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English Pages 1151 Year 1855
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I
DOCTOIENTS RELATIVE TO THE
COLONIAL HISTORY or THE
STATE OF NEW-YORK; PROCURED IN
HOLLAND, ENGLAND AND FRANCE, BY
JOIIN
ROMEYN BRODHEAD,
ESQ.,
AGENT, UNDER AND BY VinTUE OF AN ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE ENTITLED "AN ACT TO APPOINT AN AOBNT TO PBOOUEE AND TRANSCRIBE DOCUMENTS IN EUROPE RELATIVE TO TUE COLOSUL HISTORY OF THE STATE," PASSED MAY 2, 1889.
A '.-f-
*^ •
EDITED BY
E. B.
O'CALLAGHAN,
VOL.
M. D.
IX.
ALBANY: WKED, PARSONS AND COMPANY, PRINTERS. 1855.
^
•
•
These Documents have been published under the direction of the Governor, Secretary op State, and Comptroller of the State of New- York, in virtue of an Act of the Legislature of the said State, entitled "
An Act
to
Provide for the Publishing of certain Documents relating to the Colonial History
of the State," passed March 30th, 1849.
The Documents
in
Dutch and French vreie translated by E. B. O'Callaghan, M. D., who was
employed by the State generally.
Officers
above named for that purpose, and to superintend the publication
TRANSCRIPTS OF DOCUMENTS n
TBM
ARCHIVES OP THE "MINISTERE DE LA MARINE ET DES C0L0>TE9;" OF THE "MINIST6RE DE LA guerre;" and in the "BIBLIOTHEQUE DU ROI," at PARIS.
PARIS DOCUMENTS, I-YIH.
1631-1744.
^
PARIS DOCUMENTS. The Documents
contained in these volumes, are copies of originals in the Archives of the Department
of the Marine and the Colonies
;
Archives of the Department of War, and in the Royal Library
in the
at Paris.
The
management of Canadian affairs viras, for a long time, intrusted to the Department of the France, wrhich also included the Colonies under its jurisdiction. It was not until about the year ITS."?, when a general war broke out in America between France and England, that the general
Marine
in
Department of War appears to have had any particular communications with the French Agents America at any rate, nothing of consequence has been found in its Archives previous to that date.
in
;
The Archives of to the history of the
the Department of the Marine and the Colonies are very rich in
French Colonies
which may be named the unbridled of 1793), these Archives are, toil
and time required
to
in
Documents relating Owing, however, to various causes (prominent among of wanton destruction which seemed to possess the Revolutionists
America.
spirit
at the
present
examine and
moment
(
1843), in a state of deplorable confusion
select fron^the vast
mass of unarranged papers
;
and the
that load their
by any one who has not himself made personal investigations. Canada and New- York, are contained in two separate divisions. The one of bound volumes, commencing with the year 1CC3, and ending very abruptly with numbers about seventy volumes, and contains the despatches of the King and his
shelves, can scarcely be appreciated
The papers
relating to
consists of a series
1737.
This series
Ministers to the Governors and other functionaries in the French Colonies.
It is greatly to be regretted volumes subsequent to 1737, are missing. The other, and by far the most fertile repository, is a series of "Cartons," or Portfolios, in which are placed, loosely, hap-hazard, and without the slightest
that the
attempt at arrangement, a vast mass of original Documeuts relating to Canada from 1C30 to the period of the Treaty of Paris, 10th February, 1763.
There are upwards of one hundred of these " Cartons,"
each of which contains Documents enough to make two bound volumes of the usual possible to conceive a task
more appaling
to the investigator
It is
scarcely
than an examination of these papers.
Dusty,
size.
decayed, without order, often without a date to identify the Document; a despatch of 1C70 jostling a
paper relating
to Dieskau's defeat, an account of the surrender of Quebec, pele-mele, with a letter of Governor Dongan the expedition of 1C90, mixed up with the attack on Forts William Henry, Frontenac and Duquesne, the Hurons and Manhattan, Boston and the Ottawas, side by side the contents of these " Cartons" form, indeed, the materials of a brilliant Historical Mosaic, whose riches will repay the patient investigator who does not allow their painful disorder to deter him from the research. It must be evident that this state of things was embarrassing in no small deg^ree. It not only very ;
;
greatly increased the labor of the investigations, but
papers were missing from the mass.
If,
was found
that, in
i
great
many
instances, valuable
therefore, the Historian, in looking over these Transcripts,
hereafter, should observe deficiencies in the series, he
may
feel
assured that they have not been so
left
without regret and mortification on the part of the collector.
The Archives of
the " Department of
arrangement, to those of the
*'
War," however,
Marine and the Colonies."
present a gratifying contrast, in respect to
The papers
are chronologically arranged in
PARIS DOCUMENTS.
yi
bnund viluraes; and their examination was as agreeable and pleasant as that of the "Cartons" of the Marine was laborious and annoying. The papers relate, chiefly, to the period between 1755 and the Treaty of Paris, and comprise the correspondence of the Military Commanders in America with the French Government. In arranging these Transcripts (which were, of course, separately copied), a strictly chronological The papers from the Department of the Marine and the Colonies have been
order has been observed.
intermingled with those from the Department of
always been placed next after the
War; and whenever
letter transmitting
inclosures
were found they have
them.
John Romeyn Brouhead. Pavib, December, 1843.
LIST OF
THE GOVERNORS OF CANADA, 1612
- 1763.
PKEPAUED, AND POLITELY COMMUNICATED TO THE EDITOE, BT LtECTENANT-COLONEL JACQUES TIGKR. MONTREAL.
rU
898
899
at present
Champigny—cannot onderUke
tha
_^
Ac,
July
14.
Further extract from the King's despatch to Messrs. de Frontenac and de
October
28.
An
Champigny— the
Iroquois,
At,
account of what occured in Canada during the English expedition against Quebec, October, 1690.
.
452 456
.
CONTENTS.
XIV
^^O"-
1«90.
November
—
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I'fi ii7i/r/i
/(>
II
1 1 1:
//i/y (in////f/n7// //////// /itni t'/tf/t //r/in.s hrrft
/ion nui/iij
///r// //r////\ /r//,r// ///////>////'//.
# ^
.
%
PARIS DOCUMENTS
A. This
ia
SL
I.
:
the manner the tribe of the Potatoe must be designated, and not as
it is
on the
other plate. b. Is a sticli set in
the ground, to the extremity of which two or three pieces of
denot^ the
wood
are
which they went hunting; and on the nearest tree they paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong, with the number of guns they have; that is to say, if they are three men they paint three guns, if they are more and there are some who have a bow and no gun, they put down a bow. When they return from hunting and are near the village they do the same thing, and add the number of beasts they have killed that is to say, they paint the deer and the stag from the head to the neck; if some are male they add antlers; they paint the other animals entire; if they are some days at the chase they mark the number as you see on the other plate. c. Club which they use to break the skull when they are at war. attached, to
direction in
;
Stake to his leg
tie
They
the prisoners.
between these two
hollow of the larger ; that
is,
place
posts, in the
the two posts
catch the leg above the ankle, and they
afterwards join one to the other and
them
at a
so that
it
man's is
tie
height, sometimes higher,
impossible to withdraw the
foot without untying the cords.
®
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. M.
Talon
to
Messrs. de Tracy [
Propositions
whether
D6pdt da Ministire
An
and
de Courcelles.
Affairei Etrang4re«
]
submitted by M' Talon to Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles, it
against the
be more advantageous for the King's service to veage
Mohawks
than to
War
make peace with them.
For War. Suppose, what
universally conceded in Canada, that a permanent Peace can never be
is
made
with that nation, which respects it only so long as it finds it its interest, or fears that its violation may cause it some damage, I think War is more advantageous than Peace, for the following reasons:
The King having sent to Canada a Regiment of Twelve hundred men, and regular commanded by brave Officers, with orders to fight that barbarous Nation, by which the establishment of the French Colony is so much retarded, "'twill be more glorious for his Majesty and more profitable to the Country that an effort be made to destroy them than to live First.
troops
at peace
with them.
Second. That repeated experience inculcates the conviction, that the treaties of Peace
with those Infidels are broken on the
made
opportunity that presents itself to them to obtain an
The death
Chazy and Travery and of Sieurs it is recent, inasmuch as they have been attacked and killed at a time when Ambassadors of the Oneida Nation were at Quebec treating for that of the Mohawks. Third. That though that Nation may not be always meditating or atjpmpting to violate peace as often as it is disposed and believes it for its advantage, whether on account of its aversion to the French, Algonquins and Hurons, or as a consequence of its inhuman and barbarous nature, the proximity of the English, who stimulate their designs, must make us apprehend that sooner or later that European Nation will, when at war with the French, excite the said Mohawks and Oneidas to come to a rupture with us at the Upper part of the river, in order to divide our strength, whilst it will attack us at the mouth, or in the course advantage over the French.
Chamot and Morin
\
first
of Mess" de
furnish evidence thereof as disastrous as
of the river Saint Lawrence.
Fourth. That the present conjuncture appears the most favorable of
all
those that can be
hereafter expected; because there is no other season for the destruction of that Nation except this, or the winter, or
next spring.
Winter, in the opinion and according to the representation of those who, in the
had accompanied the expedition of Mr. de Courcelles,
is
last season,
too rigorous and too destructive to
the troops.
Spring
is
much
less
adapted than
Autumn
;
for in addition to the extraordinary heats, the
Musquitoes create such severe inflammations as sometimes incapacitate a soldier for and besides, the waters are ordinarily so high in that season, that the rivers separating us from the Mohawk Nation are impassable, expect by constructing bridges of trees
bites of the
fighting;
*
or bateaux.
Moreover, M. de Saurel having been, with three hundred troops, within a day's journey of the
any
Mohawk
village,
act of hostility,
with the design of sacking
it,
on meeting the Dutch Bastard
and having returned without committing
who was
sent on a mission of peace,
it is
to
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS: be presumed with reason that the said
Mohawks
'
1.
5J
are not on their guard and do not expect
Mohegan tribe (Loups) sent bacii by the said Sieur Saurel, was to have told them that he should retire, assuring them of a firm peace just concluded at Quebec with the said Dutch Bastard. Thus it is to be hoped that these barbarians will be found divided, and those discovered in the Wigwams be either in a profound sleep or off their guard. danger, as an Indian of the
Fifth.
As
to the conclusion of
not be able to have an^ news of
Peace between England and France, inasmuch as we shall next Spring, we ought always calculate on war, which the
it
King
in his letters says he has declared. On this account, prudence suggests the distributioa of the troops and their withdrawal from the Forts adjoining the Iroquois, in the Spring, when the English are more to be feared than now, so as to preserve Quebec and the interior of the
Colony of Canada. Sixth. That the Winter, always severe in this Country, will certainly take off some of the soldiers and weaken the Troops in point of numbers, besides rendering them, by its inconveniences, less adapted to the fatigues of war.
Seventh. That at present expedition, and
is
it
we have
all
not certain that
the munitions of
we
War
have them
shall
and supplies necessary
in spring,
as
we
for thii
have, as yet,
received but a small part of what will be required for the subsistence of His Majesty's troops
and the remainder, on board three ships, Eighth. That on occasions of attack
is
That
the best.
mischance, inasmuch as
it
we
is still
at the
war where more
must be granted that can attack the
is
mercy of the winds and
to be
hoped
this expedition
enemy with such a
sea.
for than feared, the policy of
promises more success than
force as cannot be resisted
by
the whole of theirs together.
The Ninth and door
That the success of the expedition against the Mohawks opens the Orange, the rather as the Dutch may be found inclined to unite with aiding the attack and capture of that fort. We may at least expect that
last.
for the seizure of
the King's arms in
when
his Majesty's troops will
have accomplished an action so bold as that proposed, within
view of the English Colonies, that nation, more numerous in these Countries than the French, and capable of undertaking the ruin of Canada by an invasion, may be diverted therefrom, were it made sensible, by seeing us at it's gate and in the centre of its settlements, that
we
are in a position to carry the
war
"
into its midst.
Reasons for Pbacb. First. It is to
be feared that the English
may
be in the River, and have already captured
some of the three vessels which are due, and have not arrived, though the season is advanced; therefore Quebec and its environs cannot be stripped without axposing the Colony. (Answer to this Article.) Though it were true that the English were in the River, there is no reason for believing they would hazard an invasion of a country which, they are convinced, has twelve hundred soldiers, independent of the settlers who, they know well, are more than twice as many; and it is well established that Boston has but very few regular troops, and that
are not capable of an action of that nature.
its militia
and that of the Second.
To
ice,
the time
is
Moreover, in the present season
short.
carry on the war, the militia must be called out, which cannot be done during
the season of the harvest, except by postponing the cutting of the crops, or injuring them. (
Answer
to the Objection.)
This
evil,
that caused by the forays of the Iroquois
how serious soever it may be, is always much less than when they pass from peace to war. And though the
country should suffer the loss of the grain that the militia (guerrier*) will not reap,
it
will
be
/
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
54 better for
that the said militia attend to the
it
will be saved
by
all
the
other
war rather than
to the harvest,
which, however,
Inhabitants, and for this purpose a police ordinance
shall
be issued.
Third. That the Algonquins and other savages will not, perhaps, feel disposed to return to this war, as they appeared dissatisfied because they had not the disposal of the prisoners
demanded by the Ambassadors.' Answer. That the Algonquins and other savages can be ordered to the war by authority, or prevailed on by argument and presents, which will indemnify them for the advantages they would have reaped from the prisoners they had made, had these been left to them. Fourth. That the Mohawks who seem to demand peace with a sincere intention to maintain it faithfully, will never listen to it again if they perceive that war was designed whilst they were bearers of the Message of peace. Answer. That it is better to have open war with the Mohawks, than an uncertain peace, dependent for its continuance on the pleasure of the most capricious among them; satisfied that it is more desirable that the French soldiers and all others regard them as avowed enemies, than to suppose them friends, since between them and us there is no more good faith than between the most ferocious of animals. Fifth. That the English and Dutch, who, up to this time, have committed no act of hostility, will possibly declare war against us if they see u^ destroy an Indian tribe which appears to be under their protection.
Answer. So arms,
we may
from fearing that the Dutch would be jealous of the success of the King's all the steps they have taken to the present time, that they
far
be persuaded, from
them; and possibly, they await an occasion such as this, to avenge the usurpation unjustly committed upon them; weary as they, moreover, are of the insupportable will joyfully receive
domination of the English, [War] being declared between France and England, it is not reasonable to believe that the English will require new pretexts to obtain over us all the advantages possible by force of arms or otherwise. not render them any more inimical to us than they
That
Sixth.
Therefore the attack on the Iroquois will
now
are.
proceed in a secure manner in the destruction of the Mohawks,
to
necessary to select the best officers and soldiers in the
forts,
which
conveyance of provisions. Answer. If the expedition against the Mohawks be successful, the
forts
will
one-half less supplies, because one-half less troops will be necessary, and though not, the posts can
be resumed next spring.
it
will
will greatly retard
In a decisive move, a part
it
be the
require
should
risked without
is
risking the whole.
Answers, as annexed, may be given to each of these reasons. doubt not but the peace party may advance, also, other reasons than these. It is, therefore, well to adduce them, in order to balance the one by the other, so as to adhere to those of most weight. I
This
Done
is
what Talon most humbly craves Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles,
"The text
i»
Ambauadeun
to
examine.
Quebec, the 1" September, 1666.
at
unintelligible.
fait*
par
It
is,
"lis ont paru malcontents de ee
le« prisonaiers."
The
translation approaches
qu' on
ne leur a pas
somewhat nearer
to
common
laiss^
sense.
la
disposition del
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
M. Talon Memoir on
Extracts of a
to
M.
I.
:
Colbert.
the Condition of Canada, addressed by M. Talon to
M. de Colbert. I.
is
ought
I
with a detail of the expenses to which this country have done is in such confusion, and I am so much
to furnish you, in this place,
subject, but in truth
dare not, what
I
I
Since my arrival 1 have been obliged to furnish Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelle, for the war, with one hundred and fifty-two bateaux capable of carrying fifteen men with their stores, and the freight alone of afraid that
appear a good steward of the King's property.
shall not
I
war and
the munitions of
provisions,
which must be sent up by the lakes and rapids
may amount
Lord, what the other expenses of Canada year, a sou.
my
nevertheless, do
I shall,
to, for
which
I
this,
My
have not received, this
best to maintain the success of the King's arms, and
to dispose the country to produce something useful, in the hope,
the goodness not to abandon us. have been an excess in some.
to all the
You can conclude from
frontier posts, costs nearly twelve thousand livres a year.
I
entertain, that
you
will
have
by Mr. Terron's return of provisions that there might husband them to meet the most urgent demands, however solicitous the officers of the troops may be that I should give the whole to the soldiers. I have sold and turned some Brandy into wheat, with which I am well pleased. find
I
shall
I
Police regulations applied to the Christian Indians.
II.
Some
my
time after
and Huron Indians, view you pointed out the ordinances
this time.
to
to
regulate their
me, and
to
make
police regulations for the Algonquin
manners according
French
to those of the
have the right to punish them when they
to
in
the
will contravene
giving them the enjoyment, in other respects, of the advantages which the
;
among
French here possess; winter.
proposed
arrival here I
But
I
the rest the use of liquor, which has been prohibited them up to
have experienced some
difficulty,
which
I
shall
endeavor to remove
this
'Tis true, they ought to have been taught our language long ago, and not oblige the
King's subjects to study theirs, in order to be able to communicate with them. III. I
the
believe I have already sufficiently expl.iined myself respecting the supply of timber
King may derive from Cfinada
information I receive convinces I shall verify
what
for myself, in the I
confirm what
I
these,
is
French Navy. it
Notwithstanding,
care, as in
much
of
it
tar.
I
shall
add, that
;
Low
and
I assert,
that if
it
I
shall
I
all
the
have noted.
have examined
be sown as abundantly,
Brittany, this country
may
be expected to
as old France.
here a quantity of pine and
and from those,
I
can be greater in amount than
voyage I intend making. have noted regarding hemp
I
produce, some day, nearly as there
that
have stated only on the reports of others, when
and cultivated with the same
As
for his
me
fir
and incense may be got from
(sajiin), pitch, resin
commence next
spring
some experiments on
the one and
have the honor of communicating to you the result. 'Tis quite certain that there are very fine masts here, but the greater portion are not on the banks of the river; nevertheless, as the whole of this country is penetrated with very fine streams, which disembogue into the said River (Saint Lawrence), it is to be expected that the
the other, and
said
I
shall
streams will
facilitate
the
conveyance of the masts into
displayed hitherto in developing the country
is
the
reason
it.
we
The want are
now
of industry
ignorant of
its
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
56 productiveness.
May God
therewith. IV.
One
not be for lack of care on
grant that
it
my part
that
you
will not
become acquainted
be satisfactory to you.
of the great advantages
hereafter a large
much
It will
number of seamen
I
remark in this country is, that it will be able to furnish become populous, the inliabitants being greatly and
if it
inclined to navigation.
V. I have sent back to Mr. Colbert de Terron all the muskets and cross-belts I could withdraw from the Troops here and at Three Rivers, to be returned to the Navy Store, as he advised me it would be for the King's advantage to do so. I sliould have sent all that the Carignan regiment has of them, if the remainder were not in the forts, where a portion may be of considerable use. I cannot omit acquainting you that the frequent and numerous Iroquois embassies, some of which number one hundred and twenty and more, with the support of prisoners of that niition, twenty-two of whom are still under guard, have caused almost as much expense as
three companies of the King's troops. I say
nothing of the extraordinary expenses of two war expeditions, in which, especially
the latter,
it
was necessary to feed French settlers, Algonquins, Montagnez and Hurons in The King will make such allowance as he pleases for these extras, which I
great numbers.
must meet, and I shall be content with whatever His Majesty will order. Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelles have returned from their expedition. The Iroquois having concluded to withdraw and abandon their settlements, Mr. de Tracy has not been able to effect more than to burn their forts and lay every thing waste. It is for these two gentlemen to inform you of all that occurred throughout the journey, which occupied fifty-three days' march.
What
I learn
from the public voice
is,
that nothing that
was
possible to be
done
could have been added to what has been effected, and that the King's orders would have been
executed and his wishes completely realized, had these Savages kept their ground.
Indeed,
were desirable that a portion had been defeated and some others taken prisoners. Mr. de Tracy's advanced age must greatly enhance the merit of the service he has rendered the King, by undertaking, in a broken frame like his, a fatigue of which no correct idea can be formed. I am assured that throughout the entire march of three hundred leagues,
it
including the return, he suffered himself to be carried only during forced to do so by gout.
two days
;
and then he was
Mr. de Courcelles, though stronger than he, could not dispense with
being carried in the same manner, having been attacked by a contraction of the nerves. Both, indeed, endured all the fatigue human nature is capable of. Mr. de Tracy incurred some expenses on his march for the carriage of the cannon and other extraordinary services rendered by the Troops;
not suffer
I
wished to repay him, but
his
modesty would
it.
Not having been a witness of what was done in this enterprise against the Iroquois, I cannot note the merit of each of the officers employed in that expedition. It is for Mr. de Tracy and Mr. de Courcelles to advise you thereof. What I know by a public account is, that all have acquitted themselves therein in the
manner
his
Majesty
may
expect from the most zealous of
his subjects. If his Majesty, effecting for the restitution of
New
the States General for
it,
an arrangement between Holland and England, should stipulate
Netherland, and find I
it
convenient previously to bargain with Mess"
think he could do so on reasonable terms
;
and that country, which
PARIS DOCXJMENTS
57
I.
:
not of much importance to them, would be of considerable to the King, who would have tv^ entrances into Canada, and would thereby give the French all the peltries of the North, of which the English have now partly the advantage, by means of the communication with the Iroquois, which they possess by Manatte and Orange, and would place these barbarous tribes at his Majesty's discretion, who could, moreover, approach (New) Sweden when he pleased, and hold New England confined within its limits. I thought it my duty to submit this idea here. is
VI.
When
should leave
the King ordered
me
you most humbly, sufficient genius
me
to
Canada, his Majesty did
My
there only two years. Sii",
to
me
the honor to
tell
me
that he
discharge cannot come before that time.
have the goodness
me.
to obtain it for
and talent to acquit myself
efficiently in the
I
should not ask
pray
1 it,
had
I
employment you did me the
favor to procure for me, and to mould a rising state without such aid as that of Mr. de Tracy.
Should his Majesty, nevertheless, believe that
and yours. Command, and though his service and to your satisfaction.
bis to
I
know
my own to
well
I
am
can be useful
to
him,
I
have no other
not here with the consent of the whole world; and
indisposition, that induces
know who
I
infirm, I shall obey, sacrificing entirely
these are
who may
me
King
to ask the
be dissatisfied with
for
my
my
it is this,
discharge.
will
my
than
person
coupled with
Should you wish
conduct and wherefore, Chevalier
de Chaumont and the Company's general Agent will be able to acquaint you, and you that if I would leave the Church on the footing of authority I found it, experience less trouble and more approbation.
to
inform
I
should
Talon. xiij
November, 1666.
Census of Canada.
1666.
Abstract of the Roll of Families in the Colony of
New
France.
Quebec. Five hundred and
666
fifty-five polls,
Beaufhb. 678
Six hundred and seventy-eight,
Beaufort.
One hundred and
172
seventy-two,
Island of Orleans. *71
Four hundred and seventy-one, St. Jean, St. Francois
One hundred and
and
St. Michael.
^*^
fifty-six
Sillebt.
Two Vol. IX.
217
hundred and seventeen,
8
!{§>
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
\^
Notre Dame des Anges and River
Charles.
St.
•
118
One hundred and eighteen, Cote de Lau?on.
6
Six
Montreal. 584
Five hundred and eighty-four,
Three Rivers. 461
Four hundred and sixty-one,
3418
-.
Total,
Return of the number of men capable- of bearing arms from to 50 years of age,
There
are,
J6
1344.
no doubt, some omissions in the Roll of families, which will be corrected during
the winter of the present year, 1666.
(signed)
M.
Colbert to
M.
Tcdon. Saint Germain en Laye, 6 April, 1667.
a^ts.) ]fie
Talon.
King
orcfers
a
new war
against the
Iroquois, to
frighten
them
if
they cannot
be destroyed.
The King
is
entirely satisfied with the care
you have taken
to supply the troops
with
necessaries, in order to their efficient action in their different expeditions against the Iroquois,
of the success of which his Majesty
is
But as the effect of the guarantee the Colony against
very glad to be informed.
King's arms on them, however considerable, their invasions, they not being destroyed
;
is
not sufficient to
and as
it is,
moreover, to be feared that they will
more ferocity than ever, to commit their usual massacres in the scattered settlements, which cannot be succored in consequence of their remoteness, his Majesty expects that you will, by your counsel and all other means at your disposal, induce M. de Courcelles to return with
undertake a
new
destroying them,
expedition during the next if possible,
forces,
and placing them in a position not
feel to
do
II.
Of
summer
against them, for the purpose of utterly
or at least of increasing the terror they entertain of his Majesty's to trouble the
Country, however desirous they
may
so.
the Treaty
made with
the Iroquois and the conduct to be observed towards them.
have seen the Treaty which, with M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles, you have entered some of those Iroquois Nations, who, having no connection, and being detached from those they had, with the Mohawks, have voluntarily come to demand peace and to submit to the King's obedience; well remarking that you had principally in view to acquire a possession I
into with
adverse to the actual or future pretensions of the European nations.
Therefore his Majesty
PARIS DOCUMENTS hits
given
As the human but
his entire approbation.
it
quan,
having,
savages,
determine hereafter
to
nothing
send Ambassadors,
principal Officers, nor the country, to
it
§0
I.
:
greater portion of those people are properly
the
6gure,
I
believe
that
when
trifling
expense, being certain that, to
to the produce of the farming of the duty levied on the Beaver,
of the Moose ( Orignaux),
has been impossible for you to avoid disbursing the whole of
the
Company, which
is
expense to support
at great
from the grant the King made hereafter reduce
all
it, it
is
New France,
important, and
it is
you
and of the tenth
to the Iroquois settlements,
But
it.
as
it is
very just that
should derive some advantage
his Majesty's pleasure, that
sum of Thirty-six thousand licrea annually, without paying made heretofore by Sieur du Pont Gaudais, except in urgent and that
which they
you
the expenditure, which has hitherto been chjirged against that Farming, to
the
as undertaking a
in
clearly understand that, in consequence of the operations of the
and the occasion of the war, which has been carried even
troops, it
I
will
not be necessary to put the King or his
will
any but a very
keep them in check, they ought to be treated haughtily; the consideration might have been held, having contributed to render them more insolent.
As
tiiey
new
attention to the Regulations
indispensable necessity, such
expedition for the destruction of the Iroquois,
will take great care to
have
it
employed with
strict
it
being well understood
economy; the
rather, as before that
grant those expenses of the Country paid from the same fund, did not amount to
Twenty
thousand francs, and since the Grant to 29 thousand livres; being the sole advantage that
Company can to
derive from the Colony to compensate for
9II
the different outlays
it is
obliged
make. III. Fortification It is
Quebec and the Colony.
of
of great importance for the security' of the Colony to devise practicable means to place
Quebec
principally the fort of there,
and stocking
it
with an
in
a state of defence, by constructing a regular fortification
efficient artillery
and
all
sorts of munitions of war, so that
it
might not only not be insulted, but be capable of a vigorous defence, even though the most it. The same attention ought to be
experienced nationsv of Europe laid a regular seige to paid to the other forts recently erected, and
And
as
it
would tend very much
manufactured there,
let
inquiries be
it
ought
to
be a constant study
to the preservation of the country
made
if
if
to
improve them.
powder could be
saltpetre is to be found there.
IV. Recommendation to mould the Indians, settled near us, after our manners and language.
agreed with you that very little regard has been paid, up to the present time, France, to the police and civilization of the Algonquins and Hurons (who were a long time ago subjected to the King's domination,) through our neglect to detach them from their savage customs and to oblige them to adopt ours, especially to become acquainted with our I confess that I
in
New
language.
On
the contrary, to carry on
some
traffic
with them, our French have been
have embraced Christianity, to the vicinity of our settlements, if possible to mingle there with them, in order that through course of time, having only but one law and one master, they might likewise constitute necessitated
to attract those people, especially such as
only one people and one race.
Your most humble and most
affectionate servant,
Colbert.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
60
M. Talon
to
M.
Colbert.
(Extracts.) '
As long
I.
on behalf of
as
the nations of Iroquois, enjoying the benefit of the Peace granted to
all
his Majesty, will allow the
French Colony
against
we
consider
them during the winter; we therefore wait the King's
it
inexpedient to
Lower Nation, notwithstanding the The means, in my opinion, to secure
and
wage
orders, should his Majesty
desire for the reasons set forth in your despatch, that a second invasion be
the
them
to spread itself in this country
labor in profound tranquillity at the cultivation of the soil,
war
27 October, 1667.
.
made on those
of
treaty concluded with them.
more effectually against either the give Manatte and Orange to the King by conquest propose to you on the grounds submitted in the
the whole Colony
Europeans or the savages, would be to or acquisition, as I had the honor to annexed memoir. II.
Agreeably
to
your idea,
I
render the fee of the thre€ villages which I caused to be
in this vicinity, to strengthen this principal post by a greater number of Colonists, a dependency of Fort Saint Louis of Quebec;^ and the King, or, at his Majesty's pleasure, the Company, will remain the Lord proprietor thereof, holding domaine utile and the rights which
formed
I stipulated in the contracts of
settlement distributed to the soldiers, to the recently arrived
and to the volunteers of the country who have married the young women you sent me. I even caused the land, I had prepared at the King's expense, to be given to them on condition that the occupants will do as much in the space of three years for the benefit of the families sent from France, whom my successors shall have orders to establish, supposing that, at the expiration of that time, the country will have a certain and perpetual fund for the support of the majority of the families dependent on it. My principal object is hereby to people the neighborhood of Quebec with a good number of inhabitants capable of contributing to its defence, without the King having any of them in his pay. I shall, as much as possible, practice the same economy in all the places at which I shall form towns, villages and hamlets, mingling^ families
and farmers, so that they may mutually instruct one another in the cultivation and be aiding to each other when necessary.
thus, soldiers
of the III.
given
soil
The
return realized
me some
commissions
it
fishing at
one place and another have
and already four of the principal inhabitants and I have into operation next spring. Should my Secretary demand of you some
entertained of establishing
agreed to put
by some Fishermen, who, by
idea of the profit derivable from fixed fisheries, has favored the project I
some such
;
for the execution of this design, I
cause them to be granted him.
I
very respectfully request you.
agree with you.
some now devoid of it, and that the who were employed by me in fishing
profit I
for
Cod
My
Lord, that
we
My
shall excite the
Lord, to
envy of
caused to be realized by nine of the Colonists, for the use of the troops
and
for the trade
with
the Islands of South America, will serve as a powerful attraction.
Talon. '
Conformement a voire sentiment, j'attache au
fort
de Saint Louii de Quebec
la
mouvanoe des
trois villageB, &a.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
.s^
Census of Canada.
61
I.
1667.
Abstract of the Roll of Families of
New
France.
Families,
749 4312 1566
Totalof persons composing them,
Men Men
capable of bearing arms,
»
of '^ marriageable age,
Girls above fourteen years,
84 66
,
Roll of cultivated Farms and of
Cattle.
Farms under cultivation Horned Cattle
Arpens, 11,174 2,13G.
*»» Censiis of Canada.
1668.
number of Families, of persons composing them, and of Men capable of bearing arms, of cleared lands, of the produce of the harvest,
Abstract of the
and of Cattle
in
Canada,
In the year 16G8.
Families
1,139
Persons composing them,
6,870
Men
capable of bearing arms,
2,000
Arpens of land cleared
Horned
16,642
Cattle
3,400
Minots of grain saved, It will
130,978
be observed that neither the 412
four companies
who remained
soldiei;^
who
settled this year, nor the
300 of the
Canada, are included in the present Roll.
in
M.
Colbert to
M.
de Courcelles. 16""
May, 1609.
Sir,
•
You
•
'
will learn
said country (Canada), so
provisions and
•
•
.
by Sieur Talon's return
commodities
that it
it
will
will
now
require.
•
•
be able to import with more facility those But you must at the same time excite the
may induce the French to supply them in exchange And that is the more necessary, as the kingdom being
inhabitants to seek out merchandise which
with said provisions and commodities.
•
that his Majesty has granted freedom of trade to the
;
62
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
-
at present stocked
disgusted with
with a vast quantity of
them
furnishing
peltries, tiie
French would perhaps become soon no other goods to give them
supplies, should there be
in exchange. I have nothing to say regarding M. BoutteroiieS as his Majesty has resolved to send back M. Talon, who himself is the bearer of this dispatch. But perhaps time would have enabled you to discover better qualities in him than you have already done, with so short an experience as you have had at the date of your letters. At least, I can assure you that he is a person much esteemed here, and who in time would have worthily performed the dwties of his office and though I am persuaded he would not in the end be so absolutely dependent on the
Bishop and the Jesuit Fathers, yet
believe he
I
*
the deference and regard he has had for them.
is
much
#
*
be esteemed on account of y^y ^j|] perceive that your
to »
resolution to appear occasionally at Montreal conforms to the King's intentions
that you extend this design further; that
Iroquois country every
two
we must
you
to say, that
years, or oftener if
being certain that
collect, it
is
you think
;
but he desires
go, if possible, as far as the
it fit,
with
all
the forces you can
impress on the minds of these tribes a great opinion of
our nation, in order to restrain them within their duty; and this high opinion can never be impressed until they shall have had the whole of the French forces 3 or
sufficiently
perhaps 6 or 6 times within their country. established, not only the inhabitants of that
And when Colony
will derive
from
it
number of French to repair country will be peopled and will augment without difficulty. Though you will learn from M. Talon all that the King does shall
will induce a considerable
not forbear telling you, in three words, that his
and
the advantage of never
again being disturbed in their labor and trade, but that advantage, being
kingdom,
4,
that reputation shall be once firmly
known
within the
thither annually, so that the
this
year for said Country,
I
Majesty has employed more than
he has considered necessary to do there ; that he sends one hundred and be married there six effective companies of fifty men each, with more than thirty
200"'lb. for all that fifty girls to
;
gentlemen,
officers or
with like intentions.
all
to settle there,
You
and more than 200 other persons
who go
over, also
clearly perceive that so considerable an effort indicates effectually
the regard his Majesty entertains for that country, and that he will 'favorably consider the
which will be rendered him M. Talon has the King's order to
services
that they can do nothing
by instructing
to
advance
it.
testify to the
more agreeable
Bishop of Petrde and the Abbe de Queilus^
him than to continue to labor as they have begun, the children of the Indians, and civilizing them so as to qualify them for uniting td
themselves to the French under the obedience of those who hold legitimate authority from his Majesty. And hereunto I think you can greatly contribute by your care. Regarding the too great authority assumed, as you experience, by the Bishop of Petr^e and the Jesuits,
or, to speak more correctly, by the latter in the name of the former, I must inform you that you will have to act with great prudence and circumspection in that matter, especially as it is of such a nature that, when the country will increase in population, ' This gentleman acted as Intendant during Mr. Talon's brief absence in France. 'Rev. Gabriel db Quavlus, Abbe de Loc-Dieu, came to Canada, in 1667, as representative of the Seminary of Saint
Sulpice, Paris,
which had become proprietor of the Island of Montreal, where he founded the Seminary of which ho Under pretended authority from the Archbishop of Rouen, he claimed certain jurisdiction over the Clergy, which, having been found to conflict with that of Bishop de Laval, Abbd de Quaylus withdrew to France in 1659, a few mouths after tlie Bishop's arrival in Canada. He returned, however, in 1668, to Montreal, where he labored for a few years and then retired to his native country. Ed.
was the
first
Superior.
—
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
^
I.
assuredly the Royal will predominate over the Ecclesiastical authority, and resume
ita
true
Meanwhile, without either any rupture between you, or partiality on your part being perceptible, you will be always able adroitly to prevent the too vast undertakings they may attempt whereupon you can always consult M. Talon and act in concert with him. extent.
;
M.
Colhei't to
M.
de Ccmrcelles. S'
Germain, 9* April, 1670.
September and Nov' of last year. • • • His Majesty is very glad to learn from your letters that the Iroquois have continued to observe peace and trade with us, and to abandon all thoughts of war. Your zeal in "I
received your letters of the 10 July,
11""
first
encouraging the people to the practice and exercise of arms, and even
make journeys sometimes
in
causing them to
into the interior.will assuredly contribute a great deal to bring
all
those tribes into the King's obedience, and consequently to strengthen the Colony and give
the means of extending
This
itself.
is
what
his Majesty desires
you
will
direct all
it
your
attention to.
me
few words, that you ought to occupy yourself continually to preserve the people in peace, and to guarantee them against all violences of their enemies; encourage them to industry and the cultivation of the soil, and still more to the commerce of the seas in every way you consider best; sedulously insist that justice be impartially administered to them, so that each preserve his property, and the weak be not His Majesty orders
to say to you, in a
oppressed by the powerful.
That you take great pains
to
encourage them
multiplication of children the Colony
That you likewise assist,
make
with
all
may have
the
them to the King has committed
carefully stimulate
the authority the
all
to early marriage, so that
means of fisheries
increase within
and marine
by the
itself.
trade,
and that you
to you, the exploration Sieur
Talon
is
to
of the Iron and Copper mines, as well as for timber necessary for the construction of his
Majesty's ships, and for
which
I
all
shall not explain
other establishments advantageous to the country, the detail of
any further
to you, referring
ypu
to
what Sieur Talon
shall say
to you.
M. Extracts of a
Talon
to the
King.
Memoir addressed by M. Talon
to
the
King on the
afiairs
of Canada.
Demand lit
for
Part loih 8ber
'"*•
Troops
in case of
war
against the Iroquois,
^^ ^^^ Iroquois, rendered
were recalled when
I
went
more insolent by the retirement of the Troops who do not become more pliable by the return
to France,
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
^4
whom
of those
his
Majesty has ordered hither next year, there is reason to suspect some This suggests the observation that as the three designs,
violation of the peace on their part.
and exploring the iron mines, appear important, as well as the establishment of the Colony, which grows beautiful in peace, it appears important also to send hither a further force of two hundred troops. The fund his Majesty allowed for the subsistence and maintenance of the six companies the building ships,
making
which, he sent out
this year,
to see
how much that
.
One
Of all
Good.
five, thirty 160
The
Baiienzaui speak of it to
-^[w
ii*
.1/-1
ii.'i
of the sources of population in Canada.
the girls
who
arrived this year,
soldiers
numbering nearly one hundred and
sixty-
my
who have come this year will incline to get married when they home wherefore it were well if his Majesty would J J
hgye labored to make a
; '
Dispatch of Adventurers
Another Extract. arrival I
;
the one to the
to
West and
on their return, to the written instructions possession, display the King's
I
two hundred
for the discovery of
to the
These adventurers are
Southwest and South.
will probably
fifty
have dispatched persons of resolution,
than has ever been done to the
of July 1671, not being
a position to sustam the Country by their arms and their industry.
plcasc scud out again one hundred and
Slnerid^HMp^ud.'"*
Since
first
do not remain unmarried.
girls.
To M. to
of July 1670, to the
..
m
themsclves
to.
Another Extract.
Good.
first
supplicated to grant
be necessary
year amounted
from the
complete the establishment of the companies, his Majesty is very humbly them a second and third year, in order that they may place
to
sufficient It will
tar
to
Countries.
who promise
to penetrate further
North West of Canada, and the others
keep journals in
have given them
arms and draw up
New
girls.
in all
;
all
instances, and reply,
cases they are to take
His Majesty
proccs verbaux to serve as titles.
have no news of them before two years from
this,
and when
I
shall return
to France.
Establishment on Lake Ontario. In addition to
a rupture,
I
my
being informed, both verbally and in writing, that the Iroquois threaten
perceive that they ruin the trade of the French; hunt for Beavers in the country
who have placed themselves under the King's protection, perpetrate robberies on them and despoil them of their peltries. I am strongly persuaded that if an Establishment be formed on Lake Ontario, which I designed to make before my departure for France, the If his Iroquois will more easily be kept, with one hundred men, in order, respect and dread. Majesty approve my having a small vessel built in form of a galley, which could move by sails of the Indians
and
oars,
and be seen in
entire trade. safety,
it
I shall
all
parts of the
Lake through which
explain myself better by the last ship
would only be necessary" that
his Majesty send
me
all ;
those savages carry on their
yet should she not arrive in
three blank commissions; one for
commandant of this little vessel, and the two others to authorize persons to command at the two posts which it will be well to occupy at the North and South of that Lake; and order the
M. de Courcelles design successful.
•
to afford
me
all
the assistance of which I shall stand in need to render this
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
^
I.
Extracts from the Addition to the present Memoir.
Coureurs de
bois.'
The Edict enacted of
tiie
King,
November, 1670.
10'*
I
relative to marriages has been enregistered, and, proclaiming the intention
caused orders to be issued
tliat
the volunteers
(whom on my
return,
1
found in
very great numbers, living, in reality, like banditti) should be excluded from the [Indian] trade and hunting; they are excluded by the law also from tiie honors of the Church, and from the
Communities ICommunautes] if they do not marry fifteen days after the arrival of the ships from France. 1 shall consider some other expedient to stop these vagabonds; they ruin, partially, the Christianity of the Indians and the commerce of the French who labor in their settlements to extend the Colony. It were well did his Majesty order me, by lettre de Cachet, to fix them in some place where they would participate in the labors of the Communaute.
Of
the
means
which passes
of recovering the profit of the Beaver trade
\
/
to the English
and Dutch. If the observations that
have myself made and caused others
make, be correct, the '^ who are subject to them, attract, by means of the Iroquois and other Indian tribes in their neighborhood, over twelve hundred thousand livret of Beaver,* almost all dry and in the best condition, part of which they use in their trade with the Muscovites, either themselves or through the Dutch. As all this Beaver is trapped by the Iroquois in countries subject to the King, we can more freely speak of those throughout which he alone can prescribe law, and Europeans cannot penetrate if they I
to
English of Boston, and the Dutch of Manatte and of Orange
smallest precaution be taken to secure the most favorable posts.
I find
considerable occupation
and without violence, to the benefit of his the company of one hundred picked soldiers,
in diverting the greater part of this trade, naturally
Majesty's subjects; and
if
he will please grant
me
my Memoirs, with one payment of fifteen hundred livres, as well for levying them; or the commission to empower me to raise fifty men at my own expense, and to have a sort of galley built for the security of Lake Ontario there is reason to iiope, not only that the duties derived from this commerce would indemnify his Majesty and benefit the Company, but also that he would, through this means, be assured of Lake Ontario which
1
ask for in
as for subsisting
;
by two settlements which I should make, one at the North and the other at the South of the These posts would favor the passage of the Outawas when descending with their fat Beavers, of which, otherwise, they will often be despoiled by the Iroquois; would keep in check the five Upper Nations, to the most of whom we ascend by the lake, and would make the first openings towards Florida across the interior. By means of those two posts which Lake.
propose establishing, and of the vessel
I
I
suggest, with
anticipate, through the Indian trade, a very large profit.
when
realized, I propose to
employ
it
to lighten the
whose expense This
I
do not
expense the King
I
charge myself,
solicit for is
I
myself; but
obliged to incur for
the support of this Colony. '
Forest Rangers, so called from employing their whole
of Canada, a«d to
all
the other countries of that continent, in
England they are called Swampiers. Dmglai Summary, " Pour plusde 1,200,000 liyresde Caator.
Vol. IX.
9
Lakea the rough exercise of transporting merchandise to the In Kew Hontan, I., 277. La Savages. the with trade order to
life in
II.,
245.
Bj
the Dutch they were called Boe Loopcii.
— En.
gg
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
.
In order to attain success in this design, I require an order to M. de Courcelles to furnish me, in the way of troops, with every assistance I need ; and a general order to the officers to act in those establishments conformably to /
my
instructions.
I say no more about Manatte and Orange, since these two posts cannot, by any arrangement, be the King's, though, in my opinion, they would be of very great utility to him we must shut against them the Road to the River (S' Lawrence), and secure for his Majesty all the outlets of the Lakes and of the Rivers communicating therewith, in order that the Europeans may lose ;
all
desire they
may
they easily effect
feel to share
with his Majesty so beautiful and so vast a Country, could
it.
Another Extract
alio.
— Of a War against the
Iroquois.
have read and heard of the humor of the Iroquois, we may be persuaded that humbled by the King's arms, has not forgotten its arrogance; and if it do not at present wage war against the French Colony, it is because it has on its hands the Andastogu^s, a tribe bordering on New Sweden, well adapted for war. In my opinion it
From
all I
that Savage Nation, though
would be prudent
to anticipate
them by attacking them
in their
side could be placed in a situation to support this enterprise, or establish, the
galley
own if
country,
things on this
if
the two posts
I
propose to
one on the North, the other on the South side of Lake Ontario, with the them within
intend building, do not alarm these barbarians sufficiently to restrain
[
what
hope, with good
bounds, which
is
commencement
of the Establishments
I
I
reason.
Therefore,
I
incline
much more
to the
propose, than to coming to an open rupture, for which
complete arrangements will be necessary so as to be able to succeed with certainty; not but that his Majesty can afford such aid that nothing
would be impossible.
The
thing depends
on what he would be willing to do.
To
sustain or
wage
this war, as well as for
any other unforeseen enterprise,
I
think
it
would two
be well that his Majesty should order to be sent hither six iron twelve-pounders, one or
fifty shells of a proportionate calibre; and at the same time a gunner capable of managing artillery, who especially would be thoroughly conversant with the effect of powder from the mortar and of shell, so admirable in attacking Indian Villages; also,
mortars, and perfectly
fire-works for burning their palisades.
Two
Indian Tribes, one called the Mohegansj^Lowps^ and the other the Socoquis, inhabit
the country adjoining the English, ancTTive, in
some respect, under their laws, in the same and Hurons do under those of his Majesty. I perceive in these two tribes, by nature arrant and declared enemies of the Iroquois, a great inclination to reside among the French. I am of opinion that it would be well to encourage and strengthen this inclination, in order both to profit by the peltries they carry to the English, and to oppose
manner
as the Algonquins
them, when necessary, to the Iroquois, if these be disposed to an open rupture, the rather as the English may adopt the policy, which they have attempted, to reconcile those hostile tribes in order to bring them all down upon us.
Mess" Dolier and Galinde's Voyage I return to
new
discoveries,
and
I
to
Lake Ontario.
say that already Mess" Dolier and Galinde, priests of Saint
Sulpice, Missionaries at Montreal, have traveled tribes.
The Map
I
annex hereunto, under the
they have penetrated. and without giving all
The its
all
over Lake Ontario and visited
letter
small proccs verbal, letter D.,
unknown
show their route and how far which they drew up somewhat hastily,
C,
will
form, will furnish evidence that they have taken possession of
all
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
gk
I,
that dritrict. I shall correct, as far as possible, that Instrument, and shall canse to be planted in every quarter, where the King's subjects will go, his Majesty's arms, with the sign of hit religion, under the impression, if these precautions be not at present of use, they may become at another time. 1 am assured that it is the Iroquois practice to
0
pull down the arms and written placards attached to trees in the places of which possession is taken, and convey them to the English, whereby that Nation may learn that we pretend to remain masters thereof. It is for his Majesty to determine if this practice of posting up notices is to be continued or interrupted, until he be perfectly assured of all the important posts in the Country. .
Quebec,
Talon.
10'" S**' 1670.
M. Talon Extracts from the Good.
I.
You
M.
Colbert.
