on progress. Needles were essential. The revels account for February 1511 listed ‘sowyng nedylls and pap [pack] nedylls as mene as kost iijd’, while the 1547 inventory contained a range of needles including ‘vij papers of Nedelles of dyuers sortes’ (2561).27 At the opposite end of the scale there were much coarser needles, such as ‘a Bodkynne’ (3480) and the 150 sail needles listed in the account of Walter Crane for ‘repairing, riggyng and emperolyng’ The Great Nicholas moored in the Thames at Woolwich from 17 January to 9 March 1513.28 Good quality needles were imported. On 26 February 1546 Stephen Vaughan wrote to Lord Cobham from Antwerp and he enclosed ‘a little clout with needles for Cobham’s daughter, whom he heard wish she might somewhere find some good needles’.29 Pins were used to temporarily join pieces of fabric while they were being stitched together. The History of Jack of Newbury produced during Henry VIII’s reign records how clothiers and tailors stored their pins: ‘He had on a plain russet coat, a pair of kersey breeches, without welt or guard, and stockings of the same piece sewed to his slops which had a great codpiece on which he stuck his pins.’30 Whether professional tailors used a thimble may well have been a matter of personal preference. However, noble women evidently did use them, because a number of examples were listed in the 1547 inventory, including ‘a Thimble Siluer gilte’ (2411) and a ‘thimble of gold garnished with small stones as Rubies Emerades Dyamountes’ (2612). George Lovekyn left some of the tools of his trade to his apprentices in his will dated 1504: ‘unto Stephyn Jasper, late my servaunt . . . my great cofer which standith in my shaping hous and also one of my shaping bordes . . . to Stevyn Lumbard, late my serevaunt, a nother shaping borde.’31 However, there were no references to chalk for marking the cloth, or measures for taking a client’s measurements. Tailors and other royal craftsmen were periodically supplied with candles to allow them to work during the evenings, so extending the working day. Tailors did not require purpose-built premises, although access to the optimal amount of natural daylight would have been advantageous. This allowed tailors to make use of a wide variety of work spaces.

Selection and orientation of the top fabric It seems most likely that the king’s tailor was personally involved in the selection of the fabrics used to make the king’s

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clothes, and in many instances he also supplied them. Alternative supplies of fabric came from the great wardrobe, the silk house at Whitehall and the store of cloth kept within the wardrobe of the robes (see Tables 6.5, 10.7 and 11.1). The type of fabric selected could be influenced by a range of factors such as: the intended use of the garment, and if it was required for a specific occasion that required a certain colour or type of cloth to be used; availability; cost and the type and style of the garment requiring cloth with a specific drape or handle. Many of the warrants issued to the great wardrobe only provided the top fabric, meaning that the recipient would have had to pay for the linings, fastenings, decoration and making up themselves. The amounts of cloth allocated for specific types of garment reveal that the tailors of the great wardrobe had standard lengths of material to work with: for example 3 yards (2.7 m) for a doublet, 4 to 5 yards (3.6 m–4.5 m) of woollen cloth and 8 to 11 yards (7.3 m–10 m) of silk for a man’s gown and 7 yards (6.4 m) for a kirtle. Similar ideas can be found in other sources. References to ‘gown cloths’ appear in Stephen Vaughan’s letter to Sir William Paget dated 13 September 1545, suggesting that there were approximate yardages of cloth felt to be necessary to make up particular garments. However, as Vaughan observed, an individual’s dimensions could have a bearing on this: ‘I send you 12 ells of the best gros greyn to make you a night gown. The tailors tell me that 10 ells of that breadth is too much; and Mr Chamberleyn made one with 9 ells, not fully of your length but he made it to the half leg with less that ix ells.’32 Extant garments indicate that, while the individual pieces were generally cut on the straight grain, the fabric could also be used cut on the bias. Hose provide one example where biascut cloth could enhance the fit, although cloth cut on the straight grain was also used. The strips used for making guards were often cut on the bias, as in the case of the decorative bands applied to the yellow damask gown of Maurice of Saxony or the black damask cloak with sleeves owned by Don Garzia. The cuffs of Mary of Hungary’s wedding dress were cut on the bias, so enhancing the way the fabric fell over her hands.33 Equally, extant clothing and textiles from this period often reveal a very economical use of fabric which took little regard of the orientation of the warp and weft or matching the pattern. Certainly fabric from several different sources could be used to make one garment. Three different satin damasks, with three slightly different loom widths, were used to make a sixteenth century doublet.34 Even lengths of fabric could be pieced, such as a piece of white baudekyn with flowers of gold ‘sowen togeders cont xviij yerdes at xxxiijs iiijd — xxx li’ [B410]. However, some objects, such as the yellow damask gown of Maurice of Saxony, which was made from a yellow silk damask with a very large pattern repeat, reveals very careful piecing of the fabric which balanced and matched the design. The idea of conspicuous waste or the use of excessive fabric in garments, either through pleating or lengthy trains, has been considered by a number of authors. Anne Hollander has linked the excessive use of fabric in the Renaissance period clothing to the fact that cloth was ‘the primary worldly good’. Consequently, cloth, as the most important contemporary

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manufactured product, was used to emphasise social standing and moral worth, and this was why angels and saints were often painted dressed in the styles favoured by the élite.35 Taking the idea one step further, the use of slashing, cutting and pinking as a means of embellishing very expensive woven textiles that were often highly patterned in their own right, both enhanced the decorative impact while potentially undermining the structural integrity of the weave.

Linings A range of different materials were used as linings and the final choice of fabric could be dependent upon a number of factors. Lightweight fabrics such as sarsenet could be used to give additional body and so assist with the drape of the top fabrics. A bard made for the king embroidered with eglantines, a hand, trueloves and H and K was lined with 18 yards (16.4 m) of white sarsenet.36 Smooth fabrics of this type would slide over any other garments worn as under layers. Linings of this type could be easily and quite cheaply replaced in order to keep the garment fragrant. Linings could be the same colour as the outer fabric, but more frequently they were a contrasting colour. The type of lining could be changed to reflect seasonal requirements. Items worn in the summer, which were sometimes unlined, were often described in inventories as ‘single’, while fur linings were used to provide warmth so fur linings were put in for the autumn and winter and taken out in the summer. On 14 September 1539 Lord Lisle wrote to his wife, asking her to ‘Send me the furs of my tawny velvet gown and the sables; for from what I have heard they may be needed’.37 Heavier weight, cellulosic fabrics could be used as linings to give added bulk and definition to a garment. The revels account of Richard Gibson from 12–13 February 1511 included ‘koton cloothe xxiij yerdes de . . . spent and in ployd for lynyng of iij kyrtylles of rvsset damaske . . . for lynyng of iij gownes . . . for lynyng and stvffynge of the plyght of the iij gowns’ and ‘ij ells iij qvarters of lynnyn clothe . . . for lynyng of the vj garments for the iij maydyns’.38 The lining fabrics used for a doublet made from red gold brocade in lampas for Gustavus Adolphus (1594–1632) were a red silk taffeta in a tabby weave and a yellow-grey tabby weave linen.39 More specifically, the Hever doublet was lined with plain weave linen with a thread count of 18 warps and wefts per 10 mm.40 Twenty-five different types of fabric were identified as being used as lining fabrics in Worsley’s wardrobe book, ranging from canvas [A84], buckram [A269] and felt [B111] to cloth of gold [A133], cloth of silver [B41] and tissue [A27].41 Satin and sarsenet were the most commonly used materials, with sarsenet recorded on 91 occasions and satin placed in 120 garments. These linings were recorded in 27 different types of garment and sets of garments, indicating that linings were an integral part of the construction of the king’s clothes. Most information was provided about the linings used in doublets, gowns and jackets which is not surprising as these was the most commonly made items recorded in Worsley’s book. A key point raised by this list is the use of rich, heavyweight

fabrics as linings, which suggests that the lining was going to be seen. The evidence recorded in the 1547 inventory indicates that two decades later a much smaller range of materials was being used as linings. Just six types of lining were identified: capha damask, damask, sarsenet, satin, taffeta and velvet. Linings are recorded in 13 types of garment.42 Frocks could be lined throughout with a single fabric, but they were often lined with velvet in the body and satin for the bases. There were 13 Spanish capes, all of which were lined, most with velvet. Only 17 of the 39 gowns were described as being lined. However, some of the gowns had had the linings removed, leaving only ‘thowtside of a gowne with a square cape of Russett Satten’ (14221). Even so, some were probably never lined, indicating that they were made for summer use. In addition to providing warmth, fur linings were also worn as an expression of wealth and status. During Henry VIII’s reign fur was usually applied, either as a decorative edging or border or a full lining, to a range of outer garments, although not all outer garments were furred; for example, none of the king’s cassocks in 1547 were either faced or lined with fur. Equally, fur was not usually found on doublets, jerkins or hose. Fur linings could be inserted into boots, buskins and slippers for warmth. In contrast, women’s sleeves provided a very good vehicle for the display of fur, especially the large hanging-over sleeves of the 1540s that could be lined with fur, as in the full-length portrait of Catherine Parr (Fig. 9.3). In most cases, inventories, warrants and bills make a distinction between the furs used for ‘furring’ and ‘facing’ because different colours, types and qualities of fur were normally used for the two functions. Henry VII and Henry VIII both spent heavily on fur, especially sable. During 1543–44 Henry VIII spent £166 on 80 sables for a gown of damask with guards of velvet embroidered with gold thread.43 A gender bias in the type of furs purchased can also be observed. Royal men favoured sable, while the women tended to wear pale furs such as ermine, lettice and miniver.44 Worsley’s wardrobe books record the use of 13 types of fur used on 134 garments (Table 20.1): 35 occurrences for budge, 27 for sable, 19 for coney including black and of unspecified colour, 17 of ermine, nine each for luzards and miniver, eight of jennets including black and grey, two each for mink, pure, shanks and wolf skin and one each for ostrich skin and pampilion. It is not surprising that sable features so prominently, but the prevalence of the cheaper furs such as budge and coney presents a very different use of fur to that seen in the fourteenth century. Ten types of fur, some of which are different to those used in Worsley’s book, were recorded in 1547: budge, calabre, coney, ermine, lamb, libard wombs, luzards, pampilion, sable and squirrel. The fur was used to line and trim just three types of garments: 11 out of 20 coats, three out of 17 frocks and 15 out of 39 gowns. The clerks provide details about the type and placement of fur linings, as in the case of a short gown ‘furred with lowe Boudge’ (14205), a gown of ‘fresed veluett with a square cape’ ‘saving the cape whiche hath noo furr in it’ (14185) and a gown which may have been lined and faced with fur but was described as ‘lacking the facing therof’ (14217).

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Table 20.1: Fur-trimmed and -lined garments in Worsley’s wardrobe books Garment

Number furred and the types of fur

Bases Caps of maintenance Chammers Cloaks Coats Coronation robes Demi-coats Four-quartered jackets Frocks Gowns

(1) Coney B309 (1) Ermine B325 (14) Budge B134; luzards B24, 95, 131; sable A20, 22, 139, B23, 25, 31, 34, 94, 119, 121, (2) Sable B96; wolf skin B137 (11) Budge A175, 240, 251; coney A155–6, 164–5, 205 B140; ermine A244, B334 (1 set) Ermine B1–2, 4; miniver B3 (1) Fox B143 (3) Budge A122, 246, 248 (6) Budge A114, B99, 124; coney B126–7; sable B83 (52) Budge A3–4, 9, 12, 14, 23, 34, 103, 138, 144, B38–9, 86, 92, 113–4, 116–7, 122; coney A101, B33; ermines A11, 18, 121, 328, 330, 332, B19; jennets A10, 145, B20–1, 29, 120; luzards B27, 36, 85, 93, 118, 123; mink A124; pampilion A 31; sables A15, 21, 127, B22, 26, 28, 30, 32, 37, 84, 115, 132; shanks A123 (3) Ermine A119; mink A78; shanks A118 (7) Budge A238, B142; coney A171, 199, B141, 144, 333 (3) Budge A1–2; ermine B331 (4) Coney, B110; sable B35, 100, 133 (1 set) Ermine B5–6; miniver B7–8 (1) Pure B323 (2) Budge A69, 71 (2) Budge A64, 66 (2) Miniver A67; pure B324 (1) Ermine A269

Gowns for women Jackets Mantles Nightgowns Parliament robes Robes with a train for a child Short four-quartered jackets Short gowns Tabards Trappers

Interlinings and facings Interlinings were extra layers of a heavyweight fabric, such as buckram or canvas, that were added to provide additional weight to part or all of a garment or to ensure that a garment hung correctly. The interlining in the red doublet of Gustavus Adolphus is of a grey-black plain weave or tabby linen which has been coated with an unidentified stiffening substance.45 These fabrics were usually stitched to the top fabric, in order to ensure that the interlining moved with the top fabric. Interlinings were not necessarily used for a whole garment. Rather they tended to be used for specific elements that needed extra stiffness such as collars, cuffs and the skirts of doublets and coats. A collar, possibly from a coat, made from silk velvet and edged with a silk braid, with a jute interlining and a wool lining, was found on the Trinidad Valencera which sank on its return to Spain in 1588.46 The front and back of the Hever doublet had a coarse plain weave linen interlining with a thread count of 15 warps and wefts per 10 mm, while the sleeves did not.47 References to the fabrics used as interlinings are rare in inventories, chiefly because the interlinings are not visible on the finished garment and so not accessible for the clerk to record. However, the particular accounts of the great wardrobe and the wardrobe warrants do include references to the range of fabrics that were used as interlinings in garments such as doublets, frocks and coats. There are rarely any specific references made to the use or placement of interlinings or facings in the accounts. However, extant garments and archaeological finds indicate that facings were used to reinforce edges, especially those that had large numbers of buttons, buttonholes or lace holes.48 Heavy canvas was used to line bodices of women’s gowns to create a very smooth surface. There were no darts either in the side seams or underarm area in these bodices in order to

accommodate the bust.49 The pleats at the back waistband of the skirt of a woman’s gown were supported by the use of additional sections of fabric.50 Generally one layer of fabric was used, but multiple layers could be used for collars or sleeve heads. Small sections of linen acting as an interlining were used to support puffs of fabric inserted into slashes on doublets and hose.

Padding and stiffening There are very few references in the great wardrobe accounts to materials being used to pad garments to create a specific shape or for warmth. However, there are a few payments for down and wool used as padding materials for saddles and close stools, as well as more unusual items such as ‘8 felltes ostrege woll’ at 12d each.51 This creates the presumption that the bulky male images of the first half of the sixteenth century were created by wearing a number of layers rather than by wearing padded clothes. There are also passing references to padding being used to provide protection. Wool padding could be incorporated into garments and armour, as indicated by payments made for the jousts held on 20 October 1519 to celebrate the marriage of the earl of Devon: 2½ lb (1.1 kg) of carded wool at 4d the pound, for the headpieces, gauntlets, maundvers, borlets, and 9 yards (8.2 m) of Cheshire cotton at 7d the yard for lining the king’s pasguard, great guard and ‘great mayn de fer’, all of which were then lined with 3½ yards (3.2 m) of crimson satin bought from William Botry at 9s the yard.52 A revels account from March 1519 included ‘ladies petticoats of Spanish work’ made with four dozen pasteboards to make hoops for the petticoats and to stiffen bonnets costing

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Sewing thread does not feature on the general warrants issued to the great wardrobe. However, references to silk and linen thread do occasionally appear on the warrants for the wardrobe of the beds, on some of the king’s own warrants from the later part of the reign, and the exchequer accounts for 1518–19 included payments for small needles and white thread costing 1d and 2d respectively.56 Some of the dyed threads were not colourfast, as indicated by the letter that John Husee sent to Lady Lisle on 23 April 1539. On one of the voyages from Calais to London, some of Lady Lisle’s goods including an embroidered stool were damaged and Husee had to report that ‘The colours are faded. It is of crewel’.57 Large quantities of thread were bought for the livery made for 1544 campaign: Thomas White supplied 83 bolts of black thread for sewing the coats, £10 7s 6d; 126 lb (57.15 kg) of red thread, £16 16s; 99 lb (44.9 kg) of yellow thread, £9 18s; 22 lb (9.9 kg) of grey thread, 18s 4d; 26 lb (11.8 kg) of grey thread, 26s, and 37 oz (1.04 kg) of yellow silk, 37s, costing in total £41 2s 10d. Such large scale purchases were unusual and most orders were for small bundles or skeins of thread, as indicated by the following entries from the 1547 inventory: ‘thre bundelles of silke of blacke and grene’ (11165), ‘v bunches of white thred’ (2556) and ‘four bobynnes siluer gilt’ (2902). There is no direct evidence that the royal tailors waxed their sewing thread. However, it is possible that they did, providing their own wax, thus explaining why it did not feature in the accounts. The technique was certainly in use, as indicated by a fifteenth century manuscript which illustrates how a knight was armed. The author described how arming points were made, noting that the best material was ‘fine twine such as men make stryngis for crossbowes’ which were then waxed in order to make them pass through the lacing holes more easily.58

flat, also with running stitch.60 The seam allowance could be stitched down with lines of a fine running stitch worked a few millimetres away from the seam, on more prestigious garments such as on the yellow damask gown of Maurice of Saxony. Equally, the cut edges of seams could be rubbed with wax to reduce the likelihood of fraying. While there are no references to the purchase or provision of wax for such purposes in the great wardrobe accounts, the practice clearly was undertaken. Residual traces of wax can be seen on the turnings of the velvet panes of Nils Sture’s pluderhose.61 The quality of finish on the seam turning becomes much less important if a garment is fully lined, as most of the king’s clothes were. Where possible, and especially on shirts, and shifts, selvedges appear to have been utilised to avoid fraying and to provide additional strength. Finally, some seams were left open intentionally, either for a short section or along the whole length, as a feature of the design. Decorative finishes to seams were not uncommon, especially on collars or bands and cuffs on shirts. An interesting and highly decorative technique was used on some of the main seams on the boy’s shirt in the Victoria and Albert Museum. A similar technique can be seen on the shoulder seams of the king’s shirt in Holbein’s portrait (Pl. Ic). Richard Gibson’s record of a masque held on 23 August 1519 included a reference to 12 pairs of ‘wide shirt sleeves with reban semys of fine cloth’.62 Additional decorative finishes included frilled edges that could be created either by gathering or pleating a strip of cloth, or the cloth could be shaped using techniques such as starch and crimping.63 Most hems were finished very simply with the fabric turned up once or twice. However, a range of more decorative finishes was also used. In the early Tudor period, decorative bands of contrasting fabric were often placed round the hems of gowns and kirtles. Such bands would have the added benefit of strengthening the edge. Even so, there are no references in the great wardrobe to the practice of padding hems with felt, an example of which can be seen on the crimson gown c. 1560 in the Museo di Palazzo Reale, Pisa, which is thought to have possibly belonged to either Eleanor of Toledo or one of her ladies in waiting.64 Fancy edgings such as jagging were rare in Henry VIII’s wardrobe, but the use of contrasting edging to embellish a range of garments including gowns, doublets and hose was used throughout Henry’s reign.65

Seams and hems

Fit and shaping

Hand-sewn seams are usually formed with one or two lines of stitching.59 The need for the stitching to withstand wear and cleaning, including the laundry process for linen items such as shirts and shifts, meant that small, closely placed stitches were the ideal. Extant garments provide examples of simple seams worked in running and back stitch, the latter generally making a stronger seam. The back seam of a pair of sixteenth century hose, made from a worsted 2.2 twill, was stitched with running or back stitch and the seam allowance was stitched

Cut is the initial factor in achieving a good fit. By the sixteenth century tailoring skills were highly developed in London.66 Many important developments were perfected in the fourteenth century, as indicated by the pourpoint of Charles of Blois, c. 1364. The depth of the armhole can be varied to give greater ease of movement with tight-fitting sleeves, and the solution with the pourpoint was to cut the armholes very deep at the front and back.67 In addition, gussets were inserted at the top of the sleeve to create further ease.68 However, when

16d, and 6 lb (2.7 kg) of wire ‘for wiring the hoops’ costing 2s 6d.53 A revels account for August 1519 included the purchase of 16 pasteboards for bonnets at 3d each.54 The accounts for a mummery held at Greenwich on 31 December 1519 included 12 Paris pasteboards for the ‘turffys’ of the lords’ bonnets for 4s.55

Sewing thread

making the tudor wardrobe looking at the ways a garment is made, it is also important to distinguish between pattern pieces being cut to create a specific shape as opposed to just making efficient use of expensive fabric. In addition, to adjusting the cut of the armhole, the formation of sleeves became increasingly sophisticated. Shaped sleeves could be cut in two pieces, so giving a closer fit than a one-piece sleeve. With the Hever doublet, the inside seam was left open at the cuff end to provide a little ease.69 The large, puffed sleeves, which often formed the top section of a long sleeve could have stay tapes stitched inside the puffed section to create the volume. Many clothes in the early sixteenth century were sophisticated in cut and construction. They depended on a good fit to shape and define the wearer’s body which was achieved by piecing fabric. This is especially evident in the construction of the doublet and hose. Consideration of the hose from the three members of the Sture family in Uppsala cathedral or the Medici burial clothes emphasises the importance of the seams at the centre-front, centre-back, the shaping of the back, the positioning of the shoulder seams and the padded cod-piece. The first half of the sixteenth century saw the development of certain features such as the transition from the one-piece sleeve with the sole seam on the underside of the arm to the two-piece sleeve, and creation of the collar, with the back section of the stand collar being cut in one with the garment back while the front sections of the collar were separate from the main body of the doublet. The positioning of the waistline moved from taking the natural level to below the natural waistline and from being cut in the round or in a downwards point. Indeed, the development of a seam at the waist provided further options for shaping garments and choices in the height (above, at or below the natural waistline) and shape of the waistline (round or pointed).70 The skirts of the doublet or the jerkin got shorter. In general, gussets were not used to shape garments. However, there are a few examples of their use, including a pair of hose cut from woollen cloth excavated in Finsbury. These hose were essentially cut in one piece for the foot and leg, with a separate sole and two small triangular inserts or gussets to create ease around the ankle.71 One of the interesting features of the great wardrobe accounts from the closing years of Henry VIII’s reign is the appearance of references to pockets being made from bridges satin in a range of the monarch’s clothes including coats, frocks and gowns. The garments provided for Prince Edward also had pockets.72 Other references to pockets can be found elsewhere. The examinations taken in January 1541 of

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Richard Pate’s servants after his flight include the comment of William Langland, page, that he had been asked to bring the keys to Pate’s privy coffer out of the ‘powake of Richard Attowan’s coat to get a letter out of the coffer’.73 Equally, there is a pocket slit in the crimson satin lining of the hose of Don Garzia de’Medici which would have provided access to the pocket between two of the velvet panes. Although traces of linen were found in the turnings of the slit during conservation, no remnants of the pocket bag were discovered.74 Initially pockets appear to have been restricted to men’s clothing. By Mary I’s reign the situation had changed. The queen’s wardrobe accounts show that pockets were put into some of her gowns.75 The clothes preserved in Eleanor of Toledo’s grave of 1562 include two pieces of yellow taffeta that Janet Arnold believed to be the remains of a pocket, attached to the front waistband of her gown.76 This construction is supported by evidence recorded in the portrait of Anna Eleonora Sanvitali, 1562, by Girolamo Mazzola Bedoli.77 The slit opening of the pocket was depicted as being placed just below the slightly downward pointing waistline on the left front of her skirt. Not all garments from this period, such as the gown and the shirt, were fitted. Rather they needed only to fit in specific places such as around the neck and across the shoulders. Less shaped garments could make very effective use of the full loom width of the fabric that they were made from. However, in such instances, a degree of gathering or pleating could be employed to accommodate the excess fabric and create some shaping. Pleats could also be used to improve the fit, as in the back of a riding gown of black velvet made for the king and given away on 26 December 1519 to the clerk of the kitchen [A74] or at the back of the skirts of women’s gowns and kirtles. This is especially evident in the accounts of Elizabeth of York, where extra fabric was supplied to support the pleats. Pleats could also be used to provide decorative interest, as in the case of ‘a lytell short gowne of purpull veluete . . . drawen with playtes’ [A60].

Fastenings: buttons, clasps, hooks, latchets and pins, dress hooks, lacing, points and girdles A range of different fastening was used on the clothes of this period, including laces, aglets or points, buttons, dress hooks, pins and girdles (Table 20.2). These fastenings can be divided

Table 20.2: Fastenings on Henry’s clothes in 1547 Garment

Details

Cloaks Coats Frocks

Buttons: 10 round buttons, set with specks of counterfeit ruby and sapphire; 10 buttons of gold Aglets: 12 pairs of gold on the sleeves Aglets: 37 pairs of gold on the bases and sleeves, 40 pairs of gold on the bases and sleeves; Buttons: 32 round, of gold; 36 round, of gold; 40 of gold like roses Aglets: 28 pairs, of gold; 32 pairs; 42 pairs, of gold; Aglets and buttons: 21 aglets and 21 buttons of gold; 26 pairs of aglets and 4 buttons of gold; 34 round aglets of 2 sorts and 10 round buttons of gold; 36 pairs of aglets and 4 buttons of gold; Buttons: 28 of gold, on sleeves; 32 of gold; 77 of gold, round, black enameled Troches: 8 troches of pearls, each with 5 pearls

Gowns Spanish capes

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into two groups: edge-to-edge fastenings and overlapping fastenings. With overlapping fastenings, the clothes tended to fasten left over right, but two extant doublets from the sixteenth century fasten right over left, as can also be seen in some portraits.78 While a selection of fastenings was listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book and inventory and the great wardrobe accounts, the number of references is not large. The greatest detail can be gleaned from the 1547 inventory. Table 20.2 highlights that references to fastenings were generally restricted to outer, male garments for the upper body and that they frequently combined functional and decorative roles. Although buttons were known in prehistoric times, they then went out of use. It has been argued that buttons were reintroduced in the British Isles in the 1330s, but it has been shown conclusively that the date was much earlier.79 Archaeological evidence suggests that they were reintroduced from the East.80 Buttons were both functional and decorative. Their different usage can be seen in the pourpoint of Charles of Blois, c. 1364, which has 31 fabric-covered buttons down the centre-front. The buttons are flat at the neck and from the waist down, with more spherical buttons on the chest.81 Gold and silk buttons are occasionally mentioned in Edward IV’s great wardrobe accounts, including ‘a mantel lace of blue silk with botons of the same’ costing 17s, and ‘xvj botons of blue silk and gold’, price 4s.82 In 1509 Lady Margaret Beaufort’s collection of jewellery included ‘iij buttons of golde’.83 Many of the buttons used on the king’s own clothes were made from gold and were produced in sets, such as ‘x buttons of golde carcan fasshion having vppon euerie button a small table dyamounte’ (2100). These may well have been similar to the four gold buttons found on the wreck of the Girona, which range in diameter from 11 mm to 14 mm, and were decorated with different styles of stamped, geometric designs.84 Examples of lengths of gold metal thread braid worked into four button loops dating from the 1580s have been recovered from the wreck of the Trinidad Valencia, another ship in the Armada fleet which sank in 1588.85 A rather fine set of 12 spherical gold buttons decorated with stamping, engraving and white, red, black and blue enamel was found in the tomb of Count Palatine Friedrich (1557–97).86 Buttons can be seen in a number of portraits from the first from the later 1520s half of the sixteenth century. There are relatively few references to buttons in Worsley’s wardrobe book. The examples were gold or enamelled and found on three chambers (with one having small gold buttons [B134]), three doublets, a doublet and hose and six gowns. References to them also appear in the great wardrobe accounts from the late 1520s. In the account dated 14 July 1527 John Worship supplied just ten buttons of Venice gold for 5s.87 In the late 1530s, decorative buttons were placed on the shoulders of the king’s doublets. By the 1540s, the number of buttons placed on specific garments suggests that they were placed down the centre-front and at the cuffs of sleeves. By then the number of buttons being bought had risen substantially. Anne Grey supplied 285 dozen buttons of gold silver and coloured silk costing £106 14s on a warrant dated

27 March 1544, and 342 dozen buttons of gold, silk and silver (56 dozen at 16s per dozen, 54 dozen at 12s per dozen, 120 dozen at 6s the dozen, and 112 dozen at 2s the dozen), coming to £124 8s on the subsequent warrant dated 26 February 1545.88 In addition, she supplied 36 buttons of blue silk at a price of 12s for the night gown of purple velvet made for Edward while he was in mourning for his father. In order to create the means of fastening, Anne also provided 18 yards (16.4 m) of passamayne lace in blue silk to make applied loops for the buttons at a cost of 36s.89 The 1547 inventory reveals a variety of types of button including carcan fashion (2098), enamelled (3657), with inscriptions (e.g. Amor vincit omnia (3658)), shaped ‘like katherin wheles’ (3516), triangular (3656), Stafford knots (2884), with faces (5) and gem set, with pearls for example (2173). By the 1530s buttons were more commonplace on doublets, coats and jackets. When, following Henry VIII’s marriage to Anne Boleyn, Pope Clement VII threatened the king with excommunication, the duke of Norfolk told him ‘to not care a button’.90 Many of the buttons put on the king’s clothes consisted of silk thread wrapped round a wooden or a fabric core. There is a single row of silk buttons on the Hever doublet. Each button has a long shank ending with a fabric-covered disc decorated with three circles of embroidery with a bullion in the centre. Buttons of this type can be seen in Holbein’s portrait of Sir Richard Southwell painted in 1537.91 There are 11 silk-wrapped buttons on the body of Don Garzia’s doublet and two on the collar, and 14 buttons on Cosimo I’s doublet, with none on the collar. In contrast, the outer doublet of Count Friedrich von Stubenberg had 16 buttons stitched down the front edge. These were just for decoration and all but three remain. The buttons were made from wool cloth covered with wool thread, and then decorated with radiating threads and buttonhole stitch. There are no buttonholes and the doublet actually fastened with hooks and eyes.92 A range of precious and non-precious metal dress hooks have been recorded and they may well have been used in both decorative and functional roles (Fig. 20.3).93 Pairs of metal hooks appear to have been used to hook up women’s skirts, while larger number of hooks may have been used with a more decorative function. In 1506 a pair of hooks was made for Lady Margaret Beaufort weighing half an ounce which cost 18s for the metal and 18d for the fashioning and gilding.94 At the time of her death, a number of Lady Margaret’s jewels were in the keeping of Mistress Fowler. These included ‘ij hokys siluer vpon a rybande for the Tuckyng of a gown’.95 This echoes the use Holbein recorded in his sketch of a woman walking (Fig. 18.1). Dress hooks may also have been used for securing the laces and tassels worn with formal robes.96 Jean Fouquet’s portrait of Gonella, the jester at the Ferraran court, c. 1445, provides one of the earliest representations of hooks and eyes. The metal hooks and eyes are stitched to the inside front edge of the collar of Gonella’s doublet.97 There are a few references to hooks in Henry VIII’s inventories, such as hooks of gold (14543) and silver gilt hooks (2317), but as they are loose and not attached to garments it is hard to get a sense of scale or their specific function. Hooks of this type are similar to latchets which were made of metal, in pairs, with one half having a hook and the other having an

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20.3 Three sixteenth-century silver-gilt dress hooks, private collection. Photo: Mike Halliwell

eye. However, while the term latchet does not feature in the king’s accounts, clasps do. James Worsley’s wardrobe book included a doublet and hose [A202] and a pair of hose with clasps [A194]. Clasps of this kind could be highly ornamental, as in the case of ‘v Claspes gold having vppon euerie claspe A roose of Diamountes and twoo Rubies’ (2096), and made in larger groups such as ‘tenne claspes of golde enameled euerie of theym sett with three dyamountes and vj rubies having written vppon euery of theym Dieu et mon Droit’ (2119). The queen’s jewels contained seven gold clasps, all decorated with gemstones, including ‘one Claspe with a fair Ballais’ (2665) and ‘one Claspe with an Emerode’ (2666). Clasps periodically required repair. A letter sent early in February 1538 by John Husee to Lady Lisle refers to repairs he had undertaken on her behalf: ‘I do further send ij pair of clasps, whereof I have caused iij to be new made, and the other new annealed.’98 Large orders of pins were often included in the warrants for the king’s wives and daughters because they were essential for constructing the complex outfits and head-dresses women wore. They could be made from precious metals, as in the case of ‘a pynne of silver’ (3313) and ‘two pynnes of siluer guilte’ (3455), and decorative items such as these could be kept in ‘a Pynnecase of golde with ij tassels fullie garnysshed with redde stones’ (2791). However, pins were made more usually from brass and iron for all ranks of society. The quantities that were bought indicate that large numbers were lost or bent, making them unusable. A pinner delivered the following order for Jane Seymour’s use: 10,000 pins for 16s 8d, 8,000 pins for 15s 8d, 1,000 pins for 15d, 1,000 for 12d, 5,000 for 4s 2d and 6,000 small pins costing 4s, coming to 37s 9d in total.99

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This list also indicates that a variety of sizes and qualities were available. On occasion specific types of pins were listed in the accounts: for a revel in March 1522 1,000 velvet pins were bought for 10d.100 Pins could have solid heads or wire heads that could be spherical or flat in shape.101 Laces consisted of a length of silk ribbon, cord or possibly a thin leather thong that would be threaded through a series of eyelet holes. The ends of the lace were finished with chapes or tags, so making the ends easier to insert into the eyelet holes that they were threaded through. Most of the chapes or tags for the king and his immediate family were made from precious metal, while those ordered for other members of the royal household might well have been made from a cheaper metal. All of the examples found in archaeological contexts in London are of copper alloy sheeting formed into a tapering tube with a straight overlapping seam.102 The contents of five excavated chapes have been analysed with two certain examples of leather and three possible examples of textile laces. Lacing allows quite simply shaped clothes to be closely fitted to the body of the wearer. The eyelet holes on the garment were worked using buttonhole stitch or reinforced with a mail, a metal eyelet for passing a lace through. Richard Gibson recorded the following purchase in the accounts of a revel held in February 1511: ‘bowght by me . . . CCC laten maylls, the C jd spend vn iij kyrtylles for the iij maydyns.’103 The result of lacing a garment closed was similar to stitching the wearer into it. Lacing was particularly important for female dress, partly because of the added curves of the female body, partly because of the need to make clothing adaptable to changes in body shape, especially as a consequence of pregnancy, and it is most commonly seen in portraits running down one side of the bodice. This can also be seen on the bodice of the grave clothes of Eleanor of Toledo. The bodice laces down both of the curved back seams (Fig. 20.4). Descriptions of people dressing and undressing are infrequent. When they do occur, they shed light on how clothes fitted together. At the execution of Sir Thomas Wyatt, ‘he put off his gown, untrussed his points, and plucked off his doublet and waistcoat’.104 Points were used to attach sleeves to bodices, jerkins or doublets and they were used to join doublet and hose. The points were threaded through worked eyelet holes, which were often positioned in pairs, on a supplementary strip at the waistband of a doublet and the waistband of the hose. The eyelet holes were often placed very close together. There were nine pairs of eyelet holes on each front of Cosimo de’Medici’s doublet and four pairs on either side of the back, making 26 pairs in all. Aglets were recorded on a range of garments in Worsley’s wardrobe books: chammers [A102], cloaks [B138], doublets [A11], frocks [B67], gowns [B32], hose [A11], jackets [A11], mantles [B125], placards and foresleeves [A256], on capes [B125], on sleeves [B131] and with a specific function such as tying a collar [B225]. The aglets were predominantly made from gold [A11], with a few examples decorated with enamel [B322] and several made from silver [B225–26]. A few clues were given with regards to their shape, including flat [B138], long [B322], small [A259] and ‘wrethen’ [B134]. Worsley also made occasional references to arming points of silk and gold [A268] with aglets [B322] and placed on doublets [B322].

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20.4 Lacing was used to close the side opening of Eleanor of Toledo’s bodice, 1562. Reproduced from the Janet Arnold Collection by courtesy of her executors

Also referred to as aglets and tags, points were used in a similar way to laces, but generally they were shorter in length and they were often bought in sets. Points consisted of a length of silk ribbon, cord or tape, a silk and metal thread combination or a leather thong; a similar effect and function to lacing. Examples of a round silk cord made from S-plied silk threads with copper alloy tags on each end were excavated at Fast castle in Scotland. The free ends of the cord extended beyond the tags to form a fringed end. In this example, the round cord was not constructed from the usual eight-strand plait. The length of cord used to make points can indicate use — short cords were used to tie sleeves, while longer cords were used for lacing up the sides of garments, or joining doublets and hose. For the latter, the cords could be tied in decorative loops, so requiring the longer length of cord.105 Arming points were a specialised form and they were periodically listed in the wardrobe of the robes. In 1547 six sets of points were described as arming points, including ‘xij arminge points of purple silke and silver having Aglettes of golde enameled purple and white’ (14574) and ‘twelve pointes of black silke and golde thaglattes of Silver gilte’ (3423). All

types of points were frequently purchased in bulk: Lettice Worship supplied three gross of ribbon points of divers colours costing 42s and a piece of ribbon for pointing for Cornelius Hayes costing 4s on a warrant dated 22 January 1534, and six gross and a half-dozen of ribbon points costing £4 4s on the next warrant for the king dated 24 June 1534.106 Henry’s warrants often allowed for hundreds of points, while Catherine Parr received very large numbers of points from Mark Milliner between 1543 and 1546.107 The regulations of the girdlers’ guild indicate that there were four or five standard widths of girdle with no leather below the quality of ox leather used to make them. Leather girdles were mostly worn with the grain side out. The buckles and strap ends were decorated using a range of techniques including stamping, incising, engraving, punched openwork and the use of inlaid pins.108 At the luxury end of the market, gold enamelled buckles were popular.109 Girdles were often made by using techniques such as tablet weaving. However, the number of textile girdles preserved in London is very small: eight of silk, one of worsted and one of silk and worsted. The guild’s charter of 1321 banned the use of inferior metals by girdlers and promoted latten, copper, iron and steel. The use of more precious metals was restricted to the Goldsmiths’ company and strictly limited by the sumptuary law of 1363.110 Girdles could be very simple in their construction, and they were worn around the waist or hips. They were often made of a length of a lightweight silk such as sarsenet. Girdles of this type were worn by the king, as can be seen in his portraits (Pl. IIa). Lengths of sarsenet were supplied for this purpose and just tied round the waist of the wearer and knotted at the front. On 2 May 1502 Elizabeth of York purchased 12 yards (10.9 m) of sarsenet in eight colours for girdles, costing 48s.111 Lengths of wide silk ribbon or cord could also be used in the same way to make simple but effective girdles. Girdles that were intended to hang swords or daggers from were often made from leather, covered with a textile and then decorated with metal elements. Girdles of this type were largely functional, in that they drew the clothes in at the waist or could be used to suspend items around the wearer’s waist. The most spectacular London find of this type is a nearly complete waist belt of leather with most of its 154 copper alloy mounts in place.112 The belt was possibly a sword belt, and there are traces of textile on the front and back of the leather. When in 1544 Master John painted Princess Mary, she wore at her waist a pearl and gem set girdle (Pl. VIIa). Many of the girdles worn by the female élite were fine examples of the goldsmith’s craft, such as ‘a girdell conteyning xxxij Dyamountes and lxiiij perles set by cowples’ (2716) and ‘a Girdell conteyning xxj Rubies and Clx perles set by eightes’ (2721). The girdle was a decorative item, but it could also be functional, and a range of items could be hung from it including small girdle books and pomanders. In April 1543 Princess Mary paid a goldsmith £3 9s for ‘lengthtyning of a girdle of goldesmyth worke a pomandr’.113 A range of decorative and functional items were hung from a woman’s girdle including pomanders, girdle books, rosaries and ‘twoo womens purses one of crymsen satten thither white

making the tudor wardrobe lether with buttons and tasselles of golde’ (9654). The quality of such items can be gauged from a late fifteenth century pierced gilded silver round pomander made up of four segments which open to reveal a figure of the Virgin Mary.114 In 1547 the queen’s jewel coffer included ‘a Tablet of golde being a Clock fashioned like an Hartee garnysshed with iij Rubies and one fair dyamounde lozenged’ (2653) that might have hung from a girdle.

Decorative techniques: paning, slashing, cutwork, pinking and clocking A range of decorative effects were used by the king’s tailors to embellish his clothes. Some of these techniques were quite short-lived, and only featured in Henry VIII’s wardrobe for up to a decade, while others were used throughout his reign. Paning was a term that could be used to describe two different types of construction: alternating solid panels of cloth of contrasting colour or weave (used to make a range of garments for the king, for example, a ‘Cote panyd with cloth of golde of baudkyn & crimosyn saten lyned with sarcenet’ [B253]); or thin strips of fabric (this effect could be created in two ways, either by joining separate strips of cloth at the top and bottom only or by slashing a single piece of fabric to create the same effect). A second fabric, usually of contrasting colour and weight, was stitched behind the paned strips and pulled out in puffs. When the colours used contrasted, the effect created could be striking. Worsley’s wardrobe book indicates that between 1516 and 1521 paning was used to decorate a range of garments. In a number of cases only one or two examples of a specific type of garment is recorded: chammers [B119], frocks [B71], gowns [B79] and riding coats [B255]. However, other garments, especially doublets either made singly [A162] or with matching hose [A182] and jackets [A180] were clearly favoured for this style of decoration. For an especially striking effect, the king ordered a matching set of doublet, hose and frock [A208]. By 1547 paning had ceased to be an important decorative technique in the king’s wardrobe. Slashing was the term used for making longer cuts in the fabric, while short cuts and small holes were referred to as pinking and decorative cut edges were often called cutwork or jagging.115 Towards the end of the fifteenth century, slashing was predominantly placed on sleeves. It was applied to the doublet and then the hose. As a technique, slashing was at its height in England between 1520 and 1535.116 The positioning of the cuts required careful planning, as in the case of a jerkin worn by Charles V in 1517 which was made from cloth of gold and cloth of silver, both of which were slashed to reveal the crimson satin lining underneath: ‘there must have been a hundred slashes and more in the jerkin, all so well set out that one could not have arranged them better.’117 Slashing could be in the form of long or small cuts all over the surface of the cloth. The cuts were worked in lines or geometric patterns and the fabrics chosen were usually plain

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silks such as satin or velvet rather than patterned cloths. Small diagonal cuts were also used to decorate the edges of cuffs and collars, as on the collar and cuffs of Jean de Dinteville’s doublet in Holbein’s Ambassadors. This technique was used on the cuffs of Don Garzia’s doublet and was created by stitching in place a doubled-over length of bias-cut satin that was cut. Slashing could be combined with a range of other fancy cutwork techniques and the effect (as with paning) was enhanced by placing linings of contrasting colours under the cuts. In 1541 the king’s wardrobe included ‘a cote with slevys of Russet vellet embrouderyd and frogged with venyce gold cut and pulled owt with crymsen taphata lined with black satten’.118 The linings could have an interlining to ensure that the puffs of fabric stood out. This technique was not confined to the king’s wardrobe, and it was used extensively on the livery provided for the 1544 campaign. For example, each of the 110 demi-lances received: 1 coat of yellow damask and red kersey full of cuts; 2¾ yards yellow damask and ¼ yard for guarding, 2½ yards red kersey and ⅛ yard for guarding, welted with ¼ yard yellow taffeta for one half and ¼ yard red damask for the other half, the cuts lined with 1 yard of sarsenet of like colour to the cuts and 3½ yards of black buckram to line.119

The term cutwork was used to describe a range of decorative techniques that involved cutting the fabric into decorative shapes (also see appliqué).120 It often required the garment to be made from several layers of fabric, so allowing the lower layer or the lining to show through. Cutwork was a very common technique in the 1510s and early 1520s, and as such it features strongly in Worsley’s wardrobe book (Table 20.3). It was used to embellish a wide variety of garments and worked on a range of different textiles, many of which were very expensive. Related to the technique of slashing was pinking (Table 20.4).121 This consisted of making a series of small cuts worked over the surface of the cloth, and became fashionable in the 1540s (Figs 20.5 and 20.6). It is found on a range of items in Henry VIII’s wardrobe at his death in 1547, including Spanish capes (14305) and coats (14289). In Princess Mary’s accounts for 1546 there was an entry ‘for pinking of 2 yards of velvet’, indicating that the fabric was pinked before being made up into a garment.122 Clocking is a decorative technique associated in the second half of the sixteenth century with wedge-shaped embroidery worked on hose. The terms appear occasionally in the records of the king’s wardrobe from the early part of his reign and, when it does appear, the context suggests a slightly different approach: ‘a Jaquet of crimosyn tissewe clocked with siluer tilsent with dropes lined with blacke saten’ [B172]. However, the warrant dated 27 March 1543 includes a number of new items decorated with this technique, including a frock of black damask ‘cut with clocks and with welts for the clocks of velvet and guarded with three guards’ and lined with sarsenet, and a doublet of crimson satin with ‘clocks in the sleeve, the clocks lined with sarsenet’. Older garments were translated and enlarged and made more fashionable by clocking: two doublets of satin lined with velvet, one of crimson and the other of white, ‘made with clocks in the sleeves and the clocks lined with crimson and white velvet’ and slashed.123

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making the tudor wardrobe Table 20.3: Positioning of cutwork on clothes listed in Worsley’s wardrobe book and inventory

Garment type and number of examples

Details

Outer garments Bases Bases and short coats Bases and trappers Chammers Coats Frocks Gowns Mantles Riding coats

Cut with letters B150 Cut upon velvet A268 Cut work of blue velvet A271 Cut upon cloth of silver A20; cut upon cloth of gold A102; cut upon cloth of gold lozengewise B81–2 Cut upon velvet and cloth of gold A183, 189 Covered with satin cut A113 Cut upon cloth of gold A19; cut and set with points B21 Cut in a rich border A107; cut upon cloth of gold A371 Cut upon cloth of gold B168

Doublets, jackets and hose ‘Almain’ doublets and hose Doublets Doublets and hose Doublets, hose and jackets Doublets and jackets Jackets

Cut and paned A182 Cut upon cloth of silver A11, 53; cut and tied A259; cut upon cloth of gold B193; cut upon velvet B194; cut and edged B195; cut in panes B201 Cut upon tilsent A193; cut after the ‘Almain’ fashion A196; cut upon cloth of gold A202; cut upon damask silver A201; covered with cut satin A234, 237; cut all over A253; cut and tied A260 Cut over upon cloth of gold A169, 198; cut upon cloth of gold and embroidered A184, 217; cut over satin A188, 190, 207; a cut of velvet A219; cut upon cloth of silver A11, 220; cut all over on satin A229 Cut all over A224 Cut upon cloth of silver A48, B163; cut upon cloth of gold B151; cut upon velvet B160

Guards, borders, crests and edges Decorative borders or guards were a very popular form of ornamentation throughout Henry VIII’s reign. They were applied to a number of different types of garments (Table 20.5). The quantities of fabric given to the tailors to perform particular decorative techniques indicate the scale of the various forms of embellishment. Edging took the least fabric with 1¼ yards (1.1 m) of cloth of gold damask to edge a cloak [A440] and 1¼ yards (1.1 m) of green velvet to edge a coat and demi-coat [A964]. Welting also required fairly modest amounts of cloth: 2 yards (1.8 m) of black silver tissue to welt a coat [A622] and 2 yards (1.8 m) of black velvet to welt a gown [A1156]. In contrast, decorative borders were on a grander scale: 4 yards (3.6 m) of crimson velvet to border a cloak [A1169], 6 yards (5.4 m) of plain cloth of silver damask to be drawn through the border of a coat, and 5 (4.6 m) [A499] or 5¼ yards (4.8 m) of damask silver for the border on a frock [A486]. Decorative borders that were made for specific types of garment were often detachable and could be moved from one item to another, or were left detached in the wardrobe: a bordor of stole werke yt was opon a Riding gowne of russet veluete [B350]. a bordor of stole werke of a womans gowne of crimosyn saten [B351]. a bordor & cuffes of stole werke of a womans gowne of tawny veluete [B352].

Guards were decorative borders applied to the front edges, cuffs and hems of garments, usually gowns, coats and cloaks. They were also used to cover and embellish seams. Guards were found on a range of garments in Worsley’s wardrobe book, including bases [A200], cloaks [B138], coats [A161], doublets [B208] frocks [A29], half-coats [A200] and mantles [B125]. They were usually made from expensive fabrics such as cloth of gold after baudekin [B223], satin [A164] and velvet [A29] and they could be decorated with scrollwork [B208].

There were also references to the less commonly used burgeon guards, which were recorded on cloaks [B111] and gowns [B101], made of velvet [B108]. Guards continued to feature on the king’s clothes, as indicated by ‘a gowne with a square cape of purple satten embroidered with gold upon a brode garde of purple vellut and lined with purple vellut’ from 1541.124 Garments could have single or multiple guards of the same or varying width. The guards could be made from contrasting material or the same and were often embellished with embroidery, metal braid or slashing: ‘a brode garde and twoo narrowe gardes of blacke vellut embrawderid with blacke Silke and golde’ (14295), ‘twoo burgonion gardes of the same [blacke vellut] welted with weltes of blacke satten cut’ (14299) and ‘twoo burgonion garde of blacke vellut cut with diuerse cuttes’ (14300). An example of a single guard, with diagonal slashing and noted as being of ‘sam’ (satin), that were applied to the front and on the sleeves of a gown, can be seen in Holbein’s portrait drawings of the earl of Wiltshire and Ormond and Lord Vaux (Figs 20.7 and 20.8). The use of applied borders was a very common decorative technique for the male wardrobe, and a number of instances were recorded in Worsley’s book. Not surprisingly, borders were used on outer garments including chammers, cloaks, coats, gowns, riding coats and short coats. Velvet was the most popular material for these borders [B86], followed by satin [A107] and stoolwork [B350], but some were made from cloth of gold [B156] and cloth of silver [A97]. Several distinctive types were recorded. The first type used cutwork [B273], while the second used multiple borders to create effect. Double [B109], triple [B118], quadruple [B275] and sextuple versions [B291] are listed. There is a rare example of an extant border or guard in the collection at Hardwick Hall that could have been used on clothing or furnishing textiles. This guard consists of a strip of crimson silk velvet 0.06 m wide, and originally over 7 m long,

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20.5 A fragment of a sixteenth-century silk satin with slashing, 1869. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg, (Christoph von Viràg)

20.6 A fragment of stamped and slashed sixteenth-century silk satin, 1864. Photo: Abegg-Stiftung, CH-3132 Riggisberg, (Christoph von Viràg)

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making the tudor wardrobe Table 20.4: Instances of pinking and cutting in 1547

Item of dress

Details

Outer garment Cloaks Coats Gowns Spanish capes

cut (2) cut and tufted with sarsenet (3); pinked (1) cut (1) cut (1); pinked (1)

Doublets and hose Doublets Hose

cut and raised with threads of Venice gold (1); cut and tufted with sarsenet (2); tufted with sarsenet (1) cut (2); cut and tufted with sarsenet (2); cut with divers cuts (1); tufted with sarsenet (1)

worked with metal wrapped thread and spangles in a scrolling S-shaped design ornamented with stylised leaves and flowers.125 Borders of this type can be seen on the gown that Eleanor of Toledo was buried in. They were used to decorate the bodice, centre front and hem of her skirt. The borders were made by couching metal-wrapped threads and silk cord onto the ground fabric (Fig. 20.9). Simpler examples have been found in London made from strips of cut wool cloth (Figs 20.10 and 20.11). These decorative techniques were felt to be both frivolous and costly. In 1537 Charles V passed an edict to control the number and width of decorative borders: he lay down one border was to be of no more than four fingers wide or two to four narrower strips of the same overall width.126 Another type of applied decorative band was the crest. It was used on a similar range of outer garments to those decorated with borders, including cloaks [B102], coats [B254], gowns [B104] and Spanish capes [B107]. Crests were also put on doublets [B264] and jackets [B283]. They were made from a similar range of materials as borders, with velvet being the most popular material and no stoolwork examples. As with borders, they were also used in groups, usually either double [B267] or triple [B276].

20.7 James Butler, ninth earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, 1530–35, by Hans Holbein the Younger. RL 12263 P23. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

Edging is sometimes referred to as hemming. By the time that James Worsley compiled his inventory, edging had passed its sartorial heyday. Only five examples occur in Worsley’s wardrobe book, and these indicate that it was used

Table 20.5: Decorative borders, edges and guards on Henry VIII’s clothes in 1547 Garment Outer garments Cassocks Cloaks Coats Frocks Gowns

Spanish capes Doublets and hose Doublets Hose

Type of decoration and materials edged (3): velvet; welts (1): velvet burgeon guards (3): velvet; guards broad and narrow (2): velvet borders (8): cord, velvet formed down with cord and embroidered, Venice gold, Venice gold striped with cord, Venice gold and silk striped with cord; edged (1): knots, velvet; guards (3): passamayne, velvet embroidered with Venice gold borders (1): Venice gold; guards (6): passamayne, velvet; welts (1): passamayne borders (10): damask and Venice gold, embroidered, passamayne and cord, silver, velvet formed down with a double knot of Venice silver, Venice gold, Venice gold like goldsmiths work, Venice gold like passamayne with knots; burgeon guards (1): Venice gold and silk; edged (1): velvet; guards (16): passamayne of silk and gold, velvet embroidered with silk, velvet, velvet embroidered with Venice gold, velvet formed down with cord, Venice gold, Venice gold and silk; passamayne (1): Venice gold and silver; welts (7): passamayne of silk and gold, velvet; wreaths (1): damask and Venice gold borders (4): passamayne, velvet; burgeon guards (1): velvet; guards (2): velvet; passamaynes (3): flat Venice gold, Venice gold and silver borders (3): damask gold, Venice gold; edged (2): passamayne; guards (1): passamayne borders (3): damask gold, Venice gold; edged (2): passamayne

making the tudor wardrobe

20.8 Thomas, Lord Vaux, by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1532– 35. RL 12245 P 24. The Royal Collection © 2004, Her Majesty the Queen Elizabeth II

on outer garments: cloaks [B51, 112], doublets [B195], gowns [B115] and jackets [B312]. As with other techniques of this type, expensive fabrics were favoured: cloth of gold [B51], tissue [B195] and velvet [B112, 115, 312]. Jagging is a technique related to edging. It involved cutting the hem or edge of a garment into points. There are only a handful of references to jagging. When it is mentioned, it occurs on the clothes of members of the royal household, rather than the king, which suggests that these garments of lesser officials harked back to older decorative techniques no longer fashionable with the élite.

Applied trimmings or passementerie In addition to embroidery, the Tudor tailor had access to a range of fancy goods supplied by the silk women that he could use to further embellish garments. These silk and metal thread trimmings could take a range of forms and they were often listed using rather vague terms such as ‘Sundry Remnauntes of deape silke fringe of sundrye Cullour weying in all ij poundes’ (15135). Ribbon was produced in an extensive range of types, widths and colours, and sometimes it incorporated metal thread. It was intended for a range of specific uses, some of which were functional as well as decorative: cap ribbon, garter ribbon, ribbon for belts and girdles and ribbon for hanging keys on. Ribbon was also used for making aglets. In the first half of the sixteenth century the terms ‘lace’ and ‘passamayne’ were not generally used to denote the type of open lace that was made with bobbins from the late sixteenth

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century.127 Rather, these terms generally denoted a braid lace, as in the case of ‘viij peces yelowe lace for the Kings Grace’ bought in 1530.128 Many of the descriptions are quite vague, making it difficult to distinguish the specific technique used, but the entries suggest that there was variety. The 1547 inventory listed several different types of passamenterie, including ‘passamayne of golde and siluer’, ‘golde and Silke’ and ‘of blacke silke. . .raised like newe making veluett in bredthe di quarter of a yarde and in lengthe xij yards di’ (15132–34). Braids of this type were used to embellish guards and borders or were used alone to cover seams. However, there is some evidence of bobbin lace being made in England by the mid sixteenth century. The earliest known reference so far discovered for bobbin lace appears in the 1547 inventory where a small purse is decorated ‘with bone worke lace gold’ (2504). References to bobbin lace also appear in the account books of Bess of Hardwick, who in the winter of 1548 bought ‘Wyte bowene worke for coufes for my smokes’ and ‘bone lace and pynke lace for the shyrtes’.129 Silk and metal thread fringes became increasingly popular as decoration for clothing as the sixteenth century progressed. They were used both in a matching or a contrasting colour to the main garment. From the outset, there are sporadic references to fringe: on 15 July 1510 a riding hood of black sarsenet fringed with silk and gold was ordered for the king.130 There are fairly limited references to the use of fringe to decorate clothing in Worsley’s wardrobe books, with examples being located on bases and placards [A264–65], coats [A244] and trappers [A266]. There were also a small number of instances when fringe was applied to furnishings: altar cloths [A325] and curtains [A326–27]. Fringe was also used to special effect on revels costumes, as in the case of ‘twelve Almain coats with Italian sleeves, [six] of yellow satin, and six of green satin, the latter . . . and set with scales like scales of a dragon or a sturgeon, each scale of flat god damask fringe fretted; the yellow coats, the same in silver’, supplied by Richard Gibson in 1519.131 By the 1540s the use of fringe had increased, often in conjunction with embroidery or other passementerie. Tassels were often used to decorate furnishing textiles, including cushions, but they were also found in certain contexts within the king’s wardrobe of the robes (Fig. 7.3). Large tassels decorated the ends of the cords used to fasten the ceremonial robes worn for the Garter and parliament. Tassels, often very complex in their design, were also worn hanging from the hilts of daggers, as in the case of the blue and gold tassel on Jean de Dinteville’s dagger in Holbein’s The Ambassadors. Henry owned several examples at his death in 1547, including ‘oon Tassell for a dagger of blacke silke and veanice golde garneshed with peerle’ (9966). Sometimes the tassels were stored separately or became detached, as in the case of ‘an olde tassel of crymsen Silke’ (9476). A fragmentary golden-yellow silk tassel that may have been worn in a similar way was recovered from the wreck of the Trinidad Valencera.132 Passementerie was predominantly made of silk, but sometimes cheaper and more hardwearing wool and linen products were used. These alternatives included caddis, a wool tape made from the ‘cadace’ or flocks of wool that was used for

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20.9 An embroidered guard from Eleanor of Toledo’s gown, part of the Medici burial clothes, 1562. Reproduced from the Janet Arnold Collection by courtesy of her executors

20.11 Decorative edgings on a fulled, wool fabric, found at Worship Street, London. A26809-10, Museum of London

making garters and for trimming furnishings.133 Crewel yarns were used to make fringe or woven into tapes and braids. Inkle was a tape made from linen thread and produced in a range of widths and weights. Most of the narrow-wares supplied to the great wardrobe were made by silk women, but some came from other sources. On 21 December 1515, Anthonio Vivaldi, merchant of Genoa, was granted a licence to export cords, girdles, ribbons and laces made in England, notwithstanding the Act of 1509.134

Surface decoration: embroidery, quilting, stoolwork and goldsmith’s work The king’s clothes were often highly ornate. A variety of decorative techniques were used, of which embroidery played a central role. Embroidery was used to embellish many of the king’s clothes.135 In particular it was used to provide bands of ornament around the hem or on guards or for overall decoration. Embroidery, as opposed to needlework, used expensive materials for both the ground and the stitched decoration, and a range of words were employed to describe this form of decoration in the accounts, including ‘wrought’. Embroidery was a slow, skilled technique, and many of the professional embroiderers were highly skilled. Both men and women earned their living by producing embroidery, the men generally earning more than the women. The king’s

20.10 Decorative edgings on a fulled, wool fabric, found at Worship Street, London. A26807-8, Museum of London

embroiderer worked on and completed objects that had been started by other craftsmen in the king’s employment. Embroidery was also undertaken by women from the middle and higher ranks of society as it was considered to be a suitable pastime that was both modest and useful. Even though Worsley’s wardrobe book indicates the range of uses to which embroidery was put, it played a limited role in embellishing the king’s clothes. William Mortimer, the king’s embroiderer, undertook embroidery on a fairly small range of garments: chammers [A478], coats [A384], doublets and jackets [A409, 474], doublets, jackets and hose [A431, 433], gowns, doublets and jackets [A398] and mantles [A371]. He also embroidered coats for the king’s guard [A1569] and mended damaged work including a set of embroidered borders [A501]. By 1547, just over half the 224 garments listed in the wardrobe of the robes (Table 20.6) were embroidered (51.7%). This reveals a significant evolution in the importance of this technique for embellishing and enhancing the king’s clothes during his reign. Embroidery was applied to all the major groups of clothes within the king’s possession and could be used to create suits of garments that were linked by colour, fabric type and surface decoration. Working in conjunction with artists such as Holbein, the king’s embroiderers drew upon the new corpus of Renaissance motifs to create distinctive patterns to enrich the surface of Henry VIII’s clothes. ‘Moresques’, Islamic interlace designs and grotesques all became highly popular in applied decoration on dress and accessories in the first half of the sixteenth century. In Holbein’s portrait of Henry VIII, c. 1536, (Pl. Ic) there are four bands of embroidered decoration worked in laid thread couching on the body of his doublet and also on the sleeves. A simpler band of embroidery was worked in a classical scroll pattern, outlining the very low neckline of his jerkin.136 Holbein also depicted a deep band of embroidered scroll work around the hem of the skirts of Henry VIII’s doublet in the Barber Surgeons’ portrait (Fig. 20.12). Designs circulated in Europe through the medium of books such as Antonio Tagliente’s Opera Nuova . . . intitolata esempio di raccammi of 1527. This embroidery pattern book presented a series of Moresque designs in a black and white scheme, including borders and strips of ornaments. The influence of Renaissance ornament on embroidery designs

making the tudor wardrobe and styles was also influenced by Alessandro Paganino’s Libro primo . . . de rechami, published in the same year, which provided instruction on the techniques, mainly cutwork, and included designs. Three years later Francesco Pellegrino published La Fleur de la science de pourtraicture as a textbook for embroiderers who were looking for ‘Patrons de Broderie’. Pellegrino’s exotic designs included interlaced bandwork, often angular in style, and delicate, foliate stems. Embroidered bands of interlaced designs became fashionable in Italy, France and England. About 1540, a Frenchman, Thomas Geminus, came to England and he was instrumental in the dissemination of Moresque design. In 1548 Geminus produced the first book of designs, aimed at embroiderers and goldsmiths, to be published in England. The book, titled Morysse and Damashin renewed and encreased Very profitable for Goldsmythes and Embroderars, was to be very influential.137 Strapwork was an innovation at Francis I’s chateau of Fontainebleau where borders of interlaced designs made from strips of leather were used to create decorative schemes. Similar interlaced designs were adapted for use in embroidery and were used to create decorative borders or guards on clothing. Elements of the design could be raised by the use of padding.138 Embroidery at the Henrician court also included a range of naturalistic and heraldic motifs that in origin predate the Renaissance. A range of decorative motifs are recorded in Worsley’s inventory. These include heraldic images such as arms of England [B391], religious motifs such as the Holy Ghost [B336] and designs based on nature such as roses [A267, 302, 312; B362, 394] and oak leaves [B260, 308]. Henry VIII was often consulted about the choice of design. For example, in October 1533 Thomas Cromwell wrote an aide-mémoir to himself ‘To show the King the patterns for the embroidery for the Queen’.139 Once a choice had been made, patterns were made for the craftsmen to follow. In 1519–20 Catherine of Aragon’s tailor provided 2 ells (1.4 m) of canvas to make patterns for stoolwork at a price of 8d. Further down in the same account was an entry for the making of a gown of purple velvet lined with stoolwork.140 A range of embroidered techniques was in use to embellish clothing. Appliqué was a relatively quick technique that could make very effective use of strong contrasts in colour between

Table 20.6: Analysis of the use of embroidery in the king’s wardrobe, 1547 Item of dress

Outer garments 13 capes, Spanish 10 cassocks 8 cloaks 20 coats 17 frocks 41 gowns Doublets, jerkins and hose 25 doublets 25 pairs of hose

Number and percentage embroidered 8 (61.5%) 1 (10%) 2 (25%) 12 (60%) 3 (17.6%) 22 (53.6%) 18 (72%) 18 (72%)

Item of dress

7 jerkins 1 pair of slops Associated items 4 partlets Headwear 3 hoods Accessories 24 girdles 21 lyams and collars

Number and percentage embroidered 7 (100%) 1 (100%) 4 (100%) 1 (33%) 10 (41.6%) 9 (42.8%)

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20.12 Infrared detail from Henry VIII and the Barber Surgeons by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1540, showing scrollwork embroidery on the skirts of the king’s doublet. Reproduced with permission of the Department of Conservation and Technology, Courtauld Institute of Art

the applied layer and the ground fabric. The cut pieces were often edged with metal thread, self-coloured silk thread or thread of contrasting colours to conceal the raw edge and reduce the problem of fraying. It was used to produce bold designs based on fashionable Renaissance ornament and so the technique was especially suited to pieces for use at royal jousts and for furnishings. For the jousts held in March 1522, 3½ yards (3.2 m) of blue satin at 8s the yard (0.91 m) were supplied for embroidering fetters or shackles on the costume of Sir Nicholas Carew, along with ½ yard (0.45 m) of black velvet costing 6s for letters on the bards and bases.141 Appliqué was used on a finer scale to embellish the king’s own clothes. Worsley’s wardrobe book recorded a delivery to William Mortimer of ‘iiij yerdes of tawnye cloth of gold opon satten damaske gold for thembrauderyng of a mantell of white satten cutte opon cloth of gold for the kinges grace’ [A371]. Of the monochrome embroidery techniques prevalent from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries, blackwork is the best known. It is strongly associated with English sixteenthcentury dress. The blackwork designs favoured in the mid Tudor period were typified by interlacing, small geometric shapes and meander scrollwork, with the scrolling terminating with floral and fruit forms.142 By the 1540s naturalistic

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motifs, including trailing plants, animals, birds, flowers and fruits were frequently combined with the more traditional geometric forms.143 The same years also saw the introduction of ‘speckling’, little stitches to infill the naturalistic motifs, replacing the more formal diaper fillings. Blackwork could be embellished with gold thread for heightened affect. The introduction of the technique to England is associated with Catherine of Aragon and her household, and her liking for it resulted in it being called Spanish work.144 Examples of it can be seen in her portraits on her cuffs. Blackwork can be carried out using a variety of stitches including back, chain and buttonhole stitch. A fine example worked in blue silk can be seen on the cuffs of a boy’s shirt c. 1550 (Fig. 20.13). Strapwork was also influential for embroidered designs executed on fine linen which was decorated with a range of designs including narrow borders of simple geometric designs and more complex naturalistic motifs. Patterns that were predominantly linear in their form, such as those used on guards or cuffs, could be executed in a range of stitches including cross stitch, back stitch and stem stitch, along with double running or Holbein stitch.145 Double running was used to create the double-sided designs that worked to such good effect on collars and cuffs. Holbein’s portraits and preparatory drawings provide a very good overview of the range of blackwork designs favoured by the élite. The portrait of Simon George, c. 1535, shows a double-sided blackwork design on the collar and cuffs of his shirt (Fig. 1.9). The shirt worn by the earl of Surrey c. 1542 has a delicate floral design on the collar and cuffs.146 Couching, or laid thread work, consists of a silk cord or metal wrapped thread laid down on the surface of the textile and secured using stitches worked using another thread. This thread could be either the same or a contrasting colour. It was worked in the form of decorative bands or as all over decoration. This style of decoration is shown in contemporary

20.13 Detail from Fig. 6.13 of the shirt’s embroidered cuff, showing the double-sided floral design. T.112-1972 © V&A Images, Victoria and Albert Museum London

portraits. Moretto’s Portrait of a Young Man, c. 1542, shows the sitter wearing a black satin doublet with couched embroidery, and the Portrait of a Boy, c. 1545, by an unknown Italian artist depicts him with a short, crimson satin gown with bands of couched gilt metal thread embroidery.147 An entry in the great wardrobe account for 1545 records payments for ‘vj virg de laques hispani nigri pro edginge j smocke’. This black Spanish cord was probably for couching into a geometric design to produce an effect similar to blackwork.148 The quantity of cord required for decorative work of this type was substantial. In the 1543–45 account, Anne Grey made two deliveries. On the first occasion she supplied 402 oz (11.4 kg) of cord, passamayne and ribbon (£100 10s), 9 lb 14 oz (4.47 kg) of silk (£13 3s 4d) and 17 oz (0.48 kg) of hollow and round cord of black Spanish silk and other colours (34s). The second order was on a similar scale: 352 yards (321.8 m) of passamayn and ribbon, 11 lb (4.9 kg) of silk, 22 pieces of round, hollow cord, 10½ oz (0.29 kg) of round cord, twisted, of Spanish silk and 47 pieces of silk of ‘Rakemayne’.149 Samples of couched embroidered decoration can be seen in two of Holbein’s portraits, on the doublet of Count Morette and on the sleeves of Simon George’s doublet (Fig 1.9). Similar guards to those on George’s doublet appeared on the king’s gowns including ‘A gowne of fresed black veluett withe a brode garde of blacke veluett embraudered with venice golde and Silke’ (14118) and another with embroidery ‘like vnto Clowdes’ (14194). While the 1547 inventory entries provide very few details concerning the designs and materials, there are some clues including a doublet ‘enbrodered with golde and iiij Cordauntes blacke silke & gold’ (14218), another ‘all over embrawderid with pirles of damaske golde and Silver’ (14227) and an arming doublet ‘all over embrawderid with a busie woorke’ (14233). Couched cord was also used to create a striped effect as in the case of the metal wrapped cord stitched to the pink satin doublet worn by Prince Carlos when he was painted by Sanchez Coello c. 1556. The same effect can be seen on the crimson satin doublet of Don Garzia and the velvet panes of his hose. The technique was used to embellish items for Henry VIII, including ‘a jaquet of carnacion vellut embroderyd with damaske golde pyrled lydd with black satten’.150 Goldwork developed out of the blackwork tradition. It was more expensive, on account of the higher value of the materials used. The metal threads were also often used in combination with polychrome silk threads. A deep band of embroidery of this type worked in an interlaced design can be seen on the collar of Henry’s shirt in Holbein’s portrait (Pl. Ic) and on the neckline of Prince Edward’s shirt (Fig. 11.7). Whitework was a solid embroidery technique worked in a white thread on a white open ground. It was much less common than blackwork at this period, but examples can be seen on the turned-back collar of Catherine Parr’s shift (Fig. 10.6). There is whitework embroidery, worked in a small, floral design, on the small stand collar of Jean de Dinteville’s collar, one of Holbein’s Ambassadors. Drawn thread work was usually worked on tabby or plain weave linen because of the distinct weave that makes it easier to remove the necessary threads. The technique was often

making the tudor wardrobe used to decorate shirt collars for the henchmen and the officers of the hunts. Related to this are the thread-counting techniques that are worked by counting the warps and wefts of a cloth, usually linen, with a pronounced weave. The technique can be quickly mastered, producing geometric designs of the type, often found on edges of chemises and shirt collars. Examples of the latter have been found at the Alpirsbach monastery.151 Additional surface decoration could be applied, in the form of pearls, small gemstones, beads, spangles (sequins), oes (small metal rings) which could be stitched on singly, seeded over the ground fabric or in patterns and doublets, small pieces of glass backed with a coloured metal foil. Catherine Parr’s wardrobe of the robe’s account for 1544–45 includes an entry for 9⅜ oz (0.27 kg) of small pearls bought from Laurence Warren for £18 15s and delivered to ‘Guillam brauderer for a border of a Gowne of Crimsin veluett for the queens grace’.152 In the royal wardrobe the effect was often enhanced by the use of numerous jewels, as in the case of a ‘a doblet of blacke veluete enbrauderd lyned with blacke saten and tufte with lynen cloth cut in panes tyed togeders with CC perles set in gold’ [B201]. The effect was highly valued and items featuring it in the 1547 inventory included ‘one paier of Sleaves of white vellat all over embraudered with damaske golde and garneshed with peerle and set with diuerse stones in Collettes silver gilte’ (9946) (Fig. 20.14). A variety of decorative techniques could be deployed on a single garment. In 1547 ‘a Litell Coofer’ held ‘xlj Buttons of golde vij small Rubies sett in Collettes of golde tenne paire and one Aglatt of gold cetayne small garneshing peerle in a paper and ceten small garneshing Beades of golde in a paper’ (3410). This last moment reserve selection is strikingly like the range of decoration found on doublets and pairs of sleeves during the 1530s and 1540s that could be added at random, even while the king was dressing. In 1547 the king’s coffers also included ‘vj Roopes of small beedes to garnish between perles’ (2230), ‘a Beede of silver’ (3480), but it is not clear whether these were small beads used to ornament clothes or beads used to make rosaries. Quilting is a stitched technique for joining two, three or more layers of cloth that was both functional and decorative. Layers of padding or wadding could be placed between the outer layers of fabric for added warmth or to provide a degree of protection, as in the case of the 8 ells (5.4 m) of holland that were provided ‘for quilting to match under the yellow satin that lined the King’s pieces of harness’.153 Alternatively, the padding is replaced by cord, which is stitched between two layers of fabric, to create a design in relief. In addition to securing the layers, the stitching is also decorative, often worked in repeating, geometric patterns. The stitching can be worked in thread the same colour as the ground fabric or in a contrasting colour. How quilting was used decoratively, while giving body to a garment (or an element of a garment) can be seen in Titian’s portrait of A man with a quilted sleeve, c. 1510.154 The profile of the sitter’s richly quilted right sleeve is presented to the viewer. Quilting was worked to good effect on the sleeves of the red satin Hever doublet. The quilting was padded with wool, while the stitching was worked in back stitch using red

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20.14 Infrared detail from Henry VIII and the Barber Surgeons by Hans Holbein the Younger, c. 1540, showing the king’s sleeve embellished with slashing, embroidery and jewels. Reproduced with permission of the Department of Conservation and Technology, Courtauld Institute of Art

silk thread in double rows that were placed 6 cm apart.155 Quilting was used on a small range of garments made for the king including bonnets, gowns and waistcoats. A list of the king’s clothes dated 1541 included ‘a gowne of quilted sarsenet black with a brode garde of black new making of vellut’ while in 1547 he had ‘a long gowne of blacke Taphata quilted’ (14187).156 The accounts of Mark Milliner reveal that on 23 September 1546 he delivered ‘a lynynge of crymysyn satten lined with redd sarcenet and quilted wythe cotton’ costing 4s to Mr Alsop at Windsor.157 Quilting was also used on female clothing, such as a kirtle belonging to Jane Seymour ‘of clothe of Siluer quilted with blacke silke’ (11262). Stoolwork was applied, often in the form of borders or cuffs, on both male and female clothing. It was put on gowns [B352], placards [B281], four-quartered jackets [A72], foresleeves [B281], doublets and hose [A255]. When pieces of clothing were worn out or given away, the stoolwork borders were retained [A77] and stored for reuse. This is what happened with ‘a bordor of stole werke yt was opon a Riding gowne of russet veluete’ [B350] and ‘a bordor of stole werke of a womans gowne of crimosyn saten’ [B351]. It was also used to decorate hunting accessories including dog collars [B391–92], greyhound collars [A313] and hawk hoods [B389].

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Gold ornaments and motifs, often mentioned in the accounts as goldsmith’s work, were furnished in large quantities by goldsmiths and jewellers and stitched onto the king’s clothes. In March 1510 Henry VIII’s trapper was made from: purpull veluet cutte, the inner side wherof was wrought with flatte golde of Damaske in the stoole, and the veluet on the other side cut in letters: So that they gold appered as though it had been embroidered with certayne reasons or poyses. And on the Veluet between the letters were fastened, castels and shefs of arrows of doket golde.158

These motifs were often recycled, as in the case of ‘a small border of wrethes of goldsmyth werke yt was set opon a doblet & a payr of hose of grene saten’ [A245] which was ‘delyuerd to the kinges owne handes’. A range of decorative shapes were produced, including bells that could be attached to clothing, girdles and horse harness. Two types of decorative bells were available: open bells with fixed clapers on the inside and rumbler bells, which are closed with a loose pea.159 Spangles were probably the most frequently purchased form of goldsmith’s work and they were made in a range of types of metal. Cheaper spangles were made in the form of a flat disc, and they were made from a tin-lead alloy that was probably cast in moulds.160 Spangles from Flanders called ‘setters’ cost 4d a 1,000 and laten spangles called ‘hyngers’ were 6d for the same quantity.161 Spangles made from precious metals were cut or stamped from a sheet of metal and then pierced to make either the central hole or a pair of holes used to stitch them onto textiles. Spangles of this type were used to decorate the coats of the king’s guard, footmen and his henchmen. They were also sewn on to his own clothes as in the case of ‘a Jaquet of purpull veluete with spangelles of gold smythes werke paned with cloth of siluer reysed with dammaske golde lyned with blake saten’ [B178].

Creating a magnificent impression All of the techniques outlined above, whether relating to the construction and shaping of garments or to the creation of

complex surface decoration, were used to create the king’s wardrobe. This technical expertise was combined with expensive textiles and a range of other luxury materials to make a selection of clothes that surpassed the aspirations of the nobility. For Baldassare Castiglione, clothes were central to the creation of the perfect courtier and, by implication, the quintessential monarch. The scale and quality of Henry VIII’s wardrobe is very clearly demonstrated by Worsley’s wardrobe book and inventory of the robes covering the period between 1516 and 1521. These documents also emphasise the need for change, with the very regular orders of clothes allowing the king and his tailor to employ the latest techniques and styles. The regularity of the orders suggests that the king was well placed both to direct changes in the use of decorative techniques and to respond to any innovations. As James Worsley’s books show, the evidence relating to the production of the king’s wardrobe appears in several distinct forms: in the range of tasks carried out by the king’s artificers, the quantity of garments they made and the range of specialist craftsmen working for the king. They also make it possible to chart the king’s consumption of clothes and his provision of textiles and dress for the leading members of his court and household. This could take the form of livery and clothes for the revels. The life-cycle of the king’s clothes did not cease when he stopped wearing them, as many items then passed to others as perquisites. This process draws attention to a different pattern of consumption of royal dress that was just as important as the initial uses to which the king put his clothes. Henry VIII’s dress and accessories were all intended to create a magnificent appearance designed to meet the social, political or ceremonial demands of the occasion. These objects were also tailored to help promote the king’s religious and political agenda, as in the case of a sword ‘of the spanisshe faccon the pomell hafte & chape of gold with a blewe gyrdell well wrought opon with gold and the bokell pendaunte & other garnisshing of gold and enamelde’ [A309] that was given to Francis I during the Field of Cloth of Gold, an exceptional example of how clothes projected royal magnificence.

Notes 1 LP xii.i, 47.2. 2 See the work of Janet Arnold, especially, Arnold, Patterns. For a more practical approach to tailoring techniques of this period, see Hunniset, Period Costume, Thurstfield, Medieval Tailor, and Mikhaila and MalcolmDavies, Tudor Tailor. 3 Alçega, Pattern Book, p. 9. 4 I. Petrascheck-Heim, ‘Tailors’ masterpiece-books’, Costume, 3 (1969), p. 6. 5 Alçega, Pattern Book, p. 9. 6 M. Molenda and M. Sepial, ‘Tailors’ books in Polish archives’, in B. Biedronska-Slotowa, ed., Crossroads of Costume and Textiles in Poland, Papers from the International Conference of the ICOM Costume Committee at the National Museum in Cracow (Cracow, 2005), pp. 59–62. 7 For a facsimile, see Alçega, Pattern Book. 8 SJC D91.21, p. 31. 9 SJC D91.2, p. 5.

10 This contrasts with the situation by Elizabeth I’s reign; see Arnold, Patterns, p. 4. 11 TNA LC9/50, f. 136v. 12 Ibid., f. 152r. 13 LP iii.ii, p. 1551. 14 TNA E101/423/10, f. 39r. 15 Slightly harder to interpret are the ‘iij little Tables of blacke woode with Claspes of siluer conteyninge paper to cutte letters and workes with blewe papers servinge for the same’ (11139). 16 See above, p. 151. 17 LP i.i, 1777. 18 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 16r. 19 TNA E101/424/7, f. 2r. 20 LP xiv.ii, 487. 21 Arnold, Patterns, p. 14. 22 Davies and Saunders, Merchant Taylors, pp. 58–59.

making the tudor wardrobe 23 BL Harley MS 6563, f. 65; illustrated in Thurstfield, Medieval Tailor, p. 2. 24 NG697; illustrated in Mikhaila and Malcolm-Davies, Tudor Tailor, p. 34. 25 TNA E36/217, f. 45. 26 LP iv.ii, 3064. 27 TNA E36/217, f. 48r. 28 TNA SP1/3, f. 121 (LP i.i, 1669). 29 LP xxi.i, 283. 30 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 35. 31 Sutton, ‘Lovekyn’, p. 12. 32 LP xx.ii, 364. 33 Tarrant, Development, p. 55. 34 585 mm (23 in.), 555 mm (21¾ in.) and 550 mm (21⅝ in.); see Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, pp. 228–29. 35 Lurie, Language, p. 134. 36 LP iii.ii, p. 1555. 37 LP xiv.ii, 164. 38 TNA E36/217, f. 51r. 39 The taffeta has a warp count of 76 threads per 10 mm (ndt) and a weft count of 40 wefts per 10 mm (ndt), while the linen tabby has a warp count of 30 Z-twist threads per 10 mm and a weft count of 22 Z-twist threads per 10 mm, in Cyrus-Zetterström and Ekstrand, Royal Silks, p. 21. 40 Nevinson, ‘Sixteenth century doublet’, p. 374. 41 See document index. 42 Cassocks, cloaks, coats, doublets, frocks, gowns, hoods, hose, kirtles, mantles, partlets and Spanish capes. 43 TNA E101/423/10, f. 22r. 44 E. Veale, ‘Fur’, in D. R. Starkey, P. Ward and M. A. Hayward, eds, The Inventory of King Henry VIII, iv (forthcoming). 45 The cloth has a warp count of 18 Z-twist threads per 10 mm and a weft count of 22 Z-twist threads per 10 mm, in Cyrus-Zetterström and Ekstrand, Royal Silks, p. 21. 46 Rodríguez-Salgado, Armada, p. 196, entry 10.38. 47 Nevinson, ‘Sixteenth century doublet’, p. 374. 48 Crowfoot, Pritchard and Staniland, Textiles and Clothing, pp. 164–72. 49 J. Malcolm-Davies, N. Mikhaila and C. Johnson, ‘And her black satin gown must be new bodied: the 21st century body in pursuit of the Holbein look’, Costume, 42 (2008), forthcoming. 50 Thurstfield, Medieval Tailor, pp. 154–55. 51 LP iii.i, 113. 52 LP iii.ii, p. 1551. 53 LP iii.i, 113. 54 LP iii.ii, p. 1551. 55 LP iii.ii, p. 1552. 56 LP iii.i, 389. 57 Lisle Letters, v, 1392 (LP xiv.i, 838). 58 MS 55 (the Hastings manuscript) in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, quoted in Capwell, ‘Italian arming doublet’, p. 185. 59 Tarrant, Development of Costume, pp. 14–15. 60 MoL 22404 and a26578; Crowfoot, Pritchard and Staniland, Textiles and Clothing, pp. 187–89. 61 Arnold, Patterns, p. 100. 62 LP iii.i, 436. 63 See above, pp. 152–53. Frilled edges could be part of the woven structure. The frilled effect was achieved by varying the set of the cloth (i.e. the spacing of the warp and weft threads) and also by varying the packing of the threads, especially the weft threads. However, it had gone out of mainstream fashion by the early fifteenth century although some examples can be found; S. M. Newton and M. M. Giza, ‘Frilled edges’, Textile History, 14.2 (1983), pp. 141–52. 64 Orsi Landini and Niccoli, Moda a Firenze, p. 74. 65 See below, pp. 327–28. 66 Staniland, ‘Getting there’, pp. 240–42. 67 Musée des Tissues, Lyons. 68 Tarrant, Development, p. 50. 69 Arnold, Patterns, p. 71. 70 Seen by Kay Staniland as a defining feature of Tudor dress; see ‘Getting there’, p. 242. 71 MoL 22404 and a26578; Crowfoot, Pritchard and Staniland, Textiles and Clothing, pp. 187–89. 72 Nevinson, ‘Prince Edward’, p. 8. 73 LP xvi, 448. 74 J. Arnold and M. Westerman Bulgarella, ‘An innovative method for mounting the sixteenth-century doublet and trunk-hose worn by Don Garzia de’Medici’, Costume, 30 (1996), p. 51. 75 Carter, ‘Mary Tudor’s wardrobe’, p. 17. 76 Arnold, Patterns, p. 104. 77 In the Galleria Nazionale, Parma. 78 Tarrant, Development, p. 24.

365

79 S. M. Newton, Fashions in the Age of the Black Prince (Woodbridge, 1980), pp. 15–18. 80 Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories, p. 272. 81 J. L. Nevinson, ‘Button and buttonholes in the fourteenth century’, Costume, 11 (1977), pp. 38–44. 82 PPE Elizabeth, p. 117. 83 SJC D91.10, p. 4. 84 Rodríguez-Salgado, Armada, p. 194, entries 10.28–31. 85 Ibid., p. 195, entry 10.37. 86 Inv. no. 4223–25, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum; illustrated in SomersCocks, Princely Magnificence, p. 73. 87 TNA E101/419/20, unfoliated. 88 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 25r, 54v. 89 TNA LC2/2, f. 3v. She also supplied silk buttons for Edward VI’s robes of estate, a doublet and jerkin. 90 LP vi, 1018. 91 Nevinson, ‘Sixteenth century doublet’, pp. 374–75. 92 Flury-Lemberg, Textile Conservation, p. 486. 93 This group of fastenings has become accessible for study since the passing of the 1996 Treasure Act; see D. Gaimster, M. Hayward, D. Mitchell and K. Parker, ‘Tudor silver-gilt dress-hooks: a new class of treasure find in England, The Antiquaries Journal, 82,(2002), pp. 157–96; and D. Thornton and D. Mitchell, ‘Three Tudor silver dress-hooks’, The Antiquaries Journal, 83 (2003), pp. 486–91. 94 SJC D91.21, p. 139. 95 SJC D91.10, p. 2. 96 Grateful thanks are accorded to Karen Parker for this suggestion. 97 Tarrant, Development, pp. 18–19. 98 Lisle Letters, iv, 859 (LP xiii.i, 227). 99 TNA LC 5/31, p. 4. 100 LP iii.ii, p. 1559. 101 Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories, pp. 297–99. 102 Ibid., pp. 281–82. 103 TNA E36/217, f. 51r. 104 Stow, Annals, p. 622. 105 M. L. Ryder and T. Gabra-Sanders, ‘Textiles from Fast Castle, Berwickshire, Scotland’, Textile History, 23.1 (1992), pp. 7, 9. 106 TNA E101/421/16, unfoliated. 107 TNA E101/424/4. 108 Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories, pp. 35–49. 109 H. Tait, ‘A Tudor gold enamelled buckle’, British Museum Quarterly, 26 (1962–63), p. 112. 110 37 Ed III c.8–14; Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories, pp. 35–36. 111 PPE Elizabeth, p. 9. 112 The fragment measures 770 × 34 mm. Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories, p. 245. 113 PPE Princess Mary, p. 114. 114 Munich, Byerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. no. MA 3072; illustrated in Eichberger, Women of Distinction, p. 187. 115 See below, p. 98. 116 Cunnington, Handbook, p. 13. 117 Anderson, Hispanic Costume, p. 49. 118 TNA SP1/168, f. 199r. 119 TNA E101/423/10, f. 84r. 120 See below, pp. 325–27. 121 J. Arnold, ‘Decorative features: pinking, snipping and slashing’, Costume, 9 (1975), pp. 22–26. 122 TNA E101/424/7, f. 5v. 123 TNA E101/423/10, f. 16v. 124 TNA SP1/168, f. 201v. 125 Hardwick Hall T/290; illustrated in S. Levey, An Elizabethan Inheritance: The Hardwick Hall Textiles, (1998), p. 63, pl. 60. 126 Anderson, Hispanic Costume, p. 49. 127 The word lace from the Latin word laqueus, meaning a hole outlined with cord or a nouce; P. Earnshaw, The Identification of Lace (Princes Risborough, 1980), p. 7. 128 PPE, p. 69. 129 S. M. Levey, ‘References to dress in the earliest account book of Bess of Hardwick’, Costume, 34 (2000), p. 21. 130 TNA E101/417/3, no. 23. 131 LP iii.i, 436. 132 Rodríguez-Salgado, Armada, p. 195, entry 10.36. 133 Linthicum, Costume, pp. 71–72. 134 LP ii.i, 1323. 135 For a thorough discussion of Henrician embroidery and embroiderers, see S. Levey, ‘The broderers’ work’, in D. R. Starkey, P. Ward and M. A. Hayward, eds, The Inventory of King Henry VIII, iv, forthcoming. 136 Snodin and Howard, Ornament, p. 197.

366

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137 VAM 19009; a page from the book is illustrated in Snodin and Styles, Design, p. 46. 138 S. Levey, ‘Embroidery’, in J. Harris, ed., 5000 Years of Textiles (1993), p. 205. Designs based on this theme were produced for Henry VIII, possibly for use at Whitehall, as indicated by a preparatory design in the Musée du Louvre, Paris. 139 LP vi, 1382. 140 JRL Latin MS 239, f. 15v. 141 LP iii.ii, p. 1558. 142 A slightly later woman’s bodice embroidered with blackwork designs belongs to the Victoria and Albert Museum. The design is worked in running stitch with a design of scrolls infilled with birds, animals and insects. It is illustrated in Symonds and Preece, Needlework, pl. XLI.1. 143 G. Speirs and S. Quemby, A Treasury of Embroidery Designs: Charts and Patterns from the Great Collections (1985), pp. 50–54. 144 Symonds and Preece, Needlework, p. 240. 145 Levey, ‘Embroidery’, p. 205.

146 In the Museo de Arte, São Paolo, Brazil; Reynolds, Holbein, no. 76, pp. 147–48. 147 NG299 and 694. 148 TNA E351/3025. 149 TNA E101/423/10, ff. 25r, 54v. 150 TNA SP1/168, f. 199r. 151 Stangl and Lang, Mönche und Scholaren, p. 49. 152 TNA E101/423/12, unfoliated. 153 LP iii.ii, p. 1555. 154 NG 1944. 155 Nevinson, ‘Sixteenth century doublet’, p. 371. 156 TNA SP1/168, f. 201v. 157 TNA E101/424/4, f. 3r. 158 Hall, Chronicle, p. 514; Anglo, Great Tournament Roll, p. 50. 159 Egan and Pritchard, Dress Accessories, p. 336. 160 Ibid., pp. 235–37. 161 LP i.ii, 2562.

xxi Transcription Notes

T

he transcripts of BL Harley MS 2284 and BL Harley MS 4217 follow the approach and conventions used in Queen Elizabeth’s Wardrobe Unlock’d, The 1542 Inventory of Whitehall: the Palace and its Keeper and The 1547 Inventory of King Henry VIII. Each entry has been numbered for ease of reference, with BL Harley MS 2284 numbering 1–1648 and the entries in BL Harley MS 4217 numbering 1–741. In order to distinguish between the two manuscripts, an A has been inserted before the entries in BL Harley MS 2284 and a B before the entries in BL Harley MS 4217. The text of both manuscripts is written in a single column down the middle of each folio and the block of text is delineated by two black lines. Each group of objects listed in the main section of both documents is introduced by a heading. The headings are centred above the main column of text and written in an engrossing hand. The heading is repeated on each subsequent folio, sometimes in an abbreviated form, until a new group of items starts. These headings are printed in bold and in larger font than the main text of the transcript to denote the use of an engrossing hand. Extensive marginal comments appear on both manuscripts, detailing the dispersal of the objects. They have been transcribed in full. Marginalia is shown in a smaller font than the main text and its original location on the document is denoted by LM for left margin and RM for right margin. A number of the marginal notes relate to groups of entries, and the clerk used brackets to denote this on the manuscript. In the transcript this is expressed by placing the note immediately after the first entry of the group with the range of entry numbers encompassed by the brackets: for example: [A369] R — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John Scut the quenes taillor iiij yerdes of white cloth of golde of tissewe for a gowne for my lady princess. [A369-72] LM: anno viijo xxiiijo die decembris.

All of the main text and part of the marginal notation is in English, but a small amount of the additional notation (mainly dates and notes relating to the formal accounting

process) is in Latin. The original spelling has been followed and words that are particularly unusual have been clarified with a note. The major difference between sixteenth-century and modern spelling is in the use of i/j and u/v, which now have distinct roles but then were interchangeable. While the modern usage of i/j has been followed for the English text, the i has been retained, just in the short form, for the Latin text, with one exception: in the transcription of Januarii, Junii and Julii. The ampersand (&) for and appears frequently and it has been retained. The original punctuation has also been retained but the placement of full-stops has been standardised to follow current usage. Where expansion marks had been used to denote a contraction, the word has been expanded and given in full, when the sense and spelling is known. Where either is in doubt, the word has been left in its contracted form, as in the case of Ex (for Ex’r or Ex’ur). Possible expansions and translations include examinetur (examined) or excipietur (checked), extrahitur or extrahuntur (removed), or exitus or exitum (issued).1 While the exact translation proves illusive, the general meaning is clear: the object in question had been given away. In a few places, the clerk made errors in the text of the manuscript during production, and these have been replicated in the transcript. Inserted words have been placed within angled brackets , while words or phrases that were crossed out are shown struck through with a line, word. When a word was omitted, and the sense is clear, it has been inserted within square brackets, for example [and]. [. . .] denotes omissions where the word cannot be supplied from the context of the sentence. A small number of mistakes were not corrected by the clerk. Where a word or phase was duplicated and not amended, this has been highlighted using a note. The king and the commissioners signed the manuscript and their signatures have been marked in the transcript. The dates in the main text and the marginal notes are in given regnal years. A list of the relevant regnal years has been given below and the dates have been converted into calendar years in the notes: 8 Henry VIII: 22 April 1516–21 April 1517; 9 Henry

368

transcription notes

VIII: 22 April 1517–21 April 1518; 10 Henry VIII: 22 April 1518–21 April 1519; 11 Henry VIII: 22 April 1519–21 April 1520; 12 Henry VIII: 22 April 1520–21 April 1521. Roman numerals were used to denote lengths, money and weights, and these have retained. This includes the i-longa, or j, for one and for the last component of a number, when it is an i: e.g. iij rather than iii. By the sixteenth century certain numbers no longer followed the classical Latin form — four was usually written iiij rather than iv, and xiiij was used for

Notes 1 For a discussion of this point, see Hayward, 1542 Inventory, ii, p. 9, n. 8.

xiv. Many of the lengths of cloth include fractional measurements. The words qrt and iij qrt have been expanded as quarter and iij quarters, while di (dimidium), meaning half, and cl (clavus), for a nail, have been left. The divisions of a yard are as follows: di quarter = ⅛; quarter = ¼; quarter di = ⅜; di = ½; di di quarter = ⅝; iij quarters = ¾; iij quarters di = ⅞. Other key units of measure for cloth are: the Flemish ell (27 in. [0.69 m]), the English ell (45 in. [1.14 m]), the nail (clavus) (2¼ in. [0.06 m]).

The Wardrobe Book of the Wardrobe of the Robes prepared by James Worsley in December 1516, edited from British Library MS Harley 2284

T

he boke of delyueraunce and dis charge of the kinges standyng warderobe of his Robes withyn the towre of london newe made anno Regni Regis Henrici Octaui viijui

f. 1r1 Memorandum that herafter in this present boke ensueth alle suche parcelles of the kinges Riche Robes with gownes glawdekyns Jaquettes & doblettes / as also Cloth of gold baudkyns tilsenttes velwetes dammaskes satens sarcenettes and other stuff that hath bene delyuerd oute of the kinges standing warderobe of his Robes within the towre of london by the commaundement of his grace at diuerse tymes by thandes of James Worsley yoman of our said souueraigne lordes Robes & kepre of his said warderobe sithen the xxth day of december the viijth yere of our said souuerane lordes moost noble Reigne.2 [A1] Furst delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Nicolas Carewe a mantelle of purpull tilsent furred with blacke bugie. [A1] LM: xmo die augusti anno xmo.3

[A2] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to a frenche man a mantelle of blake veluete furred with blake bugie. [A2] LM: anno xmo xxiiijo die Octobris.4 Henry R

f. 1v5 [blank] f. 2r6

Gownes of cloth of gold & of velwete delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes [A3] Item delyuerd to the kinges grace at the grome porters a Gowne of crimosyn velwete with a high coller furred with bugie to my lorde Ferrers at Casnell marte. [A3–7] LM: anno ixo xo die Julii.7

[A4] Item delyuerd to Mr Tyler by the kinges commaundement a Gowne of blacke velwete furred with bugie.

with a high coller & strayte slyves with a doblet of crimosyn satten lyned with scarlet.

[A5] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde of Suffolk a Gowne of white chamlet damaske siluer lyned with white velwete.

[A13] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde Chamberlayn a Gowne of blake satten lyned with crimosyn clothe of gold of damaske.

[A6] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement a Gowne of grene tylsent lyned with grene velwete to Mr Carewe.

[A14] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr More a Gowne of blacke velwete furred with blacke bugie with a high coller.

[A7] Item delyuerd to the kinges grace at the grome porters a Mantelle of yelowe velwete lyned with yelowe satten to Mr Coffyn at casnall marte. Henry R

[A8] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir William Sandes knight a Gowne of grene velwete lyned with grene satten with xvj buttons of gold with a Jaquet of grene tylsent & doblet & hose to the same. [A8–9] LM: anno ixmo xxmo die Octobris.8

[A9] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Gowne of blacke velwete with a high coller furred with bugie. [A10] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde barnes a Gowne of Russet tylsent furred with grey Jenettes. [A10] LM: anno ixmo xxmo die Februarii.9

Henry R

[A15] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Shatyllyon a Gowne of purpull tilsent furred with sabulles / the sabulles Remaignyng. [A15] LM: anno xmo xmo die augusti.12 Henry R

f. 2v

Gownes of Diuerse makinges [A16] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Norres and Paynes a Gowne of purpull velwete lyned with crimosyn cloth of gold of dammaske. [A16–17] LM: xmo die augusti anno xmo.13

[A17] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Wentworth & Carre a Gowne of purpull cloth of gold after baudkyn lyned with purpull saten.

Henry R

Henry R

[A11] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the ducke10 of Bukingham a Gowne of purpull tylsent furred with Ermyns a Jaquet a doblet & a payre of hose of purpull velwete enbrawderd & cutte withpon white cloth of siluer with aglettes of golde.

[A18] Item delyuerd to my lorde admyral a Gowne of crimosyn saten and cloth of gold partie and embrauderd furred with Ermyns.

[A11–14]

LM: anno ixmo xxiijto die marcii.11

[A12] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Norres a Gowne of blake velwete furred with blacke conye

[A18–20] LM: xxvjo die Septembris anno xmo.14

[A19] Item delyuerd to the lorde admyral of fraunce a Riche Gowne of white syluer cut opon cloth of gold opon saten damaske gold with a Riche border embrauderd lyned with crimosyn saten.

370

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A20] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to one of thembassadors of Fraunce a chammer of yelowe tilsent cut opon white siluer furred with sables. Henry R

[A21] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a gowne of crimosyn veluete with a high coller and furred with sabullus.

[A31–34]

LM: anno xjmo iiijto die decembris.20

[A32] Item delyuerd to mastres Cole by the kinges commaundement ij peces of ij fore quarters veluete brede & one of the slyves of crimosyn veluete opon veluete of a gowne.

[A21–23] LM: anno xmo xxiiijo die Octobris.15

[A33] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to James Worsley a Gowne of Russet veluete syngle withoute furre.

[A22] Item delyuerd to Mr Bryan by the kinges commaundement a chammer of blacke saten with iij borders of blake veluete furred with sabullus.

[A34] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement a Gowne of blacke veluete furred with blacke bugie to master Carewe.

[A23] Item delyuerd to Sir Edward Nevelle by the kinges commaundement a Gowne of blake veluete with a Rounde Cape furred with blake bugie.

Memorandum yeuen by the kinges owne handes at the warderobe of his Robes within the tower of london all thies parcelles ensuyng to thies personnes folowyng xxjo die decembris anno xjo Regni Regis henrici viijui21

[A24] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde Chamberlayn a Gowne of Russet veluete opon veluete lyned with Russet tylsent. [A24–25] LM: anno xmo xxmo die aprilis.16

[A25] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Thomas bollayn a Gowne of purpull baudkyn damaske gold lyned with purpull veluete. Henry R

[A26] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir William Fitzwilliam a Gowne of Russet veluete lyned with russet saten with a high coller.

[A35] Furst to the ducke of Suffolk a Gowne of russet cloth of golde tissew lyned with Russet saten of D. S. [A35–51] LM: decembris.22 [A35–45]

anno

xjmo

xxjmo

die

LM: Gownes

[A36] Item to Sir Nicolas Waux knight a Gowne of crimosyn bawdkyn lyned with crimosyn saten of D. S.

die

[A37] Item to Sir Robert Wyngfeld a Gowne of crimosyn saten syngle.

[A27] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the ducke of buckingham a Chamber of crimosyn veluete opon veluete pirled enbrauderd with freres knottes & lyned with Russet cloth of tissewe & crimosyn saten.

[A38] Item to Sir William Compton a Gowne of crimosyn veluete lyned with cloth of gold tissewe.

[A26–30] LM: decembris.17

anno

xjmo

primo

[A39] Item to Mr Wyngfeld and Mr Weston a longe gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe syngle.

[A28] Item delyuerd to sir William Sandes a Gowne of grene veluete opon veluet pyrled with syluer lyned with cloth of gold diaper werke & damaske werke gold.

[A40] Item to Sir Richard Gernyngham and Sir William Kingston a Gowne of purpull cloth of gold tissewe syngle.

[A29] Item delyuerd to sir William S John18 Copynger a Frocke of blacke veluete with ij gardes of the same and lyned with blacke sarcenet.

[A42] Item to Nicolas Norres a Gowne of crimosyn tylsent syngle.

[A30] Item delyuerd to my lorde of devonshire a mantell of purpull tylent lyned with purpull saten.19 [A30] LM: Ex hic. Henry R

f. 3r

Gownes of diuerse makinges [A31] Item delyuerd to Nicolas Carewe by the kinges commaundement a Gowne of blacke [. . . .] with a high Coller furred with Pampyons.

[A41] Item to Nicolas Carewe a Gowne of white tylsent syngle.

[A43] Item to Mr Carewe a Gowne of crimosyn baudkyn syngle.

[A48] Item to Master Care a Jaquet of white veluete cut opon cloth of siluer enbrauderd [A49] Item to Mr Worsley a Jaquet of white cloth of siluer baudkyn lyned with blacke sarcenet of D. S. [A50] Item to Sir William Tyler a Jaquet of purpull tylsent syngle. [A51] Item to Mr bryan a Jaquet of tawny cloth of gold of damaske lyned with blacke saten. Henry R

f. 3v

yet yeuen by the kinges owne handes at the tower of london within the warderobe of Robes there all thies parcelles ensuyng to thies personnes folowyng xxjmo die decembris xjmo Regni Regis Henrici viijmo23 [A52] Item to Henry Norres a doblet of crimosyn tylsent lyned with blacke sarcenet of D. . [A52–59]

LM: anno xjo xxjo die decembris.24

[A52–54]

LM: Doblettes

[A53] Item to Mr Care a doblet of white veluete cut opon cloth of siluer enbrauderd. [A54] Item to Mr Worsley a doblet of grene tylsent dammaske siluer of D. S. [A55] Item to Mr Compton a Remnaunte of blacke veluete opon veluete of xvij yerdes. [A55–59]

LM: Veluetes

[A56] Item to Mr Gernyngham & Mr kyngston a Remnaunte of russet veluete pyrled conteignyng xxiiij yerdes iij quarters for either of theim a gowne. [A57] Item to Mr Wyngfeld & Mr Weston a Remnaunte of tawny veluete conteignyng xxv yerdes for either of theim a gowne. [A58] Item to Mr Carewe & Mr bryan a Remnaunte of russet veluete opon veluete pyrled conteignyng xxvj yerdes di for either of theim a gowne.

[A44] Item to James Worsley a Gowne of russet veluete syngle.

[A59] Item to Mr Norres & Mr Care a Remnaunte of tawny veluete conteingyng xxviij yerdes di for either of theim a gowne.

[A45] Item to John Porth an olde Gowne of blacke saten single.

[A55–59] quarters

[A46] Item to Henry Page a iiij quarterd of crimosyn veluete lyned with blac saten.

[A60] Item a lytell short gowne of purpull veluete lyned with blac saten drawen with playtes.

[A46–51]

[A60–78]

LM: Jaquettes

[A47] Item to ye same Henry a Jaquet of blac saten lyned with scarlet.

Summa totalis — Cxxj yerdes iij

LM: anno xjo xxvjo die decembris.25

[A60–72] LM: delyuerd to John Copynger and to William Whyse of ye kinges Robes.

371

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A61] Item a longe gowne of purpull veluete syngle.

with blacke saten. The border of stole werke Remagnyng.

[A62] Item a short gowne of purpull veluete syngle.

[A79–82] LM: decembris.29

[A63] Item a womans gowne of purpull veluete syngle.

[A79–82] LM: youen by the kinges grace to Rauf Worsley.

[A64] Item a shorte gowne of purpull veluete syngle furred with bugie.

[A80] Item a short Gowne of blacke veluete lyned with blake sarcenet.

[A65] Item a short gowne of crimosyn veluete lyned with blacke saten.

[A81] Item a iiij quarterd Jaquet of blake saten with slyves lyned with blac sarcenet.

[A66] Item a short gowne of crimosyn veluete furred with bugie.

[A82] Item a short iiij quarters Jaquet of blake saten lyned with sarcenet without slyves.

[A67] Item a lytell taberd & a kyrtell of crimosyn veluete with a hoode furred with menever for a Childe. [A68] Item a short iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold lyned with blac saten. [A69] Item a short iiij quarterd Jaquet of yelowe cloth of gold opon saten furred with bugie. [A70] Item a short iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold lyned with blac saten. [A70–71] LM: Thies ij percelles to be voyde here for they be enterd next afor.

[A71] Item a short iiij quarterd Jaquet of yelowe cloth of gold opon saten furred with bugie. [A72] Item a short iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn veluete with slyves lyned with blac saten borderd with stole werke / the border Remaynyng. [A73] Item to Jamys Worsley ij lytell short Jaquettes of stole werke syngle. [A74] Item to Mr Clerk of [the] kechyn a Riding gowne of blake veluete with playtes on the backe lyned with backe26 saten. [A75] Item to Mr Meryman a short gowne of blake veluete lyned with blac sarcenet. [A76] Item to Mistress Norres a kyrtell of crimosyn saten. [A77] Item to Mistress Worsley a gowne of tawny veluete with a bordor of stole werke Remaynyng. [A78] Item to Mistress Coke a furre of mynkes for a womans gowne.27 Henry R

f. 4r

yet youen by the kinges owne handes thies parcelles ensuing to thies personnes folowyng xxvjto die decembris anno xjo Henrici viijui28 [A79] Item a Ryding Gowne of blac veluete borderd with stole werke lyned

anno

xjmo

xxvjo

die

[A83] Item to Copynger & Wyse a Riding Gowne of blac veluete lyned with blac saten. [A83–84]

LM: anno xjo xiiijo die decembris.30

[A84] Item a doblet of purpull veluete rychely set stones lyned with cloth of gold with wyde slyves lyned with canvas and purpull sarcenet delyuerd to the kinges owne handes at Richemounte by Jamys Worsley with a bill of the nomber of ye stones. [A85] Item delyuerd at the kinges commaundement to the sergeaunt of the vestry a Cope of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd with nedyll werke with an orfevas of nedyll werke. [A85–88] LM: Januarii.31

anno

xjmo

primo

die

[A85–88] LM: Chapelle stuf delyuerd to the sergeaunt of the vestry by the kinges commaundement anno xjmo.

[A86] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the said sergeaunt a Riche Cope of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe with a vestamente & ij Tunicles and ij albes to the same. [A87] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the said sergeaunte a fayre aulter cloth of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd with a fayre Crucifix Mary & John. [A88] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the said sergeaunte a Frounte for an aulter of crimosyn veluete opon veluete enbrauderd with the salutacion of our ladye. [A89] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde Chamberlayn a Glaudkyn of Russet tylsent lyned with Russet veluete. [A89] LM: anno xjmo xviijo die Januarii.32 Henry R

[A90] Item a Riche Gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe syngle. [A90–98] LM: delyuerd to Sir Andrew Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse by my lorde Cardynalles commaundement anno xjmo.

[A91] Item a nother Gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lyned & welted with cloth of siluer. [A92] Item a Gowne of purpull cloth of gold of baudkyn syngle. [A93] Item a Gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold of damaske syngle. [A94] Item a Gowne of purpull cloth of gold opon saten syngle. [A95] Item a Gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold after baudkyn syngle. [A96] Item a Gowne of grene tylsent lyned with grene saten. [A97] Item a Gowne of riche crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe damaske gold with a border of white siluer lyned with crimosyn veluete. [A98] Item a Gowne of purpull cloth of gold tissewe venis gold syngle. Henry R

f. 4v

Gownes delyuerd by the kinges commaundemnt ut patet [A99] Item delyuerd by my lorde Cardynalles commaundement to my lorde Armagh for the kinges vse a Riche Gowne of stole werke syngle. [A99–104] LM: anno xjmo mensis marcii.33

[A100] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Richard Wyngfeld a gown of blacke tylsent lyned with blacke saten. [A101] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to master Norres a gowne of Russet dammaske furred with conye. [A102] Item delyuerd to the kinges owne handes vj buttons of gold & iij aglettes of gold that were opon a Chammer of crimosyn saten cut opon cloth of gold. [A103] Item delyuerd to Moye a frencheman a gowne of blacke veluete with a square furred with blacke bugie with xvj buttons of gold blewe enameld. [A104] Item delyuerd to Sir William Tyler a gowne of blacke veluete with a high collor lyned with blacke saten.

Memorandum yeuen by the kinges graces owne handes thies parcelles folowyng to thies personnes ensuyng anno xijmo [A105] Item to sir William Kingston knight a Glaudkyn of cloth of gold baudkyn lyned with crimosyn saten. [A105–13] LM: Aprilis.34

anno

xijmo

vltimo

die

372

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A106] Item to Nicolas Carewe a Gowne of crimosyn tilsent with byrdes Ies. [A107] Item to Sir William Compton knight a mantelle of cloth of gold of damaske couerd with white saten cutt with a ryche border enbrouderd and lyned with white tylsent. [A108] Item to sir Richard Weston knight a mantelle of purpull tilsent syngell. [A109] Item to Jamys Worsley a Frocke of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd with sylke. [A110] Item to Antony knyvet a Gowne of purpull veluete the slyves with Rolles syngle. [A111] Item to Sir Edmond Walsyngham a Frocke of grene saten garded with grene veluet . [A112] Item to Sir William Tyler a Frocke of Russet veluete enbrauderd with silke. [A113] Item to John Copynger a Frocke of grene tylsent couerd with grene saten cutt. Henry R

[A114] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement vnto Wyse page of ye Robes a Frocke of Russet veluete pyrled furred with bugie. [A114–19] LM: anno xijmo iiijto die Maii.35 [A114–19] LM: delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at grenewyche anno xijo.

[A115] Item to James Worsley & John Parker a Gowne of crimosyn saten syngle. [A116] Item to Rauf Worsley a Gowne of purpull veluete syngle. [A117] Item to James Worsely a lytelle di gowne of crimosyn veluete opon veluete . [A118] Item to Mistress Fynche a gowne of crimosyn veluete furred with shankes. [A119] Item to Mistress Norres a gowne of crimosyn veluete furred with Ermyns.

[A121] Item to Gaddes Hill churche a Gowne of blewe veluete furred with Ermyns the Furre of Ermyns Remaignyng. [A122] Item to Jenyns of the pastry John Verdon & George Lovekyn a iiij quarters Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold with slyves furred with bugie. [A123] Item to William Hogson Henry Ages Thomas Parker & John Dale a Gowne of crimosyn saten with ij clockes of cloth of gold furred with shankes of Q. E. [A124] Item to William Thyn & Thomas Atclyf a Gowne of crimosyn saten with a bordor of stolewerke egged with mynkes the stolewerke Remaignyng. [A125] Item to Davy Fraunces & Cutberd blackden a gowne of blac veluete single. [A126] Item to Sir Richard Cornwall a Frocke of crimosyn saten lyned with sarcenet. Henry R 38

[A127] Item to monsir Lestue a frencheman a Gowne of siluer tissewe furred with sabullus youen to hym by the kinges grace. [A127–34]

LM: anno xijmo xxiijo die Junii.39

[A128] Item delyuerd to Sir Richard Cornwall a Frocke of crimosyn saten with weltes of the same lyned with sarcenet. [A129] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Frocke of blacke veluete welted with the same lyned with sarcenet. [A130] Item delyuerd to Jamys Worsley a Frocke a F40 of blacke veluete enbrauderd with sylke lyned with blacke sarcenet. [A131] Item delyuerd to monsir labattie a frenchemen at guysnes a gowne of crimosyn veluete opon veluete pirled lyned with crimosyn tylsent. [A132] Item delyuerd to monsir bryanne a frenchman at Guysnes a Gowne of Russet tylsent lyned with cloth of siluer.

Henry R

[A133] Item delyuerd to monsir de la Roche Pot a gowne of cloth of siluer gold lyned with cloth of gold of carnacion collor.

Gownes delyuerd by the kinges commaundement ut patet

[A134] Item delyuerd to monsir de la Palays a gowne of yelowe tissew lyned with crimosyn veluete .

[A118–19] RM: of q. e.

f. 5r

[A120] Item to Copynger and Wyses seruauntes a Gowne of white veluete syngle. mo

[A120–26] LM: anno xij

mo

xiij

36

die Maii.

[A120–25] LM: delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at grenewyche anno xijmo.37

Henry R

[A135] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement vnto Mr Carewe a shammer of tawny tilsent with a high collor welted with siluer tissew lyned with purpull saten.

[A135–38]

LM: anno xijmo xxvjo die Julii.41

[A136] Item delyuerd to Hanyball de carr with themperor a shammer of blacke tylsent with a high collor welted with cloth of siluer lyned with purpull saten. [A137] Item delyuerd to Rochepot a gowne of blacke tylsent lyned with cloth of siluer of damaske. [A138] Item delyuerd to Mr Wysse by the kinges commaundement a gowne of blacke veluete with a high collor furred with blacke bugie. Henry R

f. 5v [A139] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a shammer of blacke veluete furred with sabullus. [A139–45]

LM: Anno xijmo vjo die Octobris.42

[A140] Item delyuerd to Mr Wyse by the kinges commaundement a Frocke of blac saten lyned with sarcenet with iij weltes of the same. [A141] Item delyuerd to Mr Wyse the same tyme a nother Frocke of blacke damaske lyned with sarcenet. [A142] Item delyuerd to Sir William Fitzwilliam a gowne of purpull cloth of gold of baudkyn lyned with purpull saten. [A143] Item delyuerd to John deparres a mantelle of whyte tylsent syngle to make iij doblettes & iij payres of hose for the king. [A144] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John Hopton a gowne of blac veluete with a high collor furred with blacke bugie. [A145] Item delyuerd to Sir Richard Gernyngham knight a gowne of white siluer tyssewe furred with blacke Jenettes yt ye king had of Mr Norres and not in the Infra. [A146] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Gowne of cloth of siluer playne syngle youen in anno xmo. [A146–53]

LM: anno xijmo.43

[A147] Item a Gowne of blacke saten syngle delyuerd by the kinges commaundement vnto Jamys Worsley in anno xmo. [A148] Item a Gowne of blacke saten syngle delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir John Sherpe knight in anno viijmo. [A149] Item a Gowne of Russet veluete syngle delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Compton in anno xmo.

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A150] Item a Gowne of crimsyn veluete syngle delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Henry Guyldforde knight in anno xmo. [A151] Item a Gowne of blake veluete syngle delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Worsely in anno xmo. [A152] Item a Shammer of blacke saten syngle borderd with vj borders of blake veluete sy delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Jamys Worsley anno xo. [A153] Item a Gowne of Russet veluete syngle delyuerd to Richard Gibson to make half a trapper & half a horsharnes paned with venis siluer anno xjo.44 Henry R

f. 6r45

paned with a payre of scarlet hose to ye same. [A163] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to lytell Carewe a doblet and a Jaquet of of blake tylsent & blewe velwete paned. [A164] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Arthor Poulle a Cote of Russet velwete with ij gardes of russet satten furred with blacke Conye. [A165] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Arthor Plante[agenet a]48 Cote of blake velwete furred with blacke Cony. [A166] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Wyse a Jaquet of crimosyn satten lyned with redde sarcenet. [A166] LM: anno ixno xxmo die Februarii.49

Cotes and Jaquettes and doblettes delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes [A154] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Edwarde Guylford a Riding Cote of crimosyn cloth of golde of tissewe lyned with hit white cloth of siluer damaske siluer and welted with the same. [A154–59] LM: anno ixo xijmo die Julii.46

[A155] Item delyuerd to the kinges grace at grome porters a Coote of blake velwete furred with blake cony to my lorde Ferres at Casuel marte. [A156] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Edwarde Gilford a Coote of Russet velwete furred with cony garded with Russet satten. [A157] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde of Suffolk a doblet of white tissewe couerd with white satten. [A158] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a doblet of yelowe baudkyn couerd with yelowe satten with hose & Jaquet to the same.

[A167] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Jaquet of crimosyn tylsent lyned with crimosyn satten with a doblet [&] hose of crimosyn tylsent richely enbrauderd with gold of damaske for the same. [A168] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement vnto Arthor Pole a doblet & a payr of hose of crimosyn tylsent enbrauderd. Henry R Cotes & Jaquettes

f. 6v50 [A169] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Arthor Pole a Jaquet a doblet & a payr of hose of Russet velwete cutt ouer opon cloth of gold. [A169–70]

LM: anno ixmo xxmo die Marcii.51

[A170] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement the same tyme at Riche mount to Mr Bryan a doblet & hose of blacke tilsent of byrdes Eys. Henry R

[A159] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir John Peche knight a doblet of cloth of tissewe couerd with crimosyn satten.

[A171] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Wyse a Jaquet of Crimosyn satten furred with blacke conye.

Henry R

[A172] Item delyuerd to Mr Carewe by the kinges commaundement a doblet and hose of white cloth of siluer couerd with crimosyn satten.

[A160] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde of Suffolk a Riding Cote of grene velwete lyned with grene sarcenet with a di Cote to the same. [A160–65] LM: anno ixno xxmo die Octobris.47

[A161] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Cote of grene velwete garded with grene satten at Holy Rode day. [A162] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Compton a doblet of crimosyn tilsent & crimosyn velwete

[A171–73]

LM: anno ixmo xxixmo die maii.52

[A173] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the ducke of Suffolk a Jaquet a doblet & hose of blake tilsent damaske gold. Henry R

[A174] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Edwarde Nevelle knight a Cote with a di Cote of grene velwete garded with grene saten.

373

[A174–82] LM: anno xmo xmo die augustii.53

[A175] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Cote of blacke velwete & blewe tilsent paned furred with blacke bugie. [A176] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Henry Guylford knight a doblet hose and Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold playne lyned with crimosyn saten. [A177] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Norres a doblet & hose of purpull cloth of gold tissewe couerd with purpull saten. [A178] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Poynes a doblet and hoses of cloth of gold couerd with grene veluete. [A179] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carre a Cote of grene tylsent Raysed with gold by Mr Wentworth. [A180] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to James Worsley yoman of the Robes a doblet hose and Jaquet of blacke tilsent & blewe velwete paned. [A181] Item delyuerd to John Copynger grome of the Robes a doblet and a Jaquet of grene tilsent and grene velwete by the kinges commaundement. [A182] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Wyse an almayn doblet and hose of blacke tylsent & purpull velwete paned & cutte. Henry R

[A183] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the ducke of Suffolk a Cote of crimosyn velwete cutte opon grene cloth of gold & velwete. [A183–84] LM: xxvjo die Septembris anno xmo.54

[A184] Item delyuerd to my lorde of devonshire a doblet a Jaquet and hose of blacke velwete cutte opon cloth of golde and enbrauderde. Henry R

f. 7r

Cotes Jaquettes doblettes & hose [A185] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a doblet & hosez of crimosyn cloth of gold the ground of damaske golde. [A185–97] LM: anno xmo xxiiijo Octobris.55

[A186] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Weston a Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lyned with crimosyn saten. [A187] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Jaquet of blake tylsent lyned with blake saten.

374

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A188] Item delyuerd to Mr Bryan a Jaquet doblette & hosez of yelowe cloth of gold after baudkyn with cutts ouer all of crimosyn saten & lyned with crimosyn saten.

[A202] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer cut opon cloth of gold enbrauderd with hoses to the same & claspes & auglettes of gold delyuerd to the ducke of buckyngham.

[A189] Item delyuerd to my lorde of Suffolk by the kinges commaundement a Cote a Cote of crimosyn velwete cutt opon cloth of gold & welted.

[A203] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Wyse a Coote of grene veluete with ij gardes of the same with the di coote.

[A189] LM: vac hic qz entrat antea in altra parte.

Henry R

[A190] Item delyuerd to Sir Thomas Boleyn by the kinges commaundement a Jaquet doblet & hosez of cloth of gold with a cutte ouer all of russet saten.

f. 7v [A204] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carre a doblet hoses & a Jaquet of cloth of gold of damaske gold with a cutt ouer all of purpull veluete.

[A191] Item delyuerd to Mr Compton by the kinges commaundement a doblet of blake tilsent square lyned with scarlet. [A192] Item delyuerd to Arthor Pole a doblet of blake tylsent lyned with scarlet by the kinges commaundement. [A193] Item delyuerd to Mr Norres a doblet of crimosyn saten cutt opon crimosyn tylsent with hosez to the same. [A194] Item delyuerd to Mr Carewe a doblet hosez & Jaquet of blewe tilsent dammaske gold with claspes & aglettes of gold at the hosez. [A195] Item delyuerd to the same Mr Carewe by the kinges commaundement a Jaquet of Russet tissewe chekerd with dammaske gold lyned with russet saten. [A196] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to a frencheman a doblet & hosez of purpull veluete & blake tilsent paned & cutt after thalmayn facion. [A197] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Bryan a doblet of russet cloth of gold of tissewe chekerd with hosez to the same. [A198] Item delyuerd to William Woodhowse spere of Calais a doblet hose & Jaquet of purpull velwete enbrauderd & cutt opon cloth of gold lyned with blac saten. [A198–99] LM: anno xj

mo

o

56

xviij die maii.

[A199] Item delyuerd to Morres of the Celler a Jaquet of Russet satten furred with blacke Conye. Henry R

[A200] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Henry Guylford a Coote of grene veluete with the base & di Coote to ye same garded with grene saten. [A200–03] LM: decembris.57

anno

xjmo

primo

die

[A201] Item delyuerd to Sir William Fitzwilliam a doblet & hose of crimosyn saten cutt opon damaske siluer with a playne Jaquet of crimosyn saten.

[A204–05] LM: Septembris.58

anno

xjmo

xxxmo

die

[A205] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Coote of crimosyn veluete furred with blake conye. [A206] Item delyuerd to my lord of devenshire by the kinges commaundement a Jaquet a doblet & hose of purpull veluete enbrauderd & lyned with purpull saten. [A206] LM: anno xjmo primo die aprilis.59

[A207] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to bewveys a Frencheman a doblet a Jaquet & a payre of hose of purpull tylsent with a cut ouer all of purpull saten. [A207–08] LM: Novembris.60

anno

mo

xj

xviij

mo

die

[A208] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Henry Norres a doblet hose and Frocke of blacke tylsent & blewe veluete paned. Henry R

Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement sithen the viewe taken vltime die Nouembris xjmo by the ducke of Suffolk and other the kinges commissioners thies parcelles ensuyng parcel of the clerc Remaigne of the said viewe.61 [A209] Furst delyuerd by the kinges commaundement and my lorde Cardynalles to Robert Amadas goldsmythe for the kinges vse CCCCxlviij oz iij quarters of fyne gold and DCCClj perles of a sorte that was takyn of from the kinges cote thone syde of purpull veluete pyrled and thoder syde of white cloth of siluer tyssewe. [A209–16] LM: anno xjmo xxvijo die maii.62 [A209] LM: delyuerd to Robert Amadas of london goldsmyth anno xjmo.

[A210] Item v short cotes of blewe veluete with goldsmythes werke for thenchemen. [A210–11] LM: delyuerd by my lorde Cardynalles commaundement to my lorde arma chauer for ye kinges vse anno xjmo.

[A211] Item xxv placardes of white cloth with x[. . .] crosses set with goldsmythes werke. [A212] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Richard Wyngefeld a doblet of purpull tissewe lyned with blake sarsenet. [A213] Item delyuerd to the same Sir Richard Wyngefeld a Jaquet of purpull tilsent lyned with purpull saten. [A214] Item delyuerd to the sergent porter a doblet of crimosyn cloth of gold of baudkyn damaske gold lyned with crimosyn sarsenet of d. s. [A215] Item delyuerd to the kinges owne handes v payres of aglettes & vj bottons of gold that were set opon the same doblet. [A216] Item delyuerd to John deparres a riche Jaquet & a doblet of purpull veluete garnisshed alouer with spangelles of fyne gold to be paned with riche white tissewe the border of the same Jaquet and the foreslyves of the doblet was not spent butt delyuerd to the kinges grace. Henry R

f. 8r

Memorandum youen by the kinges owne handes at Grenewiche thies parcelles folowynge to thies persons ensying mensis aprilis anno xijmo [A217] Item to Sir William Kingston a doblet hose and Jaquet of blacke veluete cut & enbrauderd opon with cloth of gold of damaske. [A217–36] aprilis.63

LM:

anno

xijmo

vltimo

die

[A217–36] LM: delyuerd by the kinge commaundement in mensis aprilis & maii anno xijmo.

[A218] Item to Nicolas Carewe a doblet hose & Jaquet of purpull tissewe enbrauderd with white siluer hose & Jaquet. [A219] Item to Cary a Jaquet doblet & hose of crimosyn tylsent with a cutt of Crimosyn veluete. [A220] Item to Cary a Jaquet doblet & hose of cloth of gold of damaske cutt opon white siluer. [A221] Item to Sir Richard Gernyngham knight a doblet hose & Jaquet Cote with di slyves of Russet cloth of gold drawn with lynen cloth.

375

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A222] Item to the same Sir Richard a doblet hose and Jaquet of white siluer tissewe Reysed.

was parte with purpull veluete pirled for the performyng of a base & a trapper for the king.

[A223] Item to Henry Norres & Care a doblet & hose of cloth of golde of banden with [a] Jaquet of the same lyned with crimosyn saten.

Henry R

[A224] Item to the said Harey & Cary a doblet and a Jaquet of cloth of gold of damaske with a cutt ouer all of purpull veluete. [A225] Item to Sir William Compton knight a doblet hose & Jaquet of purpull saten enbrauderd. [A226] Item to Sir William Tyler a doblet and a Jaquet of purpull tyssewe.

[A240] Item to Mr Beryman a Cote of purpull chamlet gold furred with blake bugie. [A240–49]

LM: anno xijmo iiijto die maii.65

[A241] Item to Mynors sergeant of ye cellor a Jaquet of crimosyn veluete opon veluete pirled syngle. [A242] Item to Morres of the cellor a Jaquet crimosyn cloth of gold after chamlet makyng synkell.66 [A243] Item to Henry Page a Jaquet of Russet tylsent syngle.

[A227] Item to the same William a doblet and hose of Russet veluete enbrauderd.

[A244] Item to Clarenceaux a Cote of purpull veluete opon veluete pirled frenged with Ermyns.

[A228] Item to Sir Richard Weston a doblet hose & Jaquet of crimosyn saten enbrauderd.

[A245] Item delyuerd to the kinges owne handes a small border of wrethes of goldsmythes werke yt was set opon a doblet & a payr of hose of grene saten.

[A229] Item to Mr Bryan a doblet hose and Jaquet of crimosyn tylsent with cutts all ouer of crimosyn saten. [A230] Item to Sir Gyles Capell a doblet hose & Jaquet of grene saten enbrauderd.

[A246] Item to Jamys Worsley for a iiij quarter Jaquet of purpull cloth of gold of Chamlet with slyves furred with white bugie.

[A231] Item to Mr Knolles a doblet hose & Jaquet of cloth of gold baudkyn.

[A246–49] LM: delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at grenewiche anno xijmo.

[A232] Item to James Worsley a doblet & hose of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd with sylke.

[A247] Item to John Porth a iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn veluete with slyves the border enbrauderd with nedyll werke the border Remaingnyng.

[A233] Item to Antony Knyvet a doblet & hose of purpull tylsent tissewe with Rolles couerd with purpull saten. [A234] Item to John Copynger a doblet & hose of grene tylsent couerd with grene saten cutte. [A235] Item to monsir barges an Almayn Cote of purpull veluete & blacke tylsent Richely enbrauderd lyned with blacke saten. [A236] Item to Mr Bryan a doblet and hose of blewe veluete & blacke tilsent Richely enbrauderd. Henry R

f. 8v [A237] Item to Sir Edmonde Walsyngham a doblet and hose of grene tylsent couerd with grene saten cutt. [A237–39] LM: anno xijmo vltimo aprilis.64

[A238] Item to Richard Gibson a Riche Jaquet of stole worke scaled furred with blacke bugie for parte of a trapper & a base for the king the furre Remaignyng. [A239] Item to Richard Gibson thone half of a cote of Riche siluer tissewe that

[A248] Item to John Copynger a iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold of damaske with slyves furred with bugie. [A249] Item to John Porth a iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn veluete with slyves borderd with stole werke the bordors remaignyng. Henry R

[A250] Item delyuerd to Mr Carewe a doblet of blacke veluete enbrauderd that Anthonye Browne gave the kinge. [A250–52]

LM: anno xijmo xxiijo die Junii.67

[A253–57] LM: anno xijmo vjo die Octobris.69

[A254] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Jaquet doblet & hose of purpull cloth of gold tissewe playn. [A255] Item delyuerd to Mr Wyse by the kinges commaundement a doblet and hose of blacke veluete with siluer stole werke. [A256] x — Item sent to the Frenche king a doblet of cloth of gold of baudkyn the placard & foreslyves wrought with flate gold with viij payre of aglettes. [A257] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Wyse a doblet of blacke dammaske lyned with sarsenet. [A258] Item delyuerd to Mr Merymann by the kinges commaundement a Jaquet of Russet saten Furred with blacke bugie. [A258–60] LM: Januarii.70

anno

xijmo

xijmo

die

[A259] Item to Mr Wyse a doblet of blake saten cut & tyed with small buttons & aglettes of gold with hose to ye same the buttons & aglettes of gold delyuerd to the king by thandes of the said Mr Wyse. [A260] Item to the same Mr Wyse a doblet of crimosyn saten cut & tyed with small buttons and aglettes of gold with hose to the same the buttons & aglettes of gold was delyuerd to the king [by] the hands of the said Mr Wyse. [A261] Item a doblet of Russet cloth of gold. [A261–63] LM: Sent vnto ye French king in Januarii anno xijo.71 [A261–63] RM: The placardes & foreslyves of euery of theim Richely enbrauderd with dammaske gold.

[A262] Item a doblet of Crimosyn satten. [A263] Item a doblet of dammaske syluer.72 Henry R

f. 9v [blank]73 f. 10r74

[A251] Item delyuerd to Mr Bullayn a Cote of crimosyn veluete furred with blacke conye.

Placardes bases trappers & bardes delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at dyuerse tymes

[A252] Item delyuerd to Cornysshe of the kinges Chapelle a Coote of blacke veluete lyned with sarsenet.68

[A264] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Sir Henry Guylford knight to be kept for the kinges vse a Base with a placard of white cloth of gold of tissewe to were opon harnes with a riche trapper of the same lyned with grene saten frenged with white silke & gold & laces of silke & gold.

Henry R

f. 9r [A253] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Wyse a doblet of crimosyn tylsent with a cut ouer all of crimosyn veluete with hose to the same.

[A264–67] LM: augusti.75

anno

xmo

xxviijo

die

376

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A265] Item to the said Sir Henry the same tyme a Base with a placard of grene cloth of gold of tissewe lyned with white saten and frynged with silke and golde.

[A273] Item a di trapper of crimosyn veluete & cloth of gold.

[A295] Item a payre of spurs of siluer torkey facion.

[A274] Item a fote cloth of blacke veluete.

[A296] Item v payre of gilt spurs and one payre of white.

[A266] Item to the said Sir Henry the same tyme a riche Trapper to the said base of grene cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blewe saten frynged with grene silke & gold with laces to the same of silke & gold.

[A275] Item a horsse harnes of blacke veluete enbrauderd with damaske gold and a sadelle house with a border of the same werkes.

[A297] Item a horsharnes of blacke veluete enbrauderd.

[A267] Item to the said Sir Henry the same tyme a goodly Barde for a greate horse of lether gilt with portcules & Roses. Henry R

[A268] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the armory a base with a shorte Cote to the same of purpull tylsent & blake tylsent cut opon with blacke & blew veluete with poyntes of silke & gold lyned with sarsenet. [A268] LM: anno xmo ijdo die Septembris.76 Henry R

Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement sithen the viewe taken vltimo die Nouembris anno xjmo by the ducke of Suffolk & other the kinges commissioners thies parcelles en suyng parcelles of the clere Reman of the said viewe77 [A269] Furste delyuerd to George Lovekyn clerke of the kinges stabyll a longe Trapper thone half of purpull cloth of tissewe and thoder half Ermyns lyned with blacke buckeram. mo

[A269–71] LM: anno xj

xxix

mo

78

die maii.

[A269–71] LM: To George Lovekyn Clerke of ye stabell.

[A270] Item to the same George a Trapper of white cloth of gold with a border of crimosyn veluete and a stripe ouer the backe of crimosyn veluete. [A271] Item a di trapper and a base thone half of crimosyn cloth of gold and opon the cloth of gold a cut werke of blewe veluete stychyd with Cuer Loyalle and thoder half trapper & a base of blewe veluete the trapper lyned with blacke bokeram and the base lyned with blac saten. Henry R Spores & [. . .]

f. 10v [A272] Item vij di trappers of crimosyn cloth of gold of tissewe with a border of blacke veluete enbrauderd with deu et mon droit. [A272–97] LM: anno xjmo xxixmo die marcii.79

[A275–97] LM: delyuerd to George Lovekyn clerke of the stabill by the kinges commaundement.

[A276] Item iiij sadelhouses of blacke veluete striped with ryban of silke & gold. [A277] Item a sadell house of crimosyn veluete and cloth of gold. [A278] Item a sadell house of blewe veluete with a frenge of silke & gold. [A279] Item a sadell house of blewe veluete with a border of enbraudry of damaske gold. [A280] Item a horsse harnes of blewe veluete enbrauderd with goldsmythes werke with bokelles and pendauntes of siluer and gilt. [A281] Item v peces of oone horsharnes of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd with goldsmythes werke. [A282] Item iij peces of oone horsharnes enbrauderd with goldsmythes werke. [A283] Item oone horsharnes of crimosyn veluete with bollyons of copper & gilt. [A284] Item a brode horsharnes of blewe veluete enbrothered lackyng a hedstall. [A285] Item a Shanferon of stele with a gyrdell of stole werke. [A286] Item ij Shamferons garnisshed with siluer and gilt.

[A298] Item delyuerd to the forsaid George a Riche barde couerde with cloth of gold and goldsmythes werke lackyng a fore pece. [A298] LM: anno xjmo xxiiijto die aprilis.80

[A299] Item iij sadelhouses of blewe veluete set with goldsmythes werke. [A299–301] LM: delyuerd by my lorde Cardynalles commaundment to my lorde Armakaner for ye kinges vse anno xjmo.

[A300] Item iiij sadelhouses of crimosyn veluete set with goldsmythes werke. [A301] Item a horsharnes of crimosyn veluette set with goldsmythes werke and vj lese belles with oone lytell bell of siluer & gilt.81 Henry R

f. 11r82 [A302] Item a swerde Gyrdelle of lether set with Roses portcules studdes buckelle and pendaunte of golde. [A302–05] LM: delyuerd by my lorde Cardynalles commaundment to my lorde arma chauer for ye kinges vse anno xjmo.

[A303] Item a swerde Gyrdelle of lether with aches & Eys with bokelle pendaunt and studdes of gold. [A304] Item a swerde gyrdelle of stole werke with bokelles pendaunt & studdes of gold. [A305] Item viij other gyrdelles with bokelles pendauntes and studdes of gold.

[A287] Item a Shamferon garnisshed with venys gold.

[A306] Item ij Gyrdelles thone of a sworde gyrdelle both of thim with bokelles pendauntes & studdes gold.

[A288] Item oone crimosyn veluete.

of

[A306–08] LM: delyuerd to the kinges owne handes anno xjo.

[A289] Item a stole sadell with a howse of crimosyn veluete.

[A307] Item ij sworde gyrdelles of blac veluete thone with devices bokelles pendauntes & studdes gold.

harsharnnes

[A290] Item a sadell of crimosyn veluete borderd with cloth of golde. [A291] Item a nother sadell of crimosyn veluete fringed with gold. [A292] Item a payr of styroppes and styrop lethers of blew veluete garnisshed with goldsmythes werke. [A293] Item a pair of gilt steroppes with lethers of cloth of gold and crimosyn veluet. [A294] gilt.

Item ij payre of styroppes parcell

[A308] Item a swerde gyrdelle of saten figure with bokelles pendaunt & studdes of [gold]. Henry R

[A309] Item delyuerd to Fraunces the frenche king by the kinges grace a swerd of the spanisshe faccon the pomelle hafte & chape of gold with a blewe gyrdelle well wrought opon with gold and the bokelle pendaunt & other garnisshing of gold and enamelde. [A309–11]

LM: anno xijmo xvijmo die Junii.83

377

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A310] Item yeuen by the kinges grace to the Capitaigne of myllayn a swerde the hafte of gold and the sheth garnisshed with gold. [A311] Item yeuen by the kinges grace to Mr of the frenche kinges horsses a swerde the hafte of gold the sheth enbrauderd with bokelle pendaunt and other garnisshing of gold at Guynes Castelle. Henry R

of gold tissewe with prest diacon subdiacon & iij albes. [A324] Item a vestment of blewe damaske with a crosse enbrauderd with prest diacon subdiacon with thapparell to the same lackyng oone albe. [A325] Item an aulter cloth of chaungeable sarsenet fringed with sylke. [A326] Item ij Curtens of chaungeabille sarsenet for aulters endes fringed.

[A312] Item delyuerd to the king by thandes of Copynger a greyhounde Collor of white & grene veluete with tyrettes & Roses of siluer & gilt.

[A327] Item ij Curtens of blacke sarsenet frynged for aulters endes.

[A312–15] LM: anno xijmo.

[A329] Item a Crosse for a vestment with a crucifix enbrauderd.

[A313] Item delyuerd to the king by thandes of the said John ij greyhounde collors of gold of damaske wrought in the stole. [A314] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a longe hanger with a sheth & a gyrdelle of crimosyn veluete the bokelle pendaunte and studdes of gold. [A315] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Bryand a a84 proper holmes the sheth garnisshed with siluer & gilt.85 Henry R Girdelles

[A328] Item a vestment of blacke veluete cut & vnmade without a crosse.

[A330] Item a pall [of] cloth of blacke veluete with a crosse of white cloth of golde of dammaske. [A331] Item a square lytelle pillowe for an aulter. [A332] Item a Forme cloth of purpull cloth of gold of dammaske makyng contaignyng in lenght88 iiij yerdes. Henry R

[A333] Item delyuerd to Rauf Worsley by the kinges owne handes at Grenewiche a greate boke of cronycles in englisshe couerd with grene veluete opon veluete.89 [A333] LM: anno xijmo xxmo die maii.90

f. 11v [blank] f. 12r86

Copes and Vestmentes of diuerse makings delyuerd at diuerse tymes by ye kinges commaund [A316] Item ij Copes of crimosyn baudkyn the borders enbrauderd. [A316–32] LM: delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Rothewell sergeaunt of ye vestrye primo die Januarii anno xjo.87

[A317] Item iij Copes of yelowe sylke baudkyn lyned with blacke bokeram. [A318] Item a deacon & subdiacon of yelowe silke baudkyn lacking certan peces. [A319] Item ij aulter clothes of blewe & grene dammaske paned. [A320] Item iij aulter clothes of lynen cloth with a redde crosse in the myddes. [A321] Item iij boundelles of velym written by hand with seruices of ye churche. [A322] Item iij Coopes of crimosyn baudkyn borderd with crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe. [A323] Item a vestment of grene baudkyn with [a] crosse of crimosyn cloth

Henry R

[A339] Item ij quisshons thonesyde of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe with siluer and thonesyde of crimosyn veluete. [A340] Item a longe quisshon thone syde of crimosyn cloth of golde tissue with Roses & portcules & thoder syde of crimosyn veluete. [A341] Item a square quisshon of the same sewte. [A342] Item ij Cupborde clothes of blewe veluete lyned with blew bokeram. [A343] Item a Tappet of Riche arras with an Image of our lorde in ye myddes. [A344] Item a Riche cloth of estate of crimosyn cloth of gold tissew lyned with grene bokeram. [A345] Item a Cheyr of estate couerd with purpull veluete enbrauderd with Roses and portcules. Henry R

[A346] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement for to sett opon the kinges mantell of sainte George a garter enbrauderd with a scochyn of sainte george in the myddes. [A346] LM: anno xjmo xxiiijto die aprilis.93 Henry R

[A347] Item youen by the kinges commaundement to the Churche within the tower an olde stayned cloth with vj Images in it. [A347] LM: anno xijmo xixmo die maii.94

Copes

Hangynges

f. 12v [blank] f. 13r91

f. 13v [blank]95 f. 14r96

Hangynges and Chamberynges delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes [A334] Item delyuerd to William Rugeley yomen of the kinges warde robe of beddes a Riche Cheyr of estate of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe for the kinges seruice. [A334–45] LM: decembris.92

Henry R

anno

xjmo

xviijo

die

[A334–45] LM: delyuerd to William Ruggeley yoman of ye warderobe of beddes for ye kinges vse seruice anno xjmo.

[A335] Item xj Tappettes of crimosyn cloth of gold of dammaske with a goodly border of Riche cloth of gold tissewe. [A336] Item ij quisshons of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe. [A337] Item a square quisshon of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe. [A338] Item a quisshon of blewe veluete thone syde enbrauderd with flordeluces.

Furres of Sables and of powderd Ermyns delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes [A348] Item delyuerd & spent iij peces of powderd Ermyns of a manys gowne to Thomas Jenyns to putt into a gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold of tisewe with wyde slyves. [A348–49] LM: anno ixo xijmo die Julii.97

[A349] Item delyuerd to Thomas Jenyns a hoole furre of Ermyns of a manys gowne and a furre of Ermyns whiche was in a gowne of white veluete all spent in to the said gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold of tissue. Henry R

[A350] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the sergeaunt skynner iij quarters and ij slyves of a furre of sabullus spent for the furring of a nyght gowne for the kinges grace.

378

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A350] LM: anno xmo primo die Julii.98 Henry R

lyzardes for the forefrontes of a gowne of Russet veluete with a high coller.

[A351] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Thomas Jenyns Clvj bugie skynnes for a gowne of Crimosyn veluete for the king.

[A363] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to ye skynner Cv grey Jenettes for a gowne of cloth of siluer for mastres Carewe.

[A351–53] LM: decembris.99

anno

viijo

xxxmo

die

[A352] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the same Thomas xliiij bugie skynnes for a Cloke of blake veluete. [A353] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the same Thomas Jenyns ixxx & ij bugie skynnes for a gowne of blake veluete for the king. [A354] Item delyuerd by the kinges commandement to Thomas Jenyns iiijxx bugie skynnes for a mantelle of purpull tylsent for the king. [A354–55] LM: decembris.100

anno

ixmo

xxvjo

die

[A355] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Thomas Jenyns xl bugie skynnes for a gowne of blake veluete for the king. [A356] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement ij fore quarters of a fur of sabulles & ij vpper partes of a payre of slyves for a gowne of purpull cloth of gold baudken. [A356–61] LM: Septembris.101

anno

xmo

viijmo

die

[A357] Item delyuerd to the skynner ij Hynder quarters & ij nither partes of a payre of a payre of slyves of sabulles for a shamer of blake saten. [A358] Item delyuerd to the skynner by the kinges commaundement xxxiij blake Jenettes for a gowne of cloth of siluer for the king.

[A365] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundment to the skynner xxxij sabulles skynnes to the performyng of a gowne of tawny tylsent for the king.

[A375] s — Item delyuerd to Master Maguor & to Richard Gibson ix yerdes of white cloth of siluer dammaske siluer to be put into a base and trapper partie with blewe tylsent for the kinge.

[A366] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to ye skynner v tymber of sabulles to performe a gowne of purpull baudkyn for the king. [A367] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement a tymber of Sabulles for the performyng of the Capes & forefentes of v gownes / a gowne of cloth of gold tissewe / a gowne of purpull cloth of gold of baudkyn / a gowne of purpull veluete pirled / a gowne of crimosyn saten cut opon cloth of gold lozenge wyse / & a gowne of purpull veluete. Henry R

[A368] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Nicolas Jenyns skynner a hole furre of blacke bugie to furre a gowne of blacke veluete for the kinges grace. [A368] LM: decembris.102

anno

xijmo

primo

die

Henry R

f. 15r103

Clothes of gold of dyuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at dyuerse tymes [A369] R — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John Scut the quenes taillor iiij yerdes of white cloth of golde of tissewe for a gowne for my lady Princess.

[A360] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the skynner x sabulles backes for a shammer of cloth of gold chekyd with siluer.

[A370] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton xvij yerdes iij quarters of tawny cloth of gold opon saten damakse gold for the lynyng of a mantelle of white saten for ye kinge.

[A361] Item delyuerd to the kinges skynner v mantelles of lyberdes wombes for performyng of a gowne of russet velute with a high collor.

[A371] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mortemer iiij yerdes of tawnye cloth of gold opon satten damaske gold for thembrauderyng of a mantelle of white satten cutte opon cloth of gold for the kinges grace.

f. 14v [A362] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the skynner iiij

LM: anno viijo ixno die maii.106

[A374] g — Item delyuerd to Master Maguor v yerdes of crimosyn cloth of gold of dammaske for a syde sadull a harnes & ij fote stoles for the quene of scotes.

[A369–72] LM: decembris.104

Furres

[A373–75]

[A364] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the skynner vij tymber and viij sabulle skynnes for a gowne of blacke saten for the king.

[A359] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the skynner an olde furre of marterns for a shammer of yelowe tylsent lyned with cloth of siluer.

Henry R

[A373] g — Item delyured by the kinges commaundement to Mr Maguor vij yerdes of white cloth of gold of dammaske for a pillion sadull howse & harnes & a fote stole for the quene of Scottes.

anno

viijo

xxiiijo

die

[A372] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Ouermounte ix yerdes quarter di of crimosyn cloth of gold of gold105 of dammaske chekerd damaske gold.

[A376] s — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xix yerdes of white cloth of siluer dammaske towardes a base a trapper a sadulle a harnes & other necessaries for the kinges grace. [A376–79]

LM: anno ixo xxiiijo die Junii.107

[A377] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xlix yerdes di of white cloth of siluer damaske siluer playn for half Cotes that is to say for Sir John Peche Sir William Compton Sir William Tyler Sir John sherpe my lorde Grey Sir Christopher garnisshe Mr Wentworth Sir Thomas aparr & Mr Cheyne. [A378] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xlix yerdes di of white cloth of siluer venis siluer playne for half Cotes for Sir Thomas Lucy Sir Edward Hungerford Sir William aparr Sir John Carre Sir Antony Poynes Sir Henry Sherborne Sir Thomas Tyrell Mr Willoughby & Mr Cornewall. [A379] g — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson iiij yerdes quarter of tawny cloth of golde opon satten damaske gold for a sadulle & coueryng of steroppes for the king. [A380] g — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xxxvj yerdes di of blew plunket damaske for a Clooke a Coote & other necessaries for Mr Carew agenst ye Justes. [A380] LM: vac hic for it is amonge damaskes.

[A381] s — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of white cloth of siluer damaske siluer for the stockes of a payr of hose for the kinges grace. [A381–82]

LM: anno ixo viijo die Julii.108

[A382] t — Item delyuerd to Hilton v yerdes di of white cloth of gold of tissewe damaske siluer for half a Coote partie with purpull velwete pirled for ye king. Henry R t — cix yerdes di Cloth of gold

379

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 f. 15v Henry R

[A383] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of white cloth of siluer dammaske siluer for to make a doblet for the kinges grace. [A383] LM: anno ixo viijo die Julii.109

[A384] g — Item delyuerd to Sir Ed Mortymer viij yerdes iij quarters of playne cloth of gold of damaske after gold for thembrauderyng of a Cote of blak tilsent. [A384–85] LM: decembris.110

anno

ixno

xiiijmo

die

[A385] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the lady Guylford di yerde of cloth of gold of bawdkyn for a stomager.111 [A386] g — Item delyuerd to William Hilton iij yerdes of cloth of gold after baudkyn damaske gold for a doblet couerd with grene velwete with Ruff slyues for ye king. [A386–87] LM: anno ixo xijmo die aprilis.112

[A387] g — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of cloth of gold after baudkyn for the stocking of a payre of hose for the kinges grace. [A388] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde quarter of yelowe cloth of gold after baudkyn dammaske gold for stockes for a payre of hose for the king. [A388–90] LM: anno xmo primo die Junii.113

[A389] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of white cloth of siluer dammaske siluer for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A390] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde quarter of white cloth of siluer for the stockyng of a payr of hose for the kinges grace. [A391] t — a — Item di yerde of purpull cloth of gold of tissewe damaske gold g — di yerde of yelowe cloth of gold after baudkyn s — di yerd of cloth of siluer damaske siluer delyuerd to the quenes grace for stomagers. [A391–95] LM: anno xmo xxijdo die Junii.114

[A392] t — a — Item delyuerd to Richard Justes by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of purpull cloth of gold tessewe for a gowne for the quenes grace. [A393] t — a — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement a yerde di of purpull cloth of gold tissewe for my lady Prynces. [A394] t — Item delyuerd to Richard Justes by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of Riche cloth of siluer of tessewe for a gowne for the quenes grace.

[A395] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of Riche cloth of siluer of tissewe for my lady Prynces. [A396] g — Item delyuerd to my lady of Norffolk iij yerdes of crimosyn cloth of gold of damaske for the perfull fent & coffes for a gown of purpull velwete. [A396] LM: anno xmo primo die Julii.115 Henry R

[A397] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mortemer the brawderer ij yerdes of tawny cloth of gold opon saten for thenbraudryng of a Cote armor for one of tharoldes at armes. [A397–99]

LM: viijo die augusti anno xmo.116

[A398] g — Item delyuerd to mortemer vij yerdes di of yelowe cloth of gold opon saten for thenbraudering of a gowne of white cloth of siluer a doblet & a Jaquet and other diuerse thinges for the kinges grace. [A399] g — Item delyuerd to Richard Justes iij yerdes of yelowe cloth of golde chekerd dammaske gold for a gowne for my lady prynces.117 Henry R

f. 16r

Cloth of gold of diuerse collors [A400] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to xviij men of armys — the lorde Edmunde hawarde Syr Edwarde Nevelle Sir William kingston Syr Geffrey gates Syr William Sydney Syr Griffith done Fraunces Bryan Henry Norres Sir Gyles Capell Mr Coffyn Antony knyvet Sir Rauff Ellerkar Syr John Nevell Syr Richard Cornewall the lorde Richard Grey Syr Rowlande Syr Henry Guylforde and Nicolas Carewe For euery of them vj yerde of blewe cloth of gold towardes a base & trapper for euyche of them to prepare themself118 for the kinges justes at Grenewyche agenste the commyng of the inbassadors of Fraunce Summa Cviij yerdes of blewe cloth of gold. [A400–02]

LM: xmo die augusti anno xmo.119

[A401] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the said Syr Henry Guylford and Nicolas Carewe for either of them xv yerdes of white cloth of siluer dammaske siluer to performe a base & trapper for either120 of theim to prepare theimself for the said Justes agenste the commyng of the said enbassadors Summa xxxti yerdes. [A402] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson in yelowe cloth of gold opon saten playn for thenrychyng of xj garmentes made for lordes and lades For the kinges disguysyng appoynted to be Redye agenst the comyng of the forsaid Embassadors of Fraunce Summa xxxiiij yerdes quarter di.