Memoir addressed by M. Talon
will understand,
According as
I
My
Lord, by the Memoir
unknown
adventurers have set out to discover
of use to his state.
to
to I
Monseigneur Colbert. furnish the King, that
countries and to seek out things which
have advices,
I
shall despatch others,
some
may
be with the precaution
necessary to such enterprises.
by the return of the Algonquins, who will winter this year at Tadoussac, that two European vessels have been seen very near Hudson's bay, where they wigwam (cabanent) as the Indians express it. After reflecting on all the nations that might have penetrated as far North as that, I can light only on the English, who, under the guidance of a man named Des Grozeliers, formerly an inhabitant of Canada, might possibly have attempted that navigation, of itself not much known, and not less dangerous. I intend dispatching thither over land some man of resolution to invite the Kilistinons, who are in great numbers in I
learn
Good.
come down to see us, as the Ottuwas do, in order that we may what the latter savages bring us, who, acting as pedlers between those
the vicinity of that Bay, to
have the
first
pick of
nations and us,
The
make made
us pay for a round-about of three or four hundred leagues.
proposal to me by Captain Poullet of Dieppe ought to be mentioned here. This man, wise by long practice and experience acquired from an early age, and become a skilful navigator, offers to undertake the discovery, if not yet accomplished, of the passage between the two seas, the Southern and Northern, either by David's Strait or by that of Magellan, which he thinks more certain. After having doubled the opposite coast of America, as far as California, he will take the western winds, and, favored by these, re-enter by Hudson's bay or
David's To exsmine
letter which he is to present to you, if he have not which would be to penetrate as far as China by one or the other of those passages. If you desire to hear him, my secretary will have him
strait. thii
proposal.
I
have given him a
altered the plan,
repair to you. Good. II. All the girls sent out this year are married, except about fifteen whom I caused to be distributed among families of character, until the soldiers, who solicit them, have formed some establishment and acquired wherewith to support them.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
g8
To promote Good.
An
extract of this
mint
nH|jed to
lie
my
is
custom, of the sum
house keeping,
for their
provisions
Miss Elienne, appointed tlieir Matron by the Director of the General Hospital, ryill rctum to France to take charge of those to be sent this year, should his ° ]yiajesty have the goodness to let some come; in which case it will be well to
Good. article
fifty livres,
some
in addition to
I made them a present, as Canada currency, in necessaries suitable
the marriage of those girls
of
fur-
.
.
M Bdiiu-
•
i
,
,
strongly that those destined for this country be in no wise naturally deformed; that they have nothing exteriorly repulsive; that they be hale and strong for country work, or I write in this sense to Mess" the at least that they have some aptness for hand-labor.
recommend
Three or four young women of good family (naissance) and distinguished for their accomplishments, would tend, perhaps, usefully to attach by marriage some officers who are interested in the Country only by their allowances and the profit of their lands, and who do not become further attached in consequence of disproportion of rank. The girls sent last year are married, and almost all pregnant or mothers; a proof of the Directors.
fecundity of this country.
A
one hundred and
slight present of
two hundred ^cus
or
fifty
Miss Etienne would
to
be well employed.
Should the King send other young women or widows from Old to New France, it is well that they be provided with a certificate from their Parish Priest, or the Justice of their place
Without
the effect that they are free and in condition to marry.
of abode, to
this,
the
Clergy here object to confer this sacrament on them; indeed, not without reason, two or The same precaution might be observed three marriages having been acknowledged here.
who
and that ought to be the business of those
regarding widowers;
will be entrusted
with the passengers.
Speaking of
Tobenotertin theeitmct.
gQ
who
farmers
girls,
we ought not
lose sight of the comfort of the hired laborers
necegsary Jq t^jg country, both
ygj.y.
are at their ease, and as
new
as
assistants
work
their
in
to
the
Colonists after the expiration of their ordinary
term of three years. Good.
for
III.
On
this
head
Canada were transported
I
must observe
hither,
that if all the
money which
and made use of in specie,
this
not be accommodated, but expenses would be double.
suppiiei ma.tbe Bent witbuuthesi-
•
the
uition.
t^.
,
Kings money
,.
.
.
•
i
r
i
King orders
the
country would not only
This practice of turning •
i
.
i
c
•
i
into commodities suitable lor nourishment or clothing, tor
women who marry, and of who would like every thing
providing furniture for the establishments of soldiers and young
new
families
to be got
who come
here,
is
not agreeable to the merchants,
from themselves, good or bad, and at so high a rate that
it
would require double the
expense, were people reduced to what they wish.
Goods
Good.
I sent
some
Quebec,
in
obliged to
are of use also to be exchanged for grain
into certain places to
order that, by finding at
come
to
Quebec
in
;
dwell on and explain this
has complained to
home
in
it
is for
article,
because
Canada.
1
I
this
those articles which they need, they
I
for
purpose
may
not be
three
be received in payment,
also, that the grain to
M. de Terron that
had Magazines established
among
and
search of them, and abandon their families
sometimes four days and in order, conveyed here in a single vessel. I
be distributed
;
the farmers at a distance from
and
may
be
have been informed that a Rochelle Merchant
busied myself too
add that had
I
much with
trade,
and that
I
not had them, several of the
PARIS DOCUMENTS settlements, either
commenced
would desire nothing
:
would be
or completed,
^
L entirely ruined;
and tome people
better.
IV. I must not forget to acquaint you, that the Abb6 de Queylus applies himself zealously to the reorganizing of his Clergy, to the increase of the Montreal Colony, and to providing subjects for the Missions, who, by the discoveries they make, acquit themselvet o«>.
He
worthily and usefully for the King. recover the Indian Children
up
— the boys
Good.
Tills
oM»b-
lishmrnl niuu be encuurogod.
in his
who
fall
Seminary, the
pushes his zeal further, by the care he takes to
into the hands of the Iroquois, in order to bring
girls
among
persons of the same sex
who
them
form at Montreal
a sort of Congregation to instruct youth in reading, writing and little handiwork o o ^ , \ The r\ Princess de Conty is the principal promoter of this pious ( ouwagcs de main). •
.
She made me the depository last April, in Paris, of her intentions, which she backed by a first donation of twelve hundred livres. Other persons of a like disposition, feeling themselves urged by charity, gave me to understand that they would willingly participate ia this pious work if you approve my engaging in it I shall do so, and I have reason to hope with some success, without my application thereto detracting in any way from what I owe the action.
;
affairs
you place
Towrttetotha Abb« de Queyiiu.
will perhaps
in
my
Four
charge.
lines, indicating to
^^^ pleasure with which the ^^^ Christianity
King
learns from
M. de Queylus and
my despatches
his
community
the zeal they evince
and his Majesty's service, would have a very good effect. He to draw his income from France ; he hopes you will such cases as justice shall be on his side.
have need of your authority
grant him your protection in
my
number of little savages brought up by the must say their zeal for this charity revives, and that they are about looking up new subjects to rear them according to our manners, language and maxims. It would be well to encourage the disposition they evince for this work by two I
found greatly diminished, on
Good.
return, the
Bishop and the Fathers; but
I
or three approbatory lines.
whom
communicated the King's desire that he should exercise the them together for the management and carrying of arms, has promised to do so, and assures me that he will not fail therein; I think it will be well to distribute some standards to them after they shall have been enrolled under Good. a chief in form of a company. On the supposition that his Majesty would approve it, I told my secretary to meet the expense .thereof, as well as of what would be necessary for the purchase of some swords, of moderate value, to be offered to them as prizes, in order to encourage them in manoeuvring and firing correctly on Sundays and holidays. V. M. de Courcelles, to
Good.
Good.
to distribute Good. Some miut '*'"
to
I
inhabitants from time to time, collecting
Here I must say, that if it do not render the Royal medals too common some of them to those who will undertake great enterprizes or useful discoveries, either of new countries or of mines, or of forests, I would ask a dozen to serve as an incentive to induce
whom money
persons to accomplish
would not be so strong an inducement.
difficult
undertakings
This description of reward
is
more
economical, and often times more powerful than any other. VI. In order to contribute in fact, as well as by counsel, to the settlement of Canada, I Good. have, myself, afforded an example by the purchase of a tract of land covered
with timber, except two arpens which were found cleared. I have had it cultivated and improved in such a manner that I can say it is the most considerable in the country. I still propose to enlarge it; it is of sufficient extent to admit of some hamlets; it is in the vicinity
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
70 of
Quebec and may be of use
give
it
one; and to render
Majesty, he can annex to
have caused
it,
be erected.
to
create emulation their lands in the
among
to that town.
ten thousand
could receive a
He
title if his
will not, perhaps, be displeased
who
the officers and wealthy colonists,
hope of receiving some
livres in
It
Majesty pleased to
more susceptible of a mark of honor, which I expect from his under such names as he shall please, the three Villages which I with beginning by
me
to
will labor zealously to extend
title.
You know. My Lord, that M.
Good.
same
it
clearing a farm for
Berthelot has directed
him
;
me
to expend, in his behalf,
other persons in France solicit
me
to
do the
These Titles which I propose, and to which the lands should be proportionate, would be a very useful means to advance the Colony. for
When
VII. to
them, at a small expense,
I
was
in
true.
France the King did
be struck here suitable
and you inform
Good.
'tis
for the
me
issue the necessary orders, that
me
me
the honor to say to
country and which
When you
such would be your sentiment.
work
shall
that he wished a coin
should remain here in circulation,
be prosecuted.
It will
will please to
be of the highest
utility
to the Colony.
Done
at
Quebec,
this tenth of Nov''"', 1670.
M.
Colbert to
Talon.
M.
Talon.
The King has entirely approved the proposition you have made to enter into a good and intimate correspondence with the English of Boston, and even to carry on some trade with them in commodities which you will mutually require. But as regards the fisheries, which they will prosecute in view of the country under the King's obedience, his Majesty desires that they shall experience the same treatment as his subjects receive from them on like occasions, and this conduct must be observed as well in the trade they may pursue with the savages around Pentagouet as in that which the King's subjects shall prosecute with the Indians around Boston that is to say, that you should establish reciprocity between the two Nations. ;
The
resolution you have taken to send Sieur de la Salle towards the South and Sieur de Luisson to the North, to discover the South Sea passage, is very good ; but the principal thing to which you ought to apply yourself, in discoveries of this nature, is to look for the copper mine. Were this mine once discovered, and its utility evident, it would be an assured S'
means
to attract several
February,
Frenchmen from Old
to
New
France.
1671.
M.
Colbert to
M.
de CourceUes. Paris, ll"- March, 1671.
Sir.
Smce you do not find it convenient to undertake the journey into the Iroquois country which the King referred to you, and which was in no manner compulsory, you may dispense
PARIS DOCUMENTS: But
therewith.
his Mnjesty thinks that nothing
H
I.
so essential to
is
tlie
quiet of his subjects of
New
France as to keep always in a state of alarm the several Savage tribes that may trouble them, being certain that nothing but the apprehension of a severe punishment can prevent them violating the peace his Majesty has granted them.
As
your proposal
for
to
send some companies hence
to repair
to the outlet
of
Lake
which the Iroquois may make on the other Indian Nations under the King's protection, his Majesty does not consider it necessary for the good of his service; yet he refers, notwithstanding, to you and to M. Talon what will be most convenient, being well persuaded that you will execute, with your ordinary firmness, whatever resolution you may jointly adopt. Nothing can better promote the good of that Colony than to take care that the inhabitants Ontario
and
prevent
shall exercise
for
the incursions
themselves in the management of arms at such time as will be most convenient
them; and
his
me
Majesty has instructed
to
say to you, on this head, that
it is
of no less
importance to his service to review said inhabitants from time to time, and to encourage them
••••••••••
to such training
by some
prizes,
than to excite them to the clearing and cultivation of the land,
and to the undertaking the coneftruction of Vessels to reap the advantages of maritime commerce. •
M. Talon Extracts from the
King.
to the
Memoir addressed by M. Talon
to the
King On the State
of Canada.
Peace prevails both within and without
somewhat
whom
at the Indians
they
who
waged war, have,
among them who,
this
Colony.
The
Iroquois, after having
grumbled
placed themselves under the King's protection, and against in fine,
remained within their duty; and except some brute mass
in his drunkenness, cracks a skull, there is reason to believe that the
will alwtnys prefer peace to war.
English of Boston and of the other seacoasts enjoy the same tranquillity as we, and, far from incommoding, evince a warm desire to live in peace with us, and a disposition to establish some correspondence, which we have already begun on our side, and which it will
The
be much the more easy
to
keep up, as
I
understand, by persons
refreshments II.
I shall
may
much
Pentagouet
Wherefore
and
intervals, so that factories, shelter
my power,
as will lay in
his Majesty's behalf, especially as
assured Acadia can furnish great assistance
Colonel Temple,
to
be found from place to place.
execute, as
by M. Colbert, on
who have gone
no more than sixty leagues.
and returned, that the passage across the country I hope to be able to settle some twenty persons, at is
who appears
to
Republican than Monarchical.
;
and
if
the instructions given to
to what regards I can, I
my
Secretary
the marine, to which
I
am
shall have some conversation with
me much disgusted with the Boston government, which is more To Sieur de Marson, whom I had sent to Boston to demand
the restitution of a Vessel which had been pirated by an Englishman, that
oflBcer
expressed
a desire to retire within the King's dominion, and to live there under his protection
and
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
72
has even some useful domains which he abandoned in the receded country, 1 shall await his Majesty's orders as to what I the property of which had been granted him. me, by his intermediation, great facility in promises who this Colonel, ought to do in regard to obedience.
He
recalling the
French families established among the English.
I
may
obtain, through him,
some
sailors,
am
also encouraged to
hope that
some ship carpenters, and mechanics capable of
constructing Saw-mills, of which the country
is
there those mechanics of that nation, to the
disagreeable to the King, as they will not
I
fail
in great need.
If
I
number of twenty,
find I
it
easy to introduce
presume
it
cannot be
to be useful to his service.
III. A month ago or more I dispatched, at two several times, and by two different canoes and different routes, Sieursde Saint Lusson and la Nauraye, to continue the opening of the road hence to Pentagout and Port Royal, and to convey at the same time some Instructions which his Majesty's service demanded, and to prepare new memoirs, until I could furnish him more I expect their return every moment. correct information before ray voyage.
Sieur de
La
Salle has not yet returned from his journey to the
But Sieur de Lusson
is
Southward of
this country.
returned, after having advanced as far as five hundred leagues from
and set up the King's arms in presence of seventeen Indian nations, assembled, on this occasion, from all parts; all of whom voluntarily submitted themselves to This the dominion of his Majesty, whom alone they regard as their sovereign protector. was effected, according to the account of the Jesuit Fathers who assisted at the Ceremony, here, and planted the cross
with
all
taking
the
pomp and
possession
eclat the country could afford.'
prepared
by Sieur de
I
shall carry
with
Saint Lusson for securing
me
those
the record of
Countries to
his Majesty.
The
place to which the said Sieur de Saint Lusson has penetrated
is
supposed to be no more
than three hundred leagues from the extremities of the Countries bordering on the Vermilion or
South Sea. Those bordering on the West Sea appear to be no farther from those discovered by the French. According to the calculation made from the reports of the Indians and from Maps, there seems to remain not more than fifteen hundred leagues of navigation to Tartary, China and Japan. Such discoveries must be the work either of time, or of the King. It can be said that the Spaniards have hardly penetrated further into the interior of South, than the French have done up to the present time into the interior of North America. Sieur de Lusson's voyage to discover the South Sea and the Copper Mine will not cost the King anything. I make no account of it in my statements, because having made presents to the Savages of the Countries of which he took possession, he has reciprocally received from them in Beaver what can balance his expense. Three months ago I dispatched with Father Albanel, a Jesuit, Sieur de Saint Simon, a young Canadian gentleman, recently honored by his Majesty with that Title. They were to penetrate as far as Hudson's bay draw up a memoir of all that they will discover; drive a trade in furs with the Indians, and especially reconnoitre whether there be any means of ;
wintering ships in that quarter, in order to establish a factory that might,
when
necessary,
supply provisions to the vessels that will possibly hereafter discover, by that channel, the
—
communication between the two seas the North and the South. Since their departure, I received letters from them three times. The last, brought from one hundred leagues from here, informs
me
that the Indians, '
whom
they met on the way, have assured them that two
This meeting was held at the Falls of
St Mary.
— £o.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
78
I.
:
English vessels and three barks have wintered in the neighborhood of that bay, and made a of beavers
vast collection
there.
my
If
letters, in reply, are safely delivered
Establishment will be thorougiily examined, and his Majesty will
information
about
As those
it.
discovered by the French, possession, in
he
is
Imve
(ancienncment)
proposed to
I
draw up
me
to
his proces verbal in the
form
have furnished him.
I
dispatch a bark of sixty tons hence to Hudson's bay, whereby
expected something will be discovered of the communication of the two seas.
it is
adventurers
full
originally
have commissioned the said Sieur de Saint Simon to take renewed his Majesty's name, with orders to set up the escutcheon of France, with which
entrusted, and to
It is
have been long ago
countries
the said
to
Father, this
who form
some mark of honor,
this design subject tiie
if
King
no expense,
to
shall give
I
If the
them hopes of
they succeed; besides idemnifying themselves from the fur trade which
they will carry on with the Indians. IV. His Majesty will be able to see by the abstracts of the Registers of Baptisms, which
my
have entrusted to seven hundred;
tliat
Secretary, that the
number of
children born this year
hereafter a considerable increase
may
is
between
be expected, and there
is
believe that, without any further aid from French girls, this Country will furnish
one hundred marriages I
think
is it
more
daughters
their
in the first year,
and a great many more
among
easily
the soldiers
who
of
four that I asked
for,
engagements with
form
to
more than
may marry
fifteen so
the officers
or
oH'
Neither
are settled and disengaged.
necessary to send«out any young ladies, having this year received
instead
and
reason to
according as time progresses.
inexpedient to send out girls next year, in order that the farmers
it
six
I
qualified,
principal
inhabitants here.
V.
I
am
no Courtier, and
assert, not
through mere desire to please the King nor without
just reason, that this portion of the French
me
I discover around
causes
me
What will become something grand. and those colonies of foreign nations, so
Monarchy
to foresee this;
long settled on the Sea-board, already tremble with affright, in view of what his Majesty has
accomplished here
in the interior
them to
to spread without subjecting themselves at the
have war waged against them
greatly to fear.
They already
the Savages throughout arbiter of
all
Peace and War;
;
and
Done
at
make
this
2''
in
have caused
all
to
to confine
them
be effected, do not allow
same time to be treated as usurpers, and what they seem, by all their acts,
truth, is
name
tiiose Countries that he alone
is
is
spread so
far
abroad
among
there regarded by them as the
detach themselves insensibly from the other Europeans, and
whom
the others take up arms
Quebec,
Vol. IX.
this,
I
are aware that the King's
with the exception of the Iroquois, of ourselves to
The measures adopted
within seven years.
within narrow limits, by the taking possession which
November, 1671. 10
I
am
not yet assured,
whenever we
we may
safely promise
please.
Talon.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
74
M. Extracts of a
am more
France
few
M.
Colbert. to the Minister,
when
I
wrote
And
the State of
my last dispatch that Acadia and New
years be in a condition to furnish the Antilles
necessary for their use.
On
11"" 9"" 1671.
firmly convinced at present than
will in a
to
Memoir addressed by M. Talon
Canada, dated I
Talon
in order
that
this aid
be more
with the salted provisions
prompt,
think
I
it
would
be necessary to interrupt, without violence, the trade the English carry on with the King's subjects inhabiting Port Royal, from whom they obtain, yearly, quantities of salted meat in exchange for some druggets and other stuffs of Boston manufacture. This, in my opinion, can be naturally enough effected by sending from France or hence to Port Royal some few stuffs to supply the most urgent demands; also some looms, which the Colonists demand, to
weave their sheep's wool, and the flax produced by the aid of their hand-labor from the For my part I shall provide for these wants as much as my liealth permits. II.
soil.
my Secretary's hand one of the first four lettres de cachet which the my return here last year, whereby his Majesty ordered the Captains of
have placed in
I
King had
issued on
his ships or others to do as
as beneficial to
I
renew them
should direct them for his Majesty's service.
I
it would be any persons on
think
this year, and to forbid those Captains to take
me on the ground»that should the people Colony would scarcely increase, whatever pains you would take to augment it. Several persons have returned this year; but a considerably greater number expect to go back next season, in consequence of the facility with which passports are given. board, to return to France, without a permit from
;
return, this
III.
my dispatches,
After closing
the
Abb6 de Queylus proposed tome
Montreal for the support and treatment of sick and aged Indians, and
endowment of ten thousand livres. God from this work of piety, it may also afford
feeling themselves near the chiefs of their tribes, will
other relatives.
I
who
which they
solicit
more
facilities to
win the
for that
by
the
children,
easily detach themselves
did not promise to write you on this proposition, until
to do 80 by the Bishop of Petr6e, HospituUeres,
make,
In addition to the glory which
purpose, an original accrue to
to found an hospital at offers to
Abbe de Queylus and
I
may who,
from their
had been requested
the Mother Superior of the
promises to furnish Nuns for the management of this establishment, for only the King's consent, and a charter at the proper time; having on
part, neither promised nor excited hopes of anything except this permission,
if
my
the proposal
appear reasonable to you. IV. Whilst concluding this memoir, Sieur de S' Lusson returns from Pentagouet, but so broken down by the fatigue of his journey, and so enfeebled by the hunger he suffered, that I doubt his ability to go to France, whither I should be very glad he would repair to have the honor to inform you, in person, what be saw at the Rivers Pemcuit and Kinibiki, both covered
with handsome English settlements, well built and in beautiful valleys. those districts, though for the most part English by birth, received him saluted
him with Musketry and Cannon, and
all
regaled
him
demonstrations of evident joy at seeing that Pentagouet and the
King's possession.
Whether
this
extreme joy be an
effect
the
title to
The
Colonists of
in princely style;
best they could
with
the lands were in the
of the fear they entertain in
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
^
I.
consequence of the vicinity of the French, or of a real desire to pass under his Majesty's dominion, I cannot determine; they have authorized Sieur de Saint Lusson to make proportiU to me on this subject, which 1 forbade him to communicate to whomsoever. He is the bearer of the Memoirs to you. If the project
submitted to
Hospital, and which
I
better adapted than
me by M. Le
consider, in
some
Tourneur, one of the Directors of the General be effected, I know no quarter
parts, practicable, could
those Rivers to render
it
successful for the
relief of the hospital
and
the advancement of the Colony; a mixture of French among the English would attach to the King's service those who would not naturally belong to his Majesty on the restitution which has been made to him of that quarter. I
am
assured that the English will urge the settlement of the Boundaries between Pentagouet Should his Majesty give me any orders on that subject, I shall do my best to
and Boston.
execute them on taking charge of his instructions.
Temple' repairs to Old England, with the design to with him before he had undertaken that voyage.
1
am
return.
likewise assured
that
Colonel
would have desired a conference
I
«
Talon.
ouyt
is
Dean of Qnebec one of the Vicars-general of Quebec at this
of the Seminary,
also mentioned a
.
1869, in
oompaay
|>arish of
December, 1700.
Qoebec
Tlie
Very
:
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
94
Here the Ciphers terminate Memoir, M. de Fronteuac,
;
and
in case
to conceal his
persona in the interest of the Jesuits should read the
game, continues
in letters thus
every reason in the world to be pleased with the civility Reverend Jesuit Fathers, who gave me a token thereof at a ^^^ urbanity of the meeting I held, some days ago, of the Gentlemen of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third Estate, for the purpose of having them take a new'oatii of fidelity, having offered me their New Church, without my asking it of them, and decorated it as much as lay in their power. First
Iiavc, personally,
^
A»fmbi
hoidenat Quebec
I
considered, as the like thereof
was never done here
before, that all the
pomp and
eclat that
the country could contribute ought to be displayed on that occasion, in order to impress
more
mind the respect and veneration they ought to entertain for his Majesty. form to what they never had had before, and to compose a sort of corps of the Clergy, Noblesse, Judiciary and Third Estate. I was first disposed to adjoin the Religious Communities with the Gentlemen of the Seminary, and the Jesuit Fathers had agreed to it in the beginning. But the Vicar General having afterwards thrown great difficulties in my way, though he, too, had consented, I at once understood tliey came from them, notwithstanding he alleged to me only that it was not the custom in France for them to mix strongly on the public
I
endeavored then
to give a
with the Clergy.
did not, therefore, think
I
For the Noblesse,
one and the other. to as
many
I
it
proper to force 'them, for fear of disobliging the
two
selected
or three gentlemen here,
whom
I
united
of the officers, and the ordinary Judges and the Syndic of the farmers with the
Body, we held a meeting the most brilliant ever seen in Canada, at which there was a concourse of more than a thousand persons. I endeavored to inculcate on them the sentiments of obedience and fidelity they owed the King, and to make them understand, also, the obligations they were under to you, for all the aid you every day procured for them. They appeared convinced of the one and the other, and with all the tokens of joy possible took the oath I demanded of them, copies of which I send you under letter H. I had the Gentlemen of the Sovereign principal merchants
and burgesses of Quebec, having organized their
little
same terms on the first day I sate among them. Several were so much affected by it, that on the next day they asked me to take the same Oath, which I allowed them. Mr. Talon was not present, because, unfortunately, he was somewhat unwell. Council to take
A
Vn.
in almost the
it
Hurons attended
that ceremony, and
Mr. de Villeray, intending to
solicit
Apropos of
Council, M. de Frontenac warns
the influence of the Jesuits,
j uuderstandmg nor knowledge, he
!•
He
openly stated here that he (242
is
Farmer General from
Minister that though this
the Sovereign
man
lacks not be feared as a busybody, but particularly as
i
attached to the Jesuits. It is
the office of the to
writes the following in cipher: is
of the
uniform, have not omitted taking the vows.)
number
of those who, without wearing the
(Letters:) I therefore consider
to
(ciphers:)
this
Country,
deprive it
the Jesuit
my
duty to
much
trouble
it
advise you thereof, in order that you should see whether, after having been at so
knowledge and direction of affairs in them a door by which they could again
Fathers of the
would be expedient
to
open to
enter indirectly.
Quebec,
this 2^
Novemb' 1672.
Frontenac.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
M.
Colbert to
g^t
I.
(hunt de Frontenac. Paris, IS* June, 1673.
g.J,^
In respect to the Iroquois, as the Colony easily restraining
them within
is very numerous, his Majesty doubts not your and the terms of their obedience, which they have But you must not expect that his Majesty can send you
their duty
sworn and promised to his Majesty. troops from here, inasmuch as he has not considered that necessary, and desires you punctually to execute what is contained in your Instruction to discipline the inhabitants of that Country, by dividing them into Companies and having them drilled as often as possible, so as to enable you to make use of them on all the occasions you may require. The assembling and division of all the inhabitants into three orders or estates, which you had done for the purpose of having them take the oath of fidelity, may be productive of good just then. But it is well for you to observe, that as you are always to follow, in the government and management of that country, the forms in force here, and as our Kings have considered
it for a long time advantageous to their service not to assemble the States General of their Kingdom, with a view perhaps to abolish insensibly that ancient form, you likewise ought only very rarely or— to speak more correctly— never give that form to the corporate body of the Inhabitants of that country; and it will be necessary even in the course of a
little time, and when the Colony will be still stronger than it now is. insensibly to suppress the Syndic who presents petitions in the name of all the Inhabitants, it being proper that each speak for himself, and that no one speak for the whole.
•
The
•
••
•
•
•
•
Provincial of the Recollets has, within eight days, dispatched
embark
to join their
Monastery
in
Canada and with a view ;
to the
«
two
,
Friars
who
are to
continued increase of their
had the same Provincial informed to-day to send thither two others of the most and I shall also take care that he send some over every year, in order to be able thereby to counterbalance the excessive authority the Jesuits have assumed in that country.
number, efficient
I
;
Journal of Count de Frontenads Voyage
The
to
Lake Ontario in 1673.
by the Count de Frontenac, on arriving in Canada, of the Treaty the Iroquois were negotiating with the Outaouaes, was of too great importance to the trade of the country not to oblige him to prevent its ratification. By this Treaty, in which the Iroquois were urged forward principally by their neighbors, they offered to supply the Outaouaes with alt the goods they required, and the latter were to carry to them generally all their peltries, and the exchange was to take place on Lake Ontario. The only means to traverse and upset this negotiation was, as had been frequently before proposed, to establish a Post on the same Lake, which would prevent the communication of intelligence received
the Nations of the South with those of the North, and force the latter to continue to bring us
not only
all
the peltries that usually
came by the River
of the
Long
Saut, but even those
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
96
our neighbors profited by, through the
facility'
Lake without any
of being able to cross the
Count de Frontenac found himself much embarrassed in the adoption of a without money, without ammunition, without
impediment.
seeing himself without troops,
resolution,
canoes, and arriving in a country, to the situation of which, and the
humor
of
its
inhabitants,
he was almost an entire stranger, and where he had not, as yet, sufficient friends to enable him to undertake, on his own credit alone, what those'who had preceded him dared not execute with all the knowledge and all the aid they were masters of. He was of opinion, however, that the loss of the trade would infallibly entail in a short time the rupture of the peace, since the Iroquois and the Outaoiiaes, being in a position to dispense with us, and finding greater facility in their hunting and trade, would more easily
resume that inclination they naturally feel for war, inasmuch as they had an idea that it with less risk on the arrival of a new Governor, who they knew had no troops. These considerations, and the letters received by Count'de Frontenac, in the course of the winter, from the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are missionaries among the Iroquois, who advised him that these people were not over and above well disposed, finally determined and obliged him, despite all the obstacles and all the difficulties he anticipated in the execution of
they could undertake
that design, to resolve on undertaking
water
sufficiently
ought not
warm
to give entire publicity to
he had determined,
government inhabit
with
for navigation.
it,
;
to
the
in
it,
course
it
as soon as the river
would be
free of ice,
and the
Nevertheless he considered, for divers reasons, that he
and contented himself with of the
next spring, to
letting it
visit
the
be understood that
whole extent of
his
become acquainted with the country, and in that way with the Indians who assure them of his Majesty's protection provided they observed the peace
to
us.
And
as his predecessors
had never undertaken similar voyages, except with a considerable
number of men and canoes, so as not to expose themselves imprudently to the insults of the Indians, whose fickleness is ever to be dreaded, he declared he would invite the officers who had settled in the country to accompany him on the voyage, and would order out canoes and people from each settlement, so as to be in a state to defend themselves against
all
the Indians
might undertake; and by manifesting to them some evidence of Onontio's power, induce them the more readily to confine themselves within their duty.
To impress these sentiments the more strongly upon them, and to show them that the Sauts and Rapids, which obstructed the River in many places, were not an insurmountable barrier by which the Frenqh could be prevented reaching them when necessary, he resolved to take with him two flat bateaux, similar to that Mr. de Courcelle had some years previously carried to the head of the Rapids, and even to mount them with some small pieces of cannon,' in order to achieve something new which may inspire the Savages with more respect and awe.
He
therefore caused
two
to
sixteen men, with considerable
be constructed of a particular model, capable of containing provisions, and had
them painted
in a fashion unlike
any
thing seen before in the whole country, and ordered canoes to be pressed,. and directed the
Hurons to make some others of bark found in the public store. But in order that the Iroquois, who are very suspicious, may not be alarmed by these preparations, he thought proper to send some person of credit to them to advise them of his intention to go as far as Kente to visit the French Mission and establishments, and to exhort them, at the same time, to send thither deputies from each Nation, to whom he would
:
PARIS DOCUMENTS
97
confirm, on the part of his Majesty, Oiiontios, his predecessors,
all that had been promised them in his name by the and receive from them new tokens of the obedience and submission
they owed him. Por
purpose
this
lie
selected Sieur de Lasalle as a person qualified for such a service by the made into that country and by his acquaintance with the Indians, He
diSerent journeys he had
sent him orders to leave iMontreal as soon as the navigation would permit, and to prdceed to Onontagu^, the place where all the Nations assemble for business, and to invite them to send delegates to Kent^ towards the end of June; he was to carry the same message, should be
think proper, to the four other villages.
However, as soon as the very severe frosts were over, Count de Frontenac had the construction of the bateaux prosecuted with great care and assiduity ; the necessaries for his expedition collected, and orders issued to hold the canoes in readiness all along the shore, and to
engage persons suitable for such an enterprise, so that every thing may be ready in the end of May to depart for and repair to Montreal, which was to be the general rendezvous.
latter
The voyage had to be postponed for a month in consequence of bad weather and the delay of the spring sowing, which put Count de Frontenac to the necessity of despatching Sieur de
Hautmeny anew
to the Indians to change the rendezvous, and to defer it to between the and ^O"- of July. June the 3"* was the day finally fixed for his departure from Quebec. He had a sloop' sent to Montreal, some days before, with the munitions of War and other articles he was taking from Quebec; and having left orders with Sieur Prevost, Town Major, to follow him with all the Brigades from the River sides and adjoining places, and to reach Montreal on the 24'*, he led the van with a part of the Castle garrison, his guards, stafl', and some volunteers. He IS"-
visited
all
the officers on his route,
and arrived on the
16""
who endeavored
to outstrip each other in entertaining
him,
June, about 5 o'clock in the evening, at Montreal, where he was received
by Mr. Perrot, the Governor, amidst the roar of all the cannon and musketry of the people who were under arms, and was addressed on the beach by the Officers of Justice and the Syndic of the Inhabitants, and finally by the Clergy at the door of the church, where the Te Deum was sung. Passing Cape de la Magdelaine, the Reverend Father D'Ablon, Superior of the Jesuits,* who was returning from visiting his missions, informed him that he had learned from the Indians that some Dutch ships had arrived atManath, of which place they had made themselves Masters that it was to be feared they would afterwards repair to the mouth after a feeble resistance of the River S' Lawrence, to exclude French vessels from it, and would attempt ascending even to Quebec, should they learn that he was at a distance with the main force of the country. But Count de Frontenac, seeing no foundation for this intelligence, continued his route, and of the Island,
;
requested the Father not to divulge the news
;
and
in case
it
should spread, to encourage those
Une Oribane a sea vcMel from 30 to 90 tons. Diet de Richelet. 'Rev. Claude Dablon arrived in Canada in 1656, and was immediately s«nt miasionary to Onondaga, whara be eontinaed, with a brief interval, until 1658. In 1661 he set out overland for Hudaon'a Bay, but sueeeeded in reaching only the head waters of the Nekouba, 300 miles from Lake St. John. In 1668 he accompanied Maiquette to Lake Superior, and preached '
;
(nni, 72), at
tb«
as late as July, 1698. See IV., 48.
Ha
the gospel in Wisconsin; assisted, in 1671, at the great council held by St Lusaon with the Indiana Falls of .St Mary,
and was Superior from 1670 to 1680, again
compiled the Relation of 1671, 2; and are
still
extant
Vol. IX.
many
in 1685, 1688,
and
of his MS3., of interest and value to the early bi«tor>' of the
Ed.
13
Weatem SUt««
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
98
He
who may
feel
alarmed.
whom
left
Commandant
he
readiness at the
first
did not omit, however, sending orders of
Quebec and the circumjacent
news he should
by him
places, to hold
to Sieur de Tilly, all
the militia in
receive from him, with particular instructions
what
to do'
at the least intelligence of the enemy's approach, and sent two canoes to Tadoussac, so as to be promptly advised of the appearance of vessels in the river. He also commanded carriages
made for the guns which were on the ground and in very bad order at Quebec, whither he assured Father D'Ablon that he should return with all possible diligence on the first news he should receive of the approach of this pretended fleet, and would arrive there soon enough to to be
enemy effecting any thing. During the ten or twelve days he remained at MontreaLhe thought of nothing but regulating what was required, as well for the construction of the p-ort he designed, as for the division of the Troops and Canoes into brigades and squadrons, and the supplying them with Commanders; he had considerable trouble in arranging the ranks and the line of march in such a way as He divided theni into nine sections, including the detachment not to leave any one dissatisfied. of the Hurons who desired to accompany him, and composed each of ten to twelve canoes; so that, including those of his staff, he found he had nearly one hundred and twenty canoes with the two flat bateaux, and about four hundred men. He next gave orders to have a wagon road constructed overland from Montreal to a placecalled La Chine, distant about 3 to 4 leagues, so as to avoid the Sauts in the river between Montreal and that place, there being none more dangerous, and to provide for the carriage of all the necessaries for the expedition over that road. After every thing had been successfully accomplished through his vigilance and assiduity, he caused all the troops who had arrived on the preceding day to take up their line of march on the 26"" and 27"", and arrived there, himself, on the evening of the 28"". June 29"". Finished putting all the munitions of war and provisions on board the canoes and bateaux and Count de Frontenac, having chosen M. de Chambly as a most efficient, and the oldest officer in the country to command the troops under him, detached him with three canoes, with orders to encamp on the South shore at the foot of the first Rapids, which are at the head of Lake S' Louis, and departed with all the squadrons intending to join him there. But having discovered, in passing, that the Indians were creating some disorder, having got drunk at the house of a Montreal settler, he was obliged to land for the purpose of punishing the Indians, and the man named Roland who had given them drink contrary to the prohibitions repeatedly issued, whom he ordered to accompany him on the expedition. The consequence was, he could camp only at the head of the Isles de la Paix,' whence he sent orders to Sieur de Chambly to proceed, with his squadron, beyond the first three Rapids. 30'\ Passed the first two with incredible labor and fatigue in consequence of the bateaux, the dragging and towing of which required more Ihan fifty men, who were up to the shoulders, in water. This caused him much uneasiness, tempered, however, with great satisfaction on beholding the manner the officers acted and the alacrity with which every body toiled. The Hurons, whom Count Frontenac brought with him, set the example; they achieved wonders; and those conversant with their humor, acknowledged they performed without any difficulty, for him, what no one had ever before dared to propose to them. He, therefore, had them and the whole fleet regaled at night with some Brandy and Tobacco, for which the Hurons sent two of their oldest chiefs to return thanks, and to protest to him that their young prevent the
;
'
On
the >outh aide of
Lake St.
Lonii,
snd
in front of the Seigniories of
Cbateauguaj and Beauharuois.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: braves were ready to do
all
behind any of the French.
1.
he ordered them, and that,
Camped
90 in obedience,
they would never be
at the foot of the S* Rapid.
Rapid in the morning with much difficulty, on account of a Sault The bateaux found in some places scarcely any water, and the rocks cut the feet of the people hauling them, who in other places were up to their armpits in water. Nevertheless, their good humor never diminished, and after having towed the same bateaux all the afternoon, First of July, passed this
in
it.
for
more than a league with the water up
to their waist,
South, a league and a half distant from the outlet of Lake
July
encamped
at the Islands to the
St. Francis.
Completed the passage of the two Rapids which intervened between us and our we arrived at noon and as the crews of the bateaux were very much fatigued, and several of the canoes had been damaged by towing, Count de Frontenac commanded others to relieve the men with some canoes for an escort, and sent them along the North shore to a Point' two leagues further up, and encamped with the remainder of the troops at the outlet of this Lake. S**. There could not be finer navigation or more favorable weather than on the S* ; a light Northeaster having sprung up, gave the bateaux an opportunity to go as fast as the canoes, so that we arrived at the Islands at the head of the Lake time enough to repair the bateaux, which had been injured by the rocks in the Sauts and at those places where they had to be dragged. 4"'. Continued the route, and passed through the most deliglitful country in the world. The entire river was spangled with Islands, on which were only oaks and hard wood; the soil is admirable, and the borders of the main land on the North and South hanks are equally handsome, the timber being very clean and lofty, forming a forest equal to the most beautiful in France. Both banks of the River are lined with prairies full of excellent grass, interspersed with an infinity of beautiful flowers; so that it may be asserted there would not be a more lovely country in the world than that from Lake S' Francis to the head of the Rapids, were S*.
entrance into this Lake, where
it
;
cleared.
more delightful than any we had Long Sault on the North side, and little yet seen it was opposite the mouth of a River by which people go to the Mohawks.' The Great River, here, Sieur Le Moine was sent to examine that which goes to is only a musket shot across. the Mohawks, and reported that it formed a large, circular, deep and pleasant basin behind the
Made
three leagues this forenoon,
:
Point^ in front of which
we had
informed him that there was
and halted
at a spot
channel leading to the
near the
halted,
five days'
and that the Iroquois,
easy navigation in that
whom
river,
he found there, had and three when the waters
were lower.
was resumed, and it was resolved to keep to the South shore, the design being to go and camp above the Long Sault, and at threequarters of a league below it to cross over; but the rain which supervened obliged Count After having dined and rested awhile, the march
to cause the entire fleet to come to anchor at the North side, at the place where intended to cross over, and he had time only to get the bateaux to do so and to encamp
de Frontenac
we
himself with the three Rivers brigade and his staff on the South shore, opposite the place where the other sections had anchored. We found in the Western forest, or Camp, a
white flower as beautiful as can be seen, with an odor similar to that of the Lily of the Valley, but much finer. It was sketched through curiosity. •
Point an Baudet, Soulang«« county, C. E.
'
Maisena Point,
St.
Iiawrence connty, X. Y.
•
— Ed.
Suppoaed to be Graaa
riyer,
St Lawrtnea ooonty, N. Y.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
100 5'\ Rain threatening, to get
them
we
contented ourselves in despatching the bateaux
past the Rapid of the
not to cross until the weather was fleet
Long
Therefore,
having passed, a storm sprung up which obliged the
who were
the break of day
was sent to the fleet at tiie North having cleared about 10 o'clock, the
Saut, and the order
settled.
it
crossed over and advanced to the foot of the 1" Rapid of the
to hasten on those
at
in the centre,
and
Count
to
Long
Sault; but one-half
go by land as
to prevent those in the rear
far as the Rapids,
going further on
;
so
camped half a league above. He sent the others into a cove, after he had remained more than two hours under the rain, without a cloak, very uneasy about the bateaux, which experienced much difficully in ascending the Rapid; one of them would have run adrift in the current, had not the people behind thrown themselves into that four only were able to pass, and these
the stream with incredible promptness and bravery.
who dragged
impossible to conceive, without witnessing, the fatigue of those
It is
bateaux.
They
the
were, for the most part of the time, in the water up to the armpits, and
walking on rocks so sharp that many had their feet and legs covered with blood. Yet their gaiety never failed; and they made such a point of honor of taking these bateaux up, that as soon as they had arrived in Camp, some
among them commenced jumping,
playing Prison
base (jouer mix barresj, and other games of like nature.
The
and 6"" was so rainy that the Count could not sleep through fear of the biscuit getting wet, insomuch that having ordered Sieur de Chambly not to allow the canoes to start until he saw settled weather, and to push on only the bateaux with experienced hands, as they did not carry any provision* capable of spoiling, he waited until noon to set out the weather having cleared up, with the appearance of no more rain but a league had not been traveled, nor the bateaux overtaken, before a tempest burst, so furious that all thought the provisions would be wet. With care, however, very little harm happened, and after night of the
5""
;
;
halting about three hours, he proceeded on with
some
five or six
canoes, to find out a place to
camp, to give [time] to relieve the people in the bateaux, in order that they might follow him with all the troops; and -though there were three or four ugly rapids to be passed, they did not fail to surmount all those difficulties, and to arrive before sundown at the head of the Long Saut, where Count de Frontenac had traced out the Camp opposite a little Island,' at the end of which the North channel unites with that on the South. Started the Canoes very early, with orders to cross from the North side at the place where they should find the river narrower and less rapid; and left, with all the Canoes, two hours afterwards, and proceeded until eleven o'clock in better order than during the preceding 7"'.
days, because the navigation
was
easier.
Stopped three or Four hours, about a quarter of a
league from the Rapid caljed the Ilupide plat.
The weather appeared Rapid, which
is
very
this induced us to determine on passing the on account of the trees on the water side tumbling into
the finest in the world
difficult
;
the river, obliging the canoes to take the outside and go into the strongest of the current.
He
consequence, and ordered all those in them, and two carpenters whom he sent along, to take axes to cut all the trees that might obstruct the passage of the bateaux, and took with him the Three Rivers brigade and his staff" to lay out the camp, having left
detached six canoes
in
two brigades with the bateaux and the rest for a rear guard. But on landing at five o'clock in the afternoon there came a storm, accompanied with thunder _and lightning, more furious than
all
the others that preceded it; so that
'Isle
it
was necessary
aui Chats.
to dispatch orders in all haste to
PARIS DOCUMENTS: L the bateaux and to
IQI
the fleet to cast anchor wherever they happened to be which it was very consequence of some of the bateaux being in the midst of the Rapid. The rain lasted the whole night, during which the Count was extremely uneasy, lest precautions should not have been taken to prevent the provisions getting wet. all
;
difficult to effect, in
Next morning,
break of day,- having sent for intelligence, news was brought about seven the care every one took to preserve his provisions; and the bateaux arrived a quarter of an hour afterwards at the Camp. As at
o'clock .that there
was not much harm done, through
every one had suffered considerably from the fatigue of the night, it was resolved not to leave the Camp before ten or eleven o'clock, in order to collect all the people and give them time to rest. The weather was so unsettled that, through fear of rain, we waited until noon, and though a pretty strong South West wind arose, and the river was very rough, we failed not to make considerable head way, and to camp at the foot of the last Rapid.
We
had proceeded scarcely an hour when the Montreal brigade de Frontenac from our S"* encampment, and sent by Lieutenant De D"".
our
— was found
fleet
make
of Ensign Morel, to
direction
Rapids
in a place
which
— detached la Valtrie,
by Count under the
a second convoy and carry provisions beyond the it
had been ordered to occupy as a depot. As soon as to the North, and came on board
was perceived, he crossed over from the South
the Admiral.
The Count wrote by him to M. Perrot, Governor of Montreal, to whom he sent orders to have new canoes furnished to Sieur Lebert to join this Fleet, and to endeavor to bring in one voyage what he had at first resolved to have brought in two.
Two
hours afterwards, arrived at the place Sieur de
la Valtrie selected to build
a Storehouse.
was a Point at the head of all the Rapids, and at the entrance of the smooth navigation.' The Count strongly approved Sieur de La Valtrie's selection, and resolved to sojourn there the whole day, to allow the troops to refresh, and to* have leisure to send off a second canoe to Montreal with new orders, and to hasten the return of the canoes which were to bring up the provisions. At six o'clock in the evening two Iroquois canoes arrived, bringing letters from Sieur De La Salle, who, having been sent into their country two months before, advised the Count that after some difficulty, founded on the apprehension the Indians entertained of his approach, they had in fine resolved to come to assure him of their obedience, and that they awaited him at Kent6 to the number of more than two hundred of the most ancient and It
influential,
though they had considerable objection
jealousy they
felt
on seeing Onontio going
to
to repair thither, in
Kent^, as
it
consequence of the
implied a preference of that Nation
to the others.
This obliged him
had resolved to opinions, that
it
Abbes de Fenelon and d'Urf^ to go in all haste to Kent6 mouth of Katarakoiii, twenty leagues below Kent^, which he
to request the
to invite the Iroquois to the visit,
having judged by the Map, after considerable consultation and different
would be a very suitable place on which
Though Count de Frontenac had appointed
proposed establishment. with the Indians only with that
to erect the
this interview
purpose, he did not omit, however, taking advantage of the jealousy they entertained
minds
and requested those gentlemen
;
only to
let
them know that he did not
always their
owed
common
to assure
them
that he expected
them
prefer the one to the other, and that he should be
father so long as they remained in the Obedience and Respect they
the King. '
in their
in that place
Presumed to be Chimney Point,
in the present
town
of liebon,
St Lawrence eotmty, New-York.
—
Stt.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
102
10"". Left the Camp about five o'clock in the morning and though Count de Frontenac had determined on the preceding day, and before he received the news of the approach of the Iroquois, to leave the bateaux with the greater portion of the Troops behind, and to take with him only two or tiiree brigades to reconnoitre as quickly as possible the outlet of the Great ;
Lake, and the post he was about to his design,
and concluded he ought
fortify at the
to
informed of the intention of the Iroquois.
column than heretofore.
made more than
mouth of the River Katarakoiii, he changed
proceed with more precaution until he should be better
We
The weather was
therefore proceeded in a body, and in closer
so serene and the navigation so smooth, that
camp
ten leagues, and went into
at a cove about a league
we
and a half from
Otondiata, where the Eel fishery begins.