[A403] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvij yerdes of yelowe cloth of gold of damaske damaske gold for lynyng of a glaudkyn of purpull veluete opon veluete pirled for the kinges grace. [A403–08] LM: xvijmo die augusti anno xmo.121

[A404] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvij yerdes of purpull cloth of gold of damaske damaske gold for a glaudkyn for the king. [A405] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xxj yerdes quarter of white cloth of siluer cutt and paynted opon cloth of gold with a border of g122 Richely enbrauderd for a glaudkyn with wyde slyves for the kinges grace. [A406] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xxj yerdes quarter of yelowe cloth of gold opon saten for the said glaudkyn. [A407] t — a — Item delyuerd to Hilton xxij yerdes quarter di of Riche cloth of golde tissew venys gold for lynyng of a longe gowne of crimosyn saten with wyde slyves. [A408] t — b — Item delyuerd to Hilton xj yerdes of Riche cloth of gold tissewe reysed enbrauderd with cloth of siluer for [a] doblet and a Jaquet for the kinges grace. Henry R

f. 16v

Cloth of gold of diuerse collors [A409] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mortemer iij yerdes iij quarters of White cloth of siluer for thenbraudryng of the said doblet & Jaquet. [A409–16] LM: xvijmo die augusti anno xmo.123

[A410] t — b — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde of Riche cloth of gold tissew for stocking of a payre of hose for the kinges grace. [A411] t — a — Item delyuerd to Hilton xj yerdes of purpull cloth of gold tissewe for a doblet and a Jaquet couerd with purpull saten & welted for ye king. [A412] t — a — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of purpull cloth of gold tissewe for stocking of a payre of hose for the kinges grace. [A413] g — Item delyuerd to William Hilton xij yerdes iij quarters of cloth of gold of damaske for a doblet & a Jaquet couerd with crimosyn velwete cutt opon enbrauderd with goldsmythes werke for the kinges grace. [A414] g — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of cloth of golde of

380

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

dammaske for stocking of a payre of hose couerd with crimosyn velwete cut opon [. . . .]. [A415] g — Item delyuerd to William Hilton xj yerdes di of cloth of gold of dammaske dammakse gold to be vnder the said velwete cutt opon for a doblet and a Jaquet for the kinges grace. [A416] g — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of cloth of gold of dammaske playn for the stocking of a payre of hose couerd with blacke velwete cutt & enbrauderd opon for the king. [A417] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde John grey & my lord Leonard his brother xij yerdes of blewe cloth of gold towardes a trapper and a base for either of theim to prepare themself for the kinges Justes ayenst the commyng of thembassadors of Fraunce. [A417] LM: primo die Spetembris anno xmo.124

[A418] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hilton xj yerdes di of cloth of siluer dammaske siluer for a Jaquet & a doblet for the king. [A418–24] LM: vijmo die Septembris anno xmo.125

[A419] g — Item delyured by the kinges commaundement to the said Hilton xj yerdes di of yelowe cloth of gold dammaske gold to couer the same Jaquet & doblet. [A420] s — Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of cloth of siluer for the stockes of a pair of hose for the king. [A421] g — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of cloth of gold dammaske golde to couer the said stockes of the same payr of hose for the king. [A422] g — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement to William a yerde quarter of cloth of gold for stockes of a pere of hose for ye king. [A423] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde iij quarters di of cloth of gold dammaske gold to welte a coote of crimosyn velwete cut opon cloth of gold for ye king. [A424] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xvj yerdes di of purpull baudkyn dammaske gold for a gowne for for the kinges grace. Henry R g — iijC xlv yerdes quarter di

f. 17r

Cloth of gold of diuerse collors [A425] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the ducke of Suffolk

my lorde admyrall Syr Henry Gilford and Mr Carewe in white cloth of gold of gold of dammaske towardes a base and a trapper for eueryche of theim the somme of xl yerdes. [A425–29] xmo.126

LM: vltimo die Septembris anno

[A426] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaudement to Richard Gibson a yerde quarter di quarter of clothe of gold opon saten to performe the kinges disguysing aforesaid — a yerde quarter di quarter. [A427] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Robert Gernyngham. Mr Hanserd Mr Henry Mr Parker and to Mr [. . . . .] vj yerdes of blewe cloth of gold for a base and a trapper for euyerche of theim in all xxxti yerdes. [A428] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson for the kinges riche mumrye in grene cloth of gold at ij tymes the somme of xxviij yerdes di & iij nayles. [A429] s — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement in cloth of siluer for the kinges riche mumry at ij diuerse tymes the somme of Cxxvj yerdes di di quarter. [A430] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement di yerde of white cloth of siluer of tissewe for a stomager for the quenes grace. [A430–40] xmo.127

LM: primo die Octobris anno

[A437] g — Item delyuerd to John Wheler by the kinges commaundement v yerdes of crimosyn cloth of gold of bawdkyn for a gowne for my lady Princes. [A438] t — Item delyuerd to the said John a yerde di of white cloth of tissewe for to lyne the same gowne of bawdkyn for my lady Princes. [A439] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Nicolas maior xij yerdes of russet cloth of gold tissewe for a trapper for the kinges grace. [A440] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde quarter of cloth of golde dammaske gold to egge129 a cloke of crimosyn velwete opon velwete for the kinges grace. Henry R

f. 17v

Cloth of gold of diuerse collors [A441] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of purpull v cloth of gold opon saten for stocking of a payre of hose for ye king. [A441–44]

LM: xmo die Octobris anno xmo.130

[A442] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xij yerdes of Russet cloth of gold tissewe for a Chammber for the kinges grace. [A443] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of dammaske siluer for a Chammer for the king after baudkyn making.

[A431] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mortemer iiij yerdes of white cloth of siluer for thenbraudring of a doblet a Jaquet & hose for the king.

[A444] Item delyuerd by the kings commaundement to Richard Gibson lviij yerdes quarter & the nayle of grene cloth of gold for the kinges ryche mumrye.

[A432] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde of yelowe bawdkyn to performe a Cape of a gowne of crimosyn saten cut & latessed opon cloth of gold after baudkyn for ye king.

Henry R

[A433] g — Item delyuerd to Mortemer a yerde di of tawny cloth of gold dammaske gold to performe thenbraudring of a doblet a Jaquet & hose of blake velwete for ye king cut. [A434] t — b — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton di yerde of crimosyn cloth of tissewe to performe a Cape a cape128 of a gowne of crimosyn tissew for ye king.

[A445] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundment to mr Carewe a Remnaunt of grene cloth of gold tissewe conteignyng a yerde quarter long. [A445–60] LM: Octobris.131

anno

xmo

xxijdo

die

[A445–60] LM: xvj lytell Remnauntes of cloth of gold.

[A446] t — b — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edwarde Nevelle knight a Remnaunte of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe conteignyng di yerde di quarter.

[A435] g — Item delyverd to Hilton di yerde of purpull cloth of gold after bawdkyn to performe a Cape for a gowne of purpull bawdkyn for the king.

[A447] t — b — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edwarde Nevelle aforsaid a Remnaunte a Re132 of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe conteignyng iij quarters & di nayle.

[A436] g — Item delyverd to Hilton xij yerdes of cloth of gold opon saten dammaske gold for a doblet & a Jaquet for the kinges grace.

[A448] g — Item delyuerd to Fraunces poynes by the kinges commaundement a Remnaunte of yelowe baudekyn conteignyng a yerde quarter.

381

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A449] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Norres a Remnaunte of yelowe baudkyn conteignyng di yerde di quarter.

[A463] s — Item delyuerd to Henry Norres by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of white cloth of siluer venys siluer to lyne a gowne for him.

after bawdkyn for lynyng of a gowne of crimosyn saten for the king.

[A450] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edwarde Nevelle knight a Remnaunte of purpull cloth of gold after chamlet conteignyng iij yerdes caz di nayle.

[A464] g — Item delyuerd to Mortemer a yerde di of tawny cloth of gold opon saten venis gold to performe a Coote of armes for Norrey the harrold.

f. 18v

[A451] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edwarde Nevelle a Remnaunte of damaske siluer conteignyng a yerde iij quarters. [A452] s — g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Fraunces Poynes a Remnaunte of venys siluer conteignyng a yerde di & nayle. [A453] t — a — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Remnaunte of purpull cloth of gold of tissewe conteignyng di yerd di nayle. [A454] g — Item a yerde di caz ye nayle of purpull cloth of gold. [A455] g — Item a yerde quarter di quarter of crimosyn cloth of gold. [A456] g — Item a yerde of crimosyn cloth of golde.

[A465] s — Item delyuerd to Mortemer by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of cloth of siluer for thenbraudring of Carres cote. [A466] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement two yerdes di of white cloth of venis siluer for to lyne a gowne for Mistress Mary Fynes. [A467] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iiij yerdes of tawny cloth of gold of damaske damaske gold for a doblet for the king. [A467–73] LM: Februarii.134

anno

xmo

iiijto

die

[A468] g — Item delyuerd to William Hosier a yerde quarter of cloth of gold of damaske damaske gold for the stocking of a payre of hose for the king.

[A454–56] RM: delyuerd to the kinges owne handes for ye said persons.

[A469] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xj yerdes of blacke cloth of tissewe for a gowne for the quenes grace.

[A457] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Carewe a Remnaunte of purpull baudkyn dammaske gold conteignyng a yerde di di quarter.

[A470] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xij yerdes of cloth of gold of dammaske reysed for a Chamber for the king.

[A458] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr John Walloppe knight a Remnaunte of crimosyn cloth of gold opon saten conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters of venis gold.

[A471] t — Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement x yerdes of blacke tissewe for a Chammer for the kinges grace.

[A459] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mistress Carewe a Remnaunte of white cloth of siluer chekerd dammaske siluer conteignyng iij yerdes iij quarters di. [A460] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Antony browne a Remnaunte of tawny cloth of gold opon saten conteignyng iij yerdes di.

[A472] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement ix yerdes of Russet cloth of gold for a Jaquet for the king. [A473] s — Item delyuerd to John Schut x yerdes of dammaske siluer for lynyng of a Gowne for the Quenes grace. Henry R

f. 18r

[A474] g — Item delyuerd to Mortemer vj yerdes di of dammaske gold for thenbraudryng of a Jaquet & doblet of blake veluete for the king.

Cloth of gold of diuerse collors

[A474–77]

[A461] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton a yerde of damaske gold to edge a Chammer of crimosyn saten latise & cut opon cloth of gold.

[A475] g — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson lij yerdes of cloth of gold aswell for the Justyng as also for the Revelles of maskelyn after the manner of Italye kepte at the kinges manor of grenewyche.

Henry R

[A461–66] LM: Nouembris.133

anno

xno

primo

die

[A462] t — b — Item delyuerd to Mr Carewe by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes of cloth of golde of tissewe.

LM: anno xmo viijmo die marcii.135

[A476] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde di of cloth of siluer towardes a doblet for Carre for thone half therof. [A477] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton xv yerdes di of yelowe cloth of gold

Henry R

Cloth of gold of diuerse collors [A478] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton & to Mortemer vj yerdes of Russet cloth of gold of tissewe for lynyng & enbraudryng of a Chammer of crimosyn veluete pirled for the king. [A478–79] LM: anno xmo xvjo die maii.136

[A479] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of cloth of gold for a doblet for the king couerd with white tylsent cutt opon the same cloth of gold. Henry R

[A480] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes di of damaske siluer for lynyng of a gowne of damaske siluer for the king. [A480–83] LM: anno xjmo xxvjo die maii.137

[A481] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xj yerdes di of cloth of gold of dammaske dammaske gold for a Riding Cote for ye king. [A482] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of cloth of gold for weltyng of a Coote of crimosyn saten cutte opon cloth of gold for the king. [A483] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William hosyer a yerde quarter of cloth of gold for stocking of a payre of hose for ye king. [A484] g — Item delyuerd to Hilton xj yerdes of tawny cloth of gold after baudkyn for a Jaquet & a doblet for the kinges grace. [A484–88] LM: anno xjmo xvjmo die Julii.138

[A485] g — Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of tawny cloth of golde for stocking of a payre of hose for the kinges grace. [A486] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton v yerdes quarter of dammaske siluer to lyne the border of a Frocke of purpull veluete enbrauderd with venys gold the cloth of siluer drawn through the border losynge wyse. [A487] t — Item delyuerd to John Scutte the quenes taillor iiij yerdes di & nayle of Riche white siluer tissewe for a gowne for my lady Princes. [A488] s — Item delyuerd to Hilton x yerdes of cloth of siluer dammaske syluer for to lyne the bordors of ij Frockes thone of blake veluete & thoder of blake saten both enbrouderd with venys gold the cloth of siluer drawen through the border losynge wyse for the kinges grace.

382

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A489] s — Item delyuerd to John de paris x yerdes of white cloth of siluer reysed after tissewe for a Jaquet & doblet for the kinges grace. [A489–90] LM: Octobris.139

anno

xjmo

xiijmo

die

[A490] t — Item delyuerd to John de parres xiiij yerdes di of riche purpull cloth of gold of tissewe with perles of damaske gold & ye grounde dammaske gold for a gowne for the kinges grace. [A491] s — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement to R xxxij yerdes of cloth of siluer for ye performyng of ij bases & ij trappers for ye king. [A491–93] LM: Octobris.140

anno

xjmo

xxiiijo

die

[A492] g — Item delyuerd to the same Richard iiij yerdes of cloth of gold of venis gold towardes the performyng of a base and a trapper for the king. [A493] g — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson iij yerdes of cloth of gold opon saten dammaske gold towardes the performyng of a base & a trapper for ye king. Henry R

f. 19r [A494] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson ij yerdes di of cloth of gold of dammaske gold to performe a base & a trapper for the kinges grace. [A494–96] LM: Octobris.141

anno

xjmo

xxiijo

die

[A498] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiij yerdes of cloth of siluer tissewe reysed with damaske gold for a gowne for ye quene. t — totalis — Clix yerdes di quarter Henry R

Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement sithen the viewe taken vltimo die Nouembris anno xjmo by the ducke of Suffolk & other the kinges commissioners / thies parcelles ensuyng parcell of the clere Remaigne of the said viewe144 [A499] s — Furst delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de pares vj yerdes of playne cloth of siluer dammaske siluer to be drawen through a bordor of a Cote of russet veluete enbrauderd for the king. [A499–502]

LM: anno xjmo.

[A500] g — Item delyuerd to the said John xiiij yerdes di of white cloth of gold of dammaske & dammaske gold for a gowne for the king. [A501] g — Item delyuerd to Mortemer a quarter di of playne cloth of gold for mending of the bordors of enbraudry of iij doblettes & iij Jaquettes for ye king.

anno

xjmo

vijmo

die

[A508–21] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjto die marcii anno xjmo.147

[A509] C — a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes iij quarters. [A510] C — a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes iij quarters. [A511] C — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes iij quarters. [A512] C — a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes.

[A514] C — a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes.

f. 19v [A503] t — Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinge commaundement to William Hosyer145 a yerde di quarter of riche cloth of gold tissewe with pyrles of damaske siluer for stocking of a payr of hose for the king.

[A497–98] LM: Nouembris.143

[A508] C — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes di.

Henry R

[A496] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the same Gibson a yerde di of cloth of gold of dammaske dammaske golde towardes the performyng of a bace142 & a trapper for the kinges grace.

[A497] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the quenes grace iij yerdes of riche cloth of gold tissewe dammaske gold reised with pyrles damaske siluer for to lyne a gowne for the quenes grace.

Certan peces & Remnauntes of Clothes of gold of diuerse collors and makynges delyuerd by the kinges commaundement by Jamys Worsley yomen of his Robes to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight master of the kinges warderobe for the kinges vse anno xjo Crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe for the Chapelle

[A513] C — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes iij quarters.

t — xj yerdes quarter di g — xiiij yerdes iij quarters di s — vj yerdes

Henry R

[A507] Item delyuerd to the kinges grace xix yerdes quarter of white cloth of siluer damaske siluer for Mistress Carewe.

[A502] t — Item delyuerd to John de Parrys xj yerdes quarter di of riche cloth of gold tissewe with pyrles of damaske siluer for a Jaquet with di slyves and a doblet for the kinges grace.

[A495] g — Item delyured by the kinges commaundement to the same Richard a yerde of cloth of gold of venis to performe a base & a trapper for the king.

g — iijC xlv yerdes quarter t — Cxliij yerdes di quarter g — Summa totalis — vjC iiijxx x yerdes di quarter s — Summa totalis — iiijC lviij yerdes iij quarter & naile

opon the said base trapper horse harnes & sadell for the king.

[A503–07] LM: decembris.146

anno

xjmo

viijo

die

[A504] t — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde Cardynalle a Remnaunte of russet cloth of gold of tissewe conteignyng viij yerdes di quarter. [A505] s — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson xiij yerdes of playne damaske siluer for a base a trapper a horsharnes & a sadell. [A506] g — Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xij yerdes quarter of playn cloth of gold of damaske gold for to enbrauder

Blewe cloth of gold tissewe for the Chapelle

[A515] C — a pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes quarter. [A516] C — a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes di.

Tawny veluete pyrled paled with cloth of gold [A517] v — a pece conteignyng xv yerdes. [A518] v — a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes.

Blacke veluete pyrled paled with cloth of gold [A519] v — a pece conteignyng xxix yerdes di di quarter.

Crimosyn veluete pyrled paled with cloth of gold [A520] v — a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter.

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A521] v — a pece conteignyng iij quarters.

383

Grene cloth of gold of damaske

White cloth of gold quylted

[A533] g — a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes.

[A549] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes.

[A534] g — a pece conteignyng vj yerdes di di quarter.

White cloth of siluer damaske siluer

[A535] g — a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes.

[A550] s — a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes.

[A536] g — a pece conteignyng xxvj yerdes.

Purpull cloth of gold of venis

f. 20r

[A537] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng v yerdes di.

[A551] g — a pece conteignyng xvj yerdes quarter.

Purpull veluete pyrled paled with cloth of gold

[A538] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng vj yerdes di.

Blewe bawkyn with flouers of gold

[A522] v — a pece conteignyng ix yerdes.

[A539] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes di quarter.

[A552] b — a pece conteignyng xxxv yerdes di.

[A522–44] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrew Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo.148

[A540] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes di.

[A553] b — a pece conteignyng v yerdes.

Henry R t — ix yerdes quarter at iiijli ye yerde — xxxvijli g — xij yerdes quarter at xls ye yerdes — xxiiijli xs v — iiijxxij yerdes di di quarter at xlviijs ye yerde — CCxixli iiijd s — xxxij yerdes quarter xlvjs viijd ye yerdes — lxxiijli vs C — CCxxxj yerdes quarter at xls ye yerde — iiijC lxijli xs

Blewe cloth of gold cheveralle [A523] g — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes quarter.

Blacke cloth of gold cheveralle [A524] g — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes quarter. [A525] g — a pece conteignyng x yerdes iij quarters di.

Grene cloth of siluer cheveralle [A526] s — a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter.

White baudkyn with flouers of gold Blacke cloth of gold of damaske [A541] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerdes iij quarters di.

White cloth of gold of dammaske making [A542] g — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes di. [A543] g — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes quarter.

Crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe [A544] t — a Remnaunte conteignyng iij quarters di.

Grene cloth of tissewe with velwete [A527] v — a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes.

Blew cloth of gold cheveralle [A528] g — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes di.

Henry R t — iij quarters di at iiijli ye yerde — iiijli xs g — CCxliiij yerdes at xls ye yerde — iiijC iiijxx viij li v — xxxiiij yerdes at xlviijs ye yerde — iiijxx jli xijs s — vj yerdes quarter at xls ye yerde — xijli xs

f. 20v

[A554] b — a Remnaunte conteignyng vj yerdes iij quarters di.

Grene baudkyn with flouers of gold [A555] b — a pece conteignyng xxxiij yerdes di.

Crimosyn baudkyn with flowers of gold [A556] b — a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes.

Grene baudkyn with sterres of gold [A557] b — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes quarter.

Crimosyn baudkyn with flouers of gold [A558] b — a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes iij quarters.

Grene bawkyn with portcules

Crimosyn cloth of gold of damaske enbosed

Blacke cloth of gold tisewe with veluete

[A529] g — a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes.

[A545] v — a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde di.

White baudkyn with portcules

Crimosyn cloth of gold quylted

[A545–65] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo.149

[A560] b — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes.

Grene cloth of gold tissewe with veluete

Satens Rawed with gold of diuerse collors

[A531] g — a pece conteignyng ij yerdes.

[A546] v — a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes.

[A561] g — a pece of crimosyn — xvj yerdes di quarter.

Grene cloth of gold of damaske damaske making

[A547] v — a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes.

[A562] g — a pece of blacke — xxiij yerdes di.

[A532] g — a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes quarter.

[A548] v — a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes.

[A563] g — a pece of Russet — xxij yerdes quarter.

[A530] g — a pece conteignyng ix yerdes.

Grene cloth of gold quylted

[A559] b — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes.

384

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

Grene cloth of gold of damaske chekerd

Purpull cloth of gold baudkyn damaske gold

f. 21v

[A564] g — a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes di di quarter.

[A577] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes quarter.

[A589] g — a pece conteignyng xxvij yerdes iij quarters.

Blewe cloth of gold of damaske makyng

Grene cloth of gold of dammaske damaske makyng

[A589–97] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrew Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjo Henrici viijui.152

[A565] g — a pece conteignyng vj yerdes di.

[A578] g — a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes iij quarters di.

[A590] g — a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes iij quarters.

Grene baudkyn venis gold

Blew cloth of gold of venis

[A579] g — a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes iij quarters di.

[A591] di.

Henry R s

g — Cj yerdes quarter at xl the yerde — CCijli xs s — iiij yerdes at xls the yerde — viijli b — Clxvj yerdes iij quarters di at xxxiijs iiijd — CClxvjli xvijs vjd v — vij yerdes di at xlviijs ye yerde — xviijli

f. 21r

yelowe cloth of gold opon saten venys gold playn [A566] g — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes di di quarter. [A566–88] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrew Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo.150

Crimosyn cloth of gold opon saten venis gold [A580] g — a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes quarter di.

Crimosyn cloth of gold of venis damaske making [A581] di.

g — a pece conteignyng ix yerdes

Grene cloth of siluer damaske siluer [A567] s — a pece conteignyng xiiij yerdes iij quarters.

[A582] g — a pece conteignyng ix yerdes iij quarters.

[A568] s — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes quarter di.

yelowe cloth of gold of damake damaske making

[A569] s — a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes.

[A583] g — a pece of conteignyng xij yerdes di di quarter.

[A570] s — a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes iij quarters di.

Crimosyn cloth of gold of dornix

[A571] s — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes.

[A584] g — a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes quarter.

Blacke cloth of gold of dornix [A585] g — a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes.

Crimosyn baudkyn damaske gold [A572] g — a pece conteignyng x yerdes iij quarters di. [A573] g — a pece conteignyng xv yerdes quarter di. [A574] g — a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes iij quarters. [A575] g — a pece conteignyng iij yerdes quarter di.

Crimosyn cloth of gold baudkyn venys gold [A576] g — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes quarter di.

g — a pece conteignyng x yerdes

yelow cloth of gold of venis playn [A592] g — a pece conteignyng v yerdes iij quarters. [A589–92]

at xls — Cxxijli xs

White cloth of siluer venis siluer [A593] s — a pece conteignyng xj yerdes at xls — xxjli.

Cloth of gold braunched with crimosyn veluete opon veluet pirled

yelowe cloth of gold of venis damaske making

Tawny cloth of siluer dammaske siluer

Blew cloth of gold playn

Crimosyn cloth of gold playn [A586] g — a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes di. [A587] g — a pece conteignyng x yerdes iij quarters di.

Crimosyn cloth of gold playn [A588] g — a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes. Henry R g — CClxiiij yerdes quarter at xls per yerde — Cxxviijli xs s — lxxiijj151 yerdes iij quarters at xls — Cxlviijli

[A594] v — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes quarter di. [A595] v — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes quarter di.

Cloth of gold braunched with blew veluete opon veluete pirled [A596] v — a pece conteignyng xix yerdes iij quarters. [A597] v — a pece conteignyng xx yerdes quarter. [A594–97]

at xlviijs — Ciiijxx xiijli xvjs

[A598] t — Item vij yerdes of Riche cloth of gold tissewe with fleur de luces and one quarter di quarter & nayle of the same cloth of gold for iiij quisshons. [A598–602] LM: delyuerd by my lorde Cardynalles commaundement for to make vij quisshons for ye king anno xjo.

[A599] g — Item ij yerdes and the nayle of grene cloth of gold venis gold for the backe syde of ij of the said quisshons. [A600] t — Item ij yerdes di di quarter of tawny cloth of gold tissewe for a quisshon. [A601] t — Item ij yerdes of grene cloth of gold tissewe for thone syde of ij quisshons. [A602] g — Item ij yerdes of grene cloth of gold for thoder syde of the said ij quisshons. [A603] t — Item vj yerdes di di quarter of blacke cloth of tissewe for a kyrtelle for ye quene.

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A603–08] LM: delyuerd to John Wheler for the quenes grace xxvijo die aprilis anno xjo.153

[A618] s — Item xiiij yerdes of white cloth of siluer damaske siluer for a gowne.

[A604] t — Item ij yerdes & nayle of purpull cloth of tissewe for gownes for the quene.

[A619] g — Item xiiij yerdes of cloth of gold carnacion collor damaske gold to lyne a gown of cloth of siluer for the king.

[A605] t — Item ij yerdes di of chekerd tissewe for lynyng of a gowne for the quene.

[A620] t — Item xiiij yerdes quarter of yelowe cloth of tissewe for a gowne.

[A606] g — Item vij yerdes of purpull cloth of gold dammaske gold for a kyrtelle.

[A621] t — Item viij yerdes di of blacke tisssewe damaske gold for a Riding Cote. [A622] t — Item ij yerdes of blacke siluer tissewe to welte a cote of blacke tissewe.

385

[A639] s — Item iij yerdes quarter di of cloth of siluer tissewe for stocking of iij payres of hoses. [A640] g — Item a yerde of yelowe cloth of gold of damaske gold to welt iij payres of hoses of siluer tissewe. [A641] s — Item iij quarters of cloth of siluer damaske siluer to be panyd with blacke tilsent for stocking of a payre of hoses. [A642] t — Item for a yerde quarter of tawny cloth of gold of tissew for stockyng of a payre of hoses for the king.

[A607] g — Item vij yerdes of blake baudkyn damaske gold for a nother kyrtelle.

[A623] g — Item ij yerdes of cloth of gold of damaske gold to welt a Jaquet and a doblet of siluer tylsent for the king.

[A608] g — Item vij yerdes of white cloth of gold damaske for a nother kyrtelle.

[A624] t — Item x yerdes di of tawny cloth of gold tissewe for a Jaquet & a doblet.

t — Cvij yerdes di g — xxxix yerdes s — xxvj yerdes quarter

[A609] t — Item xviij yerdes of cloth of siluer tissewe.

[A625] s — Item v yerdes iij quarters of blake cloth of damaske siluer for a Jaquet & a doblet.

f. 22v [A643] t — Item delyuerd to John depares by the kinges commaundement ix yerdes quarter of purpull cloth of tissewe for a Jaquet & a doblet for the king.

[A609–12] LM: To George Lovekyn by the kinges commaundement mensis aprilis anno xjmo.154

[A610] s — Item xij yerdes of cloth of siluer of damaske.

[A626] s — Item ij yerdes of blacke cloth of siluer damaske siluer for weltyng of a Jaquet and a doblet of blacke cloth of siluer & blacke tylsent paned.

[A611] g — Item xv yerdes of cloth of gold of damaske.

[A627] t — Item x yerdes di of white siluer tissewe for a Jaquet & a doblet.

[A612] g — Item ij yerdes di of cloth of gold of damaske.

[A628] s — Item ij yerdes di of blacke cloth of siluer damaske siluer for weltyng of a Jaquet and a doblet of tawny cloth of gold tissewe.

[A609–612] For horsharnes and fotemens doblettes.

[A613] g — Item xiij yerdes quarter di of cloth of gold after baudkyn damaske gold. [A613–14] LM: To John Powney yoman of thenchemen anno xjmo.

[A614] g — Item xx yerdes di of cloth of gold after baudkyn damaske gold. [A613–14] for thenche men.

[A615] s — Item delyuerd to the kinges grace xij yerdes iij quarters di of white cloth of siluer damaske siluer. [A615] LM: mensis Februarii anno xjmo.155 Henry R

[A629] g — Item ij yerdes of cloth of cloth157 of gold playn for weltyng of a Jaquet and a doblet of cloth of siluer tissewe. [A630] t — Item xij yerdes of riche crimosyn tissewe for a gowne. [A631] g — Item xiiij yerdes of white cloth of gold damaske gold for a gowne. [A632] t — Item ix yerdes quarter of white siluer tissewe for a Jaquet & a doblet. [A633] t — Item xvj yerdes quarter of siluer tissewe for a Riding Cote a Jaquet & a doblet.

t — xl yerdes iij quarters & naile g — Cxxxvij yerdes iij quarters & nayle s — xxxv yerdes iiij quartrs di v — iiijxx yerdes iij quarters

[A634] g — Item vj yerdes of yelowe cloth of gold damaske gold to welt a Ridyng Cote ij Jaquttes and ij doblettes of siluer tissewe.

f. 22r [A616] s — Item xj yerdes di of white siluer tissewe to couer a Jaquet & a doblet of purpull tissew.

[A635] t — Item a yerde quarter of purpull tissewe to stocke a payre of hoses. [A635–42] LM: delyuerd to William hosyer for ye kinges vse xixmo die aprilis anno xjmo Regni Regis Henrici viijui.158

[A616–34] LM: delyuerd to John de pares for the kinges vse xixmo die aprilis anno xjmo Regni Regis Henrici viijui.156

[A636] t — Item a yerde di quarter of siluer tissewe to stocke a payre of hoses.

[A617] t — Item iiij yerdes di of riche white tissewe pyrled with damaske gold for half a Jaquet and a doblet paned with purpull veluete set with spangelles of gold.

[A637] t — Item a yerde quarter of siluer tissewe to stocke a payre of hoses. [A638] s — Item a yerde quarter of blake cloth of siluer damaske to stocke a payre of hoses.

Henry R

[A643] LM: anno xjmo xixmo die aprilis.159

Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson at diuerse tymes a xixmo die marcii anno xjmo vsque iijo diem maii anno xijmo for the kinges Justes prepared ayenst the metyng of the frenche king at Calais thies parcelles ensuyng that is to saye160 [A644] t — Furst delyuerd xiiij yerdes of white tissewe damaske gold. [A644–51] LM: To Richard Gibson for the kinges Justes at Calais.

[A645] t — Item delyuerd xiiij yerdes of blacke tissewe damaske gold. [A646] t — Item delyuerd lxviij yerdes j quarter & naile of white tissew venis gold. [A647] t — Item in white tissewe damaske siluer — xvij yerdes. [A648] g — Item in yelowe cloth of gold damaske gold — Dxix yerdes di. [A649] g — Item in cloth of gold of venis playn — Clxij yerdes quarter & nail. [A650] s — Item in cloth of siluer damaske siluer playne — CCCxlix yerdes di. [A651] s — Item in cloth of siluer of venis playne — CCClv yerdes j quarter.

Delyuerd for thenparelyng of certan gentilmen & other attending opon the king at his forsaid Justes [A652] g — Item in damaske gold playn — xviij yerdes.

386

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A652–53] LM: To Richard Gibson for the kinges Wayters.

tylsent & blacke cloth of siluer paned for the king.

[A653] s — Item in damaske siluer — xviij yerdes.

[A670] s — Item ix yerdes di of blacke cloth of siluer of dammaske for a Jaquet & a doblet for the king.

Delyuerd for maskers imparell thies Clothes of gold ensuyng anno xijmo

[A686] s — Item a yerde of playne cloth of siluer damaske to performe the weltyng of a Jaquet & a doblet for the kinges grace. [A687] t — Item di yerde & nayle of riche crimosyn tissewe pirled with damaske gold.

[A671] g — Item ij yerdes of yelowe cloth of gold of dammaske golde to welt a Jaquet & a doblet of blacke cloth of siluer for the king.

[A687–89] LM: delyuerd to John166 William Hosyer for the kinges vse anno xijo.167

[A654–66] LM: To Richard Gibson for the kinges maskers.

[A672] t — Item a di yerde of siluer tissewe to performe a Jaquet & a doblet of blacke siluer tissewe for the king.

[A655] t — Item in crimosyn tissewe venis gold — xliiij yerdes.

[A688] s — Item iij quarters of siluer tissewe tilsent for stockes of a payre of hoses.

Henry R

[A689] t — Item a yerde of crimosyn tissewe for stockes of a payre of hoses.

[A654] t — Furst in purpull tissewe venis gold — xvij yerdes quarter.

[A656] t — Item in blacke tissewe venis gold — xvj yerdes iij quarters. [A657] t — Item in russet tissewe venis gold — xiij yerdes iij quarters. [A658] t — Item in crimosyn tissewe damaske gold — viij yerdes di quarter. [A659] g — Item in russet cloth of gold after chamlet making — xxxiiij yerdes. [A660] g — Item in purpull cloth of gold after chamlet making — xxx yerdes quarter di. [A661] g — Item in crimosyn cloth of gold after chamlet making — lxiiij yerdes di quarter. [A662] g — Item in grene cloth of gold after chamlet making — lxj yerdes di di quarter. [A663] g — Item in yelow cloth of gold after chamlet making — x yerdes di. [A664] g — Item in purpull cloth of gold of venis gold — xvj yerdes. [A665] g — Item in cloth of gold damaske gold yelow — iiijxx iiij yerdes. [A666] s — Item in cloth of siluer of damaske — Cl yerdes.161 Henry R

[A673] t — Item a yerde di quarter of white cloth of siluer tissewe. [A673–74] Carew.

e

LM: yeuen by y king to Nicolas

[A674] g — Item a yerde quarter of purpull cloth of gold after baudkyn.

[A675] LM: yeuen by the king to Henry Norres.

[A676] t — Item iij yerdes of blake cloth of gold tissewe damaske. [A676–78] of devon.

LM: yeuen by the king to my lord

[A677] t — Item viij yerdes quarter of tawny cloth of gold tissewe. [A678] t — Item a yerde of white siluer tissewe damaske.

Delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to doctor Rawson clerke of the kinges Closet for vestmentes & frountes for aulters for the kinges Closet thies parcelles ensuyng viijmo die maii anno xijmo163 [A679] t — Item xvj yerdes quarter of blacke cloth of gold tissewe. LM: anno xijmo viijmo die maii.164

[A679–80]

f. 23r [A667] t — Item ix yerdes of riche crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe reysed with pirles of damaske gold for a Riding Cote for the kinges grace.

[A681] s — Item vj yerdes of riche crimosyn tissewe pirled with damaske gold.

[A667–72] LM: anno xijmo iiijo die maii.162

[A682] s — Item viij yerdes di of siluer tilsent for a Jaquet & a doblet paned.

[A668] s — Item ij yerdes of blacke cloth of damaske syluer to welt a Ridyng Cote of crimosyn tissewe for the king. [A669] s — Item di yerde of blacke cloth of siluer damaske siluer to performe the weltyng of a doblet & a Jaquet of blacke

Henry R t — lxxj yerdes quartr di & naile g — iiij yerdes di s — xxvij yerdes

[A675] g — Item a yerde quarter of white cloth of gold of dammaske.

t — CCxxx yerdes quarter di & naile g — Ml yerdes quarter di & nayle s — viijC liiij yerdes iij quarters

[A667–72] LM: delyuerd to John de pares for the kinges vse anno xijo.

[A690] s — Item iiij yerdes iij quarters of cloth of siluer damaske siluer delyuerd to Mistress Carewe.

[A680] t — Item ij yerdes di of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe.

[A681–86] LM: delyuerd to John de paris for the kinges vse anno xijmo.165

[A683] t — Item v yerdes of crimosyn tissewe for a Riding Cote paned with blac tilsent.

f. 23v

Delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes thies parcelles of Clothes of gold ensuyng [A691] t — Item di yerde of ryche crimosyn tissewe with pyrles of damaske gold for a stomager for the quenes grace. [A691–92]

LM: anno xijmo xiiijmo die maii.168

[A692] s — Item to Foster xxv yerdes of cloth of siluer of venis for performing of iij trappers and iij bases for iij men of armes. Henry R

[A693] g — Item ix yerdes of cloth of gold of dammaske. [A693–96]

LM: anno xijmo ijdo die Junii.169

[A694] s — Item xxvij yerdes of cloth of siluer damaske. [A693–94] RM: delyuerd brawderer for the kinges vse.

to

Foster

[A695] t — Item viij yerdes of siluer tissewe for a fotemantell & coueryng of a horsse harnes for the kinges grace to syr Henry guylfordes handes. [A696] t — Item to syr William Sandes knight iij yerdes of tawny cloth of gold tissewe for a doblet. [A697] t — Item xij yerdes of cloth of gold tissewe to cover a riding Cote and a doblet of riche siluer tissewe for the king. [A697–700] LM: To John deparres.

[A684] t — Item xiiij yerdes of white siluer tissewe for a gowne.

[A698] s — Item ij yerdes di of dammaske siluer to welt the same Cote.

[A685] t — Item ix yerdes quarter of crimosyn tissewe for a Jaquet & a doblet.

[A699] g — Item xviij yerdes di of blacke cloth of gold dammaske for a dobill cloke.

387

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A700] s — Item xviij yerdes di of damaske siluer to lyne a doble cloke of blacke cloth of gold for the kinges grace. [A701] t — Item a yerde quarter of siluer tissewe to couer the stockes of a payre of hose stocked with riche siluer tissewe for the kinges grace. [A701–03] LM: To William Hosyer.

[A702] s — Item a quarter of siluer damaske to welt the same stockes. [A703] g — Item ij yerdes di of blacke cloth of gold after baudkyn for stocking of a payr of hose for the kinges grace.

[A713] t — Item delyuerd to George Lovekyn xiiij yerdes quarter di of cloth of tissewe of siluer for iij fote clothes & harnesses for the kinges mewles. [A714] s — Item delyuerd to William hosyer a yerde iij quarters of cloth of siluer damaske for stocking of a payre of hose for the kinges grace. [A715] s — Item delyuerd to John de parys a yerde di di quarter of cloth of siluer of damaske and ij yerdes of cloth of gold of damaske for ye kinges doblet. Henry R

[A704] g — Item xxti yerdes of blacke cloth of gold after baudkyn for a doblet mantell for the king with slyves. [A704–11] LM: To John de parres.

[A705] g — Item xiiij yerdes of blacke cloth of gold after baudkyn damaske gold to lyne a doble Clocke of blacke tylsent for the king. [A706] g — Item vij yerdes of crimosyn baudkyn dammaske to be paned & cutt with russet tylsent for a Cote for the king.

t — xvij yerdes iij quarters di s — iij yerdes quarter di g — xvj yerdes quarter quarter di Summa totalis of t. — D xxiiij yerdes di & naile Summa totalis of g. — [. . .] Summa totalis of v. — [. . .] Summa totalis of C. — [. . .] Summa totalis of s. — [. . .] Summa totalis of b. — [. . .]

[A707] t — Item vj yerdes of siluer tissewe for weltyng of a frocke of tawny tylsent for the king.

Summa totalis of cloth of gold tissewe cloth of gold of diuerse makinges, cloth of gold with veluete paned cloth of siluer and cloth of gold for the Chapelle a viijmo die decembris anno xjmo Regni Regis Henrici viijui vsque xxvo die Julii anno xijmo euisdem Regis — [. . .]171.

[A708] g — Item iij yerdes iij quarters of blacke cloth of gold after baudkyn for a doblet for the kinges [. . .].

[A716] s — Item iiij yerdes di of cloth of siluer of dammaske for a doblet for the frenche king.

[A709] s — Item ij yerdes quarter of cloth of siluer damaske for [a] doblet panyd with russet tylsent for the king.

[A716–19]

LM: delyuerd to John de pares.

[A716–19]

LM: anno xijo vijo die Octobris.172

[A710] g, s — Item vij yerdes di quarter of cloth of gold carnacion collor and vij yerdes di quarter of cloth of siluer damaske paned and welte for a Frocke for the kinges grace.

[A717] s — Item delyuerd to my lady Carewe ij yerdes of cloth of siluer of damaske.

[A711] t — Item iiij yerdes quarter of yelow cloth of gold tissewe to couer a bowcase and a quyver that was yeuen to the frenche king. [A711] LM: To Nicolas maior. Henry R

[A718] g — Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de paris ij yerdes of clothe of gold for a doblet for to sende to the frenche king. [A719] g — Item delyuerd to John Whiler for my lady princes viij yerdes of blewe cloth of gold after chamlet makyng damaske golde for a gowne. Henry R

t — xxxv yerdes g — iiijxx j yerdes iij quarters di s — iiijxx ij yerdes di di quarter

f. 24r

Delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at dyuerse tymes thies parcelles of clothes of gold ensuyng [A712] t, g — Item delyuerd to Mr Compton for the kinges vse iij yerdes di of blacke cloth of gold tissewe and xiiij yerdes di of blacke cloth of golde of dammaske golde at Guysnes. [A712–15] anno xijmo xiiijmo die Junii.170

g — x yerdes di s — vj yerdes di

f. 24v [blank] f. 25r173

Tylsenttes of dyuerse collors delyuerd by the kynges commaundement at dyuerse tymes Henry R

[A720] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvj yerdes iij quarters of white tylsent for the lynyng of a mantelle of white saten for ye king.

[A720–24] LM: decembris.174

anno

viijo

xxxjo

die

[A721] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton vj yerdes iij quarters of purpull tylsent for a Cote paned with blacke velwete for the king. [A722] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Bastard Emery a pece of yelowe tylsent conteignyng xiiij yerdes iij quarters. [A723] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de pares tayler iiij yerdes of blake tylsent for a doblet & a payre of hose partie with blewe velwete for the kinges grace. [A724] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson ix yerdes of purpull tylsent to be putt in a base & a trapper partie with cloth of siluer for the king. [A725] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xv yerdes of purpull tylsent towardes a base a trapper sadulle & harnes with oyer necessaries for the king. [A725] LM: anno ixo vltimo die Junii.175 Henry R

[A726] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commundement iij yerdes of grene tylsent for a doblet couerd with grene saten with Ruffte slyves for the king. [A726–31] LM: anno ixmo xijmo die aprilis.176

[A727] Item delyuerd to William hosyer by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of grene 177 tylsent for stockes for hoses to the same doblet. [A728] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xvj yerdes di of grene tylsent Rawed for a Riding Cote & a di cote for the king. [A729] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of tylsent damaske gold for a doblet for the king. [A730] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement a yerde of Crimosyn tylsent dammaske gold for stockyng of hoses. [A731] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement di yerde of crimosyn tylsent and di yerde of blak tylsent for stomagers for the quenes grace. Henry R

[A732] Item delyuerd to mastres Carewe by the kinges commaundement di yerde of crimosyn tilsent for a stomager. [A732] LM: iiijto die augusti anno xmo.178

[A733] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvij yerdes of crimosyn tylsent for lynyng of a glaudkyn of crimosyn velwete opon velwete pirled. [A733–34] LM: xvijmo die augusti anno xmo.179

388

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A734] Item delyuerd to the said Hilton xxvij yerdes of white tylsent for lynyng of a longe gowne of purpull velvete pirled with greate wyde slyves. Henry R Memorandum to Loke for certan parcelles of tilsentes of diuerse collers enterd in the secunde leiste amonges satens whiche shulde haue byn enterd here opon this labell & etc.

Remnaunt of Russet tylsent conteignyng a yerde & nayle. [A746] Item a lytell Remnaunt of Russet tylsent delyuerd to the kinges owne handes to distribute amonges the said persons conteignyng a yerde. [A747] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Norres iij a Remnaunt of crimosyn tylsent conteignyng iij yerdes.

Tilsentes of diuerse collors

[A748] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Henry guylford a Remnaunt of yelowe tylsent after baudkyn makyng damaske golde conteignyng iij yerdes.

[A735] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaudement to Hilton xvij yerdes of white tylsent for a gowne for the kinges grace.

[A749] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde of devonshire a Remnaunte of tawny tylsent conteignyng iij yerdes di quarter.

Cxxiiij yerdes quarter Tylsent

f. 25v

o

[A735–39] LM: xxix die septembris anno xmo.180

[A736] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mare Fynes xj yerdes di quarter of crimosyn tylsent for a gowne. [A737] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mistress Carewe xiij yerdes iij quarters of white tylsent dammaske siluer for a gowne. [A738] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lady guylford xij yerdes of yelowe tylsent for a gowne. [A739] Item delyuerd to Hilton xiij yerdes of yelowe tylsent for a Chammer for the kinges grace. Henry R

[A740] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edward Nevelle knight a Remnaunte of crimosyn tilsent conteignyng ij yerdes caz di naill. [A740–55] LM: Octobris.181

anno

xmo

xxijdo

die

[A740–55] LM: Peces & Remnauntes of tylsentes of diuerse collours.

[A741] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Bryan a Remnaunt of crimosyn tylsent conteignyng a yerde quarter di quarter & nayle. [A742] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the said mr Bryand a Remnaunt of purpull tylsent conteignyng a yerde di. [A743] Item delyured by the kinges commaundement to Fraunces Poynes a Remnaunte of Russet tylsent conteignyng a yerde iij quarters. [A744] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Norres a Remnaunte of Russet tylsent conteignyng a yerde di. [A745] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Bryand a

[A750] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Carrey a Remnaunt of blewe tilsent conteignyng iij yerdes di quarter. [A751] Item delyuerd to Antony Knyvet v yerdes of tawnye tylsent. [A752] Item delyuerd to syr Edward guylford iij yerdes of blewe tylsent. [A753] Item delyuerd to mr Arthor Pole iij yerdes of grene tylsent. [A754] Item delyuerd to my lady guylford ij yerdes di of Russet tylsent. [A755] Item delyuerd to syr Henry guylford ij yerdes di di quarter of russet tylsent.182 Henry R

[A760–69]

LM: anno xjmo xviijo die maii.186

[A761] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xv yerdes di of white tylsent for lynyng of a gowne of crimosyn veluete for ye king. [A762] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement187 xvj yerdes of purpull tylsent for a mantell of the spanysshe facion for the king. [A763] Item delyuerd to Hilton xj yerdes of crimosyn tilsent for a doblet for the king couerd with crimosyn veluete cut opon the same tylsent. [A764] Item delyured to Hilton by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes of blac tylsent for a Frocke for the king partie with blewe veluete. [A765] Item delyuerd to Hilton xij yerdes of grene tylsent for a Frocke couerd with saten cutt opon the tylsent for the king. [A766] Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde iij quarters of blake tylsent for a doblet partie with blewe veluete for the kinges grace. [A767] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes di of blacke tylsent for a gowne for the king. [A768] Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of white tylsent to be cut opon a doblet of cloth of gold for the kinges grace. [A769] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer di yerde di quarter of blake tylsent for stocking of a payr of hose paned with blewe veluete for the king.

f. 26r

[A770] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xij yerdes of whit188 tylsent for a Frocke for the kinges grace.

Tilsentes of diuerse collors

[A770–72]

[A756] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde Ferres xiiij yerdes of Russet tylsent for [to] make hym a gowne.

[A771] Item delyuerd to the said Hilton by the kinges commaundement thre yerdes of white tylsent for a doblet for the kinges grace.

Cv yerdes di & nayle.

[A756] LM: Nouembris.183

anno

xmo

primo

die

[A757] Item delyuerd to the kinges owne handes di yerde of crimosyn tylsent. [A757–59]

LM: anno xmo184 vjto die maii.185

[A758] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xiiij yerdes iij quarters of tawny tylsent for a gowne for the king. [A759] Item delyuerd to Hilton di yerde di of blewe tylsent for a doblet partie with cloth of siluer for Carre. [A760] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hilton xv yerdes di of purpull tylsent for a gowne for the kinges grace.

LM: anno xjmo xxijdo die maii.189

[A772] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement for a yerde quarter of white tylsent for stockyng of a payre of hose for ye king. Henry R

[A773] Item delyuerd to William Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes di of Russet tilsent for a gowne for the kinges grace. [A773–74]

LM: anno xjmo xxvjo die maii.190

[A774] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xij yerdes of white tylsent for a Frocke for the kinges grace. Henry R Clxiiij yerdes quarter di

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

Tilsentes of diuerse collors

[A785] Item delyuerd to Thomas Henage by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of blewe tilsent for a doblet.

[A775] Item delyuerd to William Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of white tylsent for a doblet for the kinges grace.

[A786] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr shatyllian xij yerdes di of blacke veluete iij quarters of Russet tilsent.

[A775–80] LM: anno xjmo xxvjo die maii.191

[A787] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Antony Knyvet iij yerdes of grene tylsent for a doblet.196

f. 26v

[A776] Item delyuerd to the said Hilton the same tyme iij yerdes of grene tylsent for a nother doblet for the king. [A777] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of grene tylent for stocking of a payre of hoses for the king. [A778] Item delyuerd to William Hosier a yerde quarter of white tylsent for stocking of a payr of hoses for the king. [A779] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of white tylsent to be cutt opon a payre of stockes of cloth of gold for the king. [A780] Item delyuerd to the said William a yerde quarter of crimosyn tylsent for stocking of a payr of hose for the king. [A781] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson viij yerdes of purpull tilsent to performe a bace & a trapper for the king. [A781–82] LM: Octobris.192

anno

xjmo

xxiiijto

die

[A782] Item delyuerd to Nicolas Maior by the kinges commaundement a yerde di of purpull tylsent to performe a horsse harnes for the king. Henry R

[A783] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Thomas Henage xiiij yerdes of tawny tylsent for a straunger yt brought tokyns to the princes. [A783] LM: anno xjmo xvjo die nouembris.193 xxxiiij yerdes di Henry R

Memordandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement sithe the Viewe taken vltimo die Nouembris by the ducke of Suffolk & other the kinges commissioners thies parcelles ensuyng parcelles of the clere Remaigne of the said view194 [A784] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lord Cardynall a Remnaunte of crimosyn tilsent conteignyng xvj yerdes di for one of ye bassadors of Fraunce. [A784–87] LM: Januarii.195

anno

xjmo

xijmo

die

Henry R Summa partes — xxxiij yerdes quarter Summa totalis — vC j yerde quarter & naile

f. 27r [A788] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Weston xvj yerdes of blake tylsent for the cheff of thembassators of Fraunce at his goyng. [A788] LM: anno xjmo xxvjo die Januarii.197

Certan peces & Remnauntes of clothes of gold tylsente of diuerse collors & makinges delyuerd by the kinges commaundement by Jamys Worsely yomen of the kinges Robes to Syr Andrew Wyndesore knight master of the kinges greate warderobe anno xjmo198 Crimosyn Tylsent venis gold

389

Blew siluer tylsent [A802] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes iij quarters di. [A803] a pece conteignyng xij yerdes iij quarters.

Blew tylsent damaske golde [A804] a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes di di quarter.

Purpull Tylsent venis gold [A805] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters. [A806] a pece conteignyng xij yerdes. [A807] a Remnaunte conteignyng ix yerdes.

Grene Tilsent damaske siluer [A808] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter di. [A809] a pece conteignyng xv yerdes di di quarter.

Grene Tylsent venis gold [A810] a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes quarter. Henry R Summa pagine — CCCj yerdes iij quarters di

[A789] a pece conteignyng xj yerdes quarter di.

f. 27v

[A789–810] delyuerd to Syr Andrew Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die maii anno xjmo.199

[A811] a pece conteignyng xviij yerdes iij quarters.

[A790] a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes di.

[A811–40] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrew Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo Regni Regis Henrici viijui.200

[A791]

[A812] a pece conteignyng xx yerdes.

a pece conteignyng xx yerdes di.

[A792] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter. [A793] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter. [A794]

a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes di.

[A795] a pece conteignyng xviij yerdes iij quarters di. [A796]

a pece conteignyng xij yerdes di.

[A797]

a pece conteignyng xxij yerde di.

[A798] a pece conteignyng vij yerdes quarter. [A799]

a pece conteignyng viij yerdes.

Blew tylsent venis gold [A800] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes quarter di. [A801] a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes iij quarters.

Grene Tylsent venis gold

[A813] a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes iij quarters. [A814] a pece conteignyng ij yerdes iij quarters di. [A815] a pece conteignyng j yerde quarter. [A816] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes di.

Russet Tylsent venys gold [A817] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes iij quarters. [A818] a pece conteignyng ix yerdes di di quarter. [A819] a pece conteignyng v yerdes di di quarter. [A820] a pece conteignyng j yerde iij quarters di. [A821] a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde di.

390

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

Blacke tylsent damaske gold

[A842] a pece conteignyng vij yerdes di.

[A822] a pece conteignyng vij yerdes quarter.

[A843] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes di di quarter.

Blacke tylsent venis gold

[A844] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes quarter.

[A823] a pece conteignyng xxvj yerdes iij quarters di.

[A845] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters.

[A824] a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes iij quarters di.

Crimosyn tylsent venis gold

[A825] a pece conteignyng viij yerdes di quarter.

[A846] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes iij quarters di.

[A826] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes di.

[A847] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters di.

[A827] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter di. [A828] a pece conteignyng ij yerdes iij quarters di.

[A829] a pece conteignyng ix yerdes quarter di. [A830] a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes. [A831] a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes iij quarters di. [A832] a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes quarter di. [A833] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes di di quarter. [A834] a pece conteignyng j yerde iij quarters.

[A863] Item xiiij yerdes di of white tilsent to lyne a gowne of blacke tylsent. [A864] Item xj yerdes of blacke siluer tylsent for a Jaquet & a doblet. [A865] Item v yerdes iij quarters of blacke tylsent for a Jaquet and a doblet to be paned with blacke cloth of siluer. [A866] Item ij yerdes of blacke tylsent for weltyng of a Jaquet & a doblet of blacke cloth of siluer & blake tylsent paned. Henry R

[A848] a pece conteignyng ij yerdes quarter.

Russet tylsent venis gold [A849] a Remnaunte of iij yerdes di di quarter.

Tawny tylsent venis gold

[A862] Item xiiij yerdes quarter of blacke tylsent for a gowne for the king.

yelowe tylsent venis gold [A850] a pece conteignyng viij yerdes quarter. [A851] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes di quarter.

White tylsent [A852] a pece conteignyng ij yerdes di quarter. [A853] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes iij quarters.

Summa Pagine — Clxxij yerdes

f. 28v [A867] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de pares xv yerdes iij quarters of siluer tylsent with dropes to lyne a gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe for the king. [A867–69]

LM: anno xjmo xixno die aprilis.204

[A868] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer iij quarters of blacke tylent to be panyd with blacke cloth of siluer for stockyng of a payr of hoses for the king. [A869] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of blake tylsent to stocke a payre of hoses for the kinges grace.

Purpull tylsent

Delyuerd to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement for themparelle of the kinges maskers at diuerse tymes sithen the xixth day of marche anno xjmo vnto the iijde day of maye anno xijmo thies parcelles of tylsenttes ensuyng205

[A855] a pece conteignyng v yerdes iij quarters.

[A870] Furst in yelowe tylsent — xxxix yerdes.

[A856] Item vij yerdes of blacke tylsent damaske gold for a kyrtelle.

[A870–72] LM: To Richard Gibson for the kinges maskes.

[A856–58] LM: delyuerd to John Wheler for ye quenes grace xxvijmo die aprilis anno xjmo.202

[A871] Item in blake tylsent riche — xxj yerdes di di quarter.

White tylsent damaske siluer

[A857] Item vij yerdes of russet tylsent for a kyrtell for the quene.

[A872] Item in Russet tylsent riche — xxviij yerdes quarter di.

[A840] a pece conteignyng v yerdes.

[A858] Item vij yerdes of tawny tylsent for a kirtell for the quene.

[A873] Item di yerde of blacke tylsent to performe the weltyng of a doblet and a Jaquet of blacke tylsent & blacke cloth of siluer paned for ye king.

[A835] a pece conteignyng j yerde di di quarter.

yelowe tylsent venis gold [A836] a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes di quarter. [A837] a pece conteignyng x yerdes iij quarters.

White tylsent venis gold [A838] a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes. [A839] a pece conteignyng xv yerdes quarter.

Henry R Summa pagine — CCCxlvj yerdes iij quarters di

f. 28r

White tylent venis siluer [A841] a pece conteignyng v yerdes iij quarters. [A841–55] LM: delyured to Syr Andrew Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo Henrici viijui.201

Crimosyn tylsent venis gold [A854] a pece conteignyng j yerde di quarter.

[A859] Item delyuerd to John Powney by the kinges commaundement vj yerdes of yelow tylsent for the kinges henchemen. [A860] Item xv yerdes quarter of white tilsent dammaske siluer to lyne a gowne of white tissewe for the king. [A860–66] LM: delyuerd to John de paris for the kinges vse mensis aprilis anno xjo Regni Regis Henrici viijui.203

[A861] Item xj yerdes quarter of blacke tylsent for a Jaquet & a doblet for ye king.

[A873–74] LM: To John de Parres for the kinges vse anno xijo.

[A874] Item xj yerdes of crimosyn tylsent for a Jaquet & a doblet of couerd with crimosyn saten for the king. [A875] Item to William hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn tylsent for stocking of a payr of hose for the kinges grace. Henry R

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A876] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde of devon iij yerdes quarter di of white tylsent dammaske siluer. [A876–80] LM: anno xijmo iiijto die maii.206

[A877] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Carewe a Remnaunte of Russet tylsent conteignyng v yerdes di quarter. [A878] Item delyuerd to mastres Norres by the kinges commaundement of white tylsent damaske siluer conteignyng iiij yerdes di quarter. [A879] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de Paris vj yerdes di of blacke tylsent for a Riding Cote paned with crimosyn tissewe. [A880] Item delyuerd to the kinges grace by thandes of Carre v yerdes quarter di of tawny tylsent.207 Henry R

[A881] Item to mastres Fynes vj yerdes of tawny tylsent for a kyrtell. [A881–83] LM: anno xijmo xiiijmo die maii.208

[A882] Item to ye Lady Elizabeth grey vij yerdes of blacke tylsent for a kyrtell.

[A890] Item iiij yerdes of blacke tylsent damaske gold for a doublet garded with the same for the kinges grace. [A891] Item xv yerdes iij quarters of tawny tylsent for a frocke for the king. [A892] Item xvj yerdes of blacke tilsent for a frocke for the king. [A893] Item ij yerdes quarter of russet tylsent for a doblet for the king paned with cloth of siluer paned. [A894] Item ij yerdes iij quarters of blake tylsent damaske gold for the vpper partes of a payre of hose to the knee all of tylsent garded with the same. [A894–95]

LM: To William Hosyer.

[A895] Item ij yerdes di of siluer tylsent with dropes for stockyng of a payr of hose for the kinges grace. [A896] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mosyr Morret a Frenche man xvj yerdes of Russet tylsent for a gowne. [A897] Item delyuerd to Pulleyn a frencheman iiij yerdes quarter of Russet tylsent and ij yerdes iij quarters of tawny tylsent for his owne vse.

[A883] Item to ye Lady Oxforde iij yerdes of blacke tylsent for a gowne.

[A898] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde iij quarters of russet tylsent for stocking of a payre of hose for the king.

Henry R

Henry R

Summa pagine — CCxx yerdes

Summa partes — Cxlvj yerdes di di quarter

f. 29r [A884] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the quenes grace a pece of blacke tylsent with kateryn whelys xvj yerdes di di quarter.

Summa totalis of Tilsentes delyuerd a viijmo die decembris anno xjmo Regni Regis Henrici viijui vsque xxvui diem Julii anno xijmo euisdem Regis211

[A884–85] LM: anno xijmo xixno die maii.209

[A885] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the quenes grace a pece of blacke tylsent damaske gold conteignyng xj yerdes. Henry R

[A886] Item xiiij yerdes of blacke tylsent damaske gold for a doble Clocke for the kinges grace. mo

[A886–93] LM: anno xij

do

ij die Junii.

— Ml CCxxiiij yerdes quarter di

[A899] Item delyuerd to John de Paris xj yerdes iij quarters of crimosyn tylsent dammask gold for panyng of a Frocke & a doblet of crimosyn saten for the king. [A899–900] LM: septembris.212

anno

xijmo

iiijto

[A900] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a quarter of crimosyn tylsent damaske gold for stockyng & weltyng of a payre of hose for the king.213 Henry R

210

Summa — xij yerdes

[A886–93] LM: To John de Paris.

[A887] Item xix yerdes of blacke tylsent for a double Cloke for the kinges grace garded with the same.

f. 29v [blank] f. 30r214

[A888] Item vij yerdes of russet tylsent to be cutt & paned with crimosyn baudkyn for a Cote for the king.

Baudekyns of dyuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes

[A889] Item xv yerdes of Russet tylsent to lyne a doubille mantelle with slyves of blacke cloth of gold after baudkyn for the king.

die

[A901]

Item215

[A901] LM: anno.216 Baudkyn

391

f. 30v [blank]217 f. 31r218

Veluettes of diuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes [A902] Item delyuerd to Hilton vij yerdes of blake velwete for a Cote paned with purpull tylsent for the kings grace. [A902–07] anno viijo ijdo die Januarii.219

[A903] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes of blewe velwete for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A904] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xv yerdes of crimosyn velwete for a gowne for the kinges grace. [A905] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes quarter of blacke velwete for a Tenes Cote for the kinges grace. [A906] Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes quarter of blew velwete delyuerd by the kinges commaundement for a Tenes Cote for the king. [A907] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to one Russell Capten of Torney a pece of Russet velwete conteignyng xxij yerdes di. [A908] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xj yerdes of riche Crimosyn velwete for a Riding Cote for the kinges grace. [A908–15] anno viijo xijmo die Februarii.220

[A909] Item delyuerd to John de Pares vij yerdes di of blewe velwete for a doblet & a payre of hose partie with blake tilsent for the kinges grace. [A910] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John Scut iiij yerdes of crimosyn velwete for a gowne for my lady Prynces. [A911] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John Scut iiij yerdes of blake velwete for a gowne for my lady Princes. [A912] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xiij yerdes of blake velwete for a gowne for the kinges grace. [A913] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Richard Tempes xv yerdes of blake velwete for a gowne. [A914] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement [to Hilton] xiij yerdes of blake velwete for a gown for the kinges grace. [A915] Item delyuerd to Hilton xj yerdes of blake velwete for a Ridyng Cote for the kinges grace.

392

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A916] Item delyuerd to Hilton Cl yerdes of blake velwete for the gardyng of vjxx riche Cotes of Redde cloth for the garde. [A916–18] LM: anno viijo xijo die marcii.221

[A917] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvj yerdes of blake velwete for a mantelle for the kinges grace. [A918] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the quenes grace a yerde quarter of grene velwete. Henry R ijC iiijxx xix yerdes iij quarters Velwete

f. 31v

Velwetes of diuerse collors [A919] Item delyuerd to the Quenes grace by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of Crimosyn velwete. o

o

[A919–23] LM: anno viij iij die Aprilis.

222

[A920] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xiiij yerdes of blake velwete for a gowne for the kinges grace.

towards the performyng of the kinges base a trapper Sadulles & harnes for the ye king. [A929] Item delyuerd to Nicolas majer a yerde di di quarter of blewe velwete for the performyng of a Sadull a harnes & coueryng of steroppes for ye king. [A930] Item to William Hosyer ij yerdes di of grene velwete for stocking of ij payr of lether hose for the king. [A931] Item delyuerd to mastres Warren di yerde of purpull velwete di yerde of crimosyn velwete di yerde of grene velwete di yerde of Russet velwete & di yerde of blake velwete for purses for the kinges grace. [A932] Item delyuerd to the said mastres warren a yerde of blake velwete for purses for the kinges grace. [A933] Item delyuerd to Marion a quarter [yerde] of blake velwete for the coueryng of a gyrdelle for the kinges grace.

[A942] Item delyuerd to mastres warren iij quarters of blacke velwete for ij pursses for the kinges grace by his owne commaundement. [A943] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij quarters of blacke velwete for ij nyght bonettes for the king. [A944] Item delyuerd to mastres Warren di yerde di quarter of Russet velwete by the kinges commaundement for ij pursses for the king. [A945] Item delyuerd to mastres warren by the kinges commaundement di yerde of purpull velwete for a pursse for the quenes grace. [A946] Item delyuerd to mastres warren quarter di of blacke velwete by the kinges commaundement for a pursse for the kinges grace. [A947] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xviij yerdes of Russet velwete for a Riding Cote and a di Cote & a hode for the kinges grace.

[A934] Item delyuerd to Hilton xv yerdes of grene velwete for a Ridyng Coate and a stalkyng Cote for the king.

[A947–54] LM: Nouembris.228

[A921] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of Crimosyn velwete for a bonet for the kinges grace.

[A935] Item delyuerd to Hilton vj yerdes di of purpull velwete pyrled for half a Cotte for the kinges grace.

[A948] Item delyuerd to Hilton vj yerdes of Russet velwete for the bordryng of ij Riding Cotes and ij di Cotes with ij hoodes of cloth for the king.

[A922] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton a yerde quarter of grene velwete for a bonet for the kinges grace.

Cxlj yerdes di quarter

f. 32r

[A923] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton a yerd quarter of blake velwete for a bonet for the kinges grace.

[A936] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to James Worsley v yerdes di of blake velwete for half a Cote for hym self.

[A924] Item delyuerd to master Magnus viij yerdes of blake velwete for a sadell harnes Fote stole & for the mendyng of the lades horsharnes waytyng opon the quene of scottes.

[A936–38]

[A924–26] LM: anno viijo223 ixo die maii.224

[A925] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson ix yerdes of white velwete to be put into a base & a trapper partie with cloth of siluer & purpull tylsent for the kinge. [A926] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson lj yerdes of white velwete for xv di trappers & bases for xv persons in armys at the Justes holden at grenewyche at whitsontyde anno ixno. [A927] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson ix yerdes of blake velwete for half a base and half a trapper for the kinges grace. [A927–35] LM: anno ixo xxiiijo die Junii.225

[A928] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xiiij yerdes iij quarters of blake velwete

Henry R

Velwetes of diuerse collors

LM: anno ixo xijo Julii.226

[A937] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij quarters of blake velwete for ij nyght bonettes for the kinges grace. [A938] Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde quarter of grene velwete for a bonet for the kinges grace. Henry R

[A939] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xvj yerdes of grene velwete for a Riding Cote and a Stalkyng Cote for the king. [A939–46]

anno

ixo

[A941] Item delyuerd to mastres Warren by the kinges commaundement iij quarters of Russet velwete for ij pursses for the king.

die

[A949] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xviij yerdes of Russet velwete for a Riding Cote & a di Cote with a hode for the king. [A950] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of right crimosyn velwete for the kinges own vse. [A951] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement to Hilton229 xiij yerdes of blacke velwete for a gowne with a high coller for the king. [A952] Item delyuerd to Richard Justice by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes of Russet velwete lukes velwete for the quenes grace. [A953] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes di of purpull velwete & ij yerdes di of blacke velwete for bonettes for the king. [A954] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to ye quenes grace xiiij yerdes of grene velwete.

LM: anno ixo xviijo die Julii.227

[A940] Item delyuerd to mastres Warres di yerde of blacke velwete by the kinges commaundement for a pursse for the king.

iiijto

Henry R Cxxx yerdes quarter

f. 32v

Velwetes of dyuerse collors [A955] Item delyuerd to mortymer ix yerdes of blewe velwete for the

393

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 performyng of a Cote a doblet & a payre of hose of blake tylsent for the king. [A955–56] LM: Januarii.230

anno

ixno

xiiijmo

die

[A969] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvj yerdes of grene velwete for a Ridyng Cote & a di Cote for the king.

[A956] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xiij yerdes of blake velwete for a Gowne for the kinges grace.

[A970] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Fraunces Poynys xij yerdes of blake velwete for a gowne.

[A957] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xiiij yerdes of right crimosyn velwete for a Cote & a hoode for the king.

[A971] Item delyuerd to the sylke woman a yerde quarter of blake velwete & di yerde of grene velwete for purses for the king.

[A957] LM: anno ixno xxvjto die marcii.231

[A972] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement for a gown for the kinges grace xiiij yerdes of grene velwete.

Henry R

[A958] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xiij yerdes of Russet velwete of lukes for a nyght gowne for the kinges grace. [A958–63] LM: anno ixno xijmo die aprilis.232

[A959] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xxxvj yerdes of blake velwete for for233 iij gownes one for mr Compton a noyer234 for mr tyler & ye iijde for mr Norres. [A960] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes di of grene velwete for a doblet with Ruff slyves for the kinges grace. [A961] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of grene velwete for weltyng of a payre of hose to the same doblet. [A962] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xvj yerdes di of grene velwete lukes for a Ridyng Cote and a di Cote for the kinges grace.

[A973] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of Russet velwete of lukes for a gowne for the kinges [grace]. [A973] LM: anno xmo xiijmo die Junii.237 Henry R xx

Ciiij iij yerdes quarter

f. 33r

Velwetes of diuerse collors [A974] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiij yerdes of grene velwete of lukes for a gowne with a high coller for the kinges grace. [A974–81]

LM: anno xmo xiijmo die Junii.238

[A975] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of grene velwete of lukes for a doblet for the kinges grace.

[A963] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xij yerdes of grene velwete lukes for a Ryding Cote for the kinges grace.

[A976] Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of grene velwete for stocking of a payre of hose for the same doblet.

[A964] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement j quarter of grene velwete for hemyng of a Cote of grene cloth with a di Coote.

[A977] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes of grene lukes velwete for a mantelle for the kinges grace.

[A964–67] LM: anno xmo xvo die maii.235

[A978] Item delyuerd to Hilton xiiij yerdes of blake lukes velwete for a lyned Gowne for the kinges grace.

[A965] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of grene velwete for a bonet for the king. [A966] Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of grene velwete for the stockes of the same hoses. [A967] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of grene velwete for a partelet for the kinges grace. [A968] Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde quarter of grene velwete for eggeyng a Cote of grene cloth with a di Cote for the king. [A968–72] LM: anno xmo primo die Junii.236

[A979] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiij yerdes of blac lukes velwete for a gowne furred with blake bugie for the king. [A980] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mortemer for a Coote of armes for Norrey the harrold iij yerdes of blewe velwete. [A981] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement a yerde of grene velwete to welte a grene Cote for the king. [A982] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lady of Norffolk xiiij yerdes of purpull velwete of lukes for a gowne.

[A982] LM: anno xmo primo die Julii.239 Henry R

[A983] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundemente di yerde of crimosyn velwete and di yerde of grene velwete and di yerde of purpull veluete for stomagers for the quenes grace. [A983–85] LM: viijo die augusti anno xmo.240

[A984] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Moryan a yerde of grene velwete to couer a shethe & a gyrdell to a wodeknyffe for the king. [A985] Item delyuerd to Marian a yerde quarter of grene velwete to couer ij wode knyffe shethes for the kinges grace. [A986] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the lorde Edmonde Hawarde Syr Edward Nevelle Syr William Kingston Syr Geffrey Gates Fraunces Bryand and to Henry Norres euery of theim viij yerdes of blewe velwete towardes a base & a trapper for euery eche of them to prepare themself for the kinges Justes appointed at grenewiche ayenst the comyng of the imbassadors of Fraunce hether. Summa xlviij yerdes. [A986–87] LM: xjo die augusti anno xmo.241

[A987] Item delyuerd to Syr William Sidney & Syr Griffith donn either of theim viij yerdes of yelowe velwete towardes a base & a trapper for either of theim for ye said entent — xvj yerdes. Henry R Cxlvj yerdes

f. 33v

Velwetes of diuerse collors [A988] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr William Gyles [. . .] Capell mr Coffyn Syr John Nevelle and to Syr Richard Cornwall euery of theim viij yerdes of Russet velwete towardes a base [&] a trapper for eueryeche of theim to prepare themself ayenst the kinges Justes aforsaid — xxxij yerdes. [A988–89] LM: xjmo die augusti anno xmo.242

[A989] Item delyuerd to Antony Knyvet Syr Rauf Ellerkar Lorde Richard Grey and to Syr Rowlande for euery of theim viij yerdes of white veluete towardes a base and a trapper for eueryeche of theim to make themself redy for the kinges Justes ayenst the commyng of thembassadors of Fraunce. [A990] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xvij yerdes of crimosyn velwete opon velwete pirled for a glaudkyn for the kinges grace. [A990–97] LM: xvijmo die augusti anno xmo.243

[A991] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xvij yerdes of purpull velwete opon

394

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

velwete pirled for a glaudkyn for the kinges grace. [A992] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xxvij yerdes of purpull velwete pirled for a longe gowne with greate wyde slyves for the king. [A993] Item delyuerd to Hilton xij yerdes iij quarters of crimosyn velwete cut opon cloth of gold of dammaske enbrauderd with goldsmyth [werke] for a doblet & a Jaquet.

[A1002] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edward Gilford xv yerdes of blacke velwete towardes a base & a trapper — xv yerdes.

[A1018] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the quenes grace a Remnaunte of purpull veluete opon velwete pirled conteignyng iij quarters & [a] nayle.

[A1004] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Care xiij yerdes of blac velwete.

[A1018–19] LM: Octobris.247

[A1005] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement for the childryn that waytes on the king vj yerdes of yelowe velwete & vj yerdes of blacke velwete.

[A995] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xj yerdes di of blacke velwete cut opon cloth of damaske enbrauderd for a doblet & a Jaquet for the king.

[A1006] Item delyuerd to Hilton iiij yerdes quarter of purpull velwete pirled for slyves and to performe a Cape of a gowne of purpull velwete pirled for the king.

[A997] Item delyuerd to Richard Justes iij quarters of a yerde of crimosyn velwete for the fentes bordor & Cuffes for a gowne for my lady princes. [A998] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lorde John Grey and to my lorde Leonardes brother xvj yerdes of yelowe velwete towardes a base and a trapper for either of theim for to prepare themse2lf for the kinges Justes ayenst the commyng of the forsaid embassadors of Fraunce. [A998] LM: primo die Septembris anno xmo.244

[A999] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xj yerdes of crimosyn velwete for to couer a Cote of cloth of gold cutt & welted for the king. [A999–1000] LM: vijmo die Septembris anno xmo.245

[A1000] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of purpull velwete to couer the stockes of cloth of gold of a payr of hose for the kinges grace. Henry R Ciiijxx yerdes iij quarters

f. 34r

Velwetes of diuers collors [A1001] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Robert Gernyngham mr Hansard mr Hervy mr Parker mr [. . .] viij yerdes of blewe velwete towardes a base and a trapper for eueryeche of theim in all xxxx yerdes. [A1001–17] LM: xviijo die Septembris anno xmo.246

Henry R

[A1003] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiij yerdes di of tawny velwete opon velwete for a gowne for the quene.

[A994] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn velwete cut opon cloth of gold of dammaske for stocking of a payre of hoses for the king.

[A996] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of blacke velwete for to couer the stockes of cloth of gold of damaske playn cutt opon of a paire of hose.

quarter of blacke velwete for a Jaquet for the kinges grace.

anno

xmo

xxijdo

die

[A1019] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to my lady Guylford a Remnaunte of tawny veluete pirled conteignyng xij yerdes for a gowne. Henry R xx

Ciiij v yerdes quarter di

f. 34v

Veluetes of diuerse collors

[A1007] Item delyuerd to Hilton iiij yerdes quarter di of crimosyn velwete for slyves to performe a Cape for a gowne of crimosyn velwete for the king.

[A1020] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xij yerdes of Russet veluete for a Jaquet & a di Coote for the king.

[A1008] Item delyuerd to mastres Mary Fynes ij yerdes di of crimosyn velwete to lyne a gowne of crimosyn tylsent.

[A1020–25] LM: primo die Nouembris anno xo.248

[A1009] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John Scutt xj yerdes of tawny velwete for a gowne for mastres Carewe. [A1010] Item delyuerd to Hilton xiiij yerdes of crimosyn velwete opon velwete pirled for a chammer for the king. [A1011] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mastres Carewe iij yerdes of crimosyn velwete to lyne the same gowne. [A1012] Item delyuerd to Hilton xiiij yerdes of purpull velwete for a doblet and a Jaquet cut opon cloth of gold for the kinges grace. [A1013] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of crimosyn velwete opon velwete for a Cloke for the kinges grace.

[A1021] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Thomas Chenye knight xiiij yerdes of russet veluete pirled for a gowne. [A1022] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mr Harry Norres xiiij yerdes of russet veluete for a gowne. [A1023] Item delyuerd to mastres Mare Fynes by the kinges commaundement xj yerdes of russet veluete for a gowne. [A1024] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton vj yerdes of russet veluete for ij doblettes for the kinges grace. [A1025] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mastres Carew x yerdes of tawny veluete for a gowne for hir. Henry R

[A1014] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosyer a yerde of purpull velwete for stockes for the kinges grace.

[A1026] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvj yerdes quarter of blake veluete for a Jaquet & a doblet for the kinges grace.

[A1015] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton a yerde di of crimosyn velwete for a bonet for the kinges grace.

[A1026–35] LM: Februarii.249

[A1016] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton a yerde di of blake velwete for a bonet for the kinges grace. [A1017] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton vij yerdes

anno

xmo

iijo

die

[A1027] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter di quarter of blacke veluete for the stocking of a payre of hose for the kinges grace. [A1028] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the duck of Suffolk two yerdes of blake veluete for a payr of buskyns.

395

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A1029] Item delyuerd to mr Carewe by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes of blake veluete for a payr of buskyns.

[A1042] Item delyuerd to Hilton xij yerdes of Russet veluete for a frocke with a border enbrauderd with russet silke.

[A1030] Item delyuerd to mr Bryan by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes of blake veluete for a payr of buskyns.

[A1043] Item delyuerd to Hilton xij yerdes of blake veluete for a Frocke of lyke werke for the kinges grace.

[A1031] Item delyuerd to Syr Henry Guylford knight by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes of blake veluete for a payr of buskyns.

[A1044] Item delyuerd to mastres Carewe by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes of blewe veluete.