We
had the pleasure, on the march, to catch a small Loon, a bird as large as a wild goose (Outarde), of the most beautiful plumage, but so difficult to be caught alive, as it plunges it is no small rarity to be able to take one. A cage was made and orders were given to endeavor to raise it, in order to be able to send it to the King. ll'\ The weather continuing fine, a good day's journey was made, having passed almost all that vast group of Islands with which the river is studded, and camped at a point above a River called by the Indians Onnondokouij^ up which many of them go a hunting. It has a very considerable channel. Two more loons were caught alive, and a Scanonton,^ which is a sort of Deer, with head and antlers, however, handsomer than those of the deer of France. 12"". Broke up camp very early in the morning, and, having proceeded until 10 o'clock, halted three hours to eat and rest. On approaching the first opening of the Lake, the Count
constantly under water, that for
it,
wished
more order than had been already done, and
to proceed with
in line of battle.
He
accordingly arranged the whole fleet in this wise:
Four squadrons, composing the vanguard, went in front and in one line. The two bateaux followed next. After these came Count de Frontenac at the head of all the canoes of his guards, of his staff, and of the volunteers attached to his person having on his right the squadron from Three Rivers, and on his left those of the Hurons and Algonquins. Two other squadrons formed a third line and composed the rear guard. This order of sailing had not been adhered to for more than half a league, when an Iroquois canoe was perceived coming with the Abbe d'Vrfe,^ who, having met the Indians above the River Katarakoiii, and having notified them of the Count's arrival, they were now advancing ;
with the Captains of the Five Nations.
They
him with evidence of much joy and confidence, testifying to him the obligation they were under to him for sparing them the trouble of going farther and for receiving their submissions at the River Katarakoiii, which is a very suitable place to camp, as they were about signifying to him. After Count de Frontenac had replied to their civilities they preceded him as guides, and conducted him to the mouth of the River Katarakoiii, into a bay about a cannon shot from the entrance, which forms one of the most beautiful and agreeable harbors in the world, saluted the Admiral and paid their respects to
—
' Oskennonton is the Mohawk for a Deer. to be now Gannannokoui. Ed. Rev. Lascarb d'Ukkk, Dean of the Cathedral of Puy, came lo Canada in 1668, and was detached to the Indian mission at the Bay of Quiutc. This having been abandoned by the Sulpitians, Abbe d'Urfe returned to France in 1678. He, however, '
Supposed
*
came again St. Vallier.
to
Canada
Mtal preietU,
in
1685,
3, 21,
and
in
1686 was in charge of one of the frontier parishes in the district of MontreaL
59; Faillon.
Vie de Mde. Bourgeoyi,
I.,
179.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
I.
Iflg
capable of holding a hundred of the largest ships, with sufficient water at the mouth and in tiie harbor, with a mud bottom, and so sheltered from every wind that a cable is scarcely necessary for mooring.
The Count, enraptured in
at finding a spot so well adapted for his design, immediately landed,
having examined, during two or three hours, the shore and situation, he re-embarked a canoe to explore both sides of the entrance to the river and some points which jut out
and
after
Lake, so that he did not return
into the
The was
until
8 o'clock
in
the evening.
Iroquois impatiently awaited for him to present him their respects in his tent, but as
he sent them word to postpone
late,
it
until
the morrow,
when
it
it
would be more
convenient to see and entertain each other, to which they willingly consented. -13*.
Beat the
reveille
at
day break, and
at
seven o'clock every body was under arms;
pursuant to the orders issued the preceding evening,
around Count de Frontenac's laid in front of his tent for
They were
tent,
them
all
the troops were drawn up in double
file
Large sails were pass between the two files.
extending to the cabins of the Indians.
to sit on,
and they were made
astonished at seeing such preparations, seemingly
to
new
to
them, as well as
than sixty of the oldest and most influential of the sachims.
all
those
There were more
guards with their watch-coats, none of which they had ever before seen. After having
sat,
and, as
is
their
custom, smoked some time, one of them, named Garagonti^, who has always been the warmest friend of the French, and who ordinarily acted as spokesman, paid a compliment, expressing
name of all the Nations the joy they felt on learning, from Sieur de La Salle, Onontio's come and visit them; that though some gvil^ disposed spirits had endeavored to jealousy among them at his approach, they could not hesitate to obey his orders, and excite to come to meet him in the confidence they felt that he wished to preserve peace always
in the
design to
with them, and to protect them against their enemies, treating them as a Father would his children; that they were then coming ^true children to assure him of their obedience, and to declare to him the entire submission they should always manifest to his commands ; that he was speaking in the name of Uie F'ive Nations, as they had only one mind and one thought, in testimony
the
name
whereof the CaptaVof each Tribe intended to confirm what he had just stated
in
of the whole.
Each Captain
in particular accordingly
complimented the Count, and
in substance, though in different and very eloquent terms, which
is
told
him the same thing
very remarkable, adding only
much obliged to Onontio for having abridged the voyage to Kent^ and for having been pleased to receive them at Katarakoiii; that they did not intend to pay their respects to him by these preliminary compliments, presented whilst waiting his orders and the day he
that they were
should appoint for
Each worthy of
them
to
hear the proposals he would be pleased to
make them.
Captain presented, at the conclusion of his speech, a Belt of
stringed
note,
because formerly
it
was customary
to
present
Wampum,
only
which
is
some fathoms of
Wampum.
Count de Frontenac having had a fire lighted near the place where they were seated, answered them in terms adapted to their manner of speaking. Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. lam pleased to see you come hither, where I have had a fire lighted for you to smoke by, and for me to talk to you. O, but 'tis well done. My Children, to have followed the orders and commands of your Father. Take courage, theij, my children; you will hear his word, which is full of tenderness and peace; a
word which
will
fill
your cabins with joy and happiness;
for think
I
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
104 not that war
with me.
is
my voyage. My Children,
the object of
Courage, then,
My and
spirit is full
of Peace, and she walks in
company
rest yourselves.
The Count thereupon presented them with six fathoms of Tobacco, and added: Children You have taken great pains to come to see me, and I regret to have given you "
:
the
trouble of so long a voyage, which
I, however, tried to abridge by not obliging you to go to Kent6 and by lighting the fire for you at Katarakoiii. Let not fear close your ears, or disturb your minds. I am aware that there have been plenty of ill disposed persons desirous to persuade you that Onontio was coming into these Cantons only to devour your Villages, But, Children, that is not true; those are busy-bodies who would break the peace and union that exist between us, and you will never find in me any other than the feelings of a real father, Cheer up, then, your spirits, so long as you will act like true children and continue obedient. and be persuaded that I had no other design in this voyage than to visit you, as it was very
reasonable a Father should be acquainted with his Children, and the Children with their Father. I cannot, however, sufficiently testify to you ihe joy I feel to see that you not only fully obeyed my orders with promptness, and have come in great numbers to meet me, but that you have also brought your wives and children with you, because this is a certain mark of One regret only remains, that I cannot speak your tlie confidence you place in my words. language, or that you cannot understand mine, so that there might be no necessity for Interpreter or Spokesman. But in order that you may be fully informed of all I have said to you, I have selected Sieur Lemoine, to whom I shall communicate in writing what I have stated to you, so that he may explain it to you, word for word, and that you may not lose any of my remarks. Listen,
then, attentively to him.
Here
is
sometliing to open your ears, in order that you
may
be
disposed, in a day or two, to hear the thoughts of Onontio.
The Count then handed and
Lemoyne, and presented to each nation for the women, with some wine, brandy
the paper he held to Siem^
a gun, a quantity
prunes and raisins
•
^
biscuit.
The
whWi
Sieur Lemoyne explained to them, and with the presents made to them in the commencement, and whicfi^appearing, Indians appeared highly pleased with the speech,
according to their fashion, considerable, 'caused them to hope that magnificent ones would be at the close, when Onontio would communicate his intentions to them. It was remarked that their countenances were much changed, and that Torontesh^tir-their orator, the most astute, most spirittiel, and most influential man among them, from being sad and pensive before, assunied a gaiety not usual to him. He has been always an enemy to the French and Count de Frontenac was obliged, in consequence, to greatly in the interest of the Dutch. pay him particular attention and to keep him to dinner with him. Sieur Rendin was busy meanwhile tracing out the fort at the place designated by the Count, and according to the plan that had been approved of by him, and as soon as they had dined, men were ordered to work at the trench, where pickets were to be set until it should be determined in what manner the troops were to be employed, and until the tools were put He then embarked in a Canoe to visit the banks of the river or harbor, and was in order. delighted to find at the head of the bay a prairie, more than a league in extent, as handsome and level as any in France, and to see the river winding through its centre, very wide, and
made them
capable of admitting barks and vessels for over three leagues continuously.
He
returned to the
camp
according to his wishes,
in
great spirits on perceiving that he had found every thing
and that God had seemingly blessed
his enterprise;
but what
PARIS DOCUMENTS
T.
:
105
still more, was to find every body so impatient for work, and so anxious to advance their undertaking, which he hoped to bring soon to an end. This ardor thus exhibited by them caused him to alter his resolution to divide the troops into four brigades,
increased his joy
and
have them relieved every two hours, in order that the work should not intermit, and he accepted their proposal to divide the labor among them, each undertaking what might be allotted to him. This had.so good an effect that, early in the evening, -they began to make a clearing, with such energy that the officers found difficulty in drawing the people off to rest and to
work the next morning. when the entire brigade
sleep, so as to be able to
Day had
14"".
scarcely broken
fell
to
work according
to the allotment
had been made, and all the officers and soldiers applied themselves to it with such heartiness and zeal that the site of the Fort was nearly cleared. Sieur Lemoyne had orders from the Count to bring him, at each meal, two or three of the principal Iroquois, whom he entertained at his table. He fondled their children every time he met them, and had bread, prunes, raisins, &c., distributed among them, which so gratified the
that
Indians that they would not leave his tent, no more than the induce them to dance in the evening.
women, whom he
treated to
IS"". The work was continued with the same zeal but the rain which fell throughout the morning of the 16* prevented operations until noon, when every effort was made to recover lost time. The Indians were astonished to see the large clearance that had been made; some squaring timber in one place ; others fetching pickets others cutting trenches, and that different operations advanced at the same time. In the evening he caused notice to be given to the Captains of the Five Nations that he would grant them an audience the next day, at ;
;
eight o'clock in the morning.
Every thing being prepared to'receive them, they came
17"".
manner
may
Count
in the
same
when he submitted to them, in his speech, all be seen from the annexed copy of his address, which was accompanied by
the conditions he desired
as the first time,
of them, as
to see the
magnificent presents in Indian fashion.
Count de Frontenac's Speech
to the Iroquois:
Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas. I signified to you the other day the joy I felt to see you arrive here with all the proofs of submission that Children owe their Father, and with such entire confidence that you had brought even your Firrt
Wort.
wives and
You
Children
little
!
ones.
alleviate, in truth, thereby, all the trouble
and fatigue
I
encountered on
my voyage, and
oblige me, by the respect you have for my commands, to give you every assurance that you can desire of my friendship, and of the King my master's protection, if you continue to observe faithfully his will, of
which
I
am
the interpreter and executor.
I
have even reason
to
persuade
myself that you will not fail therein after the protestations you have given me and the knowledge you have afforded me of the good understanding in which all the Nations now live, inasmuch as you have informed me that they were all of the same spirit and bad but the one opinion. But as 'tis the duty of Children to be obedient to their Father, 'tis likewise the duty of a good Father to communicate to his Children Instruction and Information the most useful
and necessary Vol. IX.
for
them.
14
\
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
lOfj
I cannot give you any become Christians, and He is the Sovereign Lord of Heaven and of Earth; the to adore the same God that I adore. who preserves you who absolute Master of y our lives a nd properties; who hath created you furnishes youfbodjand drink who can send death among you in a moment, inasmuch as He is Almighty, and acts as he willeth, not like men who require time, but in an instant, and This In fine, He it is who can render you happy or miserable, as he pleaseth. at a word.
Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Oayugas and Senecas.
advice more important or more profitable to you than to exhort you to
;
;
;
God
is
Jesus
called
;
and the Black
Gowns
know Him whenever you
here,
who
are his Ministers and Interpreters, will
I leave them among you and in your you respect them, and prevent any of your young braves daring or presuming to injure them in the smallest degree, as I shall consider the injuries done them as personal to myself, and such I will punish with the
teach you to
Villages only to teach you.
I
are so disposed.
therefore desire that
like severity.
Hearken, then, well to the advice I give you, and forget it not, as it is of great importance, and you ought to be aware that in giving it I labor more for you than for myself, and I study only your happiness. The Hurons, here present in great number, must incline you thereto, since you see with your own eyes that they have learned to honor and serve the God of whom I speak to you. Ancients! Give herein the example to your Children, as your judgment must be sounder
than theirs
;
or if you be not yet disposed to
become
Christians, at least do not prevent
them
becoming such, and learning the Prayer and the Commandments of that great God which the Black Gowns will willingly teach them.
two points, very easy of observance. The first is your whole heart, and your whole soul, and your whole strength. Ancients Is there any thing more easy than to love what is perfectly sovereignly amiable, and what can constitute all your happiness?
These
consist only of
!
to love
Him
beautiful,
with
what
is
The second thing he requires of us is, to love our Brothers as we love ourselves. That is to say, that we assist them in their necessities, and furnish them drink, and meat and clothing when they are in need of them, as we would wish should be done to ourselves. Again, Ancients, for to you I address myself, believing your minds to be sufficiently endowed to
comprehend
it, tell
Commandment? As I am obliged
me
frankly, is there
any thing more just and reasonable than
this
by my profession as a Christian, you ought to be more come not here save with a heart filled with gentleness and peace to my children, to assist them in all things, and to give them a proof of a
to observe these
easily persuaded that I
communicate these to true and sincere friendship.
Children! Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Senecas.
Lend not an ear
to the counsels of certain busy-bodies,
excite distrust and suspicions,
and who, assuming
to
who,
at
my
Take
courage, then.
approach, desire to
be your friends, meditate only your ruin
and destruction. Listen to
me
and trust
my
words.
I
am
frank and sincere, and shall promise you nothing
you on your side may do likewise. me even reproaching you with the various treacheries you formerly committed against my nephews. No, I will not dispel from your countenances that joy which I there behold. I content myself with telling
but what
I
will exactly perform, desiring that
The dread
I feel
of disturbing the peace
I
promise you prevents
PARIS DOCUMENTS: you only
I.
107
on the past and on the present consider well the greatness and power of behold the number of persons accompanying and surrounding him, the ease and celerity with which he has surmounted all your SauU and rapids, and passed bateaux mounted Onontio
to reflect
;
;
with Cannon over them, which you never could have imagined possible for him to have steered through the smoothest and most tranquil of rivers, and that in a voyage made only for pleasure and without any necessity. Infer from this what he could effect if he desired to
wage war and
to crush
acknowledge he War and Peace.
will
My
is
any of
his enemies.
a good Father,
who
you
If is
reflect seriously
not cruel, and that he
on is
all
these tilings, you
the absolute arbiter of
I now ratify it, assuring you that every thing they promised you shall be faithfully observed, but on the same conditions they did impose on you. These, I understand to be, that, besides the French, all the Indians under the
predecessors concluded the latter with you, and
protection of the King,
who
my
Master, and his Allies, shall participate in that same peace, and
it shall be hanged. I shall set my hand to it on my side do you any of your youth insult any Indian under the King's protection, or any of his Allies in the Countries under his dominion, I shall deem myself injured, and shall avenge it in the same manner; and you should not be surprised at this, for what confidence can you have in the assurances I give you of my friendship and protection, if you perceive me capable of abandoning those to whom my predecessors granted the same for so long a time, and who are my friends? Here, then, is something to make you remember my first speech, which in two words consists in exhorting you, as much as lies in my power, to become Christians, by listening with respect and submission to the instructions the Black Gowns will give you on that subject, and then like Christians, or even as good politicians who wish the preservation and advantage of your Country, to observe strict peace on your part, as I shall do on mine, by chastising the first who will happen to violate it. Fifteen guns, a quantity of powder and lead of all kinds, with gun flints, were thereupon presented to them. The Count then resumed his speech:
that the
first
will
DreaK
the same. Ancients; for
;
if
Children! Onnontagues, Moliawks, Oneidiis, Cayugas and Senecas.
Second Word.
not io persuade you by mere words;
make
I
pretend
my
good intentions to maintain a I will true and solid peace with you by more effectual evidence, and I do not think I can afford yoa a stronger proof of that than by the settlement I am about to make at Katarakoiii, where I have already spread the mat on which I am seated, and where I have lighted the fire to which I manifest
have invited you to come and to smoke. I intend to make it considerable in a little while, and to have goods brought thither by my nephews, in order to spare you the trouble of carrying your peltries so far as you have done. You will find here all sorts of refreshments and commodities, which
1
shall cause to be furnished
you
at the cheapest rate possible, as I
do not
intend that you be treated otherwise than as Frenchmen.
But you must consider that it is a matter of expense to convey goods so far, and that your obtaining all your supplies at your door will save you considerable trouble, as you will not -be obliged to go and seek them more than a hundred leagues from your villages, over rough and bad roads.
my Nephews
and to do nothing but what is just Otherwise Invite your Nephews to I shall chastise tiiem. I beg of you to do the same, on your side. respect all the French, and to aid them as far as they are able, supplying them, for payment. I shall
induce
all
to love you,
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
108
with Indian Corn and other provisions, if they require them, and if such can be easily brought from your Country. You will thereby console me, and show yourslves to be my children, and This is my second word; this that you are disposed to live as Brethren with my Nephews. present will oblige you to give
it
some consideration.
Twenty-five large overcoats were presented to them
;
and some time afterwards, Count de
Frontenac, continuing his speech, added:
Children
Third Word.
the
common Father
of
!
all
Onnontagues, Mohawks, Oneidas, Cayugas and Sehecas.
how
the Nations,
can
I
As
I
am
avoid reproaching you with the treachery
and cruelty you have exhibited towards your Brethren, the Hurons, preventing them visiting their relatives; and how can I refrain from telling you that it is not good, inasmuch as you
them
and threaten to split their skulls? towards them alike? I treat them like other Frenchmen, as my true there are numbers of them here they will tell you I make no children. Inquire of them distinction between the one and the other. Do not behave so again, for I insist that they be free to live wherever they please. Have you not been allowed the same liberty? And your people, do they not remain at Montreal and
treat
as slaves,
See you not that
I act
—
—
like, going and coming whenever they think well, without any objection? Prevent, then, complaints being made hereafter to me on this subject, for I shall become angry, and I insist that you, Iroquois, Algonquins and other nations who have me
every where else as long as they
Otherwise, those
as Father, live henceforth as Brothers. effects of
But
my
act differently, will feel the
wrath.
to prove to
the French,
who
I
you
that I require nothing
conjure you most earnestly to
more than a let
perfect union
between you
all
and
your children learn the French language,
which the Black Gowns can teach them. That would unite us more strongly, and we should have the satisfaction to understand each other without an Interpreter. To begin with a matter that I consider most advantageous for both Nations, I invite you to give me four of your little girls, of from seven to eight years old, and two of your little boys, whom I shall have instructed with all possible care, and taught French and writing, which are of so great importance. I know it is not a trivial request that I make, being aware of the love you bear your children but I can say, that I shall take as much.care of them as if they were mine own ; I shall adopt them as such shall keep the boys by me, and place the girls with the Nuns at Quebec, where the Hurons already have some of theirs, and where, they can assure you, that they are well reared I shall frequently visit them, and you can come and see them there whenever you please; promising you to restore them when you require them back, should you not wish to have them married with some of the French, when they have attained a proper age. If you grant me this request, I am sure you will be hereafter pleased at having done so, and at seeing them in the position in which I shall place them. I conclude my third word and my third present, by repeating to you that I shall thereby know the friendship you entertain for me, since you cannot give me any greater mark thereof. Twenty-five shirts, twenty-five pair of stockings, five packages of glass beads and five coats were given them as a third present, and then the Count said to them: ;
;
;
That he forgot to state that he had recently learned that some Frenchmen among them endeavored to persuade them that they were persons of great importance among us, and even Nephews of Onontio; but that they were rogues and worthless fellows, whom he should
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
I.
JOg
chastise as soon as he could catch them.
Let them not be stopped, then, by what those knaves them be assured that when he desired to communicate his intentions to them, he should send some person of character, such as Sieur de La Salle, or write to the Black Gowns to inform them of his wishes; that, in fine, to prevent the disorders their young men created in their Cabins, and which may cause some difficulty among us if they pretended to do the same in ours, they must be on the alert to keep them from committing excesses or getting drunk, as there was nothing so unbecoming rational men of well regulated minds, and that we had such profound contempt for drunkards, and that if they acted in like manner towards their young men, they would infallibly correct them of that habit. As soon as Count de Frontenac had finished his discourse, the Hurons, who were present at the audience, took up the word, and in a speech, which had nothing barbarous in it, addressed the Iroquois, telling them that they were very glad to confirm what Onontio had just said to them on the advantage they would derive from being Christians, and the good treatment they
might
tell
them, and
let
experienced, as well in their own persons as in those of their children, by the education which was given them; that it was one of the greatest obligations they were under; and when the Iroquois would perceive the advantage theirs would derive therefrom, they could never thank Onontio sufficiently for the favor he offered them. They hoped the permission requested, to let their relatives return to them, would not be refused; and as they hin) to-day as their
good
common
all
regarded
Father, they were very desirous to live henceforward together in
and as true brethren ought to live. This speech was accompanied by a belt of Wampum which they offered the Iroquois, and it is impossible to conceive the effect it had on their minds, nor the joy of the Count on witnessing the proceedings the Hurons had adopted of their own voluntary motion, and without advising him thereof until an hour previous to the audience. The Iroquois thanked him for what he had just said, evincing every mark of satisfaction that could possibly be expected, and requesting until to-morrow to communicate their resolution more fully. They appeared highly gratified that Onontio had at the first and second audience addressed them as children, and thereby had bound himself to act towards them as a Father; the other Onontios not having made use of that mark of authority, and they having intelligence,
never consented to be addressed otherwise than as Brothers.
The works were meanwhile
continued with the same diligence as on the preceding day, and
the Three Rivers detachment having completed the excavation of the French, began to set
up the IS*. late,
pickets,
The
the matter
The
five
and completed one of the flanks of the
fort.
Iroquois were expected to assemble in the morning, but not being ready until very
was postponed
until the afternoon,
when the Count
received
them as
heretofore.
deputies spoke, one after the other, and each testified, in his harangue, the joy
experienced at meeting a real Father in Onontio,
they too would be most obedient children
;
whom
they conjured to be persuaded that
that they well understood that
all
the suspicions
which were endeavored to be fomented among them were but chimeras, since he had not proposed any thing to them but what was for their advantage; that they thanked him for having
was the greatest advantage that could ever accrue to them that they promised him also to do what they could to influence their young men and children in that regard, and that they would themselves endeavor to show them the example by receiving respectfully the Instructions of the Black Gowns, and preventing any especially exhorted
them
to
become
Christians, as
;
of their people oflering the smallest insult to them.
it
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
110 After first
which they made
their presents,
each of a Belt of
Wampum,
ia
answer
to Onontio's
word.
They then resumed their speech, and said they saw with equal joy the establishment he had commenced at Katarakoiii, and they clearly perceived the benefit tiiey should derive from a Cabin so convenient to theirs, where they could obtain their supplies and not be obliged to go
them
so far to seek
Onontio seemingly forgot,
would
fix
were forced heretofore to do. But there was one tiling that and which they requested him to declare ; that was the price he
as they
on the merchandise, in order
that,
by informing their young men of it, they may more where they had been in the habit of taking
easily persuade
them not
them, but come
to Katarakoiii for all their supplies
to carry their peltries
;
they insisted particularly thereupon, and
more eloquent than the others, added, in an address which it was true that the news they had heard of the ruin of the Dutch and of the King's conquests in their Country had much afflicted them, sympathizing in the disgrace of a Nation which had been friendly with them, through whom they had received the Captain of the Cayugas,
exhibited nothing barbarous, that
their supplies, but they had reason to console themselves, since for one friend they lost they
who promised to assist them in all their necessities this it was that caused them to hope he would take care of them, for it being his interest not to have roguish children, he doubted not that a price so reasonable would be set on all the supplies to be furnished them that they should have every cause to be satisfied. And this was their second word, which was followed, like the others, by presents similar to the first. found a Father
;
In the third, they earnestly exhorted Onontio to assist sole
them against
enemies remaining on their hands, as he had ordered them
the other tribes, and
it
saw themselves about
would be a shame
for
him
the Andostaguez, the
to live in
peace with
all
to allow his children to be crushed, as they
fortified with men and canoes, and they not having the means of going to attack them in their fort, which was very strong, nor even of defending themselves if the others came to attack them in their villages.
to
be; the Andastoguez being strongly
In the fourth speech they protested that they would blindly follow the orders of Onontio relative to the
Hurons, Algonquins and other nations
them
liberty to go
at
offering
And
full
them any
in the
fifth
and that henceforth they would leave wheresoever they pleased, without retaining them by force or ;
violence.
speech, which related to the
little girls
and
little
boys, they represented that
was important, and they could not come to any resolution on it until they had returned to their villages, promising him to propose it to all the Tribes; to point out to them the advantage they should derive from it to use all their efforts to oblige them to give Onontio that satisfaction, by assuring them that the word he had pledged them would be punctually executed, and that their children would be restored as soon as they should demand them back. They concluded by repeating their thanks for the civilities and good treatment they had the affair
;
received from Onontio, congratulating themselves on the treated them, even to
and urbanity with which he their children, acknowledging that they had never before experienced affixbility
such in their Country.
Each Deputy, in them that
assuring
Hurons, and offered them a present, compliance with Onontio's wishes all would hereafter live as brothers,
particular, returned thanks to the in
full liberty to go and come whenever they thought proper. Count de Frontenac having forthwith recapitulated all the heads of their answers, invited and urged them again to become Christians, and to have their children instructed, recommending
and they should have
PARIS DOCUMENTS: them
especially to respect the Black
as that
was
Gowns, and
m
I.
to prevent
drunkenness among their yonth,
the chief cause of the greatest disorders that occurred.
Secondly, he assured them they should be advised of the orders he would issue for the establishment at Katarakoui, and the price to be fixed on the merchandise, which he could not determine at present, as he did not precisely know how much the freight would amount to, it would be higher at so distant a place, accessible only by a difficult navigation; but that he assured them in advance that they should be favored as much as possible, and that being considered as his children, he did not pretend they should be treated otherwise than as
since
Frenchmen. In regard to the war against the Andostaguez, they might very well believe he would never suffer them to be oppressed, as it was a point of honor with him, and a duty he owed his children not to let them perish, but as the season was already advanced to go on the
War
path this year, and as some preparation was necessary for such purpose, they when they would come to Quebec to communicate to him their
should concert together resolution on
the
demand he had made them
to
give
him some
little
boys and
girls to
be instructed.
He rejoiced to see them disposed to do all he told them relative and other Nations, and this was the true means to oblige him them the peace he had promised them. He made
did not take
it
ill
for their little girls
their declining to give a decisive
and
little
boys, as
it
was an
to the to
answer
affair that
Hurons, Algonquins
maintain always with to the request
he had
could not be arranged except
in the presence of all the Nations and in their villages, but he implored them to acquaint him promptly of the decision they should adopt, and to believe that his request arose only from the friendship he bore them, and from his desire to receive a proof of theirs.
In reply to their statement, that some of their tribes had already complied with his request by sending a few of their daughters to Quebec when peace was concluded, he was very glad to tell them that there was considerable difference between the demand Onontio had then made and the one he was now proposing for then, some of their girls were required as pledges and hostages for the promise they had given to observe peace now, the request was made through pure friendship and desire to unite more intimately both Nations, by causing those young children to be taught the language, and to be brought up according to the manners and customs of the French and as he intended to restore them as soon as they should be required back, he understood, at the same time, that when he should restore them, they would furnish others, and thus a perpetual exchange would be established, which would finally and insensibly lead them to accommodate their manners and customs to ours ; that it was quite just that a and the same tenderness which Father should always have some of his children by him made it so painful for them to furnish him with some of their children, created in him also the desire of soliciting them. That the comparison of the Hedge-hog, which some of them used in their speech, pointing to the young men who acted as Onontio's guard, and expressing surprise at the readiness with which their Fathers had given them up, was in no way applicable, since so far from having done so through want of tenderness for them, as was the ;
;
;
;
its young, they, on the contrary, considered that they could not give them a greater proof of friendship than to place them near a person who could do them a service and procure advantages for them and that Onontios, such as he, found more embarrassment in refusing those offered by their parents, than difficulty in asking
case of the Hedge-hog in abandoning
;
for
them.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
112
told them they could which they replied, that departure, and would then
them
in this wise,
remain or return to their own they would occupy a day or two more in preparations
to
Count de Frontenac
rose, after
having spoken
to
Country whenever they pleased
;
for their
and
come and receive his commands. The whole day was employed in great industry at the Fort; half the palisades were set, and Count de Frontenac sent his two bateaux in the morning with Sieur de Brucy to take whatever had been
Sieur de
left at
La
Valterie's post.
and as the entire ground was to be inclosed on the following day, Commanders of the detachments that he required of each no more than an acre he told the and a half of abatis, after which he should send them home. The consequence was, that 19*. Finished the fort
two squads with
them
finished the task assigned
were
that night, and the others
far
advanced
theirs.
The
20"".
came
Indians
to the great village
He
;
others
;
morning
in the
went down
to take leave of
One
Count de Frontenac.
set
went
to Montreal, and the remainder to Ganeious and Kente.
had previously spoken in private to each Captain and Chief of the Five Nations, to
whom
he made presents, as well for themselves as for their little children, and all departed so satisfied that they could not desist from praising the frankness and mildness with which
Onontio treated
therfi.
perceiving after dinner that the Three Rivers and Saurel detachments had
The Count,
completed their task, permitted them to leave next morning, and resolved
to
send away also
Du
Quay, S' Ours and La Durantaye, he himself resolving to wait, with his his staff and some volunteers, composing about twenty canoes, the arrival of the guards, convoy which vyas sailing from Montreal. But at night he received news which tended to those
of
delay the departure of the squadrons.
Deputies
Ganatoheskiagon,
of
The Abbe de
Ganeraski,
Kente
Fenelon' sent him word that the
and
proposed coming
Ganeious,^
to
Katarakoui, to the number of more than a hundred, on Friday night or Saturday morning at latest, to present him their respects.
Notwithstanding the to deprive '
officers offered to
them of the pleasure
delay and postpone their departure, he did not wish
of returning, and persisted in his
Eev. FBAN501S DK Saugnac dk Fenklon arrived in Quebec on the
On
Laval, on the 11th of June, 1668.
the north shore of Lake Ontario.
township
in the
of the Congregation in the expedition
Nunnery
C.
W.
at MontreaL
above mentioned.
On
In 1670
lie
memory
resolution, judging
from
of June, 1667, and
the l5th of September following, he
In order to perpetuate the
eounty of Victoria,
27^
first
of
liis
was ordained Priest by Bishop de was sent Missionary to an Iroquois tribe on labors there, his
name has been
given to a
returned to France, in the same ship with Mde. Bourgeoys, foundress I., 212. In 1673 he accompanied Count de Frontenac he sided with Governor Perrot, in the misunderstanding
Vie de la Sceur Bourgeoys,
his return to Montreal,
that occurred between that officer and Count de J^rontenac, whose conduct M. Fenelon severely censured in a sermon he
pr«ached at Easter, 1674.
he
insisted
on
He
was, in consequence, cited before the Council at Quebec.
his privilege of remaining seated
aoknowletlge, and declined to answer
On
appearing before that body,
and covered when addressing the Council, whose
all interrogatories.
He was
jurisdiction he refused to
thereupon committed to prison, whither M. Pcrrot had
Their coafinement was but short, however, for the whole affair was referred to the King, and nothing more was heard of the prosecution. Garneau, I., 216, 218. Abbe Fenelon is said to have returned finally to France, but at what precise time is not stated. He was still in Canada in 1676, according to Hennepin. Nouvelle Decouverte, Amsterdam,
already been sent.
1694. p. 14.
repeated
This author confounds him with the celebrated Archbishop of Cambray, and the mistake has been lately
by various
That prelate was born in 1651, and ordained at Paris
writers.
Perland's Obtervatiom, p. 15), seven years later than the Indian Missionary,
Vie de la Saiir Bourgeoys,
I.,
178.
— Ed.
who was
in 1675,
by Mgr. de Ilarlay (Abbi
the Archbishop's half brother. Faillon.
map of Canada, 1753, in Mitchell's North America, and in that accompanying Kalm's Travels. Ganatcheskiagon was near Darlington, or Port Hope, in the Newcastle district; Ganarask6 was the mouth of the river Trent, and Ganneious is now Nappane all on the north Ganadatsiagon, GanaraskQ and Gannejouts will be found mentioned on Vangondy's
map
of
Bide of
Lake Ontario.
Kentfe
ia still
preserved on
modem
maps.
— Ed.
—
PARIS DOCUMENTS the proceedings of the Indians that
:
I.
Jj3
was not necessary
to take much precaution against he had proposed to keep by him. 21". Therefore, the Three Rivers and Saurel squadrons led in the morning, followed in the afternoon by those of Contrecoeur and Bertier Count de Frontenac having ordered them to
them, nor
it
to retain a greater force tlian
;
proceed to Montreal in the same order in which they had come, and to wait the one for the other in the Rapids, so as to assist each other and to be able to pass through without accident.
The clearing of' the interior of the Fort and the construction of the barracks were continued, and there arrived two or three canoes of Indians who had left to go to Ganeious. Among these was the Captain General of all the Five Nations, who returned to assist the delegation, on being informed that the Deputies of Ganatcheskiagon and the other Northern Villages were to come to Katarakoiii, in order to assist also at their deliberations. Count de Frontenac was much pleased at this, perceiving thereby that he persevered in the sentiments of submission and peace which he assured him he should ever entertain, though naturally he might be induced to wage war, and his interests may obviously lead him thereto. In the evening arrived the Delegates from Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske Kentd and Ganeious,
same compliments as the others, so that it may be said that all the Nations North and South of Lake Ontario evinced the same submission to his orders. to offer the
to the
The
brigades of Dugu6, S' Ours and La Durantaye departed at day break; and after La Chevrotiere, whom Count de Frontenac dispatched to Montreal from the head of the Rapids to hasten the Convoy which was to leave that place, brought intelligence that the canoes would start without fail on the 17"' of this month. This afforded him much pleasure, 22^.
dinner.
hoping, as he did, that he should not have long to wait for them. 23'^.
,
Sieur de Brussy returned at eight o'clock in the morning from the post at the head
of the Rapids with the two bateaux freighted with provisions which had been
left
there in
and reported having met one of the brigades on its return ; it had the wind aft and was making great headway. Count de Frontenac gave audience, about ten o'clock the same day, to the Deputies of Ganatcheskiagon, Ganeraske, Kent6 and Ganeious, who spoke to him in nearly the same terms as the others, and assured him of their respect and submission. passing,
Having
replied
forthwith
thereto,
and expressed
his
not being in
displeasure at their
attendance at the same time as the rest to hear what he had to say, he recapitulated
all
the
requests he had made, on which he enlarged at considerable length, having exhorted them particularly to
become Christians and
This they promised and one will to obey him.
the French.
and a good understanding with him that they should all have but one mind
to maintain a firm peace
to do, assuring
24"' and 25"'. Continued the works as usual, every man exerting himself to forward them; and Count de Frontenac designated the Garrison and workmen whom he was to leave in the Fort after his departure. ae"". Caused to be removed into the store he had constructed, the provisions and ammunition which were to be left there, and directed what work was to be done during the winter. 27"'. He resolved to depart, hoping the Convoy would arrive soon, and that he should meet it the first day. He accordingly embarked at eight o'clock in the morning, and camped at Otondiata without hearing of the Convoy, which caused him great uneasiness. 2S"'. Though the wind was Northeast the camp was broke up at day break we had not made three leagues when the Convoy was perceived to the number of twenty-five Canoes. ;
Vol. IX.
15
;
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
114
This gave him the more pleasure, as he learned by the officer in command that every thing he required had been put on board and was in good condition, except four bags of biscuit which had been lost in a Canoe that had upset. Count de Frontenac delaj^ed this officer as little as possible, so that he might not lose the favorable wind, whereby he could at an early hour the same day reach the fort, which would,
by means of
this fleet,
The wind, however
have a supply of provisions fair for
for
one year.
those ascending the river, was so contrary for us that
we were
forced to halt, half an hour after passing the convoy, and to wait until seven o'clock in the
evening, when,
it
becoming more calm, we continued the voyage, and after sailing until more we arrived at the head of the Rapids, at the place called La
than two hours after midnight,
where Sieur de La Valterie was stopping.
Galette,
Left about eight o'clock in the morning, and, notwithstanding the excessive heat,
29"".
succeeded in passing the Long Sault Rapid and in camping
at the Islands at tiie
head of Lake
S' Francis.
A
30"".
weather
The
Northeast wind rose up so strong that
we w6re
obliged to remain and wait for fair
Lake. This we did the next day and slept at La Chine. month of August. Arrived at Montreal about ten o'clock at night, to the of Count de Frontenac as out of one hundred and twenty canoes that had
to cross the
first
of the
entire satisfaction
;
accompanied him, not an accident had occurred to a single one, notwithstanding the perils ordinarily incurred throughout all the Rapids which must necessarily be passed in such
To
voyages.
the
special
protection of
successful execution of an enterprise
God
are
we
indebted for
whose importance
this,
as well as for the
no doubt, be better developed in securing the entire Country, it also obliges the will,
independent of its Iroquois to keep the peace despite themselves; affords full liberty for the Missionaries to continue their missions without fear, and secures the trade, which was going to utter ruin.
the course of time
;
since,
But what must be more glorious
to him is to have effected it by his energy and skill alone have executed without troops, without any funds from Court, and without any other assistance than that afforded by the officers who have settled in the Country, what had heretofore been considered very difficult, and what people had contented themselves merely
and
to
in projecting with considerable aid and means. all the officers requires us to proclaim that, next to God, whose seemingly was Himself to conduct this enterprise, its principal glory belongs to them, and that Count de Frontenac is under obligations to preserve for them an eternal gratitude,
'Tis true that justice to
will
it
and that
in
no Regiment, however well disciplined and paid
it
may have
been,
was there
ever greater vigilance, activity, zeal and obedience observable than were manifested by
all
these gentlemen.
M.
Colbert to
M.
de Frontenac.
(Extract.)
Paris, 17
•••
Sir,
•
Your
•
•
•
•
•
principal study ought to be to increase the
as his Majesty has been surprised to see,
by the
number
•
May, 1674. •
of the Inhabitants of that country,
returns you have sent me, that there are only
PARIS DOCUMENTS 6,705 men,
:
I.
115
women and
children throughout the whole extent of Canada, and is therefore whoever made up those returns committed a very great error, as the country contained, ten years ago, more people than at present. Hereafter His Majesty wishes you to see that those returns are more correct, in order that he may be better informed of the number satisfied that
of People in that Colony.
His Majesty
desires, moreover, that
you continue
to discipline
them by accustoming them
••••••••••
to
the constant exercise of arms, and dividing them into companies, according to the Instruction furnished you previous to your departure. •
As
made to continue their Missions in the far countries, his Majesty thinks 'twould be more advantageous both for the Religion and bis service if they attended to those more near, and whilst converting the Indians, lead them to civilized society, to the request the Jesuits
and to abandon their manner of living, in which they can never become good Christians. His Majesty, however, does not pretend that these good Fathers be in any wise circumscribed in
He
merely desires that you would encourage them to second. His Majesty's views. their
functions.
You of
will readily
Majesty's intention
to
them, and gently
understand by what
I have just told you, and more especially by the state have explained to you at the commencement of this letter, that his not that you undertake great voyages by ascending the river S' Lawrence,
Europe, which
affairs in
communicate
is
I
nor that the inhabitants spread themselves, for the future, further than they have already done. On the contrary, he desires that you labor incessantly and during the whole time you are in that country to consolidate, collect and form them into
be placed
in
Towns and
Villages, that they
may
a position the more easily to defend themselves successfully, so that should even
the state of European affairs be altered by a happy and advantageous peace, to his Majesty's it much more agreeable to the good of this service that you apply yourself to the clearing and settlement of those tracts which are most fertile and nearest
glory and satisfaction, he deems
the sea coasts and the communication with France, than to think of distant discoveries in the interior of the Country, so far off that they can never be settled nor possessed
by Frenchmen. This general rule may have its exceptions in two cases: The one, should the countries of which you take possession be necessary to the trade and traffic of the F'rench, and be open to discovery and occupation by any other Nation that may disturb French commerce and trade. But when such a category does not exist, his Majesty is always of opinion that you may and
—
ought
to leave the
Savages at liberty
to bring
you their
peltries,
without giving yourself the
trouble of going so far in search of them.
The other is, that the countries you might discover may approximate you to France by communicating with some sea, more Southerly than the mouth of the River S* Lawrence, such as would be the case with Acadia. The reason for this is, as you are perfectly aware, that the greatest drawback to Canada is the mouth of that River, which bf ing very much to the North, is open to vessels only for four to six months in the year. •
••••••••••
His Majesty likewise desires that you continue to encourage the Jesuits, the Recollets, the Montreal Seminary to take young Indians, to rear and instruct them in the Faith and lead them to associate
He
with the French.
likewise wishes you to see that the Vessel, which has been begun, be completed as soon
as possible and be ready for
may
its freight to be sent to France; and he desires that this Vessel be an example to induce the Inhabitants to build some others for their own trtide.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
116
always understood that he was the wealthiest of all the inhabitants of Canada, the most extensive merchant, and even that he already had some vessels at sea which had opened a trade with the American Islands and as his Majesty In regard to Sieur de Villeray, his Majesty
lias
;
has invariiibly stated to you that nothing was more important and necessary than such establishments, those, therefore, who apply themselves thereto ought assuredly possess the greater share of your confidence and good graces, in order that, by the favorable treatment they
may
experience at your hands, they
be invited to increase that trade, and their example This assuredly is the rule and order you ought to
induce others to apply themselves thereto.
and though you may meet with some imperfections in these sort of people, it is necessary to dissimulate and bear with them, inasmuch as the good of which they are capable greatly exceeds the harm; and as the Company had commissioned said Villeray to receive the ten per cent duties, you ought not to give that office to any other, on the pretext that said observe
;
Villeray
is
attached to the Jesuits.
Count de Frontenac Extracts
from the
Frontenac,
On
to
M.
Colbert.
General Memoir addressed to
the
by M. de
Minister,
the State of Canada in 1674.
Having received your orders very
and given instructions quite recently f^^. taking the Census, which had been already begun, I know not whether it can be finished before the departure of the vessels, nor whether I shall have it in my power to send But you shall have it next year, at farthest, with as much exactness as it to you this year. You will find at the settlement of possible, for I shall not seek to conceal anything from you. fi^li'ou'amo'l
Jesuits
«ince
J*
ih°/
late,
lui
La Prairie de la Madelaine, belonging to the Jesuit Fathers, a who have come to settle there since last year, and are
considerable increase of Iroquois, resolved to
make
a fixed and
permanent abode there. to
No
'^pieiheS'
^ernhawton'u?''"*
that
I
person can desire more earnestly than
shall use
my
every
effort,
both to
there being a greater necessity than ever for (of which
I
shall
I
number
the increase of the
of
have the honor to command, and therefore it is discipline them and accustom them to the use of arms,
inhabitants in a Country which
I
it,
and the example of what occurred
have the honor of speaking to you by and by) warning us
to
at
Acadia
be more on
our guard for fear of being surprised.
With that view, I have renewed the orders I had already issued to Commandants and Seigniors of the settlements to have their people drilled
all
the Governors,
as often as possible,
who
are divided into Companies, to which I have appointed Officers, Sergeants and Corporals.
But
I
find it
very
difficult to
constrain
them
to
keep arms, powder and
consequence of the poverty of the most part of them, as on account w«ntof«rm» now-
**"
*''^'»
'^^ Scarcity
of arms and ammunition existing
three vessels have arrived,
'
The word*
and brought
this
(o/"
lead, as
90 — 20.
much
in
21. 39. 69 18
year in the Country, where only
scarcely any.^
in italic! are in ciphers in the origiuaL
PARIS DOCUMENTS You
will please to observe,
My
:
117
I.
Lord, that a great quantity of arms and powder is every year is prosecuted every winter by the French,
absorbed by the Indian trade, and the hunting which
who, in their necessity, part even with their guns, for which they find a ready gale; neither do the merchants ever bring enough of these, and had not the King reserved some in hia stores for unforeseen use, the same difficulties would always recur. years since any poioder or other muniiioru have been sent hither, and therefore
It is several
what remained
is
consumed, notwithstanding
I
economized
it
as
much
as possible since
I
have
been here. I
found here
about 4,000 pounds of coarse, and a hundred pounds of fine powder, as
o?ily
see by the returns
I
sent you the
first
year
came
I
you may
here; and you will judge from these that
You will have also seen the number of balls, which is very small, ball hat not though a been and fired, we should not have enough for two days, were toe attacked. there cannot be much remaining.
I see
no remedy
for that,
except such as
it
should the War, and other more important
Country, which I
is
will
be in your power to supply from France,
affairs,
allow you to provide for those of this
deeply interested in wishing for a solid and permanent peace. to order all the
have not failed
merchants to retain half the powder and guns they received
and not to part with them before the summer, nor until we shall have beard what Dutch intend to do in our River, which, I think, is one of our strongest defences, in
this year,
the
consequence of the c?Md"'''fro'm
II-
m"]?
difficulty in
^^
^^^
^^^^
ascending
same
it.
zeal that led
me
last
year to undertake the voyage to
Lake Ontario, the effect and utility of which have been perceptible this year, I managed the Indians, and the post I erected, are the sole causes that prevented the Iroquois adhering to the Dutch, who sent twenty Ambassadors this year among them, to engage them to renew the war against us; but they remained faithful to the promises they gave me have come this year in solemn Embassy to Montreal to give me eight of their to'iikSo^'u^a***
since the
way
;
and
children, belonging to the principal
first
families of their Villages; have there ratified all
the conditions of the Treaty concluded last year with them; have promised to prevent the Mohegans of Taracton, a Nation bordering on New Nethe'rland, continuing hostilities against the Outawacs, seven or eight of whom they killed, which may be of important consequence;
and promised not to prosecute the Trade that, I advised you last year, they had begun at Gandaschekiagon with the Outawas,' and which would have ruined ours by carrying to the Dutch the peltries they might collect. In fine, they evinced such thorough submission, were so affected by the good treatment, presents and entertainments they received, that every body in this Country is surprised to see them in these sentiments. But what creates more profound astonishment is, to see that they have granted me what they invariably refused all Governors, and what M. de Tracy and M. de Courcelles never could obtain from them, after having defeated them, and after having gone to burn them in their Villages. The Jesuit Fathers, who know them better than any one, were at first deceived, and could never believe, until they had seen it, that they had resolved to give me their children. Nevertheless, here are eight that to
me
for the
I
have
in
my hands, who
are eo
many
hostages, responsible
peace so necessary to this Colony, and which they would not dare, henceforward,
to break. »S«e supra, Note
waa probably
2, p.
112.
Tlie
water commuiucation north of Rice Lake, in Canada Weat, through which
carried on, will b« found laid
down
in Bouchetl^i
Map
of Canada, 1881.
— En.
thi» trad*
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
118
The alms
the
King has been pleased
to
bestow on the Ursuline Nuns has arrived quite
had placed the fourteen* girls swrVur^TSeM seasonably for the support of these children, as I ^niended to write ^jjj^ ^j^gjj^^ which, with the six Huron girls they already had, make at present ten female savages, whom they instruct so successfully as to edify every one. have agreed with them that eight of those children shall be supported out of the thousand livres the King gave, which is about forty ecus each, and that I should pay the board of the other two from the charities some private persons sent me from France, in consequence of little
I
what
I
had written
them.
to
In regard to the four Iroquois boys,
with a
woman who
the charity
my own If
it
I
have received
family, at
be
has great care
my own
;
of
I
placed two of them,
the other two,
who
are very young, to board
are about nine or ten years old,
expense, and send them
his Majesty's intention
who
them, where they are supported on the remainder of
to continue the
I
shall rear in
for Instruction, daily, to the Jesuit Fathers.
thousand
livres
annually to the Ursulines,
Female Indians, where the King will always have eight increased by other private charities of those who will be number will be supported; this inclined to aid in so pious a work, which I consider the most meritorious in the sight of God and the most useful for this Colony that can ever be proposed. Be pleased. My Lord, to communicate your intentions hereupon to the Bishop of Quebec, before he return to this Country, in order that those good Ladies may be able to arrange their plans accordingly, and have the clothes and other necessaries for that establishment they
offer to establish a
Seminary
of
brought from France next year. If the erection of Fort Frontenac has been productive of the effects that I have described to you above, and (insured) the safety of the Missionaries among the Iroquois, who are never weary of thanking me, as the Secretary by whom I send this can show you from several of their letters, it has also been not less advantageous to commerce, for never since the French came to Canada have so many Indians been seen down in Montreal as this year. The Iroquois, who used to come hither' only in spring and towards summer, and not leave it the whole winter, and the Outawacs, who came there towards the month of July to attend the Great Trade, have come down this year in such great numbers that there were as many as eight hundred atone time. It was a pleasure to see them mingled with the Iroquois, who had accompanied their ambassadors, and who had been formerly their bitterest enemies, and to remark the submissiveness with which they observed all the regulations I had made to prevent any disorders in trading. Therefore, never has so quiet a sale been witnessed; not a single complaint having been made by an Indian against a French person, nor by the French against
an Indian.
All the French, as well simple traders as wealthy settlers (gros habitans),
profitable purchases there,
and the Indians, on their
side,
were
satisfied at the prices at
made which
goods were sold them.
They the if
received no less attention, presents, and public festivities, at which they assisted to
number
of 800, and private entertainments which
I
the expectations they had conceived, on receipt of the
Cataracouy, had attracted
descended thus l'rt'i^?oSic°'
laid
down
to
far, I
A" me
iiither this
hope there
always had during their stay and news of what passed last year at
season four or five
will be a great
many more
;
new of
tribes,
who had never
them next
year.
these considerations coinciding with the two in
your dispatches,
representations of Sieurs Bazire and
relative
to
Le Ber, who with
new
before
establishments,
that
you have
united with the
the principal people of the Country are
» PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
I.
j^g
persuaded that the security and preservation of the Trade depend on that of this Post, have me to find the means to support it without any charge to the King, since he will in not the present state of his affairs incur any extraordinary outlay. And as I could not
determined
support it any longer at my own expense, as I have done for the last year, I placed it in their hands according to the terms you will find in the agreement I made with them, and which I send you, marked letter D. If you grant them the privileges they ask, and which, costing the King nothing, will in no
wise prejudice the country, they will continue the undertaking, unless you absolutely desire I shall go next year and pull down the Fort, if necessary, with as much alacrity as I had pleasure in seeing it constructed.
that post to be abandoned.
^°
'"
cIJSdm°n«' ton
"Mm/uMh*
Ix.
pcrson
morc persuaded than
Is
I
that the good of this
^^^^ Grants (Conceuiom) be not extended except in the cases
™e-
Colony demands you point out to
I came to this Country, where I have not made any new grants of land, except in the vicinity of the old ones, to the increase of which they may contribute. For it is certain that the Country will never be thoroughly formed until it will have towns and villages. This, however, will never be accomplished unless by following the example the English and Dutch have set in their country; which is, to designate the place where the Indian trade will InJ'EngiiSh.'^"'"''
It is
a gospel
I
have preached ever since
be carried on, with a prohibition
to pursue it in private settlements, or to take possession of Rapids and carrying places, as persons of all sorts of professions are in the habit of doing here, by virtue of grants they formerly obtained, and which ought to be revoked, so as to force them to settle in the towns, where the Indians would be obliged to come, as there would be nobody to
stop
them on the way.
it is
thus our neighbors have built up Manatte and Orjjnge; and we, too, would have towns
Country had we observed the same
in this
be accustomed to
them
less license;
strictness. But to more authority must be given,
effect that, the
people must
means
or larger
to chastise
afforded.
Capture of Penu-
K
the BiioeamM-rs of SHint I).>minio. The English of B(>»ci>^perate in t'>n
HI.
Though
I
be Overwhelmed with despair in having to speak to you of
all
thcse coutests, and to have nothing news to communicate, I o but disagreeable o caunot forbear advising ^ you of the misfortune that has overtaken M. deChambly:' .^
•'
Gemseq on the River Saint M'i.y'"'"'Ippb^K« Pilot to the What I know of it, from j^,^^^ ^^^ ^f gj^^^ ^^ Marson, who commanded there. a letter Sieur de Chambly wrote me, is, that he was attacked on the 10** August by a Buccaneering Vessel which came from Saint Domingo and had touched at Boston that she had one hundred and ten men on board, who, after landing, kept up their attack for an hour} °^ ^'*
wound and
of the capture of Pentagouet, and of
1-ir.ie..
;
musket shot through the body, which put him hors de combat, whereupon Ensign and the remainder of the Garrison, consisting, with the settlers, of only thirty ill affected and badly armed men, immediately surrendered at discretion that the pirates Chambly to Boston plundered the Fort, removed all the cannon, and were to carry Sieur de that he received a his
;
(with Sieur de Marson, to capture whom they sent a detachment into the river Saint John), having demanded from him a ransom of a thousand Beavers. As I did not receive this newa until the close of September, by Indians whom Sieur de Chambly dispatched to me with his Ensign to conjure
remained, purpose.
I
I
me
ransom, and as only one month of navigation Aciidia, even had I the articles necessary for that
to give orders for his
was unable to send help to contented myself with sending some persons with Canoes to endeavor to obtain
;
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
120
and whether any attempt was made against bring back Miss de Marson and those who remain on the River
information as to the condition the fort was
Tort Royal, with orders to
left in,
Exchange to a correspondent at Boston, that Sieur Formont furnished me, for the ransom of M. de Chambly, which I am obliged to instruct my Agent at Rochelle to pay,- considering that it is not for the honor of the King, for which I shall always Saint John; and to send
bills
of
whatever little property I possess, to abandon a Governor, in presence of our neighbors, mercy of pirates, who would have taken him along with them and perhaps killed him this poor gentleman, moreover, assuredly deserving, by his merits and long service, a better fate. I also wrote a letter to the Governor of Boston to express ray astonishment at seeing him, whilst Peace existed between his Majesty and the King of England, furnishing a retreat to Pirates and Ruffians without a commission, after having so gravely insulted us; and that for sacrifice
to the
mine own
part,
had
acted so,
I
I
should
a good correspondence with them.
deem myself failing
I
am
in the orders I received to cultivate
persuaded those of Boston have employed these
people to perpetrate this outrage on us, having supplied them even with an English Pilot to
conduct them, bearing with impatience our vicinity and the constraint which this places upon
them
in their fisheries
M.
Frontenac,
de
and
trade.
IV. I have Conformed to the orders
you gave me
to continue to
encourage the
JO
Seminary of Montreal, and the Recollets to take young Indians for ' them in the faith and civilizing them. The last ask i'eteU)''reS?upyoSK indiaus. nothing better, and exert themselves in that way at the Cataracouy Mission, where they assuredly will succeed. As for the others, I have shown them an example, and demonstrated to them that, whenever they are disposed to make use of the credit and influence which they have with the Indians, they will civilize them, and have, like me, some of their orders he has received, invites the
Jesuits, the '
'
^^^ purposc of instructing
children.
^^^
h™experi'enc«''''in
jMuuFathJrs!'" "
'^^^
Teasous
I
a thing they never will do, unless absolutely constrained thereto
have already stated to you, and which
it is
by
useless to repeat.
They will act in like manner respecting the extent of their missions, on which subject I have spoken to them in the manner you ordered, but in vain, they having declared to me they were here only to endeavor to instruct the Indians, or rather, to get Beavers, and not to be Parish priests to the French.
They have
same within eight days, and withdrew two Fathers whom they at Cape de la Madelaine, one of the most populous in this country, because a sufficient number of Indians do not resort there at this moment; and when I wished to represent mildly to the Father Superior the inconvenience the people were subjected to for want of spiritual aid, he did not hesitate to give to me the same reasons that I have affirmed the
always kept at their settlement
already stated to you. Nevertheless, after having resolved not to leave any of their Fathers there, the charitable
admonitions
I
them have obliged them, within a few days, to alter their come to inform me that they would leave one there, be only for this winter, and to permit the great noise it has made to
addressed to
determination, and the Superior has since
but
I
believe that will
blow over. Demands
Recoiiet
Fathers to oppose the Jesuits; that order already excites the.renvy.
I
If the Rccollct .
i,
,
Fathers were more numerous, and were employed, they would ^ , ,
•
i
,
.
assuredlv 00 wondcrs in the missions; but the two ^
whom i
i
,
you did me the honor *'
jq inform me that you demanded last year did not come, nor the four this year. presume they were retarded by some mysterious means, as there begins to be great jealousy
of them,
however
fair
a face be shown them.
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS: L
Itl
They require active members, and to be more numerous, and that you should tell the Bishop that you desire him not to allow them to remain idle, but that he send them into adjoining and distant missions. The Superior who came last year is a very great Preacher; he has cast into the shade and given some chagrin to those in this country, who certainly are not so able. V.
I
would mention a great many other matters to you were I not ashamed of the length of and were not my Secretary in a position to give you the information in case you
this despatch,
desire
I
it.
shall
merely say, that we have not a single gunner here. King will be pleased to incur this expense.
person, whenever the
This
Two
is
a very necessary
Interpreters,
one for
the Huron, another for the Algonquin language, are not less necessary, in order that we may • jmuiu, no doobt. not pass through the hands of the 212 • when treating with the Indians, especially as we can have faithful persons who are attached to the King's interests and service, to tell
them what
is
proper for them to hear; and to know, also, exactly their answerg
and sentiments. VI. Sicur JoHet,
juii"rrrnmhuio"
sSmh
8^"" ""
whom
Monsieur Talon advised me, on
to dispatch for the discovery of the
my arrival
from France,
South Sea, has returned three months ago,
and discovered some very fine Countries, and a navigation so easy through the beautiful rivers he has found, that a person can go from Lake Ontario and Fort Froutenac in a bark to the Gulf of Mexico, there being only one carrying place, half a league in length, where Lake Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. A settlement could be made at this point and another bark built on Lake Erie. These are projects which it will be possible to effect when Peace will be firmly established, and whenever it will please the King to prosecute these discoveries.
He has been within ten days' journey of the Gulf of Mexico, and believes that water communications could be found leading to the Vermilion* and California seas, by means of the river that flows from the
to South,
and
is
West
my
Grand River that he discovered, which runs from North Lawrence opposite Quebec.
into the
as large as the Saint
Map
and the observations he has beea he has lost all his minutes and journals in the shipwreck he suffered within sight of Montreal, where, after having completed a voyage of twelve hundred leagues, he was near being drowned, and lost all his papers and a little Indian whom he brought from those Countries. These accidents have caused me great regret. He left with the Fathers at the Sault S" Marie, in Lake Superior, copies of his journals these we cannot get before next year. You will glean from them additional particulars of I
send you by
Secretary the
he has made of
it,
able to recollect, as
this discovery, in
Quebec, '
this
which he has very well acquitted himself.
Frontbnac.
14 November, 1674.
The Gulf of California wag callud by the Spaniards Mar de Cortea, or more commonly Mar Bermejo, from it» rsMmblane* and color to the Red Sea. In igooranceof this fact, the French translated Bermejo by the word " VermeiUa." fiA«a'«
in shape
JHtcovery of the Mittiuippi,
Vol. IX.
4.
— Ed.
16
:
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
122
Sieur de la SalUs Petition for a grant of Fort Frontenac. s
The
Memoir
for the
1674.
maintenance of Fort Frontenac.
proposer, aware of the importance to the Colony of
Canada
of the establishment of
Fort Frontenac, of which he was some time in command, and desiring to employ his means and his life in the King's service and for the augmentation of the Country, offers to support it at his expense,
and
to
reimburse
its
cost on the following conditions, to wit:
his Majesty be pleased to grant in Seigniory to the
That
leagues of country along the border of
Proposer the said Fort, four
Lake Frontenac, the two
Islands in front
named
Ganounkouenot and Kaouenesgo and the interjacent Islets, with the same Rights and Privileges obtained hitherto by those who hold lands in the country in Seigniory, with the right of fishing in Lake Frontenac and the adjoining Rivers, to facilitate the support of the people of said Fort, together with the command of said place and of said Lake, under the orders and authority of His Majesty's Governor, Lieutenant General in the Country; on which condition the proposer will be bound 1". To maintain the said fort; to place it in a better state of defence ; to keep a garrison there at least as numerous as that of Montreal, and as many as fifteen to twenty laborers during the two first years to clear and till the land to provide it with necessary artillery, arms and ammunition, and that so long as the proposer will command there in his Majesty's name, and until some other persons be authorized to settle above the Long Saut of the River Saint Lawrence, through which people pass to said fort without being charged with similar expense, or to contribute to that which the Proposer will be obliged to incur for the ;
;
preservation of said Fort. S*. To repay Count de Frontenac, His Majesty's Governor and Lieutenant General in Canada, the expense he incurred for the establishment of said Fort, amounting to the sum of twelve to thirteen thousand livres, as proved by the statements thereof prepared.
To make
all those willing to settle there in the manner usual in said them the trade (la traite). when their settlements will be in the condition required by the edicts and regulations of the Sovereign Council of said Country. S**.
Country;
To
grants of land to
to allow
number possible of Indians to grant them land for them trades, and to induce them to lead lives more conformable to ours, as the proposer had begun to do with some success when he commanded there. 6*. To build a Church when there will be one hundred persons; meanwhile, to entertain from this moment one or two Recollet Friars to perform divine service and administer the 4*'*.
villages
attract thither the greatest
and
tillage
;
;
to teach
Sacraments there. 6"".
His Majesty, accepting these proposals,
Proposer Letters of Noblesse, in the
Country
at
his
in
is
very humbly supplicated to grant to the
consideration of the voyages and discoveries which he
made
expense during the seven years he continually lived there, the services
he rendered in the Country and those he will continue to render; and necessary to serve him as
titles
possessory to said Seigniory.
all
the other'letters
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
M.
Colbert to
II.
Igg
Count de Frontenac. St Germain en Laye, 15 March, 1676.
Sir,
commence answering
I shall
the letter you wrote
me on
the 14'^ Nov' last by notifying you
that you will have to write, for the future, directly to the King, and not to me, as you
do
;
and that you
only of every thing that passes in
done there
for the
now
be required to render his Majesty an exact and detailed account, not
will
New
France, but of every thing you think necessary to be
whatever may relate to war, justice, police, and the you will receive in return letters and orders from his Majesty. that you who are Lieutenant General of the King's Armies and
good of
his service, in
increase of the Colony, and I
shall
say further,
••••••
Commander-in-Chief of a Country, ought not to style me My Lord, but, simply. Sir. This I omitted to communicate to you until now. You cannot do any thing more agreeable to his Majesty than to labor continually to increase settlers. You can easily effect this by keeping them at peace with the Iroquois and other Indian Nations of said Country. The post you have occupied at Lake Ontario will, doubtless, accomplish this and his Majesty has been much pleased to learn that the Iroquois have given you eight of their Children as hostages of the Peace they are to observe, and that more than pight hundred Indians came down to Montreal last year. He is fully persuaded that by ;
them
and giving them to understand that he will cause those to be severely punished who violate the Peace which has been conceded to them, they will not only be disposed to associate with his subjects, but will even increase the fur trade which is the sole means to strengthen and enrich the Colony. His Majesty is also confident that the example you have given the Jesuits and the Montreal Seminary, by assuming the charge of some little Indians, will induce them also to rear and and his Majesty orders instruct some others in our customs and the principles of Christianity
treating
well,
•••••• ;
me
to mention to
you on
this point the propriety of exciting those Ecclesiastics to take charge,
voluntarily, of those little Indians, but that
it is
not feasible to constrain them to do
Grant of Fort Frontenac
to
Sieur de
la Salle.
Decree accepting the Proposals to Robert Cavelier, Sieur de
WPfr-
so.
la Salle.
Compeigne, 13 May, 1676.
The Kino
having caused to be examined, Cavelier, S' de la Salle, setting forth that if heirs, successors
and
assigns, the Fort
in it
his Council, the proposals
•
made by Robert
should please his Majesty to grant him, his New France, with four
called Frontenac, situate in
named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and the hunting and fishing on said lands, and in tb« Lake called
leagues of adjacent Country, the Islands adjoining
Islets,
with the right of
Ontario or Frontenac, and circumjacent Rivers, the whole by title of Fief, Seigniory and justice, appeals from the judges of which will lie to the Lieutenant General of Quebec, with
;
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
124 the
Government of said Fort Frontenac, and
property he possesses in this for the erection
Kingdom
letters of Noblesse,
he would cause considerable
be transported to the said country of
to
and establishment there of settlements which may,
New
France,
the lapse of time,
in
contribute greatly to the augmentation of Colonies in said country; said de la Salle offers to
reimburse the sum of ten thousand Fort Frontenac, to keep thereof,
in
which cannot be
livres, the
good order the less
amount expended
said Fort,
for
the construction of said
and the garrison necessary
than that of the Fort of Montreal
;
to
for the defence
maintain twenty
during nine years' for clearing the land which shall be conceded to him
men
and, until he shall
;
have a church built, to keep a Priest or Friar to perform Divine Service and administer the Sacraments; which expenses, &c., the said de la Salle will defray at his sole cost and charges, until there be established above the Long sault, called Garonouoy. some individuals with similar Grants to that he demands, in which case those who will have obtained said grants shall be bound to contribute to the said expenses in proportion to the lands which will be granted to them.
And having heard
the Report of Sieur Colbert, Councillor of the King in
Royal Council, and Comptroller General of Finances, his Majesty in Council hath accepted and doth accept the said de la Salle's oflFers, hath in consequence granted to him the propriety
his
of said Fort called Frontenac, and four leagues of adjacent country, computing at two thousand toises
each league, along the lakes and rivers above and below said Fort, and half a league, or
one thousand
toises,
inland; the Islands
named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouonesgo, and
the
adjacent Islands, with the right of hunting and fishing on said Lake Ontario and circumjacent rivers to be
;
the whole
by
title
of Fief, and in full seigniory and justice, on condition that he cause
conveyed immediately
sum
to
Canada
less
certificate
from Count de Frontenac,
than the
all
the effects he possesses in this
of ten thousand livres in
cannot be
money
or movables
Majesty's Lieutenant
his
;
Kingdom, which that he produce a
General in said country
reimburse the sum of ten thousand
livres expended in the construction of said Fort; put and maintain it in a good state of defence; pay and support the garrison necessary to guard and defend it, which is to be equal at least to that of Montreal ; likewise maintain twenty men during two years to clear the land, who shall not be otherwise employed during that time
cause a church to be erected within the six
first
years of his grant, and meanwhile to support a
Priest or Friar for the administration of the Sacraments; also, induce the Indians to repair
them settlements and form Villages there in society with the French, to whom he be cleared, all which shall be cleared and improved within the time and space of twenty years, to be computed from the next 1676 otherwise his Majesty shall be at liberty, at the expiration of said time, to dispose of the lands which will not have thither, give
shall give part of said land to
;
been cleared or improved.
by the said de
la Salle
His Hajesty wills that appeals from the judges (to be appointed
within the limits of the said Country conceded by his Majesty)
lie to
the
Lieutenant General of Quebec
; and to that end his Majesty wills that all Donatory and Concessionary Letters hereunto necessary be issued to the said de la Salle, together with
those
for the
government of said Fort Frontenac, and
letters
his posterity.
'
Further
down
the text
is
two year*.
of Noblesse
for
him and
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
y^
II
Patent of Nobility for Simr Cavelier de la
Salle.
Loms, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, to all present and The Kings, our predecessors, having alveays esteemed honor to be
Greeting.
powerful
motive
to
stimulate
their
to
come,
the most
generous actions, have been careful to
subjects to
by marks of dignity those whose extraordinary virtue hath rendered them deserving thereof; and as We are informed of the worthy deeds daily performed by the people of distinguish
Canada, either in reducing or
civilizing the savages, or in defending
frequent insults and those of the Iroquois, and,
finally,
in
themselves against their
despising the greatest dangers,
Our name and Our empire to the extremity of that new world; We but just on our part to distinguish by honorable rewards those who have rendered themselves most eminent, in order to excite others to deserve like favors. in order to extend
have considered
it
Wherefore, being desirous to treat favorably Our dear and well beloved Kobbrt Cavblier, Sieur de la Salle, on account of the good and laudable report that has been rendered of the worthy actions he has performed in the country of Canada, where he has been some years settled, and for other considerations Us moving hereunto, and of
power, and royal authority.
Our
special grace,
We
have ennobled, and by these presents, signed by Our hand, do ennoble and decorate with the title and quality of Nobility, the said Cavelier, together with his wife and children, posterity and issue, both male and female, born and to be born in lawful wedlock. We will, and it is Our pleasure, that in all acts, as well inclusive as exclusive of judgment, they be taken, deemed and reputed noble, bearing the rank of Esquire, with power to reach all ranks of knighthood and gendarmerie;' to acquire, hold and possess all sorts of fief and seigniory and hereditaments noble, of what title and quality soever they may be, and enjoy all honors, authorities, prerogatives, preeminences, privileges, franchises, exemptions and immunities which the other Nobles of Our kingdom enjoy and are wont to enjoy and use, and to bear such arms as are affixed thereunto, without the said Robert Cavelier paying Us or Our successors, kings, herefor any fee or indemnity, be the amount thereof what it may; We have discharged and do discharge him, and have donated and full
do hereby donate him the whole, issued this date in
and reasons entered in the arret of Our Council, shall remain annexed hereunto under the
for causes
Our Presence, copy whereof
Our Chancery. Therefore those composing Our Court of Parliament the same place, that they do Enregister counterseal of
We
command our loving and faithful Councillors, Chamber of Accounts, Court of Aids at
at Paris, this
present Patent of Nobility, and allow and
permit the said Robert Cavelier, his children and posterity, born and to be bom in lawful wedlock, to use and enjoy the contents thereof, fully, peaceably and perpetually, determining
and putting an end
to all troubles
and obstructions,
all
edicts
regulations and other things to the contrary notwithstanding, which
and declarations,
we
arrets,
have derogated, and
by these presents do derogate, For such is Our Pleasure. And in order that this be firm, Given at Compeigne, the 13»* of stable and everlasting. We have hereunto affixed Our Seal. May, in the year of grace One thousand six hundred and seventy-five, and of Our Reign the thirty-third. '
Gendarmerie; a sort of royal cavalry, consisting of the
manded by
and danphin's eompanie*, 4o. They were eooTheir arms were a sabre, musquetoon and itoni pistob;
king's, queen's
the king, queen and pl-inces, whose names they bore.
their uniform a scarlet jacket with velvet facings. Did. de RieheUl.
— Eo.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
126
XIV.
Louis
to
Count de Frontenac. S'
Monsieur
le
Comte de Frontenac.
•
«
*
•
•
•
Germain, 15 April, 1676.
•'•
*.*
•
You ought to attend to the punctual execution of the order I gave Sieur Duchesneau to have a general Census of all the Inhabitants, of all ages and sexes, prepared, as I cannot persuade myself that there are only 7,832 persons, men, women, boys and girls, in the entire Country, having caused a much greater number to be sent over within the fifteen or sixteen years that
I
have had charge of
have been omitted.
it.
A considerable
more exact enumeration be made, and that I be of children which will be born in the course of natives of the Country, who will have been married.
I wish, therefore, that a
carefully infornied, every year, of the
each year, and of the boys and
new
portion of the Inhabitants must of necessity
girls,
number
you ought not to turn your attention thereunto without urgent necessity and very great advantage, and you ought to hold it as a maxim, that it is much better to occupy less territory and to people it thoroughly, than to spread one self out more, and to have feeble colonies which can be easily destroyed by any sort of accident. In regard to
•
•
On
discoveries,
«
•
*
Commerce and
«
*.* am
•
•
*
you that you must not suffer any person, invested with Ecclesiastical or Secular dignity, or any Religious Community, to follow it in any wise, under any pretext whatsoever, nor even to trade in any peltries and I consider it unnecessary to tell you that, for the sake of example, you ought not to allow any of your domestics, nor any other person, in your name or by your authority, to do so and I even forbid you ever to issue any license or permit for the (Indian) trade. the subject of
the Indian trade,
I
very happy to
tell
;
;
Louis
XIV.
to
Count de Frontenac.
••*••••*••
Dunkirk, 28 April, 1677.
Monsieur
le
Comte de Frontenac.
• I
cannot but approve what you have done in your voyage to Fort Frontenac
to reconcile
the minds of the Five Iroquois Nations, and to clear yourself from the suspicions they had entertained, and from the motives that might induce
them
to
wage war.
You must
yourself to maintain peace and good understanding between those people and
without, however, so far relying on the precautions you adopt for that
and not
to place the said Inhabitants, in a position vigorously to
repel
incursions those people
all
Moreover,
I
wish you
I
exert
subjects;
purpose as not to be,
oppose and effectually to
may make.
to cultivate a
good understanding with the English, and
not to give them any cause of complaint the Treaties
my
to
be careful
— without, however, permitting any thing contrary
have concluded with the King, their Master.
to
PARIS DOCUMENTS
me to repeat to you the orders continually to encourage the Inhabitants to Maritime It
only remains for
U.
:
I
127
have issued, each preceding year,
Commerce,
to the establishment of being certain that these three points are very easy means to produce abundance in the country, and the consequent multiplication of the Inhabitants.
Manufactures and
fisheries,
Doubting not your exact conformity hereunto, de Frontenac,
in
I pray God to have you. Monsieur le Comte Written at Dunkirk, the 2S"' day of April, 1677.
His holy keeping.
(
Signed
Louis.
)
and lower down. Colbert.
lAcense
to
Sieur de la Salle
Louis, by the grace of
God King
Robert Cavalier, Sieur de petition presented to
of
New
France; and
Us
la Salle,
to
Discover the Western part of
of France and of Navarre,
GaEETiNa:
We
To Our
New
France.
dear and well beloved
have favorably received the most humble
your name, to permit you to endeavor to discover the Western part have the more willingly assented to that proposal as there is nothing
in
We
We
have more at heart than the Discovery of that Country, where there is a prospect of way to penetrate as far as Mexico, the success of which, to Our satisfaction and the advantage of Our subjects in that Country, We have every reason to expect from the application you have exhibited in clearing the lands We granted you by the Arret of Our Council of the IS*** May, 1675, and Letters Patent of the same dat6, in forming Settlements on said lands, finding a
Fort Frontenac, whereof We have granted you the Seigniory and government, good state of defence. These and other causes Us moving hereunto. We have permitted, and by these Presents, signed by Our hand, do permit you to labor in the Discovery of the Western part of New France and for the execution of this undertaking, to construct forts in the places you may think necessary, whereof We will that you enjoy the same clauses and
and
in placing
in a
;
conditions as of Fort Frontenac, according and conformably to IS""
May, 1675, which
We
Our
said Letters Patent of the
have, as far as necessary, confirmed, and by these Presents do
We
Will that they be executed according to their form and tenor; on condition, nevertheless, that you complete this enterprise within five years, in default whereof, these presents shall be null and void ; and that you do not carry on any Trade with the Savages confirm.
called
Outaouacs and others who carry their Beavers and other
perform the whole
at
your expense and that of your
a privilege, the trade in Cibola. skins.
We
peltries to
associates, to
command Count
Montreal
whom We
;
that
you
have granted, as
de Frontenac, Our Governor
and Lieutenant-General, and Sieur Duchesneau, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance, and the Officers composing the Sovereign Council in said Country, to aid in the execution of these Presents, For such is Our pleasure. Given at S' Germain en laye, the twelfth day of May, 1678, and of our reign the 35'^
Louis.
Colbert.
—
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
128
XIV.
Louis
to
Count de Frontenac. S'
Monsieur I
am
treaties
le
Germain en Laye, 12 May, 1678.
Comte de Frontenac.
well pleased to learn that
my
you have always maintained
authority in the different
into with the Iroquois and other Indian tribes, and in regard to the
you have entered
my intention is that you always contribute whatever between the two Nations, without, however, allowing lies in your power to maintain peace any encroachment on the countries under my domination. Endeavor I am equally well pleased that the education of the Indian children continues. to increase their number; and though it be proper to give their parents to understand that they are not restained by force, it is well to retain the greatest number possible of them. I highly approve your having given orders to Sieur de Marson, commandant of Acadia, to keep on good terms with the English, in order that no rupture may occur. pretension of the General Major Anglois;'
Louis Monsieur
Do
le
not
XIV.
Count de Frontenac.
Comte de Frontenac,
fail
to advise
me
frequently of
European nations established near between them. I desire,
to
New
what
transpires
between the Indians and the
France, and the success of the war that exists
morever, that .you constantly maintain peace, friendship and good correspondence
with the English and Dutch, without, however, foregoing any of the rights and advantages appertaining either to my Crown or my subjects in that country; wherefore, I rely on your observing
tlie
prudence necessary
for
my
service and that of
my
subjects.
recommend you likewise to keep my subjects always in peace and union among themselves much as lies in your power, and in any difficulty you may experience there, exert yourself preserve them safe from dangers without, and always to take care that justice be well
J
as to
administered within; you will effect this end more easily than you imagine, particularly
if you you break up Coureurs des bois and hunters who contribute only to the destruction of the Colonies and not to their prosperity, and thereby oblige every person to apply himself to Agriculture, the clearing of land and the establishment of Manufactures and Trade.
take care that crime be certainly punished, and
Written at
S'
Germain en Laye, the
25"'
if
day of April, 1679.
Loms. '"Le General Major Angloit."
I
presume
this last
word ought
to hare been
Androi; but
I
hare followed the text
Kd.
PAllIS
DOCUMENTS:
Count de Frontenac Extracts of a
Memoir addressed
to the
to the
II.
Igg
King.
King by M. de Frontenac. Quebec, 6 November, 1679.
Sire All the wonders that constantly attended your Majesty's arms, from the
commencement of War, could be surpassed only by a prodigy as surprising as that of the glorious reace* which you have just given to all Europe. This grand work fills your subjects of New France with universal joy, in the hope they I.
this
entertain of soon experiencing the effecls of that goodness with which your Majesty to
promise them that he will think of the preservation and increase of not omit, Sire, whatever depends on
I shall
labor with
still
and principally
in
without,
I
in all
have been fortunate enough
hope
I
may
it
to
in
that
peace and union
your despatches. what might disturb
to prevent
among
this tranquillity
not be less so within, and that with your Majesty's aid every thing
shall be peaceable there as well as I
Colony.
care to encourage those composing
maintaining them
themselves which your Majesty inculcates If hitherto I
this
pleased
greater ardor in the cultivation of their lands, in Trade and the establishment
Manufactures,
of
my
is
on the part of the Indians.
have received divers advices from the Jesuit Fathers and other Missionaries, that General
Andros was soliciting the Iroqouis, underhand, to break with us, and was about convoking a Meeting of the Five Nations, to propose, it was reported, strange matters there, of a nature to disturb our Trade with them and also that of the Outawas and the Nations to the North and West. Nevertheless
I
learn, from the last letters I have seen, that this
and that the Small Pox, which
is
the Indian plague, desolates
meeting did not take place,
them
to
such a degree that they
think no longer of Meeting nor of Wars, but only of bewailing the dead, of whom there is already an immense number. As they have brought this disease from Orange and Manatte, it will be a reason to dissuade
them
as
much
as possible from continuing their
much more with
trade there, [and to invite
them
to pursue
it
us.
The same letters. Sire, state that General Andros has issued orders at Orange to remove the Frenchmen who retire thither to Manatte, whence he afterwards sends them to the Island of Barbadoes but that he has retained there and even well treated a man named P6r6, and others who have been debauched from Sieur de la Salle, with the design to employ and send them among the Outawas, to open a Trade with them. ;
It is to
be desired that the dread of transportation to those Islands, and the prohibition this has, as is reported, issued against trading with the French, may deter the latter
same General
from going to that quarter, as some have lately done; and even that the Indians who ar« amongst us, and especially those of the. Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine, who are very
numerous and on the road, may not carry their peltries Ihither as they ordinarily do. But what precautions soever I use, and though I sent Sieur de Saint Ours, one of the Captains in the troops your Majesty formerly had in this Country, and a relative of Marshal d'Estradcs, 'The peace of Nimtguen, July
Vol. IX.
17
31, 1678.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
130
Chambly, which is the principal pass, to keep watch there, he cannot effect any thing some men. May it, therefore, please your Majesty to maintain a garrison at that place, which is one of the most considerable in tlie country, through which almost the whole communication with New England is carried on. It is not less difficult, Sire, to put in execution, as punctually as I should wish, your Majesty's Their number increases every reiterated orders against those who trade with the Outawas. ascertain precisely when they difficulty so great to open, and the country is so year, and the depart or when they return, in consequence of the secret correspondence they keep up with to
unless he have
men are stationed at all Summer, when they go up and come down, the Provostand guards that I give him when he requires them, are insufficient
the Inhabitants, and even with the principal Merchants, that unless the passes to await them there in the
marshal's aids, the soldiers
L
to check the course of this disorder. II.
If
your Majesty do not think proper
securing the country against contribute to
its
increase,
and
sent out will be a very great
all
to
manner of
send hither some regular troops, who, while
insults,
would likewise, being well employed,
number of men proposed to be advantage, provided they be good workmen. The scarcity of
to the clearance of the land, the
these and high wages cause the planting and the harvest to be deferred so long, that continual
miracles of fine weather are necessary to complete the one and the other.
came
more zealously than to induce every body, whether ecclesiastic or secular, to rear and maintain some Indian children, and to attract their fathers and mothers to our settlements, the better to instruct them in the Christian Religion and French manners. I have joined example to my exhortations, having always brought up some in my own family and elsewhere, at my own expense, and impressed III.
Since
I
to this
incessantly on the Ursuline
country there
is
nothing
I
have labored
Nuns and Jesuit Fathers not
at
to inculcate
any other sentiments
in
those under their control. Nevertheless, the latter having pretended that the communication with the French corrupted the Indians and
was an obstacle
were giving them. Father Fremin,' Superior of La Prairie de la Madelaine, far from conforming to what I told him was your Majesty's Intentions, has since three years removed all the Indians who were intermingled there with the French to a distance of two leagues further off, on the lands obtained from M. Du Chesneau on his arrival in this country, the title to which I did not think proper to give them until I should learn your Majesty's pleasure, for reasons I had the honor to submit which to the Instruction they
are of importance for his service, and for the advantage and safety of the country.
hope the Mission established by the Ecclesiastics of the Montreal Seminary within half a all others, and induce those to visit it who have been most opposed to it, either from interest or otherwise. I
league of their town, will be an example to
Fkontenac. ' Rev. Jacques Fr£min is said to have arrived in Canada in 1665. He accompanied Dablon the year following, to Onondaga, where he remained until 1658, after which, his labors were confined to Canada uiitij 1667, when he was sent Missionary to the Mohawks. In October, 1668, he went to the Senecas, which tribe he attended until 1671, when he was recalled to take
charge of the Indians nt Laprairie. Charlevoix,
and in
in
I.,
32.'5,
398, 402, 452.
1679 Father Fi^mln visited France to procure some aid for
Canada
in 1682,
and died at Quebec on the 2d July, 1691.
— En.
This Mission was removed to the Sault St Lonis it.
Faillon; Vie de S. Bourgeoyt,
I.,
256.
in 1676,
He was
again
—
)
PARIS DOCUMENTS
M.
Du
Chfsneau [
Extracts of the
10 Nov*-" (
to
M,
ArcbtTM da MlnlsUrs ds
:
II.
jgi
de Seignelay.
It
Marine.
]
Memoir addressed by M' Duchesneau
to the Minister, dated
1671),
1« Extract.
My
Lord, to what relates to the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, and I must it has at length reached such a point that every body boldly contravenes the King's interdictions; that there is no longer any concealment, and that even I recur,
not conceal from you that
\
parties are collected with astonishing insolence to go
'^
Indian country.
all in
of the Colony.
who
in the
my power to prevent this misfortune, which may be productive of the ruin have enacted ordinances against the Coureurs de bois; against the merchants furnish them with goods; against the gentlemen and others who harbor them, and even
have done
I
and trade
against those
who have any knowledge
of them and will not inform the justices nearest the inasmuch as several of the most considerable families in this country are interested therein, so that the Governor lets them go on, and even shares in spot.
All that has been in vain,
their profits.
You might have understood it. My Lord, from all that I have taken the liberty to write to you these late years ; from the information of the Bailiff of Montreal ; from that I continued to transmit;
from the interrogatories of those arrested by an association under color of making peace with the Sioux, and from the extracts of the letters of those who furnished
me
information.
Those which reached me this year confirm it; they state particulars which merit attention. These are That the Coureurs de bois not only act openly, but that they carry their peltries to the English, and endeavor to drive the Indian trade thither.
That Du Lut, the leader of the
refractory,
who
and
has ever been the Governor's
correspondent, keeps up an epistolary intercourse, and shares whatever profits he makes with
him and Sieur Barrois,
his secretary,
who
has a canoe
your Lordship that this Du Lut has Governor and an officer in his guards. to advise
among
his.
Whereupon,
it is
apropos
for three years past a brother-in-law near the
That the Governor takes the precaution to pass his Beaver in the name of merchants in his and that if Du Lut experiences difficulty in bringing them along, he will take
interest;
advantage of the agency of foreigners. That he applies to the Governor for Tobacco and beads for presents, and desires that a quantity of Indian goods be imported next spring, even though they be dear. That he guarantees to forward then a quantity of Beaver, and will send down some canoes
towards the end of September.
Several have, in fact, returned freighted with merchandise.
And
it
is
"^,
I
come down loaded with
peltries,
and
one of the causes of the Governor's sojourn at Montreal from the month of July made the news he pretended to have received that
to the beginning of October, though he
—
—
the English General, Andres, wished to debauch the Iroquois the pretext of his stay. That the Indians complained to the Governor, in the Council held at Montreal, that the
French were in too great numbers
at the trading posts,
and that he had curtly rebuffed them.
/
:
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
132 The man named La September of
Taupine,' a famous Coureur de bois,
last year, 1678, to
who
month of
set out in the
go to the Outawacs with goods, and wiio has been always
1 being advised that he had traded two days 150 beaver robes in one single village of this tribe, amounting to nearly nine hundred beavers, which is a matter of public notoriety, and that he left with Du Lut two men wliom he had with him, considered myself bound to have him arrested, and to interrogate him; but having presented me with a license from the Governor, permitting him and his comrades, named Lamonde and Dupuy, to repair to the Outawac nation to execute his secret orders, I had him set at liberty; and immediately on his going out, Sieur Prevost, Town major of Quebec, came at the head of some soldiers to force the prison, in case he were still there, pursuant to written orders he had received from the Governor, couched in
interested with the Governor, having returned this year, and in
*
these terms "Count de "
New
TaoTsrssAO,
Councillor of the King in his Council, GoTernor and Lieutenant General for
"Sieur Prevost, Major of Quebec,
is
ordered, in case the Intendant arrest Pierre Moreau, aliat
"sent to Quebec as bearer of our despatches, upon pretext of his having been in the bush, to
"and
hia
Majesty in
France.
to
employ every means
for this purpose,
at his pcriL
Done
at
La Taupine, whom set liim
We
have
forthwith at liberty,
Montreal, the 5lh September,
1679.
"Signed "
" and lower down,
FaONTENAa
by my Lord, "Babrois."
It is certain, My Lord, that the said La Taupine carried goods to the Outawas; that his two comrades remained in the Indian country, apparently near Du Lut, and that he traded there that he saw so many Coureurs de bois that he could tell me neither their number nor ;
their names.
whom the King has even this year given a gratuity of and who has only within a year ceased to be the Governor's servant, so far from punishing those who have disobeyed the King, and attending to the execution of his orders, himself sets the example of violating them and sends people into the bush. You will learn all I wish to tell you. My Lord, from the extracts of the letters I have received and signed, the originals of which I reserve to exhibit to you whenever you so order; from the interrogatories of the said La Taupine, which he refused to sign, declaring that he from the ingenious answers of the did not know how to do it, though he writes well constable named Genaple, from the said Bisard's letters, and from the answers of a merchant Sieur Bizard, Major of Montreal, to
300",
;
named Garos. M.
De
Sisse,* a
Island of Montreal,
man
of rank. Priest of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, established in the
whose
private affairs take
him the honor of an audience That the man named F6r6 having resolved
him
to France, will tell you, if
you
will please
to give
to range the
Woods, went
with the English and to carry his beavers there, in order to obtain some
to
Orange
Wampum
to confer
beads to
was arrested by the Governor of that place and whose residence is at Manatte; that his plan was to propose to him to bring him all the Coureurs de bois with their peltries, if he would receive them, and it is even supposed that he undertook to join Du Lut, and that they should
return and trade with the Outawacs; that he sent to Major Andros, Governor General,
'
The Tawny.
'
Rev. Augusts Meulande de Cic£ came to Canada,
Kentfe.
Faillon;
Vit de Mde. Bourgeoyt,
\.,
Vli.
it is said,
— En.
in 1668,
and was some time Missionary among the Indians at
PARIS DOCUMENTS: head
all
turning
the Coureurs de hois; that
188
even suspected that the said Per6 gave hopes or Outawae over to the English, which would bring about the ruin
the trade of the
ail
II.
it
is
of the Colony, and that the said Perre, as
is understood, has returned to the Outawacs, after having been well received and greatly caressed by Major Andros, and brought with him the
man named
Poupart, a settler of this country, and one Turcot, a long time a French refugee English the in order to escape the punishment of the crimes he had committed.
among It
therefore evident,
is
My
Lord, and every one agrees in the opinion, that there
The number of those those who set out every
almost general disobedience throughout this Country. estimated at nearly
five
or six hundred, exclusive of
the best qualified to improve and defend the Colony; they have
Du Lut
the
in
day.
is
an
Woods is They are
as their leader, well
adapted to act treacherously, and to engage them not only to carry their peltries to the English, as they have already begun to do, but even to divert thither the Indian trade this
all
prevent
it,
my
the neglect of the Governor,
who
to
bear in mind,
My
the Indian country ruined the colony, because those for
work, abandoned
care of rearing their cattle; licentiousness
among
to quit; that
is
so true,
My
Lord,
who
who went
to trade for peltries to
alone could improve
it,
being young
wives and children, the cultivation of their lands and the that they became dissipated; that their absence gave rise to
their wives, as has often
they derived but
little
been the case, and life,
is
still
which
of daily occurrence; it
was beyond
benefit from their labors, because they
to waste in drunkenness and fine clothes the
who
This
it.
their
that they accustomed themselves to a loafing and vagabond
power
and
Lord, that there Was a general complaint, the year previous
arrival in this country, that the great quantity of people
and strong
;
has the power in his hands to
and who, on the contrary, clandestinely encourages acted in good faith every body obeyed him.
when he Be pleased
that
to
arises from
evil
gave them licenses having the larger
little
they earned, which was very
their
were induced trifling,
part, besides the price of the goods,
those
which they
them very dear, and that the Indians would no longer bring their peltries in such abundance to sell to the honest people, if so great a number of young men went in search of them to those very barbarians, who despised us on account of the great cupidity we manifested. The following year, when the King first farmed out the trade, the farmers complained that this great license in ranging the woods was ruinous to them, because the peltries were taken to foreigners; that those which were brought in did not fall into their hands in discharge of the debts they contracted for the advancement of the colony, because the Runners hid themselves from them and took their merchandise elsewhere; that they therefore were overwhelmed with letters of exchange and defrauded of their rights. Bold
In 1676 his Majesty interdicted the Governor, by his Ordinance, from giving Licenses to
trade in the Interior, and in the Indian country.
The Sovereign was
it
known
Council, before
set forth that to the
by
whom
I
laid the
King's Ordinance, issued an Edict by which
the diligence of the King's Farmers the Ordinance would be
French Traders among
return to their settlements by the
the Indians of the farther nations, enjoining
menth of August
made
them
to
of the following year, under the penalties
contained in the said Ordinance, which would be affixed in the villages of the Nipissingues, S' Mary of the Falls, S' Ignace of Lake Huron, and S' Francis Xavier of the Bay des Puanta.' The Miwion of St. Mary wai at the foot of the Falls of that name, between Lake* Horon and Superior that of 8l Ignaet was originally on the North shore of the StraiU of Uichilimakinac, but was afterwards moved to the South side, or extreme point of the peninsula of Michigan; and that of St. jPraneit Xavier on Fox river, between Green Bay ud I^e '
Winnebago.
;
The
earlier Minionariea
gave the name of "St Franoia" both
to the river
and
to tha lake.
— Ed.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
134
—
The Governor, though he made a great clamor because this Edict was rendered in could consequence of the urgency of the affair, in his absence and when he was at Montreal the Council, for the return of the Coureurs not dispense with issuing orders, conjointly with
—
de
bois,
almost
all
of
whom
did return in
fact,
with the exception of three or four.
Meanwhile, the Governor, in order to elude the prohibitions laid down in the King's Ordinance, and yet not to appear in contravention thereunto, issued licenses to hunt, which served as a pretext to nullify those orders; his Majesty, as was just, again remedied this by his last Ordinances.
Since that time, the Governor has done nothing to oppose the Coureurs de bois, and he has
contented himself with saying that the evil was so great as to be irreparable; that
it
was only
the consequence of his being deprived of the privilege of issuing licenses, and that
continuance could only be obviated by granting an amnesty.
In expectation of this, every
and thus disobedience has become almost universal. The Provost, who is a very worthy man, and who desires much to do his duty, has labored vain; and though he has frequently received good information, the delinquents have always
body licensed in
its
himself,
received better than he.
my
For
part,
my
who can
Lord,
duty, but without any success
;
and
only order, all
have done every thing consistent with
I
the trouble
I
my
aversion the Governor entertains to me, and to cause
Such,
my
Lord,
my
have taken has served but to increase the ordinances to be contemned.
the true state of the disobedience of the Coureurs de bois, concerning
is
had the honor of twice speaking to the Governor. I could not avoid telling him, with possible deference, tiiat it was a disgrace to us and the Colony that our Master, who is so all redoubtable to the whole world, who had just dictated the law to the whole of Europe, whom all his subjects adored, should have the affliction to learn that his orders were despised and
which
1
which had received so many proofs of his bounty and paternal tenderness, and that a Governor and Intendant sate, with folded arms, and contented themselves with saying that the evil was irremediable, and did not make use of the garrisons maintained by his Majesty, nor of a provost, nor his aids, nor guards, nor of the assistance which could be drawn from the settlers, to crush the rebellion and to make a memorable example which would
violated in a country
remain on the minds of the people, in order to keep them in the respect, they owed to so good and so great a Prince. In return for this representation, I drew down on myself words so insult that I
day, and I,
shall
I
was
forced to quit his study to allay his wrath.
there found the King's farmers, with
notwithstanding, had the ordinance
do
all
in
my power
towards
several of the .Coureurs de bois,
The Trade
that
is
its
all
strict
that
we
whom we
execution
carried on at Montreal
is
do
full
;
and obedience
of contempt
and
returned, however, the next
continued to speak on this subject.
anew, copy of which
published
shall
I
fidelity
but as the Governor
will be
done
sufficiently
I
is
sent you,
and
interested with
in vain.
important to advise you of
its
disorders. it, and so soon as the Indians them guards, which would be well enough if these did their duty and saved them from being tormented and plundered by the French, instead of being employed for the purpose of learning the amount of their peltries, in order to take more assured steps
The Governor has
imperceptibly rendered himself master of
have arrived he furnishes
on the strength of that information. obliged the Indians, afterwards, to pay his guards for the trouble they took to protect them, and he never granted those Indians the privilege of trading with the Inhabitants
The Governor
PARIS DOCUMENTS: they had given him a certain
until
which he
of them, and
number
II.