[A1032] Item delyuerd to mr Norres by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes of blake veluete for a payr of buskyns. [A1033] Item delyuerd to Syr Edwarde Nevelle knight by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes of blac veluete for a payr of hos buskyns. [A1034] Item delyuerd to Syr Gyles Capell ij yerdes of blake veluete for a payr of buskyns by the kinges commaundement. [A1035] Item delyuerd to Hilton a quarter of blake veluete for to ege the slyves of gowne of blake saten for the king. [A1036] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes of blac veluete for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A1036–38] LM: anno xmo vjo die marcii.250

[A1037] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes of Russet veluete for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A1038] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde of russet veluete for stocking of a payre of hose for the king. Henry R Cliij yerdes di quarter

f. 35r [A1039] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of Russet veluete for stocking of a payre of hose for the king. [A1039–40] LM: anno xo viijo die marcii.251

[A1040] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson CCxiij yerdes of blake veluete aswell for the Justynges as also for the Revelles of maskelyn after the manner of Italy at grenewyche. [A1041] Item delyuerd to Hilton xij yerdes di of blake veluete for a frocke for the king with ij narowe gardes of the same veluete. anno

xmo

[A1046] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes of crimosyn veluete for a doblet for the kinge with ruff slyves. [A1047] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn veluete for stockes for a payre of hose for the king. [A1048] Item delyuerd to Hilton xviij yerdes of blake veluete for a shammer and a Cote for Carre. [A1048–52]

xvijmo

LM: anno xo iijo die aprilis.253

[A1049] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edward Guylford xiiij yerdes of blake veluete for a gowne. [A1050] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Henry Norres xj yerdes of blake veluete for a Frocke. [A1051] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Babam sergeaunt of the confecionary nichill hic quz entrat in alio loco. [A1052] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Fraunces Poynes xiiij yerdes of blake veluete for a gowne. [A1053] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hilton xv yerdes di of crimosyn veluete for the kinges grace for a gowne. [A1053–57]

Veluettes of diuerse collors

[A1041–47] LM: marcii.252

[A1045] Item delyuerd to Hilton xij yerdes of crimosyn veluete for a frocke for ye king.

LM: anno xmo xviijo die maii.254

[A1054] Item delyuerd to William Hilton a yerde of crimosyn veluete to couer and to cutt opon a doblet of crimosyn tylsent for the king. [A1055] Item delyuerd to William Hilton viij yerdes of blewe veluete for a Frock partye with blacke tylsent for the kinges grace. [A1056] Item delyuerd to William Hilton ij yerdes of blewe veluete for a doblet paned with blake tylsent for the kinges grace. [A1057] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer iij quarters of blewe veluete for stockyng of a payre of hose paned with blacke tylsent for the king. Henry R

die C

iiij xxj yerdes quarter

f. 35v

Veluetes of diuerse collors [A1058] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xv yerdes di of blake veluete for a gowne for the kings grace. [A1058–60] LM: anno xjmo xxvjo die maii.255

[A1059] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xv yerdes di of blake veluete for a mantelle for the king. [A1060] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn veluete to be sett opon a payre of stockes of crimosyn tylsent for the king. [A1061] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of crimosyn veluete for a longe partelet for the king. [A1061–67] LM: anno xjo xxiijo die Juni.256

[A1062] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of grene veluete for a longe partelet for the king. [A1063] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of blac veluete for a longe partelet for the king. [A1064] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edwarde Cobham by the kinges commaundement257 xiiij yerdes of blake veluete for a gowne. [A1065] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of grene veluete for stocking of a payre of hose for the king. [A1066] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn veluete for stocking a payre of hose for the king. [A1067] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xxv yerdes of blake veluete for a frocke & a mantelle for the king. [A1068] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes quarter of russet veluete for a di Cote for the kinge. [A1068–72] LM: Septembris.258

anno

xjmo

xmo

die

[A1069] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes of blake veluete for a frock and a doblet for the king. [A1070] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of blake veluete for stockyng a payre of hose for the king. [A1071] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xvj yerdes of blake veluete for a gowne for the king. [A1072] Item delyuerd to John Scutte ye quenes taillor v yerdes of Russet veluete

396

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

lukes for a nyght gowne for the king259 my lady princes.

yerdes of russet veluete for a doblet & weltyng of a gowne of russet dammaske.

[A1073] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de parris tailor xiiij yerdes di of russet veluete for a gowne for the kinges grace.

[A1083–88] LM: Nouembris.266

[A1073] LM: anno xjmo xiijmo die Octobris.260

[A1074] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson vij yerdes quarter of Russet veluete to the performyng of a bace & a trapper for ye king. [A1074–76] LM: Octobris.261

anno

xjto

xxiiijto

die

[A1075] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson x yerdes iij quarters of Russet veluete to the performyng of a bace & a trapper for the king. [A1076] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson iiij yerdes of Russet veluete towardes ye performyng of a bace & a trapper for the king. Henry R

anno

xjmo

vto

die

[A1084] Item delyuerd to the same John xiij yerdes of russet veluete for a Cote with di slyves and a doblet for the king. [A1085] Item delyuerd to William hosyer by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of russet veluete for stocking of a payre of hose for the king. [A1086] Item delyuerd to mastres Worshop by the kinges commaundement iij quarters of russet veluete for ij pursses for the kinges grace. [A1087] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de pares a yerd di quarter of crimosyn veluete for the newe making of the half quarters & ouer bodyes of a Jaquet & a doblet of crimosyn veluete opon veluete. [A1088] Item delyuerd to John de paris a yerde di quarter of crimosyn veluete for ye newe making of half quarters & ouer bodyes of a Jaquet & a doblet of crimosyn veluete for the kinges grace.

[A1078] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement lxiij yerdes of blake veluete for to make fyve gownes for fyve gentylmen of the quene of scottes. [A1078–79] LM: anno viijo ixo die maii.263

[A1097] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to lytell Carre a pece of Russet veluete conteignyng xxv yerdes. [A1098] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr shatyllion xiij yerdes di of blacke veluete for a gowne. [A1099] Item delyuerd to John de parres xv yerdes of Russet veluete for a shammer doubill welted with iij weltes of the same for the king. [A1100] Item delyuerd to the said John xv yerdes of blacke veluete for a shammer doubill welted with iij weltes of the same for the king.

f. 36v

[A1101–02] LM: Januarii.268

l

l

C

Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement sithen the view taken vltimo die Nouembris anno xjmo267 by the duck of Suffolk and other the kinges commissioners thies parcelles ensuing parcelles of the clere Remayne of the said viewe

[A1079] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to iij gentylmen of the quene of scottes chamber xlij yerdes of blacke veluete for euery of yem a gowne.

[A1089] Furst delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mastres Coke xij yerdes of blacke veluete tawny veluete for a gowne.

[A1080] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson CCxiij yerdes iij quarters of white veluete spent for the kinges Justes.

[A1090] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de parrys xiij yerdes of blacke veluete for a Cote for the kinge.

[A1080] LM: anno ixmo vijmo die Julii.264

[A1091] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Rauf Ellerear xiiij yerdes of blacke veluete for a gowne.

[A1081] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of blacke veluete for a gowne for the sergeaunte porter.

[A1096] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de parrys xv yerdes di of purpull veluete for a Frocke & a doblet for the king.

Summa totalis — M M iiij xiij yerdes quarter di quarter Dxiij yerdes iij quraters

Henry R

[A1077] LM: anno viijo xxvjo die aprilis.262

[A1095] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the quenes grace xiij yerdes of crimosyn veluete opon veluete for a gowne.

[A1101] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xiij yerdes of russet veluete for to mache cutwerke & engreyle with cloth of siluer for a base a trapper a horsse harnes and a sadelle for the king.

Clx yerdes iij quarters

f. 36r [A1077] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement Cl yerdes of blacke veluete for garding of Cxx Cootes of ye ijde sorte of redde cloth for ye garde.

quarter of blacke veluete for coueryng of scaberdes of the kinges swerdes.

anno

xjmo

xxvjo

die

[A1102] Item delyuerd to the lady Guylfordes seruaunt by mr Compton [on] his bill xij yerdes of blac veluete to be had to Calais for the kinges vse.269 Henry R Summa pagine — Clxv yerdes quarter veluete enterd amonges gownes — Cxxj yerdes iij quarters

f. 37r

Certan peces & Remnauntes of veluetes of diuerse collors & makinges delyuerd by the kinges commaundement by Jamys worsley yomen of his Robes to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight master of the kinges greate warderobe for the kinges vse anno xjmo

[A1092] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to maryan a yerde a yerde of blacke veluete for coueryng of iij scaberdes for the king.

Blew & grene mottely veluete pyrled

[A1103–28] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjo.270

Henry R

[A1093] Item delyuerd to John de pares ij yerdes of russet veluete for doble weltyng of a gowne of russet dammaske for the king.

[A1083] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John deparys ij

[A1094] Item delyuerd to Maryon by the kinges commaundement a yerde

[A1081–82] LM: anno xmo viijo die Junii.265

[A1082] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Coffyn xiiij yerdes of blake veluete for a gowne.

[A1103] a pece conteignyng xij yerdes iij quarters.

Russet veluete opon veluete pyrled [A1104]

a pece conteignyng xiiij yerdes.

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A1105] a pece conteignyng viij yerdes di quarter.

f. 37v

Tawny veluete opon veluete pyrled

[A1129] a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes di di quarter.

[A1106] a pece conteignyng vij yerdes di quarter.

Tawny veluete opon veluete

Grene veluete

[A1129–41] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjo.271

[A1107] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes di.

[A1130] a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde di di quarter.

Grene veluete opon veluete pyrled

[A1131] a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde di.

[A1108] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes di.

Purpull veluete

[A1132] a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes di di quarter.

Veluete white & grene chekerd

[A1109] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters di. [A1110] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes. [A1111] a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde di quarter. [A1112] a Remnaunte conteignyng iij quarters di. [A1113] a Remnunte conteignyng iij quarters. [A1114] a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes di di quarter. [A1115] a Remnaunte conteignyng v yerdes di.

[A1133] a pece conteignyng xvj yerdes di di quarter. [A1134] a pece conteignyng v yerdes iij quarters di. [A1135] a pece conteignyng xv yerdes di di quarter.

Veluete orynge collor [A1136] a pece conteignyng xij yerdes di quarter. [A1137]

a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes.

[A1138]

a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes.

[A1116] a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter.

Yelowe veluete

[A1117] a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerdes quarter di.

[A1139] a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes iij quarter.

[A1118] a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter di.

[A1140] yerdes.

[A1119] a Remnaunte conteignyng v yerdes di.

[A1141] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes quarter.

[A1120] a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1142] Item delyuerd Cl yerdes of crimosyn veluete.

[A1121] a pece conteignyng xv yerdes di.

[A1142–48] LM: To George Lovekyn by the kinges commaundement mensis aprilis anno xjmo.

[A1122] a pece conteignyng xij yerdes quarter.

a Remnaunte conteignyng vij

Grene veluete [A1123] a pece conteignyng xvj yerdes quarter.

[A1144] veluete.

[A1124] a pece conteignyng ix yerdes.

[A1145] Item delyuerd xix yerdes di of russet veluete.

[A1126] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes.

[A1147–48] For fotemens doblettes and hoses

[A1149] Item delyuerd xvj yerdes iij quarters of crimosyn veluete pirled. [A1149–50] To John Powney yeman of thenchemen anno xjmo.

[A1150] Item delyuerd xx yerdes di quarter of crimosyn veluete pirled. [A1150–51] For the henchemen

[A1151] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Henry Norres xiij yerdes of blacke veluete for a gowne. [A1152] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de paris xiiij yerdes quarter of crimosyn veluete to lyne a gowne of yelowe tissew for ye king. [A1153] Item delyuerd to Wiliam mortemer iiij yerdes of purpull veluete to enbrawder the border of the Riche cloth of estate of crimosyn tissewe. [A1154] Item delyuerd to John de paris xiiij yerdes quarter of purpull veluete to to272 lyne a gowne of white cloth of gold of damaske for the king. [A1155] Item delyuerd to John de paris by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes of blacke veluete to welt a gowne of blacke tylsent for the king. Henry R xx

[A1143] Item delyuerd xlij yerdes di of right crimosyn veluete.

[A1125] a pece conteignyng ix yerdes quarter.

397

Item delyuerd l yerdes of blake

[A1146] Item delyuerd xij yerdes of purpull veluete.

Summa pagine — CCCCiiij xix yerdes di

f. 38r

Memorandum delyuerd at diuerse tymes to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement from the xixth day of marche anno xjmo vnto the iijde may anno xijmo thies parcelles of velvetes ensuyng spent towardes the preparyng of the kinges Justes ayenstes the metyng of the french king at Calais273 [A1156] Furst in Russet veluete pyrled — xxiiij yerdes. [A1156–58] LM: To Richard Gibson For Justes at Calais.

[A1157] Item in Russet veluete — DCClxv yerdes quarter. [A1158] yerdes.

Item in white veluete — Cviij

[A1127] a Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde di.

[A1142–46] RM: For horsharnes with all thinges necessarie to ye same and fotemens doblettes.

Delyuerd For gentelmen wayters & other attenders opon the kinges on horsbacke & on fote thies parcelles

[A1128] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes quarter.

[A1147] Item delyuerd xij yerdes of right crimosyn veluete.

[A1159] Item in Russet veluete — lxviij yerdes di quarter.

Henry R

[A1148] Item delyuerd iiij yerdes of right crimosyn veluete.

[A1159–60] To Richard Gibson for the kinges waiters.

xx

Summa pagine — Ciiij vj yerdes

398

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A1160] yerdes.

Item in yelowe veluete — xlv

a fote mantelle & a sadelle house for the king.

veluete to welte the stockes of a payre of hose for the king.281

Delyuerd for themparell of the kinges maskers thies parcelles of veluete ensuyng / that is to say

[A1172] Item delyuerd to Nicolas majer a di yerde of russet veluete to perform the coueryng of a sadelle howse for the kinges mule.

Henry R

[A1161] Furst in right crimosyn veluete — iiijxx yerdes. [A1161–63] LM: To Richard Gibson for the kinges maskers.

[A1173] Item delyuerd to George Lovekyn xvij yerdes of Russet veluete for fote clothes & harnes for the kinges mewlys.

[A1162] yerdes.

Item in yelowe veluete — xv

[A1174] Item delyuerd to the king xix yerdes quarter di of blacke veluete.

[A1163] yerdes.

Item in blacke veluete — iiij

[A1175] Item delyuerd to John de pares xiij yerdes of blacke veluete for a Frocke for the kinges grace.

Henry R

Delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Doctor Rawson clerke of the kinges Closet for vestmentes & frontes for aulters anno xijmo

[A1175] LM: anno xijmo xxvijto die Junii.277 Henry R xx

Summa partes — iiij ix yerdes quarter di Summa totalis of veluetes of diuerse collors a vijmo die decembris anno xjmo RR Henrici viijui vsque xxvmo die Julii anno xijmo RR euisdem domini Regis278

[A1164] Furst lv yerdes of crimosyn veluete opon veluete. [A1164–65] LM: anno xijmo viijmo die maii.274

[A1165] Item xix yerdes quarter di of crimosyn veluete opon veluete pirled. [A1166] Item xij yerdes of blacke veluete delyuerd to the kinges grace by thandes of Care. Henry R

[A1167] Item to John de paris xij yerdes quarter of russet veluete for a nyght gowne. [A1167–69] LM: anno xijmo xiiijmo die maii.275

[A1168] Item delyuerd to the said John de paris iiij yerdes of crimosyn veluet to border a Cloke of scarlet for the kinges grace. [A1169] Item delyuerd to Mortemer di yerde of purpull veluete to performe the border of the ryche cloth of estate of crimosyn tissewe. Henry R l

Summa pagine — M CCxj yerdes di

f. 38v

[A1176] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de paris xvj yerdes of blacke veluete for a Frocke for the king. LM: anno xijmo vjo die augusti.279

[A1177] Item delyuerd to the said John de paris ij yerdes of Russet veluet for dobill weltyng of a Cote of Russet cloth for the king. [A1178] Item delyuerd to John de paris ij yerdes iij quarters of blac veluete for a longe partelet & for weltyng of a doblet of blac saten for ye king. [A1179] Item delyuerd to Maryan a yerde quarter of blacke veluete for coueryng the skabardes and gyrdelles of certan woodeknyves & swerdes for ye king. [A1180] Item delyuerd to John de paris xiij yerdes of blacke veluete for a gowne for the king with a high coller. [A1181] Item delyuerd to John de parris xvj yerdes of Russet veluete for a gowne for the king.

Delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes thies parcelles of veluetes ensuyng of diuerse collors

[A1182] Item delyuerd to John de paris xxxij yerdes of blac veluete for a gowne and a shammer for the king.

[A1170] Item xxvij yerdes of blewe veluete delyuerd to Forster for ye kinges vse. [A1170–74] LM: anno xijmo ijdo die Junii.276

[A1183] Item delyuerd to the said John ij yerdes of blacke veluete for weltyng of iij doblettes of white tylsent & a gowne of blacke saten for ye king.

[A1171] Item delyuerd to George Lovekyn xij yerdes di of blacke veluete for

[A1184] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer di yerde & di quarter of blacke

[A1182–84] LM: Octobris.280

anno

xijmo

vijmo

[A1185–87] LM: decembris.282

anno

xijmo

xvijmo

die

[A1186] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer di yerde di quarter of blac veluete for weltyng of iij payre of hoses of white tylsent for the king. [A1187] Item delyuerd to John de paris xiij yerdes of blac veluete for a gowne with a high collor for the kinges grace. Henry R Summa — C yerdes di di quarter283

MlMl CClxxiij yerdes quarter di

[A1176–81]

f. 39r [A1185] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Forster a yerde quarter di of crimosyn veluete for collers & moselles for mastyes sent to the frenche king.

die

f. 39v [blank]284 f. 40r285

Sattens of dyuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at dyuerse tymes [A1188] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvj yerdes iij quarters of white satten for a mantelle for the kinges grace. [A1188–99] LM: decembris.286

anno

viijo

xxxjo

die

[A1189] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mortemer iiij yerdes of crimosyn satten for thenbrauderyng of Roses & crownes for six score Riche Cootes of Redde cloth for the garde. [A1190] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes of Crimosyn satten for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A1191] Item delyuerd to mortemer ij yerdes quarter of Crimosyn saten for the performyng of Roses for vj Riche Cotes of red cloth for the garde. [A1192] Item delyuerd to John Scutt a yerde of blacke satten for Coller Cuffes and Fentes to a gowne of blake veluete for my lady Prynces. [A1193] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Thomas bollayn iij yerdes of crimosyn satten for a doblet. [A1194] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the Quenes grace ij yerdes of crimosyn satten. [A1195] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes quarter of crimosyn satten for a doblet for the kinges grace.

399

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A1196] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of grene satten for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A1197] Item delyuerd [to] Hilton iij yerdes quarter of Crimosyn satten for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A1198] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes quarter of blake satten for a doblet for the kinges goode grace. [A1199] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement ix yerdes of white satten to be put in to a base & a trapper partie with cloth of red and blewe tylsent for the kinges grace. [A1200] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson ix yerdes of blake satten for half a base & half a trapper for the kinges grace. o

o

[A1200–03] LM: anno ix xxiiij die Junii.

287

[A1201] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xlv yerdes di of Russet satten for iiij half bases iiij half trappers for iiij men of armes on the kinges side at Justes. [A1202] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson ix yerdes of blacke saten for half a base and half a trapper for Syr Jeffrey Gates. [A1203] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson lxiiij yerdes quarter of blewe satten for vj half bases & vj half trappers for vj men of armes on the kinges syde at Justes. Henry R Ciiijxx j yerdes di Saten

f. 40v

Sattens of dyuerse collors [A1204] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xj yerdes di of grene satten for half a base and half a trapper for Sir William knighton. [A1204–08] LM: anno ixmo xxviiijmo die Junii.288

[A1205] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xx yerdes di of tawny saten for ij half bases & ij half trappers for ij men of armes on ye kinges syde at Justes. [A1206] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson CCCxxv yerdes of white satten for bases and trappers for xiiij knightes and gentilmen for their half Cotes & for x hole Cootes for x officers spent at Justes. [A1207] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xlj yerdes di of crimosyn satten for iiij half bases & iiij half trappers for iiij men of armes on the kinges syde at the same Justes. [A1208] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson liij yerdes of yelowe satten for vij

half bases and trappers for vij men of armes on ye kinges syde at [the] Justes.

f. 41r

[A1209] Item delyuerd to William Hosier ij yerdes di of grene saten for ye stockes of ij payre of lether hose for the kinges Grace.

[A1226] Item delyuerd to mortymer by the kinges commaundement a quarter yerde of crimosyn satten for Roses for iiij Ridyng Cotes for ij yomen of the garde.

[A1210–21]

LM: anno ixno primo die Julii.289

[A1210] Item delyuerd to Hilton iiij yerdes iij quarters of grene satten for the garding of a Riding Cote and a stalking Cote of grene veluete. [A1211] Item delyuerd to William Hosier one yerde quarter of crimosyn satten for ye stockes of a payre of hose for the king. [A1212] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton v yerdes quarter of crimosyn satten for a doblet Ruffed for the king. [A1213] satten.

Item di yerde of crimosyn

[A1214]

Item di yerde of purpull satten.

[A1215]

Item di yerde of white satten.

[A1216]

Item di yerde of grene satten.

[A1217]

Item di yerde of blake satten

[A1218]

Item di yerde of Russet satten.

[A1219]

Item di yerde of yelowe satten.

[A1213–19] RM: delyuerd to Hylton for stomagers for the kinges grace.

[A1220] Item delyuerd to Hilton iij quarters of blake saten for ij nyght bonettes for ye king. [A1221] Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of crimosyn saten for an armyng doblet for ye king. [A1221–24]

LM: anno ixmo xijmo die Julii.290

[A1222] Item delyuerd to Hilton vj yerdes di of purpull satten for the lynyng of half a Cote of white cloth of tissewe & purpull veluete pirled for ye king. [A1223] Item delyured to Hilton vj yerdes yerdes of white satten for the lynyng of half a Coote of white cloth of tissewe & purpull velwet pyrled. [A1224] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to James James291 Worsley v yerdes di of blake satten for half a Cote. Henry R

[A1225] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes of grene satten for the garding of ij Cotes of grene velwete for the king. [A1225] LM: anno ixmo xviijo die Julii.292 Henry R C

xx

iiij iiij xv yerdes di

Sattens of dyuerse collors

[A1226–31] LM: Octobris.293

anno

ixmo

xxvto

die

[A1227] Item delyuerd to William hosyer by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes di of Russet saten for ye stockes for the stockes294 of ij payr of hose for the kinges grace. [A1228] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij quarters of Russet saten for ij nyght bonettes of the king. [A1229] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement viij yerdes quarter of Russet satten for ij doblets with bases for the kinges grace. [A1230] Item delyuerd to the quenes grace by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of tawnye satten for a kyrtelle for my lady princes. [A1231] Item delyuerd to the quenes grace by the kinges commaundement di yerde of crimosyn satten for a stomager. [A1232] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij quarters of blacke satten for ij Ridyng Cappes for the kinges grace. [A1232–33] LM: Nouembris.295

anno

ixmo

iiijto

die

[A1233] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij quarters of crimosyn satten for ij stomagers for the kinges grace. [A1234] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes of purpull tylsent for a mantelle for the kinges grace. [A1234–43] LM: decembris.296

anno

ixmo

iiijto

die

[A1234–43] LM: Tilsenttes of dyuerse collors whiche shulde be enterd.

[A1235] Item delyuerd to Hilton xv yerdes di of blacke tylsent by the kinges commaundement for a Jaquet and ij doblets for the king. [A1236] Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes di of blacke tylsent for the stocking of ij pair of hose for the king. [A1237] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiij yerdes of blake tylsent for a Coote for the kinges grace. [A1238] Item delyuerd to Richard Justice by the kinges commaundement vij

400

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

yerdes of purpull Tilsent for the quenes grace. [A1239] Item delyuerd to Richard Justice by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes blake tylsent for the quenes grace. [A1240] Item delyuerd to Richard Justice by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes of blewe tylsent for the quenes grace. [A1241] Item delyuerd to Richard Justice by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes of crimosyn tylsent for the quenes grace. [A1242] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iiij yerdes di of blacke tylsent for an almayn doblet enbrauderd with damaske gold for ye king. [A1242–45] LM: anno ixmo iijto die Januarii.297

[A1243] Item delyuerd to Willliam Hosier by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of blacke tylsent for stocking of a paire of hose to the same doblet. [A1244] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement vj yerdes of Russet satten for ij doblettes for the kinges grace. [A1245] Item delyuerd to William Hilton by the kinges commaundement di yerd of crimosyn saten for a brest of a doblet. t — lxxij yerdes iij quarters Henry R xxiij yerdes quarter

f. 41v

Sattens of diuerse collors [A1246] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Willian Hosier ij yerdes di of Russet satten for ij payr of Russet hose. [A1246–50] LM: Februarii.298

anno

mo

ix

vj

to

die

[A1251] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton ij yerdes di of blac satten ij yerdes di of Russet satten and ij yerdes di of crimosyn satten for making iij doblets for lytell master Carre. [A1251–52] marcii.299

LM:

anno

ixmo

xxvjto

die

[A1252] Item delyuerd to mr Wyse at Richemond ij yerdes of crimosyn satten for the kinges graces vse. Henry R

[A1253] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes of grene satten for a doblet with Ruff slyves for the kinges grace. [A1253–59]

LM: anno xmo xijmo die aprilis.300

[A1254] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of grene satten for stockes for hoses to the same doblet. [A1255] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes of grene satten for Jaquet for the kinges grace. [A1256] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes of Crimosyn satten for ij Jaquettes for the kinges grace. [A1257] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement vj yerdes vj yerdes of crimosyn satten for ij doblettes for the kinges grace. [A1258] Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes di of crimosyn satten for stockes for hoses to the same doblettes. [A1259] Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes di of blacke satten for stockes for ij payre of hoses. [A1260] Item delyerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of grene satten for a doblet for the kinges grace. LM: anno xmo xvmo die Maii.301

[A1247] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton vj yerdes crimosyn satten for ij doblets for the kinges grace.

[A1260–63]

[A1248] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundment to Hilton ij yerdes di of crimosyn satten for the stocking of a pair of hose to ye same doblet.

[A1262] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement a yerde di of blacke satten for a partelet for the kinge grace.

[A1249] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes quarter of crimosyn saten for a longe doblet for the kinges grace.

[A1263] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij quarters di quarter of white satten for a stalkyng Cote & a bonet for the kinges grace.

[A1250] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the said Hilton di yerde of crimosyn satten for a placard for the king.

[A1261] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement a yerde di of grene satten for a partelet for the kinges grace.

Henry R lxxiij yerdes quarter di

f. 42r

Sattens of diuerse collors [A1264] Item delyuerd to Syr Rauf Egerton knight by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of blacke sattyn for a doblet. [A1264–71] LM: anno xmo primo die Junii.302

[A1265] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mr Knolles gentylman vssher iij yerdes of blacke satten for a doblet. [A1266] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement of [a] demy yerde of crimosyn saten / di yerde of blacke saten / di yerde of white saten / di yerde of yelow saten / di yerde of Russet satten / di yerde of blewe saten / di yerde of grene satten / di yerde of crimosyn saten and di yerde of grene satten for stomagers for ye king. [A1267] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn satten delyuerd by the kinges commaundement for stockes of a payre of scarlet hoses. [A1268] Item delyuerd to William Hosier by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes iij quarters of crimosyn satten for stockes of iij payre of hose for the king. [A1269] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundment ix yerdes of crimosyn satten for to couer ij doblettes with Russet slyves. [A1270] Item delyuerd to Hilton ij yerdes di of crimosyn satten by the kinges commaundement for to couer the stockes of hoses. [A1271] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement di yerde of blewe satten to lyne a boke coueryng for the kinge. [A1272] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of grene satten to lyne a gowne of grene velwete. [A1272–74] LM: anno xmo xiijo die Junii.303

[A1273] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of blac saten for lynyng of a gowne of blacke velwete for the king. [A1274] Item delyuerd to Babam sergeaunt of the Confessonary by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of blacke satten for a doblet. Henry R

[A1275] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundemente di yerde of grene saten di yerde of russet saten di yerde of crimosyn saten and di yerde of purpull saten — For stomagers for the quenes grace. [A1275] LM: iiijto die augusti anno xmo.304

401

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A1276] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xvij yerdes of purpull saten for lynyng of a glaudkyn of purpull cloth of gold dammaske. [A1276–78] LM: xvijmo die augusti a xmo.305

[A1277] Item delyuerd to the said Hilton xiij yerdes quarter of crimosyn saten for lynyng of a glaudkyn of white cloth of siluer with wyde slyves cut & pointed opon cloth of gold with a border Richely enbrauderd for the kinges grace. [A1278] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xxvij yerdes of crimosyn saten for a longe gowne with wyde slyves lyned with riche cloth of gold tissewe for the kinge. Henry R

white saten amountyng vnto the somme of lxvij yerdes iij quarters. [A1286] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Edwarde Guylforde towardes a base & a trapper in blacke saten in all xv yerdes. [A1287] Item delyuerd to Hilton xiiij yerdes of blacke satten for a chammer with iij borders of blacke velwete furred with sabulles for the king. [A1287–88] xmo.309

LM: primo die Octobris anno

Satens of diuerse collors [A1279] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xiij yerdes di of purpull saten to couer a doblet & a Jaquet of purpull cloth of gold tissewe for the kinges grace — xiij yerdes di.

Henry R

[A1301–02] LM: iiijto die Februarii anno xmo.313

[A1289] Item delyuerd to John Copynger by the kinges commaundement a Remnaunte [of] ij yerdes di & nayle of crimosyn saten.

[A1302] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the said Hilton iij quarters of blake saten for ij close Cappes for the kinges grace.

LM: xxijdo die Octobris anno

Henry R

[A1289–91] xmo.310

[A1279–81] LM: xvijmo die augusti anno xmo.306

[A1280] Item delyuerd to William hosier a yerde quarter of purpull saten to couer the stockes of a payre of hose of purpull cloth of gold tissewe for the king.

[A1291] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of blacke saten for [a] Chammer for the kinges grace.311 Henry R C

v lxxv yerdes iij quarters di.

f. 43r

[A1282] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson for vj lades garmentes to euery garment xv yerdes of blewe saten for the kinges disguysyng ayenst the komyng of thembassadors of Fraunce — iiijxx x yerdes.

Satens of diuerse collors

[A1282–83] LM: xvijmo die augustii anno xmo.307

[A1293] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes di of white saten to stock ij payre of hose for the king.

[A1283] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the same Richard Gibson for vj garmentes for vj lordes to every garment vj yerdes of blewe saten for the said disguysing ayenst the comyng of the said enbassadors — xxxvj yerdes. Henry R

[A1284] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson towardes the kinges Riche mumrye in blew satten at iij diuerse tymes the somme of CCCvij yerdes iij quarters di. [A1284] LM: xixo die Septembris anno xmo.308

[A1285] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson towardes the kinges riche memrye in

[A1300] Item delyuerd to mastres Jenyns by the kinges commaundement a quarter di of blacke sattyn to make ij porses for the king. [A1301] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes of crimosyn satten for to make a doblet for the king.

[A1290] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement x yerdes of russet satten for a Jaquet & a partelet for the kinges grace.

[A1281] Item delyuerd to William hosyer ij yerde di of crimosyn saten for ye stockes of ij payr of hose for the kinges grace.

[A1299] Item delyuerd to mastres Jenyns by the kinges commaundement a quarter di of crimosyn saten for to make two purses for the king.

[A1288] Item delyuerd to Hilton a yerde di of crimosyn saten to performe a cape of a gowne of crimosyn saten latesed furred with sabulles.

Cxxv yerdes iij quarters

f. 42v

[A1298] Item delyuerd to Mortymer by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes iij quarters of blewe saten for thenbrauderyng of Carres his Cote.

[A1292] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement vj yerdes of white satten for ij doblettes for the kinges grace. [A1292–300] LM: primo die Nouembris anno xo.312

[A1294] Item delyuerd to William Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij quarters di of blacke saten for ij closse Cappes for the king. [A1295] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes of crymosyn saten for a doblet for the king. [A1296] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of blac saten for a doblet for the king. [A1297] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of crimosyn saten for stockes to a payre of hose for the king.

[A1303] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes iij quarters of blacke saten for a gowne for the king. [A1303–07] LM: marcii.314

anno

xmo

primo

die

[A1304] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes of crimosyn saten for a doblet for the king. [A1305] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of blac saten for a doblet for the king. [A1306] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn saten for a payre of stalkyng hose for the king. [A1307] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of blake saten for stocking of a payre of hose for the king. [A1308] Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of crimosyn saten for a doblet for Carre. [A1308–09] LM: anno xmo iijo die aprilis.315

[A1309] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to massy Viliart Babam sergeaunt of the confessionary Syr xofer316 Grenishe James Vaughan mr Knolles & mr Palmer euery of theim iij yerdes of blacke satten for euery of theim a doblet — xviij yerdes of blake saten. Henry R lxix yerdes di quarter

f. 43v

Sattens of diuerse collors [A1310] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton vj yerdes of

402

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

crimosyn saten for ij doblettes for the kinges grace. [A1310–15] LM: anno xjmo xvjo die maii.317

[A1311] Item delyuerd to Hilton xv yerdes di of purpull saten for lynyng of a gowne of purpull tylsent for the king. [A1312] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xv yerdes di of crimosyn saten for a gowne for the king. [A1313] Item delyuerd to Hilton xv yerdes di of purpull saten for lynyng of a mantelle of purpull tylsent of the spanysshe facion for the king. [A1314] Item delyuerd to Hilton xij yerdes of grene saten to couer and to be cut opon a doblet of grene tylsent for the king. [A1315] Item delyuerd to Hilton xv yerdes di of blacke saten for lynyng of a gowne of blake tylsent for the king. [A1316] Item delyuerd to William Hilton xviij yerdes of grene saten for lynyng of a gowne of grene tissewe yt was furred with Ermyns with greate wyde slyues. [A1316] LM: anno xjmo xxijdo die maii.318 Henry R

[A1317] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xv yerdes di of blake saten for lynyng of a gowne of blake veluete for ye king. [A1317–22] LM: anno xjmo xxvjo die maii.319

[A1318] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton xv yerdes di of blake saten for lynyng of a mantelle of blake veluete for the king. [A1319] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton iij yerdes of grene saten to couer a doblet of grene tylsent for the king. [A1320] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xj yerdes di of crimosyn saten to couer a cote of cloth of gold for the king. [A1321] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xij yerdes of grene saten for a frocke for the king. [A1322] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of grene saten to couer the stockes of grene tylsent of a payre of hose for the king. [A1323] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Hilton vj yerdes of white satten for ij doblettes for the kinges grace.

[A1325] Item delyuerd to William Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of crimosyn saten for a doblet for the king.

[A1338] Item delyuerd to John de Parris by the kinges commaundement xvij yerdes of blake saten for a Frocke & a doblet for the kinges grace.

[A1326] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement vj yerdes of whit saten for ij doblettes for the kinges grace.

[A1338] LM: Octobris.325

[A1327] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of grene saten for a doblet for the kinges grace. [A1328] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement a yerde quarter of white saten for stockyng of a payre of hose for the king.321 Henry R

anno

xjmo

xxiiijo

[A1339] Item delyuerd to John de Paris xvij yerdes of crimosyn saten for a Frocke & a doblet for the kinges grace. [A1339–40] LM: Nouembris.326

anno

xjmo

Satens of diuerse collors [A1329] Item delyuerd to William Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of crimosyn saten for a doblet for the kinges grace. mo

LM: anno xj

xvj

mo

322

die Julii.

[A1330] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement xvj yerdes grene saten for a Ridyng Coote and a di Cote for the king. [A1331] Item delyuerd to Hilton xv yerdes of blake saten by the kinges commaundement for a frocke and a doblet for the king. [A1332] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer ij yerdes di of blake saten by the kinges commaundement for stockes for ij payre of hose for the king. [A1333] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Fraunces Bryan & lytell Carre a pece of Saten conteignyng xlij yerdes parted betwixt theim for their own vse. anno

xjmo

xiijmo

die

[A1334] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to mastres Carewe a pece of tawny saten conteignyng xxxvij yerdes for hir owne vse. [A1335] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de Parris taillor vij yerdes di of white saten for lynyng of a Jaquet of white siluer tissewe for the king. [A1335–37] LM: Octobris.324

anno

die

Henry R

f. 44r

[A1333–34] LM: Octobris.323

ijdo

[A1340] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosyer a yerd quarter of crimosyn saten for a payre of hose for the kinges grace.

Clxxix yerdes iij quarters

[A1329–32]

die

xjmo

xiijo

die

[A1323–28] LM: anno xjo xxiijo die Junii.320

[A1336] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of white siluer reysed after tissewe for stockes of a payre of hoses for the king.

[A1324] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer iij yerdes iij quarters of white saten for stockyng of iij payres of white hose for the king.

[A1337] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de Parres iij yerdes of white saten for a doblet for the kinges grace.

[A1341] Item delyuerd to John de paris by the kinges commaundement xvij yerdes of crimosyn saten for a frocke & a doblet for the king. [A1341–44] LM: Nouembris.327

anno

xjmo

vo

die

[A1342] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer by the kinges commaundement ij yerdes di of blacke saten for stocking of ij payre of hoses for the king. [A1343] Item delyuerd to the same William ij yerdes di of crimosyn saten for stocking of ij payre of hoses for the king. [A1344] Item delyuerd to mastres Worshoppe by the kinges commaundemente iij quarters of blacke saten for ij pursses for the king. [A1345] Item delyuerd to John deparis a yerde di quarter of purpull saten for new making of a false quarters & ouer bodies of a Jaquet & a doblet of purpull saten. [A1345–47] LM: Nouembris.328

anno

xjmo

vijmo

die

[A1346] Item delyuerd to ye same John a yerde di di quarter of purpull saten for new making & mending of a Jaquet & a doblet of purpull saten enbrauderd. [A1347] Item delyuerd to the said John di yerde of Russet saten for mendyng of a doblet of russet saten for the kinges grace. Henry R l

C

Summa totalis — M ix viij yerdes di quarter Ciiijxx iiij yerdes

f. 44v

Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement sithen ye viewe taken vltimo die Nouembris anno xjmo by the duck of Suffolk & other the kinges commissioners thies parcelles ensuyng parcell of the clere Remayn of the said viewe329 [A1348] Furste delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xvij yerdes quarter of

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 crimosyn saten for a gowne weltid with iij weltes of the same saten for ye king. [A1348–56] LM: anno xjmo vltimo die Nouembris.330

[A1349] Item delyuerd to John deparis ix yerdes of white saten for lynyng of a Jaquet of riche tissewe pyrled with damaske siluer for the king.

Saten orenge collor [A1366] a pece conteignyng xxvij yerdes quarter. [A1367] di.

a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes

[A1368] a Remnaunte conteignyng vj yerdes quarter.

[A1350] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Rauf Ellercar iij yerdes of russet saten for a doblet.

[A1369] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes di.332

[A1351] Item delyuerd to mr Palmer iij yerdes of russet saten for a doblet.

Summa pagine — Cliij yerdes di

Henry R

403

[A1387] a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes quarter. [A1388] di.

a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes

[A1389] a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes quarter. [A1390] a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes iij quarters. [A1391] a pece yerdes iij quarters.

conteignyng

xxxiij

[A1392] a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes iij quarters di. [A1393] yerdes.

a

pece

conteignyng

xxvij

[A1352] Item delyuerd to mr Knolles iij yerdes of blac saten for a doblet.

f. 45r

[A1353] Item delyuerd to mr Vaughan iij yerdes of russet saten for a doblet.

[A1370] a pece conteignyng xxxvij yerdes di.

[A1354] Item delyuerd to Cutbert iij yerdes of russet saten for a doblet.

[A1370–401] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo H viijui.333

[A1396] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes iij quarters.

[A1371] a pece conteignyng xj yerdes iij quarters.

[A1397] di.

Blewe saten Figure

[A1398] a pece conteignyng xxxv yerdes quarter.

[A1372] a pece conteignyng ij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1399] a pece conteignyng yerdes di di quarter.

Tawny saten of bruges pyrled grene

[A1400] di.

a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes

[A1373] a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1401] di.

a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes

[A1355] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosyer iij yerdes iij quarters of white saten for stockyng of iij payre of hoses for the king. [A1356] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of blacke saten for stocking of a payre of hose for the king.

Certan peces & Remnauntes of Satens of diuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement by Jamys Worsley yoman of his Robes to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight master of the kinges greate warderobe for ye kinges vse anno xjo Yelowe satens [A1357] a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes. [A1357–69] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the king his vse xxvjo die marcii anno xxjmo H viijui.331

[A1358] a Remnaunte conteignyng v yerdes. [A1359] a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes. [A1360] a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes. [A1361] a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes. [A1362] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes iij quarters. [A1363] a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes di quarter.

Grene saten

[A1394] a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes quarter. [A1395]

xxviij

Summa pagine — DCCCxxiij yerdes Figure — ij yerdes iij quarters Bruges saten — iiij yerdes iij quarters di

a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes.

[A1375] a yerdes di.

a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes

Henry R

Blewe saten [A1374]

a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes.

pece

conteignyng

xxxix f. 45v

[A1376] a pece conteignyng xxx yerdes di di quarter. [A1377] a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes quarter.

Blewe satens [A1402] a pece conteignyng viij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1378] a pece yerdes quarter.

conteignyng

xxviij

[A1402–35] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for for334 the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo H viijui.335

[A1379] a yerdes di.

conteignyng

xxviij

[A1403]

a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes.

[A1404]

a pece conteignyng v yerdes di.

[A1405]

a pece conteignyng ij yerdes.

[A1380] di.

pece

a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes

[A1381] a pece conteignyng xxvj yerdes quarter. [A1382] yerdes.

a

pece

conteignyng

xxxv

[A1383] a pece yerdes quarter.

conteignyng

xxxiij

White satens [A1406] a pece conteignyng xxx yerdes quarter di. [A1407] a pece yerdes iij quarters.

conteignyng

xxxvj

[A1408] a pece yerdes iij quarters.

conteignyng

xxxix

[A1384]

a pece conteignyng xix yerdes.

[A1364] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes.

[A1385] di.

a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes

[A1409] a pece conteignyng xxvij yerdes quarter.

[A1365] a Remnaunte conteignyng iij quarters di.

[A1386] a pece conteignyng xlv yerdes quarter di.

[A1410] a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes iij quarters.

404

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A1411] a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes quarter di.

[A1437] a pece conteignyng xx yerdes iij quarters.

[A1458–59] To Richard Gibson for the kinges wayters.

[A1412] yerdes.

a

xxiiij

[A1438] di.

a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes

[A1459] yerdes.

[A1413]

a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes.

a

[A1414] di.

a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes

[A1439] yerdes. [A1440] di.

a pece conteignyng xix yerdes

pece

conteignyng

[A1415] a pece conteignyng xxix yerdes quarter. [A1416] a pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes quarter. [A1417] a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes iij quarters.

pece

conteignyng

Henry R

xxiiij

Summa pagine — Dx yerdes di

[A1441] a pece conteignyng xv yerdes iij quarters. [A1442] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes quarter di.

[A1418] di.

a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes

[A1443] a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1419] di.

a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes

[A1444] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes iij quarters. [A1445]

Item in yelowe saten — liiij

a pece conteignyng viij yerdes.

f. 46v

Delyuerd to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement for themparelle of maskers at diuerse tymes sithen the xixth day of marche anno xjmo vnto the iijde day of may anno xijo thies parcelles of Satens ensuyng339 [A1460] yerdes.

Furst in blewe saten — CClv

[A1420] a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes quarter di.

Grene Satens

[A1460–63] LM: To Richard Gibson for the kinges maskers.

[A1421] a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1446] a pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes quarter.

[A1461] Item in white saten — Cxx yerdes.

[A1422]

[A1447] a pece conteignyng xxxv yerdes quarter.

[A1462] Item in crimosyn saten fyne — CC yerdes.

[A1448] di.

a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes

[A1463] Item in course crimosyn saten — CC yerdes.

[A1449] di.

a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes

[A1450]

a pece conteignyng xxix yerdes.

[A1464] Item xj yerdes of crimosyn saten to couer a Jaquet & a doblet of crimosyn tilsent for the kinges grace.

a pece conteignyng xx yerdes.

[A1423] a pece conteignyng xxxiiij yerdes quarter. [A1424] a pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes quarter. [A1425] a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes iij quarters. [A1426] a pece conteignyng xxvj yerdes iij quarters. [A1427] a pece conteignyng xxxviij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1451] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter. [A1452] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter di.

[A1428]

a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes.

[A1429] yerdes.

a

[A1430] yerdes.

a pece conteignyng xxxviij

[A1455] a pece conteignyng ij yerdes quarter.

[A1431] yerdes.

a

xxxiij

[A1456] a pece conteignyng j yerde iij quarters.

a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes

[A1457] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Henry Norres x yerdes of blacke saten.

[A1432] di.

pece

pece

conteignyng

conteignyng

xxxix

[A1433] a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes di di quarter. [A1434] a pece conteignyng yerdes di di quarter.

xxxiij

[A1435] a yerdes di.

xxxiij

pece

conteignyng

Henry R Summa pagine — DCCClxviij yerdes di

f. 46r

White Satens [A1436]

a pece conteignyng xxvj yerdes.

[A1436–56] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe [Wyndesore] knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo H viijui.336

[A1453]

a pece conteignyng ij yerdes di.

[A1454]

a pece conteignyng iij quarters.

[A1457] LM: anno xjmo xixno die aprilis.337

[A1464–65] LM: delyuerd to John de paris for ye kinges vse.

[A1465] Item a yerde of crimosyn saten and a yerde of white saten for stomagers for the king. [A1466] Item to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn saten for stockyng of a payre of hose for the kinges grace. [A1467] Item to Antony Knyvet xiij yerdes iij quarters of tawny saten to lyne a gowne for hymself. Henry R

[A1468] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to doctor Rawson clerke of the kinges Closet lx yerdes di of crimosyn saten for vestements & frountes for aulters for the kinges said Closet.

Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson at diuerse tymes from the xixth day of marche anno xjmo vnto the iijrd day of may anno xijmo for diuerse gentilmen & other yeuyng their attendaunce opon the king at his Justes at Calais ayenst the commyng of ye frenche king thies parcelles ensuyng338

[A1468–69] LM: anno xijmo viijuo die maii.340

[A1458] Item in Russet saten — iiijxx iiij yerdes j quarter.

[A1471] Item delyuerd to the same John ij yerdes of crimosyn saten for weltyng of a

[A1469] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John Poulteney yomen of thenchemen x yerdes of yelowe saten for the kinges henchemen. Henry R

[A1470] Item delyuerd to John de Paris a yerde di of crimosyn saten for weltyng of a Jaquet of crimosyn tylsent couerd with crimosyn saten. [A1470–75] LM: anno xijmo xiiijuo die maii.341

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 Jaquet of crimosyn tylsent couerd with crimosyn saten for ye king. [A1472] Item to John de Paris vj yerdes of crimosyn saten for ij doblettes for ye king. [A1473] Item to ye same John vj yerdes of Russet saten for ij doblettes for ye king. [A1474] Item to ye same John vj yerdes of yelowe saten for ij doblettes for ye king. [A1475] Item to ye same John v iij yerdes of white saten for a doblet for ye king.342 Henry R Summa pagine — DCCCiiijxx xviiij yerdes

f. 47r Delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diurerse tymes thies parcelles of Satens of diuerse collors ensuyng

[A1476] Item ix yerdes of crimosyn saten for iij doblettes for the king. [A1476–80] LM: anno xijmo xxijdo die maii.343 [A1476–80] LM: To John deparis.

[A1477] Item vj yerdes of blacke saten for ij doblettes for the king. [A1478] Item iij yerdes of yelowe saten for a doblette for the king. [A1479] Item iij yerdes of russet saten for a doblet for the king. [A1480] Item iij yerdes of white saten for a doblet for the king. [A1481] Item ij yerdes di of crimosyn saten for stocking of ij payre of hoses. [A1481–82] LM: To William Hosyer.

[A1482] Item ij yerdes di of blacke saten for stocking of ij payre of hoses. [A1483] Item a yerde quarter of russet saten. [A1483–84] RM: for ij payr of hose for the king.

[A1484] Item ij yerdes di of white saten. [A1485] Item a yerde of crimosyn saten. [A1486] Item iij quarters of white saten [A1486–87] RM: delyuerd to Forster for the kinges vse.

[A1487] Item delyuerd to the kinges grace a yerde of white saten for byndes at the Justes at Guynes. [A1488] Item xxvij yerdes delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of yelowe saten for a payr of hose for ye king. [A1489] Item delyuerd to John a paris vij yerdes of blacke saten to welte a Frocke of blacke veluete for the kinges grace.

[A1489] LM: anno xijmo xxvijmo die Junii.344 Henry R Summa partes — xliij yerdes di Summa totalis of Satens delyuerd at diuerse tymes for ye kinges vse as it doth planely appere written heretofore by the particuler parcelles of the same a viijo die decembris anno xjmo RR H viijui vsque xxv diem Julii anno xijmo euisdem R345 — MlMlMl CCiiijxx xvij yerdes

[A1490] Item delyuerd to John de paris by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes of grene saten for ij stalking Cotes for the king. [A1490–93]

LM: anno xij

mo

o

vj die augusti.

[A1492] Item to the same John xvj yerdes of crimosyn saten for a frocke & a doblet for the king paned with crimosyn tylsent. [A1493] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer iij yerdes iij quarters of white saten for stocking of iij payre of hoses for the king. Henry R

f. 47v [A1494] Item delyuerd to John de paris by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of white saten for a doblet for the king. [A1494–98] LM: septembris.347

anno

xijmo

iiijo

[A1501] Item delyuerd to Syr Rauf Ellerker mr Palmer mr vaghan Skidmore iiij gentylmen vsshers xij yerdes of tawny saten for ye doblettes. [A1502] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Cutberd blacden potigary iij yerdes of tawny saten for a doblet. [A1503] Item delyuerd to Richard ap guyllam for a Cote and a doblet xvj yerdes quarter of saten of bruges pyrled with grene in anno viijo.349 [A1503] LM: Memorandum [. . .]. Henry R

346

[A1491] Item to John de Paris a di yerde of crimosyn saten di yerde of blac saten di yerde of russet saten & di yerde of white saten for stomagers for ye king.

die

[A1495] Item delyuerd to William Hosyer a yerde quarter of crimosyn saten for stocking of a payre of hose & weltyng of the same for the king.

405

Summa — C yerdes

f. 48r350

Damaskes of diuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes [A1504] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson lxiiij yerdes of white dammask towardes the performyng of xiiij Trumpettes Cootes and other officers belonging to the stable Corsures ayenst the the351 kinges Justes. [A1504–05] LM: anno ixo xxviijo die Julii.352

[A1505] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xxxvj yerde di of blewe damaske for a Clooke & a Coote & oyer necessaries for master Carewe ayenst [. . .] Justes. Henry R

[A1506] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson Cxj yerdes di for the kinges Riche mumrye of blewe dammaske. [A1506–07] LM: primo die Octobris anno xmo.353

[A1496] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Henry Norres xvij yerdes di of blac saten for the lady Guylforth.

[A1507] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundment to the said Richard xxxvij yerdes di of yelowe dammaske for the kinges said mumrye.

[A1497] Item delyuerd to John a paris by the kinges commaundement iiij yerdes di of crimosyn saten for a doblet for the frenche king.

Henry R

[A1498] Item to William Hosier a yerde di of white saten to stocke a payre of hose & to performe a noyer payr of stockes for the king.

[A1508] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson iiijxx xiij yerdes quarter of white dammaske towardes the performyng of certan Cootes for the kinges Trumpettes Coursermen & other officers belongyng to the stabull ayenst the kinges Justes at grenewyche.

[A1499] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John a paris xv yerdes of blac saten for a gowne for the king.

[A1508] LM: anno ixmo xxviijo die Junii.354

[A1499–502] LM: anno xijmo xvijmo die decembris.348

[A1509–13] LM: anno xmo iiijo die augusti.355

[A1500] Item delyuerd to Henry Norres by the kinges commaundement xiij yerdes of blacke saten for a gowne.

[A1509] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Nicolas Carewe xiiij yerdes of blake damaske for a gowne. [A1510] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of blake dammaske for a gowne for Fraunces Bryan.

406

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

[A1511] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of blake dammaske for a Gowne for Fraunces Poynes. [A1512] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of blake dammaske for a gowne for Henry Norres. [A1513] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xiiij yerdes of blacke dammaske for a gowne for lytell Carre. Henry R

[A1514] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de Paris xij yerdes of Russet Dammaske for a gowne for the kinges grace. [A1514] LM: anno xjmo vto die Nouembris.356 Henry R iiijC xxiiij yerdes

Damaskes

Grene damaskes [A1522] di.

a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes

[A1523] a pece conteignyng xxx yerdes iij quarters. [A1524] di.

a pece conteignyng xij yerdes

[A1525] a pece conteignyng xxv yerdes quarter di. [A1526] di.

a pece conteignyng xvj yerdes

[A1527]

a pece conteignyng xvij yerdes.

[A1528] a pece conteignyng xix yerdes di quarter. [A1529] a pece conteignyng xij yerdes di di quarter. [A1530] a pece conteignyng viij yerdes quarter.

[A1545] a pece conteignyng xiiij yerdes iij quarters. [A1546] a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes quarter. [A1547] a pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes quarter. [A1548] a pece conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters di. [A1549] a pece conteignyng vij yerdes quarter. [A1550] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes quarter di.

Blacke damaskes [A1551]

a pece conteignyng xxix yerdes.

[A1552] a pece conteignyng v yerdes di di quarter. [A1553]

a pece conteignyng xix yerdes.

f. 48v Memorandum delyuerd by the kinges commaundement sithen the view taken vltimo die Nouembris by the ducke of Suffolke & other the kinges commissioners anno xjo thies parcelles ensuyng parcel of the clere Remaigne of the said viewe357 [A1515] Furste delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John de Parres xij yerdes of Russet dammaske for a gowne for the king.

[A1531] a pece conteignyng xx yerdes di quarter.

Russet damaskes

[A1532] a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes quarter.

[A1554] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter di.

Blewe damaskes

Crimosyn damaskes

[A1533] a pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes di di quarter.

[A1555] a pece conteignyng xj yerdes di di quarter.

[A1534] a pece conteignyng xij yerdes quarter di quarter.

[A1556] a pece conteignyng v yerdes iij quarters di.

[A1515–16] LM: anno xjmo vltimo die Nouembris.358

[A1535] a pece conteignyng xxx yerdes di di quarter.

[A1557]

a pece conteignyng ij yerdes.

[A1536] a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes iij quarters.360

[A1558]

a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes.

[A1516] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Robert Haselrigge xij yerdes of white dammaske for a gowne for [. . .].

Certan peces & Remnauntes of clothes of gold damaske of diuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement by James Worsley yoman of the Robes to syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight master of the kinges greate warderobe for the kinges vse anno xjmo yelowe damaskes [A1517]

a pece conteignyng xij yerdes.

[A1517–36] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjto die marcii anno xjto.359

[A1518] a pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes iij quarters di.

Henry R Summa pagine — CCCCxj yerdes

f. 49r

[A1559] a pece conteignyng ij yerdes quarter. [A1560] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes iij quarters. a Remnaunte conteignyng iij

Blew damaskes

[A1561] yerdes.

[A1537] yerdes.

[A1562] yerdes.

a Remnaunte conteignyng ij

a Remnaunte conteignyng iiij

Henry R

[A1537–62] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjto die marcii anno xjto.361

[A1538] a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes quarter. [A1539] yerdes.

a Remnaunte conteignyng v

[A1540] yerdes.

a Remnaunte conteignyng v

[A1541] a Remnaunte conteignyng vij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1519] a pece conteignyng xxx yerdes quarter.

White damaskes [A1542]

a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes.

[A1520] di.

a pece conteignyng viij yerdes

[A1543]

a pece conteignyng xix yerdes.

[A1521]

a pece conteignyng iij yerdes.

[A1544] a pece conteignyng xxxv yerdes iij quarters.

Summa pagine — CCiiijxx vij yerdes di quarter

f. 49v

Delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson at diuerse tymes from the xixth day of marche anno xjmo vnto the iijde day of may anno xijmo for certan apparell for diuerse gentelmen & other yeueng their attendunce opon the king at his Justes holdyn at Calais ayenst the comyng of the frenche king362 [A1563] yerdes.

Furst in Russet damaske — ix

407

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A1563–65] LM: To Richard Gibson for the kinges wayters.

[A1564] Item in yelowe damaske — iiijxx iij yerdes.

[A1574] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson vij yerdes di of yelowe sarcenet spent for half Cotes for wayters.

[A1565] Item in white damaske — lxxv yerdes iij quarters.

[A1575] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson v yerdes of grene sarcenet for half Cootes for wayters.

Henry R

Henry R

Summa partes — Clxvij yerdes iij quarters

[A1576] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richarde Gibson xxxij yerdes of sarcenet of dyuerse collours.

Summa totalis dammaskes of diuerse collors delyuerd at diuerse tymes by the kinges commaundement as herebefore writen particulerly maketh mencion a viijui die decembris anno xjmo RR H viijui vsque xxvmo diem Julii anno xijmo euisdem R363 — DCCClxv yerdes iij quarters di

[A1566] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John a Parris xv yerdes of blacke dammaske for a Frocke and a doblet for the king. [A1567] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson iiijxx x yerdes of Russet dammaske for masking garmentes made after freres facon.364 Henry R Summa — Cv yerdes

Sarcenettes of dyuerse collors delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes [A1568] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Mortemer ij yerdes of white sarcenet for Roses for vjxx Riche Cotes of rede cloth for the kinges garde. anno

viijo

vijmo

o

[A1576] LM: anno ix xviij die Julii.

368

[A1577] Item delyuerd to Hilton iij yerdes of grene sarcenet for lynyng of ij doblettes one of grene velwete ruffte & thoder of grene sarcenet Ruffte for the king. [A1577–81]

die

[A1569] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson xxxvj yerdes di of white sarcenet towardes the lynyng of xv bases & xv trappers of white velwete for xv men of armys at the Justes holden at grenewiche at Whitsontydes anno ixo.

[A1578] Item delyuerd to Hilton xxti yerdes of grene sarcenet for lynyng of two Riding Cotes and ij di Cotes of grene velwete for the king. [A1579] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement viij yerdes of grene sarcenet for lynyng of a Riding Coote for the king.

[A1570] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson ix yerdes di of blewe sarcenet for the lynyng of ij bases and ij trappers for ij men on the kinges side at [the] Justes. [A1570–75] LM: anno ixo xxviijo die Juni.367

[A1571] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson Cv yerdes di quarter of white sarcenet for the lynyng of bases and trappers & short Cootes for xxviij wayters & for Cootes for xvj Corsermen & other waiters on fote at ye said Justes. [A1572] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson vj yerdes quarter of Russet sarcenet for half Cootes for wayters. [A1573] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson vj yerdes di quarter of crimosyn sarsenet spent for half Cotes for wayters.

[A1581] Item delyuerd to Hilton xiij yerdes of grene sarcenet for lynyng of a Riding Coote of kendall with a di Cote & ij doblettes of grene saten for the king. [A1582] Item delyuerd to Hilton by ye kinges commaundement ix yerdes of crimosyn sarcenet for lynyng of ij Jaquettes of crimosyn satten for the king. [A1582–83]

LM: anno xmo xiiijo die maii.370

[A1583] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement ix yerdes of crimosyn sarcenet for lynyng of ij doblettes of Crimosyn saten for the kinges grace. Henry R C

ij lxx yerdes iij quarters di Sarcenettes

f. 50v

Sarcenettes of diuerse collors [A1584] Item delyuerd [to Hilton] by the kinges commaundement a yerde di of blak sarcenet for lynyng of a partelet of blake saten & a Cappe for the king. [A1584–90]

[A1587] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of crimosyn sarcenet for to lyne ij doblettes for the king. [A1588] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement a yerde di of grene sarcenet to lyne a hode and a partelet for the king. [A1589] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement xxij yerdes di of black sarcenet to lyne a gowne for Mr Carewe anoyer for Mr Norres & ye iijde for Poynz. [A1590] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement vij yerdes of blake sarcenet for to lyne a gowne of blacke damaske for lytelle Carrewe.

LM: anno xmo iiijto die Maii.369

[A1580] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement v yerdes of grene sarcenet for lynyng of a Jaquet of grene satten for the king.

f. 50r365

[A1568–69] LM: Februarii.366

no

Cootes thone of kendalle & thoder of grene cloth cotened for ye king.

LM: anno xmo primo die Junii.371

[A1585] Item delyuerd to Hilton by the kinges commaundement iij yerdes of whit sarcenet for lynyng of a stalkyng Cote & a Cappe for the king. [A1586] Item delyuerd to Hilton xix yerdes of grene sarcenet for the lynyng of ij

Henry R

[A1591] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson in Redde sarcenet for lynyng xij garmentes for the kinges disguysyng made ayenste the comyng of thembassadors of Fraunce the somme of iiijxx yerdes. [A1591] LM: xvijmo die augusti anno xmo.372 Henry R

[A1592] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson lx & xvj yerdes di of blewe sarcenet for the kinges riche mumrye. [A1592–94] LM: ixo die Octobris anno xmo.373

[A1593] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson lvij yerdes di of Crimosyn sarcenet for the kinges forsaid mumrye. [A1594] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson lx yerdes di of blewe sarcenet for the kinges forsaid mumrye. Henry R

[A1595] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson xliiij yerdes of yelowe sarcenet for the mumrye. [A1595–98] LM: Nouembris.374

anno

xmo

primo

die

[A1596] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson lxj yerdes iij quarters of blewe sarcenet for the kinges mumrye. [A1597] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement xxv yerdes iij quarters of grene sarcenet for the said mumrye. [A1598] Item delyuerd to Richard Gibson by the kinges commaundement xj yerdes iij quarters of white sarcenet for the said mumrye.375 Henry R C

iiij lxxiiij yerdes iij quarters

408

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

f. 51r

Taffata and sarcenettes [A1599] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson iiijxx viij yerdes of fyne brode taffeta aswell for the kinges Justes as also for his Revelles of maskelyn holden at grenewyche after the manner of Italye. [A1599–602] LM: anno xmo viijo die marcii.376

[A1600] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson vj yerdes of white sarcenet spent aboutes the forsaid busynes. [A1601] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Richard Gibson iiijxx vj yerdes of blake sarcenet spent aboutes the forsaid busynes of Justes & maskelyn at grenewyche the said tyme. [A1602] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to the forsaid Richard Gibson xlvij yerdes of yelowe sarcenet spent aboutes the kinges Justes & maskelyn & other busynes at grenewyche as may appere by Gibsons boke of declaracion of all the promisses. Henry R

Certan peces & Remnauntes of Sarcenettes Tartrons & Chamlettes of diuerse collers delyuerd by the kinges commaundement by Jamys Worsley yoman of the kinges Robes to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight master of the kinges greate warderobe for his vse anno xjmo Crimosyn Sarcenettes [A1603] a pece conteignyng xiij yerdes quarter. [A1603–14] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo.377

Grene sarcenet

Grene Chamlet

[A1611] yerdes.

a pece conteignyng xxxviij

[A1633]

[A1612]

a pece conteignyng ix yerdes.

Henry R

yelowe sarcenet [A1613] a pece conteignyng xxij yerdes. [A1614] a pece conteignyng xviij yerdes iij quarters. Henry R Summa in sarcenetes — CCiiijxx xix yerds di quarter

White sarcenet [A1615] a pece conteignyng xxiiij yerdes quarter. [A1615–33] LM: delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse xxvjo die marcii anno xjmo.378

[A1616] a pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes quarter. [A1617] a Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes di. [A1618] a Remnaunte conteignyng v yerdes di.

Blewe sarcenet [A1619] a pece yerdes iij quarters.

conteignyng

xxviij

[A1620] a pece conteignyng xxj yerdes iij quarters. [A1621] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes iij quarters. [A1622]

a pece conteignyng vij yerdes.

Tartrons of diuerse collors [A1623] a pece of blew chaungeable — vj yerdes quarter.

Russet Sarnettes

[A1625] a pece of crimosyn — viij yerdes iij quarters.

[A1605] a pece conteignyng xlv yerdes iij quarters.

[A1626] a Remnaunte of carnacion collor — vij yerdes di.

[A1607] a pece conteignyng xxvij yerdes iij quarters.

Chaungeabill sarcenet [A1608] a pece of Carnacion — xxix yerdes quarter. [A1609] a pece of Tawny — xxxviij yerdes quarter. [A1610] a pece of grene — xxij yerdes di.

— CCCCxxv yerdes iij quarters di Summa totalis in Tatrons delyuerd ut patet — xxxj yerdes quarter Summa totalis in Chamlettes delyuerd ut patet — lxij yerdes di di quarter

f. 51v

[A1624] a pece of crimosyn — viij yerdes iij quarters.

a pece conteignyng xxxj yerdes.

Summa in sarcenettes — Cxxvj yerdes iij quarters Summa in sarcenettes Tatrons — xxxj yerdes quarter Summa in chamlettes — lxij yerdes di di quarter Summa totalis of sarcenettes of diuerse collors delyuerd to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight for the kinges vse a viijmo die decembris anno xjo RR H viijui vsque xxvmo die Julii anno xijmo euisdem R379

ixC lxxij yerdes di di quarter

[A1604] a pece conteignyng iij yerdes di di quarter.

[A1606]

a pece conteignyng vij yerdes.

Corse White Chamlettes [A1627]

a pece conteignyng ix yerdes.

[A1628] a pece conteignyng ix yerdes quarter di. [A1629]

a pece conteignyng ix yerdes di.

[A1630] a pece conteignyng viij yerdes iij quarters. [A1631]

a pece conteignyng ix yerdes di.

[A1632]

a pece conteignyng ix yerdes di.

Henry R

f. 52r [A1634] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to John aparis v yerdes of blacke sarcenet for lynyng of ij staking Cootes of grene saten for ye king. [A1634–36] LM: Octobris.380

anno

xijmo

vijmo

die

[A1635] Item delyuerd to John aparis xvij yerdes of blacke dobille sarcenet for gowne for the king and for lynyng of the same gowne. [A1636] Item delyuerd to John a Paris viij yerdes of blac sarcenet for lynyng of a Frocke & a doblet of crimosyn saten paned with crimosyn tylsent for ye king. Henry R381

f. 52v [blank]382 f. 53r383

Dyaper & Lynen cloth delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at dyuerse tymes as foloweth [A1637] Item delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to William Hosier a yerde of lynen cloth for a [payr of] hose for the kinges grace. [A1637] LM: anno viijo xxmo die Februarii.384 Henry R

Certan peces of dyaper and lynen cloth delyuerd by the kinges commaundement to Syr Andrewe Wyndesore knight master of the kinges greate warderobe for the kinges vse by Jamys Worsley yoman of the kinges Robes anno xjmo Dyaper cloth [A1638] di.

a pece conteignyng xiiij yerdes

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 [A1639] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes quarter. [A1640] a pece conteignyng vj yerdes di. xxvij yerdes quarter

Braband cloth [A1641] a pece conteignyng xxx elles. [A1642] a pece conteignyng xviij yerdes.

Clxx yerdes di

Lynen cloth [A1644] di.

a pece conteignyng xviij yerdes

[A1645]

a pece conteignyng xj yerdes.

[A1646]

a pece conteignyng v yerdes.

[A1647] a pece conteignyng ix yerdes iij quarters. xliiij yerdes quarter

xx

iiij vj yerdes quarter

Corse holand cloth [A1648]

Henry R Dyaper & [. . .]

Holland cloth [A1643] a pece conteignyng xxiiij elles iij quarters.

409

a pece conteignyng xl yerdes.

Summa totalis of diaper delyuerd by the kinges commaundement at diuerse tymes for the kinges vse a viijuo die decembris anno xjmo RR H viijuo vsque xxv diem Julii anno xijmo euisdem R — [. . .] Summa totalis in lynen cloth delyuerd ut supra — [. . .] Summa totalis of holand & braband delyuerd ut supra — [. . .]

f. 53v [blank]385

Notes 1 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Mantelles’. Also stuck to the front of this folio, close to the binding edge, is a second tab with the words ‘Coronacion Robes’. While the king’s coronation robes were not listed in this document, it is possible that this tab originally belonged to BL Harley 4217. 2 20 December 1516. 3 10 August 1518. 4 24 October 1518. 5 There is a stamp on this folio with the text ‘MVSEVM BRITANNICVM’. This folio is followed by four blank folios. 6 There is a vellum tab attached to this folio with the word ‘Gownes’. 7 10 July 1517. 8 20 October 1517. 9 20 February 1518. 10 For duke. 11 23 March 1518. 12 10 August 1518 13 10 August 1518. 14 26 September 1518. 15 24 October 1518. 16 20 April 1519. 17 December 1519. 18 The reference to ‘sir William S’ may be an uncorrected error. 19 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 20 4 December 1519. 21 21 December 1519. 22 21 December 1519. 23 21 December 1519. 24 21 December 1519. 25 26 December 1519. 26 For blacke. 27 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 28 26 December 1519. 29 26 December 1519. 30 14 December 1519. 31 1 January 1520. 32 18 January 1520. 33 March 1520. 34 30 April 1520. 35 4 May 1520. 36 13 May 1520. 37 Entry 126 does not appear to be included within the bracket. 38 Or possibly Lestne. 39 23 June 1520. 40 Uncorrected duplication. 41 26 July 1520. 42 6 October 1520. 43 The rest of the date is not given. 44 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 45 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the words ‘Cootes Jaquettes Doblettes’. 46 12 July 1517. 47 20 October 1517.

48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100

The vellum tab covers some of the text. 20 February 1518. There is no heading on this folio. 20 March 1518. 29 May 1517. 10 August 1518. 26 September 1518. 24 October 1518. 18 May 1519. 1 December 1519. 30 September 1519. 1 April 1520. 18 November 1519. 30 November 1519. 27 May 1519. 30 April 1520. 30 April 1520. 4 May 1520. For syngell. 23 June 1520. This folio is followed by three blank folios. 6 October 1520. 12 January 1521. January 1521. The rest of the folio is blank. There are three blank folios after this one. There is a vellum tab attached to this folio with the word ‘Spourres’. 28 August 1518. 2 September 1518. 30 November 1519. 29 May 1519. 29 March 1520. 24 April 1520. This folio is followed by one blank folio. There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Gyrdelles’. 17 June 1520. Uncorrected duplication. This folio is followed by six blank folios. There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Coopes’. 1 January 1520. For length. This folio is followed by eleven blank folios. 20 May 1520. There is a vellum tab on this folio with the words ‘Hangynges’. 18 December 1519. 24 April 1519. 19 May 1520. This folio is followed by eight blank folios. There is no vellum tab on this folio. 12 July 1517. 1 July 1518. 30 December 1516. 26 December 1517.

410

wardrobe book of the wardrobe of the robes 1516

101 8 September 1518. 102 1 December 1520. This folio is followed by two blank folios. 103 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the words ‘Cloth of gold and of siluer’. There is a stamp with the words ‘MVSEVM BRITANNIOVM’ in red ink on this folio. 104 24 December 1516. 105 Uncorrected duplication. 106 9 May 1516. 107 24 June 1517. 108 8 July 1517. 109 8 July 1517. 110 14 December 1517. 111 For stomacher. 112 12 April 1518. 113 1 June 1518. 114 22 June 1518. 115 1 July 1518. 116 8 August 1518. 117 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 118 For themself. 119 10 August 1518. 120 For either. 121 17 August 1518. 122 Suggesting a border with a design based on the letter g. 123 17 August 1518. 124 1 September 1518. 125 7 September 1518. 126 30 September 1518. 127 1 October 1518. 128 Uncorrected duplication. 129 For edge. 130 10 October 1518. 131 22 October 1518. 132 Uncorrected duplication. 133 1 November 1518. 134 4 February 1518. 135 8 March 1519. 136 16 May 1519. 137 26 May 1519. 138 16 July 1519. 139 13 October 1519. 140 24 October 1519. 141 23 October 1519. 142 For base. 143 7 November 1519. 144 30 November 1519. 145 Uncorrected duplication. 146 8 December 1519. 147 26 March 1520. 148 26 March 1520. 149 26 March 1520. 150 26 March 1520. 151 For either lxxiiij or lxxiij. 152 26 March 1520. 153 27 April 1519. 154 April 1519. 155 February 1520. 156 19 April 1520. 157 Uncorrected duplication. 158 19 April 1520. 159 19 April 1520. 160 19 March to 3 May 1520. 161 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 162 4 May 1520. 163 8 May 1520. 164 8 May 1520. 165 22 April 1520 to 21 April 1521. 166 Uncorrected error. 167 22 April 1520 to 21 April 1521. 168 14 May 1520. 169 2 June 1520. 170 14 June 1520. 171 8 December 1519 to 25 July 1520. 172 7 October 1520. 173 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Tilsenttes’. 174 31 December 1516. 175 30 June 1517. 176 12 April 1518. 177 The inserted correction has been crossed out, along with the original error.

178 4 August 1518. 179 17 August 1518. 180 29 September 1518. 181 22 October 1518. 182 This folio is followed by five blank folios. 183 1 November 1518. 184 The sequence of dates suggests that this is an error for xjmo. 185 6 May 1518 but probably 6 May 1519. 186 18 May 1519. 187 The name of the recipient has been omitted from this entry — the context suggests that the cloth might have gone to Hilton. 188 For white. 189 22 May 1519. 190 26 May 1519. 191 26 May 1519. 192 24 October 1519. 193 16 November 1519. 194 30 November (1519?). 195 12 January 1520. 196 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 197 26 January 1520. 198 22 April 1519 to 21 April 1520. 199 26 May 1519. 200 26 March 1520. 201 26 March 1520. 202 27 April 1519. 203 April 1519. 204 19 April 1520. 205 19 March to 3 May 1520. 206 4 May 1520. 207 This folio is followed by two blank folios. 208 14 May 1520. 209 19 May 1520. 210 2 June 1520. 211 8 December 1519 to 25 July 1520. 212 4 September 1520. 213 This folio is followed by two blank folios. 214 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Baudkyns’. 215 Entry not complete and rest of folio blank. 216 Date not complete. 217 This folio is followed by six blank folios. 218 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Velvetes’. 219 2 January 1517. 220 12 February 1517. 221 12 March 1517 222 3 April 1517. 223 The sequence of the dates suggests that this should be ‘anno ixo xio die maii’. 224 9 May 1516, possibly an error for 1517. 225 24 June 1517. 226 12 July 1517. 227 18 July 1517. 228 4 November 1517. 229 Uncorrected duplication. 230 14 January 1518. 231 26 March 1518. 232 12 April 1518. 233 Uncorrected duplication. 234 For nother. 235 15 May 1518. 236 1 June 1518. 237 13 June 1518. 238 13 June 1518. 239 1 July 1518. 240 8 August 1518. 241 11 August 1518. 242 11 August 1518. 243 17 August 1518. 244 1 September 1518. 245 7 September 1518. 246 18 September 1518. 247 22 October 1518. 248 1 November 1518. 249 3 February 1519. 250 6 March 1519. 251 8 March 1519. 252 17 March 1519. 253 3 April 1519. 254 18 May 1519. 255 26 May 1519.

w a r d r o b e b o o k of the wardrobe of the robes 1516 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321

23 June 1519. Uncorrected duplication. 10 September 1519. Uncorrected error. 13 October 1519. 24 October 1519. 26 April 1516. 9 May 1516. 7 July 1517. 8 June 1518. 5 November 1519. 30 November 1519. 26 January 1520. This folio is followed by six blank folios. 26 March 1520. 26 March 1520. Uncorrected duplication. 19 March to 3 May 1520. 8 May 1520. 14 May 1520. 2 June 1520. 27 June 1520. 7 December 1519 to 25 July 1520. 6 August 1520. 7 October 1520. This folio is followed by two blank folios. 17 December 1520. The rest of the folio is blank. This folio is followed by one blank folio. There is a vellum tab attached to this folio with the word ‘Satens’. 31 December 1516. 24 June 1517. 28 June 1517. 1 July 1517. 1 July [. . .]. Uncorrected duplication. 18 July 1517. 25 October 1517. Uncorrected duplication. 4 November 1517. 4 December 1517. 3 January 1518. 6 February 1518. 26 March 1518. 12 April 1518. 15 May 1518. 1 June 1518. 13 June 1518. 4 August 1518. 17 August 1518. 17 August 1518. 17 August 1518. 19 September 1518. 1 October 1518. 22 October 1518. This folio is followed by one blank folio. 1 November 1518. 4 February 1519. 1 March 1519. 3 April 1519. For Christopher. 16 May 1519. 22 May 1519. 26 May 1519. 23 June 1519. This folio is followed by two blank folios.