185
of bundles of beaver, which he has always exacted
calls his presents.
His guards have traded openly in the public Fair, their belts on their shoulders, after having persuaded the Indians, whom they guarded, to come and meet them in their barracks. The common report is, that the Governor had goods sent up to Montreal, which private persons disposed of for his account, and that he allowed foreign Merchants to trade contrary
down in the we compute the beaver
to the prohibitions laid
So
that, if
regulations and Edicts of Council.
received by the Governor from the Indians as his presents; which is given to his guards; that which these same guards trade voluntary or by force; what he trades on his private account through individuals, and finally, what the foreign merchants obtain in barter or get underhand by intermediary settlers, it will be seen that the that
greater part of the Beaver brought by the
and
all this is
Outawas does not turn
to the profit of the
Colony,
notorious.
But not to occupy myself save with what has taken place this year in the said Trade, every one has seen' that a small portion of Indians only having come down, and in separate parties, they were constrained to make as many presents as there were parties, though they had sometimes but four or
The belt of
five
canoes together.
Indians having included in their presents to the Governor some old Moose hides and a Wampum, which they appreciate highly, and which the French do not value as much
as they do
Beaver,
he caused his Interpreter to
tell
them, according to their mode of
when they spoke with Beaver. This the Indians were obliged to do in order to have the liberty to trade. A Rochelle Merchant, named Chanjon, who is under the protection of and .employed by speaking, that such did not open his ears, and that he did not hear them except
the Governor, having carried to.Montreal a great
and of which there was but few
many goods
recently received from France,
in the Country, has himself traded
and carried on
traffic
through the medium of the Governor's Interpreter, named Vieuxpont, and of other persons, to wliom he made a pretended sale of his goods, and he got more than 15,000" worth of Beaver, to the knowledge of
all
the Inhabitants,
was out of my power Council which detained me in this
And
as
it
to
who
dared not complain of him.
go up to Montreal, in consequence of the
city, to
affairs
of the
calm the minds and terminate whatever differences
might occur, I sent my ordinance to Sieur Migeon, the bailiff there, to prevent this violation. But he dare not have it executed, and the matter having been laid before the Governor he laughed at
it.
During the continuance of the Trade, a little Savage having got into difficulties with a Frenchman's boy, some disorder had nigh occurred, as each took sides with his Nation. But the Governor having called the people to arms, the affair was settled by means of seven packages of Beaver which the Outawacs were obliged to give him. When there was a question about paying his guards, the Indians offered him forty-five Beavers; this did not satisfy him, though the present was considerable enough, and of artifices were
Lusigny,
Du
made
use
of,
Lut's brother in
even threats, to oblige them
to
add
to
the number.
law, an officer of the guards, bad half of
it;
all
sorts
Sieur de
the other they
divided between them.
most humbly beg of you, My Lord, to permit me to assure you anew, that everything I have the honor of writing to you is the pure truth, which I have not told with any design injure the Governor; but considered myself obliged thereunto, because none but myself
I
now had to
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
136
and conscience, and dare acquaint you with the state of the country, and I am hound in honor by the fidelity I owe you, to let you see that it is time to remedy it. through die a thousand deaths than deceive you, and render myself unworthy, I
had rather
you have been pleased to repose in me for more than 18 years, that me in your estimation, I hope I have devoted myself to you; and whatever is done to discredit you will find, at the end, that I am obedient, faithful and sincere in all that you command me. fraud, of the confidence
(2d Extract.) I
my
send you,
Lord, the General Census, with {he number of Marriages and Baptisms.
There are nine thousand four hundred persons. Five hundred and fifteen in Acadia. Twenty-one thousand nine hundred arpens of land under cultivation. Six thousand nine hundred and eighty-three horned cattle.
One hundred and
forty-five horses.
.
.
Seven hundred and nineteen sheep, ewes and wethers. Thirty-three goats.
Twelve
asses.
Eighteen hundred and forty guns, and
,
One hundred and
fifty
nine pistols.
I have separated the Census of the Indians
who have
quitted the villages and settled
among
with the remarks you have ordered.
us,
I send you of those who have formed villages, there are still some others French in Spring and Summer; but as they are vagrant, and do not come steadily, I have not been able to procure their names after the receipt of your letters, because they had already left for the chase. I shall go myself in Spring to all the places where there are any, and punctually perform whatever you ask of me in this regard. I communicated to the Religious communities, both male and female, and even to private
Exclusive of what
who
resort to the
persons, the King's and your intentions regarding the Frenchification of the Indians.
They
hope to let you have some all promised me to use their best efforts news thereof next year. I shall begin by setting the example, and will take some young to execute them, and
I
Indians to have them instructed. {3* Extract.)
can assure you, My Lord, that the gratuity is very well employed by the Ursuline nuns, instruct French and Indian girls; by the Grey nuns ( hospitalieres ), whose houses are a refuge for all the sick French and Indians and by the Congregational nuns of Montreal, who I
who
;
have devoted
where there little girls
it
is
to the construction of a building they are erecting at the Montreal Mountain,
an Indian mission, so as
My
Quebec,
to
be nearer to
it,
and better enabled
to instruct the
there.
this 10"" Nov''" 1679.
Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient and most faithful servant Du Chesneau.
—
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
M.
My
Du
Cheeneau
M.
to
H.
]jg7
de Seignelay.
Lord,
The Governor and England, and which
are just advised
I
that
the nearest to us, that
is
Old England; that they are alarmed
reported
it is
war has been
at
Orange, a town of
New
declared between France and
and are taking precautions at that place
there,
to prevent us attacking them. I
had the honor
to confer
with the Governor on
to content ourselves, until the receipt of
more
this subject,
and
it
has been deemed prudent
certain intelligence, with merely giving orders to
the people to be on their guard, and dispatching, at the opening of the spring, a bark to Isle Perc6e, in order to obtain early and assured information. I
.
My
thought.
of the English in
Lord, to give you in this communication a brief detail of the condition this Country, and that you would pertnit me the liberty to inform you that
they have three pretty considerable posts on the seaboard at the South. The first is the town of Boston, distant twenty leagues from Peintagoiiet which belongs to the French.
The
second, Manatte, a city situate at the
mouth of a
river, distant nearly
one hundred
leagues from Boston.
And
same river, fifty or sixty leagues from Manatte. Towards the North Sea, they have some forts at Hudson's bay. the third. Orange, on the
Boston
a pretty large town,
is
filled
only with merchants, where,
it
accomplices in the death of the late King of England have retired.
democratic; and
it
Britannic Majesty.
General Lebret Its
harbor
is
This
The town
It
has a Sovereign Council, which
it
elects, as well as the
and are so
ill
devastation
years past.
He
is
an old man,
ill
who
with him.
qualified for war.'
number of merchant vessels. A disastrous fire broke consumed nearly two hundred houses, and even several
it
;
Three
indifferently fortified.
Millions.
Its
inhabitants apply themselves altogether to commerce,
trained to arms that a handful of savages, of late years, committed such serious
among them
for the
French of
Indians,
who
to
many
filled this office for
Governor,
satisfied
ordinarily filled with a
loss is estimated at is
is
a Republic, under the protection of England, faintly recognizing his
out there two or three months ago ships.
some of the
is
chosen annually, yet can be continued for as long a period as they are
is
said,
is
Their government
are
this
still
that they
were obliged
country to
to
make themselves masters
greatly inclined "to
would not be
difficult
of that town, aided
by the
purchase peace.
recommence the war, were
burn those found in its harbor. Manatte is entirely independent of Boston.
It
It
vessels sent
from France
acknowledges the King of England, and the
Governor who acts there on behalf gf the Duke of York. This place is pretty regularly and Major Andros, Governor of the country, has some reputation. It has likewise a few vessels in its harbor. Orange which is a small town nearer to us, and adjoining the Iroquois, by means of whom
fortified,
—
the English attract to themselves the trade of the Indians in that direction, to our prejudice
has a local governor,
who
is
subject to Major Andros.
which circumstance causes them already '
to seek out
It is
means
not capable of
Mr. Leyeret continued gorernor, by annaal electiou, from 1678 until bis death, March
Vol. IX.
18
much
resistance,
to prevent us attacking them. li, 1678.
HtUckinton, \^ SIS.
— Ea
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
138
Towards Hudson's bay, as 1 already have had the honor to inform your Lordship, the English have some forts for trading only, in which, as we are informed, there are sixty men to This will eventually ruin our trade
carry goods to the Indians and to receive their peltries.
with the Outawacs, which
the most considerable, and constitutes the subsistence and wealth
is
of the Colony.
My
have the honor to write you, that the English cannot do us much hurt, and that war with them would be for Our advantage, because we could assuredly drive them from the places in which they are established to our injury, and
You
perceive clearly,
Lord; from
which they have usurped from
The
I
all
us.
inhabitants of this country are hardy, intrepid, and naturally warriors, and, moreover,
very alert of limb, and capable of enduring great fatigue.
r '
Coureura ie bois should return home, they I do not think, My Lord, that English this continent. What we would have on we have anything to fear by land from the to dread would be only from the ships of Old England cruising at the mouth of the River
were very
It
desirable, in that event, that the
being, without contradiction, the best qualified for enterprizes.
Saint Lawrence, to capture those coming to I
My
doubt not.
preservation of this country. sacrifice therein I
considered
me, which
to
even
my
my
duty,
it
will
Canada
or returning to France.
Lord, but the Governor requires of you the necessary articles for the I shall
do
in
all
my power
to discharge well
my
duty, and will
life.
show you
My
Lord, to send you the copy of the letter that has been written
the alarm of the English, and entirely satisfy you that the Coureurs
de bois were conveying their peltries to Orange, to the prejudice of the Colony and the
complete ruin of the Revenue of the King's farm. I
am, with most profound respect,
My
Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient and most Quebec,
this 14""
faithful Servant,
Duchesneau.
Nov', 1679.
«»«» M.
Da
M.
de Saurel to
Ohesneau.
Letter written to Intendant Duchesneau, of
and which he received the
New
France, by Sieur de Saurel,
Novemb', 1679.
14""
Sir,
communicated to you. They are quite recent, for Lafleur, an Inhabitant of Saint Louis, brought them. He was on his way from Montreal, where M'' Perrot and M' d'Oilier advised him to be the bearer himself of them to the
The news
arrived from Orange are curious enough fo be
'
'
Rev. Francois Dollier de Casson was
Lake Ontario,
iu
company with Father
bom
Gallinfee.
about the year 1620, and came to Canada about 1668. Supra,
Seminary of St Sulpice, at Montreal, but resigned that France.
him
After his return to
Canada he resumed the
a History of Montreal, including the
first
p. 66.
He
office in
office,
succeeded M. de Queylus
1676,
when he was
(
In 1670 he explored
Supra, 62
obliged,
by
ill
),
as Superior of the
health, to go back to
and died 25th September, 1701, aged 80 yearst He left behind It was written about the year 1673, and is
thirty years of that settlement.
preserved among the Manuscripts of the Mazarine Library
(
H., 2706, folio). Faillon
;
Vie de Mde. Bourgeoyt.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
II.
I39
Count, notwithstanding they would, themselves, write to him
he was doing, but a me to send the letters to the Count, and gave me the particulars of his Journey, which are: Having gone to Lake Champlain to hunt for Runontons, he met Guillaume David, who resided about two years ago in these parts, and who went with a big boy, his son-in-law, his wife and several small children to
nnd
;
this
pain in the side having seized him here, he begged of
New
Netherland, where he lives at present.
Lafleur inquired the
news from
his country
;
to
which David answered him that Mde. the Governess of Manatte dining at one Mainvielle, a F'rench Merchant's, told him that news had come of a French fleet having entered the Thames and captured the English Admiral, and sunk a number of ships in sight of London that ;
the French have no longer freedom to trade at Orange, and that as soon as they arrive there
they are sent to Manatte and thence to Barbadoes. confirmation of this news, which he found to be true.
but he escaped in the night and came back.
proclaimed between France and England.
The
He
Lafleur was They wanted
says
it
is
Orange to learn the him to Manatte, whispered about, that war is at
to send
English, at Orange, are alarmed, for they
have sent a certain M' Philippes to examine the roads leading towards them. He had two Savages for guides. It is expected that they will throw trees into a little stream by which people go to their country, and
by that means obstruct our road.
This
is
all
the
news,
come into these parts. M' de Boivinet's information will have made you acquainted with it. You will permit me to assure you that I shall be, all my life. Sir, your most humble and most obedient Servant, Desaurel. Sir.
There
is
a good deal
of other unfavorable intelligence
• Compared with
the original remaining in our hands at Quebec, the H"" November, 1679.
DUCBESNEAU.
Ixmia
XIV.
to
Count de Frontenac.
•••••••••• S'
Mens'
le
Germain, the 29 April, 16S0.
Comte de Frontenac,
•
You have learned, since your letters were written, that the news you received of the rupture between me and the King of England had no foundation. Therefore you have no precautions on that subject; and you ought to be assured that, on all occasions of this importance, I shall have you punctually advised of what you will have to do. It is very important that you always keep my subjects, throughout the whole extent of country where you command for me, in a proper state of military discipline, so that, being divided into regular Companies, they may be in a position to defend themselves and secure to take
But, particularly, banish from your mind all the Consider well the difficulties which you but too easily and too lightly allowed to arise there. in that country, person my representing post in which I placed you, and the honor you have of you to bear with oblige and which must elevate you infinitely above all those difficulties, that freedom and repose which they need.
many
things,
on the part of the public and of individual
settlers,
which are of no account
in
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
140
comparison to the submissive obedience they render to
my
with which
orders,
have every
I
and when this principal point of obedience and submission is so well you ought to act with all moderation, and rather suffer errors of trifling to increase consequence, in order to reach the object which must be your principal aim protection inhabitants by the numbers of and strengthen that Colony, and draw thither and good treatment you afford the old settlers. And you perceive, clearly, that your
reason to be satisfied established as
maxims
;
is,
it
—
inhabitants, and obliging
But
reflect
one,
is
which you have hitherto observed, driving away the principal
are far from those
more
other persons, through special discontent, to return to France.
particularly, that to accomplish these ends neither interest nor favor, for
To
necessary.
any trade
many
thither;
freedom to
afford an extensive
to
excite,
continually,
all
the
all
merchants and
inhabitants
to
all
ships that carry
commerce,
agriculture,
manufactures, fisheries, and other profitable enterprises whereby they
may
any
be confined to
wandering through the woods in search of an advantage which tends to the entire ruin of the Colony, and of the little commerce it may have in these few words consist the burthen and end of your entire duty, and of what you
work and
their
settlements, and prevented
;
can do to render your services agreeable to me.
Du
M.
[
Extracts of the
Ghesneau
to
-
M.
de Seignelay.
Arohires de la Marine et des Oolonies en France,
]
Memoir addressed by M. Duchesneau
to the Minister,
13 Nov*^,
1680. (l'« Extract.)
As
his
inflict
them It
My
Majesty and you,
on the Country, there to return
is
Lord, are convinced of the great injury the Coureurs de hois no further question except to discover the best means to oblige
without prejudice to the absolute obedience due to the King's
would appear there are no other than
to notify
them
to return
will.
home, and that
if
they
make
a sincere and frank declaration in court of the time they have been absent, for what persons they have been trading in the Indian Country, peltries shall
they have had, and
how
be pleasing to his Majesty,
point by the deception, or
first
if
vessels
who
has furnished them goods,
how many
they disposed of them, such grace shall be granted them as
who
will
be very humbly supplicated to send orders on this
coming from P'rance next year
and
;
they refuse obedience, they shall be punished with
if all
they be found guilty of the rigor set forth in his
Majesty's ordinances, which assign corporal punishment in case of repetition of the offence.
This proceeding appears the most natural and most proper, because authority, and does not destroy those facility of
who have
disobeyed
;
it
preserves the King's
who, through
escape in the woods, and the difficulty of being taken,
may
despair,
and the
be driven to pass over
which would be a general loss to the Country, since there is not a family of any condition and quality soever that has not children, brothers, uncles and nephews
to the English,
among them.
PARIS DOCUMENTS I
have conferred with the Governor on
this plan,
:
141
II.
and put
in writing, for his perusual, as
it
he desired. I
cannot refrain from adding.
of this
has so long fomented I
My
Lord, that
it
appears to
me
important that
it
should not be
an assured means of your becoming acquainted with the manners Country, and of thoroughly informing yourself of the causes of the rebellion and of what
wholly neglected, because
never can agree.
it is
it.
My
Lord, to the pardon of the leaders, such as Dulut and Perr6e,
ought to be made an example
of, for
those
who
who
will experience the effects of the King's mercy,
them the example of revolt and disobedience. Count de Frontenac and I have already commenced together the prosecution of the Coureurs de bois, of those who outfit or protect them. In concert with him I renewed my ordinances on this subject, and I issued one to oblige the Justices to inform against those disobeying the King's wishes, copies whereof I furnished. On this head. My Lord, I think it would be necessary, in order to secure better obedience to his Majesty, that his Ordinance were extended to those who fit out and harbor the Coureurs de bois. Sieur Perrot, Governor of Montreal, was the first who (on the complaint of a Merchant whom he had caned) had the misfortune to be prosecuted for infraction of the King's Ordinances and of those I issued in consequence, which have been transmitted to you, and are now sent again with the rest. Pursuant to the order you gave me respecting local Governors, I waited on Count de Frontenac to notify him of it, so that justice may be done. He was of opinion that I should order, at the foot of the petition presented to me, that the said Merchant should make his complaint to him, which I did; and by the Ordinance he issued afterwards, he reserved to himself what regarded the violence that had been committed by the said Sieur Perrot, and referred to me what appertained to the disobedience of his Majesty's Ordinances. This affair is presently under investigation, and the Council has not yet as they gave
terminated the proceeding.
There are great complaints against said Sieur Perrot, as well on account of his violent conductX He is accused of having excited a sedition at Montreal, with a view as for his open trading. to obtain the repeal of the King's Ordinance forbidding subordinate Governors imprisoning people. This sedition I allayed. But as all these complaints have likewise been made to Count de Frontenac, I shall not speak further of them to you, but content myself with sending the pieces I have concerning them to Monsieur Tronson, Seignior of the Island of Montreal, who will not fail to communicate with you thereupon. ^
A
similar accusation of violating his Majesty's Ordinances has been brought within eight ^ days against Sieur Migeon, Judge at Montreal. The Governor, on the petition presented to
him by Sieur Boisseau, agent is
for the
Farmers, has likewise referred
this
affair to
me;
it
entered.
The
said
Agent has
also
been accused of
like violation, of
taken, and seven Coureurs de bois have been arrested,
who
which information has been
are under Interrogatories, and will
be judged at the earliest day.
you in support of my belief that the Governor protected several Coureurs de bois, you will not blame me for having strong suspicions thereupon; and although the formal promise he made me to prosecute them persuades me that he is no longer so disposed, yet I believe my fidelity towards you requires me to advise you I
My Lord, after
all
the pieces which I have sent
generally stated that he keeps up a written correspondence with Du Lut, and that it the man true he receives presents from him, and has been unwilling that I should imprison
that is
think,
it is
1
'
142 named Patron,
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
uncle to the said
am
of his enterprise, to which, I
who
a very honest man,
is
Monsieur Tronson of
is
Du
Lut,
who
who knows
receives his peltries, and
the object
assured. Monsieur Dollier, Superior of the Montreal Seminary,
not altogether a stranger; he will not
fail,
perhaps, to advise
it.
My Lord, that the Governor has forbidden Interpreters to let me know, without his permission, what the Indians, belonging to foreign tribes, would wish to have communicated to me; that he has commanded the Provost, who is a very worthy man, and who is very anxious to acquit himself of his duty properly, not to arrest any Coureur de hois pursuant to my Ordinances, without sending him word; and that he has dispatched again that famous Coureur de bois. La Toupine, whom I had arrested last year, and whose Interrogatory It is he whom he employs to carry his orders and to trade among the Outawas I sent you. Nations, and also to bring down the peltries left there by one Randin, who was that pretended Ambassador with wiiom, and his associates, the Governor had made a Convention respecting the Trade; copy of which, compared with the Original, I send you. I shall further tell you,
You you.
can. I
My
Lord, have the pieces in corroboration of everything
I
have just written
to
send them to Monsieur de Bellinzany.
I have observed silence and obeyed the Governor even with greater deference. him the declaration of the Montreal Judge, which is one of the pieces I make use of to prove what I advance, because I received it on the information he had furnished me, and because mention was made therein, among other things, of the embassy of the said La Toupine. This declaration has afforded the Governor occasion to illtreat that Judge, and he writes that the prosecution against him is an effect of his vindictiveness.
In
all
I laid
things
before
(Second Extract.) In respect to the King's orders to inquire, with great care, into the increase or diminution of the Inhabitants, and to reproach myself by comparing the five or six last years, say. I
My
Lord,
have done
all in
Permit me, you, that
all
if
my power
you
persons.
can truly
advantage and advancement of the Colony.
for the
please, to repeat to
you what
I
the pains which His Majesty and you,
be unattended by the success expected from them, those
I
there be any decrease because I have not executed the King's orders, that
if
You can
who ought
had already taken the
My
if
liberty to state to
Lord, will take for this Country, will
not directed by honest and disinterested
the injury done by the bad example and trafficking of be regarded only as the fathers of the people, and studying solely to
not conceive
to
promote their happiness. J
my mind to send you the census of this year, because I There are eight hundred persons or more in the bush, you to the contrary, and I have not been able to obtain the all those who are interested with them conceal it.
have not been able to make up
dare not certify
it
to
be correct.
whatever may be stated to precise number, inasmuch as
The country This induces
sufl^ers
me
so seriously from the scarcity of people, that
My
many
farms
lie
uncultivated.
you still entertain any commisseration for this wretched country, to send hither two hundred work people. Permit me. My Lord, to communicate to you the increase of the Colony, by the statement of Baptisms and Burials, to which I have annexed that of the Marriages. By last year's census, it would appear that there were nine hundred and forty persons in Canada," exclusive to supplicate you.
'So in the MS., but evidently an error for 9,400.
Lord,
if
See previous dispatch of M.
Du Chesnean,
dated 10th November, 1679.
PARIS DOCUMENTS of 615 others at Acadia, of
whom
I
:
II.
I43
have not received any enumeration
this year; 21,900
arpens of land under cultivation, 6,983 horned cattle, 146 horses, 319 sheep,' 33
goats, 12
asses; 1,840 fusils and 159 pistols.
On
account of the absence of the Coureurs de bois,
is
it
not to be expected that the
cultivation of the soil should be increased, nor that the cattle should multiply,
the unfavorableness of the seasons, and the want of people to take care of them;
owing
and as
to
it is
presumed that each Coureur de bois will have carried a gun, there will be a decrease of at least eight hundred fusils. 404 children, to wit, 193 boys and 211 girls, have been baptized; and 85 persons of all ages have died. There ought to be, consequently, an increase of 319 in the population. Therefore the colony ought to reckon nine thousand seven hundred and nineteen souls, exclusive of the 615 of Acadia. There have been sixty-six marriages. to be
(Third Extract.) not repeat to you,
I shall
omit any
last year.
Among and even to the
I shall
my
Lord,
all
the abuses that are committed, because
merely say that they are renewed
I
did not
this year.
camp and confines of the Indians, Wigwams, by the Governor's guards, his domestics, the soldiers belonging of Quebec and Montreal, by several privileged persons, even the local
others, that of the trade prosecuted within the in their
garrisons
Governor of said place. This disorder has reached such a point that the inhabitants presented their complaints to me against it, which I proposed laying before the Governor, but he did not approve of it. This obliged me to withdraw without doing anything further. 1 drew up my statement thereof, in order to advise you of the truth, and to protect myself against representations to the contrary that may be made to you, and had it certified by some gentlemen or Seigniors of Fiefs,
who were
of the Governor's suite,
when
I
spoke to him,
all
of
whom
are in the interest
of the Coureurs de bois. It
again happened that the Guards and soldiers, in their lust for gain,
were opposed to wounded, and a
anew
repaired
One
their designs.
of the
Guard intended
soldier beat a settler, even in
to the
who
Governor,
my
ill
treated
to kill an Indian,
presence.
all
whom
those
who
he seriously
All this excited fresh tumult.
contented himself with surrendering the soldier into
I
my
hands, to have justice done him.
because a Priest belonging to the Montreal Seminary was present, who gave me notice of this disorder. He informed his superior, M. DoUier, thereof, who will be able to give the facts in his report to Monsieur Tronson, and the I
have not drawn up a minute of
this last action,
you the truth, if you ask him. had examined the affair of the soldier,
latter will tell
condemned him to some reparation, and After his condemnation, the to the costs appertaining therein to the witnesses and bailiffs. Governor sent the Town Major of Montreal to demand him of me, as he had something for After
him
to
I
do;
justification.
I
I
prayed him solely to make the application in writing, in order to my own The next day the said Major went to release him, and left with the Gaoler an
order, which, with
my judgment,
I
send to M' Bellinzany.
sr '
In previous dispatch, 719 sheep.
— £>•
;
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
144 If I
My
you have the goodness,
have pointed out
Lord, to listen to
to you, I shall observe,
if
you
me
touching the remedy applicable to what
please, that
on the arrival
at
Montreal of the
little Island separated by a small creek from the houses of whose advances it is necessary to set some Guards, to prevent insult or Three or four men, at most, suffice for that purpose. violence by the French.
Indians, they are placed on a
the citizens, against
This being the case.
My
Lord,
seems that
it
if
the Governor's Guards, his servants, and the
soldiers are permitted to trade, they ought to erect their booths with the other citizens in
the
Common, which
to the Indians, since
to
is
the site for the
fair,
they ought to prevent
and not have the liberty
to offer violence
themselves
it.
His Majesty orders me, a second time, to pay an entire deference to the Governor's will, and inculcate this conduct on the Sovereign Council, except in the administration of justice
between Individuals. I reiterate to
you,
My
Lord,
and with a good heart do us.
I
assure you,
whom,
you
the assurances I have already given that is
commanded me, and
will be satisfied with
I shall
avoid every thing that
my conduct and with
absolutely
may
embroil
that of the Officers
and myself,
I
ask again of
entire freedom to perform our duties without being insulted, intimidated or
menaced by
of the Council, for
you
My Lord,
all
that
all
the Governor and
as well as for all the officers of Justice
his people.
(Fourth Extract.)
The farmers ( of the Revenue ) have much more reason to complain than the Coureurs de bois and the trifling police in Canada is the cause that the peltries go to the Countries inhabited by the English. This is so true, that persons not only get the French to carry them thither, under the pretext of hunting Moose (Chevreuils Sauvages), to be sent to the King,, but even employ Indians to carry their Beaver there ; and this is what induced me, three months ago, to issue the ordinance I send you. What will increase the disorder is, that the English pay for the Beaver double what is paid at the Farmers' store, and that in Cash or Wampum, on which they have a profit; and what is worse, those in the highest authority pursue this trade. You will learn the truth from the declaration of the Montreal judge whom 1 have mentioned Pardon me, My Lord, if I presume to say to you that it is important that even the to you. King express himself strongly on this matter. In answer to his Majesty's orders to me, to examine with the Farmers whether, besides the dispersion of the Coureurs de bois, there be not some expedient to attract the peltries to this Country and to increase the revenue. After having conferred several times on this subject with Sieur de La Chesnaye, one of the interested, who has spent over twenty-six years in this Country, we are agreed on two points First. That the King and you, My Lord, have the goodness to recommend to the GovernorGeneral and to private persons not to evince so much anxiety to obtain peltries, and not to constrain the Indians, as they have done frequently, and even this year, to make considerable presents, giving them almost nothing in return. This discourages them, and forces them to repair to Foreigners, by whom they are better received and treated. Secondly. When the Coureurs de bois are extirpated, and no further trouble, that it may please the King and you to issue twelve, fifteen, or at most twenty licenses per annum, for as many canoes, each manned by two or three men; to be distributed, not through favoritism but in turn, to those families who may have need of them, and to be granted like the concessions (of land), in order that they be bestowed only on those deserving them and this
^
—
;
**a(pnaw thence they went to the Fox river of Green Baj-, where they were found in 1666. The Menomoniee, Chippeways and French drove them thence to the Wisconsin river, where Carver met them in 1766. Schoolcraft derives the name of the Saos from Osaukee, signifying those who went out of the land. Outagami, tlie name of the other, is the Algonquin word for a Fox, which epithet they obtained, 'tis said, on account of their great cunning; but their real name is Mu*quakia^ from Motheak, red, and Aki, land or country. forced
;
Vol. IX.
SI
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
IQ2
they entertain a profound contempt for the selfish, and do not, unless by great of. necessity, avail themselves of negotiations that people wish to make a traffic This is what occurred a year ago when the Iroquois made an irruption into the country of
themselves
;
The latter the Illinois, in which the Miamis were engaged. I shall speak of this by and by. sent them accommodation an being in great dread of the Iroquois, induced the former to seek intervention of presents, and besought them to enter into an amicable arrangement without the ;
the Governor of the French, because this cost them too much. 'Tis our interest to keep these people united ; to take cognizance of
however
trifling these be;
to
watch
carefully that not one of
all
their differences,
them terminate without our
and protectors to bring them into total dependence by these means, by gentle treatment, a few presents, and embassies by not allowing a great many of the French, who are always very insolent, to go into their country, and by enforcing his Majesty's last ordinance regarding the licenses to be
mediation, and to constitute ourselves, in
all
things, their arbiters
;
;
granted for these trading voyages.
They ought
also to be
made
to
understand that
all
their happiness consists in being attached
to the French, which they cannot better evince than by establishing a perpetual trade with
them, as
this affords the
friendship and obliging us to provide
means of maintaining mutual
for all their wants.
and what will alone crown all our designs with success, is, according to the dictates of our duty, to establish Religion on a solid basis among those people who have any disposition thereunto. This would succeed, were those in authority in this country to chastise such as set the Indians bad example, and to forbid, in accordance with
But our
principal
interest,
the prohibition contained in the King's ordinance of the year 1679, the conveying of Brandy to the Natives, inasmuch as drunkenness is, among them, the greatest obstacle to religion;
destroys both their health and substance, and gives rise
among them
to quarrels, batteries
and
murders, that cannot be remedied on account of the distance; and these poor creatures have Buch an inveterate passion for brandy, which they use only for the purpose of inebriation, that
nothing
too valuable to procure
is
it.
This produces,
in addition to the disorders
I
have just
their beaver then they must run into debt to means to pay for these, they return no more, and thus cheat the French who have advanced them their substance.
mentioned, the waste, in debauchery, of
all
;
obtain their necessary supplies; having no
To convey
a correct idea of the present state of
explain the cause of the cruel Illinois.
subject
The all
former,
who
war waged by
all
those Indian Nations,
it is
necessary to
the Iroquois for these three years past against the
are great warriors,
who cannot remain
idle,
and who pretend
to
other nations to themselves, though they compose only five villages, and can muster,
under arms, no more than two thousand men
at
most, never want a pretext for commencing
hostilities.
The
following was their assumed excuse for the present war: Going, about twenty years ago,
to attack the Outagamis, they
met the
Illinois
This continued during the succeeding years, and
and
killed a considerable
finally,
number
of them.
having destroyed a great many, they
them to abandon their country and to seek for refuge in very distant parts. The Iroquois having got quit of the Illinois, took no more trouble with them, and went to war against another nation called Andostagues, who were very numerous, and whom they
forced
Pending this war, the Illinois returned to their country, and the Iroquois complained that they had killed nearly forty of their people who were on their way to hunt entirely destroyed.
/
PARIS DOCUMENTS beaver
in the Illinois country.
II.
:
|g|
To
obtain satisfaction, the Iroquois resolved to make war on Their true motive, however, was to gratify the English at Manatte and Orange, of whom they are too near neighbors, and who, by means of presents, engaged the Iroquois in this expedition, the object of which was to force the Illinois to bring their beaver to them, so
them.
that they
may
go and trade
it afterwards with the English ; also, to intimidate the other do the same thing. The improper conduct of Sieur de la Salle, Governor of Fort Frontenac, in the neighborhood of the Iroquois, has contributed considerably to cause the latter to adopt this proceeding; for after he had obtained permission to discover the Great River of Mississippi, and had, aa he alleged, the grant of the Illinois, he no longer observed any terms with the Iroquois. He ill-treated them, and avowed that he would convey arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and would die assisting them.
nations and constrain
They
did, in fact,
them
to
remark that he carried quantities thereof
thither, and that after having traded with them he returned without prosecuting his discovery, whicli^was the pretext for his journey to the country of the said Savages as it was to that of the French. The Iroquois dispatched, in the month of April of last year, 1680, an army, consisting of
between five and six hundred men, who approached an Illinois village where Sieur de Tonty, one of Sieur de la Salle's men, happened to be with some Frenchmen, and two RecoUet fathers whom the Iroquois left unharmed. One of these, a most holy man, has since been killed by the Indians. But they would not listen to the terms of peace proposed to them by Sieur de
who was
Tonty,
slightly
wounded
at the
commencement of
the attack
;
the Illinois having
hundred leagues thence, were pursued by the Iroquois, who killed and captured as many as twelve hundred of them, including women and children, having lost only thirty men. The Iroquois, returning home loaded with beaver and some goods, passed by the Miamis, and deliberated whether they should attack them. They did not do so, however, and some of fled a
some women belonging to demand their prisoners, saying they were friends. Their request was granted, and an Illinois child was given them in the place of the one that had been killed. Another detachment of the Iroquois army, met some hunters belonging to the Bny des their followers having, whilst hunting, killed a child and captured
that nation, the chiefs of their village
Puants,*
them
whom
it is
and the
on prisoners.
victory achieved by the Iroquois rendered
ever since that time
but
to the Iroquois with presents to
they captured and brought into their country, without, however, subjecting
to the ill-treatment they inflict
The
went
to
not doubted that they have been Illinois are
them
send out divers war parties.
but indifferently
so insolent that they have continued
The
success of these
is
not yet known,
successful, because those tribes are very warlike .
so.
They were, however, somewhat apprehensive
Governor was dissatisfied Fort Frontenac and invite them
that the French
with them, and expected that he would repair this summer to thither ; they were prepared for this, and he might possibly have arranged matters, but he baf neglected this voyage.
Another unfortunate circumstance occurred on the nineteenth of last September. Some Indians of the Bay des Puants, going hunting, met a Seneca Iroquois, a man of influence in his should not send village; they made him prisoner, to serve as an hostage in case the Iroquois back some of their people
whom
they captured as above stated, and brought him near the 'Green Bay, Wisconsin.
— Ed.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
164
quarters of the Kiskakons at the village of Michilimakinak, and invariably treated him very well for
from
some days previous
to the arrival at the said village of Sieur
Fort Frontenac, after his interview
the Miamis,
among whom
Tiohontat6i having met a
with Sieur de
la
Salle,
de Tonty, on his return
and who was on
the said Sieur de la Salle proposed to winter.
little Illinois girl,
the Seneca's slave,
who had gone
his
way
to
Meantime some astray four days
Helore'lTer capture, brought her likewise to tiie said place of Michiliniakinak, into a cabin near
whence some Illinois on their departure had carried her off, and brought her into the cabin where Sieur de Tonty was then regaling some Indians, in return He had given his knife to for some good oflSces he had received from them in his necessity. time. presented to them at the The Tionontates he had cut up the tobacco to Illinois an the Iroquois Seneca prisoner, who on seeing the came into the said cabin and brought thither The Tionontates would fain induce the Illinois to Illinois girl recognized her as his slave. give her up to him, and passed some jokes on them, which so irritated them that one of the Illinois arose quite Sngry and said the Illinois slave could be removed and he would master the Iroquois; and on the renewal of some rude jokes, he snatched from his comrade's hands the knife Sieur de Tonty had lent him, and with it struck the Iroquois, and even those who would prevent him repeating the blow, and finished by killing him, notwithstanding all the efforts that were made to prevent him. Immediately the Tionontates thought only of sending off to the Iroquois to advise them the Kiskakons' village,
that one of their chiefs had been killed by the Illinois in the cabin of the Kiskakons with the
Frenchmen's
knife.
At
the
same time «11 the Outawa
nations, on hearing of this murder, took
to flight, dreading the anger of the Iroquois; and, doubting not but they
in their
Country, sent word
to the Governor of the French,
Intendant, and they concluded that nothing
was
to
who
would ere long have war
spoke on the subject
be done for the
moment
to the
but to send to
the Iroquois, to lay before them a true statement of the occurrence; to invite them to
come next
spring to Fort Frontenac, whither the Governor would repair; to notify them, meanwhile, not
up any expedition; and, in order to dispel the alarm of the Outawas, to advise these, also, of the measures about to be adopted with the Iroquois. The Intendant is persuaded, and dares to answer for it, that we shall reestablish peace and quietness throughout the country, and secure our trade, if attention be paid to the Iroquois; if some presents, which cost nothing, be made them; if those they make be well employed, and reserved to be returned to them when occasion requires, as was the practice with Mess" de Tracy and de Courcelles; if the impression be removed from their minds that we wish to furnish arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and, if they be assured, on the contrary,
to get
that
we wish nothing
are,
and
to chastise those
use, as well those
which
peace among all those nations, whose Fathers we who infringe it. For this purpose the Jesuit fathers will be of great who are among them, as those of the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine, else than to preserve
is filled, in
our midst, with the most considerable of that nation;
also, the
gentlemen of
who have charge of the Mission at the Mountain of Montreal, where there are Iroquois who are much esteemed. Not but that we always have the English, as well some Saint Sulpice,
towards Manatte and Orange as towards Hudson's Bay, as Impediments. From all that has just been stated, respecting the tribes from whom we derive beaver, w& can form an opinion of their present condition, and may conclude that nothing disturbs their repose but the Iroquois. For, although they are infinitely more numerous, the Iroquois is so
PARIS DOCUMENTS terrible, in their estimation, that
There
is
no doubt, and
it is
Illinois,
maizes war on them they will all scatter, and trade and no longer at liberty to bring their peltries.
the universal opinion, that
and
in a short
if the Iroquois are allowed to proceed time render themselves masters of all the Outawa
and divert the trade to the English, so that friends or to destroy them. tribes,
To make them would
II.
when he
will cease because they will be dispersed
they will subdue the
:
it is
absolutely necessary to
make them our
our friends, the best means, in addition to what has been already stated, who have been most frequently among those Indians, to send
be, in the opinion of those
among them every two
years some intelligent Frenchmen, who possess the tact, which some have, to arrange whatever unfortunate occurrences might take place, such as unforeseen
murders, or even to bewail,
after their fashion, the deaths of the most considerable of their even to gain over in an underground way, as they term it, or, as we say, underhand, those who have the management of their affairs, and for this expense fifteen hundred livres tribes, or
well employed would suffice. If
them
it
should be thought proper to destroy them, or to place ourselves in a position to resist they should desire to make war on us, as is apparent from the disposition in
in case
which things are and the state of their tempers, the expense would be much greater, as at least twelve hundred men would be required to be maintained by his Majesty, as in the year 1665, for no mercy should be shown them, and this war should be concluded in a short time, after which the French would be masters absolutely of all the tribes. There is yet another mode, which would be more advantageous, not only by rendering us masters of the Iroquois and of all the other nations, but also by establishing and preserving, in a solid and profitable manner, the trade with the islands of South America that is, for the King to purchase, or cause the farmers, or some other company which may be formed, to purchase Manatte and Orange from the Duke of York, with the country belonging to him. And though this might require a considerable sum it would be soon reimbursed, for, ;
independent of our entire possession of the fur trade to the exclusion of the English,
who
take
and of the Iroquois being unable any longer to injure us, we should form, in the country moreover possessed by the English, a considerable establishment. The consideration that the English inhabit the most fertile and the tinest country of our America, and we the least fruitful and the most disagreeable, will, perhaps, be deemed off a great portion of
it,
conclusive.
Their territory extends from the River Pentagouet, which is in Acadia, to beyond that Maryland called the South river,> which adjoins, and rises in, the country of the Iroquois. and Virginia, with which the aforesaid territory is confounded, are not comprehended in it. all, and It is true that Boston, an English town which acknowledges the Duke of Vork not at the authority of the
King
of England but slightly,
may amount to eighty leagues. All who have been in that country
agree that
is
it is
included therein, with
very temperate
;
its territory,
which
that the navigation there
always open that ships arrive and depart at all seasons that grain and fruit grow there ia profusion and especially that the fisheries of cod, salmon and mackerel, as well as of all other fish so excellent fish that are cured and exported, are equally easy and abundant there, and the in consequence circumstances that all the inhabitants of that country are in most comforUble
is
;
;
;
of that trade, which they carry on. '
DeUware
riTer,
— Bo.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
166
'Ti8 certain that in Boston there are several merchants worth 3, livres, and that the fisheries are the principal source of their wealth. Acadia, which belongs to us and
lies
4, 5,
adjoining to those countries,
is
6 and even 700,000
in almost a similar
position, and has the same advantages and navigation is open there throughout the year, with the exception of only two months in certain places. Yet nothing is done there; and although 'tis inhabited by about five hundred French, including both sexes and all ages, they depend ;
altogether for support on the English, and, to obtain their necessaries, carry to the latter a few
with the Indians. their discords are a much Their poverty is not the only misfortune of these French greater. Among them there is neither order nor justice; and those who are sent hence to command them, pillage them, and, notwithstanding, continue themselves in the most furs, for
which they are content
to trade
;
\
abject misery.
The English do much more than enhance the value of their own property they carry off what we neglect; and have, already, three considerable establishments on the Island of Newfoundland, which belongs to us, and extend their boundaries as much as possible ;
towards Acadia.
They
are
still
at
Hudson's Bay, on the north, and do great damage
to our fur trade.
The
farmers (of the revenue) suffer in consequence by the diminution of the trade at Tadoussac
and throughout that entire country, because the English draw one and the other design, they have two
forts in the said bay
off the
— the
Outawa nations;
for the
one towards Tadoussac,
at Cape Henriette Marie, on the side of the Assinibouetz. means to prevent them succeeding in what is prejudicial to us in this regard, would be to drive them by main force from that bay, which belongs to us or, if there would be an objection to coming to that extremity, to construct forts on the rivers falling into the
and the other
The
sole
;
lakes, in order to stop the Indians at these points.
Should the King adopt the resolution to arrange with the Duke of York for his possessions which case Boston could not resist, the only thing to fear would be that this
in this quarter, in
country might go to ruin, the French being naturally inconstant and fond of novelty.
But
as this could be
remedied by rigorous prohibitions, that consideration ought not to
which would accrue, and the great advantages must eventually derive from the transaction. Quebec by us, Intendant of New France, the IS"" 9^" 1681.
prevail over the great benefit
his
Majesty and
his subjects
Done
at
Du
Chesneau.
— ;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
Mctract of the Instructiona Instruction
de
la
New •
•
to
H.
:
M.
^57
de la Barre}
which the King desires
to be placed in the hands of Sieur Barre, chosen by his Majesty as bis Governor and Lieutenant in
France.
•
••
•
May, ,',
Versailles, the 10"" • •
•
1682.
After having explained to him his Majesty's intentions on all that relates to religion, he must be advised of whatever regards the defence of the country by arms, which must be his principal function.
And,
first,
Majesty doubts not but he
his
said country inhabited by the French,
is
sufficiently
which commences
Lawrence, and continues along the banks of that
informed of the situation of the at the
river as
fiar
mouth of the River Saint as the
mouth of the lake
called Frontenac.
He
is
equally informed that the Savages, nearest adjoining the French settlements, are
the Algonquins and the Iroquois; that the latter had tranquillity of the Colonies of
repeatedly troubled the peace and
New
France^ until, his Majesty having waged a vigorous war against them, they were finally constrained to submit and to live in peace and quietness,
without making any incursions on the territories inhabited by the French. But as these and warlike tribes cannot be kept down except by terror, and as His Majesty has even
restless
—
been informed by the
last despatches that the Onnontagu^s and Senecas Iroquois tribes have killed a Recollet and committed many other violences, and that it is to be feared that they will push their audacity even further, it is very important that the said Sieur de la
Barre put himself
in a condition to proceed, as early as possible,
most favorably situated
for this expedition,
with 6 or 600 of the militia
along the shores of Lake Frontenac to the mouth
of Lake Conty, to exhibit himself to these Iroquois settlements in a condition to restrain them within their duty, and even to attack them should they do anything against the French wherein he must observe that he is not to break with them without a very pressing necessity, and an entire certitude to promptly and advantageously finish the war that he will have
undertaken against them.
He must not only apply himself to He must also endeavor to keep the
prevent the violences of the Iroquois against the French.
Savages
prevent the Iroquois making war on the
very certain that
if
these Nations,
at
Illinois
whose
peace
among
and other
themselves, and by
tribes,
all
neighbors to them,
furs constitute the principal trade of
it
means being
Canada, see
themselves secure against the violence of the Iroquois by the protection they would receive ' This gentleman, who had been Maitre de Reqn^tea ( an officer in the Court of Chancery ) and Intendant of Bonrbonnaia. was appointed governor of Cayenne, when that island waa reduced by the French in 1664. He retamed toon after to France, and war being declared against England in 1666, was sent with a fleet to the West Indie*. He rednoed Antigna and Montserrat in the following February, and recovered Cayenne, which had fallen into the hands of the Eoitlish. As a reward of these successes, he was created Lieutenant-GeneraL He next defeated an English fleet near the Island of Nevis, after aa engagement of three hours. Bojan't Voyage to Cayentu ; Sactft L'Hoimntr Fraxeoi*, He continued Governor of Caoads
He was
and is accused of having converted his official authority to the corrupt no doubt but he did much to lower the reputation of the French among the Five Nations. Charlevoix says of him, that his advanced age made him credulous when he ought to be distrustful, timid when he ought to be bold, dark and cautious towards those who deserved his confidence, and deprived him of the energy until 1686.
a decided
purpose of increasing his
own
enemy of La
fortune.
Salle,
There
is
necessary to act as the critical condition of the colony
demanded when he administered
its affairs.
— Ed.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
168
from the French, they will be so much the more encouraged
to
buy
their merchandises,
and thereby increase trade. But to arrive at these so advantageous results, great exertion must be made to discipline the Colonists, by dividing them into companies in each settlement, exercising them in the use of arms, subjecting them to frequent reviews, and to observe tliat they all have by them the arms necessary for service in case of need; and finally, to keep them constantly drilled, in order to render them capable of effectually defending themselves in case they are attacked, for which
make use, with advantage, of the officers of the troops which went some years ago under the command of Sieur de Tracy.
purpose he will be able to thither
His Majesty desires that he cause all
be prepared, shortly after his arrival, an exact
to
the inhabitants, divided into settlements, in which he will distinguish those
women and
bear arms from aged persons and children, record the number of
who
girls
of
roll
are all
fit
of to
ages,
and endeavor to furnish his Majesty with complete and correct information of the state of the His Majesty again particularly enjoins on him to place himself in a condition to Colony. defend himself by his own resources, it being neither the convenience nor the intention of his Majesty
send regular troops to those parts.
to
Independent of the establishment which the French have along the bank of the river S* Lawrence, a part of Acadia is still occupied by them; and as advices have been received
were seizing several posts which have been always occupied by the French, and send also to the Governor of Boston to explain to him the points to which the bounds of the French domination extend, and to request of him to confine himself within the limits of the Country belonging to the English. And as there has been no Governor for a long time in that quarter, and as Sieur de la Valiere has for two years performed such duties without commission, his Majesty desires that the English
his Majesty desires that he inform himself of this particular,
that he inquire officer first
who
if
the said Sieur de la Valiere
could properly
»
fill
is
capable therefor, or
if
there be any other
the place, in order to inform his Majesty by the return of the
Vessels. •
•
»
•
•
•
•
•
#
•
Several private inhabitants of Canada, excited by the hope of the profit to be realized from the trade with the Indians for furs, have undertaken, at different periods, discoveries in the countries of the Nadoussioux, the river Mississipy, and other parts of North America as his Majesty does not think that these discoveries can be of
any
;
but
and that attention to Agriculture in the cleared settlements would be much more advantageous, his Majesty is not willing that he continue granting those licenses, but merely permit Sieur de la Salle to complete the discovery he has
commenced, examined
consider, after having
any
as far as the
into
it
mouth of
utility,
the said Mississipy river, in case he
with the Intendant, that such Discovery can be of
utility.
Conference on the Intelligence received
from
the Iroquois.
Extracts of the Opinions rendered at the Conference held at the Jesuit Fathers on
the subject of the
House of the
news received from the
Iroquois.
This day, SS** March, M.VI. eighty-two, on the receipt by us. Count de Frontenac, Governor and Lieutenant-General for the King in New France, of intelligence from Sieur de la Forest,
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
II.
jgg
Major of Fort Frontenac, touching Sieur Lamarque's voyage to the Iroquois, undertaken by our orders, in consequence of the news we received last Autumn of the death of one of the Seneca Chiefs, iiilled by an Illinois, at Missilimakinac among the Kiskakons, and of letters written by the Reverend Jesuit Fathers who are Missionaries among the Iroquois, wherein they note the dispositions of the Savages, having deemed
M' DuChesneau,
Intendant,
we had him
it
proper to confer thereupon with
invited to attend, for this purpose, at the house of the
Reverend Jesuit Fathers of this city, where we thought it our duty to summon Sieur Provost, Major of Quebec, and to invite the Reverend Father Bechefer, Superior of the said house, and the Rev. Fathers d'Ablon and Fremin to assist thereat, they being persons well versed in the manners and customs of the Indians by several years' experience, acquired as Missionaries
among them,
in order to consider all at once the
most proper expedients to avert the war reason to believe the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois, over whom they have already gained great advantages; a contest that would involve the Outaouacs and other Indian tribes under his Majesty's protection, and possibly might, if not remedied, draw,
which there
is
in a little while, another
war
into the heart of the Country.
And
the Intendant being arrived at the house of the Rev. Jesuit Fathers, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we requested him and the persons above named to have the goodness to give in writing their opinions on the following points, which were extracted from said letters after
the same had been read: •
1".
As
Nations
to the place at
for a
which
it is
best to give a rendezvous to the deputies of the Five
conference with them.
2''.
The time
S**.
About what number of Indians
to
be fixed for that purpose. is
it
supposed, from those letters of advice, will be
to be able to fix what escort we ought to accompany us. 4"'. As (o the means to defray the expense necessarily attendant on the inarch of the troops to compose that escort, and for presents which it will be proper to give, according to the custom of the Five Iroquois tribes, in confirmation of the speeches and proposals to be made to them in order to avert the war, and support them pending their sojourn and on their return home.
hunting
have
in the
neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, so as
to
On which points the Very Reverend Father Bechefer' stated, in the name of the aforesaid Fathers: My Lord, the Governor having done us the honor to ask our opinions, we have what follows, entirely submitting our thoughts to his, as he has infinitely more knowledge and information than we 1". That it would be better that My Lord should convoke the Iroquois deputies at the Fort which bears his name, rather than any where else, it comporting more with the dignity belonging to a person of his quality to cause the said Deputies to come to a fort of bis government than for him to go on their territory. 2^. In consideration of the request which (as appears from the letters above mentioned) the Indians of the different Iroquois tribes have made to My Lord, that he would be pleased to stated
:
Mohawka and Ooeidaa to • became Superior, an 1 filled that office several years. lie was in France in 1690, and sailed from Rochelle, on the 28th July, 1691, to retom to Canada; bat on the 10th of August was obliged, by ill health, to put back to the port from which he had sailed a few week* before. '
Bev. TatEHBT BicuEncs arrived in Canada in 1665, wa« sent as early ai 1666 to invite the
Council at Quebec, and was a missionary in their country in 1C70-1. Shea.
Vof/ages de
La
Ilonian, cd. 1728, L, 852.
Vol. IX.
He
died soon
after.
22
— Ko.
In 1680 he
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
170
assemble them before the young
men
n
of their tribe, being returned from hunting, could form
June would be the proper time for said meeting. S**. It is not expected that many Indians would be in the neighborhood of F'ort Frontenac at the time of meeting, the season for hunting the Beaver and the Moose (Orignal) being over, and those returning from winter hunting being for the most part home in their villages at the time appointed for the meeting. As to the force by which it is proper that My said Lord
war
parties; that the 16"" of
ought to be accompanied to secure him against insult from the Savages, should they entertain any bad design, though that belongs not to our profession, and we are not qualified to judge correctly of it, yet, as our opinion therein is requested, we think that it would not be proper for
My
made
Lord
said
to take
much
with him a
to the said fort, the first
men
would would give umbrage to the
canoes, of four
or fifteen
larger force than in the
time excepted, when he went to build each,
suffice.
The
it;
different
voyages he
and therefore twelve
reason of this
is
the fear that a
Indians, of wiiich they are very susceptible, as numerous escort happened on divers occasions the consequence whereof would be, that the Iroquois deputies (on notice thereof from their people, who are always accustomed to exaggerate in their reports) would either not attend the meeting, or perhaps, on arriving at it, take to flight in dread of being seized, and thereby break off the negotiation, the necessity for which is Moreover, should they entertain any bad design against the French, sufficiently palpable. they are too politic and adroit to execute it at present, being desirous to terminate the war which they have commenced with great success against the llinois and the Oumiamies, allies of the French with whom it is to be presumed they desire to live at peace, at least until they have completed the war they have begun, provided their design Be not disturbed, and they be ;
allowed to destroy our
allies.
what relates to the support of the Deputies during their sojourn and return to their must be expected that there will not be less than fifty persons, as well men as women, and the expense ought to be calculated accordingly. The presents ought to be considerable and some must be given not only to the chiefs, but also to the warriors, because the affair is to prevent them continuing a war to which they are greatly inclined, and which 4"".
As
villages,
to
it
;
they are certain of waging with success.
The above
are the sentiments of Fathers D'Ablon, Fremin, and of
signed
Thierry Bechefer,
:
me
the undersigned.
of the Society of Jesus.
The said Major said As My Lord the Governor is pleased to ask my opinion as to what ought to be done regarding the war which the Iroquois wish to continue against the Illinois and Outaouacs respecting a Savage who has been killed I think My Lord the Governor :
;
must order the Five nations
them through those he himself, and make them
to
send him Deputies to Fort Frontenac, that he
send on his behalf,
shall
if
may
speak
to
he do not think proper to go up there
presents, in accordance with the speech that will be
communicated
to
appease them; and this can be done in the beginning of June, when they shall repair thither according to orders.
That he does not
believe,
though
that there can be, at this season, any
considerable enough to render
harm than good. As for the means to him, he
it
it
may
number
all
the letters communicated to us,
of Indians in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac
necessary to go there with a large force, which
to subsist the Indians
and the Intendant
be stated in
will agree
whom
about
the Governor will invite to
that, if
may do more
come
to
speak
they please. Signed,
Provost.
PARTS DOCUMENTS The
The Governor
Intendant said:
liaving desired
:
him
to write his opinion
immediately preceding him, he begs pardon for any errors
it
repetition, perhaps, of
same things
m
II.
it
may
and announce
possibly contain, by the
may
have been expressed by those already given their opinions, each having retired by himself, as was requested, tiie
that
who have to prepare
his ideas in writing.
After having attentively examined the letters sent to the Governor, by Fathers de Lamberville' and Gamier,* Jesuits, and by Sieur De la Forest, Major of Fort Frontenac, of the 17th
December of proceeded
3 January, 7, 16, 16, ]8, and 28 February of the present year, he
last year,
to say:
obtained over the of those from
That
it is
liinois,
whom we
obtain a great
That in consequence of Kiskakons and near that of
whom we
receive
all
quite evident tiiat the Iroquois, inflated by
propose to destroy that Nation, which
many
tiie
victories they have
with
us,
and one
peltries.
which occurred
the accident
tlie
is in alliance
last
autumn,
in
the Village of the
Tionontatez of the Outaouais nation, our ancient friends, from
the peltries that
come
into the country, and which they bring to Montreal,
having traded for them with the Far nations, the Iroquois are seeking an opportunity to
after
destroy both these tribes, and thus gratify their resentment against the French, saying that one
of their Chiefs having been killed by an Ilinois in the village of the said Kiskakons, in
presence of Tionontatez and of Frenchmen, they must, according to their custom on like occasions, avenge that
murder on them as accomplices, for not having killed the murderer. The continuance of this war is, doubtless, prejudicial to the country, and its consequences
dangerous; because,
if
we
suffer our allies to be destroyed, the Iroquois, stimulated
success they probably will obtain over those tribes,
almost inevitably turn on
But
as
it
is
us,
when they
will
who
by the
are but imperfectly disciplined, will
have no other enemies.
impossible to effect what appears to be necessary to avert the
war without
considerable expense, and as he, the Intendant, has express orders not to authorize any, unless
War
be declared, he entreats the Governor to have the goodness to authorize, on his part, the
smallest possible expenditure, unless he judge such indispensable, as
though the
War
be not declared against us,
Rev. Jean de Laubebtille
'
is
it is
against our
allies,
who
it
appears to be
;
for
are a part of ourselves
supposed to have immigrated to Canada in 1668; he was sent MiMionary in 1671 to Onondaga, He continued at this Mission until 1687, and by his leal and high
wliere he founded the church of St. John the Baptist
character exercised a great influence
mentioned year he
last
fell,
among
the Qnondagss, with whose language he was intimately oooTarsaot
unfortunately, into a snare set for him by
De
Is th«
Denonville, Oorernor of Canada, whereby he
wa«
the innocent cause of leading a number of the Iroquois into the hands of their enemy, who sent them to the Freoefa galleys. Tlie Onondagas acquitted him of all participation in this perfidious act, but represented that he could not rviuaiu among
them any longer with escort with
which he
Catarakouy.
attacked by seurvy, and removed to Potherie represeuU him as being at fall of
1698
;
young men were highly incensed at the seizure of their brethren. They gave him an In September of the same year ho waa Chaplain at Fort Niagara, where he was Catarakouy in a very low condition. Was he Superior in 1690f See eupra, IIL, 716. La Saut St, Louis in 1691. Hittoire it tAmeriqM, HL, 131. He returned to France in the
safety, as their
set out for
among
in the course of the next year they requested M. de Callierta does not appear that be came again to Amerie*. He waa known
but was so greatly regarded by the Onondagas, that
to recall him, with a view to his residing
among them.
It
name of Teiorhentre. See III., 453. JuuEN GARSiEn, brother of the celebrated Benedictine, waa bom at Connerai. in the dioeese »f Mans, aboot the year 1643. He came in 1662 toCanadii, where he completed his studies, and received Holy Orde^^ April 166«. having bMn the first Jesuit ordained in that country. He was sent to Oneida in 1667, whence he visited Onondaga, and went to Caynga He acted In 1671 he was ordered to the Senecas, where Hennepin found him in 1679, whence he retired in 1688. in 1668. as interpreter to the Uurons at the peace of 1701, and is said to have returned to the Senecas in 1702. L«fiUn, who was hia pupil, and learned from him all he knew of the Indians, says that Father G. had spent more than sixty yearn on the Mission, and that he was well acquainted with the Algonquin, Huron and Iroquois languagaa. Mr. She* myi that h« waa itill •
the Iroquois by the
Rev.
alive in 1722.
— Ed.
:
NEW-YOEK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
172
(qui sont d'autres nous tncmes).
indicating that
it is
and unless he be escorted, shall
On
the
all
letters
impossible to prevent the continuance of that war, unless the Governor, as
they say he promised, convoke the Indians
he
and, moreover,
This, then, being granted,
month of June, at tTie nearest place to them and unless he support, by presents, the proposals
in the
for fear of surprise,
;
make
the
first
proposition, he, the Intendant, said: It v^ould be desirable that the Governor
convoke the Indians
at Montreal,
country; this could be done at
which
little
is
a
populous place, and the second city in the
expense and with great safety, as his household alone
However, as all the letters insinuate the necessity of the Governor's being near the Iroquois, and even propose to him to fix the meeting at places forty leagues from their village, he would not presume to insist absolutely on Montreal; yet he cannot avoid entreating him not to advance so near the Iroquois, but to select Fort Frontenac, which is a fortified place, should it not be considered more expedient to invite them
would be
sufficient.
to Montreal.
On
the
All the letters agreeing that the Iroquois are preparing to start in the spring
2"^:
for the war,
and that
not possible to prevent this unless they be assembled in the
it is
would seem that the Governor ought to be requested to the time for them to meet him at the place he will select.
of June, before they depart, IS"" of the
On
the
same month
3'"''
point: It
as
is
it
impossible to state precisely the
number
the meeting; the Governor having considerable experience in
all
month fix
the
of Indians that will attend
these matters, in consequence
of the frequent assemblies he has held, would be better qualified than any other person to
determine witli
this point.
due deference,
Yet, since he absolutely desires an opinion hereupon, he would submit,
he should determine
in case
to proceed as far as
by taking some young men of the country to double garrison of Quebec, which he may increase by 15 or 20
his guards,
persons, he
Fort Frontenac, whether with the soldiers of the
would not be
not only to check, but even to chastise the Iroquois, should they
in a position
in the respect they
fail
owe him.
On
As there
the 4"":
by the King's
no funds, it appears absolutely necessary that an advance be made whose iiands will be deposited, in part payment of the advance, whether of wampum or furs, which will be made by the nations for whom
the presents,
all
are
collectors, in
peace shall be secured.
Signed
We, Count de Frontenac, Governor order which
We
for the
King
Duchesnau.
:
Country, in observance of the
in this
requested should be preserved in this Conference, and without having any
knowledge of the sentiments above written. Say, that
We
are not of opinion that a rendezvous should be given to the five Iroquois
Nations at the locality near la Famine,^ designated in the letters
we
we have
received, because
could not go thither in a state to be protected against the insults and designs of the
Iroquois without a large
number of men and
canoes, that could not be ready by the time
indicated in those letters, and without an excessive outlay, which the Court would hardly
approve
of,
after all the prohibitions his
Majesty has given
31 March, 1680, not to draw any sums of
money from
us, especially in his
of Canada, under any pretext whatsoever, without advising
may, with greater '
difficulty,
him thereof; and
be allowed on an occasion when
Presumed to be Salmon creek or
river,
Oswego county.
despatch of
the said farmers (of the Revenue)
its
this
expense
necessity does not appear
See IIL, 431, note
1.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
II.
173
may be made, his Majesty could scarcely persuade himself that this was of such a nature, seeing that it would be incurred only as a precaution
indispensable, since, wlmtever representation
and
prevent the Iroquois continuing a war against tribes from Montreal. to
Though
five
hundred leagues distant
the preparations for going to Fort Frontenac be less expensive, as less precaution
would be necessary
for the safety and dignity of our character, yet we could not, were we to avoid affectation, have the Iroquois come thither without making our escort much larger than
usually accompanies us in our ordinary journeys (when
and
we this
fifty
or sixty men), especially
when we
consists merely of fifteen or 20 canoes
understand by those despatches have gone to hunt in the neighborhood of said fort. Again, could not be done without incurring an expense which, though less, could not fail to be
considerable, and be subject to the
we were
understhnding that
we
it
take into consideration the large number of Savages
same censures of the
going to the
are accustomed to have,
court.
Moreover, the Savages,
men and canoes than which we perceive by
with a larger number of
fort
would be confirmed
in their suspicions,
those same letters were being impressed on them by efforts to persuade them that
we
not take a journey of this sort thither unless
already resorted
as
to,
we have
we would
had some design against them; a trick
experienced, by ill-disposed Indians,
who would
make
fain
things worse.
Therefore, to avoid these embarrassments, the best expedient
is
to invite
them
come
to
to
all
of which are equally to be feared,
three from each nation, about the 15"" or 20"" of June, alleging,
we
we
think
Montreal by Deputies, to the number of two or if it
be deemed proper,
thiit
in which we by some indisposition which would prevent our going even so far, were it not for the extreme desire we have to see them and to discover means to arrange all matters acquainting them at the same time that, to facilitate their voyage to Montreal, provisions would be furnished them at the time they will appoint, either at Fort Frontenac or at any other place on
cannot go sooner by reason of important business
are engaged;
or, if
thought
better,
—
their route that they will designate.
What has still more strongly determined us to adopt this opinion is, that by conferring with them on the 15"" June, figreeably to their alleged desire, this conference will be almost useless, and require another in autumn, as it will not be in our power to say anything positive to them, before that time, regarding the satisfaction the Kiskakons and Tionontates propose to
them
;
for
we would
not
will desire us to submit
know from
to
these the resolutions they will adopt thereon nor what they
— matters we
cannot be informed of until the coming
Outaouaes, which will not be before the shall then be better advised,
make
by some
end of July and commencement
down
of August.
of the
We
vessel arriving from France, of the policy the Court
we have fully informed his Majesty and the Marquis of Seignelay of the death of that influential Seneca, who was killed among the Kiskakons at Michilimakinac, by an Ilinois, and of all the dispositions of the Iroquois, as expects us to observe on similar occasions, as
well as of their insolences, presumptions, threats and evil designs, both against the Ilinois and the Outaouaes, and even against the French ; also of the need we stand in both of troops
and money, either to anticipate them, or to protect ourselves against the expeditions they might undertake against our allies and this colony. This will also serve us for a guide as to the policy we shall have to observe in our speeches to them, and acquaint us in what
manner we
shall prepare
them
;
that
is
to say, with
more
or less mildness.
Signed
:
Frontenac.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
174
M. Du Cheaneau Copy
to
Count de Frontenac.
of Monsieur Duchesneau's letter to Monsieur de Frontenac of the
28*''
July, 1682. Sir,
On
the intelligence
we
are continually receiving, from
Iroquois towards us, and on learning that no aid
considered that
I
could not, without failing in
is to
my
all parts,
of the evil disposition of the
be expected
tliis
duty and in the zeal
I
year from France,
have always
I
felt for
the King's service, omit communicating my opinions to you, in order to avert a war which would be the utter ruin of this country at this time, when it is wholly defenceless. Y^ou will pay such attention thereto as will please you; for I am persuaded that in these and all other matters you have more knowledge than I, and that I must not interfere therein any further
than
is
agreeable to you.
Since you did not deem
it
proper to repair to Fort Frontenac in the month of June
last,
as
the Iroquois requested, to prevent the departure of their warriors against the Illinois, and to it would appear to me them in the month of August, causing them to be convoked for that time, because, should you not do so, they would doubt not but you would be abandoning the Illinois to them, and would be well pleased that they should do themselves since they would have some reason to think that you would give justice on the Kiskakons yourself no more trouble about a matter, the consequences of which you perceive better
render them the justice against the Kiskakons you had promised them, of the greatest importance that
you
visit
;
than
I.
you a request not to assemble them at the Fort, but at Famine and as it appears to me difficult for you to refuse them at the present conjuncture, when, having no hope from France, we are obliged to manage them more than we should do at another time and, besides, as you ought not to do anything unworthy
However,
as the Iroquois sent
Techoueguen,* or
—
at la
;
your character, and security all
that
— is
I
it is
but prudent not to expose yourself to their rashness, but, on the
preserve your dignity and your authority intact, and to
contrary, to
have bethought
me
to
due your rank and go as
and manned by
speak
to
them
in
propose to you whether you do not think you could preserve far as the fort;
a resolute body of men, none
proceed thence in the bark, well armed,
of
whom would make
their
appearance
except those you wish, followed by the brigantine in the same condition, and have yourself
conducted to one of those two places, and there, without landing, send for the Iroquois to come and speak to you, observing the precaution not to allow them to come on board in great numbers. I
submit
all
this to
your pleasure, and beg of you
to
approve
my
laying
my
opinions before
you, which I do only for the King's service and the preservation of this country.
I
am,
Sir,
Your most humble and most obedient Servant, DuCHESNAU. 'Oswego.
— Eo
PARIS DOCUMENTS: H.
(hunt de Frontenac
Copy
of Count de
to
M.
Du
I75
Chesneau.
Frontenac's ADswer to M. Duchesneau's letter of the
28"> July, 1682. Sir,
was on the point of dispatching
a canoe to you, with advice of what Sieur De la Forest touching the insult the Iroquois have perpetrated on the bark, by forcibly taking merchandise out of it, when I received your letter of the 2S'* July. What caused me to defer sending it to you was that I was expecting further news from Fort Frontenac, which I
has just told
me
might inform me with more certainty of the consequences of that act, in order the better to concert with you the measures proper to be adopted. What you state to me is well considered, and may, I think, be executed with surety and dignity by putting the brigantine in order, which it is not, as a part of its rigging has been taken to equip the bark; it only remains to be examined, after the insolent manner in which the Iroquois have answered
them, whether
it
would
my
last
summons, evincing a
flatter their
arrogance too
me to go and seek which would appear in
disposition to oblige
much
to take a step
some sort to degrade the dignity of my character, and give them reason to believe that we them dreadfully, and that it is in their power to dictate the law to us. But wherever and however this interview take place, on which I am resolved when I shall have seen the Kiskakons, we must previously consider the means of making the necessary preparations for this voyage, and of placing, this winter, the fort and bark beyond insult. fear
This is one of the principal precautions to be taken to arrest the bad designs of the Iroquois and to preserve the country. As all this cannot be done without expense and early attention, and as I know you have not funds, I considered it my duty to propose to you to defray it between us, and, in case the King should not allow this expense, to engage ourselves in our name to the merchant whom you will please to select for this purpose, to pay him equally for whatever he might
and brandy, which compose the indispensable supplies. Whereunto ought be added whatever may be proper for presents, since you know
furnish of flour, pork
I
as well as
that speeches, unless they are seconded, have no eflect on Savages.
Though and
my
the news, which M. Dollier informs
we ought to have sufficient zeal we are intrusted with that
appeal,
the country, whilst
me you communicated for
to him, indicate your
the King's service and the preservation of
charge, to do
all
that depends on us for
its
security against the attacks of the Iroquois, and to leave everything in a good condition for
who
and who, perhaps, will not arrive in sufficient season to have flour manufactured and conveyed to the Fort, which is the most urgent matter. You will please let me know at the earliest moment if you approve this expedient; awaiting
those
which,
will
I shall
come
to relieve us,
remain. Sir,
Your most humble and most obedient servant,
Montreal, this
S'"
August, 1682.
Fhontbnac.
a
;
:
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
176
Conference hettoeen Count de Frontenac
and
(lie
Ottawas.
Montreal the
The Kiskakons, OutaoSesinagos, who
those iu
of the Indians called Outaoues,
Sable^
IS""
August, 1682.
and some Miamis, composing a part
arrived at Montreal on the eleventh day of August, 1GS2,
number of 26 canoes, had an audience with
my
Lord Count de Frontenac, on the IS"" of said month, and Nonchekkiskakon being spokesman, and M' de Vieupont, who came down with them from Missiiimakina, acting as Interpreter, they stated in their first word to the
That they have not
Firaiword.
a great
many
things to say to their father Onontio, except
him to have pity on them for the Iroquois kill them. That they would not have come down had not Onontio sent them word to do so that they come to see him and to hear his voice, and have no other word than what they brought him last fall, and request him not to abandon, but to have pity on them.
that they consider themselves dead, and pray
They recouuted
Second Word.
;
the affair of the Seneca killed in their country last
Summer
where they were celebrating the festival of the Dead, some Hur ons. their neighbors, returning from hunting, had met in the bush a little Ilinois girl, about seven years old, who had escaped Those men would frona among those of her nation taken prisoner by the Iroquois. have brought her to their feast of Indian corn, beyond the Village of the Kiskakons; hearing of which, some of the Ilinois, who are married at Missilimakinac, were there to see her, and having found only some little children in the cabin where she was, they questioned her, and discovering by the names of her parents, which she communicated to them, that she was an Ilinoise, they brought her to the village of the Kiskakons. Having been informed that Annanhac, one of the Seneca Chiefs, had left the main body of the victorious Iroquois army to come to Missiiimakina, they visited him having stated on his arrival there that a little Ilinoise had left him on his march to Detroit, he went with the Hurons to the village of the Kiskakons, to see if it were she, and having recognized her, said that he had even adopted One of the Ilinois opposing it, both became so heated that the her, and insisted on having her. killed by him before any of those who were in the cabin had the Ilinois, was by insulted Seneca, immediately They came down to advise Onontio thereof; to testify the power to prevent it. their displeasure to him, and to request him to interpose in order to settle this afiair; but not On finding him at Montreal, they applied to M' Perrot to communicate the matter to him.
by an
Ilinois
at
Missilimakinac,
suspecting nothing,
when they
learned that
;
their return they gave belts to the* Hurons, to be presented in their
name
to the
Senecas
whom
they were going to see; and in place of appeasing their minds and acquitting them of this death, the Hurons attributed to them all the blame, without speaking of the belts which they
were entrusted
to present,
among them.
on their behalf, as a token of their regret that this accident had
The Hurons,
were the authors of the unfortunate affairs, they went frequently in secret. Third Word. That they are come to hear the voice of Onontio, and to learn what he will say to them to restore their spirits; that they entreat him to be pleased to always protect them; to take pity on their coudition and permit them to trade the few peltries they have brought. occurred
therefore,
having an understanding with the Iroquois,
'The Outawas of the Talon and Sable (Sand drove them to Michilimakinae.
La
)
to
whom
tribes formerly inhabited Manitoualin Islaud, but the dread of the Iroquois
Ilontan's Voyage, ed. 1706,
II.,
20.
PARIS DOCUMENTS Count de Frontenac answered
11.
:
I77
was very glad to see them, but what they told him among them being of consequence, it was necessary that they endeavor to arrange that matter. On this subject he had to tell them that, as soon as M' IVrrot had given him notice of the arrival last autumn of their deputies at Montreal, he hod sent to that he
of the Seneca killed last year
Onontague and
to Seneca to exhort the Iroquois to suspend their resentment on account of this death until he should confer next sunmier with them at Fort Frontenac, where he invited
them
to repair,
and where he would not
fail
to attend after he
learned from them the satisfaction they proposed
making
had seen the Kiskakons, and
for the death of
Annehac, which
could be regarded only as a private quarrel, with which the tribe had nothing to do, since it had sent deputies to inform him what share it had in that accident. That the Iroquois had
come in the month of June as far as the South shore of Lake Frontenac, to hear their voice thereupon, as it was diflicult to believe that the murder of Annanhac had not been committeTd with the participation of all the Kiskakons, they not requested him, by their answer, to
having broken the head of the murderer, nor arrested him. the Iroquois until they had
proposed to
make
for the
come down,
in order that
he
That he had postponed answering may learn what reparation they
death of Annenhac.
That they must not imagine themselves dead on that account, but consider what they intended to offer the Iroquois to restore their spirits on making proper proposals on their side, he would on his part, as the common~ftither of the one and the other, endeavor to satisfy them. That it would be necessary for them to select, for this purpose, three or four of their Chiefs to confer with him in private, so that the resolutions they would adopt, being secret, may be the more effectual. The Kiskakons made no reply to that; they merely urged Onontio to permit them to commence trading, as, they said, they distrusted the Iroquois, and feared they might in their ;
absence sack their villages, take away their old men, their
women and
children
;
therefore
they requested that they might trade and return as soon as possible.
But Count De Frontenac having told them that it was necessary that the Hurons, of whom they complained, and who were hourly expected, should be heard in their presence, that they may be afterwards reconciled and made friends, they consented to tarry. Meanwhile one of the Miamis, having taken up the word, stated that they likewise were daily slaughtered by the Iroquois. The Count having answered that this was the first news he had of it, and having afterwards inquired how many of his men the Iroquois had killed, and at what place, the Miami replied The Count rejoined. Were there not that he came not to complain nor to demand satisfaction. Frenchmen in his country did not De la Salle, who had made an establishment there, exhort them to build a fort to defend themselves against those who should attack them, and
—
W
concurring therein, also confessed that the Iroquois had told him to retire from their war path, as they had nothing to say against him, but against the Ilinois ; nevertheless they failed not, on four occasions, to kill him, and to seize some of his people, for which he vvas not asking satisfaction of Onontio. But hia
even
to unite themselves
with the Ilinois?
The Miami,
and tone indicated that he intended to obtain it and to avenge himself. that when he would see the Iroquois he should reprove them, and point out their error, in order that they may repair it and that a similar recurrence be prevented; and then gave the whole party wherewith to smoke and eat, and to drink his health. air
The Count told him
Vol. IX.
23
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
178
The IS"" August, 1682. Some Hurons, or Tionnontatez comprised under the name Montreal on the to the
Count,
IS"" of
in the
of their chief Sataretsi,' arrived at
August, to the number of ten canoes, communicated their
audience given them on
The
tlie l-S""
word
first
of said month, 1G82, through their Orator,
M' Le Moine acting as their interpreter, and M' de S' Paul for the Kiskakons, who were invited to the same audience: Firsi Word. Speaking in tlie singular number under the name of Sateretsi they had come down at the request of Onontio their father, who had told them by the Frenchmen to descend to Montreal, where they had come to hear his voice; that he saw them poor and miserable, because their young men amused themselves drinking; that they did not neglect coming at the command of their father, to learn his will and to request him to inform them of what was occurring; that they hear many rumors, and that the earth is turned upside down; that this causes them trouble, and they have recourse to Onontio to restore them their senses and to give them good advice. B«oondWorpicc) on it. though that is not expressed in the King's Internal peace
The Bishop
those fathers have resolutely determined it, and which places them at loggerheads with our Prelate. I shall say nothing to yt)u of this matter, which is not within my attributes, save only that this place is not suitable for the purpose for which they pretend it is destined and multiplying mendicant establishments in this country is not of advantage to a people so poor as that throughout the patents.
wisiied to prevent
cabrez) to persist,
(se sont
;
entire of this Colony.
Having been obliged that
we have
actual truth,
with time,
you
2,248
in all
men
women
be taken of the people of this country,
capable of bearing arms, and about
however people may write you
to the
The
contrary.
souls.
renewing the allowance
for the
I
This
found is
the
population will increase
breeding considerably in this country and few children dying.
please, neglect
We
to direct a census to
Do
not, if
marriages of French women.
experienced serious embarrassment in the month of January
last in
regard to Dollars.
They were here in some number, and a quantity of them being light caused considerable disorder among the lower classes. It not being customary in this country to weigh them, induced the Intendant and me to assemble an extraordinary session of the Council, at which it was fle-ur
and
resolved, subject to his Majesty's pleasure, to have the dollars of weight
marked with a
and those which were light with some cypher fixing their value. now in operation without any noise or difficulty.
This was done>
de is
You
lys,
are pleased to permit
my
son.
fiill
on him
me
to
remind you that you have granted
me
your protection for
beg you to allow some trifle of the merit of the services I have rendered the King to and having served eight years as Captain, which rank he reached through all the grades, to do him the favor to distinguish him among those of his [rank], and to consider that, as I am not near you to beg this of you at a fitting time, your goodness must make up all I
;
deficiencies.
which
it
From
also, I solicit
the allowance of the salary of 1600'"' as State Councillor,
pleased the King to grant me,
except through you,
me
it,
1
flatter
his Majesty's opinion of
when
I
shall
act as chief
As
me what
ask you
myself you will not refuse
my
conduct, and to direct this in
I
all
I
cannot expect favors,
—
to
communicate to you will
things, certain that
be perfectly and willingly obeyed by
Quebec, the
4""
Your most humble, most obedient and most obliged servant Le febure de la Barre. November, 1683.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
Representation on tlu Revenue
II.
j|j^
and Trade of Canada.
Extract of the Memoir addressed to Mess", tlie Tartners of tlie Society tn Commandi/e of the Farm and Trade of Canada, On tlie means of preventing the smuggling of beaver.
The Beavers
can be prevented falling into the hands of the said Mess", the Farmers by first of which is
various routes; the
CATARACOUr, OR FoKT FeONTENAC. This post is situate on the border of Lake Ontario. It was erected Count de Frontenac, apparently for the security of the country, but, in
in the
year 1673 by
the purpose of trading with the Iroquois; to serve as a place of refuge and entrepot for the Coureurs de bois scattered among all the Outawas nations, and to carry on thence a trade in beavers with fact, for
the Dutch and the English of Orange and Manatte.
Some years afterwards. Monsieur De La Salle went to France and induced his Majesty to concede to him the property of this fort, of which he was at the same time Lord and Governor, on condition of reimbursing the cost of its establishment, and keeping up a number men for three years, which he fulfilled, and Duchesneau, then Intendant of that Country.
of
for
which he has had
his release
from Monsieur
Said Sieur De La Salle, who has not observed in his affairs all the management necessary, allowed himself to be since led away into useless discoveries, which have absorbed all the advances made by his creditors to maintain this establishment.
Monsieur de
who
Barre,
la
has succeeded the said Count de Frontenac in the government
of Canada, having judged this post necessary to the success of the continual speculations of
Sieur de
la
Chesnaye, who sent thither a great quantity of merchandise under the charge
Champagne, on pretence of abandoned by Sieur de la Salle.
of Serjeant is
fortifying
and guarding the
Information has already been received that the said English.
If this
be not remedied, not only will
all
said fort, which,
Champagne had
tlie
beaver which
'tis
said,
sent Beavers to the tlie
said
Champagne
go to them, but also a large amount, exceeding Thirty canoes, that said Sieur de Barre has in the woods, in partnership with Sieur de la Chesnaye, under the charge of
will procure, la
Du
Lut, so notorious for his pernicious enterprizes.
The
first thing which seems capable of arresting this disorder is, not from the Minister, whose intentions are opposed to such speculations.
The second is, that the De la Salle, who, in the obtaining this support; diligent clerk,
anything
said Mess". Partners enter into association with the said Sieur
unfortunate state of his
in that case, the
who would
to conceal
see
what
is
affairs,
will
company would have
consider himself happy in at that post a faithful
passing, and prosecute at the same time a
and
somewhat
considerable trade.
These are the only two means of remedying it ; otherwise, the projects of the said M. de the said Sieur De la Chesnaye will be quite as successful as they desire.
La Barre and
Fort Chamblt is
is
to say, to
Lake Champlain,
since the
the second place by which quantities of Beaver are diverted to foreigners
Orange, Manatte, and even to Boston.
That post
is
erected on
;
that
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
212
wars with the Iroquois, and belongs to Monsieur de Ciianibly, formerly captain
last
in the troops
sent to Canada, at present Governor of Martinique.
a Seigniory, very pleasantly situated on said Lake, from which rises the
It is
Richelieu,
little
river
discharges itself at Saurel into the River Saint Lawrence, after a course of
tliat
There was formerly a pretty considerable number of settlers there, the have removed, or are reduced to poverty because they have not been is become the refuge of people who pay attention only to the Orange
about twenty leagues. greater portion of
whom
sustained; so that
it
and Manatte trade. over
It is
fifty
leagues from Quebec, going up the River (Saint Lawrence) as far as Saurel,
But
[and] the said River Richelieu.
more mild a mill
made
five
leagues from Montreal, to which
The
across the woods.
climate there
it
is
has a
much
and produces all sorts of good grain. It has the convenience of the inhabitants. Hunting and fishing are very abundant, so
tlian at
for
The
Quebec.
only
is
it
pretty easy communicatioa over a road
that a sober and intelligent
man
soil is fertile,
could easily settle himself there, more especially, as he
could drive quite a considerable trade with the Indians were he to keep always on hand an
assortment of suitable goods.
The
said
Sieur de
la
whom
Chambly owes about 4,000 livres, sum of 6,000"". poor and cannot even pay what he owes the [King's] Domain
Chesnay, to
Sieur de
sold the above Fort to Sieur de Saint Ours, Captain in the said troops, for the
The
Ours
said Sieur de Saint
for that
The
is
purchase; so that the said Sieur de
la
Chesnaye pretends
to reenter in possession.
His sale
said Sieur de la Cliesnaye has a bad foundation for his claim.
having no special power to make said Seigniory to Miss Tavenet,
and, moreover, the said Sieur de
it;
known
to
Monsieur de Puymoren (according
account), on condition, however, that she will not be at liberty dispose of
de Chauibly's death, unless she agree
So
to
come
to
Canada and
invalid,
it
to
the
M. Boivenet's
until after Sieur
on the said Seigniory.
settle
that, should Mess", tlie partners desire to prevent the
is
Chambly donated
Beaver trade which
is
carried
on with the Indians in that direction, they cannot do better than to induce the said Sieur de Chambly for a certain sum [to prevail] on Miss Tavenet to of
Chambly;
it
can be had without any
difficulty,
sell
them the Seigniory
under such circumstances,
for the
sum
of
3,000 francs at most. It is of so much the more importance that they should make this purchase, as the English of Orange and Manatte begin themselves to come to trade with the French this has been the case not over fifteen days since, when the said Sieur de Saint Ours arrested three of them, who, M'. De La Barre gave orders, should have liberty and permission to sell their merchandise. ;
If the
commencement
of
the
trade
be
not
prevented,
it
will
cause
much damage
to
the Revenue.
The
arrival of the said English in our settlements is a
Sieur Salvaye,
who was
sent last spring by M. de
la
consequence of the embassy of the
Barre
to the
Governors of Manatte and
Orange, with orders to adopt, with them, measures for the advantage of the Colon}'. the Governor's secret
is
not inquired into; but
it is
Here
averred that the said Salvaye conveyed
voyage more than eight hundred Beavers on the said Sieur de laChesnaye's account, in This is another disorder which return for which he brought back Dollars and Wampum. cannot be remedied except by making the Minister thoroughly understand the importance in this
of removing If
it.
Mess", the Partners cannot purchase the said post of Chambly, another expedient can
be had recourse to in order to prevent trade in that direction
;
namely, to obtain from his
PARIS DOCUMENTS
IL
:
213
Majesty authority for the Collectors to dispatch a canoe every month from Quebec or aome other part of the Colony, with two or three men, who will themselves go to Orange, which ii the frontier post, with
These men would
some
furs, in
order to avoid suspicion.
and would ascertain every thing that might pass, and on their reports those could be prosecuted who might be discovered contravening the King's order, which it is absolutely necessary that the said Mess", the Farmers should obtain and send to this country for publication. Otherwise, the want of it will always be felt. act as spies
Remonstrance of Sieur de Memoir
to
la
render
SaUe against M.dela Barrels Seizure of Fort Frontenao.
My
Lord, the Marquis de Seignelay, an Account of the condition
which Sieur de Lasalle had left engaged on his Discovery. 16S4. in
fort
Frontenac during the time he was
Count de Frontenac, being invested with the government of New France, found there a who were scouring the woods with impunity, and going to
general breaking up of the French, the English to
whom
make war New-York. The irregularity of the former was repressed and the (designs of the latter defeated by the construction of the Fort which M' de Frontenac caused to be erected in the way of the one and the other. The advantage the country derived therefrom at first caused this fort and the lake, to be called, in token of acknowledgment, by the name of Frontenac. The late Lord Colbert gave the property and government of it to Sieur de Lasalle, on condition of paying on account of the King the cost thereof, which amounted to eleven sell
the peltries of our
allies,
on
unless they would carry the Beaver to them by
thousand
livres, for
which he has a
whom he has likewise satisfied. He sent thither from France, and among whom there have ordinarily
receipt,
the Iroquois threatened to
Lake Ontario and afterwards
and nine thousand
supported there at his
livres
own
to
on account of individuals,
expense, as
many
as
fifty
men,
been two or three Recollets, as appears by the extract of
the audit.
Sieur de Lasalle then directed his attention to the increase of the buildings and clearance!; encircling the place with a strong wall on the land side, and strengthening the palisades
towards the water. He erected French and Indian houses there, had cattle conveyed thither, and barks constructed which navigate every part of the lake, keep the Iroquois in check, deprive the English, without violence, of a part of the trade, and close the passage to the deserters, agreeably to the express orders
Things were
in this state in
M' de Frontenac had
the year 1679,
when Sieur de
received.
Lasalle departed on the design
Lord Colbert; and although he has since suffered a loss exceeding Fifty thousand 6cus, he has always carefully preserved this post, the importance of which he understood, and in command whereof he left Sieur de Laforet, who
which he executed by order of the
was
its
late
.Major.
unable to return to Quebec, in the month of October, 1682, after having completed his discovery, having been prevented by severe illness, which delayed him nearly four
He was
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
214
He sent a petition to M' de Frontenac, whom he still supposed to be Governor, and whose protection was more important to him, inasmuch as the Iroquois entertained great respect for his Excellency; begging him to attend to the safety of this fort, and should the garrison he had left there not be sufficient, to place such a one there as he might consider adequate, the pay of which would be furnished him by Francois Noir, merchant of Montreal. M' de Frontenac handed this petition to M' de Labarre, his successor in the government, months.
who promised
to attend to it; but instead of
recalled the garrison from that fort,
doing
so, he, after M"'
de Frontenac's departure,
which would have been abandoned had not the said
Francois Noir, empowered by Sieur de Lasalle, absent, reconducted thither a sufficient number of
men and
articles necessary for their
before leaving,
all
the Coureurs de bois having any excuse
The
to
all
the regulations laid
down
took,
to prevent
go up there to pursue their trade elsewhere.
proofs hereof, as well as of the good condition in
to return to Montreal, exist in
He
support and the preservation of the post.
necessary precautions, and executed
which he
left
this post
when about
due form.
M' de Labarre, who entertained views which have since become manifest, ordered him to Quebec, and having frightened him with threats, forced him to surrender the property he had conveyed to Sieur de Lasalle's fort into the hands of the men named Lachesnaie and le Bert, at the
first
nor
to
cost thereof in Montreal, without regard to the expense incurred for transportation
the risk run of losing the whole in the rapids to
wished that the
profit derived
by the said Fran§ois Noir,
be passed to get there;
in the
name
he even
of Sieur de Lasalle, the
proprietor of the place, should be paid to the said Lebert and Lachesnaye, saying that his
Majesty had given him power to take away the lands and to grant them to whomsoever he thought proper, and that he took them from Sieur de Lasalle, and that therefore no more remained.
Every one was surprised at this proceeding, the reason for which could not be divined, unless same interest in the affair as Lachesnaye and Lebert that it is publicly known that they have between them more than one hundred canoes trading on their account in the woods, over and above the twenty-five which his Majesty permits to be sent thither for the that he had the
;
advantage of individuals. Sieur de Lasalle met as many as sixty-six of them on his way, of which not one belonged to the twenty-five he had power to license, and the passports for which were talked of with so much ostentation, that eight, conducted by Desloriers, Gibaut, Lacroix, Sainte-gemme, the Auvergnats, Turpin, Couture and their comrades, being sent under pretence of carrying provisions to Sieur Chevalier de Baugy, were encountered by Sieur de Lasalle about one-third of the way, so loaded with trading goods that, being unable to take in provisions These are independent for themselves, they had perished of hunger had he not succored them. of the other canoes which had preceded him, and which were already dispersed in every direction. As soon as Lachesnaye and Lebert were authorized by M. de Labarre, they drove from Fort Frontenac whatever soldiers had been placed there by Sieur de Lasalle, and prevented Major de Laforet to return in command there unless he became their partner. Not being willing to consent to this, in consequence of the knowledge he possessed of the injustice committing towards Sieur de Lasalle and his creditors, he has been obliged to return to France. Two clerks have been put into his place there to trade; into his fields, in which crops were planted, the cattle were put to pasture; some of these have since been killed. His grain and other provisions have been consumed, although M' de Labarre caused flour to be sent up there in the King's name, the return of which has been signed by M' de Meulle, Intendant, and sent
PARIS DOCUMENTS to
my Lord
flour
and
as having been
employed
215
in his Majesty's service, notwithstanding a part of that
had been traded for M' de Labarre's
iiis
H.
:
profit,
and the remainder paid
for
by Sieurde Lasalle
company.
His houses, barks, rigging,
sails,
boats, canoes, furniture and utensils have been
of without any sort of indemnification.
The
been
fort has
made
aae
exposed to the insults of the Iroquois, without any other defence than that of a kitchen boy and another person to take care of the cattle, at a time when people were writing to my Lord that they were on the eve of war.
This was
left
and more than four hundred men. the and who ought not to have been sent to a distance, had any reliance been placed on the information which had been given, as veritable as it was specious. But such confidence was placed in the friendly disposition of the Iroquois, after the to justify the dispatch of all those canoes,
best qualified to repel
th»3
Iroquois,
confirmation of the peace in 1682, and the hostages at this very time the people
who ought
to
left
guard the
by them with M' de Frontenac, that fort were sent to carry beaver to
New
England, and returned with dollars and with goods adapted to the trade. The men named Dulignon, Gilles, Meneret, Lehoux, Salvaie, and several others who have been employed in those journeys, have in going and. returning passed through the country of the Iroquois, where
M' de Labarre would not have
risked his property had he thought there
bad been any
disposition to a rupture.
Sieur de Lasalle's creditors,
who
lent him, after his
losses,
wherewithal
to sustain
hia
him of that fort and be enjoyed by persons who had
enterprize, in vain represented the injury they sufiered in dispossessing
leaving a property he had
no right
But
to
made over
to
them,
in
payment,
to
it.
in order to
prove more clearly that the pretended abandonment, by which M' de Labarre
excuses the wrong he has inflicted on Sieur de Lasalle in seizing pretext,
and that the true motive was
in regard to fort Saint Louis, to
to get all the profit of
which he
known
fort
Frontenac,
more than
Ladurantaye, and the
as chief of the Coureurs de bois, to carry
a
is
mere
he acted in the same manner
sent, in the spring of 1683,
loaded with goods, conducted by Chevalier de Baugy, Duluth, well
it,
oflf
thirty canoes
man named
the peltries of the Indians
assembled there by Sieur de Lasalle, and to deprive him of the means of getting paid
for his
advances, and that under pretext of orders which Sieur de Lasalle would have received as he ought, had any other than a simple letter been brought him wherein M'
him that he considered little
he
knew about
it.
his discovery useless, for reasons
He
afterwards caused
all
those,
De Labarre
informed
which show, plainly enough, how whopi he (La Salle) had sent for
them to return and find him, causing the property accusing them of desertion, notwithstanding they carried letters who on arriving at "Quebec, found it to be out ofjiis power to
assistance, to be arrested, preventing
entrusted to
them
to
be seized,
from the said Sieur de Lasalle,
make
use of the goods he had laid aside for a voyage to France, inasmuch as they
still
lie
where M. de Labarre's people had them forcibly put. It was a cause of no less surprise to see M' de Labarre, who was aware that Sieur de Lasalle held a commission from the King to make an establishment at the Illinois, abandon him of his own motion to the Iroquois, to whom he declared at Montreal in full council, without any complaint on their part, that they might kill him and the people who had collected near abandoned
in the places
his fort, without that being of
any consequence.
He
ought,
it
appears to me, at least have
warned Sieur de Lasalle and his people to retire, rather than deliver them to the Iroquois, whose difierent parties, that had gone in search of him after that permission, had undoubtedly
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
216
murdered him, had he not escaped had experienced.