411

322 16 July 1519. 323 13 October 1519. 324 13 October 1519. 325 24 October 1519. 326 2 November 1519. 327 5 November 1519. 328 7 November 1519. 329 30 November 1519. 330 30 November 1519. 331 26 March 1520. 332 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 333 26 March 1520. 334 Uncorrected duplication. 335 26 March 1520. 336 26 March 1520. 337 19 April 1520. 338 19 March to 3 May 1520. 339 19 March to 3 May 1520. 340 8 May 1520. 341 14 May 1520. 342 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 343 22 May 1520. 344 27 June 1520. 345 8 December 1519 to 25 July 1520. 346 6 August 1520. 347 4 September 1520. 348 17 December 1520. 349 This folio is followed by three blank folios. 350 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Damaskes’. 351 Uncorrected duplication. 352 28 July 1517. 353 1 October 1518. 354 28 June 1517. 355 4 August 1518. 356 5 November 1519. 357 30 November 1519. 358 30 November 1519. 359 26 March 1520. 360 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 361 26 March 1520. 362 19 March to 3 May 1520. 363 8 December 1519 to 25 July 1520. 364 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 365 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the words ‘Sarsenettes & Taffeta’. 366 7 February 1517. 367 28 June 1517. 368 18 July 1517. 369 4 May 1518. 370 14 May 1518. 371 1 January 1519. 372 17 August 1519. 373 9 October 1518. 374 1 November 1518. 375 This folio is followed by one blank folio. 376 8 March 1519. 377 26 March 1520. 378 26 March 1520. 379 8 December 1519 to 25 July 1520. 380 7 October 1520. 381 The rest of the folio is blank. 382 This folio is followed by three blank folios. 383 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the words ‘Dyaper & lynen cloth’. 384 20 February 1517. 385 This folio is followed by twelve blank folios.

The Inventory of the Wardrobe of the Robes prepared by James Worsley on 17 January 1521, edited from British Library MS Harley 4217

T

he1 boke of all the2 kynges Ryche stuf Remaignyng in his standinge Warderobe of Robes withyn the Towre of London delyuered into the sure and sauf kepynge of Jamys Worsleye anno xijmo Regni Regis Henrici viij.

[B4] Item Ermynes

f. 1r3 Memorandum4 that at the Vyewe & accompte taken by Sir Nicolas Vaux and Sir Henry Guylford knightes and commissioners appointed by the king xvijmo die Januarii anno xijmo5 Regni Regis Henrici viijui & dyd see aswell in the Warderobe of his Roobes within the towre of london as also in the warderobe of the Robes then within his manor of grenewyche clerely Remaignyng in thandes custodye & sauf kepyng of Jamys Worsley yoman of the same all thinges Recoigned accompted discharged & allowed by the Commissioners afore Rehersed a xxmo die decembris viijmo6 Regni Regis Henrici viijui vsque xvijmo diem Januarii anno xijmo euisdem domini Regis all thies percelles of riche Robes Clothes7 of gold Clothes8 of siluer Tilsenttes Veluetes satens damaskes sarcenettes Tartorns and Taffata with diuerse parcelles of riche stuf as herafter in this present boke more planely is conteigned or may appere by the particuler parcelles of the same / All whiche parcelles of stuf the foresaid commissioners viewed & founde within the forsaid warderobes accordingly as herafter in this present boke clerely is conteigned the day and yere afore Rehersed.

[B5]

Coronacion Robes of purpull Veluete for the kinge

a

Mantell

furred

with

[B14] Item a mantell of blewe veluete lyned with white dammaske.

valet CCli

lli

Parlament Robes of crimosyn veluete for ye king

Parlament Robes of crimosyn veluete yt was prince arthors

Item a kyrtell furred with meneuer.

[B6] Item meneuer.

a

Taberd

furred

with

[B7] Item a Hode & a Cappe of estate furred with ermyns. [B8] Item a Mantell furred with Ermyns. CCli

[B15] Item meneuer.

a

kyrtell

furred

with

[B16] Item meneuer.

a

Taberd

furred

with

[B17] Item a Hode & a Cappe of estate furred with meneuer. [B18] Item ermyns.

Robes of Tosande9 of Crimosyn veluete [B9] Item a Robe of Thosyn of Crimosyn Veluete Richely enbrauderd lyned with white saten with a hode to the same. Valent insummae C marx Nicholas Vaux10 Henry Guldeford11 Summa pagine — CCCClxvjli xiijs iiijd

f. 1v12

Robes of sainte George for the kinges parson [B10] Item a gowne of crimosyn veluete lyned with white dammaske. [B11] Item a Hoode to the same lyned with white dammaske. [B12] Item a mantell of blewe veluete lyned with white saten. C marx

a

mantell

furred

with Cli

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford13 Summa pagine — CCxvjli xiijs iiijd

f. 2r14

Gownes shamers frockes Mantelles & Glaudkes furred [B19] Item a Riche gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe with wide slyues damaske gold furred with pouderd ermynes — CCCCli. [B20] Item a gowne of purpull cloth of gold after baudkyn dammaske gold furred with blacke Jenettes valet Clxxli. [B21] Item a Riche gowne of cloth of gold couerd with crimosyn saten cut & set with pointes of silke & gold with a border of goldsmith werke furred with Jenettes valet CCli besides ye goldsmiths werke. [B22] Item a gowne of purpull baudkyn furred with sabullus — CCCCli.

[B2] Item a Taberd furred with menever.

Robes of sainte George that was prince Arthors

[B23] Item a shamer of Russet cloth of gold tissewe furred with sabullus valet Clxxijli.

[B3] Item a hode furred with menever & a Cappe of estate.

[B13] Item a Gowne of crimosyn veluete lyned with white dammaske.

[B24] Item a shamer of cloth of golde tissewe furred with luzardes — Cxlviijli.

[B1] Furst a kyrtell furred with menever.

414

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

[B25] Item a shamer of cloth of golde of dammaske Reysed with siluer furred with sabullus valet Cxlli.

[B39] LM: Ex to Mr Bryan anno xiijo xvjo die Februarii.23

[B53] LM: Ex to my lorde chamberlayne anno xiiijo xxvo die Februarii.30

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B54] Item a Frocke of blacke veluete enbrauderd with venis gold lyned with blacke sarcenet valet xxli.

[B26] Item a gowne of white cloth of gold of dammaske furred with sabullus valet CCCxxxvli. [B26] RM: the furre taken oute & put into a new gowne of sarsenet anno xij thoutsyde Remaynyng.15

[B27] Item a gowne of tawny cloth of golde tissewe Reysed furred with high luzardes valet CCxxxijli. [B28] Item a gowne of tawny tylsent furred with sabullus — CCCxxxli. [B29] Item a gowne of white tylsent furred with blacke Jenettes — Cxlli. [B30] Item a gowne of purpull veluete pyrled furred with sabullus valet — CCCCxxxli. [B31] Item a shamer of Russet veluete furred with sabullus with xj buttons and xj payre and one aglet of gold — xxli besides the goldsmithswerke. [B31] LM: Ex to Mr Care anno xiijo xviijo die Octobris.16

[B32] Item a gowne of crimosyn saten furred with sabullus sett with viij Roses of diamoundes and x payre of aglettes of golde valet CCCli besidis ye goldsmith werke.

[B33] Item a gowne of Russet dammaske welted with russet weluete17 furred with blacke conye valet vjli.

Summa pagine — Ml Ml Ml DCCClxxijli xiijs iiijd

f. 2v

Gownes shamers frockes clokes glaudkyns & mantelles lyned [B40] Item a Cloke of crimosyn veluete with a border of cloth of gold wrought in the stole lyned with blacke saten — lxli. [B41] Item a gowne of white cloth of golde tissewe damaske gold lyned with cloth of siluer valet Clli.

[B38] Item a gowne of blacke veluete furred with bugie set with x buttons of gold valet xxvjli vjs viijd besides the

[B56] LM: Ex to Gonston anno xiiijo iiijo die Junii.33

[B57] LM: Ex to Therle of Anguysshe mensis Julii anno xvjo.34

[B43] LM: Ex to my lorde of Warmonde24 anno xiiijo xijo die Augustii.25

[B58] Item a gowne of crimosyn saten lyned with cloth of gold of baudkyn valet lli.

[B44] Item a Frocke of white tylsent lyned with white sarcenet — xxvjli xiijs iiijd.

[B58] LM: Ex to Edward Bullayn anno xiiijo xxiijo die Julii.35

[B44] LM: Ex to my lorde of devonshire Mensis Nouembris anno xvo.26

[B45] Item a gowne of purpull tylsent lyned with purpull saten — lli. [B45] LM: Ex to Sir Thomas Boleyn anno xiiijo iiijo die Junii.27

[B47] Item a gowne of grene veluete lyned with grene saten — xxli.

[B37] Item a gowne of blacke saten furred with sabullus — CCCli.

[B56] Item a mantell of blacke veluete lyned with blacke saten — xviijli.

[B43] Item a mantell of white tilsent lyned with grene cloth of gold tissewe valet Cxxli.

[B34] Item a shamer of blacke veluete welted with iij weltes of the same furred with sabullus — xxli.

[B36] Item a gowne of russet veluete furred with luzardes set with x buttons of gold valet lli besides the goldsmiths werke.

[B55] LM: Ex to Master Care mensis Nouembris anno xvo.32

[B57] Item a gowne of crimosyn saten lyned with purpull cloth of gold tissewe with rufte slyves valet Clxvjli xiijs iiijd.

[B46] Item a gowne of crimosyn veluete lyned with white cloth of golde valet lxli.

[B35] Item a night gowne of russet veluete furred with sabullus — xlli.

[B55] Item a Frocke of purpull veluete enbrauderd with venys gold lyned with sarcenet valet xxiiijli.

[B42] Item a shorte Frocke of crimosyn cloth of gold of tissewe lyned with sarcenet valet lxli.

[B33] LM: Ex to Rauf Worsley anno xiijo xviijo Octobris.18

[B34] LM: Ex to Mr Wyse anno xijo viijo die Februarii19 and ye the furre put into a shamer of blake saten anno xijo xijo die Marcii.20 Ex to Jamys Worsley anno xiiijo and the sabullus put into a newe gowne of Russet veluete anno xvo.21

[B54] LM: Ex to yonge Bullayn anno xiiijo xxvo die Februarii.31

[B47] LM: Ex to therle of Kent anno xiijo xiiijo die Marcii.28

[B48] Item a glaudkyn of purpull veluete opon veluete pyrled lyned with yelowe cloth of golde of baudkyn — iiijxx li.

[B59] Item a Frocke of blacke saten enbrauderd lyned with sarcenet valet xvjli. [B59] LM: Ex to Mr Russell anno xiijo xvjo die Februarii.36

[B60] Item a gowne of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lyned with cloth of siluer tylsent with dropes valet Cxxvjli. [B61] Item a gowne of white playne cloth of golde lyned with purpull veluete valet lxli. [B61] LM: Ex to the greate aneylle anno xijo viijo die Februarii.37

[B62] Item a dobyll Clooke of blacke cloth of golde of dammaske lyned with cloth of siluer valet iiijxx xijli. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B49] Item a gowne of purpull veluete pyrled with ruft slyves lyned with white tylsent valet Cli. [B50] Item a mantell of grene veluete lyned with grene saten of the spanisshe faccon valet xxli. [B50] LM: Ex to Mr Wyse anno xiijo viijo die Februarii.

[B51] Item a Cloke of crimosyn veluete opon veluete edged with cloth of gold lyned with crimosyn saten — xlli.

goldsmithes werke.

[B52] Item a gowne of blake veluete lyned with blacke saten — xvijli.

[B38] LM: Ex to Master Compton mensis Nouembris anno xv.22

[B52] LM: Ex to Mr Wallop anno xiijo xvjo die Februarii.29

[B39] Item a gowne of blacke veluete furred with bugie — xiijli vjs viijd.

[B53] Item a gowne of crimosyn veluete lyned with cloth of siluer — liijli.

Summa pagine — Ml CCCiiijxx jli vjs viijd

f. 3r

Gownes shamers frockes clookes glaudkyns and mantelles lyned [B63] Item a doubill Clooke of blacke tylsent lyned with blacke cloth of gold of dammaske valet iiijxx li. [B64] Item a spanishe Cloke of blacke tylsent lyned with cloth of gold valet lxli. [B64] LM: Ex to Hanyball Themperors seruant mensis Julii anno xvo.38

[B65] Item a mantell of blacke cloth of gold after baudkyn lyned with russet tylsent valet iiijxx li.

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 [B66] Item a gowne of brode taffata welted with iij weltes of blacke veluete lyne with the same taffata — viijli. [B66] LM: Ex to Master Tyler mensis Julii anno xvo.39

[B67] Item a Frocke of blacke veluete welted with blacke saten lyned with blacke saten set with xix payr of aglettes & one — xiij li vjs viijd besides the goldsmith werke. o

[B67] LM: Ex to Mr Carewe anno xiij xviij die Octobris with aglettes & all.40

o

[B68] Item a gowne of purpull veluete lyned with white tissewe yeuen to the king by the frenche king anno xijmo — Cx li.

syngle valet xvjli besides ye goldsmiths werke. [B79] LM: Ex to Mr Amadas the goldsmythes werke per Indenture anno xvjo.49

[B80] Item a night gowne of russet veluete single valet xiijli. [B81] Item a shamer of crimosyn saten cutt opon cloth of gold lozenge wyse and hemmed with cloth of gold single — xlli. [B82] Item a shamer of blacke saten cutt opon cloth of gold lozenge wyse valet xxxli. [B82] LM: Ex to Mr Care anno xiijo xiiijo die Marcii.50

[B68] LM: Ex to my lorde Morles mensis Septembris anno xvo.41

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B69] Item a Cloke of tissewe lyned with purpull cloth of gold of damaske yeuen to the king by the frenche king anno xijmo — Cxlli.

Summa pagine — DCCCiiijxx vjli

[B70] Item a shamer of cloth of tissewe lyned with cloth of gold of dammaske welted with white cloth of tissewe yeuen to the king by the frenche king anno xijmo Regni Regis Henric viijui — C iiijxx li. [B71] Item a Frocke of blacke veluete & cloth of gold tissewe lyned with purpull sarcenet youen to the king by the frenche king set with xxiiij payre of aglettes of gold — xlli besides the goldsmiths werke. [B71] LM: Ex to Mr Carewe anno xiijo xvjo die Februarii with aglettes & all.42

[B72] Item a Frocke of crimosyn veluete tylsent & crimosyn saten paned lyned with blacke sarcenet valet xlli. [B72] LM: Ex to bastarde Faulconbridge anno xiiijo xxvo die Februarii.43

f. 3v

Gownes shamers frockes clokes glaudkyns & mantelles lyned [B83] Item a Frocke of blacke saten furred with sabullus. [B83] LM: anno xiijo xxiiijo die Augustii.51 [B83] LM: Memorandum the Furre putte into a gowne of russet veluete anno xvmo and the Frocke of blake saten Ex to Rauf Worsley anno xvo xiiijo die Decembris.52

[B84] Item a Gowne of taffata welted with iij weltes of blacke veluete Furred with sabullus. [B84–85]

LM: anno xiijo xvjo die Februarii.53

[B85] Item a Shamer of blacke crimosyn tylsent dammask golde doubyll welted furred with luzardes.

415

[B91–98] LM: anno xiiijmo iijo die Januarii.58 [B91] LM: Ex to monsir Sha a spanyerd anno xvmo xiiijo die Decembris.59

[B92] Item a Gowne of blake veluete furred with bugie borderd with a brode border of blake saten. [B92] LM: Ex to Sir Richard Cornwall anno xvjo xiiijo die Decembris.60

[B93] Item a Gowne of blake saten furred with luzardes with a border of blake veluete. [B94] Item a Shamer of blake veluete furred with sabullus borderd with vj borders of blake saten. [B95] Item a Shamer of blake saten furred with luzardes borderd with vj borders of blake veluete. [B96] Item a Cloke of sabullus lyned with redde sarcenet & bokeram. [B96] LM: Memorandum that the fure of sabullus was leyd into ye gowne of purpull veluete purled agenst anno xvo / folio primo.61

[B97] Item a frenche Cloke of tawny tylsent lyned with blake veluete. [B98] Item a dobell mantell of blake veluete borderd full of borders of the same lyned with blake saten. [B99] Item a Frocke of blacke veluete with ij crestes of the same furred with blake coneys. [B99–103] LM: anno xvmo xxviij die Maii.62

[B100] Item a night gowne of russet veluete furred with sabullus. [B101] Item a Gowne with blake veluete with a rounde cape lyned with blake saten with ij borgonyon gardes of the same.

[B73] Item a Frocke of russet veluete lyned with sarcenet valet xli.

[B86] Item a Gowne of blake veluete with brode borders of the same furred with blake bugie.

[B73] LM: Ex to John Copynger anno xiijo xiiijo die Marcii.44

[B86–90]

Gownes and shamers syngle

[B86] LM: Ex to Mr Russell anno xiiijo xiijo die Augustii.55

[B74] Item a night gowne of blacke veluete single of P. A.45 — xxli.

[B87] Item a Gowne of blake veluete with ij borders lyned with blacke saten.

[B103] Item a Gowne of blake veluete with a high coller lyned with blake saten with ij burgonyon gardes of blake veluete.

[B75] Item a slyue of a gowne of crimosyn veluete opon veluete.46

[B87] LM: Ex to my lorde Leonard anno xiiijmo primo die Januarii.56

[B103] LM: Ex to master Buttler mensis Julii anno xvo.63

[B76] Item a gown of blacke saten welted with blacke veluete — Cxiijs iiijd.

[B88] Item a Gowne of tawny veluete lyned with tawny saten.

[B77] Item a lynyng of blacke saten that was in a gowne.47

[B88] LM: Ex to Sir William Hussey mensis Septembris anno xvo.57

[B104] Item a Gowne of taffata crested with iij crestes of blake veluete and lyned with blake veluete.

[B77] RM: Remaynyng in Hiltons handes.

[B89] Item a mantell of cloth of siluer chekerd with borders of the same lyned with cloth of siluer.

[B105] Item a Gowne of tawny taffata lyned with tawny veluete and crested with iij crestes of tawny veluete.

[B90] Item a Gowne of white cloth of tissewe lyned with tylsent.

[B105] LM: Extra the lynyng to Sir Jamys Worseley knight.

[B91] Item a spanyshe Cloke of blake veluete lyned with blake sarcenet.

[B105] RM: Memorandum newe furred with luzardes Anno xvjo the lynyng Remaynyng.65

[B78] Item an olde gowne of purpull veluete syngle that was king Henry the vijth.48 [B79] Item a gowne of white dammaske paned with white cloth of siluer enbrauderd with goldsmithes werke

LM: anno xiiijo xxvjo die Julii.54

[B102] Item a Cloke of frenche blacke lyned with blake saten and crested with iij crestes of blake saten.

[B104–10] LM: anno xvo viijo die octobris.64

416

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

f. 4r

Gownes shamers frockes clokes glaudkyns & mantelles lyned

coller weltyd with iij weltys of blak veluet.70 [B122]

LM: mensis decembris anno xvijo.71

[B106–10] LM: die & anno proscripto.

[B123] Item a gowne of Tawny Taffata furred with luzardys garded with ij burgonion gardys of tawny veluet with viij Buttons and vj payer of Agglettes of gold.

[B107] Item a spanisshe Cloke of blake taffata lyned with blake veluete and crestyd with iij crestes of blake veluete.

[B124] Item a froke of blak dammaske furred with blak Budgy garded and welted with blak veluet.

[B108] Item a Gowne of blake veluete lyned with blake satten with ij burgonyon gardes of blake veluete.

[B125] Item a mantell of blake Frisado garded with Blak veluet the Cape tyed with viij payer of Smalle Agglettes.

[B109] Item a mantell of purpull frisado lyned with purpull veluete & borderd with ij borders of purpull veluete.

[B126] Item a froke of Blak Satten furred with Blak conny garded and weltyd with Blak veluet.

[B110] Item a nyght Gowne of blake veluete furred with blake conye.

f. 4v72

[B106] Item a Gowne of russet taffata lyned with russet veluete crested with iij crestes of russet veluete.

[B110] LM: Ex to mistres Care mensis Octobris anno xvmo.66

[B111] Item a Cloke of blake saten with ij borgonyon gards of blake veluete lyned with blake sarcenet & white felte.

Gownes shamers Frockys Clokis and Mantellis lyned [B127] Item a froke of Russet Satten furred with blak conny garded and welted with Russet veluet.

[B111–15] LM: anno xvjmo iiijto die maii.67

[B127] LM: Extra to Sir Edward Darell the xxix die decembris anno xvijo.73

[B112] Item a Cloke of blake saten borderd with ij borders & an egge68 of blake veluete lyned with blake sarcenet.

[B128] Item a frok of Blake Satten lyned with felte and blak Sarcenet.

[B113] Item a Gowne of blake veluete borderd with ij borders of blake saten furred with blake bugie. [B114] Item a Gowne of blake dammaske welted with blake veluet furred with blake bugie. [B115] Item a Gowne of blake saten egged with blake veluete furred with sabullus. [B116] Item a Gowne of blake dammaske welted with iij weltes of blake veluete furred with blake bugie. [B116–21] LM: anno xvjo viijo die Februarii.69

[B117] Item a Gowne of Russet dammaske welted with iij weltes of Russet veluete furred with blake bugie. [B118] Item a Gowne of purpull saten borderd with iij borders of purpull veluete furred with luzardes. [B119] Item a Shamer of white syluer & blake tylsent paned and welted furred with sabullus. [B120] Item a Gowne of purpull cloth of gold tissue furred with Jenettes. [B121] Item a Shamer of blake saten borderd with iij borders of blake veluete furred with sabullus. [B122] Item A gowne of blake dammaske furred with blak Budgy with a high

[B129] Item a Cloke of Blake Satten weltid with iij weltis of Blak veluet lyned with felt and blake Sarcenet. [B130] Item a Clooke of Russet Satten welted with iij weltis of Russet veluet lyned with felte and blak Sarcenet. [B131] Item a Shamer of purple veluet furred with luzardys weltid with the same the vpper slevis and forslevys sett with xlvj Trayfullis of pearlis Sett in gold and oon euery trayfoile v pearlis and xvj other Trayfullis of pearlis Sett in gold and in euery trayfull iij pearlys and on diamounde in the middys of euery trayfull one Pearle lacking byfore they came into the warderobe.

[B137] Item a cloke of wolvis Skynnes lyned with blak Satten with twoo Bukkelles and pendauntes of golde geven to the kinges grace by my lorde Sandys. [B138] Item a cloke of violett frisado garded with purple veluet the cape tyed with vj flatte Agglettes of golde. [B139] Item a Spaynisshe cloke of Blak Frisado with a Border of Goldesmythis worke geven by the Quenes grace to the king.74 f. 5r75

Cotes and Jaquettes furred for wynter [B140] Item a Cote of russet veluete garded with russet saten and furred with Conye valet xiijli vjs viijd. [B140] LM: Ex to Jamys Worsley anno xiijo xiiijo die Januarii.76

[B141] Item a Jaquet of Russet veluete furred with conye — viijli xiijs iiijd. [B141] LM: Ex to Rauf Worsley anno xiiijo primo die Januarii.77

[B142] Item a Jaquet of russet veluete edged with cloth of gold furred with bugie valet viijli. [B143] Item a di Cote of vlffes78 skynnes with slyves lyned with blacke saten valet vjli xiijs iiijd. [B143] LM: Ex to Mr Care anno xvo xiiijo die decembris.79

[B144] Item a Jaquet of russet saten furred with conye valet Cs. [B144] LM: Ex to Mr Mevymar anno xiiijo xiiijo Januarii.80

Cotes and Jaquettes Lyned for somer [B145] Item a iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blake valet iiijli.

[B132] Item A gowne of purple cloth of golde Tyssue furred with Sabulles the slevis sett with xxvij payer of Agglettes of golde and xxvij small Buttons of gold.

[B146] Item a litell iiij quarterd Jaquet of purpull cloth of gold of dammaske lyned with blacke saten valet iiijli.

[B133] Item a nyght gowne of blak dammaske furred with blak budge.

[B147] Item a Cote thone half of cloth of gold and thoder half of blewe veluete Richely garnissed with hawthornes and lettres of plate of gold valet xxijli besides ye

[B134] Item a Shamer of purple veluet pirled furred with blake Budge with xx payer of Smalle wrethen Agglettes and xxiiij Smalle Buttons of golde weltid with iij weltys of cloth of Siluer.

goldsmiths werke. [B147] LM: Ex to Mr Amadas ye goldsmythes werke per Indenture anno xvjo.81

[B135] Item a gowne of Blak Taffata Bordered with blak veluet lyned with Taffata.

[B148] Item a litell shorte iiij quarterd Jaquet of crimosyn veluete opon veluete lyned with blacke sarcenet valet xls.

[B136] Item a gowne of grene Sarcenet lyned with the same weltid with iij Weltis of grene veluet.

[B149] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn veluete opon veluete lyned with saten valet xiijli vjs viijd.

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 [B150] Item a Base for an armyng Cote with di slyues of veluete cutte with lettres and vndre with cloth of gold — xijli.

[B164] Item a Jaquet of blacke veluete with di slyves enbrauderd with cloth of gold lyned with blacke saten — xxxli.

[B151] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn veluete cutte opon cloth of gold richely enbrauderd with goldsmyth werke lyned with crimosyn saten valet xxxli besides ye

[B165] Item a Jaquet of grene veluete & grene tylsent paned — xli.

goldsmithes werke. [B151] LM: Ex to Mr Amadas ye goldsmythes werke per Indenture anno xvjo.82

[B152] Item a Cote of russet saten enbrauderd lyned with Russet sarcenet valet xxli.

[B166] Item a Cote of russet veluete enbrauderd with venis golde lyned with russet sarcenet — xvjli. [B166] LM: Ex to my Lorde Lysle menis anno xvo / in Julii.88

[B167] Item a Jaquet of purpull saten enbrauderd lyned with saten — xxxli.

[B153] Item a lytelle partelet of tawny saten lyned with sarcenet.

[B167] LM: Ex to the greate anneylle anno xijo viijo die Februarii.89

[B154] Item a lytelle partelet of crimosyn saten.

[B168] Item a Riding Cote of crimosyn saten cut opon clothe of golde of baudkyn lyned with crimosyn sarcenet welted with many weltes of cloth of gold — xlli.

[B155] Item a lytelle partelet of tawnye saten. s 83

valet xx

[B156] Item a lytell Cloke of scarlet lyned with blacke saten borderd with of gold valet vjli xiijs iiijd. [B157] Item a Jaquet of white dammaske garnisshed with goldsmyth werke valet xli. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa pagine — Clxvjli

f. 5v84

Cotes and Jaquettes lyned [B158] Item a Jaquet of purpull cloth of gold tissewe newe couerd with siluer tissewe lyned with purpull saten tyed with [. . . .] aglettes of gold valet iiijxx li besides ye goldsmithes werke.

[B159] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe enbrauderd with white cloth of siluer lyned with crimosyn saten — lxxvli. [B160] Item a Jaquet of cloth of gold of damaske couerd with crimosyn veluete enbrauderd and cutt opon the same lyned with crimosyn saten valet xxvjli xiijs iiijd. [B161] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd lyned with saten — xxiiijli. [B161] LM: Ex to Sir Robert Wyngfeld anno xiijo iij die Aprilis.85

[B162] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn veluete opon veluete enbrauderd lyned with saten valent86 xxvijli. [B162] LM: Ex to Sir Thomas Bullayn anno xiiijo xxiijo die Julii.87

[B163] Item a Jaquet of purpull veluete Richely set with perles & goldsmythes werke cut opon cloth of gold lyned with purpull saten valet xxijli besides the perles and goldsmithes werke.

[B168] LM: Ex to Mr Carewe anno xiijo iiijo die Aprilis.90

[B169] Item a Riding Cote of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe newe clocked at guysnys with cloth of siluer tissewe lyned with blacke saten valent91 Cxlli. [B170] Item a Cote of blacke veluete tissewe lyned with blake saten — iiijxx xvjli. [B171] Item a Cote of crimosyn tissewe and blake tylsent lyned with blake saten valet lxxli. [B172] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn tissewe clocked with siluer tilsent with dropes lyned with blacke saten valet iiijxxli. [B173] Item a Jaquet of blacke cloth of siluer welted with cloth of gold — xxxli. [B173] LM: Ex to Mr Bryan anno xiijo primo die Junii.92

[B174] Item a Cote of white siluer tissewe newe couerd at guisnes with cloth of gold of siluer tissewe lyned with purpull saten — CCli. [B175] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn tylsent couerd with crimosyn saten lyned with blake saten valet xxvjli xiijs iiijd. [B175] LM: Ex to Mr Norres anno xiijo iiijto die Aprilis.93

[B176] Item a Jaquet with di slyves of cloth of gold tissewe Reysed with damaske siluer lyned with white saten — Cijli. [B177] Item a Jaquet of siluer tissewe newe clocked at guysnes with crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blacke saten — Cijli. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa pagine — Ml CCxxvijli vjs viijd

417

f. 6r

Cotes and Jaquettes lyned [B178] Item a Jaquet of purpull veluete with spangelles of gold smythes werke paned with cloth of siluer reysed with dammaske golde lyned with blake saten valet lviijli besides the goldsmithes werke. [B179] Item a Jaquet of blacke tylsent lyned with blacke saten — xxli. [B180] Item a Jaquet of blacke damaske cloth of siluer & blacke tylsent paned & doubill welted with the same lyned with blacke saten — xxiiijli. [B181] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blacke saten valet lxxiiijli. [B182] Item a Jaquet of tawny cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blacke saten valet lli. [B183] Item a Jaquet of cloth of siluer tylsent with dropes lyned with blacke saten valet xxli. [B184] Item a Jaquet of white cloth of siluer tissewe lyned with blacke saten valet lxxli. [B185] Item a Jaquet of cloth of siluer tissewe lyned with blake saten valet xlli. [B185] LM: Ex to Laco themperors seruant anno xiiijo xo die Julii.94

[B186] Item a riding Cote of russet tylsent and crimosyn cloth of gold lyned with violet saten — xlli. [B186] LM: Ex to Vise Roye of Naples seruant mensis Julii anno xvo.95

[B187] Item a Riding Cote of cloth of gold carnacion collor & clothe of siluer lyned with purpull saten valet xlli. [B187] LM: Ex to Cezar Master themperors horse anno xiiijo xo die Julii.96

of

[B188] Item a Cote of blacke veluete lyned with sarcenet — vjli xiijs iiijd. [B188] LM: Ex to Mr Compton anno xiijo iiijo die Aprilis.97

Cotes and Jaquettes syngle [B189] Item a Jaquet of crimosyn cloth of gold of dammaske syngle valued at vjli. [B190] Item ij fore quarters and ij slyues of crimosyn cloth of gold of tissewe for a Jaquet — iiijli. [B191] Item iij Jaquettes of white & grene saten of bruges syngle for the kinges garde valet lxs. [B192] Item half a Cote of purpull veluete pyrled lyned with saten — xli.

418

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

Dobblettes of diuerse makynges [B193] Item a doublet of crimosyn veluete cut opon clothe of gold richely enbrauderd with goldsmythes werke lyned with crimosyn sarcenet with hose to the same — Cs besides the goldsmithes werke. [B193] LM: Ex to Mr Amadas ye goldsmythes werke per Indenture anno xvjo.98

[B194] Item a doublet of cloth of gold of damaske couerd with crimosyn veluete enbrauderd cutt opon ye same lyned with sarcenet with hose to the same — xiijli vjs viijd. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa pagine — CCCCiiijxx [. . .] 99

f. 6v

yet doblettes [B195] Item a doblet of purpull cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blacke saten couerd with siluer tissewe cut & edged with siluer tissewe with hose to the same — xlixli. [B196] Item a doblet of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe enbrauderd with white cloth of siluer lyned with crimosyn sarcenet — xxxvijli. [B197] Item a doblet of white tylsent lyned with white sarcenet with hose to the same — vjli xiijs iiijd. [B197] LM: Ex to sir William Kingstone anno xiiijo vjo die Maii.100

[B198] Item a doblet of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd lyned with scarlet with hose to the same — xiijli xiijs iiijd. [B198] LM: Ex to sir Robert Wyngfeld anno xiijo iiijo die aprilis.101

[B199] Item a doblet of crimosyn veluete opon veluete enbrauderd lyned with sarcenet with hose to the same — xvijli. [B199] LM: Ex to sir Thomas Bullayn anno xiiijo xxiijo die Julii.102

[B200] Item a doblet of blacke veluete enbrauderd tufte with fyne lynen cloth lyned with blacke saten with hose to the same — vjli xiijs iiijd. [B200] LM: Ex to yonge Bullayn anno xiiijo xxiijo Julii.103

[B201] Item a doblet of blacke veluete enbrauderd lyned with blacke saten and tufte with lynen cloth cut in panes tyed togeders with CC perles set in gold ouer & aboue lij perles delyuerd to the kinges owne handes by Mr Wyse anno xijo — xijli besides the goldsmithes werke & perles. [B201] LM: delyuerd by Mr Worsley to the kinges owne handes the CC perles set in golde in Januarii anno xijo.104

[B202] Item a doblet of blacke veluete enbrauderd lyned with fustian the coller slyves and handes lyned with blacke sarcenet with hose to the same — Cvjs viijd. [B202] LM: Ex to master Russell anno xijo iiijo die Aprilis.105

[B203] Item a doblet of purpull veluete enbrauderd with venis gold tufte with lynen cloth lyned with saten with hose to the same valued at viijli. [B203] LM: Ex to master Care anno xvo ijdo die decembris.106

[B204] Item a doblet of russet veluete enbrauderd with venis gold tufte with lynen cloth lyned with fustyan with hose to the same valued at vjli. [B204] LM: Ex to my Lorde Lysle mensis July anno xvo.107

[B205] Item a doblet of purpull saten enbrauderd lyned with scarlet with hose to the same — xijli. [B205] LM: Ex to the greate aneyle anno xijo viijo die Februarii.108

[B206] Item a doblet of blake saten enbrauderd with venis gold lyned with blake sarcenet with hose to the same — vjli.

[B212] Item a doblet of purpull veluete set with spangelles of goldsmythes werke paned with cloth of siluer reysed with damaske gold lyned with blake saten with hose to the same — xxli besides ye goldsmithes werke.

[B213] Item a doblet of blake tilsent lyned with blake saten set with xlj payre of aglettes and lj buttons of gold with hose & [. . .] — xli besides ye goldsmithes werke. [B214] Item a doblet of blake damaske cloth of siluer & blacke tylsent lyned with blake saten with hose to the same — xli. [B215] Item a doblet of blake damaske cloth of siluer lyned with blake saten with [. . . .] small agletts of gold — xli. [B215] LM: Ex to Mr Bryan anno xiijo primo die Junii / with the aglettes of gold.111

[B216] Item a doblet of crimosyn tylsent couerd with crimosyn saten with [. . . .] small aglettes of gold lyned with saten — xijli. [B216] LM: Ex to Henry Norres anno xiijo iiijo die aprilis ye aglettes Remaynyng with officers.112

[B217] Item a doblet of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blake saten with hose to [the] same — xxxvjli.

[B206] LM: Ex to Mr Guyfford anno xiiijo iiijo die aprilis / & the hose to Rauf Worsely.109

[B217] LM: Ex to Mr Gifford anno xiiijo primo die Januarii.113

[B207] Item a doblet of crimosyn saten enbrauderd lyned with white sarcenet with hose to the same — xijli.

[B218] Item a doblet of tawny cloth of gold tissewe lyned with blake saten with hose to the same — xxli.

[B208] Item a doblet of russet saten garded with scrole werke with hose to the same — xxli.

[B219] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer tylsent with dropes lyned with blake saten with hose to the same — xli.

[B209] Item a doblet of cloth of gold tissewe reysed with damaske siluer lyned with blacke saten with hose to the same — xliiijli.

[B219] LM: Ex to master Cornishe anno xiiijo xxvo die Februarii.114

[B210] Item a doblet of siluer tissewe couerd with clothe of gold siluer tissewe lyned with blake saten with xv syphirs and iiij payre of aglettes of gold with hose to the same — lx li besides ye goldsmithes werke. [B210] LM: delyuerd by James Worsley to the kinges owne hande the xv syphers and iiij payre of aglettes of gold anno xiiijo xiiijo die Januarii.110 Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa pagine — CCCxvli vjs viijd

f. 7r

[B220] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer tissewe lyned with blake saten with hose to the same — xxli. [B221] Item a doblet of white siluer tissewe lyned with blake saten with hose to the same — xvjli. [B222] Item a doblet of blake tylsent garded lyned with purpull saten & cameryke with hose to ye same of thamayn115 facion — xijli. [B222] LM: Ex to Mr Norre xijo die Augustii anno xiiijo.116

[B223] Item a doblet of blake cloth of gold after baudkyn garded with the same lyned with Russet saten & camerke — xli.

yet dobblettes

[B223] LM: Ex to my Lorde of Devon mensis Nouembris anno xvo.117

[B211] Item a doblet of crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe paned with tilsent siluer dropes lyned with blake saten with hose to the same valet xxxijli.

[B224] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer & russet tylsent lyned with russet saten & cameryke with hose to the same of thalmayn faccon — xli.

419

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 [B224] LM: Ex to master Care anno xvo ijde die decembris.118

[B225] Item a doblet of white tissewe with a high collor welted with cloth of gold tissewe tyed with white paris aglettes yeuen to the king by the frenche king anno xijmo — xvli. [B225] LM: Ex to Laco themperors seruant anno xiiijo xo die Julii.119

[B226] Item a doblet of cloth of gold tissewe & cloth of siluer tissewe paned tyed with white paris aglettes youen to the kinges grace by the frenche king anno xijmo — xxvjli xiijs iiijd.

f. 7v

[B233–35] LM: anno xijmo xvjmo die marcii. [B233] LM: Ex to yonge Bullayn mensis Nouembris anno xvo.126

[B234] Item a doblet of cloth of gold after baudkyn lyned with canvas cameryke and blacke saten. [234] LM: Ex to yonge Bullayn mensis Nouembris anno xvo.127

[B235] Item a Jaquet of blacke veluete lyned with blacke sarcenet. o

[B235] LM: Ex to William Rolte anno xiij primo die Junii.128

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B236] Item a Jaquet of blacke veluete lyned with tuke.

Summa pagine — CClxixli xiijs iiijd

[B236–37] LM: anno xiijo xxiiijo die augustii.129

120

yet dobblettes [B227] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer the placard & foreslyves richely enbrauderd with paris aglettes youen to the king by the frenche king anno xijmo — xxli besides ye aglettes. [B228] Item a doblet of blake veluete enbrauderd with venis gold drawen with lynen cloth set with Clxxix perles of a sorte of a sorte121 with hose to the same — xli besides ye perles. [B228] LM: delyuerd by Mr Worsley Clxxix perles to the kinges owne handes xxiiijo die Januarii anno xijo.122

[B229] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer the placard & foreslyues Richely enbrauderd set with pares aglettes youen to the kinges grace by the frenche king anno xijmo — xx li besides ye aglettes. [B230] Item a doblet of crimosyn saten welted with crimosyn tylsent with hose to the same — vjli. [B230] LM: Ex to bastarde Faulconbridge anno xiiijo xxvo die Februarii.123

[B231] Item iij doblettes of white tylsent lyned with fustian with hose to the same — xxxli. [B231] LM: Ex to arthor poulle one & a nother to an Iryssheman anno xiijo iiijo die aprilis124 and the iijde to my lorde of devon mensis Nouembris anno xvo.125

[B236–37] LM, RM: Vac hic for ye yoman of ye Robes wilnot be charged with Cote Jaquet nor doblet of veluete nor of saten excepte they be Richely enbrauderd with golde or siluer by yis boke but onely by ye boke of warauntes.

[B237] Item a Jaquet of blacke veluete lyned with blake sarcenet. [B238] Item a Jaquet of tawny tylsent damaske welted with tawny veluete lyned with coton and ouer with sarcenet. [B238] LM: Ex to John Darell anno xiijo iiijo die aprilis.130

f. 8r

[B244] LM: Ex to Henry Norres anno xiijo xviijo die Julii.133

[B245] Item a doubled134 of blacke tylsent welted with iij weltes of blake veluete lyned with fustian. [B245–49] LM: Februarii.135

anno

xiijo

xvjo

die

[B245] LM: Ex to Mr Bryan anno xvo primo die decembris.136

[B246] Item a doublet of crimosyn saten enbrauderd lyned with blacke saten. [B247] Item a doublet of cloth of siluer lyned with blacke saten. [B248] Item a Riding Cote of blake tylsent couerd with grey cloth all the cote welted with tylsent lyned with sarcenet. [B249] Item a Coote of blake veluete & blake tylsent full of weltes of the same lyned with sarcenet. [B249] LM: Ex to master Bryand anno xvo ijde die decembris.137

[B250] Item a Riding Cote of blake veluete lyned with sarcenet welted with the same and tufted after thalmayn faccon. [B250–60] LM: anno xiiijmo xxvjto die Julii.138

[B251] Item a Riding Cote with slyves of blake veluete crested & welted with the same.

yet doblettes & Jaquetes

[B251] LM: Ex to John Copynger anno xiiijmo xijmo die augusti.139

[B239] Item a doblet of crimosyn saten welted with crimosyn veluete lyned with canvas cambrike and sarcenet.

[B252] Item a shorte Cote of blake veluete with slyves crested & welted with the same.

[B239–44] LM: Augustii.131

anno

xiijo

xxiiijo

die

[B239–42] LM: vac hic qz. [B239–42] RM: The yoman of ye Robes wylnot be charged by this boke with nomaner Cote Jaquet nor doblet of veluete playne nor of saten excepte they be richely enbrauderde but onely by ye boke of warauntes.

[B240] Item a doblet of blacke saten welted with blacke veluete lyned with canvas cambrike and sarcenet. [B241] Item a doblet of blacke saten lyned with canvas & sarcenet. [B242] Item a doblet of blacke saten lyned with canvas & sarcenet.

[B232] Item a doblet of blake veluete the placard & foreslyues tuffed with lynen cloth enbrauderd with damaske golde lyned with sarsenet youen to the king anno xijmo — xxli.

[B243] Item a doblet of tawny tylsent damaske lyned with canvas & sarcenet welted with tawny veluete.

[B233] Item a Cote of crimosyn cloth of gold after baudkyn doubill lyned with white saten and blacke saten.

[B244] Item a doblet of tawny tylsent damaske welted with tawny veluete lyned with canvas and sarcenet.

[B243] LM: Ex to John Darell anno xiijo iiijo die Aprilis.132

[B252] LM: Ex to Rauf Worsley anno xvo xiiijo die decembris.140

[B253] Item a Cote panyd with clothe of golde of baudkyn & crimosyn saten lyned with sarcenet. [B254] Item a Cote of tawny tylsent crested with tawny saten lyned with blake sarcenet. [B254] LM: Ex to Sir Edwarde Guylford mensis Julii anno xvo.141

[B255] Item a Riding Cote of white tissewe & blake tissewe panyd lyned with white cloth of siluer & blake clothe of siluer panyd. [B256] Item a Riding Cote of grene veluete lyned with grene sarcenet. [B257] Item a doblet of cloth of tissewe tuffed with lynen cloth. [B258] Item a doblet of tawny veluete & tawny tylsent panyd lyned with sarcenet tufted with lynen cloth. [B258] LM: Ex to Mr Carewe anno xiiijo primo die Januarii.142

420

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

[B259] Item an almayn doblet of tawny tylsent lyned with blake sarcenet tufted with lynen cloth. [B260] Item an almayn doblet of tylsent with oken Levis lyned with blake sarcenet tufted with fyne lynen cloth. f. 8v

Cotes Jaquettes and doblettes [B261] Item a Jaquet panyde with grene tylsent and grene velvete lyned with grene sarcenet.

[B275] Item a shorte Cote of blake saten with iiij borders of blake veluete cutte with a ruffet partlet of blake veluete lyned with sarcenet. [B276] Item a doblet of cloth of gold tissewe crested with iij crestes of blake veluete lyned with white sarcenet. [B277] Item a doblet of tylsent crested with iij crestes of blake veluete lyned with white sarcenet.

[B261–66] LM: anno xiiijo iijo die Januarii.143

[B278] Item a doblet of blake cloth of gold with iij crestes of the same lyned with white sarcenet.

[B262] Item a Cote of blake tylsent & blake saten paned lyned with sarcenet.

[B278] LM: Ex to John Copynger anno xvo xiiijo die decembris.150

[B262] LM: Ex to Mr Norres anno xvo ijdo die decembris.144

[B279] Item a doblet of tynsell crested with iij crestes of the same lyned with white sarcenet.

[B263] Item a Cote with di slyves of cloth of syluer Reysed with freres knottes of gold lyned with sarcenet & bokeram. [B264] Item a doblet of blake tylsent crested with blake saten. o

do

[B264] LM: Ex to Mr Norres anno xv ij die decembris.145

[B265] Item a panyd doblet of cloth of gold & crimosyn saten the saten enbrawderd lyned with crimosyn sarcenet & bokeram. [B266] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer raysed with freves146 knottes of gold lyned with sarcenet and bokeram. [B267] Item a Cote of cloth of siluer with di slyves crested with ij crestes of cloth of siluer lyned with blake sarcenet. o

o

147

[B267–69] LM: anno xv xxviij die maii.

[B268] Item a doblet of frenche blake lyned with cloth of siluer & sarcenet. [B269] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer lyned with sarcenet. [B270] Item a Cote of cloth of siluer with di slyves crested with ij crestes of cloth of cloth148 of siluer lyned with blake sarcenet. [B270–81] LM: Octobris.149

anno

xvmo

viijo

die

[B271] Item a Ryding Cote of russet veluete borderd with ij borders of russet saten and lyned with sarcenet. [B272] Item a shorte Cote of russet veluete borderd with ij borders of russet saten lyned with russet sarcenet. [B273] Item a Riding Cote of blake saten with ij cutt bordders of blake veluete & ij in the myddes with ruffet partelet of blake veluete lyned with blake sarcenet. [B274] Item a Cote of blake saten with iiij borders of blake veluet cutte & lyned with blake sarcenet.

[B280] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer crested with cloth of siluer lyned with white sarcenet. [B281] Item a doblet of white saten with foreslyves and placarde of stole werke lyned with white sarcenet. f. 9r

Cotes Jaquetes & doblettes [B282] Item a doblet of blake veluete the placard and foreslyves enbrauderd lyned with blake sarcenet. [B282–89]

LM: anno xvjmo iiijto die maii.151

[B291] Item a Riding Cote of blake veluete borderd with vj borders of blake saten lyned with blake sarcenet. [B291–99] LM: Februrii.153

anno

xvjmo

viijo

[B292] Item a Jaquet of Russet veluete lyned with blake sarcenet. [B293] Item a doblet of Russet tylsent crested with iij crestes of Russet veluete. [B294] Item a doblet of tawny tylsent crested with ij crestes of tawny veluete. [B295] Item a Jaquet of tawny veluete crested with ij crestes of tawny tylsent lyned with sarcenet. [B296] Item a Jaquet of purpull cloth of gold tissue with iij crestes ij of white siluer and one of blake tyslent lyned with blake saten. [B297] Item a doblet of purpull cloth of tissue with iij crestes ij of white siluer and j of blake tylsent lyned with blake saten. [B298] Item a Jaquet of white siluer and blake tylsent paned lyned with blake saten. [B299] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer crested with iij crestes of tylsent lyned with saten. [B300] Item a doblet of Blak Tilsent with dropis lyned with white Sarcenet with hose to the same.154 xxiiijo

[B300] LM: decembris.155

[B284] Item a doblet of cloth of tissewe crested with [. . . .] of blake veluete and lyned with blake saten.

Cotes Jaquettes and doblettes

[B286] Item a doblet of purpull veluete pyrled & white cloth of tissue paned crested lyned with saten. [B287] Item a Jaquet of white cloth of siluer & blake tylsent paned and crested with blake saten. [B288] Item a doblet of cloth of siluer and blake tylsent paned and crested with blake saten. [B289] Item a doblet of blake saten with placard & foreslyues of blake tensell crested with blake veluete lyned with white sarcenet. [B289–90]

LM: anno xvjmo xviijmo die Julii.152

[B290] Item a doblet of white saten with placard & foreslyues of white cloth of siluer and russet tynsell paned & welted with the same lyned with white sarcenet.

anno

xvijo

[B283] Item a Jaquet of cloth of tissewe crested with ij crestes of blake veluete lyned with cotton and blake saten.

[B285] Item a Jaquet of purpull veluete pyrled and white cloth of tissue paned and crested lyned with blake saten.

die

die

f. 9v156 [B301] Item a doblet of purple cloth of golde of dammaske weltyd with purple veluet lyned with blak Sarcenet of my lorde ferris gyfte. [B301–22] LM: decembris.157

Anno

xvijo

xxiiijo

die

[B302] Item An Armyng doblet of Crymsyn Satten enbrawdered and lyned with white Sarcenet. [B303] Item a doblet of playne cloth of Siluer weltid with iij weltys of Blak veluet lyned with white Sarcenet with hose to the same. [B304] Item a doblet of Blak Tylsent lyned with flanon with hose to the same. [B305] Item a doblet of Tawny Tylsent lyned with fustian with ij weltes of blak veluet. [B306] Item a doblet of white Tilsent lyned with fustian with hose to the same. [B307] Item a doblet of Russet Tilsent lyned with flanon with hose to the same.

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 [B308] Item a doblet of blak siluer Tilsent with oken levis with hose to the same. [B309] Item a di cote of Russet Satten with a Base of the same furred with conny garded and weltid with Russet veluet. [B310] Item a di cote with a Base of Russet veluet with iij weltis of Russett Satten lyned with Sarcenet.

[B326] Item ij sabull backes and one lytell pece of sabulles womes. [B327] Item xiij fyne bugie skynnes. Mistress Jenyns must answer for theim. [B328] Item a hole furre of Ermyns that was in a gowne of kinges. [B329] Item iij lytell peces of estriche skynnes.

[B310] LM: Ex to William Brearton Anno xvijo xxviijo die decembris.158

[B330] Item a Furre of Ermyns that was in a gowne of purpull cloth of gold tissewe.

[B311] Item a Jaquet of Russet veluet weltid with iij weltis of Russet satten lyned with cotton and Sarcenet.

[B331] Item a Furre of Ermyns that was in a mantell of purpull tylsent.

[B312] Item a Jaquet of Blak veluet with an edge of the same lyned with cotton and Sarcenet. [B313] Item a Jaquet of Russet Taffata weltyd with iij weltys of Russett veluet lyned with blak Bokerham. [B314] Item a Jaquet of Blak Taffata weltid with iij weltys of blak veluet lyned with Bokerham. [B315] Item a doblet of white cloth of Siluer dammaske weltyd with iij weltys of blak veluet lyned with fustian with hose to the same. [B316] Item a Jaquet of white cloth of Siluer playne welted with iij weltys of Blak veluet lyned with blak Sarcenet. [B317] Item a doblet of playne clothe of golde the placard and forslevis enbrawdered lyned with white Sarcenet. [B318] Item a doblet of Blak Tylsent weltid with blak veluet lyned with fustian. [B319] Item a Jaquet of Blak Tylsent and purple Tilsent paned drawen with lynen cloth.

[B332] Item a Furre of Ermyns that was in a gowne of blewe veluete.

[B346] Item a twohande swerde with a sheth of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd. [B347] Item a spanishe dager with a girdelle to ye same garnisshed with coper & gilt. [B348] Item a proper holmes the sheth and hafte garnisshed with plate of golde with a gyrdelle the bokelles and pendaunt of siluer & gilt.

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford163

[B334] Item a Furre of Ermyns that was in a Cote of purpull veluete opon veluete.

f. 11r164

Swerdes knyffes & dagers garnisshede with golde & siluer

[B350] Item a bordor of stole werke yt was opon a Riding gowne of russet veluete.

[B335] Item a Riche swerde that was sent the king from the popes holynes the hafte & shethe of siluer & gilt with a longe gyrdelle of cloth of gold with bokelles pendaunte and studdes of siluer and gilt. [B336] Item a Cappe of mayntenaunce of russet veluete with the holy goste enbrauderd with perles and a longe gyrdelle of gold of damaske faste to the same. [B337] Item a berynge swerde with a sheth of crimosyn veluete garnisshed with siluer and gilt.

[B339] Item an armyng swerde with a blacke shethe and a chape of golde that was king Henry the vijth.

[B323] Item a Fure of pure of a Robe with a trayne for a childe.

[B345] Item a spanishe swerde ye hafte of siluer enameld with a chape of siluer.

[B333] LM: Ex to John Porth perisshed with motys.

[B321] Item A Jaquet with di slevis of purple blak and white Satten enbrawdered with lettres.

Dyuerse Ryche Furres for the kinges owne vse

Swerdes garnisshed

[B333] Item a Furre of bugie that was in a Riche Jaquet of stole werke.

[B320] Item a doblet of Blak and purple Tylsent paned drawen with lynen cloth with a payer of hose to the same.

f. 10r160

f. 10v162

[B349] Item an armyng swerde the shethe garnisshed with plate of gold with gyrdell the bokelles and pendauntes of siluer & gilt.

[B338] Item a swerde with shethe and gyrdelle of crimosyn veluete enbrauderd with gold and of nedelle werke with bokelles pendaunt studdes and chape of golde.

[B322] Item a doblet of purple blak and white Satten enbrawdered with lettres and hose to the same with xij Armyng poyntes with long Agglettes of gold enamylled.159

421

[B340] Item an armyng swerde with a shethe of clothe of golde tissewe with a chape of siluer and gilt.

Diuerse smalle percelles

[B351] Item a bordor of stole werke of a womans gowne of crimosyn saten. [B352] Item a bordor & cuffes of stole werke of a womans gowne of tawny veluete. [B353] Item a bordor of stole werke that was opon a Jornet of crimosyn veluete. [B354] Item ij other bordors of stole werke yt was opon ij other Jornettes of crimosyn veluete. [B355] Item a payr of Irisshe spores garnisshed with siluer & gilt & enameld. [B356] Item ij gyrdelles of leder enbrauderd garnisshed with siluer & gilt. [B357] Item xv olde banners of diuerse sortes and makinges. [B358] Item v banners of blewe and &165 crimosyn sarcenet with the kinges armes. [B359] Item xxxvj baners of white sarcenet with the crosse of sainte george.

[B341] Item a beryng swerde with a shethe of clothe of gold.

[B360] Item a baner for a trumpet with a lace & tasselles of silke.

[B342] Item a holmes with a blake shethe garnisshed with siluer & gilt.

[B361] Item xij speuselles of sarcenet of diuerse collors.

[B343] Item a longe Tocke iij square the hafte of siluer and the shethe garnisshed with siluer & gilt.

[B362] Item a stremer of blewe & crimosyn sarcenet with Roses & flourdeluces.

[B324] Item a Furre of pure of a Taberde.

[B344] Item a gilt swerde with a shethe enbrauderd and a chape of golde valued at [. . . .]

[B363] Item xviij Hattes thromyd with silke of diuerse collors.

[B325] Item a Furre of Ermyns of a cappe of maigtanaunce.161

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B364] Item a goodly bagge of stole werke.

422

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

[B365] Item a proper lytell powche well wrought with a girdelle with tasselles of silke & gold.

[B386] Item ij targettes thone of stile & thoder couered with blake veluete & cloth of gold.

[B366] Item a pair of brigandyns couerd with grene tylsent ye collor wrought with siluer & gilt.

[B387] Item a greate tuske of a bore in a case of crimosyn veluete.

[B367] Item a payre of tables of euerye166 garnisshed with siluer di gilt with tabelles men. [B368] Item a payre of tables of bone with tabilles men & chesmen. [B369] Item a Crucifix enbrauderd in a case of woode — Cs. [B370] Item a proper Image of sainte kateryne enbrauderd with gold of venis — xs. [B371] Item a Coueryng of grene cloth of gold tissewe for a boke — xs. [B372] Item iij englisshe bokes valent [. . .] [B373] Item a surnappe cloth of launde enbrauderd with golde at both endes and fringed at endes with golde — lxs. [B374] Item a longe towell of fyne lynen with an edge of rede aboute — xs. [B375] Item a thine boke of philosophy couerd with purpull veluete. [B376] Item a boke of troy couerd with grene dammaske with claspes of siluer & gilt. [B377] Item iiij paynted clothes of corse blacke bokeram. [B378] Item a stayned cloth that was sent oute of the lande of galico.

[B388] Item a Roobuckes hed in a case of crimosyn veluete. [B389] Item iij haukes Cappes of stole werke in a box. [B390] Item a proper lytell painted coffer. [B391] Item ij greyhonde collers wrought in the stole garnisshed with tharmys of england of siluer and gilt. [B392] Item iiij greyhounde collers of stole werke vngarnisshed. [B393] Item ij gloves enbrauderd with neylde werke.

White cloth of dammaske [B402] g — A pece conteignyng xxij yerdes iij quarters at xlvjs viijd the yerde — liijli xxd.

Russet cloth of gold [B403] g — A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes quarter at xlvjs viijd the yerde — Cvs.

Crimosyn cloth of gold of baudkyn [B404] g — A Remnaunte conteignyng vj yerdes iij quarters at xlvjs viijd le yerde — xvli xvs.

Blewe cloth of gold after chamlet [B405] g — A Remnaunte conteignyng xj yerdes quarter di at xls the yerde — xxijli xvs. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B394] Item a payre of spanisshe buskyns enbrauderd with Roses & portcules.

t — xxxj yerdes di g — lxvj yerdes iij quarters di Summa pagine — CCClxxviijli xiiijs

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford167

f. 12r168

Russet cloth of gold tissewe the grounde damaske golde [B395] t — Item a pece conteignyng xx yerdes quarter at viijli the yerde Summa Clxijli.

Crimosyn cloth of gold tissewe the grounde damaske golde

f. 12v

Grene cloth of golde after chamlet [B406] g — a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes iij quarters at xls the yerde — Cxs.

Yelowe cloth of golde [B407] g — Item ij Remnauntes conteignyng ij yerdes di quarter at xls the yerde — iiijli vs.

[B396] t — A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes at vijli the yerde in all xiiijli.

Crimosyn cloth of golde of dammaske

[B380] Item viij shorte narowe peces of blake saten enbrauderd with neylde werke and lettres of gold of venis.

Tawny cloth of gold tissewe the grounde damaske golde

[B408] g — A pece youen to ye king by ye duc of Suffolk conteignyng x yerdes — xxx li.

[B381] Item a Pece of Frenge of damaske golde in a boxe.

[B397] t — A Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde quarter at vli the yerde in all vjli vs.

Crimosyn cloth of gold

[B382] Item iij scochyns enbrauderd with tharmys of spaigne & portingale.

Siluer tissewe Reised with gold

[B409] g — A Remnaunte conteignyng di yerde at xls the yerde in all — xxs.

[B383] Item ij Crownes & a flourdeluce enbrauderd opon crimosyn veluete.

[B398] t — A pece of white cloth of siluer Reised with gold tissewe conteignyng iij yerdes di yeuen to the king by the frenche quene — xxiijli vjs viijd.

[B379]

Item ij bondelles of Carlyll leyses.

[B384] Item an olde shorte quisshon of tawny veluete in a Cheyre. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa pagine — ixli xs.

f. 11v

diuerse smalle percelles [B385] Item ij longe greate Carpettes wherof one opon thone borde in thone house and thoder opon the borde in thoder house.

[B399] t — A Remnaunte of siluer tissewe conteignyng iij yerdes at Cs the yerde — xvli. [B400] t — A Remnaunte of siluer tissewe conteignyng j yerde di at iiijli the yerde — vjli.

Crimosyn cloth of damaske [B401] g — A pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes iij quarters at xlvjs viijd the yerde — lvli viijs iiijd.

White baudken with floures of gold [B410] g — A pece sowen togeders conteignyng xviij yerdes at xxxiijs iiijd — xxxli.

Cloth of gold tissewe [B411] Item ij shorte quarters of cloth of gold tissewe. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B412] t — Furst to Peter Fraunces debarde for a pece of white tissewe chekerd conteignyng iij yerdes at iijli the yerde Summa ixli.

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 [B412–14] LM: Februarii.169

anno

xijo

xviijo

die

[B413] t — Item for a pece of white tissewe with dropes conteignyng iij yerdes at iijli the yerde Summa ixli. [B414] g — Item to the said Peter for a pece of cloth of siluer of dammaske conteignyng xxij yerdes at xls the yerde — xliiijli. [B415] g — Item to Nicolas Venasses for a Remnaunte of cloth of siluer damaske siluer conteignyng iiij yerdes di at xxxvjs viijd le yerde — viijli vs. [B415] LM: anno xiiijo xxiijo die maii.170

[B416] t — Item to Peter Fraunces debarde for a pece of cloth of golde tissewe damaske golde reysed with dammaske siluer conteignyng Cixli xxd. [B416–19] LM: anno xiiijo xxiijo die maii.171

conteignyng xix yerdes at xls the yerde — xxxviijli.

[B426] g — Item to Nicholas Venasses for a pece of cloth of siluer of damask conteignyng xxiiij yerdes at xls the yerdes. Summa xlviijli. [B426–27] LM: anno xvo viijo die Octobris.175

[B427] g — Item to the same Nicholas for a Remnaunte of blake cloth of gold dammaske conteignyng iiij yerdes di at xls the yerde — ixli. [B428] g — Item to Antony Cassidony for a pece of cloth of siluer conteignyng xl yerdes iij quaters at xliijs iiijd the yerde. Summa iiijxxviijli vs xd.

[B417] g — Item for a pece of blake cloth of siluer of dammaske with chekerwerke conteignyng xix yerdes quarter at xls the yerdes Summa xxxviijli xs.

[B428–29] LM: Januarii.176

[B418] g — Item a Remnaunte of white cloth of siluer dammask of xiiij yerdes at xls — xxviijli.

[B429] g — Item for a pece of purpull tilsent dammaske gold on thone syde & white cloth of siluer of dammaske on thoder side conteignyng xxj yerdes di at iiijli the yerde. Summa iiijxxvjli.

[B419] t — Item to William Corsye for a pece of blake cloth of tissewe of dammask siluer reysed with venis siluer [conteignyng] xv yerdes at vijli ye yerde — Cvli. t — xxxv yerdes iij quarter di g — iiijxx yerdes di quarter Summa partes — lxxli xs

f. 13r

Cloth of golde of diuerse makinges & collors [B420] t — Item to William Corsye for a pece of cloth of siluer of dammaske reysed with venis gold conteignyng xv yerdes at iiijli xiijs iiijd le yerde — lxxli. [B420–21] LM: anno xiiijo xxiijo die maii.172

[B421] g — Item to Peter Fraunces debarde for a pece of cloth of siluer dammaske conteignyng xij yerdes at xls the yerde Summa xxiiijli. [B422] t — Item Receyued of Mr Compton at newehall a pece of blacke cloth of golde tissewe dammaske golde conteignyng xix yerdes quarter. [B422–23] LM: anno xiiijmo xxviijo die augustii.173

conteignyng xxj yerdes di at iiijli xiijs iiijd the yerde — Cli vjs viijd. t — iiijxx xix yerdes iij quarters g — CCxxv yerdes

[B424–25] LM: anno xvo xviijo die maii.174

[B425] g — Item to Nicolas Pendolphyn for a pece of cloth of siluer of dammaske conteignyng xviij yerdes quarter at xls the yerde — xxxvjli xvs.

anno

xvo

xviijmo

die

[B430] g — Item Receyued of master Compton at newe Hall a pece of cloth of golde of dammaske on thoone177 side and white cloth of siluer on thoder syde conteingyng xvij yerdes di.

423

f. 13v180

Cloth of golde & siluer of diuerse makinges [B437] t — Item a pece of purpull cloth of gold tissue conteignyng xx yerdes quarter di yeuen to the kinges newyeres yeft. [B437–38] LM: Januarii.181

anno

xvjmo

primo

die

[B438] t — Item a doublet cloth of purpull cloth of golde tissue dammaske gold and for stockes for a payre of hose of the same cloth of gold yeuen to the kinges new yeres yeft anno xvjo. t — xx yerdes quarter di

[B439] Item Receyuid by thandes of maister Compton a pece of purple Tyssue contaynyng xix yerdes iij quarters di.182 [B439–45] LM: anno xvijo xxo die Januarii.183

[B440] Item Receyuid of the same maister Compton a pece of white tyssue contaynyng xxti yerdes iij quarters. [B441] Item Receyuid of Nicholas Venassis a pece of white tyssue contaynyng xviij yerdes iij quarters at iiijli xvs le yerd. Summa iiijxxiiijli vijs vjd.

die

[B442] Item of the same Nicholas a pece of cloth of siluer contaynyng xxxiij yerdys at xxxvjs viijd le yerd. Summa lxli xs.

[B431] t — Item to Peter Fraunces for a pece of blake cloth of golde tissewe conteignyng xxij yerdes iij quarter at vli the yerde. Summa Cxiijli xvs.

[B443] Item to peter Frauncys for a pece of clothe of gold dammaske contaynyng xxviijti yerdes quarter at xls le yerd. Summa lvjli xs.

[B430] LM: augusti.178

[B431] LM: Septembris.179

anno

anno

xiiijmo

xvjmo

xxviiijo

xxiiijo

die

[B432] g — Item to William Buttry for a Remnaunte of cloth of siluer conteignyng ij yerdes quarter di at xls the yerde. Summa iiijli xvs.

[B444] Item Receyuid of maister Carewe a pece of purple tyssue conteignyng xxij yerdes. [B445] Item Receyuid by the handys of maister Compton iij pecys of Tyssue conteignyng lxiij yerdes.184

[B432–36] LM: anno xvjmo iiijto die Januarii.

[B433] g — Item to Peter Fraunces for a pece of cloth of siluer conteignyng xxj yerdes quarter at xls the yerde. Summa xlijli xs. [B434] g — Item for a pece of cloth of siluer conteingyng xxij yerdes quarter at xls the yerde. Summa xliiijli xs.

[B423] t — Item Receyued of Mr Compton a pece of white cloth of tissewe braunched with freres knottes conteignyng xxj yerdes quarter.

[B435] g — Item to the said peter for a pece of cloth of siluer conteignyng xxj yerdes di at xls the yerde. Summa xliijli.

[B424] g — Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of cloth of siluer dammaske

[B436] t — Item to Mistress Fermar for a pece of purpull cloth of gold tissue

f. 14r185

Purpull Tilsent [B446] Item a Remnaunte conteignyng vij yerdes at xls the yerde in all xiiijli.

Crimosyn Tilsent [B447] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes at xls the yerde in all iiijli.

Russet Tilsent [B448] A Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes at xls the yerde in all vijli.

424

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

Blacke Tylsent [B449] A Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes di. [B450] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes di. [B451] A Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes. at xls the yerde — xviijli

[B462] Item to the same Fraunces for a pece of blake tylsent venis gold conteignyng xxvij yerdes quarter at xxxvjs viijd le yerde — xlixli xixs ijd. [B463] Item to Peter Fraunces for a pece of blake tylsent dammaske gold conteignyng xxiiij yerdes di at xls the yerde. Summa xlixli. [B463–67] maii.189

Tawny Tylsent [B452] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes at xls the yerde in all vjli.

Grene Tylsent [B453] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes di quarter at xls the yerde — iiijli vs.

Yelowe Tylsent [B454] A Remnaunte conteingyng iij yerdes at xls the yerde in all — vjli.

Tawny Dornix [B455] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes di quarter at xls the yerde — iiijli vs.

Grene saten Rawed [B456] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes iij quarters at xiijs iiijd le yerde — xxxvjs viijd. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B457] Furst to Peter Fraunces debarde for a pece of blake tylsente with dropes conteignyng xxxj yerdes iij quarters at xls the yerde — lxiijli xs. [B457–59] LM: Februarii.186

conteignyng xx yerdes iij quarters at xliijs iiijd — xliiij li xixs ijd.

xijo

anno

xviijo

die

[B458] Item to the same Peter for a pece of blake siluer tylsent conteignyng xxxij yerdes quarter at xls the yerde. Summa lxiiijli xs.

LM: anno xiiijmo xxiiijo die d

[B464] Item to the same Peter for a pece of blake tylsent conteignyng xxxviij yerdes at xls the yerde. Summa lxxvjli. [B465] Item to the same Peter for a pece of blake tylsent conteignyng xxxv yerdes iij quarters at xls the yerde. Summa lxxjli xs. [B466] Item to the same Peter for a pece of russet tylsent of golde of damaske conteignyng xxxij yerdes di at xls the yerde. Summa lxvli. [B467] Item to the same Peter for a pece of tawny tylsent of gold of dammaske contignyng xvij yerdes at xls the yerde. Summa xxxiiijli. [B468] Item to William Buttry for iiij yerdes quarter of grene tylsent at xls the yerde. Summa viijli xs. mo

[B468] LM: anno xiiij

o

xxiiij die augusti.

190

[B469] Item to Nicolas Pendolphen for a pece of white tylsent conteignyng xvij yerdes iij quarters xxxvjs viijd le yerde — xxxijli xs xd. [B469–70]

LM: anno xvmo xviijmo die maii.191

[B470] Item to Peter Fraunces for a pece of white tylsent conteignyng xxiiij yerdes iij quarters at xxxvjs viijd the yerde — xlvli vijs vjd. [B471] Item to Peter Fraunces for a pece of blewe tilsent conteignyng xxj yerdes at xxxvjs vijd the yerde. Summa xxxviijli xs. [B471–72] LM: Januarii.192

anno

xvj

mo

to

iiij

die

[B459] Item to Peter Corse for a pece of tawny tylsent conteignyng xxvj yerdes iij quarters at xls the yerde. Summa liijli xs.

[B472] Item for a pece of purpull tylsent conteignyng xxv yerdes iij quarters at xxxvjs viijd the yerde. Summa xlvijli iiijs ijd.193

Summa in yerdes — Cxxiij yerdes iij quarters Summa partes — lxiiijli vjs viijd

Summa in yerdes — CCCxj yerdes di di quarter

f. 14v187

f. 15r194

Tilsenttes of diuerse colloures

Purpull Veluete opon Veluete perled

[B460] Item to Fraunces de barde for a pece of tawny tylsent dammaske gold conteignyng xxij yerdes quarter di at xliijs iiijd le yerde — xlviijli xs vijd.

[B473] Item a pece conteignyng viij yerdes quarter.

o

o

188

[B460–62] LM: anno xiij xiiij die augusti.

[B461] Item to the same Fraunces for a pece of tawny tylsent dammaske golde

[B474] A pece conteignyng iij yerdes di di quarter. [B475] A pece conteignyng ij yerdes di quarter. at xls le yerde in all xxiiijli

Purpull Veluete perled [B476] A pece conteignyng v yerdes di. [B477] A pece conteignyng iiij yerdes di. [B478] A pece conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter di. at xxxiijs iiijd le yerde — xxvli iiijs ijd

Purpull Veluete opon Veluete [B479] A pece conteignyng xx yerdes iij quarters. [B480] A pece conteignyng xx yerdes. at xxxiijs iiijd le yerdes — lxviijli xviijs iiijd

Crimosyn veluete opon veluete perled [B481] A pece conteignyng xxj yerdes iij quarters at xxxiijs iiijd. [B482] A pece conteignyng j yerdes di at xxxiijs iiijd. xxxviijli xvs.

Crimosyn veluete perled [B483] A pece conteignyng xv yerdes at xxxiijs iiijd the yerde — xxvli.

Crimosyn veluete [B484] A pece conteignyng xj yerdes di at xxvjs viijd the yerde — xvjli vjs viiijd.

Crimosyn veluete [B485] A pece conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters di. [B486] A pece conteignyng iij yerdes di. [B487] A pece conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters. [B488] A pece conteignyng iij yerdes di quarter. at xxvjs viijd the yerde — xxjli xiijs

Russette veluete opon veluete perled [B489] A pece conteignyng xvij yerdes di at xls the yerde — xxxvli.

Russet veluete perled [B490] A Remnaunte conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter at xxxiijs iiijd the yerde — vijli xvs. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa in yerdes — Clvj yerdes iij quarters Summa pagine — CCxlvijli viijs vjd

f. 15v

Russet Veluete [B491] Item a Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes.

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

[B520] Item to William buttry for xiij yerdes iij quarters of blake veluete at xvijs the yerde. Summa xjli xiijs ixd.

[B492] A Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde quarter.

f. 16r

[B493] A Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde iij quarters.

[B505] Item to Peter Fraunces for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng vj yerdes di at xijs viijd the yerde. Summa iiijli ijs iiijd.

[B494] A Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde quarter.

yet Veluetes of diuerse collours

o

at xvjs the yerde — Cs

Tawny veluete perled [B495] A pece conteignyng iij yerdes di quarter at xxxiijs iiijd the yerde — Cvs xd.

Tawny veluete [B496] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes. [B497] A Remnaunte conteignyng viij yerdes quarter. at xvjs the yerde — viijli iiijs

Grene veluete perled [B498] A pece conteignyng xx yerdes quarter at xxxiijs iiijd the yerde — xxiiijli xxd.

Blacke veluete [B499] iiij Remnauntes conteignyng xv yerdes iij quarters at xvjs the yerde — xjli xvijs.

White veluete [B500] ij Remnauntes conteignyng xj yerdes di at xiijs iiijd the yerde — vijli xiijs iijd.

Blacke veluete [B501] A Remnaunte conteignyng v yerdes di quarter at xvjs the yerde — iiijli ijs.

o

[B505–06] LM: anno xiij xij die Julii.

195

[B506] Item to Nicolas Venasses for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxv yerdes iij quarters at xvs vjd the yerde — xixli xixs jd ob.

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa in yerdes — lxxiiij yerdes di quarter Summa pagine — lxvijli xjs vjd

xxiiijo

die

[B521] Item to the same William for iij yerdes quarter of blake veluete at xvjs the yerde. Summa lijs. [B522] Item to the same William for xvij yerdes of blake veluete at xviijs the yerde. Summa xvli vjs.

Summa in yerdes — CClxvj yerdes quarter

[B508] Item to the same Fraunces for ij peces of blake veluete conteignyng xlvij yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa xxxijli xijs.

f. 16v

[B509] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of russet veluete conteignyng xix yerdes di at xiijs iiijd the yerde — xiijli.

[B524] Item to William buttry for ij Remnauntes of blake veluete conteignyng togeders xxiiij yerdes di at xvijs the yerde. Summa xxli xvjs vjd.

[B509–14] LM: decembris.197

anno

xiijo

xxviijo

die

[B510] Item to William buttrye for a pece of blacke veluete conteignyng ix yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa vijli iiijs.

Veluettes of diuerse collors

[B524–28] LM: Januarii.200

anno

xiiijmo

xiiijmo

die

[B525] Item to the same William for iiij yerdes of russet veluete at xvijs the yerde. Summa lxviijs.

[B511] Item to the same William for a Remnaunte of russet veluete conteignyng iij quarters at xjs the yerde. Summa viijs iijd.

[B526] Item to the same William Locke for xix yerdes of blake veluete at xvijs the yerde. Summa xvjli iijs.

[B512] Item to the same William for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng iij quarters at xjs the yerde. Summa viijs iijd.

[B527] Item to Nicolas Venasses for ij Remnauntes of blake veluete conteignyng togeders xxvij yerdes at xvijs the yerde — xxijli xixs.

[B513] Item to the same William for v yerdes of russet veluete at xiiijs the yerde. Summa in all togethers lxxs.

[B528] Item to Fraunces debarde for ij Remnauntes of blake veluete conteignyng togeders xxviij yerdes at xvijs the yerde — xxiijli xvjs.

[B514] Item to the same William for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng v yerdes at xijs the yerde. Summa lxs.

[B515–19] LM: anno xiiijmo xxiijo die maii.198

[B504] An olde pece of blake veluete enbrauderd in the myddes with lozenges of gold of venis.

xiiijo

[B507–08] LM: anno xiijo xiiijo die augusti.196

[B502] ij Remnauntes conteignyng a yerde at xvjs the yerde — xvjs.

yet blake veluete

anno

[B523] Item to Antony bonvice for a pece of grene veluete conteignyng xvij yerdes at xviijs the yerde. Summa xvli vjs.

[B515] Item to William buttry for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xix yerdes at xvijs the yerde. Summa xvjli iijs.

[B503] A Remnaunte conteignyng iij quarters di at xiijs iiijd the yerde — xjs viijd.

[B520–23] LM: augusti.199

[B507] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of russet veluete conteignyng xxvj yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa xxli xvjs.

Crimosyn veluete

yelowe veluete

425

[B516] Item to the same William for a pece of tawny veluete conteignyng xv yerdes at xviijs the yerde. Summa xiijli vijs ixd.

[B529] Item to William buttry for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxiiij yerdes at xvijs the yerde — xxli viijs. [B529–36] LM: anno xvo xviijmo die maii.201

[B530] Item for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng iij yerdes di quarter at xijs the yerde — xlijs. [B531] Item to Fraunces de barde for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxij yerdes at xvijs the yerde — xviijli xiiijs.