On
in
consequence of the fortunate defeat one of them
returning from his discovery and arriving at Quebec,
all
that Sieur de Lasalle could
M"' de Labarre was the restitution simply of his fort, without anj indemnity what had been taken from him and for the wrongs inflicted on him and his creditors.
obtain from
for
And
although he had all the vouchers in support of the foregoing, he dare not importune Lord about the matter, had he not had the goodness to demand a Memoir from him of it, the truth of which cannot be denied, whatever M'' de Labarre may say to the contrary.
my
Wherefore, my Lord is most humbly supplicated to be pleased to have the proofs examined, which Sieur de Lasalle is ready to present, and after having ascertained the vast losses inflicted on him, his creditors and M'" de Laforet by such violences, to grant the indemnity therefor on the profits of the canoes which are in the wilderness contrary to the King's orders, and particularly on those that are at fort Saint Louis and in the neighborhood of Fort Frontenac, the revenue from which belongs to Sieur de Lasalle, according to His Majesty's concessions, and in case my Lord considers it necessary to have the affair investigated on the spot, to send the order and power for that purpose to the Intendaut, who can have entire cognizance of it.
Mepresentation of Sieur de la Salle of his outlay on Fort JFrontenac,
Trade of that •
Memoir touching the Frontenac.
expenses
and of
the
post.
incurred
by Sieur de Lasalle
at
Fort
1G84. r
Sieur de Lasalle purchased fort Frontenac, in 1675, on the following conditions:
To
sum of ten thousand francs expended on the construction of the little which Count de Frontenac had caused to be built there, receipt whereof he has from M'' Duchesneau, then Intendant of New France. 2. Inasmuch as Sieurs Lebert and Lachesnaye had the use of it two years after that, and expended on it about nine thousand livres whilst Sieur de Lasalle was in France, he was obliged to pay them; that appears by an account of the late Sieur Bazire, partner of Sieur Lachesnaye, whom Sieur de Lasalle left in New P" ranee. 3. The late Lord Colbert, moreover, obliged Sieur de Lasalle to keep twenty men there at his expense f»r the term of two years, and a permanent garrison equal to that of Montreal; which he did, as appears by the extract of Count de Frontenac's reports, and the expense thereof has been very great, and exceeded eighteen thousand livres a year, as well for men's wages as for the flour which cost eleven livres the minot, delivered at said fort, whither it was necessary to have it conveyed from Montreal, no grain having been got in during the first four years, through divers accidents which prevented advantage being taken of the fertility of the 1.
stockade
soil that
repay the fort
has since proved very productive.
4. As the Iroquois who dwell around Lake Frontenac, which is one hundred leagues long and twenty wide, carry their peltries to New York, he, with a view to deprive the English of some of them, caused decked vessels to be built, in order that the Iroquois, finding at their
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
II.
217
door and on their road the things they required, might prefer this accommodation to the low prices of the English. Considerable advantage would have been derived from this, had not the various shipwrecks which occurred in the years 1678 and
No
destroyed the means thereunto.
1679, and domestic robberies,
new vessela since, one 40 and the other of 26 tons. The expense of these amounts to nearly nine thousand livres ; and this is not surprising, inasmuch as the freight from Montreal to fort Frontenac, of iron, rigging, tow, sails, tar, pitch, anchors and other naval stores, is two sous per pound weight, because the difficulty of the of 35
time has been lost in building two
@
rapids, in addition to the distance of the places, requires an increase in the
wages of the hands. More than one hundred arpens of land have been cleared, which are now under tillage, and produce very good grain. Each arpent, it is known, is worth one hundred and ten livres ia the remaining part of Canada, and it has cost more at Fort Frontenac for reasons already stated. 6. A considerable number of cattle had been conveyed from Montreal. This expense is easily calculated by the distance of seventy leagues, and the difficulty of the roads, which had not been opened and it was necessary to construct in very difficult places. The cattle have been reduced to twenty, through the disorder caused by M' de Labarre at Fort Frontenac 6.
since he seized 7.
own
it.
Sieur de Lasalle has likewise settled several inhabitants,
whom
he had conveyed at his
expense, with their families, and fed and provided with every necessary during two
entire years.
He
has greatly increased the accommodations, built very fine bams and stables, with a which is ready to be raised. 9. He had it inclosed by a strong wall on the land side, which he should have finished on that of the water had he not been prevented by the business of his discovery. It ia ninety-three toises in length,* three feet thick, and fifteen feet high. 10. He has been, moreover, obliged to pay for the flour Mr. de Labarre sent thither at the King's expense, and which is entered in the statements. 11. There is a house at the mouth of the Niagara river, the most important on the whole lake, to cut off the trade of the English, and which the barks of the fort can reach in two days ; it costs about two thousand livres. It is all that remains from the fire which happened 8.
Mill,
at the little fort that
had been constructed there.
on account of the fertility of the land, the abundance of game and fishing, and the mildness of the climate, which is much more temperate than in the other parts of New France. Winter is shorter there by half, and much milder, insomuch that sowing there is done at leisure, and sufficient time would still remain
The
situation of this fort is very advantageous, both
for the cultivation of
hemp and
flax.
feeding considerable herds of cattle,
Near there are some very fine pastures, capable of the hides and tallow of which would be of very
great advantage.
Around the lake are
to
be found wild apple
Indians extract very good Oil
;
trees,
chestnuU, and nuts from which the plum and cherry trees,
also, divers sorts of grains, mulberry,
and other necessary materials. all winds; the Its harbor is very fine, the mouth safe, the bottom excellent, sheltered from navigation very good throughout the entire lake, in various parts of which convenient harbors
and
all
sorts of building timber, stone
are to be found.
»»8X6—868 feet— Eft
Vol. IX.
28
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
218 Almost
all
the peltries of the English pass by this lake, except those which
direction of the Illinois,
whence the Iroquois bring them by the River Ohio
Fort Frontenac and the establishment at Niagara supplied with
made
turned aside and
down
French, from
disposal of the
The
to go
to
Quebec, and, by that means,
whom
the
other
come from the so that were
;
provisions, they could be all
nations would be
the Beaver placed at the
obliged to purchase
it.
barks are highly necessary there, as well to facilitate freight as to head off those Indians
who may
take other routes.
There are likewise,
all
round
this lake,
(pecans), wolverines (Imcps-cerviers), large
numbers of
be had at a low price in consequence of their being to be transported to
elk, bears, otters, martins,
and small deer, the grey moose, little
wild cats
whose skins can
etc.,
valued by the English, and
difficult
them, as the Iroquois go thither most frequently by land.
This post being preserved, there against our Colony, because,
is
nothing to be feared from the expeditions of the Iroquois
by means of
the barks, their settlements can be surprised whilst
unprepared; they not having any knowledge of our approach across the lake, and consequently no leisure to retreat, or to profit by the advantages they possess in their way of making war, to which they will never have recourse as long as they see themselves menaced by danger so imminent, and which would be to them inevitable. It is still
of great importance to arrest in that direction the pretensions of the English,
who
have approached there through Pennsylvania, the extremity of which abuts almost on the Iroquois country. It
has already prevented, and will hereafter prevent, the accomplishment of the designs
of the English, to themselves.
who have attempted by means of the Iroquois to attract the Outaouacs They were to go to them by the route leading from Lake Huron to the village
and would have effected it had not Mr. de Frontenac interposed this fort, acknowledged by the whole country, as well in preserving the trade and peace as in arresting the lawlessness of our deserters, who had in that direction a very easy way through which to withdraw to the foreigners. It is the part of New France from which most can be expected for the establishment of various leather and woolen manufactures, as cattle can be raised there at much less cost than
called Teiaiagon;'
whose usefulness
in colder places,
is
where the length of the winter causes great expense That which was required to be incurred
in feeding
them during that season.
necessaries from Montreal to Fort Frontenac
much
is
diminished,
now
for the
and housing
conveyance of
that provisions are to
be had on the spot, and since vessels there can go down twenty-five leagues to meet the canoes bringing supplies thither, and which must still be used on account of the rapids that interrupt the navigation in four or five places.
It
could easily be reduced
still
further, because,
who would keep wagons for which are not navigable, and bateaux to go from one rapid to the other, the expense would be much diminished, and the products of Lake Frontenac and its environs easily brought down. The canoe men now get eight francs the hundred weight in place of twelve, the price paid before the barks were constructed. Two men carry, at eacii voyage, twelve or thirteen hundred weiglit, and employ, ordinarily, twelve to fifteen days in going up, and four or five in each intermission being short, were settlements granted to persons
facilitating transport at places
'
In Coronellia'
map
of 1688, this Indian village
Charlevoix' and later maps, latter point.
— Ed.
it
occupies
what
is
is laid
now
down about
Toronto.
Canada West; but in was moved from the former to the
the present site of Port Hope,
Possibly, the village
h
PARIS DOCUMENTS coming down from twelve to*
the end of
They
so that they can
;
to thirteen
ten to twelve voyages, and, consequently, traniport
thousand weight from the opening of navigation
November, when
are obliged,
make
219
II.
:
when
it is
in the
month of
April
closed by the ice at Montreal.
returning, to bring back, gratuitously, as
much
peltry as the canoes
can hold, so that the return voyage does not increase the expense.
This
consists, then, precisely:
In the freight and risk of the cargo from France to Montreal.
1".
the ton, which amounts to six deniers^ the pound
;
The
freight
is fifty livres
the insurance six to seven per cent.
minor expenses of loading and unloading, packing and carting, which are inconsiderable, and common to every thing brought to New France. S**. In paying the carriers from Montreal to fort Frontenac at the rate of eight livres the hundred weight, as already stated. 2^.
the
In
4"'.
may be had on Twenty men are
In the maintenance of the garrison, the food for which
garrison
may be
also of great service in securing the trade.
the spot.
This
sufficient for it;
these should be permanent, with as many others as would be coming and going in the barks and canoes, and would attend to sowing and the harvest without any expense, because they would willingly engage themselves to do so, provided they were promised to be employed, in
preference to others, at trading, at which they could
profits
whose
make
considerable gains without injuring
customary to send them out on half the they can realize over and above the price of the goods. This interest obliges them to
those at
disposal they were, inasmuch as
it is
be more attentive, and they expend on their return whatever they have made in necessaries,
So that the expense of the garrison, of a commandant and a Serjeant, will not exceed four thousand livres which will be easily made out of the profits realized by the traders at the places not accessible by barks. 6"". In the refitting of the barks and wages of six sailors and a pilot; for the repair of the barks one ship carpenter only is necessary, who could act as seaman and pilot. His wages will amount to three hundred livres, and the rigging as much more, yearly; the wages of six
which they purchase
sailors to
at the store.
twelve hundred livres a year.
Those two posts will be furnished with sufficient merchandise by sending thither to the value of twenty thousand livres per annum, expended in France on goods suitable to the trade; and sixty voyages of the canoes will be necessary to convey them there, at the rate of forty livres per voyage, increasing the price of the merchandise two thousand five hundred livres or thereabouts.
The
freight
from France
to
Montreal at the rate of thirty tons, at 60* the ton, will amount
to fifteen hundred livres.
The insurance on the principal at 7 per cent comes to fourteen hundred livres. The minor expenses to one hundred crowns {ectu). The expense of barks, pilots, carpenters and seamen to four thousand livres, so advances and expenses will amount to the sum of thirty-three thousand five hundred
that the livres.
remarked that the payments to the canoe men, sailors, soldiers, and for the double repair of the barks, are made in goods at this country's rate, which is ordinarily care be taken that of France, and therefore such expense will be less than is noted, provided which will grain The Indians. the to to have constantly on hand sufficient bread to be sold
But
it is
to be
be raised will pay a great portion of '
this expense, as
it
is
certain there can be distributed,
A ihnur w»» the twelfth part of a tout. —En.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
220
much as two hundred minots of it at the rate of forty pounds per minot a Leaver worth four francs being easily given for a four or five pound loaf. In addition to this, an armorer and a smith at each post, by repairing the arms and axes of the Indians, may make at their trade over one thousand francs each per annum, clear of all expenses. To drive a profitable trade, twenty thousand livres must be expended in France in the yearly, as
;
purchase of the following assortment: Five pipes (tonncaux) of brandy at the rate of two hundred livres the pipe. Five pipes (tonneaux) of Wine at 40" the pipe; 2,000 ells of blue Poitou Serge at 2" the ell; 1,000 ells of Iroquois blanketing at 2" 10' the ell; 1,800 white shirts (chemues) at 30 sous; five hundred pairs of stockings at 1''" 6' the pair; 2,000 pounds of small kettles at 1'" 6' the pound; two hundred pounds of large black glass beads at 10" the pound a thousand axes for the trade at 7 and 8 sous the pound ; 4,000 pounds of powder at 10 and 12 sous the pound ; 7,000 pounds of ball and 3,000 pounds of lead at 120"^ the thousand; 1,200 guns at 10"" each; ;
2,4:00 flattins at
30 sous the dozen; 100 dozen
steels ( Batles-feu) at 1"' 5' the
of large tinned looking-glasses (miroirs fer-blanc) at l"' 10' the dozen
pound
at 3' the
;
250
ells
of scarlet stuff (ccarlatine) at 4"" the
ell
dozen
;
50 dozen
;
60 pounds of vermilion
;
and 400"" of tobacco at
17 sous.
These
They
things, carried to the Indians, will produce as follows:
get a pint of brandy for a beaver; and consequently, were only
(tonneaux) of
two and a
half pipes
sold, allowing the remainder for the expense of the fort and the pay of the
it
whom
sold at one hundred sous the quart, the ten barrels, retailed hundred quarts to the barrel and of four beavers per quart, would produce four thousand beavers, at four livres a piece, or an equivalent in other peltry, which would amount to sixteen thousand livres, and leave, consequently, fifteen thousand
soldiers
and
sailors, to
it is
to the Indians at the rate of one
livres profit.
The wine would
pay the expenses of freight and wages,
also serve to
at the rate of
40 sous
the quart.
The
of Poitou serge sells for six francs to the Indians, and that of Iroquois blanketing
ell
for eight livres,
thousand
The
and consequently on these two
articles there
would be a
profit of thirteen
livres.
one hundred sous, and the stockings for eight livres, so that on more than four thousand livres gain. francs the pounds, and consequently there would be 5,600"" profit on
shirts sell for at least
these two
articles there sell at four
Kettles
is
that article.
Glass beads
two
articles
Powder
sell
at eight francs the
sells at
pound, and axes at thirty sous a piece, so that these
two thousand livres. 40 sous the pound, and lead at twenty
would leave a
profit of
sous,
which would make on these
two articles over thirteen thousand livres. Guns sell 24"" each, and therefore would produce 2,400"" more than their cost. Tobacco sells at eight francs per pound; it would therefore give over 2,000"' profit. On the scarlet stuff (ecarlatine) one-half would be gained, which would be worth one thousand
The
livres.
profit is
steel, etc.,
so
proportionably greater on the other small articles, such as knives, vermilion,
that with
20,000"" properly employed, twenty thousand *
An
old coin, valued at sixty sous.
— Ed,
ecus* profit could
PARIS DOCUMENTS: H.
221
be made a year, clear of
all expenses, now that all that was necessary to be incurred for buildings, barks, clearances, conveyance of provisions and such like, has been expended by Sieur de Lasalie, who would not have failed to realize great profits, though he might have
been obliged
to labor for
the envy of those
who
them, were
not for the heavy losses he has suffered rather through were jealous of him than in consequence of his own ill fortune or by it
reason of tempests.
M.
de Seignday to
M.
de la Barre.
Extract of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de la Barre, dated Versailles, the 10"" April, 1684.
" Maladministratton of of gain
this
Governor, covetous of authority;
still
— reproaches of the King and the Minister."
more
so
I cannot sufficiently express to you how much his Majesty has been surprised at the conduct you have observed towards a habitant who wished to remove to the English, whom you wanted to hang of your own authority, and who, having escaped, was hung in effigy at Montreal. Hit Majesty could not comprehend how a man like you, who are acquainted with the laws of the Kingdom, could have desired to assume unto himself a power of life and death in cases not And although he sends you aa military, and on which his Majesty has not yet pronounced. Ordinance to the effiict that inhabitants not domiciled, who will desert, shall be judged by the Council of war, at which the Intendant shall always be bound to assist, his Majesty wishes you to examine this matter again with him, because it is to be feared that constraint only augments among the people the desire to remove to the English and Dutch, where they will enjoy
more freedom.
when of your own authority, without and without carrying the affiiir before the Sovereign Council, you caused to be given up to one Guillin a vessel captured by the men named Radisson and des Grozeliers; and, in truth, you ought to prevent the appearance before his Majesty's eyes of this kind of proceeding, in which there is not a shadow of reason, and whereby you have furnished the English with matter of which they will take advantage for, by your Ordinance you have caused a vessel to be restored, that according to law ought to be considered a Pirate, having no commission ; and the English will not fail to say that you had so fully acknowledged the vessel to have been provided with requisite papers, that you had it II. It
is
impossible to imagine what you meant,
calling on the Intendant,
;
surrendered to the owners, and will thence pretend to establish their legitimate possession of Nelson river, before the said Radisson and des Grozeliers' had been there. •For particalan regarding theae two men, oontult Ckarltvoix' BiUoirt XouvtlU
J'^anei, I, 476, tl ttg.
— En.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
222
M.
M.
de Seignelay to
de Meules.
Extracts of the Minister's letter to Monsieur de Meules, Intendant of Canada. Versailles, the lO"" April, 16S4.
You cannot
I.
too
much encourage
Majesty continues
He
to
the Gentlemen of the Montreal Seminary to increase
Indian villages in the neighborhood of their settlements.
the establishment of the
allow them the grant of 6"
has also granted 500
for the Indian
liv.
liv.,
His
which he gives them every year.
women
He does women
of Montreal at the Mountain.
not wish them to be placed with the Ursulines, and has given orders to send over three to teach
able
them
introduce
to
and three others
to knit,
manufactures into
these
them
and the country, which
to teach
to spin
to
make -
The Colony
New
of
France having need of strengthening and increasing
he can avoid
would oblige
Monsieur de
Yet, as circumstances
it.
it
itself
by peace
and advantages which the inhabitants will derive from their commerce and
facilities
agriculture, his Majesty writes to if
be
be an advantage to
will
the Colony.
and the
lace, so as to
to
be proclaimed, he
provided he certainly finds
may
la
Barre that his intention
arise in a
empowers the
said
himself in a condition to
is
not to
make war
country so distant as Canada which Sieur de la
terminate
it
Barre to begin
it,
advantageously in a
year's time.
In regard to the expense to be incurred for this war, his Majesty's intention carefully economized;
is
the said Sieur de la Barre
was made
it
be most
last
year by
that
and he has discovered even that the expenditure incurred
entirely contrary to form, since those expenses ought to be
incurred on the authority of your orders, in regard to which, however, you ought not to interpose
any
difficulty,
He
is
when
the Governor
demands
it,
in the interest of his Majesty's service.
pleased to grant for the expenses to be incurred during this year, and until the dispatch
sum
Apply yourself sedulously to economize and send me an exact account of the expenses you will incur, and all the vouchers of next year's vessels, a
of 15 thousand".
it,
in
support of them. II.
He
has granted the government of Montreal to Sieur de Callieres; and as he has served
a long time in the Infantry, and find
it
III.
necessary to I
is intelligent,
wage war against
recommend you
to
pay
he can
assist
Monsieur de
la
Barre
in case
he
the Iroquois.
strict attention to
the care of said soldiers, to review
frequently, to observe that the Captains frequently exercise them,
and
to
inform
me
them
punctually
as well of their conduct as of that of their lieutenants.
His Majesty
Company's IV.
You
is
not
willing
that
either
the
one or the other have any servant on the
roll.
are not justified in the pretension to enact ordinances to oblige the inhabitants to
in their houses; and when the said Sieur de la Barre was pleased that you sign with him the ordinance he issued in this regard, he felt a deference for you that he was
keep arms
not obliged to have, since that ordinance
is
an attribute of
the defence of the country and the military be, to have his ordinances executed,
and
to
his principal function,
which regards
command, and your duty in this matter ought fine those who would fail therein.
to
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
II.
Hfg
V, His Majesty has been informed that the said Sieur de la Barre has taken possession of is the private property of Sieur de la Salle, and that the men and cattle belonging to the latter have been driven off, so that the lands attached thereto have remained Fort Frontenac, which uncultivated
;
and though
there be any truth in
it I
it is
scarcely probable that this information
write to Sieur de
La Barre
is
well founded, should
that his Majesty wishes he should attend
to the reparation of the
wrong he might have done to Sieur de la Salle, and with that view that he restore all the property belonging to him to Sieur de La Forest, who returns to the said country by his Majesty's order. Do not fail to render him all the assistance he may require to maintain the establishment which the said de la Salle has made at the said fort In regard to the walls you propose for the bastion (pour fair balir la tour), bis Majesty does not consider that expense necessary.
You
VI.
The
will find three ordinances
first
annexed hereunto.
prohibiting merchants and inhabitants of
New
France from exporting to foreign
countries any beaver and other peltries.
The
second prohibiting foreigners carrying on with said country any trade in said
and obliging the French who will return to the ports of the
And
will
Kingdom.
the third to oblige those
other parts of
New
peltries,
go trading, to take out licenses, and to give security that they
who
will trade in peltries at
Hudson's Bay,
Isle
Perc(5e
and
France, except Acadia, to carry them to Quebec to receive payment for
them, and the fourth
[to be] retained
by the Farmers [of the revenue], as
is
customary.
It is
highly important that you carefully attend also to the execution hereof.
appended hereunto an edict for the punishment of the French who will to Manatte, Orange and the places belonging to the P^nglish [and] Dutch, which you will cause to be enregistered in the Sovereign Council after having communicated it to Monsieur
You
will find
remove
de
la
Barre.
M.
de Seignelay to
M.
de Mevle^.
Extract of a letter from the Minister to M. de Meules.
••••••••••
Versailles, the 10'* April, 1684.
•
write also to him (M. de la Barre) that his Majesty has not approved of his conduct in regard to a Colonist who was desirous of removing to the English, and whom he would have hanged of his own authority, and who, having escaped, has been hanged in effigy at Montreal, I
he not possessing the power of life and death in cases not Military, and on which his Majesty has not yet given an opinion. And, although his Majesty sends you an ordinance purporting that the inhabitants, not domiciliated, who will desert shall be judged by the Council of war, at which you will always assist, he desires you will again examine into that affair with Sieur because he believes that constraint only stimulates the desire among the Inhabitants of removing to the English and Dutch, where they will experience more freedom.
de
la Barre,
•••••**••• NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
224 •
You
will find, also hereunto annexed, an Edict for the
remove
to Manatte,
will cause to ftr
de
/
Orange and other places belonging
punishment of the French who will and Dutch, which you
to the English
be enregistered in the Sovereign Council, after having communicated
it
to
la Barre.
Ordinances against Emigration Ordinance prohibiting
all
from Canada
to the
Frenchmen removing
British Colonies.
to Manhatte,
Orange and other
places belonging to the English and Dutch, on pain of death against those
who
\
By the /
will not be domiciliated.
Versailles, the 10"" April, 1684.
King.
His Majesty being informed that several vagabond and loafing Frenchmen, who had immigrated to New France, have removed to Orange, Manatte and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, and that under divers pretexts they incite settlers there to leave their residences and to desert, for the purpose of settling in the said places of Orange and Manatte,
V
which would prevent the tillage and clearance of the lands, and cause eventually the entire ruin of the Colony; it being necessary to remedy the same, his Majesty hath forbidden and doth expressly prohibit all Frenchmen who have immigrated to New France quitting the country and removing to Manatte and Orange and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, on , pain of Death against those who will not be domiciliated ; his Majesty wills that their trial be V, had and perfected before the Council of War, which shall, to this end, be composed of the
number of 7 Judges, Captains or other militia officers
who
or Lieutenants of the troops he maintains in said country,
are there, whereat shall assist the Governor and Lieutenant-
General, and the Intendantof Justice, Police and Finance in the said country to the
Frenchmen
settled
and domiciliated
in
New
France,
who
;
and
in
regard
will be convicted of the
same
desertion, his Majesty wills and orders that their trial be had and perfected by the Sovereign Council of Quebec, and that they be punished according to the rigor of this day's Edict. His
Majesty Orders and Ordains, &c., &c.
Edict for the punishment of Frenchmen
and other places belonging
to the
who
will
remove
to Manatte,
English and Dutch.
Orange
Versailles, 10""
April, 1684.
Louis, &c..
To
all
present and to come, Greeting:
subjects settled in our Country of
New
France, and
Being informed that divers of our
who have
lands there to
them belonging,
keep up an intercourse with vagabond and loafing Frenchmen who have deserted to settle at Manatte, Orange and other places under the dominion of the English and Dutch, and that they have been led, by this example of Jeucantise and licentiousness, to abandon the cultivation and clearing of their lands, which would inevitably bring ruin on the Colony, were it not promptly remedied ; Wherefore we have, by these presents signed by our hand, expressly
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
IL
225
forbidden and prohibited all Frenchmen, inhabiting New France, removing to Orange, Manatte and other places belonging to the English and Dutch, without our permission or that of those who have authority from us to grant it We Will that those of our subjects who shall ;
become
ringleaders, and
who, as Chiefs, will have undertaken to desert and remove to the said English and Dutch, be condemned to Death ; and in regard to those who shall be taken deserting individually, or who shall have followed the said leaders, that they be condemned to the galleys for life. We enjoin our Judges to condemn them to the said penalties agreeably
We give in Command, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the persons holding our Sovereign Council of Quebec, that they cause these presents to be read, published, enregistered and executed according to their form and tenor. For such is Our Pleasukb. to these presents.
And
in order that
these
to
it
presents,
be a thing forever firm and Stable, we have caused our seal to be affixed without at all in other respects Our right and that of Others
[infringing], &c.
^»
!»
»
Commission for Sieur de Commission Louis, by the Grace of to cause
for Sieur
de
God King
some expeditions
to
We
could not
Versailles, 14'^ of April, 1684.
of France and of Navarre, Greeting:
be undertaken
divers savage tribes, and to convey to
been of opinion that
la Salle:
la ScUle.
in
them the
make
Having resolved
North America, to subject to our dominion
light of the Faith
and of the Gospel,
a better choice than of Sieur de
la Salle to
We
have
command
all the Frenchmen and Indians whom he will employ for the execution of the have entrusted unto him. For these and other reasons Us moving, and being moreover well informed of his affection and fidelity for Our service, We have by these
in our
name
orders
We
presents, signed
de to
la Salle to
by Our hand, constituted and ordained, commission and ordain, the said Sieur as well in the Country which will be subject anew
command under Our authority,
Our dominion
in
North America, from Fort
St.
Louis on the River of the
Illinois,
unto
New
whom he will employ in the expeditions them to live in union and concord, the one with the other, keep the soldiers in good order and police according to Our rules, appoint Governore and special Commanders in the places he shall think proper, until it shall by Us be otherwise ordered, maintain trade and traffic, and generally to do and exercise for Us in the said country Biscay, as well
We
all
among
have entrusted
to
the French and Indians,
his care, cause
that shall appertain to the Office of
Commandant, and enjoy
its
powers, honors, authorities,
prerogatives, preeminences, franchises, liberties, wages, rights, fruits, profits, revenues and
emoluments during Our pleasure. To execute which, [We] have given and do give unto you power, by these presents, whereby We Command all Our said Subjects and Soldiers to acknowledge, obey and hear you in things relating to the present power. Fob such is Our Plkasurk. In Witness whereof, We have caused Our privy seal to be affixed to these presents. Given at Versailles, the 14'* April, 16S4, &c.
Vol. IX.
39
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
226
•••••••••• M.
My
Lord, •
An
amdassador from
Barre
de la
to
M.
de Seignelay.
Senecas arrived here at the time
tlie
moment
He manifests every kind disposition at the me to secure his person and suite without his
attack.
obliged
in other respects very well, in order to try
Fathers,
Rev"* Jesuit
to
his
written
who me a
him, and to
great
the Iroquois
peril in
of their
This
it
as yet, treating
him
withdraw, by means of him, the
to
its
security above
all
Missions.
I
have had no
things.
may
Majesty to please to write to M. Barillon, that he
King of England, Iroquois
in
being aware of
and be able
news
as yet, so as to gain time to be able to have troops and provisions
Fort Frontenac for
•
Were
are
received the
•«•••«••••
negotiation with him
conveyed
who
I
those people destroy us.
Dunkuen
prohibiting Colonel
attack us,
I believe
would be of very great
it
obtain an order from the
with arms and ammunition, the
to assist,
utility in this
He
war.
has
and I have sent a man expressly to compliment him, ask of him the same thing which he doubtless would grant me if he had an very
civil
general
••
letter,
express order on this subject from the King his Master, •
•
•
•
•
•
•
Your most humble and Most obedient Quebec, the 6* June, 1684.
My
to
•
servant,
Le Febur de la Barrb.
(signed)
Meverend Father de Lamherville
•
M.
de la Barre.
Lord,
I
come
at the beginning of the year to
joy
I feel
that your arrival in
three Burgomasters
who
renew
to
you
my
respects,
and to
testify to
you the
Canada has averted the scourge of war from the Colony. The you have acted here agreeably to your intentions. They
visited
again held, eight days since, great Councils with the Captains and warriors, at which they have
made them; they say they must not who has spoken to them so authoritatively and with so
resolved to give you satisfaction on the proposals you
contravene the orders of their father,
many proofs of benevolence, and who has uttered no menace or angry expression. The man named Garanontie has spoken by a Wampum belt to the Chief of the and has turned the musket towards the Chaouennons. obedience; he desires that his
allies
Our
warriors,
father Onontio, he said, merits
should not be hereafter insulted.
enumerated among your
He
told
me
that
if
you
and that there is a strong disposition to satisfy you. Presents conjoined with kindness and courtesy are arms which the Iroquois scarcely ever resist; on the other hand, tiireats or even war would have wished
to protect the
Oumiamis, they
will be
allies,
been equally fatal to the Colony. You know better than I that a few bandits in Italy have disabled troops six times more numerous than theirs, and that the Burgundy dairymen formerly gave considerable trouble to the Prince. Soldiers who would prove good in the centre of a plain would be thrown into disorder in such forests as these here, and besides that, the Iroquois, daring
and well armed, and
who makes war
like a thief,
would have
inflicted
PARIS DOCUMENTS considerable injury on the French.
The prudence
The country
valor and intrepidity.
indebted
II.
:
SS7
of a Chief goes hand in hand with his
your prudence for its preservation; a premature v?ar would have indubitably reduced it to extremities. Sieur de la grand Guele, who has been entirely won over by your liberality and the kind bearing with which you received him, is become your creature. He appears to be your man is
to
Garakontie. He panegyrized you a few days ago when addressing the warriors, and exhorted the one and the other to act in a friendly manner to all your allies whom of business with
they will meet
in the hunting grounds to which they are about to proceed; to assemble here again in the spring, and to form a numerous war party, the chief of which is called Hannntakta, to whom I gave a present in your name. He it was who last year opposed the Cayuga8~an3
Senecas, in order to keep the promise he caused to be made to you that he should not go to that year against the Illinois and Oumiamis, which he faithfully observed. I say that he will possibly go to Montreal to pay his respects to you, and to observe nigher than here what
war
sort of a
man you
As Sieur de
are (comme vous avez resprit/uit).
grande Gueule says he
(These are his words.)
see you this summer to speak of divers matters in answer to the message you entrusted to him, and particularly about the affair of the armorer, I have not inquired of him, for you, what he desired this year, which is the first of la
go
will
to
the pension you are so good as to allow him.
It
The man named Qreouahd, of Cayuga, told me also he intended to visit you at Montreal. is he who made Father de Carheil' to withdraw from Cayuga, and who treacherously brought
the six Tionnontat^s there.
Chiefs in Cayuga.
He
exceedjngly proud.
is
Sorrennoa and he are the two greatest
made who were conquered by the
of this Oreouahd that the English of Albany (formerly Orange)
It is
use to prevent Sieur Penn purchasing the land of the Andastogu^s,* Iroquois and the English of Maryland.
I believe he will be better pleased with you than with the English, afler he shall have the honor of an interview with you. I told him that if he should wish to see Father de Carheil again where he was going to, you will send for him to Montreal. He has great influence among the Cayugas has conceived profound esteem for you as a great Captain, which he also ;
Your dexterity and experience in winning over all those various I believe, most intimately, and he will be convinced that
piques himself to be.
characters will attach him to you, as
^everead
Etisnkk Dx CAsaBiL arrived at Quebec od the 6th of August,
remoTed, in November of the following year, to Cayuga hill
The obduracy
health returned thither.
;
he
left that place in
ISM; went 1671 on
in 18S7 to
Onoodaga, wbenea ht but on recoTcriog
ac Retv/rn of the Troops at Fort Frontenac.
Review made
at the
head of our
little
Army, composed of
the King's Troops,
of the Militia of the Country, and Indians that have joined us, in presence of
who have been so good as to and of the Serjeants-Major commanding the Brigades
the Officers, Volunteer Noblesse
all
accompany
us,
of Militia. In the bark
La
hundred
Generate,
(cent) of the
gone down
to
La
Galette, the
e""
of August, 1684, to unload the
Canoes.
Monsieur de Saint-Michel, commander of said bark.
The
Pilot,
La
Fontaine.
Messier.
Blondeau.
Ren^, King's carpenter. Boisjolly,
La Montague,
la Fleur, Arnault, Labrie, Soldiers.
General Return of the King's troops, according to the review
made
thereof in presence of the
General, the 14 August, 1684.
Monsieur Sieur de
In said
Du
Tast, First Captain.
La Groye, Company
Lieutenant.
—2
Serjeants, 41 Soldiers, 1
Drum.
Monsieur de Cahouet, second Captain, present. Monsieur de Saint-Basile, Lieutenant, left sick at Montreal. In the Second
Company
—
1
Serjeant, 43 Soldiers, 1
Drum.
—
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
II.
Chevalier Aubry, 3' Captain, present. Sieur de La llouarie, Lieutenant, present. In said
Company
Five soldiers
Serjeant, 41 Soldiers.
1
in the bark, as
above,
5.
Total, 4 Serjeants, 130 Soldiers, 2
Drums.
Return of the Soldiers of the Vanguard, commanded by Monsieur Dugu^.
Monsieur de Longueil, Major, ^
The Captain
> present.
of Montreal,
Sieur Mautet, Lieutenant,
Company
—
)
34 Soldiers, 1 Drum. Monsieur D'Aumeny, Captain of the lower end of the Island, present. In said
2 Serjeants,
Sieur de la Fleur, Lieutenant.
—
Company 12 Serjeants, 39 Soldiers. Monsieur de Chailly, Captain of the upper end of the Island. Sieur de Saint Missel, Lieutenant, absent on duty. In said
—
In said
Company
A man
from the Convoy,
2 Serjeants,
35 Soldiers,
1
Drum.
1.
Monsieur de Sueves, Captain of the C6te8 de Sorel, Sieur du Vern^, Lieutenant. In said
Company
—
2 Serjeants,
etc.
45 Soldiers.
Total, 10 Serjeants, 193 Soldiers, 2 Drums.
Return of the Corps of reserve. Monsieur de Villebon, Brigade-Major. Monsieur de Godefroy de Saint Paul, Captain of Three Rivers, present. Sieur de la Bretonniere, Lieutenant, present. In said
Company
—
24
1 Serjeant,
Five Soldiers from the Convoy,
Soldiers, 1
Drum.
6.
Monsieur du Tilly, Captain of the C6te de Beaupr^. Lieutenant.
Sieur In said
Company
—
2 Serjeants,
66 Soldiers.
Monsieur de Beauvais, Captain of the Cote de Batiskan, present. Sieur de Montplaisir, Lieutenant, present.
In said
Company
—
2 Serjeants,
37 Soldiers.
Monsieur Duchesnay, Captain of Beauport, present. Sieur Traversy, Lieutenant, present. In said
Company
—
35 Soldiers-
2 Soldiers,'
Monsieur de la Fert6, Captain of the Cote du Cap-Rouge, present Sieur de Mezeray, Lieutenant, present. In said
Company
—
Total,
2 Serjeants,
49 Soldiers,
9 Serjeants, 216
1
Drum. Drum.
Soldiers, 1 [2]
Return of the Rear-guard, commanded by Monsieur D'Orvilliers. Monsieur de Lotbiniere, Colonel, commanding the Quebec regiment.
Monsieur Dupuy, Major. '
/Sic.
for
S«rje»nU
— Ea,
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
236
Sieur Desambaux, Aid-Major.
Monsieur de Beaulieu, Lieutenant of the Colonel's company, present.
—
Company
In said
2 Serjeants,
*
75 Soldiers.
Monsieur de Beaumont, Captain of the Island of Orleans, present. Sieur Thibierge, Lieutenant, present.
—
4 Serjeants, 70 Soldiers, 1 Drum. In said Company Monsieur Dumont, Captain of the Cote de Lauzon, present. Sieur Vincelot, Lieutenant.
Company
In said
—
3 Serjeants,
59 Soldiers.
Drum.
9 Serjeants, 204 Soldiers, 1
Total,
In the Fort.
The Reverend Father
Frangois,' a RecolletFriar,
Colin, Interpreter,
Sieur Prenouveau,
La Le
Pertuy, locksmith.
Baptist, servant.
Sieur Bertet,
Fleur,
Vasser,
Carpenters. M'". Moyse, Petitit Trein, Montroux, Pelletier, Bastien,
Le
Petit Breton, Caulker,
Jean de Quebec, Marmande,
LAnglois, Mesnier Cassan, Cassan,
Company omitted therein. M. Cahouet's Company omitted therein.
Soldiers of Monsieur Dutast's
La
Grenade, Soldier of
Jean Bardineau,
Gregoire, farmer of the
Pierre Pruneau,
and
fort, his wife,
five children, for three persons.
Jean Dubois, Bisestre, Mechanic,
Making,
Done and concluded
at
in
all,
twenty-nine persons.
Fort Frontenac, the Fourteenth August, 16S4.
Le Febure delabarre.
*»«» Presents of the Onondagas "^
'^^^ Onnontagues,
^"ifZi'fer^ These are
to be kept
Onontio at
to
La
Famine^
Uh
who
is
Orator of that
God
to witness the sincerity of his heart,
il words, he spoke '
He was
by
fifteen
also.
leagues
presents,
After having
and having assured Onontio of the truth of his
in this wise:
Rev. FRANgois Wasson.
661, 670.
1684.
La Famine, about 25
Nation, spoke
not only on behalf of tEe Senecas, but of the other four Iroquois Nations
taken
Iber,
whose mediation between the French and the Senecas the
Qgngral accepted, having repaired to a place called
from their country, Hateouati,
the
He came
to'
Canada
in 1681,
succeeded by Father Luke Buisaet.
and was
— Ed,
six years
among
the Iroquois at this post
Ze
Clercq
:
Gaspetie,
:
PARIS DOCUMENTS: 1" I
Word
Answer
of the Iroquois.
As
give you a beverage devoid of bitterness,
of Onontio to the words of Hoteouat6.
have placed
I
you may have experienced during the voyage, and to dispel what bad air soever you may have breathed
Hatchet and
between Montreal and
satisfaction.
to purify whatever inconvenience
2" I
this place,
tion with
in
your hands the media-
Senecas,
the
what you ask me.
I
refer to
wish truly to do
I
down my
therefore lay
you
to obtain a reasonable
Word.
take from you the hatchet with which you
Remember he
threaten to strike the Senecas. is
287
II.
your child, and that you are bis father. 3«
Word,
Answer.
M. Lemoine, your ordinary envoy, having come last year, and speaking to us in your name, cut a deep ditch, into which he told us you and we should cast all the unkind things that might occur; I have not forgotten this word, and in obedience to it request you to throw into that ditch the Seneca robbery, that it may distufb neither our Country nor
That
ditch
men have no
well cut, but as your young
is
and as they make
sense,
this
a
pretext for committing acts of hostility anew, after
having cast the Seneca robbery into that
ditch, as
as
I
you
Stop your young men,
desire.
shall restrain mine.
I
cover
it
up forever.
yours. 4"'
I
Answer.
Word.
again set up the tree o f peace, which
planted at Montreal in the conference
we
we had
the honor to have with you last summer. S"-
It is
not
I
who
think of throwing
it is
your nephews
it.
I
strengthen
i
W\
who have
it
down
seriously shaken
it.
Word.
I exhort you. Father, to sustain it strongly,
in order that nothing 6">
I
again
was
tie
up
may shake
it.
Word. which
(je rattache) the Sun,'
obscured:
altogether
dispel
I
clouds and mists that concealed
it
all
the
from our
sight. V*"
Answer.
Word.
The robbery committed by your nephews
make war been shed
I
Where
has blood
promise you that satisfaction
shall be afforded
have
not a sufficient motive to
is
against them. "?
the Senecas on
you for the by the
experienced
loss the
French
pillage of
'Tis well that
deceive of you
me
not.
is,
Etionnontat^
you promise
The
first
that you
restore
prisoners
Seneca, and a third
who
who
A fignrstiTe
ezprMsion, meaning to renew a firm Peace.
La
Ptthtri*.
satisfaction: I
expect
me
the
two
are
with
the
remains at Cayuga.
their
merchandise. '
me
thing that
— Ei\
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
238
Onontio,
my
Answer of Onontio.
Word.
S"-
father, I
am always uneasy and
cannot pluck up courage, whatever kindnesses
you have the goodness quiets
me U
drums,
etc.
may g"-
fire
show you what
deference
I
pay
to
your
demands.
pray you return to Quebec, so
that your children
The
dis-
I
to
behold soldiers, hear these
to I
What
show me.
to
depart to-morrow and quit this country,
sleep in peace.
Word.
Answer.
of peace and the halls of
our
I
accept the selection you have
made
of this
Councils were at Frontenac or at Montreal.
place for our conferences, without, however,
The former
extinguishing the
a poor country, where
is
Grasshoppers prevent
me
the
and the men. I kindle the fire of peace on this spot, which is the most agreeable that we can select, where there is good fishing, hunting, &c. second
is
very
far
away
10""
Our warriors
as well
which
I
have lighted at
Montreal.
for our old
Word.
have accepted the peace.
by
sleeping,
fire
Answer.
You need
as our other chiefs I
bear their words
not doubt the obedience of
soldiers; endeavor to
by your own. To prove uphold the tree of peace,
this belt.
my
make .yourselves obeyed to
you that
I
firmly
sent to Niagara to
I
cause the army to return which was coming
from that direction. Eleventh Word.
You told us, enemy no more. shall
last
We
to
Remember
strike the
heard your voice.
We
go no more to war in that quarter. ]2"'
He
summer,
Answer.
the
to
that the Maskoutenek
Oumeami.
Answer.
my people this spring, That's well; you bound my Oumeami who
in divers rencounters; but as
arms
I
Therefore strike neither
the one nor the other.
Word.
has killed some of
brother
is
allowed myself to be struck, without
word not
to
you
need
struck you
not ;
pursue the
I shall
commit any more
send him
acts of hostility.
defending myself. 13""
Word.
Answer.
Regarding the Illinois, I am at war with him; we shall both of us die fighting.
Take heed,
in firing at the Illinois, not to
strike the French
whom you meet
path and in the neighborhood of Fort 14th
Word.
Restore to us the Missionaries
have withdrawn from our
villages.
on your S'.
Louis.
Answer.
whom you
They
my
shall not
mediators
;
have commenced shall
be taken from you
who
and when the Senecas
are will
to give rae satisfaction, they
be restored to them as well as to the
other Nations.
PARIS DOCUMENTS 16* and
239
Word.
last
Answer
Prevent the Christians of the Saut and of the Mountain coming any more
seduce our people to Montreal; to
U.
:
dismember our Country
as
among
It is
us to
MountJiin
them cease they do every
my
not
of Onontio.
children of the Saut nor of the
who dismember your country it is who dismember it by your drunk;
yourselves
let
enness and your superstitions.
year*
liberty to
is full
come and
Besides, there
reside
among
us.
The General has added two presents to the above. By the first he said You see the consideration which
I have for the request you have made me. I ask you in return, if the Seneca, Cayuga, or any other commit a similar insult against me, that you first give him some sense, and if he will not hear you, that you abandon him a« :
one disaffected.
By
the last belt he exhorted |them to listen not to evil counsels, and told
Tegannehout back
M.
them
conduct
to
Seneca, and to report the above conclusions.
to
de la
Barris proceedings with
Memoir of M. de Labarre
War
the
Having been obliged
to
as to
(he
Five Nations.
what had occurred and had been done regarding
against the Senecas.
leave early in June, agreeably to the resolution adopted by the
Intendant, the Bishop, the heads of the country and myself, to wage war against the Senecas
lm«dfe4 canoes belonging
for having, in cold blood, pillaged seven
and detained the attacl^ed
latter, to
number
the
the Illinois, where Chevalier de
Saint Louis of
Fort
same
himself; and having also resolved, at the his twelve
companions who had come
country before they heard of treat
them
ill,
endeavor
we
who
Outaouacs bring as
to
are Missionaries there, and to request
engage our French
many
Governor of
to
made
come
to
arrested
;
and afterwards
gallantly defended
last year;
and had
my
left
me
their
not to
considered three things proper and
to divide the Iroquois
purpose to send some persons expressly to communicate Fathers,
Baugy
;
a circumstance that would have obliged
this attack;
First, to
Frenchmen
time, to seize Teganeout, one of their chiefs, and
to ratify the peace
but merely to secure their persons;
necessary to be done:
to
of fourteen, as prisoners for nine days
my
among themselves, and
for this
sentiments to the Reverend Jesuit
them
to act; secondly, to send to the
assistance by the South, by
Lake
Erie,
and
to
as they could of the savages, our allies; and thirdly, to advise Colonel Dongan,
New York,
of what
we were obliged to do, whilst at the same time I should throw men into Fort Frontenac to secure it. Being arrived at month, we sent for M' Dollier, Superior of the Seminary of
a considerable reinforcement of
Montreal the tenth of the said said
town and of the Indian Mission
at
the Mountain, and
the Reverend
Father Brias,
Superior of the Mission of the Sault Saint Louis, who, after having concurred with us, furnished seven Christian Iroquois, friendly to the French and pretty shrewd, two of whom we sent with some Belts of Wampum to the Mohawks, and two to the Oneidas, to say to
them that
we were
resolved to observe
peace
made with them
— that
we were
very
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
240
willing to live there as with friends
we were
the Frenchmen
had
— and that we requested them not
about to wage against the Senecas,
whom
to interfere in the
war
cruelly insulted us in the instance of
they had plundered and seized, and of Fort Saint Louis which they
and
attacked since,
who had
peace
in violation of the
made
year at Montreal
last
three others to Onontague to explain the same things, and finally
I
;
we
sent the
dispatched Sieurs Guillet
and Hebert to the Outaouacs to advise Sieurs Ladurantaye and Dulhut of my design and of the need I had of their assistance, and sent my orders to the Reverend Father Enjalran, Superior of said Missions, to operate there and to send instructions to different quarters according to his usual zeal and capacity, whilst I dispatched Sieur Bourbon to Orange or to notify Colonel Dongan of the insult the French had received from the Senecas, which obliged me to march against him, whereof I gave him notice, assuring him that if he wished to revenge the twenty-six 'Englishmen of Merilande, whom they had killed last winter, I would promise him to unite my forces to his, that he may obtain satisfaction for it or
Manatte
avenge them.