[B517] Item to the same Willliam for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng viij yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa vjli viijs.

[B532] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xviij yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa xiiijli viijs.

[B518] Item to Nicolas Venasses for a pece of russet veluete conteingnyng xj yerdes at xiijs iiijd the yerde. Summa vijli vjs viijd.

[B533] Item to the said Fraunces for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xx yerdes quarter at xiiijs vd the yerde — xiiijli xiijs vjd ob.

[B519] Item to William Buttry for a pece of tawny veluete conteignyng xvij yerdes at xvijs the yerde. Summa xiiijli ixs.

[B534] Item to the said Fraunces for a pece of russet veluete conteignyng xxv yerdes at xs the yerde — xviijli xvs.

426

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

[B535] Item to Nicolas Pendolphyn for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xiiij yerdes quarter at xvjs the yerde — xjli viijs.

[B550] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xvj yerdes at xvjs viijd the yerde. Summa xiijli vjs iijd.

[B536] Item to Antonye bonvice for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xviij yerdes at xvijs the yerde — xvli vjs.

[B551] Item for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng iij yerdes quarter at xvjs viijd the yerde. Summa liijs ijd.

[B537] Item to William buttry for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xx yerdes iij quarters di at xviijs the yerde. Summa xviijli xvs ixd.

[B552] Item for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng ij yerdes at xvjs viijd the yerde. Summa xxxiijs iiijd.

[B537–44] LM: anno xvo viijo die Octobris.202

[B538] Item to the same William for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxj yerdes iij quarters di at xviijs the yerde. Summa xviijli xviijs. [B539] Item to the same William for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xiij yerdes di di quarter at xviijs the yerde. Summa xijli vs iijd. [B540] Item to Richard Gressham for a pece of tawny veluete conteignyng xix yerdes at xviijs the yerde. Summa xvijli ijs. [B541] Item to the same Richard for a pece of russet veluete conteignyng xvj yerdes at xviijs the yerde. Summa xiiijli viijs. [B542] Item to Nicolas Venasses for a Remnaunte of purpull veluete conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter at xxs the yerde — iiijli vs. [B543] Item to Fraunces de barde for v yerdes di of grene veluete at xiiijs — lxxvijs. [B544] Item to ye same Fraunces for xxj yerdes of purpull veluete at xs — xjli xjs. Summa in yerdes — CCCiiijxx ij yerdes di

[B553] Item for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng xiiij yerdes at xvjs viijd the yerde. Summa xjli xiijs iiijd. [B554] Item to William buttry for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xv yerdes iij quarters at xvjs viijd the yerde. Summa xiijli ijs vjd. [B554–58] augusti.204

LM:

anno

xvjmo

xxijdo

die

[B555] Item for a Remnaunte of Russet veluete conteignyng vj yerdes quarter at xiijs iiijd the yerde. Summa iiijli iijs iiijd. [B556] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of russet veluete conteignyng xv yerdes at xiijs iiijd the yerde. Summa xli. [B557] Item for a pece of blake lukes veluete conteignyng xviij yerdes di at xvs the yerde. Summa xiijli xvijs vjd. [B558] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxij yerdes iij quarters at xvs the yerde. Summa xvijli xvs. [B559] Item to William buttry for a pece of russet veluete conteignyng xij yerdes at xvijs the yerde. Summa xli iiijs. [B559–65] LM: Januarii.205

anno

xvjmo

iiijto

die

[B560] Item for a pece of tawny veluete conteignyng xij yerdes iij quarters at xviijs the yerde. Summa xjli ixs vjd.

Veluetes of diuerse collors

[B561] Item for a Remnaunte of russet veluete conteignynge viij yerdes at xiiijs the yerde. Summa Cxijs.

[B545] Item to Nicolas Venasses for a Remnaunte of crimosyn Veluet conteignyng viij yerdes at xxxijs iiijd the yerde. Summa ixli vjs viiijd.

[B562] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xx yerdes di at xjs vjd the yerde. Summa xjj206 li vijs iijd.

f. 17r

die

[B563] Item to Peter Fraunces for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxvj yerdes at xjs the yerde. Summa xiiijli vjs.

[B546] Item to Fraunces de barde for a pece of russet veluete conteignyng xxv yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa xxli.

[B564] Item to Nicolas Vanasses for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxiij yerdes at xjs vjd. Summa xiijli iiijs vjd.

[B547] Item for iij peces of blake veluete conteignyng lvj yerdes at xijs the yerde. Summa xxxiijli xijs.

[B565] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxj yerdes iij quarters at xjs vjd the yerde. Summa xijli xs jd ob.

[B548] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxij yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa xvijli xijs.

Summa in yerdes — CCClxvij yerdes di

[B545–53] LM: Januarii.203

anno

xvmo

xviijo

[B549] Item for a pece of crimosyn veluete conteignyng xviij yerdes at xxiijs iiijd the yerde. Summa xxjli.

f. 17v

Veluetes of diuerse collors [B566] Item to Fraunces debarde for a Remnaunte of purpull veluete

conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter at xxiijs iiijd the yerde. Summa iiijli xixs ijd. [B566–72] LM: Januarii.207

anno

xvjmo

iiijto

die

[B567] Item to Richard Gressam for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxiiij yerdes at xjs vjd the yerde. Summa xiijli xvjs. [B568] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxiiij yerdes at xjs vjd the yerde. Summa xiijli xvjs. [B569] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xxij yerdes at xvjs the yerde. Summa xvijli xijs. [B570] Item for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xiiij yerdes at xjs vjd the yerde. Summa viijli xijd. [B571] Item to William Locke for a pece of blake veluete conteignyng xiiij yerdes di at xvjs the yerde. Summa xjli xjs. [B572] Item for a Remnaunte of purpull veluete conteignyng a yerde quarter at xxvjs viijd the yerde. Summa xxxiijs iiijd. [B573] Item to Richard gressam for iiij peces of blake veluete conteignyng togeders lxix yerdes quarter at xvijs the yerde. Summa lviijli xvijs iijd. [B573–75] LM: aprilis.208

anno

xvijo

xxiiijo

die

[B574] Item to william buttry for a Remnaunte of blake veluete conteignyng a yerde quarter at xvs the yerde. Summa xviijs ixd. [B575] Item to Fraunces debarde for a Remnaunte of purpull veluete conteignyng v yerdes di at xxiijs iiijd the yerde. Summa vjli viiijs iiijd. Summa in yerdes — Clxxix yerdes di 209

[B576] Item to William Buttry for a Remenaunte of blak veluet contaynyng a di yerde at xvjs le yerde. Summa viijs. [B576–85] LM: anno xvijo xx die Januarii.210

[B577] Item to him for a Remenaunt of blak veluet contaynyng iiij yerdes iij quarters at xiiijs le yerde. Summa lxxiijs ijd. [B578] Item to him for a Remnaunt of Russett veluet contaynyng iij yerdes di at xiiijs le yerde. Summa xlixs. [B579] Item A pece of blake veluet contaynyng xxij yerdys at xiiijs le yerde. Summa xvli viijs. [B580] Item a pece of blak veluet contaynyng xiiij yerdys at xiiijs le yerde. Summa Cijs viijd. [B581] Item A Remenaunte of blak veluet contaynyng ix yerdes at xiiijs le yerde. Summa vjli vjs. [B582] Item a pece of purple veluet contaynyng xv yerdes at xxvjs viijd le yerde. Summa xxli.

427

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 [B583] Item to Richard Gressham for a pece of blak veluet contaynyng xxj yerdes at xvjs viijd le yerd. Summa xvijli xs. f. 18r

[B601] A pece conteignyng xv yerdes di.

[B614] Item to William buttry for vij yerdes of Russet saten at viijs vjd le yerde — lixs vjd.

[B602] iiij Remnauntes conteignyng ij yerdes.

[B614–18] LM: Januarii.218

Blacke saten

Veluettis of diuerse collors [B584] Item to Frauncys debarde for iij pecys of veluet contaynyng lxiiij yerdys at xvjs iiijd le yerd. Summa lijli vs iiijd. [B585] Item to Peter Frauncys for a pece of blak veluet contaynyng xviij yerdys at xijs le yerde. Summa xli xvjs.211

[B616] Item for vj yerdes quarter of crimosyn saten at xvijs le yerde — Cvjs viijd.

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B604] Item ij Remnauntes conteignyng vij yerdes di quarter at viijs the yerde — lvjs. Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

Crimosyn saten [B587] A pece conteignyng xxix di di quarter. [B588] ij peces conteignyng xj yerdes. at viijs the yerde — xli xiiijs

Grene saten [B589] A pece conteignyng xxij yerdes quarter. [B590] A pece conteignyng iiij yerdes di. at viijs the yerde — xli xiiijs

Tawny saten [B591] A pece conteignyng xxv yerdes. [B592]

A pece conteignyng xj yerdes di.

[B593] A pece conteignyng xj yerdes iij quarters. [B594] A pece conteignyng viij yerdes di. [B595] A pece conteignyng ix yerdes. [B596] A pece conteignyng ix yerdes di. [B597] ij Remnauntes conteignyng iiij yerdes quarter. [B598] A Remnaunte conteignyng j yerde iij quarters. at viijs the yerde — xxxijli xs

die

[B603] A Remnaunte conteignyng a yerde di at viijs the yerde — xijs.

White saten

yelowe saten

[B586] Item a pece conteignyng xxix yerdes iij quarters at viijs the yerde — xjli xvjs.

xiiijo

[B615] Item for iiij Remnauntes of blake saten conteignyng togeders lij yerdes at viijs vjd le yerde — xxijli ijd.

f. 19v

Purpull saten

xiiijo

at viijs the yerde — vijli

Summa in yerdes — CC xx yerdes iij quarters Summa pagine — iiijxxviijli vs

f. 18v [blank212] f. 19r213

anno

[B605] Item to William buttry for a Remnaunte of blake saten conteignyng xviij yerdes quarter at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa vijli xvs jd ob. [B605–07] LM: anno xiijo xijo die Julii.214

[B606] Item to the same William for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxti yerdes at viijs viijd the yerde. Summa xiijli. [B607] Item to the said William for ij yerdes quarter of white saten at viijs the yerde. Summa xviijs. [B608] Item to Fraunces de barde for a pece of white saten conteignyng xxxiiij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xiiijli ixs. [B608–09] LM: anno xiijo xiiijo die augusti.215

[B609] Item to the same Fraunces for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxviij yerdes iij quarters at viijs vjd the yerde — xijli iijs iiijd ob. [B610] Item to William buttry for a Remnaunte of russet saten conteignyng vj yerdes at ixs the yerde. Summa lxs ixd. [B610] LM: decembris.216

anno

xiijo

xxviijo

die

[B611] Item to William buttry for ij yerdes of blake saten at viijs le yerde — xvjs.

[B617] Item for vj yerdes of tawny saten at viijs vjd the yerde — ljs. [B618] Item for William Locke for a pece of blake saten contenignyng xxxvij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xvli xiiijs vjd. [B619] Item to William buttry for a pece of crimosyn saten conteignyng xxv yerdes di at xvs the yerde — xixli ijs vjd. [B619–24] LM: anno xvo xviijo die maii.219

[B620] Item to the same William for a pece of white saten conteignyng xxviij yerdes iij quarters di at viijs the yerde — xjli xjs. [B621] Item to the same William for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxx yerdes at ixs the yerde — xiijli xs. [B622] Item to the same William for a Remnaunte of blake satten220 conteignyng vj yerdes di of blake saten at ixs the yerde — lviijs vjd. [B623] Item to the same William for a Remnaunte of blake satten221 contenignyng ij yerdes quarter di at vijs the yerde — xvjs vijd ob. [B624] Item to the same William for a Remnaunte of white saten conteignyng ij yerdes at viijs the yerde — xvjs. Summa in yerdes — CCCxxxvj yerdes iij quarters di

f. 20r

Satens of diuerse collors [B625] Item to William buttrye for a Remnaunte of white saten conteignyng iij yerdes at viijs the yerde — xxiiijs. [B625–28] LM: anno xvo xviijo die maii.222

[B626] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxij yerdes at ixs the yerde — xiiijli viijs.

Russet saten

[B611–13] LM: augusti.217

die

[B627] Item to the same Fraunces for a Remnaunte of blake saten conteignyng x yerdes di at ixs the yerde — iiijli xiiijs vjd.

[B599] iij Remnauntes conteingnyng v yerdes di at viijs the yerde — xliiijs.

[B612] Item to the same William for a yerde quarter of blake saten at ixs the yerde — xjs iijd.

[B628] Item to the same Fraunces for a pece of blake satten conteignyng l yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde — xxjli vs.

[B613] Item to the same William for iij yerdes of russet saten at ixs the yerde — xxvijs.

[B629] Item to William buttry for a pece of white saten conteignyng xlviij yerdes ixs the yerde. Summa xxjli xijs.

Blewe saten [B600] A pece conteignyng xviij yerdes at viijs the yerde — vijli iiijs.

anno

xiiijo

xxiiijo

428

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

[B629–31] LM: anno xvo viijo die Octobris.223

[B630] Item to the same William for a pece of russet saten conteignyng xiiij yerdes di at ixs the yere224. Summa vjli xs vjd.

quarter at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa iiijli xvs vijd ob. [B645–65] LM: Januarii.227

anno

xvjmo

iiijto

die

[B631] Item to the same William for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xiiij yerdes at ixs the yerde. Summa vjli vjs.

[B646] Item for a Remnaunte of russet saten conteignyng iij yerdes di at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xxixs ixd.

[B632] Item to Nicolas venasses for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxv yerdes at viijs vd the yerde. Summa xli xijs vjd.

[B647] Item for a pece of russet saten conteignyng xiij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa Cxs vjd.

[B632–39] LM: anno xvo xvijo die Januarii.225

[B633] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxvj yerdes at viijs iiijd the yerde. Summa xvli. [B634] Item to the same Fraunces for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxiij yerdes quarter at viijs iiijd the yerde — xiijli xvijs jd.

[B663] Item to Antony bonvice for a Remnaunte of purpull saten conteignyng viij yerdes at xs the yerde. Summa iiijli. [B664] Item to John Coplande for a pece of purpull saten conteignyng xxxvij yerdes at xs the yerde. Summa xviijli xs. [B665] .a. Item for a pece of white saten conteignyng xxiij yerdes at vjs iiijd the yerde. Summa vijli vs viijd. Summa in yerdes — CCCxxxviij yerdes di

[B648] Item for a Remnaunte of blake saten of bruges conteignyng x yerdes di at ijs the yerde. Summa xxjs.

f. 21r

[B649] Item for a Remnaunte of purpull saten of bruges conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters at ijs iiijd the yerdes. Summa xjs jd.

[B666] Item to William buttry for iij Remnauntes of blake saten conteignyng togeders xiij yerdes di at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa Cxvs ixd.

[B650] Item for a Remnaunte of white saten of bruges conteignyng iiij yerdes iij quarters at ijs iiijd the yerdes. Summa xjs jd.

Satens of diuerse collors

[B666–69] LM: aprilis.228

anno

xvijo

xxiiijo

die

[B635] Item to William buttrye for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxiij yerdes di di quarter at viijs viijd the yerde — xli iiijs ixd.

[B651] Item for a Remnaunte of white saten conteignyng ij yerdes quarter at viijs vjd. Summa xixs jd ob.

[B667] Item for a Remnaunte of white saten conteignyng vj yerdes di at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xxxvs iijd.

[B636] Item to the same William for iij yerdes quarter of Russet veluete saten at viijs viijd the yerde. Summa xxviijs ijd.

[B652] .b. Item to Nicolas venasses for a Remnaunte of blake saten conteignyng xj yerdes di at viijs the yerde. Summa iiijli xijs.

[B668] Item for a Remnaunte of Russet saten conteignyng a yerde quarter at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xs vjd ob.

[B637] Item to the same William for iij yerdes quarter of white saten at viijs viijd the yerde. Summa xxviijs ijd.

[B653] Item for a Remnaunte of blake saten conteignyng vj yerdes at viijs the yerde. Summa xlviijs.

[B669] Item for a Remnaunte of purpull saten conteingyng vij yerdes di at xjs the yerde. Summa iiij li ijs vjd.

[B638] Item to Richard Gressam for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxvj yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xvli vjs.

[B654] Item for a pece of purpull saten conteignyng xv yerdes quarter at xjs the yerde. Summa viijli vijs ixd.

Summa in yerdes — xxviij yerdes iij quarters

[B639] Item to the same Richard for a Remnaunte of blake saten conteignyng iij yerdes at viijs the yerde. Summa xxiiijs.

[B655] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxiij yerdes di at viijs the yerde. Summa xiiijli viiijs.

[B640] Item to William buttry for a pece of white saten conteignyng xxiiij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xli iiijs. [B640–44] LM: augusti.226

anno

xvjmo

xxijdo

die

[B641] Item for a Remnaunte of Russet saten conteignyng vj yerdes quarter at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa liijs jd ob. [B642] Item for a Remnaunte of blake saten conteignyng iiij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xxxiiijs. [B643] Item to Richard Gressam for a Remnaunte of white saten conteignyng ix yerdes iij quarters at viijs vjd the yerde — iiijli ijs xd ob. [B644] Item for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xlj yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xvijli viijs vjd. Summa in yerdes — CCCCxx yerdes quarter di

f. 20v

Satens of diuerse collours [B645] Item to William buttry for a pece of russet saten conteignyng xj yerdes

[B656] Item for a pece of white saten conteignyng x yerdes quarter at viijs the yerde. Summa iiijli ijs. [B657] Item to Richarde Gressam for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxiiij yerdes di at viijs the yerde. Summa xiijli xvjs. [B658] Item for a pece of blake saten conteignyng xxxvj yerdes di at viijs the yerde. Summa xiiijli xijs. [B659] Item for a pece of white saten conteignynge xviij yerdes iij quarters at viijs the yerde — vijli xs.

[B670] Item to William Buttry for ix Remenauntes of Satten contaynyng to gidders iiijxx ix yerdes quarter di at viijs vjd le yerde — xxxvijli xixs viijd quarter.229 [B670–74] LM: anno xvijo xxo die Januarii.230

[B671] Item to him for a pece of Blake Satten contaynyng xxxj yerdes di at viijs vjd le yerde. Summa xiijli vijs ixd. [B672] Item for iij Remenauntes of Satten to the same William Buttry contaynyng xxxvj yerdes at viijs vjd le yerde — xv li vjs. [B673] Item to Richard Gressham for a pece of blak Satten contaynyng xxj yerdys at viijs vjd le yerde. Summa viijli xviijs vjd. [B674] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of blak Satten contaynyng xviij yerdes di at viijs iijd le yerd. Summa vijli xiiijs ijd.231

[B660] Item for a pece of white saten conteignyng xxix yerdes di at viijs the yerde. Summa xj li xvjs.

f. 21v [black] f. 22r232

[B661] Item for a pece of purpull saten conteignyng xxj yerdes di at viijs the yerde. Summa viijli xijs.

[B675] Item a pece conteignyng iij yerdes at vijs the yerde — xxjs.

[B662] Item to William locke for a Remnaunte of bruges saten conteignyng iij yerdes quarter at ijs iiijd the yerde — vijs vijd.

Russet dammaske

yelowe dammaske [B676] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij yerdes quarter at vijs the yerde — xvs ixd.

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

[B702] s — A pece conteignyng xiij yerdes iij quarters.

f. 22v

White dammaske [B677] A Remnaunte conteignyng iij yerdes iij quarters di at vijs the yerde — xxvijs jd ob. Nicholas Vaux

Blacke dammaske

Dammaske of diuerse collors [B689] Item to William Locke for a Remnaunte of purpull dammaske conteignyng xij yerdes quarter at ixs — Cxs iijd. [B689] LM: anno xvjmo iiijto die Januarii.239

Henry Guldeford

[B678] Item to William buttry for a Remnaunte of blake dammaske conteignyng x yerdes at ixs the yerde. Summa iiijli xs.

[B690] Item to William buttry for a Remnaunte of blake dammaske conteignyng vij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa ljs. xvijo

xxiiijo

[B678] LM: anno xjo xijo die Julii.233

[B690–93] LM: aprilis.240

[B679] Item to William buttry for xiiij yerdes of russet dammaske at vijs the yerde. Summa iiijli xviijs.

[B691] Item to Antony bonvice for a pece of blake dammaske conteignyng xxv yerdes di at viijs vjd the yerde — xli xvjs ixd.

[B679] LM: anno xijo xiiijo die Januarii.234

[B680] Item to William buttry for a Remnaunte of blake dammaske conteignyng xij yerdes at viijs the yerde. Summa iiijli xvjs. [B680] LM: anno xvo vijo die Octobris.235

[B681] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of blake dammaske conteignyng xxiij yerdes at viijs iiijd the yerde. Summa ixli xjs viijd. [B681–82] LM: Januarii.236

anno

xvo

xviijo

die

[B682] Item to the same Fraunces for a pece of blake dammaske conteignyng xxxj yerdes at viijs iiijd the yerde — xijli xviijs iiijd. [B683] Item to Jevam bonvice for a pece of blake dammaske conteignyng xxix yerdes di at viijs viijd the yerde. Summa xijli xvs viijd. [B683] LM: anno xjo xxijdo die augusti.237

[B684] Item for William buttry for a pece of russet dammaske conteignyng xv yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa vjli vijs vjd.

anno

die

[B692] Item to Nicholas Venasses for a Remnaunte of blake dammaske conteignyng xij yerdes at viijs iiijd the yerde. Summa Cs.

at iiijs the yerde — vjli iijs

Blacke sarcenettes [B704] s — ij Remnauntes conteignyng vj yerdes at iiijs the yerde — xxiiijs.

Chaungeabill Tartron [B705] s — A pece conteignyng viij yerdes at ijs the yerde — xvjs.

Blacke Taffata [B706] t — A pece conteignyng xxxij yerdes di. [B707] t — A pece conteignyng xxiij yerdes quarter. at ijs iiijd the yerde — vjli ijs vd

Summa in yerdes — lxiiij yerdes iij quarters

[B694] Item to William Buttry for a pece of blak dammaske contaynyng xv yerdes at viijs vjd le yerde. Summa vjli vijs vjd.241

[B708] t — Item to Peter Fraunces for a Remnaunte of dobill taffata conteignyng ix yerdes di at viijs the yerde. Summa lxxvjs.

[B694–97] LM: anno xvijo xxo die Januarii.242

[B708–09] LM: anno xiijo xijo die Julii.245

[B695] Item to Richard Gressham for a pece of Blak dammaske contaynyng xxj yerdes at viijs vjd le yerde. Summa viijli xviijs vjd.

[B709] t — Item to Reyner de barde for a Remnaunte of blake taffata conteignyng x yerdes at viijs the yerde. Summa iiijli.

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford

[B710] s — Item to Robert Collyer for xix yerdes of blake sarcenet taffata making at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa viijli xviijd.

[B696] Item to Nicholas Venassis for two Remenauntes of Blake dammaske contaynyng to gidders xxix yerdes quarter di at viijs vjd le yerde. Summa xijli xixs ijd quarter.

[B710] LM: decembris.246

[B697] Item for a pece of blake dammaske contaynyng xlj yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa xvijli viijs vjd.243

[B711] t — Item to John Malte for xxij yerdes of grene taffata at iijs iiijd the yerde. Summa in money lxxiijs iiijd.

anno

xiijo

xxviijo

die

[B711] LM: anno xiiijo xxiiijo die augusti.247

f. 23r244

Grene sarcenette

[B685] Item for a pece of blake dammaske conteignyng xiiij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa Cxixs.

[B698] s — Item a pece conteignyng xxxiiij yerdes quarter at iiijs the yerde — vjli xvijs.

[B686] Item to Fraunces debarde for a pece of blake dammaske conteignyng xxvij yerdes at vijs the yerde. Summa ixli ixs.

White sarcenette

[B687] Item to Richarde gressam for a pece of blake dammaske conteignyng xx yerdes at viijs the yerde — viijli.

Russet sarcenette

Summa in yerdes — CCxviij yerdes di di quarter

[B703] s — A pece conteignyng vj yerdes.

[B693] Item for a Remnaunte of blake dammaske conteignyng viij yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa lxviijs.

[B684–88] LM: anno xvjo iiijto die Januarii.238

[B688] Item for a pece of white dammaske conteignyng xiiij yerdes at viijs the yerde. Summa Cxijs.

429

[B699] s — A pece conteignyng xxxviij yerdes quarter at iiijs the yerde — vijli xiijs.

[B712] t — Item to William buttry for vj yerdes of crimosyn sarcenet at iiijs le yerde — xxiiijs. [B712] LM: anno xiiijmo xiiijo die Januarii.248 s — Clxij yerdes quarter t — iiijxx xvij yerdes quarter Summa pagine — Cvli xjs vd

f. 23v

Sarcenett taffata tartron and Chamlettes of diuerse collors

[B700] s — A pece conteignyng xx yerdes at iiijs the yerde — iiijli.

[B713] t — Item to William buttry for a Remnaunte of grene chamlet conteignyng iiij yerdes at ijs iiijd the yerde — ixs iiijd.

Blewe sarcenettes

[B713–14] LM: anno xvmo xviijmo die maii.249

[B701] s — A pece conteignyng xj yerdes.

[B714] t — Item to the same William for a nother Remnaunte of whit chamlet

430

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521

conteignyng iiij yerdes at ijs iiijd the yerde — ixs iiijd. [B715] t — Item to William buttry for a pece of blake taffata conteignyng xxij yerdes quarter at ixs the yerde. Summa xli iijd. [B715–17] LM: anno xvmo viijo die Octobris.250

[B716] t — Item to Antony bonevice for a pece of brode tawny taffata conteignyng xx yerdes at viijs the yerde. Summa viijli. [B717] t — Item to the same antony for a pece of russet taffata conteignyng xx yerdes quarter at viijs the yerde. Summa viijli ijs. [B718] t — Item to Richard Gressam for a pece of blake chamlet conteignyng xxij yerdes at ijs iiijd the yerde. Summa ljs iiijd. [B718–20] LM: Januarii.251

anno

mo

xv

xviij

o

die

[B719] t — Item to the same Richard for a Remnaunte of blake chamlet conteignyng vij yerdes at ijs iiijd the yerde — xvjs iiijd.

[B723–27]

LM: iiijto die Januarii.253

[B724] t — Item for a Remnaunte of tawny chamlet conteignyng xiiij yerdes at iijs iiijd the yerde. Summa xlvjs viijd. [B725] s — Item for a Remnaunte of blake sarcenet conteignyng v yerdes at iiijs the yerde. Summa xxs. [B726] c — Item to Peter Fraunces for vij peces of blake chamlet conteignyng Cvj yerdes quarter at ijs viijd the yerde — xiijli iijs iiijd. [B727] c — Item for a pece of blake chamlet conteignyng xxj yerdes at ijs viijd the yerde. Summa lvjs. [B728] c — Item to William buttry for ij Remnauntes of blake chamlet conteignyng xv yerdes at ijs viijd the yerde. Summa xxxvs.

xv

xxij

[B723] t — Item to William buttry for a Remnaunte of tawny chamlet conteignyng ix yerdes at iijs iiijd the yerde. Summa xxxs.

Fyne Lynen cloth [B735] elles.

Item a pece conteignyng xxv

[B736] A Remnaunte conteignyng vj yerdes di.

xxiiijo

[B739] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij elles di. [B740] A Remnaunte conteignyng ij elles. Summa lxv yerdes quarter di — xli

[B741] A pece of hollande clothe conteignyng xxvj elles iij quarters — xxvjs.

c — CC iiijxx vj yerdes quarter s — xv yerdes t — iiijxx xvj yerdes iij quarters

die

[B722] t — Item to William buttrye for a pece of blake taffata conteignyng xvj yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa vjli xvjs.

f. 24v [blank] f. 25r257

[B738] A Remnaunte conteignyng iiij elles di.

xvijo

[B731] t — Item for a Remnaunte of blake taffata conteignyng vij yerdes quarter at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa lxs xixd ob.

anno

[B734] Item to Richard Gressham for iij pecys of blake chamlet contaynyng xlij yerdes at ijs vjd le yerde. Summa Cvs.

[B729] s — Item for a Remnaunte of blake sarcenet conteignyng ix yerdes quarter at iiijs the yerde. Summa xxxvijs.

anno

[B721] t — Item to Geram bonvice for a Remnaunte of blake taffata conteignyng xj yerdes at viijs vjd the yerde. Summa iiijli xiijs vjd. [B721–22] LM: augustii.252

[B733] Item to William Buttry for v pecys of chamlet contaynyng lxj yerde at ijs vjd le yerde. Summa vijli xijs vjd.

[B737] A Remnaunte conteignyng xiij elles quarter.

LM:

[B730] s — Item for a Remnaunte of crimosyn sarcenet conteignyng iij quarters amountyng vnto the somme of iijs.

do

[B732–34] LM: anno xvijo xxo die Januarii.256

die

[B728–31] aprilis.254

[B720] t — Item to the same Richard for viij peces of blake chamlet conteignyng iiijxxiiij yerdes at ijs vjd the yerde — xli xs.

mo

v yerdys at viijs vjd le yerde. Summa xlijs vjd.

f. 24r255

Sarcenett taffata tartron and Chamlett of diuerse collors [B732] Item to Nicholas Venassis for a Remnaunte of Blake taffata contaynyng

Notes 1 The T is decorated with geometric patterning and pen flourishing. The ascender of the h is decorated with a scroll. 2 The ascender of the h is decorated with a scroll. 3 There is no surviving vellum tab on this folio. 4 The M is embellished with hatching. 5 17 January 1521. 6 20 December 1516. 7 For cloths. 8 For cloths. 9 For Toison d’or. 10 Vaux writes his name on two lines but this has been contracted in the transcript. 11 Guildford has a small flourish after the second d in his name. 12 There are two stamps on this page with the wording ‘MVSEVM BRITAN NIOVM’. 13 The rest of this folio is blank. This is followed by one blank folio. 14 There is a small vellum tab sticking out from this folio with the words ‘Gownes Shamers Frockes’. 15 22 April 1520–21 April 1521.

16 18 October 1521. 17 For veluete. 18 18 October 1521. 19 8 February 1521. 20 12 March 1521. 21 1523–24. 22 November 1523. 23 16 February 1522. 24 For Ormond. 25 12 August 1522. 26 November 1523. 27 4 June 1522. 28 14 March 1522. 29 16 February 1522. 30 25 February 1523. 31 25 February 1523. 32 November 1523. 33 4 June 1522. 34 July 1524.

Nicholas Vaux Henry Guldeford Summa totalis in money conteigned in this boke ouer and besides the goldsmith werke precious stones and perles with diuerse other percelles of stuff vnvalued amounte vnto the somme of — xml CCCiiijxxxjli ijs iiijd ob

f. 25v [blank]

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 35 23 July 1522. 36 16 February 1522. 37 8 February 1521. 38 July 1523. 39 July 1523. 40 18 October 1521. 41 September 1523. 42 16 February 1522. 43 25 February 1523. 44 14 March 1523. 45 Uncertain meaning. 46 No value given. 47 No value given. 48 No value given. 49 1524–25. 50 14 March 1522. 51 24 August 1521. 52 14 December 1523. 53 16 February 1522. 54 26 July 1522. 55 13 August 1522. 56 1 January 1523. 57 September 1523. 58 3 January 1523. 59 14 December 1523. 60 14 December 1524. 61 1523–24. 62 28 May 1523. 63 July 1523. 64 8 October 1523. 65 1524–25. 66 October 1523. 67 4 May 1524. 68 For edge. 69 8 February 1525. 70 Entries B122–39 were written in the second hand. 71 December 1525. 72 There is a British Museum stamp on this page. 73 29 December 1525. 74 This folio is followed by 11 blank folios. 75 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the words ‘Cotes Jaquettes Doblettes’. 76 14 January 1522. 77 1 January 1523. 78 For wolf. 79 14 December 1523. 80 14 January 1523. 81 1524–25. 82 1524–25. 83 This price applies to entries B153–55, which are bracketed together. 84 There is a British Museum stamp at the foot of the folio. 85 3 April 1522. 86 Rather than the more usual valet. 87 23 July 1522. 88 July 1523. 89 8 February 1521. 90 4 April 1522. 91 Rather than the more usual valet. 92 1 June 1523. 93 4 April 1522. 94 10 July 1522. 95 July 1523. 96 10 July 1522. 97 4 April 1522. 98 1524–25. 99 Only part of the figure is legible. 100 6 May 1522. 101 4 April 1522. 102 23 July 1522. 103 23 July 1522. 104 January 1521. 105 4 April 1521. 106 2 December 1523. 107 July 1523. 108 8 February 1521. 109 4 April 1523. 110 14 January 1523. 111 1 June 1521. 112 4 April 1522. 113 1 January 1523.

431

114 25 February 1523. 115 For thalmayn. 116 12 August 1522. 117 November 1523. 118 2 December 1523. 119 10 July 1522. 120 There is a British Museum stamp next to Henry Guildford’s signature. 121 Uncorrected duplicated phrase. 122 24 January 1521. 123 25 February 1523. 124 4 April 1522 125 November 1523. 126 November 1523. 127 November 1523. 128 1 June 1521. 129 1 June 1521. 130 4 April 1522. 131 24 August 1522. 132 4 April 1522. 133 18 July 1521. 134 For doblet. 135 16 February 1522. 136 1 December 1523. 137 2 December 1523. 138 26 July 1522. 139 12 August 1522. 140 14 December 1523. 141 July 1523. 142 1 January 1523. 143 3 January 1523. 144 2 December 1523. 145 2 December 1523. 146 For freres? 147 28 May 1523. 148 Uncorrected duplication of ‘of cloth’. 149 8 October 1523. 150 14 December 1523. 151 4 May 1524. 152 18 July 1524. 153 8 February 1525. 154 Entries B300–22 were written in the second hand. 155 24 December 1525. 156 There is a British Museum stamp at the foot of this folio. 157 24 December 1525. 158 24 December 1525. 159 This folio is followed by four blank folios and a further three folios have been cut out. 160 There is a vellum tab attached to this folio with the words ‘Furres dagers swerdes’. 161 For the more usual mayntenaunce. 162 There is a British Museum stamp on this folio. 163 The rest of the folio is blank. It is followed by eight blank folios. 164 There is a vellum tab attached to this folio with the words ‘Dyuerse Smalle percelles’. 165 Uncorrected duplication. 166 For ivory. 167 The rest of the folio is blank. It is followed by eight blank folios. 168 There is a vellum tab attached to this folio with the words ‘Cloth of gold’. 169 18 February 1521. 170 23 May 1522. 171 23 May 1522. 172 23 March 1523. 173 28 August 1522. 174 18 May 1523. 175 8 October 1523. 176 18 January 1524. 177 For thone. 178 29 August 1522. 179 24 September 1524. 180 There is a British Museum stamp on this folio. 181 1 January 1525. 182 Entries B439–45 were written in the second hand. 183 20 January 1526. 184 This folio is followed by 12 blank folios. 185 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Tylsentes’. 186 18 February 1521. 187 There is a British Museum stamp on this folio. 188 14 August 1521. 189 24 May 1522.

432 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224

inventory of the wardrobe of the robes 1521 24 August 1522. 18 May 1523. 4 January 1525. This folio is followed by three blank folios. There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Veluetes’. 12 July 1521. 14 August 1521. 28 December 1521. 23 May 1522. 24 August 1522. 14 January 1523. 18 May 1523. 8 October 1523. 18 January 1524. 22 August 1524. 4 January 1525. For xij. 4 January 1525. 24 April 1525. Entries B576–85 written in the second hand. 20 January 1526. The rest of the folio is blank. It is followed by nine blank folios. There is a British Museum stamp in red ink on this folio. There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Satens’. 12 July 1521. 14 August 1521. 28 December 1521. 24 August 1522. 14 January 1523. 18 May 1523. 18 May 1523. 8 October 1523. For yerde. 17 January 1524. 22 August 1524.

225 4 January 1525. 226 24 April 1525. 227 Entries B670–74 were written in the second hand. 228 20 January 1526. 229 The rest of this folio is blank. It is followed by four blank folios. 230 There is a vellum tab on this folio with the word ‘Dammaske’. 231 14 January 1521. 232 14 January 1521. 233 7 October 1523. 234 18 January 1524. 235 22 August 1519. 236 4 January 1525. 237 4 January 1525. 238 24 April 1525. 239 Entries B690–97 were written in the second hand. 240 20 January 1526. 241 There is a British Museum stamp on this folio. The rest of this folio is blank. It is followed by two blank folios. 242 The vellum tab from this folio is missing but there is evidence of where it was attached. 243 12 July 1521. 244 28 December 1521. 245 24 August 1522. 246 14 January 1523. 247 18 May 1523. 248 8 October 1523. 249 18 January 1524. 250 22 August 1523. 251 The year is under the vellum tab. It is probably anno xvjmo making it 4 January 1525. 252 24 April 1525. 253 A section has been cut out of this folio. 254 20 January 1526. 255 The vellum tab for this page with the words ‘Lynen & vllen cloth’ has become detached and it is now stuck onto f. 24r.

Glossary The glossary has been compiled using Ashelford, Visual History; Cunnington, Handbook; Hayward, 1542 Inventory; Monnas, ‘Tissues’; Monnas, Merchants; Scott, Visual History; Starkey, Inventory; June Swann, personal communication; Veale, Fur Trade. In the entries, (m) refers to an item of male dress and (f) refers to an item of female dress. AGLET ornamental metal tags that could be attached to points or used in pairs with no visible tie ends; they could be used as a fastening or as a decorative trimming ALB a long-sleeved linen vestment worn over the cassock and under the chasuble, tunicle, dalmatic or cope and worn as a suit with an amice, apparel and girdle ALMAIN COAT or JACKET a short, close-fitting coat or jacket with long hanging sleeves, open on the front seam and short flared skirts, in the German or ‘Almain’ style ALMAIN HOSE paned hose with the lining pulled out in puffs, in the German or ‘Almain’ style AMICE a panel of white linen worn as a neck cloth APPAREL a decorative embroidered panel applied to the alb and amice ARMING DOUBLET a padded doublet worn under armour BAG a girdle pouch; this term can also mean a pocket BAG-RINGS the rings which stiffened the bag’s opening BASE-COAT a jacket or jerkin with a pleated skirt, often with short sleeves; the half-base coat or demi-base coat was for military use BASES the pleated skirt of a jacket or jerkin; sometimes a separate item worn with armour BAUDEKIN a rich figured silk, imported from the thirteenth century; from the fifteenth century, baudekins were lampas silks that could be plain or figured, monochrome or polychrome, and with metal threads BEARING CLOTH the outer wrapping for a baby; a sumptuous blanket used at christenings BED the cloth in which a swaddled child was wrapped; it was held in place with bands and enclosed the feet

BIB a piece of cloth worn below the chin of an infant or young child to keep other clothing clean BIGGIN a child’s plain, close-fitting cap or coif BILIMENT/HABILIMENT the decorative border worn with a French hood; the ‘nether’ biliment was worn at the front of the bonnet and the ‘upper’ biliment was worn on the crown BLACKWORK embroidery in black silk on linen BLANKET a baby’s outdoor wrapping, often of woollen cloth; undyed cloth or a thick, white cloth of average quality BODY the bodice of a gown or kirtle; the front of the bodice was sometimes known as the ‘fore-body’ BODYES a woman’s bodice was referred to as a ‘pair of bodyes’, as it was made in two sections joined together at the sides BONNET a small head covering BOOT HOSE stockings worn inside boots to protect the netherstocks; usually of coarser material than the netherstocks BOOTS footwear extending over the ankles and often to the knee; ‘single’ boots were often unlined, while furlined boots were worn during the winter; they could pull on or be fastened with laces or buckles BORDERS decorative bands of fabric or goldsmith’s work that could be applied to the front and hem of gowns, sleeves, etc, similar to guards; another names for biliments BOTEWS another name for buskins BRIGANDINE textile or leather doublet lined from small riveted plates BROAD CLOTH a fine quality woollen cloth; its width was set at 63 in. (160 cm) by Edward VI BROCADE a textile usually made from silk; the pattern is usually formed by the introduction of one or more supplementary wefts; the brocading wefts are confined to the patterned areas and so do not run from selvedge to selvedge BUCKRAM a union cloth, probably linen and cotton BUDGE imported lambskin BUSKINS knee-high, pull-on boots with a turned down top, often with lacing for fastening, made from both leather and silk CADDIS a worsted tape

CAFFA a rich silk cloth; a coarse type of taffeta CALABRE squirrel skins CAMBRIC a fine, light-weight linen cloth CAMLET a warp faced tabby cloth with a pronounced weft rib, made of silk, wool, mohair or camel hair; it could incorporate metal thread, it could be figured, watered or waved CANVAS a coarse, plain weave linen CAP a small, close-fitting head covering, often made of soft material CARCAN/CARCANET bands of jewels worn as necklaces CARNATION red CASSOCK a long, loose coat, often buttoned down the front, sometimes with a cape collar; the cassock got shorter as the century progressed; also a term for the coat with a closed or open front worn by young children CAUL an openwork coif or skull cap, often made from silk or metal threads CHAMMER a rich gown, open at the front CHAPE a metal plate on the point of a scabbard CHASUBLE the vestment worn by the priest while celebrating mass; it was cut away at the sides to allow the priest to raise his arms as he elevated the host CHEMISE female undergarment, usually linen, knee length and with short sleeves CLOTH a woollen cloth CLOTH OF GOLD/SILVER a term used to cover silk fabrics produced in a range of weaves with a high percentage of metal thread. The additional wefts could be of gold or silver-gilt metal wire or thread (either a flat metal strip or a metal strip wound round a silk or linen core); it was produced in a variety of colours CLOUT, DOUBLE CLOUT, TAIL CLOUT double pieces of linen cloth used as a nappy COAT a sleeveless or short sleeved jacket or jerkin, worn over the doublet; full-length, front-fastening garment worn by young boys CODPIECE a pouch-like appendage, attached to the hose by points to conceal the front opening COIF a close-fitting linen cap, often covering the ears COLLET a band of metal encircling a stone and holding it in place

434

glossary

CONEY rabbit fur CORKS shoes with a heel and sole of cork CORPORAL CASE (burse) a case to protect the corporal cloth COTTON a woollen cloth with a raised nap CRESPIN a hair her or fine liner caul, often embroidered with silk or metal thread CREST CLOTH a linen cloth often used for linings CREWEL see Sipers CUTWORK patterns created by cutting out sections of fabric; the term is also used to describe appliqué CYPRUS a fine lawn DALMATIC a sleeved, T-shaped, calflength tunic worn by deacons assisting the priest at mass DAMASK a monochrome figured cloth with a reversible pattern created by using contrasting faces of the weave, usually a satin; the ground was usually of satin (warp-faced) and the pattern in sateen (weft-faced); it could be made from silk, linen or wool; the defining features were the warp and weft count, the composition of the warp, the evenness of the surface and whether the handle of the fabric was soft or firm DEMI-GOWN a short gown, often worn for riding DEMI-SLEEVE a wide sleeve ending at the elbow DICKER ten; the traditional unit of exchange of hides or skins DOUBLE lined DOUBLET the main garment for the upper body for men and boys once they were breeched, could be made with or without sleeves DRAWN WORK weft threads were pulled out and the remaining warp and weft threads were whipped stitched and then linked with blanket stitch; used to decorate shirts, smocks ENGLISH HOOD/GABLE or PEDIMENT HEADDRESS a hood, with a wire under-structure, that formed a pointed arch above the forehead; from c. 1500–25 the hood hung in folds to the shoulders, with the face bordered by lappets, it was worn with an under-cap but the hair was still visible; after c. 1525 the front lappets were shortened and often pinned up on top of the head and folds at the back were replaced with two pendant sections; the hair was no longer visible FARTHINGALE a framework with hoops of wood or whalebone worn under women’s skirts to extend it FITCH fur of the polecat FLANNEL a woollen cloth with an open texture made of slightly twisted yarns FLOWER a jewel, not necessarily flower shaped FOINES, FOYNES fur of the stone marten

FOREPART a triangular piece of cloth that filled in the central section of the skirt FORE-SLEEVES the fore-sleeves were often made of richer material than the upper sleeves which were not seen as they were covered by over sleeves; they could be separate items FOX POOTS a fur made up of fox paws FRENCH CLOAK circular or semicircular, long cloak, often with a collar and a shoulder cape FRENCH HOOD a small bonnet, worn on the back of the head, with a decorative front band or border stretching from ear to ear, behind this and over the crown was the biliment FRENCH SLEEVES a style of sleeve that was often pinked or paned FRIEZE a woollen cloth with a nap FRISADO, FRIZADO a heavy worsted cloth FROCK a loose jerkin or jacket, intended to be comfortable; a long garment worn by boys before breeching FRONTLET a decorative band worn by women across the forehead with a bonnet, coif or caul FUSTIAN a coarse twill union cloth of linen and cotton, although it sometimes included worsted thread GABERDINE a long coat with wide sleeves which could be worn loose or with a girdle; fashionable 1510–60 GENETTE, JENNET fur of the civet cat GIRDLE a cord or band placed around the hips or waist, used to contain loose garments and to hang objects from GLAUDEKIN a long, full gown GOWN (m) a long, loose outer garment, usually with long wide sleeves; (f) a woman’s dress GRAIN the red dye derived from the kermes beetle GUARDS decorative bands of material, applied as borders or along seems; they could be embroidered, slashed or plain HALF-GOWN another term for demigown HANGING SLEEVE a false, decorative sleeve that usually matched the doublet if worn by a man and the bodice if worn by a woman HAT a head covering with a crown and brim HAT BAND a decorative band of silk or ribbon placed around the base of a hat’s crown HOLLAND a fine linen cloth HOOD a loose covering for the head, sometimes extending onto the shoulders; hoods were often worn for formal mourning HOSE (m) stockings extending to the hip worn by men; (f) stockings worn to the knee INCARNATE flesh colour IN GRAIN wool dyed in the yarn or in the wool, usually dyed with kermes to produce a strong red or crimson

IRISH MANTLE a type of cloak JACKET a short, upper garment usually worn over the doublet, it was often sleeveless, also known as a jerkin JERKIN a short upper garment usually worn over the doublet, often sleeveless but could have long sleeves, also known as a jacket KENDAL a coarse woollen cloth, often in green KERCHIEF a covering for the head or the neck KERMES this term can denote the dyestuff and the colour made from it. It produced the best quality bright red and it was made from the dried bodies of the female kermes beetle KERSEY a coarse woollen cloth, a double twill KIRTLE initially a sleeved, long garment, worn under a gown; a full kirtle was the bodice and skirt, a half-kirtle was just the skirt; from the 1540s the kirtle usually consisted of just the skirt LACE a braid; to lace LAWN a semi-transparent, very fine linen cloth LETTICE fur of the snow weasel, more expensive than miniver and less expensive than ermine LETTICE CAP or BONNET a bonnet made of lettice covering the ears LIBERD, LEOPARD fur of the leopard, popular in the sixteenth century MANTLE a long gown with a train for ceremonial wear, a long, wrapping outer garment, usually without sleeves; worn for mourning MARBLE parti-coloured MEDLEY a woollen cloth, where the warp and weft are different colours MILAN BONNET a soft, beret-shaped cap with a turned-up brim, often slit at the sides MINIVER furs made from the bellies of squirrel skins, white with a little grey MINIVER GROS white belly skins with all the grey hairs left on MINIVER PURE white belly skins with all of the grey hairs trimmed off MINK pale fur of a small stoat-like animal MOTLEY a worsted of mixed colours MUCKMINDER a slang term for a napkin or handkerchief MUFFLER a length of cloth worn round the neck and over the chin MULES soled shoes with no quarters; either an indoor shoe or slipper or an overshoe worn over other footwear outdoors MURREY purple red NETHERSTOCKS the hose, covering the legs NIGHTGOWN a loose, lined gown worn by men and women either indoors for warmth or outdoors as an overgarment; usually lined with fur OES spangles, often of silver or silver gilt

glossary ORPHREY a band of woven or embroidered textile used to decorate vestments PAMPILION lamb skins from Pampeluna, capital of Navarre PANES decorative effect created by long stripes of material joined at the top at bottom. Through the gaps the shirt or lining would be visible and possibly pulled through. Found on sleeves and hose PARTLET (m) a sleeveless jacket or a decorative covering for the upper chest and neck; (f) an in-fill for a low neckline, made with a high collar from the 1530s PASSEMENTERIE ornamental braids or trimmings PATTENS overshoes with wooden soles which were worn with boots or shoes and secured using leather straps PETTICOAT (m) an under doublet worn for warmth and so often padded, unusual after 1520; (f) an undergarment PINK to split, especially of ermine before adding powderings PINKING decorative technique consisting of small slits or holes made in a garment to form a pattern, especially after 1545 PINSON an indoor shoe, sometimes furred, which could be worn with an overshoe PIRLED VELVET a velvet enriched with patterns worked in uncut loops of metal thread PLACKARD (m) a stomacher or covering to infill the front of a low-cut doublet or jacket; (f) a stomacher or front section of a gown or kirtle POCKET a small pouch which could be worn separate of the garment or by the 1530s and 1540s was integral in some garments POINTS ties of silk, ribbon or leather with aglets at the ends to join garments and to create decorative effects POOTS furs made from the paws of animals POPINJAY blue green POWDERINGS ermine skins decorated with ermine tails or with small pieces of black budge used instead of the tails PUFFS or PULLING OUT quantities of fabric pulled out through panes or slits PUKE an imported woollen cloth, often black in colour PURE a term used to describe miniver, meaning trimmed PURFIL a decorative border or edging; trimming or edging RUFF a collar pleated or gathered into a band, often starched and goffered; often with matching frills at the wrists RUSSET a coarse woollen cloth, usually brown or grey SABLE a dark brown fur from the sable marten from the arctic and sub arctic regions of Europe and Asia

SACKCLOTH a coarse cloth made of hemp SAD a dark, muted colour SAFEGUARD overskirt worn by women to protect their skirts while riding SANGUIN blood red SARSENET a thin, lightweight, plain silk often used as a lining fabric; either a tabby or a twill SATIN a fabric with a smooth lustrous surface characterised by long floating threads; these will be warp-floats on one face and weft floats on the reverse face; some of the satins bought by Henry VIII were patterned and striped SATIN OF BRUGES/BRIDGES OF SATIN a mixed fabric with silk warps and woollen wefts SAY a fine twill cloth either all silk, all wool or with a silk warp and a wool weft SCARLET a fine quality woollen cloth and a red colour SHIRT an undergarment worn next to the skin, with a neck band and small upright collar; one of the first garments worn by new born babies SHOES generally flat with a range of fastenings including a bar and t-strap; some slip-on shoes were available through the early and mid-Tudor period, as were high-cut ankle shoes SHORT COATING when an infant was about six months old and started to crawl, it was short coated, i.e. put into clothing that reached the ankles SINGLE unlined SIPERS a fine lawn SLASHING slits of varying length, cut in any part of a garment, but often found on hose or sleeves; at its height between c. 1520–35 SLIPPER a light-weight flat, slip-on shoe without fastening; the term can also be used to denote a light indoor shoe SLOP loose breeches or hose with wide legs; a cloak or nightgown SMOCK a female undergarment worn next to the skin, often embroidered on the collar SPANISH CLOAK a short cloak, sometimes with a hood SQUARE a band of jewels decorating the square neckline of women’s gowns STAMMEL a fine woollen cloth STAMIN a fine woollen cloth STARTUPS an ankle or calf length boot STOCKS the lower part of hose covering the legs, also referred to as netherstocks STOMACHER (m & f) a V-shaped panel, usually stiffened for women and placed between the robings of the gown or kirtle or in the low neck of the doublet and pinned or laced in place

435

SURCOTE a female over garment, which could have sleeves or be sleeveless that was only worn for royal mourning by the sixteenth century SURPLICE worn by all levels of clergy, it was similar to the alb and it was worn for non-Eucharistic worship; also worn by vergers, choristers and servers SWADDLING BANDS bands of linen or wool to wrap fully or partially the body of a newborn baby TAFFETA a light-weight, tabby weave silk, often used as a lining TAWNY orange-brown THRUMS to decorate with thrums or ends of threads, to create a shaggy pile TIMBER a quantity of furs; a package containing 40 skins TINSEL, TILSENT an expensive silk cloth that could be plain or figured and incorporated gold, silver or silver-gilt flat metal strips as brocading wefts; often woven with a satin weave TIPPET a short shoulder cape worn with a gown or doublet TISSUE the most expensive form of cloth of gold/silver; woven in the sixteenth century with raised loops of filé metal thread in several heights and thicknesses above a lampas, brocatelle or velvet ground TRUNK HOSE a style of hose that swelled out from the waistband and then were close-fitting on the thighs TRUNK SLEEVES a sleeve with a very wide top and a narrow wrist, the swollen shape was achieved by padding TUKE a type of buckram TUNICLE a small tunic worn by subdeacons TURKEY GOWN a long coat with long narrow sleeves; a gown in the Turkish style UPPERSTOCKS the breeches, worn with the hose or netherstocks VELVET a silk cloth with a short pile that was formed by placing the supplementary pile warp over rods introduced during the weaving process; the pile could be cut in one height, cut in different heights (velvet upon velvet), left uncut or a combination of these. Velvets could have a solid cut pile or they could have cut pile on a voided satin ground. The latter could be polychrome and could incorporate metal thread VENT a slit up from the hem on coats and shirts WAISTCOAT a close-fitting jacket without sleeves, usually buttoning at the front, worn by men and women WELT a decorative border, similar to a guard WING a roll of stiffened material that hid the join between the sleeve and the armhole; it could be decorated WORSTED a cloth made from long staple wool combed out before spinning

Document Index References prefixed A come from BL Harley MS 2284 and references prefixed B come from BL Harley MS 4217. Most references refer to the entry numbers; a few relate to folio numbers. The entries from both documents have been grouped under the following headings as follows: cloth to be made up, makers, objects, places, recipients of cloth and clothing and suppliers. CLOTH DELIVERED TO THE KING’S ARTIFICERS This section mainly relates to the new items of clothing, accessories and a few items of furniture ordered for the king to be made up by his tailor, hosier, furrier and listed in BL Harley MS 2284. The entries should be cross referenced with the section on the individuals who made them. ALMAIN DOUBLETS tilsent A1242 ARMING DOUBLETS satin A1221 BACKS OF CUSHIONS cloth of gold Venice A599 BASES AND TRAPPERS cloth of gold A400, 417, 427; cloth of gold damask A425, 494, 496; cloth of gold upon satin A493, 495; cloth of gold Venice A492; cloth of silver A491; cloth of silver damask A375, 401; satin A1200–09 BASES, TRAPPERS, SADDLES and HARNESS cloth of silver damask A376, 505; tilsent A725; velvet A925–27 BONNETS velvet A921–23, 938, 953, 965 BORDERS cloth of silver drawn through A499; cloth of silver drawn through lozengewise A486, 488 velvet A486, 488 CHAMMERS cloth of gold damask A470; cloth of gold tissue A442; cloth of silver baudekin A443; satin A1287, 1291; tilsent A739; tissue A470 CHAMMERS and COATS velvet A1048 CLOAKS and COATS FOR MASTER CAREW damask A380 CLOSE CAPS satin A1293 CLOTH OF GOLD, PLAIN bases and trappers A492–96; chammers A470; covering riding coats and doublets A697; doublets A386, 479, 729; doublets and jackets A408, 413, 415, 436; edging chammers A461; edging cloaks A440; embroidering bases and trappers A506; jackets and doublets A502; lining long gowns A407; repairing embroidery A501; riding coats A481; stocks for hose A387–88, 410, 414, 416, 421–22, 468, 483,

503; welting coats A423, 482; welting jackets A623; welting jackets and doublets A629 CLOTH OF SILVER, PLAIN bases and trappers A491, 505; borders on coats A499; chammers A443; doublets A709, 715; doublets and jackets A418, 682; lining borders of frocks A486, 488; lining double cloaks A700; lining gowns A480, 867; performing jackets and doublets A672; riding coats, jackets and doublets A633; stocks for hose A420, 636–37, 639, 641, 688, 714, 895; welting coats A698; welting frocks A707; welting jackets and doublets A686; welting stocks A702 COATS cloth of gold tissue and velvet A382; tilsent A721, 888, 1237; velvet A935, 1090; velvet paned with tilsent A902 COATS and HOODS velvet A957 COATS FOR THE GUARD A916, 1077 COATS WITH DI-SLEEVES AND DOUBLETS velvet A1084 COLLARS AND MUZZLES A1185 COLLARS, CUFFS AND VENTS satin A1192 CUSHIONS A598, 600–02 CUTWORK coats A482; doublets A479 DAMASK GOLD ‘almain’ doublets A1242 DI-COATS velvet A1068 DOUBLE CLOAKS cloth of gold damask A699; tilsent A887; tilsent damask gold A886 DOUBLETS cloth of gold A479, 718; cloth of gold damask A467; cloth of silver damask A383, 389, 716; cloth of silver damask and gold damask A715; satin A1190, 1195–98, 1244, 1247, 1257–58, 1292, 1295–96, 1323, 1325–27, 1329, 1337, 1472–74, 1475–80, 1494; tilsent A763, 768, 771, 775–76; tilsent damask gold A729, 890; velvet A903, 975, 1024, 1036–37, 1054, 1083; velvet and tilsent A1056 DOUBLETS, BREASTS OF satin A1245 DOUBLETS FOR CAREY cloth of silver A476; satin A1251 DOUBLETS FOR FOOTMEN cloth of gold damask A611; cloth of silver damask A610, 612 DOUBLETS FOR FRANCIS I satin A1497 DOUBLETS, LONG satin A1249 DOUBLETS PARTIE tilsent A766 DOUBLETS PARTIE FOR CAREY tilsent A759

DOUBLETS WITH BASES satin A1229 DOUBLETS WITH RUFFED SLEEVES cloth of gold baudekin A386; satin A1213, 1254; tilsent A726; velvet A960, 1046 DOUBLETS AND HOSE tilsent A723 DOUBLETS AND HOSE PARTIE velvet and tilsent A909 EMBROIDERY ‘almain’ doublets A1242; borders A486, 488; chammers A478; glaudekins A1277; repairing borders A501 FOOT CLOTHS FOR MULES cloth of silver tissue A713; velvet A1173 FOOT MANTLES cloth of silver tissue A695 FOOT MANTLES AND SADDLE HOUSES velvet A1171 FROCKS satin A1321; tilsent A764–65, 770, 774, 891, 892; velvet A1041–43, 1045, 1175–76; velvet and tilsent A1055 FROCKS AND DOUBLETS damask A1566; satin A1331, 1338–39, 1341, 1492; velvet A1069, 1096 FROCKS AND MANTLES velvet A1067 GLAUDEKINS cloth of gold damask A404; cloth of gold upon satin A406; cloth of silver A405; tilsent A89; velvet upon velvet A990–91; B48 GOWNS cloth of gold damask A500, 631; cloth of gold tissue A490; cloth of silver damask A618; cloth of silver tissue A684, 695; damask A1514–15; satin A1312, 1499; tilsent A735, 758, 760, 767, 773, 862; tissue A620, 630; velvet A904, 912, 914, 920, 951, 956, 972–74, 978–79, 1053, 1058, 1071, 1073, 1181 GOWNS, LONG, WITH WIDE SLEEVES satin A1278 GOWNS, WITH HIGH COLLARS velvet A1180, 1187 GOWNS, FEMALE cloth of gold after camlet A719; cloth of gold baudekin A437; cloth of gold tissue A369; cloth of silver tissue A487, 498; tissue A469; velvet A910–11 GOWNS AND CHAMMERS velvet A1182 HORSE HARNESS cloth of gold damask A611; cloth of silver damask A610, 612 HOSE cloth of gold A422, 483, 485; cloth of gold baudekin A387–88; cloth of gold damask A414, 416, 468, 640; cloth of gold tissue A410, 412, 503, 642; cloth of gold upon satin A441; cloth of silver A390, 420; cloth of silver damask A381, 638, 641, 714; cloth of silver tissue A636–37, 639; cloth of silver tissue tilsent A688; leather A1209; satin A727, 1209, 1211, 1227, 1246, 1254, 1267–68, 1293, 1297,

438

document index

1324, 1328, 1332, 1481–84, 1488, 1493, 1495, 1498; tilsent A769, 772, 777–78, 780, 868–69, 893, 898, 1236, 1243; tilsent damask gold A730, 894, 900; tilsent silver A895; tissue A635, 689; velvet A930, 961, 966, 976, 994, 1038–39, 1047, 1057, 1060, 1065–66, 1070, 1085 JACKETS cloth of gold A472; satin A1256 JACKETS AND DI-COATS velvet A1020 JACKETS AND DOUBLETS cloth of gold baudkin A484; cloth of gold damask A413, 415, 419; cloth of gold tissue A408, 411, 624; cloth of gold upon satin A436; cloth of silver damask A418, 625, 670; cloth of silver tissue A489, 627, 632; tilsent A682, 861, 865, 874, 1236; tilsent silver A864; tissue A617, 643, 685; velvet A993, 995, 1026 JACKETS AND PARTLETS satin A1290 JACKETS WITH DI-SLEEVES AND DOUBLETS cloth of gold tissue A502 LONG GOWNS WITH WIDE SLEEVES velvets A992 KIRTLES baudekin damask gold A607; cloth of gold damask A606, 608; tilsent A857–58; tilsent damask gold A856; tissue A603 MANTLES satin A1188; tilsent A1234; velvet A917, 977, 1059 MANTLES IN THE SPANISH FASHION tilsent A762

MULE HARNESS cloth of silver tissue A713 NIGHT BONNETS satin A1220, 1228; velvet A937, 943 NIGHTGOWNS velvet A958, 1167 NIGHTGOWNS, female velvet A1072 PANING jackets and doublets A617, 626, 669; hose A641 PARTLETS, for men satin A1261–62; velvet A967 PARTLETS, LONG, for men velvet A1061–63, 1178 PILLION SADDLES, SADDLE HOUSES, HARNESS and FOOT STOOLS cloth of gold damask A373 PLACARDS satin A1250 PURSES satin A1299, 1344; velvet A931–32, 940–42, 944–46, 971, 1086 RIDING CAPS satin A1232 RIDING COATS cloth of gold damask A481; cloth of gold tissue A667; tilsent damask gold A621; tilsent A879 tissue A683; velvet A908, 915, 963 RIDING COATS and DI-COATS satin A728, 1330 velvet A962, 969 RIDING COATS, DI-COATS and HOODS velvet A947, 949

RIDING COATS, JACKETS AND DOUBLETS cloth of silver tissue A633 RIDING COATS and STALKING COATS velvet A934, 939 SADDLES AND STIRROPS cloth of gold upon satin A379 SCABBERDS velvet A1092, 1094 SIDE SADDLES, HARNESS and FOOT STOOLS cloth of silver damask A375 SPANGLES gold A617 STALKING COATS satin A1490 STALKING COATS AND BONNETS satin A1263 STOMACHERS satin A1213–19, 1233, 1266, 1465, 1491 STOMACHERS FOR MISTRESS CAREW tilsent A732 STOMACHERS FOR LADY GUILDFORD cloth of gold baudekin A385 STOMACHERS FOR THE QUEEN cloth of gold baudekin A391; cloth of gold tissue A391; cloth of silver damask A391; cloth of silver tissue A430; tilsent A731; tissue A691 TENNIS COATS velvet A905–06 TRAPPERS cloth of gold tissue A439 VENTS, BORDERS and CUFFS velvet A997

MAKERS This encompasses the core group of individuals who made the king’s clothes and a few items for members of the household.

A382, 721, 902, 1238; coats and hoods A957; covering coats A999, 1320; covering doublets A1269, 1319, 1321; covering doublets and jackets A1279; covering stocks A1270; covering and cutting upon doublets A1054; covering and cutting upon frocks A1314; demi-coats A1068; doublets A383, 389, 467, 479, 729, 763, 768, 771, 775–76, 903, 975, 1024, 1036–37, 1056, 1190, 1195–98, 1244, 1247, 1257, 1260, 1292, 1295–96, 1301, 1304– 05, 1310, 1323, 1325–27, 1329; doublets for Carey A476, 759, 1251, 1308; doublets partie A766; doublets with ruffed sleeves A386, 726, 960, 1046, 1212, 1253; doublets and jackets A408, 411, 413, 415, 418–19, 436, 484, 993, 995, 1012, 1026, 1235; doublets with bases A1229; edging chammers A461; edging cloaks A440; edging coats and di-coats A968; edging sleeves of gowns A1035; frocks A764–65, 770, 774, 1041–43, 1045, 1055, 1321; frocks and doublets A1069, 1331; frocks and mantles A1067; glaudekins A404, 990–91; glaudekins with wide sleeves A405; gowns A735, 758, 760, 767, 773, 904, 912, 914, 920, 956, 972–73, 979, 1053, 1058, 1071, 1303, 1312; gowns, long, with wide sleeves A992, 1278; gowns, with high collars A951, 974; guarding coats A1225; guarding coats for the Guard A916, 1077; guarding riding coats and stalking coats A1210; half-coats A935; hemming coats and demicoats A964; jackets A472, 1017, 1255–56; jackets and demi-coats A1020; jackets and partlets A1290; lengths of cloth A424; lengths of cloth to the king’s use A950; lining book coverings A1271; lining borders on frocks A486, 488; lining chamers A478; lining coats A1586; lining doublets A1577, 1583, 1587;

lining glaudekins A403, 733, 1276–77; lining gowns A477, 480, 761, 978, 1272–73, 1311, 1315–17; lining half-coats A1222–23; lining jackets A1580, 1582; lining long gowns A734; lining long gowns with wide sleeves A407; lining hoods and partlets A1588; lining mantles A370, 720, 1313, 1318; lining partlets and caps A1584; lining riding coats A1579; lining riding coats and di-coats A1578; lining riding coats, di-coats and doublets A1581; lining stalking coats and caps A1585; long doublets A1249; mantles A917, 977, 1059, 1188, 1234; mantles of the Spanish fashion A762; night bonnets A937, 943, 1220, 1228; nightgowns A958; partlets A967, 1261–62; partlets, long A1061–63; performing the capes of gowns A432, 434–35, 1288; placards A1250; riding caps A1232; riding coats A481, 728, 908, 915, 963; riding coats and di-coats A962, 969, 1330; riding coats, di-coats and hoods A947, 949; riding coats and stalking coats A934, 938; sleeves and performing a cape on a gown A1006–07; stalking coats and bonnets A1263; stocking hose A388, 390, 730, 1248; stomachers A1213–19, 1233, 1266; tennis coats A906; welting coats A423, 482, 981 HOSIER, WILLIAM lengths of cloth A687; covering stocks A421, 701, 996, 1000, 1322; cutting cloth upon stocks A779; setting cloth upon stocks A1060; stalking hose A1306; stocking hose A379, 387, 410, 412, 414, 416, 420, 422, 441, 468, 483, 485, 503, 635–39, 641–42, 688–89, 703, 714, 727, 769, 772, 777–78, 780, 868–69, 875, 895, 898, 930, 966, 976, 994, 1014, 1027, 1038–39, 1047, 1057, 1065–66, 1070, 1085, 1209, 1211, 1227, 1236, 1243, 1246, 1254,

FOSTER, THOMAS collars and muzzles A1185; lengths of cloth A693–94, 1170; performing trappers and bases A692; satin A1485–86 GIBSON, RICHARD bases and trappers A375, 724, 925–27, 1199– 200, 1201–08; bases, trappers, harness and saddle A376, 505, 725; cloaks and coats A380, 1505; cloth A1576; cloth for the king’s disguising A1282–83 cloth for the king’s jousts A644–51, 1080, 1156–58, 1458–59, 1563–65, 1569–75; cloth of the king’s jousts, revels and masks A475, 1040; cloth for the king’s waiters A652, 1159–60; cloth for masks A654–66, 870–72, 1161–63, 1460–63, 1567; cloth for mummeries A428–29, 444, 1284–85, 1506–07; cutwork and ‘engrayle’ bases, trapper, horse harness and saddle A1101; embroidering bases, trappers, harness and saddles A506; enriching disguising garments A403; performing bases and trappers A491–96, 781, 928, 1074–76; performing coats A1504, 1508; performing the king’s disguising A426; saddles and stirrups A379 HILTON, WILLIAM ‘almain’ doublets A1243; arming doublets A1221; bonnets A921–23, 938, 953, 965, 1015–16; bordering riding coats, di-coats and hoods A948; breast of a doublet A1245; chammers A442–43, 470–71, 739, 1010, 1287, 1291; chammers and coats for Carey A1048; cloaks A1013; close caps A1294, 1302; coats

document index

439

1267–68, 1280–81, 1293, 1297, 1307, 1324, 1328, 1332, 1336, 1340, 1342–43, 1355–56, 1466, 1481–84, 1488, 1493, 1495, 1498; stocking and welting hose A900; upper parts of pairs of hose A894; welting hose A640, 961, 1186; welting stocks A702, 1184 JENNYNS, MISTRESS purses A1299–1300 JENNYNS, THOMAS furring chammers A357, 359–60; cloaks A352; gowns A348–49, 351, 353, 355, 358, 364, 368; gowns for Master Carew A363; forefronts of gowns A362; mantles A354; nightgowns A350; sleeves A356; performing the fur on gowns A361; gowns A365–67 JUSTICE, RICHARD gowns for the Princess A393, 399; gowns for the queen A392, 394; lengths of cloth A395, 952; satin tilsent for the queen A1241; tilsent for the queen A1238–40; velvet for vents, borders and cuffs of a gown A997 LOVEKYN, GEORGE foot cloths for mules A713; harness for mules A713; velvet for foot cloths and harness A1173; velvet for foot mantles and saddle houses A1171; velvet for footmen’s doublets and hose A1147–48; velvet for horse harness and footmen’s doublets A1142–46 MAGNUS, MASTER mending horse harness A924; saddles, harness, foot stools A924 MARION covering girdles A933; covering scabbards A1092, 1094; covering scabbards and girdles A1179; covering sheaths A985; covering sheaths and girdles A984

MAYOR, NICHOLAS covering bow cases and quivers A711; foot stools A373–74; horse harness A373–74; performing horse harness A782; performing saddles, harness and covering stirrups A928; performing the covering of a saddle house A1172; pillion saddles A373; saddle houses A373; side saddles A374; trappers A439 MORTIMER, WILLIAM embroidering the border of a cloth of estate A1153; chammers A478; coat armour A397; coats A384, 465, 1298; Coats of Arms A464, 980; doublets and jackets A409, 474; doublets, jackets and hose A431, 433; gowns, doublets and jackets A398; mantles A371; roses for riding coats A1226; roses for coats A1568; roses and crowns for coats A1189; performing coats, doublets and pairs of hose A955; roses for coats A1191; repairing borders of embroidery A501 de PARIS, JOHN bordering cloaks A1168; chammers, double welted A1099–100; coats A706, 888, 1090; coats with demi-sleeves and doublets A1084; covering jackets and doublets A1464; double cloaks A699, 886–87; double mantles with sleeves A704; double welting coats A1177; doublets A708–09, 715–16, 718, 890, 893, 1083, 1337, 1472–74, 1475–80, 1494; doublets and hose A723; doublets for Francis I A1497; drawing through borders of coats A499; frocks A710, 891–92, 1175–76; frocks and doublets A1096, 1338–39, 1341, 1492, 1566; gowns A490, 500, 684, 862, 867, 1073, 1181, 1348, 1499, 1514–15; gowns with high collars

A1180, 1187; gowns and chammers A1182; jackets and doublets A489, 643, 670, 682, 685, 861, 864–66, 874, 909; jackets with demisleeves and doublets A502; lengths of cloth A681, 705; lining double cloaks A700; double mantles with sleeves A889; gowns A860, 863, 1152, 1154; jackets A1335, 1349; mantles to make doublets and hose A143; mending doublets A1347; new making half-quarters and over bodies A1087–88, 1345–46; nightgowns A1167; paning frocks and doublets A899; partlets, long A1178; performing doublets and jackets A672; performing welting of jackets and doublets A686; riding coats A667, 683, 879; riding coats and doublets A697; stalking coats A1490; stomachers A1466, 1491; welting doublets A1178; doublets and gowns A1183; doublets and jackets A669, 671, 873; frocks A707, 1489; gowns A1083, 1093, 1155; jackets A1470–71; riding coats A668, 698 SCUT, JOHN collars, cuff and vents for gowns for the princess A1192; gowns A369, 487, 910–11; gowns for Mistress Carew A1009; lining gowns A473; nightgowns for the princess A1073 SILK WOMAN purses A971 WARREN, MISTRESS purses A931–32, 941–42, 944–46 WHELER, JOHN gowns for the princess A437, 719; kirtles for the queen A856–58; lining gowns A438 WORSHIP, MISTRESS purses A1086, 1344

OBJECTS This section covers the objects already in existence at the time the two documents were drawn up.

removed and put into other garments B96; gowns made into a horse trapper and harness A153; half-coats made into a trapper and base A239; jackets made into a trapper and base A238; mantles made into doublets and hose A143; new clocking B169, 177; new covering B174; vestments cut and unmade A328 ARMING COATS with bases B150; with demi sleeves B150 ARMING DOUBLETS satin B302 ARMING POINTS doublets B322; with aglets B322 BAGS, also see pouches of stoolwork B364 BANNERS, also see spensels, streamers diverse sorts B357; sarsenet B358–59; trumpet B360; with laces and tassels B360; with the cross of St George B359; with the king’s arms B358 BARDS for great horses A267; cloth of gold A298; leather A267 BASES cloth of gold A271; cloth of gold tissue A264–65; satin B309; tilsent A268; velvet A200; B150, 310 BAUDEKIN A552–59 BAUDEKIN DAMASK GOLD A572–75 BAUDEKIN VENICE GOLD A579 BELLS A301 BOAR TUSKS B387

BOOK BINDINGS, detached cloth of gold tissue B371; damask B376; velvet B375 BOOKS A333; B372, 375–76 BORDERS, BORDERED location: chammers A22, 152; B94–95, 121; cloaks B40, 112, 156; coats B274; double mantles B98; four-quartered jackets A247, 249; gowns A19, 97, 124; B86–87, 113, 118; gowns for a woman A77; B351–52; jackets A216; jornets B353–54; mantles A107; B89, 109; riding coats B271, 273, 291; riding gowns A78; B350; short coats B272, 275; trappers A270: material: cloth of gold B156; cloth of gold wrought in the stool B40; cloth of silver A97; B89; embroidered A19; satin A107; B92, 94, 113, 271–72, 291; stoolwork A77–78, 124, 249; B350–54; velvet A22, 152, 270; B86–87, 93, 95, 98, 109, 112, 118, 121, 273–75: type: cut 273–75; double B109, 112– 13, 271–72; triple B118, 121; quadruple B273–75; six A152; B291 BOXES B381, 388 BRIDGES SATIN B662 BRIGANDINES, pairs of B366 BUCKLES A302–06, 307–09, 311; B137, 335, 338 BUCKRAM B377 BURGION GUARDS, also see guards B101, 103, 108, 111, 123 BUSKINS B394

AGLETS location: chammers A102; B31, 134; cloaks B138; doublets A11, 202, 215, 259–60; B210, 213, 215–16, 225–27, 229, 322; frocks B67, 71; gowns B32, 123; hose A11, 194, 202, 260; jackets A11; B158; mantles B125; placards and fore-sleeves A256; on capes B125, 138; on sleeves B131–32; tying a collar B225; material: enamelled B322; gold A11, 102, 194, 202, 215, 259–60; B31–32, 67, 71, 123, 131–32, 134, 138, 322; white B225–26; type: flat B138; long B322; pairs A215, 256; B210, 213; paris B225–27, 229; small A259–60; B125, 215–6; small, ‘wrethen’ B134 ALMAIN COATS velvet and tilsent A235 ALMAIN DOUBLETS, also see doublets tilsent B259–60; tilsent and velvet A182, 196 ALMAIN HOSE, also see hose cloth of gold after baudekin B222; cloth of silver and tilsent B224; tilsent and velvet A182, 196 ALTAR CLOTHS damask A319; linen A320; sarsenet A325; velvet A87 ALTAR FRONTALS A88 ALTAR PILLOWS A331 ALTERATIONS changes to the lining B179; doublets and jackets made into unspecified garments A216; fur linings taken out A111; B26, 34; furs

440

document index

BUTTONS A8, 102–03, 215, 259–60; B31, 36, 38, 123, 132, 134, 213 CAMLET B713–14, 718–20, 723–24, 726–27, 733–34 CAPS of estate B3, 17; of maintenance B336 CARPETS B385 CASES B369, 387–88 CEREMONIAL ROBES, see coronation robes, parliament robes, garter robes, toison d’or robes CHAIRS B384 CHAMMERS cloth of gold, damask, raised with silver B25; cloth of gold tissue B23–24; satin A22; B81–82, 121; tilsent A20, 135–36; B119; tilsent damask gold B86; tissue B70; velvet A139; B31, 34; velvet upon velvet A27; with a high collar A135–36 CHAPES B338–40, 344–45 CHESSMEN with a pair of tables and tablesmen B368 CHILDREN, clothes for A67 CLASPS A194, 202; B376 CLOAKS, also see double cloaks, French cloaks, Spanish cloaks French black B102; sables B96; satin B111–12; scarlet B156; tissue B69; velvet B40; velvet upon velvet B51 CLOCKS A123; B169, 172 CLOTH OF DAMASK B401–02 CLOTH OF GOLD B386, 403 CLOTH OF GOLD BAUDEKIN B404–05 CLOTH OF GOLD DAMASK B427, 443, 541 CLOTH OF GOLD TISSUE A264–65; B371, 411–13, 431, 436–38 CLOTH OF GOLD TISSUE, DAMASK GOLD B395–97, 416, 422 CLOTH OF SILVER B428, 432–35, 442 CLOTH OF SILVER, DAMASK B414–15, 417–18, 420–21, 424–26 CLOTH OF SILVER TISSUE B419 CLOTH OF SILVER TISSUE, RAISED WITH GOLD B398–400 CLOTH OF TISSUE B423 COATS, also see ‘almain’ coats, arming coats, riding coats, short coats camlet A240; cloth of gold A221; cloth of gold after baudekin B233; cloth of gold after baudekin and satin B253; cloth of silver B263, 267, 270; satin B152, 274; tilsent B254; tilsent and satin B262; tissue B174; tissue and tilsent B171; velvet A155–56, 161, 164–65, 200, 203, 205, 251–52; B140, 166, 188; velvet tissue B170; velvet and tilsent B249; velvet pirled and cloth of silver tilsent A209; wolf skin B143; with demi sleeves A221; B263, 267, 270

COFFERS B390 COPES A85–86, A316–17, 322 CORONATION ROBES B1–4 CRESTS/CRESTED location: cloaks B102; coats B254, 267, 270; doublets B264, 276–77, 278–80, 284, 286, 288–89, 293–94, 297, 299; frocks B99; gowns B104; jackets B283, 285, 287, 295–96; riding coats B251; short coats B252; Spanish cloaks B107; material: cloth of gold B278; cloth of silver B267, 270, 280, 296–97; satin B102, 264, 287–88; tilsent B295–97, 299; tinsel B279; velvet B99, 104, 107, 251–52, 254, 276–77, 283–84, 289, 293–94; type: double B267, 270, 283, 294–95; triple B276–77, 278–79, 293, 296–97, 299 CROSSES A329 CRUCIFIXES B369 CUFFS B352 CURTAINS A326–27 CUSHIONS B384 CUTS, CUTWORK location: ‘almain’ doublets and hose A182; bases B150; bases and short coats A268; bases and trappers A271; chammers A20, 102; B81–82; coats A183, 189; doublets A11, 53, 259; B193–95, 201; doublets and hose A193, 196, 201–02, 234, 237, 253, 260; doublets, hose and jackets A11, 169, 184, 188, 190, 198, 201, 207, 217, 219–20, 229; doublets and jackets A224; frocks A113; gowns A19; B21; jackets A48; B151, 160, 163; mantles A107, 371; riding coats B168; style: cut after the ‘almain’ fashion A196; cut in panes B201; cut in a rich border A107; cut lozengewise B81–82; cut over satin A188, 190, 207, 229, 234; cut upon cloth B151; cut upon cloth of gold A102, 169, 184, 189, 198, 202, 371; B193; cut upon cloth of gold damask A217; cut upon cloth of gold and velvet A183; cut upon cloth of gold upon satin damask gold A19; cut upon cloth of silver A11, 20, 48, 53, 201, 220; cut upon tilsent A193; cut upon velvet A219, 224, 253, 268, 271; B194; cut with letters B150; cut with satin A113, 234, 237; embroidered A48; tied with buttons and aglets A259–60 DAGGERS B347 DAMASK B376, 675–97 DEACONS AND SUBDEACONS baudekin A318 DECORATIVE MOTIFS arms of England B391; arms of Spain and Portugal B382; bird’s eyes A106, 170; checks A195, 197, 399, 459, 564, 605; B89, 412, 417; crowns B383; crucifixion with Mary and John A87; drops B211, 219, 300, 457; fleur de lis A598; B362, 383; flowers A552–58; B410; friars’ knots A27; B263, 266, 423; ‘frops’ B413; g A405; H&E A303; Holy Ghost B336; letters B380; lozenges B504; oak leaves B260, 308; portcullises A267, 302, 559–60; B394; roses A267, 302, 312; B362, 394; rowed A561–63; B456; salutation of Our Lady A88; turrets A312

DEMI-TRAPPERS (half-trappers) A272–73 DIAMONDS, also see pearls B32, 131 DOG COLLARS B391–92 DORNIX B455 DOUBLE CLOAKS B62–63 DOUBLE CLOTH B429–30 DOUBLETS baudekin A158; cloth of gold A176, 178, 190, 221, 261; B278, 317; cloth of gold after baudekin A188, 214, 231, 256; B223, 234; cloth of gold of damask A185, 204, 220, 223–24; B194; cloth of gold tissue A177, 197; B195–96, 209, 211, 217–18, 276; cloth of gold tissue and cloth of silver tissue B226; cloth of gold and satin B265; cloth of silver A172, 202; B227, 229, 266, 269, 280; cloth of silver and tilsent B224, 288; cloth of silver of damask A263; B215, 315; cloth of silver of damask and tilsent B214; cloth of silver tilsent B219; cloth of silver tissue B210, 220–21; cloth of silver tissue raised A222; covered with satin A158, 172, 177; B216; covered with velvet A178; French black B268; satin A12, 193, 201, 225, 228, 230, 259, 262; B205–08, 230, 281, 289–90, 322; tilsent A8, 52, 54, 167–68, 170, 191–92, 207, 219, 229, 234; B197, 213, 216, 222, 231, 264, 277, 318, 320; tilsent damask gold A173, 194; tilsent tissue A233; tilsent and velvet A162–63, 180, 208, 236; tinsel B279; tissue A157, 159, 212, 218, 226; B225, 284; unspecified A257; velvet A11, 53, 84, 198, 206, 216–17, 227, 232, 250; B193, 198, 200–04, 228, 232, 282; velvet cut on cloth of gold A169, 184; velvet and cloth of silver B212; velvet, pirled and tissue B286; velvet on velvet B199; with a high collar B225; with placard and fore-sleeves A256; B227, 229, 232; with wide sleeves A84 DRAWN, also see ruffed location: doublets B228; doublets and hose B320; doublets, hose, jackets and coats A221; jackets B319; materials: with linen A221; B228, 319–20 EDGED, EDGING location: cloaks B51, 112; doublets B195; gowns B115; jackets B312; materials: cloth of gold B51; tissue B195; velvet B112, 115, 312 EMBROIDERY location: ‘almain’ coats A235; altar cloths A87; altar frontals A88; arming doublets B302; caps of maintenance B336; chammers A27; coats B152, 166; copes A85, 316; crucifix B369; doublets A53, 250, 256; B194, 196, 199–207, 227–29, 232, 265, 322; doublets and hose A11, 167–68, 202, 232, 236; doublet, hose and jackets A184, 198, 206, 217–18, 230; fore-sleeves B282, 317; frocks A112, 130; B54–55, 59; girdles B356; gloves B393; gowns A18–19; B79; images B370; jackets A11, 48, 247; B151, 159–62, 164, 167, 321; pieces of satin B380; placards B282, 317; scutchions B382; sheaths B338, 344, 346; surnapes B373; toison d’or robes B9; trappers A271; velvet, length of B504; velvet, pieces of B383; vestments A324, 329; material/style: Cuer Loyall A271; crucifix A329; cutwork A11, 48, 53; damask gold A167; B232; garter with a scutchion of the arms of St George A346; gold B338, 373; silk A112, 130; Venice gold

document index B54–55, 166, 203–04, 206, 228, 370, 380, 504; white silver A218; with cloth of gold B164; with cloth of silver B159; with letters B321–22 ENAMEL A103, 309; B322, 345, 355 FOOT CLOTHS A274 FORE-QUARTERS for a gown A32; for a jackets B190 FORE-SLEEVES with doublets A216; B227, 229, 232, 281–82, 289–90, 317 FORM CLOTHS cloth of gold damask A332 FOUR-QUARTERED JACKETS, also see jackets cloth of gold A122; B145; cloth of gold, damask B146; velvet A46, 247–48; velvet upon velvet B148–49, 151; little, short B148; with sleeves A122, 249 FRENCH CLOAKS tilsent B97 FRINGE/FRINGED A244, 264–66, 325–27; B373, 381 FROCKS cloth of gold, tissue B42; damask A141; B124; satin A111, 126, 128, 140; B59, 83, 126–28; tilsent A113; B44; tilsent and velvet A208; velvet A129–30; B54, 67; velvet and cloth of gold tissue B71; velvet and satin B72; velvet A29, 112, 114; B55, 73; short B42 FUR location: bases B309; caps of maintenance B325; chammers A20, 22, 139; B23–25, 31, 34, 94–95, 119, 121, 131, 134; cloaks B96, 137; coats A155–56, 164–65, 175, 205, 240, 244, 251; B140, 334 coronation robes B1–4; demi-coats B143; four-quartered jackets A122, 246, 248; frocks A114; B83, 99, 124, 126–27; gowns A3–4, 9–12, 14–15, 18, 21, 23, 31, 34, 101, 103, 121, 123–24, 127, 138, 144– 45; B19–22, 26–30, 32–33, 36–39, 84–86, 92–93, 113–18, 120, 122–23, 132, 328, 330, 332; gowns for women A78, 118–19; hoods A67; jackets A171, 199, 238; B141– 42, 144, 333; kirtles A67; mantles A1–2; B331; nightgowns B35, 100, 110, 133; parliament robes B5–8; robes with a train for a child B323; short four-quartered jackets A69, 71; short gowns A64, 66; tabards A67; B324; trappers A269; type: budge A1–4, 9, 14, 23, 34, 64, 66, 69, 71, 103, 114, 122, 138, 144, 175, 238, 240, 246, 248; B38–39, 86, 92, 113–14, 116–17, 122, 124, 142, 327, 333; coney A101, 155–56, 164–65, 171, 199, 205, 251; B309; coney, black A12; B33, 99, 110, 126–27, 140– 41, 144; ermine A11, 18, 119, 121, 244, 269; B4, 7–8, 18, 325, 328, 330–32, 334; ermine, powdered B19; jennets B20–21, 29, 120; jennets, black A145; B20, 29; jennets, grey A10; luzards B24, 27, 36, 85, 93, 95, 118, 123, 131; miniver A67; B1–3, 5–6, 15–17; mink A78, 124; ostrich skins B329; pampilion A31; pure B323–24; sables A15, 20–22, 127, 139; B22–23, 25–26, 28, 30–32, 34–35, 37, 83–84, 94, 96, 100, 115, 119, 121, 132, 326; shanks A118, 123; wolves’ skin B138, 143 GARTER ROBES Arthur B13–14; Henry VIII B10–12; garter for the king’s mantle A346 GIFTS New Year’s gifts B437–38; other gifts A145, 253; B68–71, 138–39, 225–27, 229, 232, 301, 335, 398, 408

GIRDLES, also see sword girdles cloth of gold B335; damask gold B336; garnished with copper and gilt B347; garnished with silver and gilt B356; leather B356; other A305–06; velvet B338; with caps of maintenance B336; with daggers B347; with holinesses B348; with pouches B365; with swords B335, 338, 349 GLAUDEKINS tilsent A89; velvet upon velvet, pirled B48 GLOVES B393 GOLDSMITHS’ WORK/GOLD location: bards A298; chammers A102; coats A209; doublets A202, 214–16, 256; B210, 212–13, 215–16, 225–26; doublets and hose A245; gowns A8, 103; B79; horse harness A301; hose A194, 202; jackets A216; B151, 157, 163, 178, 193; saddle houses A299, 300; short coats A210; Spanish cloaks B139; stirrup leathers A292; sword girdles and sheaths A302–04; B335, 338: type: aglets A102, 194, 202, 215; B210, 213, 215–16, 225–26; bells A301; borders A245; B21, 139; buckles A302–09; B335, 338; buttons A8, 102–03, 215; B213; chapes A309; B338; ciphers B210; clasps A194, 202; devices A307; embroidered with B151; fine gold A209; flat gold A256; fringe A291; B381; H&E A303; hafts A309; hawthorns B147; letters B147; pendants A302–09; B335, 338; pommels A309; portcullises A302; roses A302; spangles A216; B178, 212; studs A302–09; B335, 338; trefoils B131; wreathes A245 GOWNS, also see nightgowns baudekin A36, 43; B22; baudekin damask gold A25; camlet damask silver A5; cloth of gold B61; cloth of gold covered with satin B21; cloth of gold of damask A93; B26; cloth of gold, tissue A35, 39–40, 90–91; B19, 60, 120; cloth of gold, tissue, damask gold A97; B41; cloth of gold, tissue, raised B27; cloth of gold tissue Venice gold A98; cloth of gold upon satin A94; cloth of gold after baudekin A17, 92, 95, 142; B20; cloth of silver A19, 133, 146; cloth of silver tissue A127, 145 damask A101; B33, 114, 116–17, 122; damask and cloth of silver B79; satin A13, 37, 45, 115, 147–48, 152; B37, 57–58, 76, 115, 118, 123–24; satin and cloth of gold partie A18; stoolwork A99; taffeta B84, 104–06, 123; taffeta, broad B66; tilsent A6, 10–11, 15, 41–42, 96, 100, 106, 132, 137; B28–29, 45; tissue A134; velvet A3–4, 8–9, 12, 14, 16, 21, 23, 26, 38, 44, 103–04, 110, 116, 118–19, 138, 144, 149–51, 153; B36, 38–39, 46–47, 52–53, 68, 78, 86–88, 101, 103, 108, 113, 120–21, 125; velvet on velvet A32–34, 117; B75; velvet upon velvet pirled A24, 28, 131; velvet, pirled B30, 49; borders B113, 118; burgeon guards B108; crested B104–06; edged B115; single A33, 37, 39–45, 120, 125, 146–153; welted B33, 66, 114, 116–17, 122; with clocks A123; with ruffed sleeves B49, 57; with straight sleeves A12; with wide sleeves B19; with a high collar A3, 9, 12, 14, 21, 26, 31, 104, 138, 144; B103, 122; with a round cape A23; B101; with sleeves with rolls A110; with a square cape A103 GOWNS, for women A63, 77–78 GREYHOUND COLLARS A313 GUARDS/GUARDING, also see burgeon guards location: bases A200; cloaks B138; coats A161, 164, 200, 203; B140; doublets B208,

441

222–23; frocks A29, 111; B124, 126–27; halfcoats A200, 203; B309; mantles B125: materials: cloth of gold after baudekin B223; satin A161, 164, 200; B140; velvet A29, 111, 200; B124–27, 138, 309; with scrollwork B208: type: double A164 HALF-COAT (demi-coats) satin B309; velvet A160, 200, 203; B310; velvet pirled B192; with bases B309–10 HATS B363 HAWK HOODS B389 HEMS, HEMMING B81 HOLLAND B741 HOLINESSES B342 HOLMES A315 HOODS velvet A67; with coronation robes B3; with garter robes B11; with a tabard and kirtle A67; with parliament robes B7, 17; with toison d’or robes B9 HORSE HARNESS A275, 280–81, 283–84, 297, 301 HOSE, WITH DOUBLETS, also see ‘almain’ hose baudekin A158; cloth of gold A190, 221; cloth of gold after baudekin A188, 231; cloth of gold of damask A185, 204, 220, 223; B194; cloth of gold tissue A197, 254; B196, 209, 211, 217–18; cloth of silver A202; B303; cloth of silver damask B315; cloth of silver of damask and tilsent B214 cloth of silver tilsent B219; cloth of silver tissue A222; B210, 220– 21; satin A201, 225, 228, 230, 259–60; B205– 08, 230; scarlet A162, 193; tilsent A8, 167–68, 194, 207, 219, 229, 234, 237, 253; B213, 231, 300, 304, 306–08, 320; tilsent tissue A233; tilsent and velvet A208, 236; tissue A218, 226; velvet A11, 198, 206, 217, 227, 232; B193, 198, 200, 202–04, 228; velvet cut on cloth of gold A169, 184; velvet and cloth of silver B212; velvet upon velvet B199; velvet with stoolwork A255 IMAGES B370 JACKETS, also see four-quartered jackets baudekin A158; bridge satin B191; covered with tissue B158; covered with velvet B160; cloth of gold A190, 221; cloth of gold after baudekin A188, 231; cloth of gold after camlet A242, 246; cloth of gold of damask A51, 204, 220, 223–24; B160, 189; cloth of gold tissue A186, 254; B158–59, 176, 181–82, 296; cloth of silver A49; B173, 316; cloth of silver of damask and tilsent B180, 287; cloth of silver tilsent B183; cloth of silver tissue B184–85; cloth of silver tissue raised A222; damask B157; satin A47, 166, 199, 201, 225, 228, 230, 258; B144, 167, 321; stoolwork A238; taffeta B313–14; tilsent A8, 50, 167, 187, 194, 207, 213, 229, 243; B175, 179, 298, 319; tilsent damask B238; tilsent and velvet A163; B261; tissue A195, 218, 226; B172, 283; velvet A11, 48, 198, 206, 216–17, 219; B141–42, 149, 151, 161, 163–65, 178, 235–37, 292, 295, 311–12; velvet cut on cloth of gold A169, 184; velvet upon velvet B162; velvet upon velvet pirled A241; velvet, pirled and tissue B285; with di-sleeves B164, 176, 321

442

document index

KIRTLES for women A76; velvet A67; with coronation robes B1; with parliament robes B5; with tabards, for a child A67 LACES A264, 266 LAWN B373 LEASES B379 LEATHER A267; B356 LINEN B734–40 LINING location: ‘almain’ coats A235; arming doublets B302; bases and placards A264–65; bases and short coats A268; bases and trappers A271; chammers A27, 135–36; B70; cloaks B40, 51, 69, 96–97, 102, 111–12, 129– 30, 137, 156; coats B152, 166, 170–71, 174, 188, 233, 263, 267, 270, 274; collars, sleeves and cuffs B202; double cloaks B62–63; doublets A12, 52, 84, 176, 191–92, 198, 206, 212, 214, 223, 257; B193–207, 209–24, 231–32, 234, 239–47, 265–66, 268–69, 276–82, 284, 286, 289–90, 297, 299–301, 303–07, 315, 317–18; four-quartered jackets B145–46, 148; frocks A29, 126, 128–30, 140–41; B42, 44, 54–55, 59, 67, 71–73, 83, 128; glaudekins B48; gowns A5–6, 8, 13, 16–17, 19, 24–26, 28, 35–36, 38, 131–34, 137, 142; B41, 45–47, 49, 52–53, 57–58, 60–61, 66, 68, 77, 87–88, 90, 101, 103–06, 135–36; half-coats A160; B192, 310; hose A176, 198, 206, 223; jackets A46–47, 49, 51, 166–67, 176, 186–88, 195, 198, 206, 213; B149, 151, 158–64, 167, 172, 175–76, 178–85, 235–38, 283, 285, 292, 295–96, 298, 311–14, 316; mantles A7, 30; B43, 50, 56, 65, 89, 109; partlets B153; riding coats A160; B169, 186–87, 271, 291; riding gowns A74, 79, 83; short coats B272, 275; short four-quartered jacket A68, 70, 72, 81–82; short gowns A60, 65, 75, 80; Spanish cloaks B64, 91; trappers A266, 269; type: buckram A269, 271; B96, 263, 265–66, 313– 14; cambric B222–24, 234, 239–40; canvas A84; B234, 239–44; cloth of gold A84, 133; B46, 64; cloth of gold of baudekin A17; B48, 58; cloth of gold, damask A13, 16; B63, 69–70; cloth of gold, diaper work and damask gold work A28; cloth of gold, tissue A38; B43, 57; cloth of silver A132, 137; B41, 53, 62, 89, 268; cloth of silver, tilsent B60; cotton B238, 283, 311–12; damask B10–11, 13–14; double lined B233; felt B111, 128–30; flannel B304, 307; fustian B202, 204, 231, 245, 305–06, 315, 318; sarsenet A29, 49, 52, 80–82, 84, 126, 129–30, 140–41, 160, 212, 214, 257, 268; B42, 44, 54–55, 59, 71–73, 96, 111– 12, 128–30, 136, 145, 148, 152–53, 166, 168, 179, 188, 193–94, 196–97, 199, 202, 206–07, 232, 235, 237–44, 263, 265–82, 289–92, 295, 300–03, 310–12, 316–17; satin A7–8, 19, 26–27, 30, 35–36, 46, 51, 60, 65, 68, 70, 72, 74–75, 79, 83, 128, 134–36, 142, 167, 176, 186–88, 198, 206, 213, 223, 235, 264–66, 271; B9, 12, 40, 45, 47, 51–52, 56, 67, 77, 83, 87–88, 101–03, 137, 146, 149, 151, 156, 158–64, 167, 169–72, 174–76, 178, 180–87, 192, 195, 197, 200–01, 203, 209–24, 233–34, 246–47, 283–88, 296–99; satin of the Spanish fashion B50; scarlet A12, 47, 191–92; B198, 205; taffeta B135; taffeta, broad B66; tilsent A24, 131; B49, 65; tissue A27; B68; tuke B236; velvet A5–6, 25; B61, 97, 104–06, 109

LIVERY A210 LONG GOWNS cloth of gold tissue A39; velvet A61 LONG HANGERS A314 MANTLES cloth of gold after baudekin B65; cloth of silver B89; frisado B109, 125; garter for the mantle of St George A346; tilsent A1, 30, 143; B43; velvet A2, 7; B50, 56; with a cape B125; with coronation robes B4; with parliament robes B8, 18 NEEDLEWORK A85; B338, 380, 393 NIGHTGOWNS velvet B35, 74, 80, 100, 110 PALLS A330 PANES/PANING chammers B119; coats A175; B253, 262; doublets A162–63; B212, 226, 258, 265, 286, 288, 290, 320; doublets and hose A180, 182, 196; doublets, hose and frocks A208; frocks B71–72; gowns B79; jackets A180; B165, 178, 180, 261, 285, 287, 298, 319; linings B255; riding coats B255 PARTLETS satin B153–55; velvet B273, 275; with a riding coat B273; with a short coat B275 PEARLS A209; B131, 163, 201, 209, 228, 336 PENDANTS A302–11, 335, 338, 348; B137, 335, 338, 348–49 PLACARDS cloth A211; with doublets B227, 229, 232, 281–82, 289–90, 317 PLEATS riding gowns A74; short gowns A60 POINTS A268; B21 POUCHES B365 RIDING COATS cloth of gold and cloth of silver B187; cloth of gold tissue A154; B169; satin B168, 273; tilsent and cloth of gold B186; tilsent covered with cloth B248; tissue B255; velvet A160; B250–51, 256, 271, 291; with sleeves B251 RIDING GOWNS velvet A74, 79, 83; with pleats in the back A74 ROE BUCK’S HEADS B388 RUCHED/RUFFED doublets B193; partlets B273, 275 SADDLE HOUSES A275–79, 299–300 SADDLES A290–91 SARSENET B698–700, 701–04, 712, 725, 729–30 SATIN, also see bridges satin A561–63; B456, 586–674 SCUTCHIONS B382 SHAMFRONS A286–87 SHEATHES black B339, 342; cloth of gold B341; cloth of gold tissue B340; embroidered B344; enamelled B345; garnished with plates of gold B348–49; garnished with silver and gilt B343; silver and gilt B335; velvet B337–38 SHORT COATS satin B275; tilsent A268; velvet A210; B252, 272; with sleeves B252

SHORT FOUR-QUARTERED JACKETS cloth of gold A68, 70; cloth of gold upon satin A69, 71; satin A82; velvet A72, 80; with sleeves A72; without sleeves A82 SHORT GOWNS velvet A60, 62, 64–66, 75, 80; with pleats A60 SHORT JACKETS A73 SILVER chammers B119 plain cloth of silver B41, 53, 60, 62 SINGLE jackets A241–43 SLEEVES for a gown A32; for a jacket B190; foresleeves of doublets B227, 229, 232; ruffed sleeves on gowns B57; single sleeve from a gown B75 SPANGLES B178, 212 SPANISH CLOAKS frisado B139; taffeta B107; tilsent B64 SPEARS B355 SPENSELS B361 SPURS gilt A296; silver A295; turkey fashion A295; white A296 STAINED CLOTHS A347; B378 STIRRUP LEATHERS A292–93 STIRRUPS gilt A293; parcel gilt A294; unspecified A292 STOOL SADDLES A289 STONES A84 STOOLWORK borders A77, 79, 124, 249; B350–54; cuffs B352; dog collars B391–92; doublets and hose A255 fore-sleeves B281; four-quartered jackets A249; greyhound collars A313; hawk hoods B389; placards B281; short fourquartered jackets A72; short jackets A73 STREAMERS B362 STUDS A302–11, 335, 338 SURNAPES B373 SWORD GIRDLES leather A302–03; satin A308; set with H&E A303; set with roses and portcullises A302; stoolwork A304; velvet A307 SWORDS arming B339–40, 349; bearing B337, 341; from the pope B335; gilt B344; Spanish A309; B345; two-handed B346; with a haft of gold A310–11 TABARDS velvet A67; with coronation robes B2; with kirtles, for a child A67; with parliament robes B6 TABLES, pairs of B367–68 TABLESMEN B367–68 TAFFETA B706–11, 715–17, 721–22, 731–32 TARGETS B386 TARTARON B705

document index

443

TASSELS B365 TILSENT A268; B366, 429, 446–54, 457–59, 464–65, 468–72 TILSENT, DAMASK GOLD B460–61, 463, 466–67 TILSENT, VENICE GOLD B462 TISSUE B439, 440–41, 444–45 TOAKS long B343 TOISON D’OR ROBES B9 TOWELS B374 TRAPPERS A269–71

TUFTS/TUFTED location: ‘almain’ doublets B259–60; doublets B200–01, 203–04, 232, 257–58; hose B200, 203–04; riding coats B250; materials/ style: after the ‘almain’ fashion B250, 259–60; with fine linen B200–01, 260; with linen B203–04, 232, 257–59 VELVET A55–59; B375, 383–84, 386–88, 484–88, 491–94, 496–97, 499–500, 502–33, 535–65 VELVET, PIRLED B476–78, 483, 490, 495, 498 VELVET UPON VELVET B479–80 VELVET UPON VELVET, PIRLED B473–75, 481–82, 489 VELLUM A321 VESTMENTS A323–24

WELTS location: chammers A135–36; B34, 70, 85, 119, 131; cloaks B129–31; coats A189; B249; doublets B225, 230, 239–40, 244–45, 290, 301, 303, 305, 315; frocks A128–29, 140; B67, 124, 126–27; gowns B33, 66, 76, 84, 114, 116–17, 122, 136; half-coats B309–10; jackets B173, 180, 238, 311, 313–14, 316; riding coats A154; B168, 248, 250–51; short coats B252; material: cloth of gold B173; cloth of gold tissue B225; cloth of silver A136; B134; cloth of silver damask A154; cloth of silver tissue A135; gold B168; satin A128, 140; B67, 310– 11; tilsent B230, 248–49; tissue B70; velvet A129; B33–34, 66, 76, 84, 114, 116–17, 122, 124, 126–27, 129–31, 136, 238–40, 244–45, 249–52, 301, 303, 305, 309, 313–16; type: all over B248; double B85, 180; full of welts B249; triple A140; B116–17, 122, 129–30, 134, 136, 245, 310–11, 313–16

PLACES CASNELL MART A3, 7 GADDES HILL CHURCH A121

GREENWICH, wardrobe of the robes B f. 1r NEW HALL (Beaulieu) B422, 430

RICHMOND A84, 170, 1253 TOWER OF LONDON, wardrobe of the robes B f. 1r

RECIPIENTS OF CLOTH AND CLOTHING ADMIRAL, THE LORD A18, 425 ADMIRAL OF FRANCE, THE LORD A19 AMADAS, ROBERT A209; B147, 151, 193 AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE, THE A20 ANNELL, ‘THE GREAT’ B167, 205 BABAM, SERGEANT OF THE CONFECTIONARY A1051, 1274, 1309 BARGES, MONSIEUR A235 BARNES, LORD A10 BERRYMAN, MASTER A240 BEWVEYS, A FRENCHMAN A207 BLACKDEN, CUTHBERT A1354, 1502 BOLEYN, GEORGE B200, 234 BOLEYN, SIR THOMAS A25, 190, 251, 1193; B162, 199 BRERETON, WILLIAM B310 BROWNE, SIR ANTHONY A460 BRYAN, MR FRANCIS A22, 51, 170, 188, 197, 229, 236, 315, 400, 741–42, 745, 986, 1030, 1510; B39, 173, 215, 245, 249 BRYAN, FRANCIS AND CAREY, WILLIAM A1333 BRYANNE, MONSIEUR, A132 BUCKINGHAM, DUKE OF A11, 27, 202 CAPEL, SIR GILES A230, 400, 988, 1034 CAREW, MISTRESS A459, 507, 690, 717, 732, 738, 1011, 1025, 1044, 1334

CAREW, NICHOLAS A1, 6, 9, 21, 31, 34, 41, 43, 129, 135, 139, 146, 158, 161, 163, 167, 175, 185, 187, 194–5, 205, 218, 250, 254, 314, 400–01, 425, 445, 457, 453, 462, 673–74, 877, 1029, 1509; B168, 258 CAREW, NICHOLAS AND BRYAN, FRANCIS A58 CARRE, SIR JOHN A378 CAREY A48, 53, 172, 179, 750, 880, 1004, 1097, 1513; B31, 143, 203–04, 219–20, 224 CEZAR, MASTER OF THE HORSE, TO THE EMPEROR B187 CHAMBERLAIN, THE LORD A13, 24, 89 CHATILLION, MONSIEUR A15, 786, 1098 CHEYNEY, MASTER A377 CHEYNEY, SIR THOMAS A1021 CHILDREN WAITERS A1005 CLARENCEAUX A244 CLERK OF THE KITCHEN A74 COBHAM, SIR EDWARD A1064 COFFIN, MASTER A7, 400, 988, 1082 COKE, MISTRESS A78, 1089 COLE, MISTRESS A32 COMPTON, WILLIAM A38, 55, 149, 162, 191, 225, 377, 959; B38, 188 COPINGER, JOHN A29, 113, 181, 234, 248, 1289; B251, 278 COPINGER, JOHN AND WYSE, WILLIAM A60–72, 83, 120 CORNISH, WILLIAM, MASTER OF THE KING’S CHAPEL A252; B219

CORNWALL, MASTER A378, 988 CORNWALL, SIR RICHARD A126, 128, 400 DARELL, JOHN B243 de CAR, HANIBAL, SERVANT WITH THE EMPEROR A136 de PARIS, JOHN A143, 216 de la PALAYS, MONSIEUR A134 de la ROCHEPOT, MONSIEUR A133, 137 DEVONSHIRE, MY LORD OF A30, 184, 206, 676–78,749, 876; B223, 231 DONE, SIR GRIFFITH A400, A987 EGERTON, SIR RALF A1264 ELLERKAR, SIR RALPH A400, 989, 1091, 1350, 1501 EMERY, BASTARD A722 FALCONBRIDGE, THE BASTARD B230 FERRERS, lord gowns A3, 155, 756 FIENNES, MISTRESS MARY A466, 736, 882, 1008, 1023 FINCH, mistress A118 FITZWILLIAM, SIR WILLIAM A26, 142, 201 FRANCIS I A256, A261–63, 309, 1497 FRANCIS, DAVEY and BLACKDEN, CUTHBERT A125, 196 FRENCHMAN, A A2 GARNISH, SIR CHRISTOPHER A377, 1309 GATES, SIR GEOFFREY A400, 986, 1202

444

document index

GENTLEMEN OF THE QUEEN OF SCOTS A1078 GENTLEMEN OF THE QUEEN OF SCOTS’ CHAMBER A1079 GERNINGHAM, SIR RICHARD A145, 221–22, 427, 1001 GERNIGHAM, SIR RICHARD and KINGSTON, SIR WILLIAM A40, 56 GIBSON, RICHARD A153, 238–39 GREY, LADY ELIZABETH A882 GREY, LORD A377 GREY, LORD JOHN A417, 998 GREY, LORD LEONARD A400, 998 GREY, LORD RICHARD A400, 989 GUARD, THE A1077, 1189, 1191, 1568 GUILDFORD, LADY ??? A385, 738, 754, 1019, 1496 GUILDFORD, SIR EDWARD A154, 156, 752, 1002, 1049, 1286; B254 GUILDFORD, SIR HENRY A150, 176, 200, 206, 217, 264–66, 268, 400–01, 425, 748, 755, 1031; B f. 1r GUILLAM, RICHARD AP A1503 HANSARD, MASTER A427, 1001 HASILRIG, ROBERT A1516 HAWARD, LORD EDMUND A986 HENEAGE, THOMAS A783, 785 HENRY, HERVY A427, 1001 HENRY VII B78, 339 HENRY VIII A84, 215, 245, 264–65, 746, 757; B201, 210, 228 HERALDS A397 HODGESON, WILLIAM; AGES, HENRY; PARKER, THOMAS and DALE, JOHN A123 HOPTON, JOHN A144 HORSE, MASTER OF, WITH THE FRENCH KING A311 HOWARD, LORD EDMUND A400 HUNGERFORD, SIR EDWARD A378 IRISHMAN, AN B231 JENYNS OF THE PASTRY, VERDON, JOHN and LOVEKYN, GEORGE A122 KINGSTON, SIR WILLIAM A217, 400, 986, 1204; B197 KNEVET, ANTHONY A233, 400, 751, 787, 989, 1467 KNOLLES, MASTER A231, 1265, 1309, 1352 LABATTIE, MONSIEUR A131 LACO, THE EMPEROR’S SERVANT B185, 225

LESTUE, MONSIEUR A127 LISLE, LORD B166, 204 LOVEKYN, GEORGE, CLERK OF THE STABLE A269–70 LUCY, SIR THOMAS A378 MERRYMAN, MR A75, 258 MEVYMAR, MR B144 MILAN, CAPTAIN OF A310 MORE, MR A14 MORRET, MONSIEUR A896 MORRIS, SERGEANT OF THE CELLAR A199, 242 MYNORS, SERGEANT OF THE CELLAR A242 NEVILL, SIR EDWARD A23, 174, 400, 446–47, 450–51, 740, 986, 1033 NEVILL, SIR JOHN A400, 988 NORFOLK, DUCHESS OF A396, 982 NORRIS, HENRY A12, 42, 52, 177, 193, 208, 400, 463, 474, 675, 744, 878, 959, 986, 1022, 1032, 1050, 1151, 1457, 1496, 1500, 1512; B175, 216, 222, 244, 262, 264 NORRIS, HENRY and CAREY, MR A59, 223–24 NORRIS, HENRY and PANNES, MR A16 NORRIS, MISTRESS A76, 119 OUERMONT A372 OXFORD, LADY A883 PAGE, HENRY A46–47, 243 PALMER, MASTER A1308, 1351, 1501 PARKER, MASTER A427, 1001 A PARR, SIR THOMAS A377 A PARR, SIR WILLIAM A378 PECHE, SIR JOHN A159, 377 PLANTAGENET, SIR ARTHUR A165 POLE, ARTHUR A164, 168–69, 192, 753; B231 PORTH, JOHN A45, 247, 249 POWNEY, JOHN, FOR THE KING’S HENCHMEN A613–14, 859, 1149–50, 1469 POYNES, MR A178 POYNES, SIR ANTHONY A378 POYNES, FRANCIS A448, 452, 743, 970, 1052, 1511 PRINCESS, THE A393, 399 PULLEYN, MONSIEUR A897

QUEEN, THE A391–92, 394, 430, 469, 497–98, 731, 884–85, 918–19, 952, 954, 983, 1003, 1018, 1095, 1194, 1230, 1231, 1238–41, 1275 RAWSON, DR CLERK OF THE CLOSET A1164–65, 1468 ROLT, WILLIAM B235 ROWLAND, SIR A400, 989 RUSSELL, CAPTAIN OF TOURNAI A907 RUSSELL, MASTER B202 SANDES, SIR WILLIAM A8, 28, 696 SERGEANT PORTER A214, 1081 SERGEANT OF THE VESTRY, also see DR RAWSON A85–88 SHAPRE, SIR JOHN A148, 377 SHERBORNE, SIR HENRY A378 SIDNEY, SIR WILLIAM A400, 987 SKIDMORE, MASTER A1501 SUFFOLK, DUKE OF A5, 35, 157, 160, 173, 183, 189, 425, 1028 TEMPS, RICHARD A913 THYN, WILLIAM and ATCLIFF, THOMAS A124 TYLER, SIR WILLIAM A4, 50, 112, 226–27, 377, 959 TYRREL, SIR THOMAS A378 VAUGHAN, JAMES A1309, 1353, 1501 VAUX, SIR NICHOLAS A36; B f. 1r VICEROY OF NAPLES B186 VILIART, MASSEY A1309 WALLOP, SIR JOHN A458 WALSINGHAM, SIR EDWARD A111, 237 WENTWORTH, MASTER A377 WENTWORTH, MR and CARRE, MR A17, 228 WESTON, SIR RICHARD A186, 788 WILLOUGHBY, MASTER A378 WINDSOR, SIR ANDREW A90–98 WINGFIELD, SIR RICHARD A212–13 WINGFIELD, SIR ROBERT A37; B161, 198 WINGFIELD, MR and WESTON, MR A39, 57 WISE, WILLIAM A114, 138, 140–41, 166, 171, 182, 203, 253, 255, 257, 259–60, 1252; B34 WOLSEY, CARDINAL A504, 784 WOODHOUSE, WILLIAM, A SPEAR OF CALAIS A198

document index

445

WORSLEY, JAMES, YEOMAN OF THE ROBES A33, 44, 49, 54, 73, 117, 130, 140, 147, 151–52, 180, 232, 246, 936, 1225; B f. 1r, 34

WORSLEY, JAMES and PARKER, JOHN A115 WORSLEY, MISTRESS A77

WORSLEY, RALPH A79–82, 116; B33, 141, 252 [. . .], MASTER A427, 1001

SUPPLIERS OF CLOTH BONVISI, ANTHONY B523, 536, 663, 691, 716–17 BONVISI, JEROME B683, 721 BOTRY, WILLIAM B432, 468, 510–17, 519–22, 525–26, 529–30, 537–39, 554–35, 559–62, 574, 576–82, 605–07, 610–17, 619–25, 629–31, 635–37, 640–42, 645–51, 666–72, 678–80, 684–85, 690, 694, 712–15, 722–25, 728–31, 733 de BARD, PETER FRANCIS B412–14, 416–18, 421, 424, 431, 433–35, 443, 457–58, 460–67, 470–72, 505, 507–09, 528, 531–34, 543–44, 546–53, 556–58, 563, 566,

575, 584–85, 608–09, 626–28, 633–34, 655–56, 674, 681–82, 686, 708, 726–27 de BARD, REYNER B709 CAREW, B444 CARSIDONY, ANTHONY B428–29 COLLIER, ROBERT B710 COMPTON, WILLIAM B422–23, 430, 439–40, 445 COPLAND, JOHN B664–65 CORSEY, PETER B459

CORSEY, WILLIAM B419–20 FERMAR, MISTRESS B436 GRESHAM, RICHARD B540–41, 567–70, 573, 583, 638–39, 643–4, 657–61, 673, 687, 695, 718–20, 734 LOCK, WILLIAM B526, 571–72, 618, 662, 689 MALT, JOHN B711 PENDOLPHIN, NICHOLAS B425, 469, 535 VENASSES, NICHOLAS B415, 426–27, 441–42, 506, 518, 527, 542, 545, 564–65, 632, 652–54, 692–93, 696–97, 732

DELIVERED TO THE GREAT WARDROBE baudekin damask gold A572–75; baudekin Venice gold A579; baudekin with flowers of gold A552–58; baudekin with portcullises A559–60; brabant cloth A1641–42; camlets A1627–33; cloth of gold baudekin Venice gold A576–77; cloth of gold branched with velvet upon velvet pirled A594–97; cloth of gold ‘cheverall’ A523–25, 528; cloth of gold damask A532–43, 565, 578; cloth of gold damask making A583; cloth of gold damask checked A564; cloth of gold damask embossed A529; cloth of gold dornix A584– 85; cloth of gold plain A586–90; cloth of gold quilted A530–31, 549; cloth of gold tissue A508–16, 544; cloth of gold tissue with velvet A545–48; cloth of gold upon satin A566, 580; cloth of gold Venice A551, 591–92; cloth of gold Venice damask making A581; cloth of silver ‘cheverall’ A526–27; cloth of silver damask A550, 567–71; cloth of silver Venice A593; cloth of tissue with velvet A527; damask A1518–63; diaper A1639–41; holland A1643; linen A1644–47; linen, coarse A1648; sarsenet A1603–22; satin A1357–1456; satin

rowed with gold A561–63; tartaron A1623– 26; tilsent A852–53; tilsent damask gold A804, 822; tilsent damask silver A808–09, 840; tilsent silver A802–03; tilsent Venice gold A789–801, 805–07, 810–21, 823–39, 846–51, 854–55; tilsent Venice silver A841–45; velvet A1119–32, 1136–41; velvet checked A1133–35; velvet pirled A1103; velvet pirled with cloth of gold A517–22; velvet upon velvet A1107; velvet upon velvet pirled A1104–06, 1108 FOR THE CHAPEL cloth of gold tissue A508–16; velvet A517–21 FOR THE CLOSET cloth of gold tissue A679–80; satin A1468; velvet upon velvet pirled A1164–65 FOR CHILDREN WAITERS velvet A1005 FOR DISGUISINGS cloth of gold upon satin A426; satin A1280–81 FOR JOUSTS cloth of gold A400, 417, 426, 428; cloth of gold damask A648; cloth of gold upon satin A4; cloth of gold Venice A649; cloth of silver

damask A401, 652; cloth of silver Venice A651; damask A1563–65; sarsenet A1570–75; satin A1201, 1203, 1205–08, 1458–59, 1487; tissue A644–47; velvet A986–89, 998, 1001–02, 1080, 1156–58 FOR JOUSTS, REVELS and MASKS cloth of gold A475; velvet A1040 FOR MASKS cloth of gold after camlet A659–63; cloth of gold damask A665; cloth of gold tissue A654–58; cloth of gold Venice A664; cloth of silver damask A666; satin A1460–63; tilsent A870–72; velvet A1161–63 FOR MUMMERIES cloth of gold A428, 444; cloth of silver A429; satin A1284–85 FOR USE AT CALAIS velvet A1102 FOR WAITERS cloth of gold damask A652; cloth of silver damask A653; velvet A1159–60 TO THE KING cloth of gold A454–56; cloth of gold damask A712; cloth of gold tissue A712; cloth of silver A507, 615; satin A1252, 1487; velvet A950, 1103, 1166, 1174

Index to the Text This index presents an alphabetical listing of the people, places, objects, materials and decorative techniques mentioned in the main text. In addition there are some group headings: accessories, armour, battles, cleaning, clothing, court, cut and construction, decorative motifs, decorative techniques, embroidery, fastenings, footwear, fur, gemstones, goldsmiths’ work, headwear, heralds, horse harness, household, hunting, jewellery, leather, liturgical textiles, liturgical year, livery, London and Westminster, orders of chivalry, packing materials, palaces and royal houses, passementerie, perfumes, places, regalia, robes, shaving stuff, sport, styles of dress, textiles, treaties, wardrobe of the robes and weapons. Some abbreviations have been used: AB AC CA CH CP E6 EY H7 H8 HF JS LMB

Anne Boleyn Anne of Cleves Catherine of Aragon Catherine Howard Catherine Parr Edward VI Elizabeth of York Henry VII Henry VIII Henry Fitzroy Jane Seymour Lady Margaret Beaufort

Abingdon, Thomas 27 Abre, John 281 Accessories: bag rings 82, 123; bags 80–82, 112, 123; baldrics 108, 118; belts 82; canes 117; fans 187; feathers 112, 124, 173; garters 102, 123, 136; girdles 57, 75, 80, 82– 83, 85, 91, 115–18, 123–24, 147, 150, 181, 183, 186, 188–89, 205, 231, 264, 304, 309, 354; glasses, spectacles 86; gloves 85, 90, 115, 123, 150, 160, 183, 186, 191, 218; handkerchiefs, kerchieves 91, 107, 112, 115, 151, 160, 167, 191, 205; mirrors 7, 124, 160; pomanders 86, 150, 157, 354–55; pouches 115–16; purse frames 115; purses 82, 112, 115–16, 123, 231, 304; silk flowers 184; spurs 80–81, 90, 113, 123, 255, 340–41; staff, staves 117–18, 147, 149; whistles 251, 289, 293 Acton, Robert, the king’s saddler 27, 276, 331, 339–40 Adderton, Richard 86 Addington, Catherine, the king’s skinner 27, 29, 145, 210, 306, 325, 327 Addington, Thomas, the king’s skinner 33, 113, 140, 180, 205, 224, 321, 325, 327 Adrian VI 14 Agnes of Hesse 52 Albany, John duke of 19, 43, 189, 232 Albert, Francis, milliner 338 Alçega, Juan de, tailor 135, 162–63, 345 Aldrich, dean 65 Alen, Sir John 250, 335 Alen, Thomas 230

Alford, Mr 221 Allen, Roger, haberdasher 333 Alsop, Thomas, apothecary 150, 363 Alvard, Thomas, keeper of the palace of Whitehall 35, 107, 119, 326 Alwood, Raffe 153 Alwyn, Walter 77 Amadas, Robert, goldsmith 77, 119, 157, 330, 334–35 Ambassadors 22, 62, 80, 88, 99, 108, 113, 121, 130–31, 134, 136–38, 157, 159, 178, 183, 190, 204, 208, 212, 217, 220, 226, 228–30, 232, 235, 238, 243, 264–65, 269, 301, 312, 329 André, Bernard 55 Anesbury, George 115 Angoulême, Charles count of 17 Angoulême, Louise, duchess of 51, 61 Anjou, René of 11 Annebaut, Claude de, admiral of France 189, 267, 281 Anne of Bohemia, queen consort of Richard II 158, 178 Anne Boleyn, queen consort of H8 33, 67, 115, 145, 156, 191, 236, 285, 311–12, 321, 336, 340; appearance 180; barge 283; childhood 180, 302; clothes 160, 169–72, 177, 323–25, 327–28, 333, 352; clothes for Elizabeth 209; coronation 46–48, 181, 224, 292; cost of her clothes 181; downfall 158, 241, 268; funeral 66–67; gifts from H8 180; gifts given by 189; household 67, 306; jewellery 180, 188; marchioness of Pembroke 181, 223; marriage 51, 53–54, 58; portraiture 180–81; pregnancies 68, 167, 198; shirts for H8 111; visit to France in 1532 228 Anne of Brittany, queen of Louis XII 18, 156, 253, 310 Anne of Cleves, queen consort of H8 111, 123, 145, 202, 211, 251; appearance 183; betrothal 49; clothes 177, 183–84, 186, 323– 24, 327–28, 332–33; Flemish style of dress 183; funeral 67; household 54, 183, 306–07; marriage 51–54, 155, 196, 236; portraits 183; reception in England 290, 306; style 158 Anne of Denmark, queen consort of James I 37 Anne Neville, queen consort of Richard III 43, 75, 82, 302 Anne, the great Flemming 256, 266 Anthony, Anthony, clerk of the ordinance 332 Anthony, John de, musician 267 Anthony, Mark, musician 267 Appulby, Robert, keeper of the great wardrobe 27, 245 Arcan, Archangel 115 Armour 5–6, 8, 108, 212, 233, 257, 329, 331; Almain rivets 108, 331; arming points 110, 354; arming spurs 91; brigandines 79, 108, 110, 294, 296, 331; jacks 294, 296; mail 115, 296; rivets 117 Armstrong, Clement 124 Arthur, prince of Wales, elder brother of H8 76, 87, 112, 229, 257, 303: betrothal 49;

birth 134; childhood 88; christening 58–59; clothes 213; death 49, 68, 80, 86; funeral 68, 292; garter and parliament robes 37; household 258; marriage 55, 78, 80, 91, 112, 130, 195, 289; portraiture 88 Arundel, Sir Thomas 333 Arundel, William Fitzalan, earl of 58, 136, 225, 262 Ascham, Roger, tutor to EI 210 Ashley, Catherine 112 Ashmole, Elias 224 Ashton, Sir Hugh 85 Astyll, Richard, cameo cutter 118, 337 Atkinson, John 49, 149 Atwell, Elizabeth 66 Atwell, Margery/Margaret 66, 304 Audley, Sir Thomas, lord chancellor 13, 48, 122, 200 Ayala, Don Pedro de 76, 157, 254 Ayleff, John, surgeon to the king 271 Aylesbury, Millicent 150 Aylmer, John, bishop of London 213 Bacon, Sir Francis 41 Badoer, Andrea 198 Balake, Simon 280 Ballinger, George, tailor to Gustavus Vasa 21, 320 Barber, Piers 231 Bardi, Peter Francis de, merchant 36 Barges and balingers 45–47, 158, 229, 235, 254, 282–83 Barled, William, page of the laundry 152 Barley, Nicholas, skinner 79, 88, 324 Barlow, John 180 Barlow, Roger 47 Barnard, Jasper de, musician 267 Barnard, Mrs 112 Barton, Henry, skinner 324 Barton, Robert 190 Barwick, John, of the leash 280 Bassano family, musicians 268 Basset, Anne 152, 302–03, 307 Basset, Catherine 171, 302, 306–07 Basset, Master 113 Bate, John, farthingale maker 319 Battles: Bosworth 55, 76, 79; Flodden 11, 19, 42, 189, 331; Grandson 16, 73–74; Nancy 73; Pavia 11, 20; Solway Moss 51; Spurs 232 Bawdson, Alan 117 Bayard, Seigneur de 232 Bayern, Wilhems von 99 Baynam, Richard 29, 340 Baynton, Andrew 222 Baynton, Sir Edward, vice-chamberlain to AB 123, 306 Beaton, Cardinal 218 Beauchamp, Sir John, keeper of the Great Wardrobe 25 Beauchamp, Margaret 84 Beauchamp, viscount 230 Beaufort, Lady Margaret, paternal grandmother of H8 44, 46, 49, 55, 64–65, 75–76, 78, 81, 83–86, 88, 91, 147–48, 150, 170, 177,

448

index to the text

198, 246, 257–58, 269, 313, 318, 320, 332, 340, 345, 352 Beaune, A. de 57 Bedford, duke of 47 Bedingfield, Sir Edmund 179 Bedingfield, lady 66 Bedyll, Thomas 266, 305 Belfield, Arthur 186 Belknap, Sir Edward 51 Bell, Christian 153 Bellay, Jean du, cardinal 209, 228 Belson, John, yeoman of the guard 290 Belton, Thomas 149 Benall, Peter Francis, engraver 337 Benam, Richard, saddler 28 Bennet, Mistress 86 Bensted, Sir Edward 57, 282, 296, 310 Bergavenny, lord 232 Berghes, John, lord 50, 137 Berkeley, Maurice 123, 243 Beston, Thomas, groom of the leash 253 Betell, William 256 Bevan, John 59, 145 Bidoux, Prégent de, captain of the French galleys 293 Bigge, Richard, of the harriers 282 Birchinshaw, Maurice 220 Biwimble, Alice 87 Black Book, the 7, 9, 26, 147, 149–50, 152, 224, 241, 244, 261, 263–66, 270, 284, 291, 302 Black, John 231 Blewbery, John, armourer 329 Blind Dick, harpist 266–67 Blind More 249 Blount, Elizabeth, later Lady Tailboys 180, 189, 206 Blount, Richard 336 Bocher, Mr 122 Bohier, Henry 57 Bohier, Thomas 57 Boleyn, Anne, see Anne Boleyn , queen consort of H8 2, 14 Boleyn, George, brother of AB, see Rochford, George Boleyn, viscount Boleyn, lady 59 Boleyn, Mary 189 Boleyn, Thomas, father of AB, see Wiltshire, earl of 7 Bollyngis, William 27 Bolt, Robert, grocer 294 Bolton, Richard, of the leash 280 Bonner, Edmund, bishop of London 18 Bonnivet, admiral 36, 106, 121 Bontudy, Jeny, the king’s feather maker 334 Bonvisi, Anthony 36 Bonvisi family 77 Borne, Thomas, of the buckhounds 278–79 Borow, William, minstrel 267 Borsert, Michael, saddler 339 Boston, Thomas of 86 Boteler, Amy 87 Bothwell, earl of 49 Botry, William, mercer 31, 33, 36, 65, 147, 163, 165, 294, 311, 326, 347, 349 Bourbon, Suzanne de 201–02 Bourchier, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury 45 Bourne, Mistress 83 Bowde, Thomas 122 Bowre, Richard, gentleman of the chapel 269 Boys, Thomas 62 Bradley, John, yeoman of the guard 289 Brandon, Charles, son of Charles Brandon 233 Brandon, lady Eleanor 66 Brandon, Frances, daughter of Charles Brandon 213

Brandon, Henry, son of Charles Brandon 230, 233 Brandon, Richard, falconer 281 Brandon, Sir Thomas, master of the horse 90, 276 Bray, Dorothy 307–08 Bray, Sir Reginald 87 Bray, Thomas 220 Braybrooke, James 155, 231 Brellant, Guillaume, embroiderer 29, 188, 326–27, 340 Brereton, Urian, groom of the privy chamber 122, 249, 265 Brereton, William, groom of the privy chamber 241, 249, 265 Bretayn, Agnes, silk woman 328 Breton, Guillaume, bit maker 331 Bridges, John, the king’s tailor 135, 322 Bridget, princess 58 Briggs, John, clerk of the wardrobe 145, 153 Brigus, George 145, 157 Briket, John, the king’s cook 272 Bristow, Nicholas, the king’s clerk 35, 123, 153, 188 Brittany, Francis II, duke of 75 Bromhall. John 46 Bronzino 11 Brown, Elizabeth 227 Brown, John, painter 293 Brown, Mistress 66 Brown, Richard 37 Brown, Wistan, keeper of toils 280 Browne, Sir Anthony, master of the horse 49, 54, 124, 236, 248, 276, 282, 290 Browne, John, painter 318 Browne, lady 307 Browne, William, lord mayor of London 14 Brussels 62, 155, 197, 229 Bruyn, Barthel, the elder, painter 183 Bryan, Sir Francis 1, 118, 123, 217, 219, 280 Bryan, Henry 35, 83 Bryan, lady Margaret, lady mistress 199–200, 209–10 Bryan, Sir Thomas 199, 229 Bryce, Sir Hugh, goldsmith 335 Brykett, Richard, skinner 325 Buckingham, Edward Stafford, 3rd duke of 10, 49, 56, 67–68, 78, 122, 138, 144, 195, 224, 231–32, 235, 244, 257, 269 Buckingham, Humphrey, duke of 84 Budaeus 113 Bull, William, trumpeter 292 Bully, William 220 Bulmer, Joan 54 Bulmer, Sir William 244, 297 Burgess, Isobel, silk woman 170, 328 Burghley, lady 167 Burgundy, Burgundian court 81, 85 Burley, Alice, silk woman 171, 328 Burton, Elizabeth 257 Burton, Simon 311 Busman, Hubert, factor 336 Butts, Margery, wife of Sir William 270 Butts, Sir William, physician 270–71, 311 Çaias, Diego da, damascener 333–34 Caillot, Monsieur 124 Calthorpe, Elizabeth 116 Calverd, Edmund, page of the chamber 83, 328 Campeggio, Lorenzo, cardinal and papal legate 11, 14, 17, 48, 158, 195, 269 Capel, Sir Giles 229 Cappe, Thomas, trumpeter 292 Care, Jane 87 Carew, Mistress 234

Carew, Sir Nicholas 35, 113, 219, 225, 233, 243, 264, 276, 282, 361 Carew, Wymond 28, 124, 306–07, 314 Carey, Henry 189 Carey, John 249, 265 Carey, William 189, 235 Carne, Edward 197, 334 Carre, Andrew 333 Carles, Lancelot de 180 Carnyval, Thomas 279 Carsidony, Anthony 35–36, 144 Carter, Robert 152 Carvanell, Thomas 226 Casa Nova, Pieter de, marshal of the trumpets 267 Casale, Sir Gregory 48 Case, Joanne 87 Castiglione, Baldassare 11, 217–18, 364 Castillion, Louis de Perreau, French ambassador 3, 228 Catherine of Aragon, queen consort of H8 7, 11, 14, 16, 28, 48, 50, 58–59, 61, 67, 76, 84, 121, 124, 135, 189, 202–03, 226, 232, 235– 36, 303, 310–11, 323, 336, 340, 361; appearance 156; as infanta 157; barge 283; betrothal 49; christening of prince Henry 58; circlet 42; clothes 92, 158, 160, 162–66, 168– 72, 174, 177–80, 227, 325, 327; coronation 43–44, 245; cost of her clothes 180; entry into London 55; god-parenting 230; Henry VII’s funeral 64, 66; household 55, 66, 68, 179, 202, 301, 303–06; jewellery 177, 188, 205; lands 157; marriage to Arthur 78, 112, 130, 195–96, 289; marriage to H8 51–53; Maundy clothes 133; New Year’s gifts 157; portraits 177; pregnancies 67–68, 158, 168, 197–98; regency 158; shirts for H8 111; wardrobe of the robes 145 Catherine of Austria, queen of Portugal 167 Catherine Howard, queen consort of H8 41– 42, 48, 111, 157, 208–09; appearance 184; arrest 185; chapel stuff 52; clothes 165, 184–85; French style of dress 184; funeral 66–67; household 54; jewels 168, 172, 184– 85, 188–89; marriage 54–55; portraits 162– 63, 184; possible pregnancy 196; promiscuity 158 Catherine Parr, queen consort of H8 28, 63–64, 111–12, 121, 123, 145, 147, 150, 155–57, 208– 09, 211, 280, 318, 336, 348; accounts 308; bills and papers 188; clothes 159, 162, 165– 69, 171–74, 185, 187, 325, 328, 333, 354, 362; fool 266; funeral 67; great wardrobe accounts 28; household 186, 301; jewellery 189; jointure 157; marriage 54–55; Maundy clothes 133; motto 158, 185; mourning clothes 135; portraits 163, 185; pregnancy 197; receipt of cloth from the silk store 35; regency 158; signet ring 158; summer progress 149 Cavalcanti, Giovanni, merchant 36, 294 Cavalli, Marino, Venetian ambassador in France 18 Cavendish, Elizabeth 162 Cavendish, George 97, 138, 150, 180, 220, 265, 272, 283 Cavendish, Richard 243 Cawarden, Sir Thomas 17, 109, 122, 235, 280, 295 Cawswell, John, hosier 284 Cecil, Richard, yeoman of the robes 28, 34, 103, 113, 115, 123, 144, 147, 151, 153, 212, 321–22, 333 Cecil, Sir William 320 Chaloner, Sir Thomas 2

index to the text Champnes, John 290 Chapel, Thomas 145, 225 Chapuys, Eustace, imperial ambassador 2, 8, 47, 53, 55, 58, 65–66, 68, 72, 123, 133, 139–40, 167, 174, 181, 184–85, 188, 198, 208, 222, 225, 228, 233, 241, 305, 312–13 Charles I, king of England, 5, 82, 190, 217 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and king of Spain, 2, 6, 10–12, 14–16, 20–21, 23, 50–51, 53, 62, 66, 99, 110, 112, 122, 129, 137, 139, 149, 191, 196–98, 205, 208, 222, 225–26, 228–29, 236, 277, 312, 326, 336, 355, 358 Charles V, king of France 17 Charles VIII, king of France 156 Charles IX, king of Sweden 201 Charles XII, king of France 76 Charles of Blois 350, 352 Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy 16, 48, 52, 73–74 Charles the Rash, duke of Burgundy 137 Charlotte of Savoy, queen of France 81, 83 Chastellian, George 241 Cheston, Sir Thomas 86 Cheyney, Sir John 58 Cheyney, Sir Thomas 231 Cheyney, William, yeoman of the wardrobe of the beds 58 Chieregato, Francesco 1 Cholmeley, Sir Richard, lieutenant of the Tower 232 Christian II, king of Denmark and Sweden 21, 228 Christian IV, king of Denmark 137 Christina of Denmark, duchess of Milan 155–56, 158, 183 Christus, Petrus 229 Churchill, Giles 249, 281 Clamp, Nicholas, falconer 281 Clanricade, Ulrick Burgh, earl of 223 Clapham, lord and lady 159 Claude, queen consort of Francis I, 18, 180, 293 Claver, Alice, silk woman 327 Cleaning: brushes, brushing 80, 123, 147, laundry 110, 143, 151–53, 200, 266, 315; linen smoother 153; lye 152; rubbers, rubbing cloths 107, 147; soap 152; starch 153, 170 Clegge, Hamlett 256 Clement VII 14, 352 Clement, Richard, groom of the privy council 255 Clerk, John 14, 210 Clerk, Robert, chariot maker 149 Cleve, Joos van 4, 110 Cleves, Anne of, see Anne of Cleves Cleves, duke of 16 Cliderow, Henry 145 Cliff, Thomas, fool 265 Clifford, Mistress 64, 86 Clifford, Richard 44 Clinton, lord 123 Clothing, also see Robes: Almain coats 103– 04; Alamin doublets 96, 100; Almain hose 96, 100–01; aprons 107, 133; arming coats 103; arming doublets 96, 110, 125, 146; arming hose 96, 102, 110; arming sleeves 96; bands, for shirts 111; base stocks 96; bases, basecoats 80, 96, 108–10, 235; bases for cassocks, shamews 96, 106; bearing cloths 57–58; biggins 88, 91, 191, 209; bodies, pairs of 160– 61; boot hose 96, 113, 266; breeches 100–02; breeching 200–01; capes 73–74, 86, 98, 121; cassocks 37, 96, 103–05, 125, 295; cassocks, clerical 218; chammers 96, 106, 121–22, 145, 218; chemises 160, 169; cloaks 37, 80–83, 90, 95–96, 104, 107, 125, 133, 135, 147, 168, 182,

204–05, 208, 211, 236, 256, 264, 309; coats 37, 73, 90, 96, 103–04, 106–07, 115, 122, 125, 145, 208, 211, 221, 231, 233, 236, 248, 253, 257–58, 261, 264, 266, 276, 278, 282, 289–90, 295, 303, 355; coats of mail, coats for harness 96, 108; codpieces 100–03, 115; conduct coats 294; demi coats 96, 103–05, 146, 266; demi gowns 74–75, 255; double cloaks 104, 146; double hose 96; double rails 107; doublets 37, 43– 44, 73–76, 78, 80, 90–91, 96, 100–02, 105–07, 110, 124, 134–35, 146–47, 207–08, 211, 221, 228, 230–34, 253, 255–58, 262–64, 268, 276, 278, 282, 290, 303–04, 309, 348, 351, 355; doublets with bases 96, 211; farthingales 158–62, 164–65, 185; foreparts 37, 164–65, 182, 186; four-quartered jackets 121; frills 111; frocks 37, 95–96, 103–04, 122, 146, 210– 11, 355; gabardines 96, 104, 289; glaudekins 80–81, 90–91, 96, 103–04, 121, 134, 146–47; gowns 37, 43–44, 73–74, 76, 78–81, 84–85, 88, 90–91, 95–99, 104, 107, 115, 118–19, 121– 22, 125, 131, 133–35, 146–47, 207–08, 211, 218, 221, 225, 229–32, 234–35, 253–57, 261– 64, 268, 270, 289–90, 303, 348; gowns for women 76, 82–83, 86, 89, 92, 121, 124, 134, 145, 159–60, 162–64, 177–78, 182–83, 191, 202, 204–05, 209, 257, 302, 305, 309, 312, 347, 350; hawking coats 96, 107; hose 73, 76, 80– 81, 86, 90–92, 96, 100–03, 105, 107, 120–25, 146, 152, 173–74, 191, 205, 207–08, 211, 231– 33, 253, 256, 258, 266, 276, 278, 282, 304, 309, 347, 351, 355; hunting coats 96, 107; jackets 44, 55, 74, 80–81, 90–91, 105, 115, 121–22, 134, 146–47, 233, 253–56, 263–64, 268, 289, 303, 319, 355; jackets with bases 264; jerkins 37, 91, 96, 100, 105–06, 121–23, 135, 207, 211, 230, 264; kirtles 37, 82–84, 89, 91, 134–35, 145, 160, 162, 164–65, 169, 177, 181, 186, 191, 202, 204–05, 209, 231, 257, 302, 304–05, 309, 312, 350; knee bands 96, 102–03; mantles 43, 84–85, 90, 122, 131, 134–36, 138, 146, 170; maternity wear 167–68; mourning 30, 56– 57, 65, 80, 90–91, 95, 130, 133–35, 166, 169– 70, 205; muffs, mufflers 54, 168, 209, 227; nether stocks/hose 96, 100, 102, 113, 120; nightgowns 84, 91, 96–97, 103, 105, 112, 122, 125, 135, 146, 159, 169, 180–81, 183, 191, 197, 202, 205, 209–11, 232–33; night rail 161; nightshirts 107, 112; night slops 84; partlets 48, 54, 81–83, 91, 96, 106–07, 122, 134, 146– 47, 160, 163, 166–67, 180, 186, 188, 202, 205, 209, 232; petticoats (waistcoats) for men 90, 96, 100, 107, 147, 257, 303; petticoats for women 83–85, 91, 161–62, 168, 181, 209, 232, 349; placards 96, 100, 107, 146, 159, 166, 186; pluderhosen 21, 102; rails 91, 160, 191, 204–05, 309; riding cloaks 96, 207; riding coats 96, 103, 106–07, 122, 125, 146, 207–08, 226, 233, 264; riding glaudekins 81; riding gowns 80, 90, 134, 255; riding gowns for women 83, 85, 168; riding jackets 218, 255; round gown 85; ruffs 111; safeguards 169; shamews 95–96, 106; shifts 160, 191, 303, 306; shirt bands 111, 149; shirts 74, 76, 78, 81, 88, 107–08, 111–12,123, 151–52, 160, 229, 231–33, 253, 263–64, 268, 270, 278, 306, 309, 350; short cloaks 104; short coats 264; short coats for adults 89, 92, 96, 103–04, 125; short coats, short coating for children 200, 210, 234; sleeves 84, 86, 88–89, 96, 98–100, 105, 107, 119, 124, 145, 160, 165–66, 182, 186–87, 191, 204, 209, 236; slops, gowns 96, 103; slops, pairs of 96, 103, 107, 186, 208, 211, 303; smocks 83, 88, 111, 133, 160, 168, 204– 05, 209, 257, 309; socks 74, 83, 91, 96, 174; Spanish capes 123, 355; Spanish cloaks 96,

449

99, 104, 125, 207; Spanish gowns 96, 99, 211; Stalking coats 96, 107, 146; stockings 102; stocks 96, 123, 266; stomachers 74, 81–82, 96, 106–07, 146–47, 151, 166–67, 177; surcote 83, 130–31, 170; swaddling, swaddling bands 198–200; tennis coats 96, 107–08, 134, 146; trousseau 20, 52, 56–57, 89, 158, 325; trunk hose 103; Turkish cloaks 104; Turkish gowns 100, 135, 147; upper bodies, of gowns, kirtles 91, 161, 182, 204–05; upperstocks 101–02, 282; waistcoats 100, 167 Clouet, Jean, painter 3 Cobham, lady 47 Cobham, George, 9th baron 36, 62, 347 Coke, John, litterman 307–08 Cokeron, John, minstrel 267 Cokett, John 122 Cokkes, footman with Catherine of Aragon 31 Cokkes, Richard 280 Colepepper, John 135 Colet, Dr John 220–21 Coligny, Gaspard de, sieur de Castillion 183 Coling, Jane 87 Collins, Elizabeth 304 Colinson, John, groom of the leash 280 Colton, Hugh 173 Comper, Thomas, keeper of goshawks 282 Compert, Gilbert 275 Compton, Sir William, groom of the stool 33, 110, 113, 116, 118, 311 Comtet, Thibault 124 Constantine, George, 2, 155 Cooper, Peter, goldsmith 340 Copinger, John, page of the robes 265 Copland, William 144 Copper, Robert, goldsmith 336 Cornburgh, Avery, 27, 45 Cornelius, Henry, cordwainer 33 Cornish, William 269 Corsi, Anthony 77 Cotton, Edmund 123 Cotton, George 68 Cotton, John 313 Cotton, Richard 68, 295 Cotton, Sir Roger 46, 133 Cotton, William 263 Court, the 217, 241; betrothals 48–51; christenings 57–59; churching 59–60; confirmation 58; coronations 27, 41, 43, 46–47, 224, 246–48; creation of knights 237, 224; creation of peers 223–24; crown wearing days 129–31; days of estate 129–31; days of mourning 133; disguisings 77; favourites 218–22; Field of the Cloth of Gold 11, 51, 63, 144, 177, 226–27, 235–36, 292, 303–04, 311, 323, 346, 364; funerals 34, 62–68, 134–35, 151–52, 222, 247–48, 307; gifts 86, 95, 121, 123, 156; jousts 47, 56, 77, 91, 219, 233–34, 361; magnificence 9, 31, 33, 41, 73, 77, 95, 117, 217, 241, 261, 268, 364; masques 226, 228, 350; marriage 27, 48, 51–55, 76–78, 88, 90, 175, 195; Minions, the 233; obsequies 61–62, 80; pageants 46–47, 57; purple, days for wearing 95, 119, 121, 129, 131; revels 27, 219, 234–35; running at the ring 91; scarlet, days for wearing 95, 119, 121, 129, 131; tournaments 49, 89 Courts: court of Augmentation 31; Star Chamber 244 Coventry and Lichfield, bishop of 49 Coverdale, Miles, almoner to CP 67 Cowper, Anne, silk woman 27 Cox, Dr Richard, tutor to E6 201, 210, 270, 314 Cranach, Lucas, painter 183 Crane, William, gentleman of the chapel 269

450

index to the text

Cranmer, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury 47, 53–54, 129, 184, 218, 224, 305 Cristamed/Tristamed, William, alias Crescent, bit maker 331 Croft, Sir Edward 295 Cromwell, Sir Richard 124 Cromwell, Thomas, 7, 13, 17, 26–27, 31, 33, 35, 42, 65, 118, 123–24, 130, 133, 135–37, 155, 179–80, 183, 190, 198–200, 202, 205, 218, 222–23, 225, 228–30, 242, 244, 248, 263, 266, 271–72, 283–85, 305–06, 312–14, 317, 328, 361 Croughton, William, the king’s hosier 33, 101–02, 146, 319, 324 Crowley, Robert 160 Crown, Anne 87 Cryche, Henry, clerk of AB’s wardrobe 181 Cuero, Juan de, lady of the bedchamber to CA 196 Culpepper, Francis 158 Culpepper, Thomas, the king’s page 33, 109, 123 Cune, Thomas, sergeant plumber 283 Curteys, Peter, keeper of the great wardrobe 27, 55, 79, 340 Curtis, mistress, silk woman 328 Cut and construction: bents 161; fashion dolls 158–59; interlinings and facings 349; knit, knitting 85, 90, 92, 102–04, 115, 124, 173–74, 191, 200, 218; linings 75, 80, 82, 97, 207, 348; needles 85, 205, 347; packthread 85; padding and stuffing 110, 349–50; patterns 158– 59; performing clothes, alterations 90–91, 103; pleats 84, 105, 351; pockets 82, 102, 105, 112, 115, 351; repairs including new bodying 191; seams and hems 350; seamstresses 112; scissors 346–47; shaping boards 347; tailoring books 345; thimbles 347; thread 85, 205, 255, 270, 350; translating 103, 105, 206, 211 Cutte, Sir John 62, 157 Dabovall, Nicholas 227 Dacre, lady 111 Dacre, Thomas, lord of the north 60, 197, 218, 225 Dacre of Greystock, lord 225 Danet, Mistress 234 Darcy, lady Elizabeth 68, 87 Darcy, Sir Arthur 157 Darcy, Sir Thomas 62, 124, 224, 292, 296, 331 Darrell, Sir Edward 303 Darrell, George, keeper of the great wardrobe 74, 246 Darrell, Mistress Elizabeth 66, 234 Daubenny, Giles, lord 67, 262 Dauntsey, Sir John 33, 61, 144, 149, 292, 294, 324, 331, 334 Davy, Alice 87 Davy, Henry, tailor 320 Dean, Agnes, laundress to Elizabeth of York 152 Decorative motifs: AA 18; acorns 182; antelopes 232; antiques, antique work 108, 149, 187, 227; apples 313; badges 65–66, 77, 149, 226, 248–50, 289; ‘barnacle and trail’ 182; black bulls 109; boars 249; ‘busy works’ 110; Catherine wheels 178; clouds 362; coats of arms 60, 108, 116, 149, 277–78; cockleshells 138; crescent moons 138; crowns 254, 256, 290, 326; dots 160; dragons 60; eglantines 348; fleur-de-lis 80–81, 198, 256, 310, 325, 332; flowers 104, 109, 160, 181, 187; French knots 138; friar’s knots 118, 184, 227, 250; garters 75, 77, 86, 90, 136, 325; garters with imperial crowns 149; gillyflowers 88;

grotesques 360; greyhounds 60; HA 116, 188; HISA 188; HK 348; HR 248, 331; harts 248; hinds 109; honeysuckle 182; IHS 118, 183, 188, 218; initials 325, 335; knots 119; M 118; leaf and berry 161; lions 250; M 311; maiden’s head 185; moresques 17, 187, 360–61; oak leaves 100, 361; ostrich feathers 311; pansies 227; peacocks 116; peasecods 119; pomegranates 60, 73, 111, 311; portcullises 55, 60–61, 77, 108, 113, 147, 248, 250, 254–56; RA 188; roses 60–61, 75, 77, 86, 88, 108–13, 116, 174, 198, 207, 226, 245, 248, 250, 254, 256, 264, 278, 286, 290, 297, 310–11, 313, 325–26, 332, 361; satyrs and nymphs 118; scallop shells 110, 138; scissors 109; Stafford knots 244; stars 105; strapwork 361–62; strawberry leaves 182; suns 250, 310; swans 232, 249; trefoils 251; tristram knots 234; true loves 119, 181, 188, 235–36, 348 Decorative techniques 355–56: borders 82, 90–91, 97, 100–01, 104–06, 108–10, 122–24, 134, 145, 173, 181, 205, 248, 256, 261, 356–58; Burgion guards 98, 262, 355, 358; clocks, clocking 264, 355; crests, crested 98, 249, 358; cut, cutwork 105, 108, 110, 121–22, 166, 187, 233, 355; edges, edging 83, 85–86, 88, 91, 105, 173, 209, 358; faced, facing 108, 121; guards, guarded 82, 98, 100, 104, 118–19, 122, 165, 210, 212, 230, 234, 264, 266, 276, 355; hems, hemming 82–83, 145; jags, jagging 98, 249, 359; panes, paning 98, 102–03, 107, 182, 355; pinking 114; purfil 83, 91, 177, 191, 204, 253, 309; ruff, ruffed 98; slashing 16, 82, 98, 101–02, 355; tufts, tuffed out 98, 123, 167, 182; turned up (used of gowns) 182; welts, welted 98–101, 106–07, 122, 205, 277 Dego, the Spanish fool 256 Delf, John van, goldsmith 55 Denis, Richard, minstrel 267 Denny, Sir Anthony, yeoman of the robes 34– 36, 54–55, 122, 137, 143–44, 149, 155, 182, 190, 224–25, 265, 270, 306, 326, 332 Denor, Richard 256 Denton, Elizabeth, lady mistress to Mary 87, 199 Denys, Hugh 31, 33 Depontien, Rouland, brigandine maker 331 Depounde, John, alias Crochet, armourer 331 Derby, Neville 31 Dereham, Francis 184 Desmond, earl of 140 Devereux, Anne 231 Devereux, Sir Walter 231 Dewes, Giles 90 Diconson, Christopher, master mason 283 Digby, Benjamin, yeoman of the queen’s beds 58 Digby, John 144, 290 Dingley, John 233, 263–64 Dinteville, Jean de, French ambassador 38, 48, 229–30, 355, 359, 362 Dixon, Henry 68 Doddesworth, Owen, page of the buckhounds 278 Doddesworth, Walter, of the buckhounds 279 Doddesworth, William, of the buckhounds 279 Doltes, Dorothy 66 Domriche, Jasper 145 Donne, Sir John 83, 250 Donne, lady 83, 250 Doren, Perott 44, 86, 257 Dorset, marquess of 61–62 Douglas, Sir George 51 Douglas, lady Joan 55

Douglas, Lady Margaret, niece of H8 31, 55, 67, 155, 186, 202–03, 206, 312 Doux, Piero le, the king’s cook 31, 272 Drayton, Robert 47 Druby, Sir John, master of the armourt 90, 330 Dudley, Sir John 31 Dudley, Peter 122 Dudley, Simon, page of the pastry 271 Dunmont, Richard of the leash 280 Dunnoll, Richard, keeper of greyhounds 282 Duplege, Robert, tailor 246 Duprat, cardinal 218 Duwes, Giles, librarian 303 Dymoke, Sir Roger, the king’s champion 41 Dynham, lord 67 Edgar, Mr 122 Edgecombe, Lady 27, 307 Edith, queen of Edward the confessor 158 Edmund, duke of Somerset, younger brother of H8 67, 88, 92 Edmund, Thomas, footman 264 Edward I 224 Edward III, king of England 25–26, 97, 232, 285: his queen 59 Edward IV, king of England 1, 9, 26, 52, 58– 59, 67, 73, 81, 82, 147, 151, 156, 241, 244, 246, 250, 261, 263–66, 269–70, 284, 291, 320, 328; court 74–75; purchases of jewellery 77 Edward V, king of England 27, 133 Edward VI, when prince 48, 266; betrothal 51; birth 197, 210; childhood 200, 233; christening 58; clothes 103, 186, 202–03, 206, 210–13; clothes ordered on H8’s warrants 210; compared with HF 210; household 45, 246; jewellery 212; nurse 167; portraiture 212; proclaimed duke of Cornwall 59: when king 3–4, 36, 61, 144, 213, 280, 336; privy purse accounts 31, 150; clothes 37, 352; coronation 45–46, 234, 246, 334; funeral 64; mourning 135; parliament robes 138, 213; regalia 42 Edward the confessor 64, 68, 158, 210 Edward, duke of York 277 Edward, prince, son of Edward IV 67 Edwards, Philip 245 Eglesfield, Laurence, clerk of the check 289–90, 338 Egliston, Richard 321–22 Egmont, Maximilian de 137 Eleanor of Austria, queen of France 18, 177 Eleanor of Castile, queen of Edward I 59 Eleanor of Poitiers 170 Eleanor of Toledo 103, 161, 163, 167, 174, 350, 353, 358 Ellis, painter 150 Eliot, Sir Thomas 42 Elizabeth I, when princess 55, 112, 186; appearance 209–10; christening 58; clothes 124, 202–03, 205–06, 208–10; household 209; illegitimacy 195; jewellery 209; marriage 52, 55–56; portraiture 209; when queen 3, 41, 73, 150, 155, 243, 320, 328, 346; clothes 160, 162; mourning robes 134, 170; tomb 61; wardrobe of the robes 37, 213 Elizabeth, princess, daughter of H7 67, 88 Elizabeth Woodville, mother of EY 58–59, 82, 156, 301 Elizabeth of York, mother of H8, 31, 34, 49, 55, 58, 67, 76–77, 81, 85–87, 157, 199, 224, 235, 309, 340; appearance 82; charity 258; churching 59; clothes 82–84, 148, 159, 165, 169, 173, 323–24, 327–28, 354; coronation 46–47; death 60, 80, 84, 133, 155, 170, 197;

index to the text death of Arthur 68; funeral 64–66; household 47, 65, 83, 256–57, 302; marriage 76, 195; Maundy clothing 133; pilgrimage 196; portraits 82–83; privy purse 83, 89, 256; tomb 78; wardrobe of the robes 145; withdrawing from court 198 Embroidery 82, 98, 100–01, 103, 105–13, 115– 16, 118–20, 122–24, 133, 138, 160, 165, 167– 69, 180, 182–84, 187, 206–08, 211, 228, 249, 254, 276, 286, 290, 292, 297, 325–27, 360–61; appliqué 98, 361; blackwork embroidery 110, 112, 160, 361; books of designs 360–61; couching 98, 103–04, 115, 183, 362; drawn thread work 264, 362; eyelet holes 102–03, 105, 110, 353; frogs, froging 100; goldwork 362; needlework 80; quilted, quilting 80, 102, 107, 147, 182, 184, 363; Spanish work 110, 116, 362; stoolwork 91, 108, 361, 363; whitework 112, 160 English, John 49 Erasmus, Desiderius 2, 7, 21, 51, 90, 190, 218, 258 Erizo, Dominico 36, 186 Essex, Henry Bourchier, 2nd earl of 243 Este, Alfonso d’ 338 Este, Isabella d’, marchioness of Mantua 1 Estrada, Hernan, duke of 49, 76, 258 Eure, Sir William 42, 235 Evaker/Sewaker, Philip, coffer maker 332 Evans, Thomas, minstrel 267 Everdes, Everard, the king’s goldsmith 42 Eworth, Hans 111, 167 Exeter, Henry Courtenay, marquess of, earlier, earl of Devon 35, 61–62, 123, 135, 137, 228, 231, 233, 235–36, 243, 257, 313, 349 Exeter, marchioness of 58, 231–32 Fairfax, Dr, gentleman of the chapel 269 Falier, Lodovico 7 Farding, Thomas, gentleman of the chapel 269 Farington, Henry, esquire of the body 244 Farrer, Rowland, footman with HF 313 Fastenings 351–52: aglets 37, 91, 98, 100, 104, 110, 112, 115, 123, 159, 165, 173, 182, 187–88, 208, 230, 251, 351, 353–54; bullions 115, 256; buckles 37, 80, 83, 85, 91, 104, 108, 114, 115, 224, 227, 256; buttons 37, 45, 77, 98, 100, 103, 105, 107, 110, 112, 115, 119, 124, 136, 145, 166, 173, 187–88, 207–08, 210, 230, 236, 256, 321, 351–52; clasps 188, 353; dress hooks 352; laces, lacing 75, 83, 123, 161, 165, 191, 353; pendants 91, 104, 108, 114, 224; pins 84, 91, 165–66, 170, 191, 204–05, 270, 305, 353; points 75, 91, 109, 123–24, 165, 306, 309, 354; studs 108, 114–15 Female dress 82, 107, 119, 158–76 Fenn, John 284 Ferdinand, archduke 13 Ferdinand, king of Aragon 12, 20, 61–62, 68, 88, 91–92, 292 Ferrard, Jacques 155 Ferrers, George 235 Fever, Anthony 31 Finch, Mary 206 Fisher, John, cardinal and bishop of Rochester 1, 14 Fitzherbert, Mary 311 Fitzwalter, lady Elizabeth 111 Fitzwalter, earl of, Sussex 1st earl of Fitzwalter, lord, lord Steward to H7 244 Flanner, Alice 232 Flicke, Gerlack 218, 291 Fligh, John, yeoman of the robes 31, 33–34, 79, 82–83, 87, 90, 143, 254 Flod, Owen, crow keeper 31 Foix, Germaine de, niece of Louis XII 155

Footwear 83, 94, 332–33: arming shoes 91, 113–14; boots 74, 79, 81, 90, 113–14, 207, 255–56, 276, 278, 332; boteaux 81; buskins 81, 83, 85, 90, 113–14, 186, 207, 332; corks 114; football shoes 113–14; night boots 83, 114; night buskins 80, 113–14; night slippers 174, 180, 191; pinsons, 81, 113, 191, 253, 258, 264, 332; sabatons 63; shoes 63, 73–74, 80–81, 83, 85–86, 90–91, 97, 102, 108, 112, 114, 123, 133, 147, 174, 180, 186, 191, 201, 204–05, 207, 211, 231–33, 253, 256, 264, 266, 276, 278, 282, 303, 309, 332; slippers 81, 85, 113–14, 174, 186, 191, 232–33, 253, 258; Spanish buskins 113; stalking boots 114; startups 257; summer buskins 266; winter boots 114, 266 Ford, William 282 Forster, Thomas 320, 326 Fortescue, Sir Adrian 226 Fortescue, Sir John 9–10, 241 Fosse, de Andrew, footmen 264 Foster, Margaret 341 Foster, Thomas, embroiderer 297 Foster, William, spurrier 340 Fountain, Dorothy 186 Fowler, Mistress 64, 86, 257 Fox, bishop of Winchester 50, 53, 297 Foyt, Sigimund 245 Francis I, king of France, 2, 7, 10–12, 15, 17–19, 21–22, 42, 48, 51, 53, 61, 71, 95, 100, 118, 135– 36, 138, 151, 155, 158, 177, 181, 191, 210, 218, 223, 226, 231–32, 235–36, 248, 269, 281, 310, 330, 340, 364 Francis, Davy, hosier 324 Franciscius, Andreas 11 Frederick I, king of Denmark 21 Freer, Thomas 31 Freman, John 229 Fremingham, Robert, servant to Lady Margaret 44, 257 Frescobaldi, Leonard, merchant 331 Fries, John, pheasant taker 282 Fritton, Mr 28 Frognall, Mistress 257 Fuensalida, Don Gutierro Gomez de 258 Fuggers, the 32, 116 Fulker, Anthony, merchant 336 Fuller, Thomas 83, 218 Fullwood, Mistress 248 Fulwood, William, merchant taylor 302 Furs, furred 82, 84–85, 88, 97, 113, 120, 207– 08, 232, 262, 324, 348–49; budge 56, 80–82, 85, 90–91, 97, 99, 103, 105–06, 122, 134, 166, 180, 199, 204, 208, 232–33, 253, 262–65, 268– 69, 272, 303–04, 306, 348; calibre 82, 91, 304; coney 113, 122, 205–06, 232, 269; ermine 43, 46–47, 56–57, 64, 77, 79–80, 83–85, 88, 90–92, 107–08, 121, 134, 138, 166–67, 173, 177, 181, 204–06, 222; flea furs 166, 338; jennets 80, 90–91, 348; lamb, lambskin 82, 84–85, 98, 113, 218, 231, 233, 254, 265, 271, 278, 282, 304, 306; lettice 47, 76, 82, 140, 173; luzards 98, 106, 208, 210, 348; lynx 212, 230; martens 80, 91, 124, 133, 218; miniver 43, 45, 47, 82– 83, 88, 134, 138, 204, 283, 303–04, 348; mink 76, 304, 348; pampillion 56–57, 88–89, 131, 206, 208; pinks 84–85; poots 84, 199; powdered, powdernings 84–85, 90–91, 134, 177, 204–06; sables 54, 57, 79–82, 88, 90, 98, 100, 104–08, 121–22, 131, 133, 135, 166, 168, 205, 208, 210, 221, 255; shanks 56, 89, 91, 255, 257; Squirrel 100, 133, 135, 205; tavelins 89; wolf 348 Fynes, Mistress 66 Gagiana, the 111 Gainsford, Anne, wife of George Zouhche 188

451

Gainsford, Sir John 249 Gamage, Mrs 23 Gardiner, Stephen, bishop of Winchester 155, 279 Gardiner, Thomas, trumpeter 267 Gates, John, groom of the robes 33, 123, 280, 282, 307, 333 Gawo, Fernando, goldsmith 336 Gem stones 363: balases 112, 119, 147, 336; carnelian 119; coral 114; diamonds 36, 42, 48, 50–51, 53, 57, 75–77, 80, 85, 91, 100, 112, 117–19, 136, 138, 166–68, 170, 172, 181, 188– 89, 226, 228, 236, 336, 353; emeralds 42, 51, 77, 182, 326; jacinth 119; pearls 42–43, 48, 50–52, 56–58, 76–77, 80, 84, 86, 88, 98, 100, 106, 112, 116, 118–19, 165–68, 172, 182–83, 187–89, 225, 227, 236, 326, 335, 353, 363; rubies 42, 50, 57, 75, 77, 84–85, 118–19, 157, 166–67, 183, 189, 226, 336, 353, 363; sapphires 42, 119; seed pearls 119, 187; tourmaline 86; turquoise 117 Geminus, Thomas, engraver 337 George, prince, son of Edward IV 67 George, Simon 6, 362 Gibbs, Catherine 87 Gibson, Richard, 26, 28, 33, 226, 234–35, 275, 280, 320–23, 346, 348, 350, 353, 359 Giggs, Margaret 167, 173 Gigli, Silvestro de’, bishop of Worcester 12, 228 Gillim, Richard a, fool to CA 303 Gilmyn, John, footman 256 Gitto/Gytto, John, saddler 339 Giustinian, Sebastian, Venetian ambassador 2, 7, 62, 95, 122, 228 Glasgow, archbishop of 49 Glass, Haymond, hardwareman 85 Godfrey, Mr 68 Godsalve, Sir John 105, 157 Goes, Hugo van der 83 Goldsmith’s work 85, 98, 104, 108, 147, 188, 205, 226, 232, 245, 254, 297, 304, 364; bells 78, 110, 232, 336, 364; enamel, enamelled 85–86, 100, 112, 115–16; letters 335; oes 363; spangles 232, 264, 295, 304, 363–64 Gordon, Catherine, wife of Perkin Warbeck 52, 76 Gore, William, footman 264 Gostwick, John 27, 33, 66, 208, 220, 285, 297, 313, 326–27, 335 Gough, Lewis 256 Gounbe, Robert, of the stable 276 Gower, Laurence, clerk of the great wardrobe 26–27, 68, 153, 283 Gower, Margery 87 Gower, William 233, 263–64 Grace, John 231 Grafton 149–50 Gran, Jan de 124 Gras, Sir William le 172 Graunde, Martin, embroiderer 326 Great Wardrobe 38, 81, 83, 91, 131, 140, 146– 47, 224, 245, 248, 253, 255, 257, 261, 264, 267, 270, 277, 280, 282, 294, 309, 350: accounts 25, 28, 36, 78, 95, 97, 103, 106–07, 132, 165, 200, 335; budget 31–32; close car 149; expenditure under E4 74; fabric deliveries 35; livery for government officials 284; livery for officers 283; mourning livery 63; patterns 346; staff 26; suppliers 36–37; textile purchases 68; textiles for coronations 44; warrants 58, 78, 132, 253 Green, John, groom of the privy chamber 255 Green, Richard, sergeant of the vestry 133 Green, William, the king’s coffer maker 69, 147, 149, 202, 280–81, 283, 332

452

index to the text

Greensmith, Mr 122 Greniers, the 77 Grenville, John 189 Gresham, Sir Richard 31, 33, 36, 65, 222, 326 Gresham, Thomas 33, 36, 336 Grey, Anne/Agnes, silk woman 322, 327, 352 Grey, dame Catherine 231, 253 Grey, lady Catherine, H8’s niece 200 Grey, Elizabeth, countess of Kildare 59 Grey, George, spear of Calais 254 Grey, lady Jane 67, 213 Grey, lord 189 Grey, William 327 Grimston, Edward 229 Gringore, Pierre 57 Grisely, Robert, leather seller 328 Grynée, Simon 180 Guaras, Antonio de 197 Guidetti, Thomas 81 Guildford, Sir Edward, master of the armoury 294, 330–31, 334 Guildford, Sir Henry, 1, 222, 224, 243, 251 Guildford, lady Joan 162 Guildford, Sir Richard, controller of the household 47, 64, 77, 310 Guisnam, William 27, 280 Gurre, John, armourer 331 Gurre, William, armourer 331 Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden 348–49 Gustavus Vasa, king of Sweden 21, 320 Gyle, Anthony, cordwainer 79 Hachman, Roger, yeoman of the guard 289 Hacket, John 229 Hales, John 27 Hall, Edward, 7, 12, 18, 54, 63, 65–66, 68, 104, 106–07, 118, 135, 138, 161, 189, 226, 233, 236, 248, 289, 317 Hammond, William, of the leash 280 Hanchet, Richard 179, 323, 325 Hannibal, Tomasso, papal ambassador 122, 291 Hans of Antwerp, goldsmith 336 Hardwaremen 123–24 Hardwick, Bess of 200, 359 Hardy, Robert 29 Hardy, Thomas, hosier 324 Harman, Edmund, the king’s barber 112, 122 Harpesfield, Lewis 44 Harris/Harrison, Anne/Agnes, the king’s laundress 152 Harris, John, falconer 281 Harris, Nicholas, toil keeper 280 Harrison, William 328 Hartell, Gerard van, the king’s feather maker 334 Harvel, Edmund 228 Harvey, Sir Nicholas 230 Harwood, William, yeoman of the leash 280 Hasilrig, Robert 303 Hastings, lord 123 Hatton, Sir Robert 65 Hawes, John, gold cutter 336 Hawes, Stephen 3 Hawkes, Robert 65 Haye, Nicholas van, mercer 283 Hayes, Cornelius, the king’s goldsmith 119, 156, 170, 181, 188, 198, 236, 278, 306, 313, 335, 337, 354 Hayes, George 232 Hayes, Richard 304 Headwear: berrets 102; bongrace 173; bonnets 44, 74, 77, 80–81, 83–84, 88, 90, 92, 97, 112– 13, 123–25, 131, 134, 136, 146, 170, 173, 181, 183, 191, 200–01, 204–05, 207, 210–11, 222, 231–35, 255–57, 265, 270, 278, 302, 337;

bonnets of estate 97; bourrelet 229; caps 42, 73, 76, 78, 97, 112–13, 171, 173, 184, 187, 200, 209, 230, 233, 262, 271, 306–07, 309; caps of estate 43, 45, 138; caps of maintenance 14, 45, 81, 130, 135, 138, 285–86; cauls 113, 171, 205, 209; coifs 84, 107, 112, 171, 181, 234; crespins 171–72; Dutch bonnets 125; feathers 334; French bonnets 282, 304, 306, 309; French hoods 83, 88, 171–73, 177, 187, 204, 302, 307; frontlets 83, 85, 134, 170–71, 181– 82, 205, 302; gable hood 48, 82–84, 158, 171, 177; habiliments, biliments 66, 172, 180, 184, 187–88, 202, 209, 307; hats 74, 80–81, 92, 97, 112, 123–25, 149, 173, 186, 188, 207, 211, 231, 249, 255, 304; hat badges 112; hat bands 264; hoods 81, 85, 90, 97, 133–36, 225, 270; lappets 83, 171, 177; liripipes 134, 136; Milan bonnets 12, 112–13, 124, 229, 265, 290, 303– 04, 309, 311; night bonnets 97, 146, 173, 211; night caps 97, 113, 124, 265; ostrich feathers 187, 334; ‘perwykes’ 265; riding bonnets 97, 108, 125; riding caps 97, 108, 146; riding hoods 80, 97, 108; stalking bonnets 97; thrums 112–13; tippets 74, 78, 80– 82, 84–85, 90–91, 96, 107, 134–35, 138, 147, 166, 170, 191, 225, 270; undercaps 113; wimples 84 Hendry, John, haberdasher 338 Heneage, Sir Thomas, groom of the stool 31, 123, 143–44, 270, 272 Henry II, king of England 282 Henry IV, king of England 246, 248 Henry V, king of England 9, 64, 226 Henry VI, king of England 61, 75, 84, 132–33, 136 Henry VII, king of England, 9, 11, 19, 27–28, 30–31, 33, 37, 43, 49–50, 53, 55, 67, 69, 73–75, 77, 83–84, 89, 91–92, 108, 110, 130–34, 140, 145, 174, 189, 232, 236, 257, 271, 285, 292, 309, 338, 348; appearance 76; armour 80; attainder 75; clothes 77–82, 103, 115, 324, 328; clothes on a Sunday 129–30; coronation 45, 246, 340; coronation of Elizabeth of York 46–47; court 77–78; effigy 64; funeral 64, 264, 276; Garter 136; hearse cloth and requiem masses 60–61; household 44–45, 55, 63–64, 76, 79, 81, 199, 245, 248, 253–56; marriage 55–56, 76; Maundy gowns 133; mourning robes 134; portraits 76, 78, 86–87, 93, 105, 110, 245; privy purse 83; remarriage 155; retaining 244; shirts 111–12; tapestry purchases 77; tomb 61, 78 Henry VIII, king of England 61, 65, 73, 76, 80, 82, 84, 92, 97, 99–100, 107–08, 115, 118, 121, 132–34, 191, 208, 213, 218, 224, 232, 236, 264, 271, 292, 310–11, 317, 337–38, 341, 348; and Charles V 10, 13, 51, 151, 226; and Francis I 10–11, 13, 95, 100, 224, 226, 248, 264; and Maximilian 10; AB’s coronation 47; appearance 1, 7–8, 11; armour 1, 6, 108, 296, 329; as duke of York 68, 89; as Hercules 10; as Solomon 9; at Arthur’s wedding 56, 90, betrothals 49; break with Rome 13; childhood 88–90; clothes 81, 95–128, 143, 182, 345, 352; clothes as perquisites 121–23; clothes for bathing 150; colour of his clothes 120–21; coronation 43–45, 224, 246; coronation banquet 10; cost of his clothes 82, 95; death 119; Defender of the Faith 267; dressing chamber 151; duke of York 258; excommunication 14, 42; favourites 218–22; foreign styles of dress 12; funeral 63–64, 151–52, 264, 307; funeral effigy 63; Garter 90, 135–37; god-parenting 230–31; Golden Fleece, order of 91, 137; great wardrobe

accounts 30–31; hair and beard 7; health 2– 3, 7; his book Assertio Septem Sacramentorum 14; household when a boy 9, 56, 65, 68, 90, 129, 221, 258; hunting 277; invasion of France 110; jewellery 91; jousting 236; magnificence 9–10; marriage 52–55; marriage of Mary Tudor 57; Maundy gowns 133; military leadership 289; mistresses 189; mourning 134; parliament robes 138–40; portraits 3–5, 8, 87, 89, 112–13, 115, 117, 119, 135, 137–38, 195, 266, 360; prince of Wales 90; privy purse accounts 31; requiem masses for H7 60; retaining 244; royal entries 298; St Michael, order of 138; selecting a queen 155–57; sporting prowess 2, 107–08; title Defender of the Faith 13; will 63 Henry, prince, son of H8 and CA 60: birth 68, 76, 322; christening 58; funeral 68 Heralds, kings of arms and pursuivants 56, 58, 65, 67, 223, 228, 245, 291–93; Carlisle 61; Clarencieux 18, 245, 291–92; Garter 61, 138, 170, 198, 223, 225, 245, 248, 292; Hainault 76; Lancaster 245; Lyon 289; Mountergill 245; Norrey 61, 245, 291; Rougecross 245; Rouge Dragon 291; Shrewsbury 232; Sicily 292; Somerset 61, 245, 291–92; Windsor 228–29; York 245 Herbert, Anne 55, 188, 307–08 Herbert, Edward lord Cherbury 61, 246 Herbert, Sir William 28, 75, 123, 138 Herbertstein, Sigmund von 100, 229 Hercules, Friar 77, 328 Herden, Robert 123 Heritage, Thomas, surveyor 283 Herman, Worley, master gunner 254 Heron, Cecily 167, 171 Heron, Giles 167 Heron, John, clerk of the hanaper 284 Heron, Sir John, treasure of the chamber 270, 292, 330 Hertford, Anne, countess of 55 Hertford, Edward Seymour, earl of 59, 225, 294, 297 Hette, John 231 Hewet, Andrew 321 Hewetson, William 27, 29, 35, 59, 168, 306, 333 Hickman, John 149 Hilton, Ellis 83, 323 Hilton, Robert 44, 65, 85–86, 257 Hilton, William, the king’s tailor 27, 33, 107, 146, 297, 318–19, 321, 337 Hobbes, Emelyn 87 Hobbes, Robert, keeper of the More 151 Hobson, William 29 Hoby, Sir Philip 123, 224, 307 Holbein the younger, Hans, painter 1, 3, 5–6, 9, 11, 82, 105, 111, 116, 118–19, 137–38, 160, 162–63, 167, 169, 171, 173–74, 183–85, 200, 207, 210, 218, 222, 224, 229, 233, 248, 250–51, 262, 267–68, 271, 290, 317, 336, 350, 352, 355–56, 359–60, 362 Holland, Oliver 198, 303 Holland, William, goldsmith 144 Holt, George 304 Holt, Mr, H8’s schoolmaster 65 Holt, William 321 Holy Roman Emperor 20 Holy Roman Empire 14, 21 Hoo, Calvin 149 Horenbout, Lucas, painter 4, 112, 177, 207 Hornby, Henry, secretary to LMB 257 Horse harness 79–81, 90–91, 108, 123, 177, 180, 220, 222, 227, 276, 310, 338–39; bards 109–10, 348; bits 311, 331, 338; dusting

index to the text cloths 311; horse houses 245; litters 44, 46– 47, 55, 177, 180, 309, 340; mule harness 151, 180, 222, 256, 339; pillions 310; reins 63; saddles 44, 64, 76, 85, 90, 180, 206, 220, 222, 276, 310, 335, 338–39; stirrup leathers 63; stirrups 123, 227, 311; trappers 44, 48–49, 63, 78, 80, 90, 108, 110, 151, 227, 235–36, 364 Household, the 241, 253, 261–74; ape 276–77; band of spears 290; barber 265; barge 282– 83; chamber 262–64; chapel 268–70; closet 268–70; cooks 271–72; core of royal army 292–93; Eltham ordinances 7, 107, 144, 149, 151, 244, 248, 264, 268, 272, 275, 277; falconers 281; fool 265–66; footmen 44, 112, 262–64; flutes 268; form and function 241– 44; gentlemen pensioners 290–91; gentleman ushers 132; grooms of the privy chamber 112; henchmen 44, 262–64; heralds 291–92; household above stairs 261–62; household below stairs 271–72; hunts 277–82; laundress 110, 143, 243, 270; medical men 270–71; messengers 291; musicians 266–68; nursery 58, 87, 197–99; priests 270; privy chamber 264–65; queen’s household 301–03; rockers 87, 197, 310; sackbuts 268; size 243; stable 275–77; travelling household 241; trumpeters 59, 266–67; vestry 268–70; viols 268; wardrobe of the robes 143–45, 265; watermen 283; yeoman of the guard 2, 55, 229, 245, 262–63, 289–90 Hove, John, goldsmith 55 Howard, Catherine, see Catherine Howard, queen consort of H8 Howard, Charles 123 Howard, Sir Edward, lord admiral 293, 297 Howard, George 123 Howard, Mary, duchess of Richmond, wife of Henry Fitzroy 52, 207 Howard, Thomas, see Norfolk, Thomas Howard, 3rd duke of, Howard, lord William 19, 48, 58, 231 Howye, John and Patrick, jack makers 296 Hubberd, Anne 256 Humberston, Thomas 83, 174, 324 Humble, Stephen, embroiderer 326–27 Hune, John, royal messenger 291 Hungerford, lady Anne 232 Hungerford, lord 123 Hungrace, Thomas, avener 302 Hunt, William, keeper of the king’s handguns 117 Hunting, hunting equipment 80, 100, 277–78, 281: archery, archery equipment 108, 180; bells 281; bows 88, 108, 278; cart for the hounds 279; dog chains 124; dog collars 108, 256, 279, 282; hawk hoods 277; hawking bags 116, 281; hawking gloves 37, 115, 281; hunting bed 277; hunting horns 108, 149; liams 256, 279; long bows 278; lures 149, 281; muzzles 282 Hurt, John, priest 270 Husee, John, servant to Lord Lisle 7, 30, 36, 48, 53, 58, 68, 113, 129, 159, 163, 167, 169, 171, 196–97, 229, 234, 302, 306, 318, 323, 326, 340, 346, 350, 353 Huttoft, Henry 123 Hutton, John 155 Hysus, George 29 Ibgrave, William, embroiderer 165, 180, 182, 248, 290, 306, 318, 326–27, 340 Ibrakan, Donghe O’Brien, baron of 223 Innocent VIII 55 Isabel of Portugal, queen consort of Charles V 50–51, 61, 197

Isabel, queen consort of Richard II 158 Isabella, queen of Castile 88, 121, 157, 195 Islip, John, abbot of Westminster 62, 254 Jackson, hardwareman 115 James III, king of Scotland 18, 83–84, 188 James IV, king of Scotland 11, 19, 42, 49, 52, 56, 76, 82, 88–89, 189, 196, 254, 289, 318 James V, king of Scotland 19, 43, 48, 52, 67, 124–25, 138, 158, 189, 218, 236 Jane Seymour, queen consort of H8, 3, 30, 63– 64, 111, 130, 134, 145, 155–56, 184, 208–09, 225, 302–03; appearance 181; churching 60; clothes 160, 162–63, 165–66, 168–69, 171–74, 177, 181, 187; coronation 48; fashion dolls 159; fool 266; funeral 65–66, 205, 228; god-parenting 230; household 306; household of AB 181; jewellery 188; marriage 53, 55; motto 158, 181; portraits 87, 182–83; pregnancy 167–68, 196–97 Jane, the queen’s fool 174, 236, 306–07, 309, 312, 333 Jasper, Stephen, the king’s tailor 33, 60, 147, 320–21, 347 Jekell, William, king’s commissioner 294 Jenners, John 123 Jennet, Ralph 58 Jenny, John gentleman of HF’s chamber 208 Jenyn, Nicholas, leather dresser, skinner 325 Jenyn, Thomas, skinner 324–25, 327 Jerningham, Anne 309 Jerningham, Edward 303 Jerningham, Mary 305 Jerningham, Sir Richard 244, 297 Jewellery, jewellers 36, 50–52, 57, 75, 77, 84– 86, 88, 91–92, 95, 108, 112–13, 115–19, 147, 160, 171, 177, 190, 206–07, 211, 236, 334; beads 57, 115, 118, 124, 188; bracelets 42, 57, 188; brooches 86, 91, 108, 112, 118, 188; cameos 118; carcans 118; chains 57, 188, 229, 262, 270, 272; circlets 42, 47; collars 57, 76–78, 84, 108, 118, 124, 136, 138, 188, 208, 225, 228; collars of Esses 250, 335; collets 119; cramp rings 335; flowers 85, 91, 112, 119; gaudies 118; George, greater and lesser 80, 136, 208, 226; livery collars 11; Mirror of Naples 42, 50, 191; necklaces 118, 188; ouches 112, 118, 188; parure 118; pendants 118; queen’s jewels 53, 167–68, 171–72, 188–89; rings 48, 50–51, 54–55, 61, 75, 77, 85, 118, 157–58, 181, 188, 222 Joan, queen of Naples 155, 160, 174 Joanna, infanta of Spain, queen of Castile, sister of CA 20, 91, 155 Jobson, William, saddler 340 John the fearless, duke of Burgundy 121 John I, king of Portugal 225, 278 John/Jones, John de, organist 266 Johns, Matthew 157 Johnson, Cornelius, the king’s cordwainer 332 Johnson, Garrett, cordwainer to EI 332 Johnson, Henry, the king’s cordwainer 33, 63, 321, 332 Johnson, Jason 31 Johnson, John, master of the king’s barge 283 Johnson, Robert 168, 302, 322–23 Joskyn, James, clerk 145, 153 Juan of Castile 121–22 Judde, John, underkeeper of the hanaper 284 Julius II 14–15, 196 Justice, Richard, yeoman of the queen’s robes 83, 145, 170, 294, 304–05, 323 Kebet, William, sumpterman 276 Kechyn, William, minstrel 267

453

Keen, John 312 Kelevytt, Thomas, tailor 323 Keling, mistress, silk woman 328 Kemp, Elizabeth 304 Kemp, Henry 125 Kent, earl of 62 Kettleby, John, sergeant of the chandlery 132 King, Robert, royal messenger 291 King’s works 283–84 Kingston, Nicholas, gentleman usher 58 Kingston, Sir William 149, 197, 235, 243, 281, 289 Kirkener, Erasmus, armourer 329, 331 Kirkham, George, clerk of hanaper 284 Kirtewon, Thomas, trumpeter 292 Knight, Dr William 21, 50 Knollys, lady 167 Knollys, Sir Francis, master of the horse to prince Edward 276 Knollys, Robert 62 Knyf, Francis, trumpeter 266–67 Knyvet, Anne 169, 304 Knyvet, Anthony 123 Knyvet, Sir Henry 229, 331 Knyvet, James 226 Knyvet, Thomas, master of the horse 276, 335 Knyvet, William 226 Kumming, Henry, master builder 283 Laak, Jacobyn 152 Lane, Maud 308 Langille, Guillem, king’s fletcher 248 Langton, Elizabeth, silk woman 327 Langton, Thomas, silk man 327 Langue, Jean, jeweller of Paris 124, 336, 345 Lasotta, Sir Stanislaus, Polish ambassador 224 Last, Thomas, trumpeter 292 Latimer, William, chaplain to AB 306 Laurence, Mistress 66 Lawson, George 243 Leather 105, 112, 114–16, 147, 283, 329, 332; calf skin 115; chamois 102; deer skin 115; doe skin 282; elk skin 104; English 113; Spanish 113, 115; wolf skin 104 Leemput, Remigius 82 Leighton, Edward, clerk of the closet 270 Leland, John 64 Lengram, John, merchant 118, 337 Lennox, Matthew Stuart, 12th earl of, husband of lady Margaret Douglas 202–03 Lenthall, Philip, cutler 333 Leo X 12, 14, 22, 42 Lere, John, saddler 339 Lewis, Jacques 115 Liber Regalis 43 Linacre, Thomas, tutor to Arthur 113, 311 Lisle, Arthur Plantagenet, viscount, 1, 7, 53, 62, 108, 113, 122, 138, 159, 168, 198, 218, 229, 231–34, 264, 268, 306, 321, 348 Lisle, Elizabeth 304 Lisle, Honor, viscountess, 7, 30, 36, 53, 58, 113, 129, 147, 152, 159, 163, 166–69, 171–74, 183, 196–97, 199, 233, 302, 306–07, 318, 323, 326–27, 336, 340, 346, 350, 353 Lisle, John Dudley, viscount 157, 223, 296 Lister, Mistress 188 Liturgical textiles: Albs 269–70; Altar frontals 269; Hearse cloths 60–61, 65–66, 254; Missals 270; Mitres 218; Vestments 60, 77, 221, 255, 269–70, 312 Liturgical year: Advent 235; All Hallows 48, 129, 133, 229, 235; All Saints 49, 129, 134, 228; All Souls 134; Assumption, feast of 130; Candlemas 59, 65, 86, 130–32, 197, 218, 235, 253; Christmas 27, 65, 75, 77, 79–80, 82, 90, 131, 157, 206, 224–25, 232, 235, 257, 261, 284;

454

index to the text

Easter Sunday 130; Epiphany 131, 235; Good Friday 129, 335; Lent 129, 134, 221; Maundy Thursday, ceremony and robes 29– 30, 80–82, 85–86, 131, 133, 221; May day 97, 100, 189, 329; Midsummer’s day 43; New Year’s day 19, 54–55, 68, 123–24, 130, 186, 236, 248, 334; New Year s eve 19; Palm Sunday 131–32, 245; St Andrew’s day 89; St Augustine 218; St Catherine’s day 46; St Denis 57; St Edward 210; St George 77, 86, 108, 112, 136, 207, 217, 225–26, 294; St James 112; St John’s day 20; St John the Baptist 211, 230; St Margaret 88; St Martin’s day 58; St Michael 112; St Nicholas’s day 235; St Paul’s day 47, 49; St Peter’s day 20; St Stephen 235; St Thomas of Canterbury 235; Shrove Tuesday 45, 119; Trinity Sunday 130, 196; Twelfth Night 77, 131; Valentine’s day 236; Whitsun 42, 47, 148, 261, 284 Livery 61, 65–66, 78, 87, 90, 121, 143, 186, 198, 202, 222, 241–45, 251, 254, 263, 266, 275, 278, 281, 289, 310; caps of maintenance 285–86; flags and banners 63, 65–67, 294; livery and retaining 244–45; livery coats 279, 281–83, 341; livery colours 55, 65, 68, 76, 90, 137, 213, 245, 250, 253, 258, 266, 283, 289, 311; livery issued outside the court 283–85; soldiers and sailors 292–98; Tower livery 255, 262–63; two colour livery 244–45; watching livery 255, 258, 262–63, 306 Lloyd, John, gentleman of the chapel 269 Lock, Arnold 327 Lock, Mistress, silk woman 83, 328 Lock, Thomas 147 Lock, William, mercer 27, 29, 33, 35–36, 44, 167, 169, 173–74, 181, 209, 302, 307, 340 Lode, Nicholas 263 London 28, 36, 57, 62–63, 83, 86, 88–89, 123–25, 133, 143, 149, 169, 209, 224, 226, 244, 310, 329, 350; Addle hill 25, Aldersgate 335; Austin Friars 283; Blackfriars 269; Blackheath 183, 290; Cardinal’s Hat tavern 44; Carter lane 25; Charing Cross 272; Cheapside 44; Denmark house 37; Fishmongers’ hall 233; Fleet street 49, 67, 290; Paul’s wharf 28; Puddle Dock hill 25; St Andrew’s by the castle 25; St Andrew’s by the wardrobe 27, 31; St Giles in the fields 324; St Martin le Grand 320; St Paul’s cathedral 14, 19, 42, 51, 55, 61–62, 66, 68, 80, 88, 130, 133, 197, 220; Shooter’s hill 54, 189; Shoreditch 133; Southwark 331, 339; Tyburn 244; Uxbridge fair 275; Westminster 47–49, 54, 65, 67, 77, 89, 149, 224; Westminster abbey 43, 45, 48, 62–68, 77, 84, 131, 144, 152, 224, 226, 332; burial of AC 67; H7’s chantry chapel 61, 64, 254; Our Lady of the Pew 134, 269; Thames street 28; Westminster hall 41, 45; Whitefriars 290 Long, Sir Richard 123–24 Longueville, duke of 14, 50, 223, 232 Loo, Simon/Symond, mercer 29, 186 Lorraine, duke of 51 Louis XI, king of France 81, 137–38, 201 Louis XII, king of France, 12, 16, 42, 50, 56, 61, 155–56, 172, 188, 195, 232, 253, 292, 310, 338 Louis of Hungary 52 Louise of Savoy, queen of France 17 Lovekyn, Arthur, clerk 283 Lovekyn, George, tailor 45, 74, 76, 110, 276, 317, 320, 322, 335, 339 Lovell, Alice 173 Lovell, Sir Francis 296 Lovell, George 65

Lovell, Sir Thomas 62, 87, 262 Lowley, Godfrey 29 Ludury, Thomas, lorimer 47 Luke, Anne, nurse to H8 87, 199 Luther, Martin 15, 21–22 Lyne, Edward, groom of the buckhounds 278 Lyons, Ralph 231 Lytton, Sir Robert, keeper of the great wardrobe 25, 27, 31, 283 Macerosa, Felix, clerk of the chancery 321 Machado, Roger 229 Madeleine, queen of James V of Scotland 19, 43, 52, 158 Magnus, Thomas 206, 313 Malatesta, Sigismondo Pandolfo 81–82 Male wardrobe 82, 95–97, 115, 119 Mallard, David 266 Malt, John, tailor 27, 33, 107–08, 123, 140, 147, 169, 181, 223, 248, 321–23, 326, 337, 346 Maltravers, Henry Fitzalen, lord 116 Malvesey, Peter 263 Map, Walter 217 Marche, Olivier de la 160 Margaret of Anjou 43, 301 Margaret of Austria 21, 50, 83–84, 180, 302 Margaret of Denmark, queen of Scotland 83–84, 188 Margaret of the Netherlands 53 Margaret of Savoy 11, 50, 58, 110, 155, 158, 188, 298, 346 Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV 52, 74, 76 Margaret, princess, daughter of Edward IV 67 Margaret Tudor, sister of H8 19, 35, 43, 76, 84, 87, 134, 292, 340; betrothal 49; childhood 88–89; churching 60; clothing 189–90; funeral 67; household 56, 253–54, 310; jewellery 190; marriage 56, 254, 318; pilgrimage 196; portraits 190 Marillac, Charles de, French ambassador 2, 48, 228 Marlot, Thomas 149 Marney, Sir Henry 62 Marshall, Vincent 251 Marsin, Francis 155 Martin, John, embroiderer 255 Mary of Burgundy 48 Mary of Guise, queen of James V of Scotland 20, 52, 124, 183 Mary/Maria of Hungary, regent of the Netherlands 3, 48, 52, 123, 160, 163, 233, 347 Mary I, when princess 48, 55, 59, 90, 130, 132, 145, 157, 186, 197, 199, 211, 236, 261, 271, 275, 323; appearance 204; betrothals 50–51, 189; clothes 160–62, 164–66, 168, 172–73, 186, 202–06, 323, 326, 346, 354; christening 58; fool 266; godparenting 230; household 310–12; livery 121; illegitimacy 195; jewellery 206; privy purse accounts 31, 153, 206; role at CA’s funeral 66: Welsh council 195; when queen 61, 67, 73, 155, 280: clothes 37, 351; marriage 52; mourning cloths 135 Mary, queen of Scots 42, 51 Mary, Petre, musician 267 Mary Tudor, sister of H8, queen of Louis XII, later duchess of Suffolk 16, 42, 44, 59, 84, 87, 118, 134, 149, 155, 157, 235, 261; AB in her household 180; appearance 190–91; betrothals 49–50; childhood 88; children 191, 230; clothes 50, 56–57, 91–92, 158, 165, 190–91; effigy 67; funeral 66–67; H7’s funeral 64; household 50, 57, 253, 309–10; jewellery 188; marriage 52, 56–57, 195, 232, 292, 325, 338, 340; mourning 57; portraits 172

Mascall, Leonard 152 Massy, Alice, midwife to EY 199 Massy, John, joiner 46 Massy, John, tawyer 324 Master John, painter 185, 354 Matthew of Westminster 224 Matthew, Richard, officer of the larder 271 Maurice of Saxony, elector 52, 124, 347 Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor 10, 12, 14–15, 48, 50, 52, 61–62, 77, 112, 137, 155, 225, 232, 289 Maydwell, shoemaker 85 Mayor, Margery 339 Mayor, Nicholas, king’s saddler 64, 283, 331, 339–40 Maynard, Guiliam 254 Maynville, Anthony, gentleman 244 Mayre, Richard, yeoman of the ewery 231 Medici, Alessandro de 118 Medici, Catherine de 48, 119, 159, 188 Medici, Cosimo de 103, 163, 353 Medici, Don Garzia de 100–01, 103–04, 351–52, 362 Medici, Lorenzo de, the Magnificent 9, 159 Medici, Nannina de 159 Melanchthon 7 Memlinc, Hans 83, 250 Memo, Friar Dionysius, organist 243, 266 Mendoza, Don Inigo de 129 Merbury, Blanche 304 Merbury, Robert 64 Merbury, William comptroller to LMB 257 Merchant Taylors’ company 10, 318–19, 321, 323 Messingre, John, page of the laundry 152 Methven, lord, husband of Margaret Tudor 190 Meulen, Steven van der 167 Mewtis, Peter 123 Michael of Leipzig 7 Miklow, John 257 Milan, duchess of, see Christina of Denmark Milan, duke of 108 Miles, William, spurrier 33, 341 Milford, Ralph 220 Milliner/Carcano, Christopher 108, 124, 172–73, 337–38 Milliner, Mark 28–29, 186, 281, 338, 354, 363 Mints, Henry 333 Misrule, lord of 235–36, 239, 257, 311 Misterton, William, clerk of the great wardrobe 27, 283 Molton, John, master mason 283 Mondy, John, goldsmith 85 Montmorency, Anne, duc de, constable of France 138 Mor, Antonio, painter 113, 167 More, Roger 27 More, Sir Thomas, lord chancellor 1, 48, 156, 167, 250 More, William, embroiderer 255, 326 Moreton, William, embroiderer 254, 326 Morice, James, clerk of the works to LMB 257 Morris, Thomas, toil keeper 280 Morse, embroiderer 77 Mortimer, William, the king’s embroiderer 145, 289, 297, 325–26, 360–61 Morton, cardinal 67 Moulins, Master of 201 Mount, Christopher 183 Mount, Thomas 324 Mounteagle, lord Henry 48 Mountjoy, George 236 Mountjoy, Ralph, of the buckhounds 278 Mountjoy, William Blount, 4th baron 1, 18, 51, 197–98, 295

index to the text Mulshoo, Margaret 304 Mundy, Ralph, of the buckhounds 279 Musting, John, the king’s arras maker 145 Mytens, Daniel, painter 190 Nailor, Edward, saddler 340 Najera, Manriquez de Lara, duke of 186, 206 Nalinghurst, master, merchant 33 Naples, John de, keeper of the jennets 276 Narbonne, Peter, groom of the privy chamber 255 Nassano, Matteo del 118 Nedeham, James, master carpenter 283 Nedeham, John, master of the barge 229 Nele, John 68 Neuburg, Dorothea Sabina von, Pfalzgräfin 161 Neville, Anne 302 Neville, Anthony, paymaster to Shrewsbury 293 Neville, Sir Edward, gentleman of the privy chamber 232, 236, 279, 290 Neville, Margaret 174, 186, 333 New Year’s gifts 29, 33, 111–12, 115, 144, 157, 172, 180, 184, 188, 199, 206, 210–11, 222, 229, 231, 235, 253, 313, 332 Newark, William, master of the children of the chapel 235 Newbury, John 256 Newman, William, trumpeter 292 Nicholas, John 85 Nicholson, Hammond, hardwareman 85 Nicholson, William 145 Nicholson, William, toil setter 280 Niger, Hieronymous 13 Ninacciesi, Nicoluccio, merchant 118, 336 Norfolk, Agnes, duchess of 47, 58 Norfolk, Thomas, 3rd duke of, earlier earl of Surrey 13, 17, 58, 61–62, 65, 105, 122, 134, 137–38, 208, 218, 222–23, 225, 228, 233, 243, 251, 281, 292, 296, 331 Norris, Henry, groom of the stool 31, 97, 110–12, 118, 241, 265 Norris, John 307 Northumberland, earl of 78, 89, 206, 222 Northumberland, lady 3 Norton, Edward 123 Norton, John 220 Odell, Mary 197 Orders of chivalry: Bath 45, 89, 224, 234; Garter 50, 77, 86, 135, 224–26, 233; Golden Fleece 78, 91, 135, 137; St Michael 137–38 Orme, Humphrey, yeoman of the beds 134, 225 Ormond, earl of 85, 356 Otenen, Guillim 118 Ottoman court, Ottoman empire 13, 229 Owen, lady Anne 245 Owen, Sir David 245 Owensted, John 276 Oxford, John de Vere, 14th earl of 138, 243, 246 Pace, Richard 14, 107, 169, 197, 228–29, 269, 277 Packing materials: barehides 149, 270, 279, 283, 331–32; baskets, wicker baskets 147; cap cases 112–13, 147; cart canvases 331; carts 279, 290, 331; cases 86, 104, 108, 112, 115, 136, 147, 168, 211, 270; chests 147; cloth sacks 147, 278, 331; coffers, trussing coffers 37, 50, 57, 147, 278, 331–32; keys 113, 147, 151, 281; males 147, 331; panniers 256; removing coffers 115, 117–18, 171; sheets,

for trussing 122, 147, 151; standards 147, 281, 290; tills 147; trussing cloths 147 Paget, Sir William 11, 36, 48, 118, 279, 291, 328, 334, 347 Pain, Richard, the queen’s almoner 133 Palaces, castles and royal houses: Ampthill, Bedfordshire 28, 149, 279; Baynard’s castle, London 25, 28, 31, 145, 148, 168, 187, 313, 323; Bridewell, London 223, 226, 229; Clarendon 278; Eltham, Kent 67, 112, 119, 187, 258; Grafton, Northampton 279; Greenwich, Kent 1, 28, 44, 47–48, 50–51, 53– 54, 58, 65–66, 90, 100, 108–09, 112, 118, 129, 131–33, 149, 151, 167, 184, 198, 209, 224–25, 231, 234, 236, 258, 269, 277, 290, 323, 334, 350; silk store 34; wardrobe of the robes 145; Guildford, Surrey 28, 150, 280; Hampton Court, Middlesex 28, 54, 58, 65, 107–08, 116, 118, 123, 131, 150, 212, 225, 265, 278, 281; Langley, Hertfordshire 83, 150, 280; More, the, Hertfordshire 150; Oatlands, Surrey 28, 152; Richmond, Surrey 49–50, 58, 60–61, 64, 66, 77, 83, 131, 184, 221, 270–71; St James’s palace, London 63, 133, 222, 266, 313–14; Sheen 77; Sudeley castle, Gloucestershire 67, 104, 165, 173, 186–87; Sunninghill, Berkshire 149; Tower of London 64, 122, 149, 185, 213, 224, 265, 283: coronations 41, 43, 45–47, 117, 289–90; knights of the bath 224; jewel house 144; prisoners 232–33; St Peter ad Vincula 67; wardrobe of the robes 34, 144, 150–51; Waltham, Essex 279; Westminster, Middlesex 41, 139, 143, 151, 245, 278, 290; Whitehall, Middlesex 3, 5, 28, 43, 63–64, 82, 102, 104, 107, 111–12, 116–19, 131, 138–39, 143, 151, 153, 159, 165, 167, 173, 200, 223, 231, 235, 265, 268, 270, 283, 346; 1542 inventory 35, 52, 136, 149, 181–82; bath house 150; cartoon 4–5; silk store 35–36, 186–87, 202–03, 308, 319, 347; Windsor, Berkshire 28, 51, 63–65, 86, 131–32, 149, 151, 169, 207, 225, 255, 271, 278, 280–81, 290; Woodstock, Oxfordshire 59, 150, 278, 308; York place, Middlesex 53, 112, 189, 235 Palatine, Philip, court of 48 Palmer, Thomas 312 Palmer, Sir Thomas 205, 224 Palmer, Sir William, gentleman pensioner 291 Palshidde, Richard 245 Pantheon, Christine 159 Papa, Christopher, trumpeter 267 Papacy, the 14 Paris, John de, the king’s tailor 33, 107, 146, 319, 321 Parker, Sir Henry 115 Parker, John, yeoman of the robes 34–35, 102, 107, 113, 117, 122, 144–45, 147, 181, 249, 289 Parker, Master 44 Parker, Mistress, later mistress Gilmyn 64, 257, 306 Parliament, parliament chamber 138, 140 Parr, Catherine, see Catherine Parr, queen consort Parr, lady 123 Parr, lord 123 Parr, Sir William, lord Parr of Horton, uncle of CP 157, 244 Parr, Sir William, baron Parr of Kendal, brother of CP, later earl of Essex and marquess of Northampton, 5, 157, 290 Partridge, Anne, nurse to HF 208 Partridge, Henry 208 Pasha, Ibrahim 17 Pasquaglio, Lorenzo, 2, 100, 283 Passamayne, passementerie 98, 101, 103–04, 106, 120–21, 165, 187, 203, 206, 212, 277, 327,

455

334, 349, 359–60, 363; bobbin lace 359; cord, cordaunt 98–99, 103, 107–08, 118, 133, 165, 210, 363; fringe 80, 85, 98–99, 101, 104–05, 107–08, 113, 118–20, 133, 138, 151, 208, 256, 266, 269, 292, 332, 359; mantle laces 45–47, 77, 322; ribbon 75, 80, 83, 85, 102, 104, 112, 123–24, 170, 174, 191, 205, 233, 255, 269, 303, 321, 332, 359, 363; tassels 115–16, 124, 135–36, 173, 181, 186, 256, 359 Paston, John 74 Paston, Thomas 123 Paston, William 256 Pate, Richard 138, 205, 351 Patrick, John, porter of the great wardrobe 28 Paulet, Sir William, controller of the household 65 Pawne, William master of king’s works 283 Peche, Sir John 297 Peckham, Sir Edmund 4 Pemberton, Hugh, tailor 248 Pembroke, Jasper, earl of 75 Pen, John 123 Penne, Anthony, painter 248 Penne, John 249, 265 Penne, Sybil, nurse to E6 199 Pennington, Margaret 304 Penyston, Mr 123 Penzon, Sir William 222 Percy, lady Anne 231 Perfumes, scented 115, 133, 150: ambergris 150; balm, balsam 150; box 150; cinnamon 150; damask water 150; lavender 150, 308; oris 151; perfume pans 150, 154; rose petals, rose water 150; sweet bags 150; sweet powder 152; sweet water 150 Perreal, Jehan of 57 Pety John, musician 267 Peynter, Cristian 326 Phebus, Gaston, count of Foix 277–78 Philip II, king of Spain 52, 113, 280 Philip, Robert 112 Philip the fair, archduke of Austria, king of Castile 14, 20, 78, 80–81, 91, 108, 137, 155, 225, 334, 340 Philip the good, duke of Burgundy 11, 82, 121 Philips, David, footman 264 Philips, Francis, schoolmaster to the henchmen 244 Philips, mistress, silk woman 328 Philippa of Hainault, queen of Edward III 26, 59 Pickering, Christopher, clerk of the larder 244 Piers, John, yeoman of the robes 290 Pigeon, Edmund, clerk 153 Pirton, Hector, of the toils 280 Places: Abbeville, France 57, 310; Antwerp 36, 54, 144, 336; Ardes 35; Bewdley, Herefordshire 49; Boulogne 245, 292, 296, 298; Bristol 222; Brittany 75; Bury St Edmund’s abbey 67; Calais 68, 78, 86, 108, 114, 143– 44, 149, 152, 159, 171, 181, 191, 218, 224, 228, 233, 248, 253, 270, 289–90, 294, 297, 326, 350: executioner from 66; masques at 35; the Staple 36; the Staple chamber 33; Canterbury, Kent 54, 57, 83, 151, 179, 226, 228, 245; Cardinal’s college, Ipswich 221; Carisbroke castle 144; Chelsea 67, 112, 213; Cheshunt 144; Cheyneygates 65; Christchurch, Canterbury 57, 61; Collyweston 84–85, 257; Convent de Cluny 57; Dover, Dover castle 50, 226, 294; Dresden 113; Exeter 285; Florence 78; Fontainebleau 229; Framlingham church, Suffolk 68; Gravelins 226; Great Malvern priory 83, 87; Guisnes 10, 48, 226, 235, 290; Hanworth 150; Harbottle castle 60; Hardwick Hall 105; Harfleur 76;

456

index to the text

Hatfield 44, 65, 67, 86; Havering at Bower 33; Hôtel de Cluny 57; Hôtel de la Gruthuse 57; Kimbolton 65; Knebsworth 279; Lambeth palace 45, 218, 223; Langeais 228; Lathom 84; Leipzig, New Year’s market 124; Lille 110, 298; Ludlow 68, 88, 112, 311, 340; Malmesbury 275; Marigny 57; Mechelen 137; Middlesex 244; Milan 102; Milford Havern 75; Nottinghamshire 102; Oking 28, 150; Otford 124; Paris 57, 157, 345; Pembroke castle 75; Peterborough cathedral 66; Portsmouth 245; Rochester, Kent 236; St Mary the Great, Cambridge 60; Sandwich, Kent 149, 310, Saragossa 20, Sawtry abbey 66; Southampton 245, 267, 282; Stamford 85; Therouanne 298; Thetford priory 68; Thornbury 231; Tournai 51, 109, 224, 244–45, 283, 289, 298, 322, 326; Uppsala cathedral 102, 111, 351; Valladolid 20, 197, 277; Walsingham 60, 196, 257; Waltham abbey 61, 135; Warwick 275, Waterford 285, Westhorpe 67, Winchester 87–88, Winchester cathedral 52, 58–59, York 41, 48, 67, 148, 285, 329 Planis, Jean de 19 Planshe, Petre de la, musician 267 Plowfield, John, clerk of the wardrobes 145, 153 Plumer, Alvard, jeweller 118, 337 Pole, Catherine, nurse to MI 199 Pole, George 226 Pole, Henry 256 Pole, Reginald, cardinal 231 Pole, Edmund de la 229, 232 Pole, Richard de la 232 Pole, William de la 232 Polo, Domenico del 118 Polsted, Henry, receiver to Cromwell 285 Pond, Robert, gentleman of the chapel 269 Popincourt, Jane 309–10 Portenary, Guido 220 Porter, Endymion 217 Porth, John, clerk of the wardrobes 144, 153 Poullan, Jacques 345 Povey, Walter, tailor 47, 246 Poyntz, Elizabeth, nurse to prince E6 199 Prussia, Albert, duke of 107 Pudsey, Ralph 77, 91, 254 Puebla, Roderigo Gonzalva de, ambassador 7 Pulgar, Hernando de, Spanish chronicler 195 Punt, Jasper, royal messenger 291 Putnam, Frideswyde 87 Pyk, John 81 Pyne, John, hosier 324 Queen’s chamber, preparation of 197–99 Queenship 155–58, 177 Ragdale, Robert 83, 145, 323 Rawlings, Richard, bishop of St David’s 140 Rawson, Dr Richard, clerk of the closet 134 Raynesford, Humphrey, of the buckhounds 279 Reading, Mary 257 Rede, John 256 Redman, Henry, mason 283 Reed, John 31, 145 Regalia 42, 118: crowns 42, 47, 57; orbs 42; sceptre 42 Rhys, Beatrice ap, laundress to princess Mary 152, 312 Rich, Sir Richard, treasurer of the wars 48, 140, 180, 296 Richard II, king of England 43, 158, 244, 248–50, 285

Richard III, king of England 9, 27, 67, 73, 75–76, 82, 130, 245, 261, 264, 320, 329, 340 Richard, duke of York, son of Edward IV 75 Richards, Griffin 179 Richards, Peter 28 Richardson, Peter 29, 336 Richmond, Edmund Tudor, earl of 75, 84 Richmond and Somerset, Henry Fitzroy, duke of 28, 48, 52, 340; clothes 207–08, 210; clothing as gifts 208; early life 189, 206; ennoblement 223; funeral 68; Garter robes 207, 225; household 68, 206, 249, 312–13; livery 121; inventories 208; Northern council 195; portraiture 112 Rider, Alexander 276 Ridler, Anthony 245 Ring, John, skinner 46, 57, 64, 103, 322, 324–25 Rinieri, Antonia 159 Ripley, John, master joiner 283 Rise, William 123 Robes, robes of estate, also see clothing: 130–31, 135, 148, 207; coronation robes 37, 42–48, 115, 181, 224; Garter robes 37, 77, 82, 86, 88, 90, 95, 123, 132, 135–37, 207, 213, 224–26; noble robes 222–23; parliament robes 37, 45, 64, 86, 88, 135, 137–40, 149, 222; St Michael robes 37, 135, 137–38, 213 Robin Hood 236 Robinet, embroiderer 77, 327 Robinson, William, saddler 340 Rochester, Christopher 233, 263–64, 282 Rochester, Richard 140 Rochford, George Boleyn, viscount 279 Rochford, Lady 2 Rogers, John 68 Rojas, Donna Maria de 196 Rollin, Nicholas 82 Romains, Peter 118 Roos, lord 136, 225, 291 Roper, Henry, yeoman of the queen’s beds 157, 198 Ros, Roger de 33 Rothelin, marquess of 50 Rothwell, William, clerk of the closet 270 Rothwell, William, mercer 47 Rowland, John, page of the robes 149, 153, 333 Royte, William 279 Rudd, John, clerk of the closet 270 Rufforth, James 36, 111, 123, 334 Rult, the queen’s almoner 133 Russell, Sir John, gentleman of the privy chamber 48, 53–54, 65, 198 Russell, John 147, 150 Russell, John, master carpenter 283 Rutherford, Joanna and Margery 310 Rutland, earl of 224, 243, 306 Rutland, lady 303 Ryalle Book 65, 130, 198 Ryssley, Sir John 67 Sadler, Sir Ralph, master of the great wardrobe 26–27, 33, 51, 66, 119, 123, 203, 225, 267, 284, 295, 321 Sagudino, Nicholas 21, 235 St John, lord 62, 66, 251, 262, 271, 291 St Leger, Sir Anthony 123, 140 Sale, Nowell de la, musicians 267 Salisbury, bishop of 49, 55 Salisbury, Margaret Pole, countess of 111, 173, 204, 231 Salvage, Henry, merchant 337 Salvator, Ipolito de, musician 267 Salviati, Jacobo, bishop of Verona and secretary to Clement VII 11

Same, Edward, footman 245, 264 Sampson, Richard, dean of the chapel royal 20, 277 Sander, Nicolas 181 Sandes, Christopher 322 Sandys, Sir William, lord chamberlain 243, 248 Sanuto, Marino 12, 17, 180 Sassetti, Francesco 22 Savage, Sir John 87 Saveuses, Antoinette de 152 Saxony, Augustus, elector of 101, 103 Saye, Anne 83 Schidlowijecz, Christopher de, chancellor of Poland 281 Schwarz, Matthäus 16 Scot, John 276 Scrots, William 116, 163, 185, 212 Scut, John, queen’s tailor 29, 145, 159, 164, 168–69, 172, 180–81, 186, 205, 209, 232, 306, 318, 321, 323, 333 Selve, George de, French ambassador 229–30 Sexton, Philip (Patch), fool 124 Seymour, Sir Edward, brother of JS 123, 186, 312 Seymour, Jane see Jane Seymour, queen consort Seymour, lord 112 Seymour, Sir Thomas, later baron, brother of JS, husband of CP 59 Shaa, John, goldsmith 62, 67 Shakerley, Mistress, silkwoman 29, 188, 328 Shakerley, Rowland, mercer 188 Shapster, Alice 151 Sharp, John 144 Shaving stuff and items for personal grooming: basins 270; combs 265; ear picks 265; hair brushes 265; shaving cloths 152, 265, 270; tooth picks 77 Shelton, lady Anne 312 Sherborne, Robert, dean of St Paul’s 49 Shere, Robert, keeper of privy beagles 282 Sherrington, William 123 Shevernak, John de, musician 267 Shirley, John, coffer 45 Shirlond, William 236 Shrewsbury, George Talbot, earl of 3, 62, 246, 271, 293, 296 Shrief, William, netmaker 280 Sidney, Sir William 199 Sigismund, Holy Roman Emperor 226 Silcock, Richard, wiredrawer 336 Silken Thomas 233 Silver, Anthony 149 Simpson, Nicholas, the king’s barber 265, 271 Simpson, Richard, of the leash 280, 282 Singleton, John, of the leash 280, 282 Sittow, Michel, painter 137 Skalder, William, grocer 246 Skeffington, Sir William 208 Skelton, John, poet 10, 89, 245 Skelton, Mr 68 Skeetz, Erasmus, merchant 36, 336 Skeron, Anne 87 Skidmore, Alice 87 Skirwith, John, leather seller 328 Slanning, Elizabeth, silk woman 332 Small, Mrs, formerly known as Mrs Pemberton 163, 170 Smeaton, Mark, musician 111–12, 152, 268 Smith, Henry 45 Smith, John, armourer 333 Smith, John, embroiderer 254 Smith, Leonard 166, 171–73, 327 Smith, Richard, yeoman of the queen’s robes 33–34, 83, 133, 143–45, 149, 256, 265, 318

index to the text Smith, Robert, royal messenger 291 Smith, Thomas, page of the chamber 31 Smith, William 31 Solier, Charles de, Sire de Morette 230 Somer, Will, fool 266, 276, 295, 337 Somerby, James 246 Somerset, Sir Charles 90 Somerset, Edward Seymour, lord protector 37, 42, 61, 63, 189 Somerset, John, duke of 84 Soncino, Raimondo de 49 Southampton, Elizabeth Wriothesley, countess of 161 Southampton, William Fitzwilliam, earl of 122, 227, 243, 251, 282, 317 Southwell, Sir Richard 352 Southwell, Sir Robert 76, 318 Speke, Sir Thomas 124 Spert, Thomas, boat maker 283 Spinelly, Leonard, 14, 20 Spinelly, Tomasso 229 Sport, sporting equipment: bracers 108; falconry 107; fishing rods 108; riding rods 169; shooting gloves 108, 115; tennis 108, 113; tennis gloves 108; tennis rackets 108 Spurrier, John 341 Spurrier, William 33 Stafford, lady Elizabeth 64 Stafford, Sir Henry 84 Stanes, Thomas, porter of the great wardrobe 283 Stanhope, Anne Stanhope, Master 44 Stanhope, Michael 123, 331 Stanhope, Mistress 44, 64, 85, 257 Stanley, lord Thomas 84 Stanley, Sir William 244, 262 Staunton, Thomas, cutter 323 Sternold, Thomas, groom of the robes 153, 333 Steward, Edward 29, 340 Stile, John 155 Stile, William, saddler 339 Stonore, Sir William 233 Storey, Richard, the queen’s skinner 83, 325 Stoughton, Richard 27 Stow, John 7, 25, 100, 102, 112, 132, 317 Stroes, Marone, a Florentine 79 Strozzi, Francesca 159 Stubbes, Philip 159 Stukeley, Margaret 44 Sture, Eric 102, 351 Sture, Nils 102, 111, 350, 351 Sture, Svante 102, 351 Sturt, John, trumpeter 267 Styles of dress: Almain 16, 101–02, 233, 289; English 11–12, 54, 57, 177; Flemish 83; French 22, 57, 82, 95, 177, 180, 184, 226; Hungarian 226; Indian, Indian making 95; Milanese 57, 346; Spanish 135, 161, 163, 177–78, 227, 303–06; Turkish 17, 100, 226 Suffolk, Catherine, duchess 55, 66 Suffolk, Charles Brandon, 1st duke of 18, 48, 52, 57–59, 62, 67, 122, 135, 144, 172, 188, 191, 195, 218–20, 223, 225, 230, 234–35, 243, 271, 292–95, 302, 305, 318, 330, 338 Suffolk, Henry Grey, duke of 213 Suffolk, Mary, duchess of, see Mary Tudor Süleyman the Magnificent 9, 16–17, 229 Surrey, countess of 58 Surrey, earl of, H7’s treasurer 64, 68 Surrey, Henry Howard, earl of 62, 115–16, 122, 207, 232–33, 266, 292, 295–96, 362 Sussex, Margaret, countess of 303 Sussex, Robert Radcliffe, 1st earl of, earlier viscount Fitzwalter 62, 123, 223–25, 243, 271, 291

Swayne, Elizabeth 346 Swift, Robert 3 Symon, Pilgrim de 267 Symonds, John, litterman 307–08 Tailboys, George 208 Tailboys, Sir Gilbert, later Lord Clinton 206, 220 Tailor, Thomas, keeper of the fool 265 Tailor, William, haberdasher 124, 211 Talbot, lord 218 Talbot, Sir Gilbert 157 Tate, Bartholomew, painter 248 Tailor, George, receiver to AB 181 Taylor, John, clerk of parliament, 2 Tebbe, William, sergeant of the vestry 255, 269 Temple, William, fletcher 290 Teonge, Susan 312 Tetzel, Gabriel 75 Textiles: baudekin 120, 187, 235, 277–78; Braband cloth 35; bridges satin 35, 120, 203, 228, 256, 276, 308; broad cloth 199, 231, 254, 263, 266, 268, 270, 278, 289, 303–04; buckram 79, 83–84, 236, 262, 269, 277, 295, 304, 309, 348–49; cambric 203, 308; camlet 35, 75, 81, 85–86, 120, 187, 231, 253, 257, 263–65, 269, 271–72, 278, 282, 292, 303–04, 308, 311; canvas 85, 233, 266, 276, 280, 282, 349; cloth 75, 77, 80, 86–88, 231–32, 246–47, 254, 256–57, 262, 265, 269–70, 276, 283, 289, 292, 297, 304, 309, 311–12; cloth of gold 74–75, 78–81, 120, 187, 191,203, 225, 228, 231, 235– 36, 255–56, 264, 269, 292, 295, 312, 322, 348, 355; cloth of silver 75, 120, 187, 203, 228, 231, 235, 308, 348, 355; cotton 85, 147, 218, 247, 257, 266, 270, 276, 278, 283, 292, 303, 305; crewel 266; damask 35, 75, 83, 85–86, 88–89, 92, 120, 187, 191, 203, 227, 232–33, 246, 253, 255–57, 262–63, 265–66, 268, 270– 71, 276, 278, 295, 303, 308, 311–12, 348; diaper 35, 85; felt 78, 348; frieze 85, 191, 268, 282, 303; fustian 233, 257, 265, 268, 278, 282; hair cloth 282; holland 35, 203, 278, 308; kendal 107, 236, 265, 283; kersey 85, 247, 253–54, 257, 295, 303–04, 311; linen 35, 58, 75, 79, 84, 88; medley 232, 253, 256–58, 263–65, 276; motley 253–54; Normandy cloth 187, 203, 308; puke 75, 266, 304; russet 254, 256, 263, 270, 289, 309; sarsenet 35, 75, 85, 90, 187, 203, 256–57, 262, 264, 270, 281, 295, 308–09, 348; satin 35, 74–75, 79, 81, 83, 85–86, 88, 90–91, 120, 187, 191, 203, 227, 232–33, 235–36, 246, 255–57, 262–63, 265, 269, 271–72, 277–78, 282–305, 308, 311, 355; say 232, 266; scarlet 90, 218, 229, 246, 255, 264, 311–12; silk 119–20; sipers 58, 85, 91, 170, 191, 204–05; taffeta 119–20, 187, 203, 295, 308, 348; tartarons 35, 75, 120; tilsents 35, 264; tinsel 80, 120, 203, 305, 308; tinselled satin 80–81, 86, 91, 257; tissue 80, 187, 120, 191, 203, 322, 348; velvet 35, 43, 74–75, 77–83, 86, 88, 90–92, 119–20, 187, 191, 203, 225, 232–33, 235–36, 246, 253, 255–57, 262, 264–65, 268–70, 272, 276–77, 281, 283, 292, 295, 303–05, 308–09, 311, 322, 355; worsted 85, 218, 232, 265–66, 270, 304, 309 Thirlby, Thomas, dean of chapel 269 Thomas, hosier 270 Thomas, William 112, 212 Thomand, Murrough O’Brien, earl of 223 Thorne, Nicholas 222 Throckmorton, Sir George 295 Throckmorton, Nicholas, page in the household of HF 208 Thurgood, John 311

457

Thurston, John, master of the barge 283 Ticcioni, Bartholomew 11 Timpley, Thome, groom of the laundry 152 Titian, painter 11, 20, 363 Toke, William 231 Toote, Stephen, footman 264 Torrigiano, Pietro, sculptor 63, 78, 83–84 Toto, Anthony, the king’s painter 63 Townley, Nicholas 221 Treaties: Anglo-Danish 21; Ayton 89; Chateau-Cambrésis 17; League of Cambrai 235; Peace of Cambrai 18; Perpetual Peace 19; Universal Peace 51 Trestram, Thomas, footman 264 Trevisano, Andrea, Venetian ambassador to the doge 76 Treviso, Girolamo da 13 Trissino, Giangiorgio 1 Tuke, Sir Brian 199 Tuke, William, groom of the laundry 152 Tunstall, Cuthburt 15, 51, 137 Turner, William, of the toils 280 Twyford, Mistress 66 Tyrone, Con Bacagh O’Neill, earl of 223 Tyrrel, Thomas, royal messenger 31 Tyrrel, Sir Thomas 295 Tyrwytt, Elizabeth 188, 308 Tyrwytt, Mr 123 Tyrwytt, Sir Robert 333 Urelande, Paul van, gilder 330 Urmeston, Clement, painter 318 Uvedale, John, secretary to HF 207 Vain, Hildebrand 83 Vasher, Gregory, musician 267 Vaughan, James 311 Vaughan, Lybart 333 Vaughan, Margery, silk woman 28–29, 35, 328, 340 Vaughan, Stephen 11, 36, 119, 184, 328, 334, 347 Vaughan, William 258 Vauntrix, John 86 Vaux, Sir Nicholas, lord 111, 243, 356 Venasses, Nicholas 36 Vendy, John 231 Venmer, Gerard 83 Vergas, Elizabeth 304–05 Vergil, Polydore 76 Vermeyen, Jan Cornelisz 6 Verney, Dorothy 310 Verney, Ralph 258 Vertue, William, mason 283 Veryght, John, goldsmith 86 Veyzier, Jehan, surgeon 270 Vicary, Thomas, sergeant surgeon 271 Videe, John, cutler 333 Villahermosa, Alonso de Aragon, duke of 122 Vincent, David 123 Vivaldi, Anthony, merchant 360 Vives, Juan Luis 311 Volpe, Vincent, painter 294 Vreland, Paul van, the king’s feather maker 6, 334 Waal, Peter van der, jeweller 334, 337 Wadham, Dorothy 160–61 Waleston, Charles, toil setter 280 Wallop, Sir John 59, 137, 225, 229 Walsh, Walter 265, 281 Walsingham, Edmund 307 Walsingham, Sir Edward, lieutenant of the Tower 232 Walter, Jane 44, 64, 257

458

index to the text

Warbeck, Perkin 52, 76, 89, 244, 285 Ward, John, royal messenger 291 Wardrobe of the robes 81, 85, 106–08, 113, 115, 117, 121–22, 133–34, 138, 149; caring for the king’s clothes 147; documentation 149–50; dressing the king 151; hunting trophies 277; packing materials 147–49; presses 151; queen’s wardrobe of the robes 145; role 143; silk store 145–46; staffing 143; storage 150–51; transport 148, 275; working with the king’s tailor 146 Warham, William, archbishop of Canterbury 14, 50, 61, 84, 218 Warley, Nicholas, goldsmith 333 Warley, Thomas 218, 306 Warner, Oliver 246 Warren, Mistress, silk woman Warren, Laurence 363 Warren, Ralph 27, 59, 172, 333 Waurin, Jean de 156 Weapons and accessories: arming swords 77; chapes 115–16; daggers 37, 115–17, 123, 149, 201, 207, 333–34; handguns 117; hunting knives 333; knives 115, 117; scabbards 116, 134; skeins 117, 147; staves 117; sword girdles 115, 147, 212, 333; swords 14, 77, 80, 115–17, 123, 130, 133–34, 147, 201, 212, 333; tockes 334; wood knives 115, 123, 147, 334 Webb, Mistress 257 Webster, William, pensioner of the stable 243 Weldon, Simon, priest 270 Welsh, William 249 Wellysburn, John 229 Wentworth, lord 115, 295 Westbury, Thomas 2, 30 Westby, Thomas, clerk of the closet 270 Weston, Sir Francis 106, 124, 233, 241 Wewyck, Maynnart 84 Whale, Bartholomew, capper 338 Wharton, Thomas, clerk of the wars 296 Wheeler, Dorothy 66

Wheler, John 323 Whethill, Sir Richard 218, 322 White, Griffiths, spurier 46 White, Thomas 248, 350 Whitskale, John, yeoman of the laundry 151 Wilder, Philip van der, musician 123, 266, 268 William, armourer, wife of 112, 263 William, fool 256 Williams, John, footman 264 Williams, John, of the leash 280, 282 Williams, Sir John, master of the jewel house 123, 156, 321, 327 Williamson, John 248, 283 Willesdon, John, of the leash 280 Willoughby, Sir Henry 294 Willoughby, Sir Robert, keeper of the great wardrobe 27, 45 Wiltshire, Thomas Boleyn, earl of, 13, 122, 197, 228, 231, 277, 302 Winchester, bishop of 49 Windsor, Sir Andrew, keeper of the Great Wardrobe 25–27, 32–33, 45, 57, 61–62, 68, 140, 151, 180, 198, 205, 221, 223, 290–91, 294, 310–11 Windsor, Mistress 88 Windwood, Thomas, mercer 346 Wingfield, Sir Richard 224, 330 Wingfield, Sir Robert 10, 18, 20, 51, 57, 137, 197, 229, 231, 255 Wise, William 263 Witpain, John 333 Wolf, Morgan, alias Philip, goldsmith 156–57, 250, 335 Wolfet, Dr George, clerk of the closet 270 Wolsey, cardinal Thomas, 3, 7, 10, 19–21, 27, 43, 48, 50–51, 56–57, 62–63, 135, 150, 152, 157, 189, 191, 197, 199, 206, 218, 220–22, 226–29, 234–35, 243–44, 261, 265, 269, 283, 289, 291, 297, 310–11, 313, 322, 330, 339–40 Wood, Elizabeth 87

Wood, Avys, laundress to princess Mary 152, 310 Wood, John, keeper of the goshawks 31 Wood, Thomas, priest 270 Worcester cathedral 68 Worcester, countess 230 Worcester, earl of 57, 62, 137, 262 Worde, Wynkyn de, king’s printer 228 Worship, Catherine, silk woman 327 Worship, Elizabeth, silk woman 327–28 Worship, John, silk woman 327, 352 Worship, Lettice 27, 33, 327, 354 Worsley, James, yeoman of the robes 14, 32– 36, 88, 95, 97, 100–01, 103–07, 119, 122, 131, 134–36, 138, 144–46, 149, 151, 177, 220, 236, 306, 321–24, 326, 337, 340, 348, 352–53, 355–56, 360–61, 364 Worsley, Jasper 144 Worsley, Miles, cofferer to LMB 152, 257 Worsley, Ralph, yeoman of the q-ueen’s robes 28, 144–45, 186, 326 Worth, John 129, 231, 268 Worth, William, keeper of the fool 265 Wotton, Sir Henry 3, 16 Wotton, Nicholas 183 Wren, Geoffrey, clerk of the closet 269 Wright, Andrew, the king’s painter 27, 149, 292 Wriothesley, Sir Thomas 27, 36, 123, 155, 158, 218, 233, 284, 307 Wyatt, Sir Henry 91, 262, 270, 310 Wyatt, Sir Thomas 188, 229, 353 Wyncle, John a 226 Wynigen, Andreas Wild von 102 Wynnesbury, William 236 Yotton, John, secretary to Elizabeth of York 83 Zinzano, Hannibal, king’s blacksmith 275 Zouche, Master 44