On
month
the twentieth of the same
troops, with five or
I
dispatched Sieur Dutast,
first
Captain of the King's
picked soldiers and six mechanics, carpenters and masons, with
six
provisions and munitions of war, to throw themselves into Fort Frontenac, and put
beyond
haste,
Montreal, on Saint John's day, to return to
make
I
in all
all to
out the detachment of Militia which could follow
to the country.
it,
embark at la Chine, I proceeded from Quebec, where I had requested the Intendant to
which, having caused
insult; after
me
to the
war, without inconvenience
arrived there on the twenty-sixth, having used great diligence on the route,
and found the people ordered and some canoes purchased, but as they were not sufficient embarcation of all, we caused fifteen flat ( bottomed ) pine bateaux, each capable of conveying fourteen or fifteen men, to be constructed in a hurry. for the
I
divided
all
my
or vanguard, which
small force into three divisions I
commanded.
the
I left
;
placed myself at the head of the
management
first,
of the second to M'. D'orvilliers,
the third, composed of troops from the Island of Montreal and commanded by Sieur Dugue, ancient Captain of Carignan. Sieur D'orvilliers was environs, had been, since the fore part of Spring, reconnoitring Lake Ontario and the Seneca Country, to see where the descent should be made, and in what direction we should march to their two principal villages, of which he had made a faithful and exact plan. I selected Sieur de
ancient Captain of Infantry
;
Villebon-Beccancourt,' formerly Captain of the King's Dragoons, as Major of the Brigade
I
commanded, so that, acting in my place, as I was obliged to have an eye to all, I could confide I lefl Quebec the in him; he succeeded therein with all possible diligence and experience. ninth of July, at the head of Three hundred militiamen, accompanied by the said Sieur de '
Chevalier de Villkbon was son of the Baron de Bekancourt
in 1690 to Port
Royal and proceeded thence
He went to
river.
in the following
to seize him,
until September,
removed
but the attempt
he then proceeded
to his fort,
of October; but his defence in the
month
of July of
was
and did not reach Port Royal
to the River St. John.
failed.
return to Fort Naxoat, on the River after;
his vessel
year with a commission of Governor of Acadia, with which
possession of that place, he
men
After this expecJition he returned to France, and was sent
St John, where
was captured whilst he was absent up the
Quebec, whence he repaired again to France, and, in consequence of his representations at Court, came out
where he was detained
1691,
to the Eiver
St.
lie
arrived at Quebec in the beginning of July,
until 26th
November
following.
After taking
In 1692, Governor Pliipps sent three armed vessels and 400
In 1696, he assisted at the reduction of Fort Pemaquid by Iberville, and, on hig
John, with his Indians, was taken prisoner by the English, but was released shortly
where the English, under Colonel Hawthorn, followed and attacked him on the ISth enemy to retire. He continued on the River St. John until 1700,
so gallant as to oblige the
which year he
died. Charlevoix.
— En.
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS Villebon, and arrived at Montreal the sixteenth, where the twenty-first, to
who
embark the King's
brought me, troops.
of provisions, in which
1
Two
in addition to
Thus,
had much
after
in
I
U.
241
was joined by Sieur
hundred and
D'orvilliers
fifty militia,
having issued every possible order
on
some bateaux conveyance
for the
consequence of the scarcity of canoes and of I detached Sieur de Villebon
difficulty in
experienced persons to conduct them
:
the portages of the rapids,
my brigade and the two Companies of King's troops, and ordered them to and second portages, where I should join them, so that on the thirtieth I paued their encampment, beyond the said second portage, and we proceeded next day, both brigades together, Sieur D'orvilliers bringing up the rear with the third, one day behind us. On the to lead the
pass the
van with
first
of August, being in Lake St. Francis with about two hundred canoes and our fifteen bateaux, was joined by the Reverend Father Lamberville, Junior, coming on behalf of bis brother, from Onontagu^, and by the Reverend Father Millet from Oneida. By the annexed letters from Onontagud you will learn that these people, having been joined by the Oneidas and Cayugas, had obliged the Senecas to appoint them mediators as to the reparation they should agree to make me for the insult which had unfortunately been committed against the French in the month of March, and prayed me to send M'. le Moine to them, with whom they could first
I
terminate this all
me
with the provisions
from
la
On
This obliged
affair.
haste, to send
I
from there the
me immediately new bark I had
to dispatch a
canoe to Fort Frontenac
in
built in the winter, in order to freight her
brought, and to send the Canoes in which they were loaded to fetch others
Chine.
the second
we
arrived at the Portage of the
notwithstanding the care
I
had taken to send
fifty
Long Sault, which men ahead, to cut
I
found very
difficult,
the trees on the bank
river which prevented those passing who were to drag the Canoes and bateaux because the stream being voluminous and the bank precipitous, the people were beyond their
of the
depth the
moment they abandoned
bateaux; this necessitated
my
draw
the shore, and were not strong enough to
said
sojourn at that place, where, having been joined by the
Christian Iroquois of the Sault and of Montreal, they undertook, for
a few
presents of
Brandy and Tobacco, to pass the said bateaux and the largest Canoes, which they fortunately accomplished in two days without any accident. On the morning of the fifth, 1 found the new bark arrived at La Galette where I had all the provisions discharged from the canoes before eight o'clock in the morning; and these dispatched at the same, on their return, to la Chine to be reloaded. The strong winds from
and obstinately continued during the remainder of the month, were the cause of the great diligence that the bark had made, and likewise delayed our march so much that I could not arrive at the Fort with my canoe alone until the ninth. I was joined there by Father de Lamberville, whom I
the South West, which constantly prevailed
all
this time,
dispatched next day to his brother at Onontagud, that
I
had so much respect
for their request
and
whom
I
instructed to assure that Nation
for that of the other two, that
1
should
mediation to war, provided they procured me reasonable satisfaction. Three me to adopt this resolution : the first, because it appeared by letters I bad received from Colonel Dongan, in answer to the message by the man named Bourbon, that he was very far from the good understanding of which his Majesty had assured me but much disposed to interfere as our enemy in this matter. The second, because I had few provisions, prefer
their
things obliged
;
and
I
was made to forward flour to me with any diligence from because the wind prevailed so strong from the South west that my
did not see that any effort
Montreal
;
and the
Vol. IX.
third,
31
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
242 bark did not return from notify the
army of the
La
Soutii,
Galette, and
which was
Fort Frontenac with that of the North.
I
could not dispatch anotlier to
to arrive forthwith I
Lake Ontario
from Niagara, of
afterwards reviewed
all
my
to
arrival at
our troops, as annexed,'
Moine having overtaken me on the same day with the remainder of the Christian not previously arrived, I dispatched them on the sixteenth to Onontaguc, placed in iiis hands and Tegancouj-t, the Ambassador from the Senecas, whom I had arrested Seeing the wind always contrary, 1 sent, on the preceding day, eight of the at Quebec. largest Canoes that I had, to the bark at La Galette, to bring me ten thousand weight of flour, bread beginning to fail, which caused me a good deal of uneasiness, and created considerable murmurs among the troops and the militia. Finally, on the twenty-first, my canoes arrived with what I sent them for. I set to work immediately, with all possible diligence, to have bread and biscuit baked ; and sent off forthwith the King's troops, D'orvilliers' and Dugue's two brigades, and two hundred Christian Savages to encamp at La Famine, a post favorable for fishing and hunting, and four leagues from the river of Onontaguc, so as to be nearer the enemy, and able to refresh our troops by fishing and the chase, as we were short of provisions, intending to join them myself with about three hundred Frenchmen, whom I had remaining. On the twenty-fifth, the Canoes I had detached from La Galette to Montreal arrived, but in far less number than I had looked for, and brought me only eight or nine thousand weight of flour, instead of twenty thousand, I expected, and which I left ready for loading when I departed. I caused bread and biscuit to be immediately made for the support of our who were at the aforesaid place called La Famine. troops, On the twenty-seventh, at four o'clock in the afternoon, a canoe of M'. Leraoine's children arrived from Onontagud with Tegancourt, who reported to me that the Onontagues had received orders from Colonel Dongan, and Sieur Iroquois
le
who had
which he sent by one Arnaud, forbidding them to enter into any treaty with me without his express permission, considering them the Duke of York's subjects, and that he had caused the Arms of the said Duke to be raised three days before in their village; that the Council had been convened at the said place of Onontaguc, to which Sieur Lemoine had been invited, and the matter having been debated, these Savages got into a furious rage, with some danger to the English delegate said they were free, and that God, who had created the Earth, had granted them their country without subjecting them to any person, and requested Father Lamberville the elder to write to Colonel Dongan the annexed letter; and, the said Sieur Lemoine having well sustained the French interests, they unanimously resolved to start On the receipt of this news I in two days to conclude affairs with me at La Famine. immediately called out my canoes in order to depart, and was accompanied by a dozen of others, having caused six of the largest to be loaded with bread and biscuit for the army. After having been buffeted by bad weather and high winds, we arrived in two days at La Famine. I found there tertian and double tertian fever, which broke out among our people, so I had also left some sick that more than one hundred and fifty men were attacked by it at the Fort, which caused me to dispatch, on arriving, a Christian Savage to Onontagu6 to M'. Lemoine, to request him to cause the instant departure of those who were to come to meet me. This he accomplished with so much diligence, though he and his children were sick, that he arrived on the third of September with fourteen Deputfes; nine from Onontagu6, three from Oneida, and two Cayugas, who paid me their respects, and I entertained them in the ;
;
'
For this papf r gee
p.
234.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
n.
:
243
best manner I was able, postponing the talk about business until the morrow morning, when matters were fully discussed and peace concluded after six hours' deliberation, three in the
morning and as many after dinner; Father Brias speaking for us, and Hotrchouati' and Garagonkier for the Iroquois Tegancout, the Seneca, was present, the other SenecaTnol daring to come in order not to displease^Colonel Dongan, who sent to promise them a reinforcement of four hundred horse and four hundred foot, if we attacked them. The treaty was concluded in the evening on the conditions annexed,' and I promised to decamp the next day and withdraw my troops from their vicinity; which indeed I was obliged to do by the number of sick, that had augmented to such a degree that it was with difficulty I found enough of persons in health to remove the sick on board the canoes; also by the scarcity of provisions, as there was no more than the trifle of bread I had brought them. I allowed the Onontaguea to light ;
the Council
fire
at this place without extinguishing that at Montreal, in order to be entitled to
take possession of
it
by their consent when the King should desire
it,
and thereby exclude the
English and Colonel Dongan from their pretensions.
On
leaving the Fort,
I
had ordered one of the barks
Lake Erie
the South to return by
to Missilimakinack
to ;
go to Niagara to notify the army of
she had a favorable passage
;
found
had arrived, only six hours previously, to the number of seven hundred men, viz., one hundred and fifty French, and the remainder Indians. I departed on the sixth, having had all the sick of my troops embarked before day (so as not to be seen by the Indiana) to the number of one hundred and fifty Canoes, and twelve flat bateaux, and arrived in the evening of the same day at Fort Frontenac, where I found one hundred and ten men, of the number I had left there, already departed, all sick, for Montreal. Having given the necessary orders it
as to the
number of
soldiers to be left there for the security of that post, until the arrival
from France of Sieur de Laforest, its Major, I started, about nine or ten o'clock in the morning, on my return. Shortly after my departure, the bark arrived from Niagara with some French officers of the army, who brought me news from it at night, and assured me that the chiefs of all the savages had accompanied them to the Fort, desirous to see me,
and would
visit
me
at Montreal,
Lamberville, the elder,
he was very glad
where
I
was
came likewise with
to wait for them.
these
The Reverend Father de
Gentlemen on account of some
difficulties
Onontague, whither he returned. We worked some hours together; I then sent him back to the Fort with some of the arrived French ; the others being desirous to leave and come down again into the Country. After having waited some time for Mess", du Tast and de Cahouet, to whom I gave one of
my
to arrange for
canoes and two of
my
guards, well acquainted with the navigation, to
pilot
their
journey down the river. bateaux and troops in safety through the rapids, I fever had seriously whose I likewise took on board one of my canoes the Sieur Le Moine, augmented, and who had served the King in this affair with so much zeal and affection, aided
resumed
my
by the intimate knowledge he had of the Iroquois language, that it may be said the entire Colony owe him a debt of eternal gratitude. and Finally, in my return of three days, I accomplished what cost us thirteen in ascending, had which, flour, of found in the stores at Montreal and la Chine, forty-five thousand weight country. we received it, would have enabled us to have made a longer sojourn in the Upper
Done
at
Quebec
(^ Oatr6ouati,
the 1" day of October, 16S4.
otherwise celled
OronA OmuIi
nkiM he mannfaotureg by merely *
See
p.
28G.
(Big
Mouth ). Bdmtml.
Latinizing the French.
— Elk
Le Feburk db la barre. ThU U
U nont«n'» fMnoni Or»tor. OrmffuU,
whoM
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
244
Abstract of the preceding [
I
de la Barre.
Omitted, the Memoir being already printed in
M.
My
Memoir of M.
de la
Barre
M.
to
1st Octohei^ 1084.
full. ]
de Seignelay.
Lord, address you these lines in advance, deferring an account of
my
all
conduct, the receipt
of his Majesty's orders, and the answer to those you were pleased to honor return of the ships by which to you, verbally,
now
to
shall take leave to
send you the Captain of
me
what, in writing, would be too long, and to enable
impostures by which write
I
it
is
sought to blacken
me
in his Majesty's
me
my
with, until the
guards to report
to reply to all the
and your estimation.
inform you that our war has not been bloody, and that
I
I
concluded with the
Senecas a peace, which apparently will be of some durability, and as honorable as possibly can be with Savages.
That Colonel Dongan, Governor of New York, has forgotten the orders he had received from the King, his Master, and has pushed matters against us to such an extremity, that the consideration of the affairs of Europe alone retained and prevented
who
fain
would assume
to
me marching
against
him
be sovereign lord of the whole of North America, south of
(au dessous) the river Saint Lawrence, and has caused the arms of the
Duke
of York to be raised
which they were not every where similarly respected) at a moment leagues distant, having traveled nearly two hundred to get there.
in the Iroquois villages (in
when I was only six As I am arranging
all
the proofs of these things, to be transmitted,
I
refer the details to
my
Captain of the guards, and content myself with informing you that the four companies of marines have safely arrived, and in good condition; that Monsieur de la Salle's people are
them the
aid you have ordered; and that, on a perfect obedience to all the orders I shall receive from you, which will doubtless insure me, against the falsehoods and calumnies retailed to you to my prejudice, a protection in favor of your most humble and most
departing for the Fort of the Illinois where until
I
can send you an exact answer, you
I
furnish
may
rely
obedient servant (S**)
Quebec, the
7""
M.
My I
Le feburk de la Barre.
October, 16S4.
de Meulles to
M.
de Seignelay.
Lord, thought you would be somewhat impatient to learn the success and result of the war the
General had undertaken against the Iroquois, which rendered
it
necessary for him to
call
a
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
j^
II.
part of the people of this Country together and
The
expense, for that expedition.
make all necessary preparation, at his Majesty'i troops have been as far as a place called La Famine, thirty
leagues beyond Fort Frontenac.
The army consisted of nine hundred French aud three hundred Savages, and from the Niagara side there was an army of six hundred men, one third of whom were French, and the remainder Outawacs and Hurons, amounting in all to eighteen hundred men.
What
Indians there were, evinced the best disposition to fight the Iroquois to the death. who brought the last six hundred men from Missilimakinak, has
Sieur de la Durantaye,
informed us that he learned from a Miami Chief that more than a thousand Illinois were coming to our aid, on learning that we were about to fight the Iroquois to such a degree are they their irreconcilable foes. Certainly, never was there remarked a better disposition ;
and conquer them, and purge the country of that nation which will be eternally our All the French breathed nothing but war, and, though they saw themselves obliged to abandon their families, they consoled themselves with the hope of liberating themselves by one victory from a Nation so odious as the Iroquois, at whose hands they constantly dread ambushes and destruction. But the General did not think proper to push matters any further, to fight
enemy.
and, without any necessity, sent Sieur
time
when every one was
in
Lemoyne to the said Iroquois to treat of peace at a good health, and when all necessary provision was made of food,
&c., to dare every enterprize;
and finally, after various comings and goings on one side and the other, the General concluded peace, such as you will see by the articles I take the liberty to
send you, as written by the hand of his Secretary.
My
the officers who had any command in that army, and all who composed it, who have testified so deep a displeasure and so sovereign a contempt for the General's person that they could not prevent themselves evincing it to him. I assure you. My Lord, that had I strayed ever so little from my duty, and not exhibited
This peace.
Lord, has astonished
exteriorly, since his return, the respect I
against him, and
The
all
owe
his character, the
whole world would have risen
would have been guilty of some excess.
said General excuses himself because of the sick, and even says that the troops lacked
food; to which
I
feel
obliged to answer, being certain that he seeks every pretext and has
recourse to every expedient to exculpate himself and perhaps to put the blame on me. 'Tis certain that there was a great number of sick among the Militia he took with him to Fort Frontenac, who were in perfect good health on arriving there but having encamped for a fortnight in Prairies between the woods and a pond, it is not surprising that some fell sick. Again, he made them stay at La Famine in places that were never inhabited, entirely surrounded by swamps, which aggravated the sickness in his army and had ;
;
he remained there longer, he would not have saved a man. This has caused all to remark that he did not care; that he had not the least desire to make war; that he made no use of these long sojourns, except to employ them in his negotiations. Had he seriously wished to attack the said Iroquois,
he would not have wasted ten or twelve days at Montreal,
fourteen or fifteen at Fort Frontenac, and as many at La Famine ; he would have remained merely adayor two, and have used the greatest dispatch possible to fight the Iroquois, and not uselessly consumed all his provisions; he would have, indubitably, surprised the said Iroquois, who were not expecting this attack, especially as the greater number of their young men had
been at war
He
in the
beginning of the spring.
says he lacked provisions
;
true, he would be the cause and could not had supplied him, generally, with whatever he required
though that were
but accuse himself of imprudence, as
I
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
246
of me, of which the whole Country faith,
is
he would have had everything in
15"" of
August
he departed on
;
he required of desired. This
me is
the
and with a little precaution, or, rather good abundance. He had determined not to leave until the
a witness 15"'
;
That did not prevent me furnishing
July.
such as bateaux, canoes, arms, ammunition, and
;
so true, that there yet
remained
at the
place called la Chine, thirty-five thousand weight of flour
all
all
the provisions he
end of the Island of Montreal, at a and five of biscuit, which he found
and which he had requested me to retain for him at Montreal. Had he not and had he been disposed to push into the Iroquois Country, the first convoy of for the greater number of the Militia, provisions which accompanied him had sufficed on
his return,
halted,
;
unwilling to wait for the King's supplies, had laid in their own private stock, the most part of which they brought back with them, as all the Captains in command will certify. This convoy consisted of eighteen canoes full of biscuit, pork, brandy, and, apparently, other things which I do not precisely know, having been loaded at Montreal whilst I was at Quebec, where I was issuing orders for the provisions that the General had demanded of me, and for saving the harvest of those who had gone on the expedition. If it had been the General's design to make war, he should not have caused the cargoes of the eighteen canoes I have mentioned to be put into barks thirty leagues from Montreal, above the Rapids, instead of letting the voyage be continued by the canoe men who were paid to go Fort Frontenac, and who had already accomplished the roughest part of the road, and who, without a doubt, would have arrived in three days at the Fort. This was represented to him by all the officers, who stated to him that the barks required wind, which, being contrary, would keep them more than three weeks from arriving, which turned out to be true.
Notwithstanding
all
put in the barks.
these reasons, he absolutely insisted that
Some have
assured
me
all
the said provisions should be
that the canoes of said convoy were partly laden
let the circumstance be known, that he had caused the'barks to precede the canoes, to put the goods secretly into them, and keep the knowledge of the fact from every body. In this way he made use of these canoes to convey that merchandise to the Fort at the King's expense, which has always been his practice for two years, ever pretending certain necessity to transport munitions of war, and making use, by this means, of these conveyances for which the King is made to pay under pretext of keeping It is impossible to conceive the quantity of Brandy that he has caused the Fort in good order. eighteen months, whereof I have had most positive information, thither during conveyed to be and of which I had the honor to advise you in my last. Others supposed that he had the said provisions put on board those barks in order to obtain time, and, by this address, to negotiate a peace with the Iroquois, as he had sent Sieur Lemoyne to them, who is a very brave man, and who was in despair at all this negotiation, All the delays at Montreal, the Fort, and at La stating openly that they ought to be whipt. Famine, caused the useless consumption of a portion of the supplies, which however did not fail, other convoys having been received from time to time; but they were always wasted,
with merchandise, and, not being very desirous to
without anything having been done. After the said General had determined in his
Bourbon, an inhabitant of obliged to
wage war
he confided to tell
him
that
1
me was
this
country, to
own mind on this war, he sent the man named Dongan to advise him that he was
Colonel
against the Iroquois, requesting
him not
to afford
eight days after the departure of the said Bourbon. astonished, that he should havfe thus proceeded
;
them any aid; which This obliged
me
to
that the Iroquois having
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
II.
247
insulted us, and did I intend to fight with and destroy them, I should not have
who have an interest in our destruction, as he Dongan, who is an Englishman, and consequently
to inform neiglibors thereof
deemed
it
proper
nflbrded thereby an
opportunity to Colonel our born enemy, to give underhand information of our designs to the Iroquois, and convey secretly to them all that may be necessary for their defence against us. I asked him if he did not perceive that the English would never desire our advantage, and that they would contribute all in their
power
to destroy us,
though at peace as regards France
;
that they
of the Fur trade pjosecuted by us in this country, which would
would always be jealous make them protect the
Iroquois always against us.
This Bourbon negotiation gave Colonel Dongan occasion to use some rhodomontade, as the me and assuredly it was that obliged him, having this information, to send an Englishman, who was in the habit of negotiating with the said Indians, to raise the General has informed
Duke act
of York's arms
take
to
the
;
among
first
the Onnontaguds, which
possession of
movement on the English
side,
and
the country. it is
is
We
an Iroquois
wishing by that
village,
have not heard talk of any other
even certain that they will never cause us any
apprehension in that quarter, and that they could not prevent us achieving that conquest this year,
had the General been willing
You can hardly
believe,
My
to fight.
Lord, that the General has alone undertaken the war without
having consulted any person, neither
officers of the army, nor gentlemen, nor the people of the most interested, nor any individual whomsoever, except Sieur de la Chesnaye, with whom he acts in concert for the entire destruction and ruin of the country. He has again made peace in this manner without any communication with any of
who
country
the
are
the officers or others of those
who were
near his person.
What seemed
wonder
a
own
in the
make demanded the opinion of any person. His Majesty never acted thus. He has his Council of War, and when he is about to commence hostilities he demands advice of his Council, communicating to them the reasons which he may have to do so, and even causes the publication of manifests throughout the Kingdom, wishing But the General has treated to lay before his people the justice of his undertakings. country
is
war and
that one individual, a subject of his Majesty like others, should of his
will
peace, without having consulted, or
of peace like a sovereign with the said Iroquois, having employed none of those who were who were acquainted with the Iroquois tongue, except as Interpreters. He
nigh him, and
all have concluded on war, among themselves to attack from Chief was necessary to make them select a
dared not consult the
and but
little
officers,
being certain that they would
the enemy.
make war against the Iroquois, design was to attack the principal His ask. all they them and that, he grants to come and condescend even not did Senecas, who instead of showing him any civility, people had if them to it meet him, and gave an insolent answer to those who proposed There came any thing to say to them, let them take the trouble to come and see them. altogether on this embassy only a certain sycophant who seeks merely a good dinner, and a or ten miserable real buffoon, called among the French la Grande Gueule, accompanied by eight perceive by the will you as manner, fellows, who fooled the General in a most shameful
The
far
said general proceeds at the head of a small force to
from doing
—
send you, and which I doubt not he also will send you. They will assuredly excite your pity. You will see he abandons the Illinois, among whom as M. de La Salle is about to establish himself, and who are the occasion of this war, inasmuch articles of
peace
I
have the honor
to
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
248
the Iroquois went to attack erected
away
among them, and
those
whom
Sieur de
his lieutenant of the guards,
When
them even
in
La Salle had left who is still there.
who
are our allies, and
consider
moment
command
there,
and sent hither de Baugy,
it
also
peace was
altogether to their
my
duty
intentions, he consents to the siaugliter of the
its
among whom
some powerful establishment under M. de I
in
he concluded this peace he already had his Majesty's letter eight days in his
possession, but so far from conforming to Illinois,
Fort Saint Louis, which Sieur de la Salle had
of which the General took possession, having ousted and driven
to inform
His Majesty designed to plant a
new Colony
or
la Salle's direction.
your Lordship that the General
left
La Famine
the
concluded, without taking the least care of the troops, abandoning them
own
guidance, forbidding them on pain of death to leave the place until
a long time after him, fearing to be surprised by the Iroquois, and having (so to say) lost his wits, caring little
what became of the army.
Certain
it is
that he
went up
to the Fo.rt
without
taking information about any thing, and returned in the same manner.
The worst of this affair is the loss of the trade, which I find inevitable, because the Outawas and other Savages who came to our aid, will hereafter entertain no respect for us, and will regard us as a people without courage and without resolution. I
doubt not,
my
Lord, but the General sends you a letter which he received from Father
who is a Missionary in an Iroquois village at Onnontagu^, whence came with whom peace was negotiated. The Father, who had learned the General's intentions from Sieur Le Moyne, has been wise and sufficiently discreet, anticipating his design, to write to him in accordance with his views, and to ingeniously solicit that which must flatter and highly please him. But one'thing is certain, that all the Jesuits at Quebec, and particularly Father Bechefer, have openly stated there for six weeks that the Country was destroyed if peace were concluded; which is so true that, having communicated to him the two letters I wrote to the General, he highly approved of them and advised me to send them to the I shall take leave to send you copies of them, requesting you, most humbly, to be Fort. persuaded that I speak to you without passion, and that I state nothing to you but what is most true and reliable, and this only because I feel obliged to let you know the truth as regards all Lamberville, the Jesuit,
those Ambassadors
things, without 1
which you
should wish.
My
that the* General and
which
we
will never
have the
least confidence in
me.
Lord, to avoid explaining myself in this manner, fearing you might infer
live together
I ;
were greatly since
it is
disunited,
certain that
which
we never
is
quite contrary to the
manner
in
had, personally, the least difference,
wishing in that to conform myself to your desires and his Majesty's orders, aware that it is the most assured means that I can take to be agreeable to you. This is the sole ambition I have in the world,
and to prove
greater devotedness than
to
you that no person can
be,
with more profound respect and
I,
My
Lord,
Your most humble and most oh: Servant. This,
Country
My
Lord,
is
only incidentally.
I
defer informing
you of what has occurred
in this
during this year, until the departure of the vessels.
Quebec, the
10"" S""", 18G4.
De
meulles.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
M.
My Lord, My first
duty on arriving
most humble thanks this letter, since I
for
de CallUrea
in this
was not
M.
My
349
de Seignetay.
government, which
Please,
it.
to
U.
I
sufficiently fortunate to
you
my
saliBfaclion therein
by
derive from you,
Lord, to permit that
make
I
is
to tender
be able to do so vivd
voce before
my
departure from France, which occurred whilst you were so gloriously occupied in the King's service before Genoa.
have been perfectly well received here. My Lord, under your auspices, and with great demonstration of joy by all the inhabitants, particularly by the gentlemen of the Seminary, and by M. Dollier, their Superior, who is a man of great merit and exemplary virtue, as are I
ail
the other Clergy of that Seminary, with
whom
I hope to live in perfect union, and to by causing the King's orders to he punctually executed. I found the troubles of Canada appeased by the arrangement which M. de la Barre entered into with the Onnontagues, who form a part of the Iroquois, on their promise to oblige the Senecas (another tribe, the principal and bravest of the Iroquois nation) to repair the damage
satisfy alf the inhabitants of the Island
they had done the French by the pillage of seven canoes, freighted with merchandise. But as the said Senecas have not been a party to this treaty, and the Onnontagues have declared
M. de
Barre that the entire Iroquois nation reserved unto itself the power of waging war them would remain on earth ; and inasmuch as the Illinois are under his Majesty's dominion since M. de la Salle's discovery and the to
la
against the Illinois as long as a single one of
construction of Fort Saint Louis, which he built in their country; the most intelligent in these parts believe this peace between us and the Iroquois uncertain, until they be obliged to leave
the Illinois undisturbed. It is reported here that these Iroquois have already departed to attack the Illinois, and to endeavor to exterminate them before the arrival of M. de la Salle, who, they learned, was on his way to their relief by the Grand River. It would be a serious loss to us should they succeed in this design, as the best allies we have among the Indians are the Illinois, who, on
hearing of the war between us and the Iroquois, were coming
picked Warriors, the bravest that they had.
de
la Salle's
on
his
way
Mons'. de Tonty,
to
our aid with a thousand
who commanded them
in
M.
absence, having returned to this country by M. de la Barre's orders, had started
to Fort Saint Louis, but the ice forced
him
to
come back and wait
until the spring.
In addition to this bad disposition of the Iroquois, we have further to apprehend that it is fomented by the English, who evince a willingness to protect them as if dependants on their Colonies. Nevertheless, it is not to be doubted that they have always been subject to France since the first discoveries made by Sieur de Champlain and other French Captains,
who
took possession thereof
in the
name
of our Kings, which has never been disturbed or
contested up to this time by the English.
These considerations,
My
Lord, oblige us to be on the
of representing to you that, in case of war,
it
alert,
and cause
will be necessary to give
me
to take the liberty
some one
in the
country
command the troops and militia here, under the orders of the Governor cannot be every where in so vast an extent of country as that of New France and
a commission to General,
who
;
myself here on the frontiers of the French Colonies bordering on the Iroquois, and of the English of New England and New York, who are the only enemies to be feared, I consider it my duty to offer you my most humble services on this occasion, and to request you that, finding
Vol. IX.
38
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
250 employ me
to
in this
War, by doing me the honor
of granting
me some
title to
command
Governor General's orders, beyond the limits of my government, as the Major will suffice for the guard of the Island whilst we shall be in the beseeching you to believe that I shall endeavor to give you a good account of this War, field the troops and militia, under the
;
and of what
The
be intrusted to me.
shall
services
I
have rendered for 20 years, without
me
some experience in war superior to that of the officers of this country, who have not been employed for a long time. I learn. My Lord, by a letter I received from M. de la Barre, the arrival of the but as these reinforcements you sent him, with some Naval Captains to command them intermission, in his Majesty's glorious campaigns, entitle
to
;
gentlemen are not apparently destined to remain long in this country, their profession qualifying them rather for sea than for land service, without mentioning the expense they will thereby entail on his Majesty, I am not prevented hoping that you will have the goodness to consider me on this occasion as being one of your most devoted creatures, and one
who
desires nothing, with greater passion, than to signalize himself under your orders, so as
honor you have conferred on me by selecting me. I leave to my brother to communicate to you a fuller detail of what I write to him of the affiiirs of this country, and am, with all due zeal and gratitude, to deserve the
My
lord,
Your most humble, most obedient Montreal, in Canada, this 9'"
and most obliged Servant, The Chev' De Callieres.
Novemb', 1684.
^n
M.
»»
Barre
to the
King.
••#•••*•••
Memoir •
de la
»
to the
King
in
answer
to his despatch of the 10"" April last.
Your Majesty will have seen, by the despatches I have sent you by the Express bark on the June, what necessitated me to wage war against the Iroquois, and to march against them for that purpose, to which the general clamor of all the people of this country, as well great as small, very much contributed. Your Majesty will perceive, by the proces verbal annexed, that 6""
I
did not wish to engage in the matter except on a certainty
the despatches as
;
and
that, learning as well
from the Messengers of Colonel Dongan, Governor of
New
from
York, the
my march to conclude a peace, which I think some durability those people being undeceived in the belief they had entertained that the French could not reach them in the Southern countries, in consequence of the greatness This has caused of the distance and of the vast number of portages to be passed to go there. an expense to your Majesty which appears to me pretty considerable, but, in my opinion, it declaration of the English, I took advantage of
will be of
will save a
;
much
greater for the future, and will impress on your Majesty the necessity of the
King of England sending
precise orders to his Governors of
authorizing the carrying the to reduce the Iroquois,
who
war will
New
into his territory; without this
have a door open
by the English, and a reinforcement of
York, or of your Majesty's it
is,
at present, impossible
for their retreat into the country occupied
their troops almost hard
obliged to travel 200 leagues in order to attack them.
I
by them, whilst we
shall
be
perceived the difficulty attendant on
PARIS DOCUMENTS: war
11.
f5J
be 80 great, especially as regards the transportation of supplies, arms and I do not comprehend how all the inhabitants of the country have evinced so impatient a desire for it ; because, when once commenced by them, it cannot so soon be terminated, and the Iroquois cannot be reduced, except after many years, posseising, as they do, so convenient a retreat among the English* also, because operations cannot this
to
munitions of war, that
be carried on except with a large body of Regulars and of Indians, and not of Militia; and because it is certain the Colony will be exposed to daily incursions, which will altogether
•••••••••a
endanger the safety of the country. •
my guards, expressly to Your Majesty to render an account of what has happened at our pretended War expedition, and of the quality of the Seneca Country, to which he had been purposely to reconnoitre early in the Spring, he will As
I
send Sieur Doruilliers, Captain of
also inform
you of the conduct of Colonel Dongan (Governor of New-York) towards
us,
and of
the difference that exists between his professions and his conduct in regard to the Iroquoisi
and especially the Senecas, infantry, at the
to
whom
he sent an
offer
of 400 horses and an aid of as
same time that he had the Duke of York's arms planted
many
in their villages,
and
dispatched Sieur Arnault,' his ambassador to the Ononlagues, Oneidas and Cayugas, to forbid
them in express terms, as subjects of the Duke of York depending on him and his government, from entering into any treaty or conference with me without his special orders. This having caused a great noise among the said Savages, hastened them to conclude their Your Majesty will be able to see by my proces verbal, and the Rev. F. de Lamberville's letter of the 29"* August last ; so that nothing more remains for me to do than
treaty with me, as
to await
Your Majesty's decision how I must act with the said Colonel whereunto you will me your orders, without which I shall suffer everything, and with which I shall ;
please send
be able, without •
•••••••••
much expense
me
or risk, to iiave this Colonel spoken to in another language.
your Majesty's orders in regard to the English, as well those of New- York as those settled on Hudson's Bay. I fear they have attacked the French posts last year in Nelson's gulf, and that Katisson,' who I learn is at their head, has opposed force and violence to the justice of their cause, of which Your Majesty shall be informed. Whether I must oppose force to force, and venture by land against those who might have It
remains
for
to request
committed some outrage against your subjects by sea, is a matter on which Your Majesty will please furnish me with some precise and decisive orders, whereunt*! shall conform my conduct
and my actions. Quebec, the 13 Novem', 16S4. '
Abnold Cobneussem Vieli, a
citizen of
Le Febub db la Baku. Albany, and a
capacity, he obtained a grant of land from the
Wachkeerhoba, and was on the north bank of the Mohawk *
wcU known
Mohawks, September, river.
Indian interpreter.
For his aerTieea
1688, a little above Sebaneotady.
The
in the latt«r
tract wai called
— Ed.
Radisson.
n"
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
252
Meverend Jean de Lamberville
M.
to
de la JBarre.
July
lO"-
1684.
Sir,
A
general Assembly of
the Iroquois will be held here, at which
all
intended to unite
it is
Senecas that you wish to persuade the four Iroquois Nations not I am surprised that M. le Moyne or some other persons have to aid them in case of war. not told you that all these villages were confederated, and that one could not be attacked against you, and to inform
tiie
without becoming embroiled with the others. Did affairs permit, I should have much wished
My
who
have been spoken
goes to you, whilst
I
to,
still
war without
fitter
that
I
you
which
my thoughts on
matters; this
is
many things. The Ontagues
a great
the honor to see you.
all
keep them disposed
possible, an infinitade of evils
desire
to tell
when he will have would like much to settle
brother will inform you of
the reason
my
brother
you satisfaction, in order to avoid, if Canada; and as 1 know not whether you
to give
will overtake
listening to proposals for peace, I wish to understand whether
it is
not
withdraw, if possible, rather than give occasion to the Iroquois to say that
I
The Onontagues and other nations say that it up arms against you who are their neighbor, and who form almost one
deceived them, by propositions for peace. grieves
them
to take
country with them.
They acknowledge
that the Senecas are proud and insolent on account of their great
you desire
of warriors; but that
if
induce the Senecas to
make
you,
it
from
must
at once
satisfaction
which they will
be very acceptable, so as not to be obliged to come to
extremities that will be very disastrous. fortified places
by some
to maintain peace will
number
If
war
abandon
occur, Sir, all those
who
have houses apart
their dwellings, for the grain
and the houses
and otherwise many will be brought away prisoners to be cruelly tortured always think that peace ought to be most precious to you, and that all the advantages that can be held out, ought to cause you to shrink from war. A delay in order to arrange every thing more leisurely, and after having received assistance from France, would
will be burned,
and
insulted.
I
you from much embarrassment which will follow from all sides. Pardon me if I my thoughts; you will not disapprove at least of the zeal with which am, with much respect and submission. Your most humble and * Most obedient Servant, (Signed) De Lamberville.
extricate
give free expression to I
Reverend Jean de Laniberville
to
M.
de la Bavre. 11"- July, 1684.
Sir,
A
troop of Senecas, on their
way
to
buy
arms, are two days [distance] from here.
and
to
their supplies
They
and munitions of powder, lead and
are expected in order to talk fully of affairs,
endeavor to preserve peace by inducing them
to give
you
satisfaction.
I believe, if
you
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
g58
II.
are really desirous to come to aa arrangement by which an effort will be made to aatisry you, and wherein will be prescribed the boundaries of the war and of trade, you would have leisure to provide with less trouble and embarrassment for the security of Canada, either
by erecting Forts
La Famine
at
or towards the Senecas under the pretext of establishing a
blacksmith or at La Galette, according as you
may
think proper.
do not believe that you will derive any advantage this year from the war, if you wage it; for not only will almost the whole of the Iroquois prosecute it in Canada, but you will not find the Senecas in their villages, in which, they give out, they will not shut themselves up, I
but conceal themselves in the grass and prepare ambuscades every where
for
you.
On
your declaration to the Iroquois that you had no ill-will except against the Senecas, they convoked a general Diet here at which they will conclude on a league against you, if you will not accept the propositions of peace to which the Onontagu^ wishes to obtain the consent
who
of the Seneca in the
woods
has already placed in security the old grain, and constructed a retreat
for the children,
The Warriors
women and
old men, of which you will be ignorant.
are to prowl every where, killing without, if possible, being killed.
Indian corn be cut,
harvest of the French grain to which the Iroquois will set the Iroquois suppose that they are forts
;
If their
much blood and many men.
will cost
it
all
You must also resolve to lose the fire. As for the French settlements,
abandoned, and that the people have retired wilhia the
otherwise they would be a prey to the enemy.
It is the
opinion that
if
you begin the war,
will h6 of long duration, and that to feed
it
have to bring provisions from France. The Iroquois believes that he will destroy the Colony in case of war, for he will never fight by rule a'gainst us, and will not shut himself up in any fort in which he might be stormed. Thus they are under the impression that, no person daring to come into unknown forests to pursue them, they can those in
Canada you
will
nor captured, having a vast hunting ground in their rear, towards Merilande and Viginia, as well as places adjoining their villages, wholly unknown to the French. If winter were not so cold in this Country, that would be the time to wage war, for neither be destroyed
cannot be concealed, but every thing must be provisions, arms, powder and lead. You cannot believe, Sir, with what joy the carried Senecas learned that you would, possibly, determine on war; and, on the report the savages bring them of the preparations apparent at Kataroakouy, they say, that the French have a great
one can then see
all
around, and the
trail
—
desire to be stript, roasted and eaten; and that they will see if their flesh, which, according to them is saltish on account of the salt the French make use of, be as good as that of their other
enemies
whom
The envoy
they devour.
of the Governor of
considerable reduction for a Beaver,
;
7
@8
and so with the
Everything considered,
here, promises the Iroquois goods at a as much lead as a man can carry Beaver ; a
New-York, who
lbs.
of powder for
is
rest.
Sir, if
you
will be content with a satisfaction
we
shall
endeavor
you from the Senecas, you will prevent great evils which must fall on Canada especially will much in case of war ; you will divert from it famine and many misfortunes the hands of the into fall will who French confusion and great suffering be spared the on their captives. cruelties brutal Iroquois, who, as you are aware, exercise the direst and most assuredly will you There is, besides, no profit in fighting with this sort of banditti, whom not catch, and who will catch many of your people that will be surprised in every quarter. The man called Hannatakta and some others of influence told me they pitied you. These five are their words ; they besought you not to force them to wage war against you ; that the to obtain for
;
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
254
Nations would be obliged
you; that the French and the Iroquois being so
to unite against
near the one to the other, the war would be too disastrous to you, because, say they, our
mode
of fighting, of harrassing, of living, of surprising and flying to the woods, will be the
ruin of the French,
armies
who
who
are accustomed to fight against towns capable of defence, or against
appear in the plains
;
if
there be misunderstanding
it
ought
to
be
settled.
All
war you will try the ways of mildness, and what they have plundered that if you begin by a
the Iroquois are persuaded that before going to tell
the Senecas to appease your anger for
desire to
wage war, and
;
will not act as a father towards your children, they have already
declared beforehand that they will
all
unite against you.
Reverend Jean de Lamberville
to
M.
de la Barre.
July 13, 1684.
My I
i
Lord,
have the honor to write to you by Father
They cannot be persuaded
Millet,
who
passes here in retiring from
among
you have determined on waging war against them, not having demanded any satisfaction of them for the merchandise of the Frenchmen whom the Seneca^ plundered. To turn away the scourge of war and the miseries which must follow it, especially among the French, who will find themselves attacked by all the Iroquois, if any hostile act is committed against the Senecas, I have strongly urged the Onnontagues to give you satisfaction according to the Instructions the Christian Iroquois, your deputies here, had. To-morrow a great number of Senecas are expected, with several Cayugas and the Ambassadors from the two Lower nations, to talk about business. The Senecas, consequent on the declaration you made to them that you would proceed to the Iroquois.
that
their country, have concealed their old grain, prepared a distant retreat in the depths of the forest for the security of their old
have of value out of their
men,
villages.
much joy they are determined ;
their
women and
The Warriors,
children, and conveyed whatever they
in great
number, have heard this news with they have none, and will not shut
to fight, not in their forts, for
themselves up anywhere, but under cover behind trees and in the grass, where they will try to do you considerable injury, if you want war. The Onnontaguez men of business wish
—
—
having lost none of their men only some goods. Must the father and children, they ask, cut each others' throats for a few clothes? The children must satisfy the father, to whom they owe honor and respect. one presented to the Senecas and Further: last year I guaranteed by two belts of Wampum that if the Iroquois army should meet the French, who were towards Illinois, the other here and any acts of hostility follow on one side or the other, they should mutually arrange the difficulty without it leading to any consequences and is what we are endeavoring to persuade the Senecas to do. Father Millet, to whom I communicated all, and who has just passed, will tell you everything, and how apropos it would be that M. Le Moine should come here to He fetch those chiefs and warriors under the pass you will give them through him. can come here in all surety and without any fear, and conduct them to your rendezvous near Seneca or to the Fort, in order to settle matters in a friendly manner.
to arrange matters, especially
;
—
—
;
i
'
PARIS DOCUMENTS
255
II.
:
The
Iroquois say, they will not commit any act of hostility against you, unless you commence by attacking the Senecas or by refusing to accept all satisfaction for, they remark, it They all say that their mode of warfare will be is painful to come to blows with their Father. disastrous to you, but that the respect they entertain towards you, and which we also insinuate among them, withholds them until they are forced, they add, to wage a sorrowful war, either
i
despite themselves, against you.
They
wish,
first
of
all,
they say, to avoid the reproach of
not having kept their word which they gave. I told the above to M. le Moine. My brother expects to leave with your deputies to carry to you the result of the Iroquois '
!
where the Onontague, who assumes to be a moderator, pretends to force the Senecas to disavow what two of their Captains caused their warriors to do, and to quieten again your mind; that is, they say, by some satisfaction which may afford you an honorable pretext to pay a friendly visit to Kaniatarontagouat and not to appear there as an enemy.
Diet,
I
inform you, that the Iroquois say they have accepted the satisfaction they
forgot to
received for the death of their captain,
Hannh enhax, k illed by
the Kiskakons, and that
it
would
seem very strange to them that you should refuse the satisfaction they wish to induce the Senecas to give you for the pillaged merchandise which, in their estimation, is next to nothing compared with that important [council] fire in your children's cabin. I pray God that He conduct matters for His glory and the country's good, and that He preserve you as long as is the wish,
My
Lord, of
^our very bumble and most obedient '
Servant,
•
J.
Meverend Jean de Lam/jerville
to
M.
Db Lambebvillb.
de la Ban-e. 18'^ July, 16S4.
Sir,
The Council convoked atOnnontague was, at length, held on the iC and 17** of July. You will see by the Memoir I inclose in this letter what you said to the Onontagu^s and what they reply by three Belts. Since you spoke, or I have made you speak, to the Senecas assembled here
in a
body, Chiefs and Warriors, and their answer,
we
have spoken to them by
three Belts, and they have answered you by nine. These are twelve Belts which your ambassadors take to you. I know not if you will accept the trifling pains we have taken to cause satisfaction to be given you, and to extricate you from the fatigues, the embarrassments and consequences of a disastrous war, and procure
same time freedom of trade; for the Senecas informed me at night, by express, that would give you more satisfaction than you expected, because they wished, through respect they for you, not to wage war any more against the Oumiamis, if you so wish it, and even against any other nation if you insist on it. In fine, they do not wage war save to secure a good peace. at the
They
return without striking a blow, without shedding blood, etc •
Rev. Jacques de LambervUle.
— Ed.
'
Now
Irond«qvoit B*j, Monroe Co., N. Y.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
256
The Seneca
Iroquois
offer
you more than you would have believed. The Onontagu6s all sorts of machinery in motion
considered their honor engaged to this meeting, and heve put
to induce the Senecas to condescend to place their affairs in their hands.
On
day of the Council every thing was almost despaired of, and the plenipotentiaries, to see me, saying they gained nothing on the Senecas, and that up to that time they too willingly accepted war; that they rejected the presents which you and they had made them. They sent back to me for more belts, only to combat the obstinacy of the S^pecas; the chiefs and warriors acted with great zeal, so that having gained the Oneidas and Cayugas over to their side, they came to high words. Meanwhile, the Deputies succeeded one another to sound me on the state of affairs and to learn the true cause of the withdrawal of our Missionaries. Finally, I told them that the real cause was that the displeasure they perceived you felt at being disparaged by the Senecas, and in which they also participated, had caused their withdrawal until the Senecas should satisfy you. At length the Onontagues have persuaded these to confide in them and to place their affairs in their hands that if you did not accept their mediation, they would unite, according to their policy, with all the other Iroquois against you. La Grande Gueule' and his truimvirate have assuredly signalized themselves in this rencounter. My brother, who will inform you of every thing, will relate matters more in detail. Meanwhile we await your orders which you will please convey to us by M. le Moine, whom the Onontagues request you to send instantly to them at Choiieguen in all security and without the least fear. all
the
first
excited,
came
—
—
Reoerend Jean de LambervUle
to
M.
de la Barre.
Onnontague
My
this 17"' August, 1684.
Lord,
Your people have brought been wind bound three days
my
brother back here with the greatest possible diligence, having
at one island.
In order not to cause you any delay, which could
only produce a useless consumption of provisions by your army, they arrived
here with and having passed the rest of the night in conferring together, we had the Chiefs and Warriors assembled at daylight, after having obtained information from La Grand Gueule and Garakontie. We declared our intentions in the presence of several Senecas who departed the same day They carry one of to- return to their country, where they will communicate your approach.
Sieur
your
le
Due
at midnight,
belts to reassure those
who
are alarmed by your armament.
The Onnontaguez have dispatched some of theirs to notify the Oneida, the Mohawk and They wish the Cayuga to repair to Ochouegen* to salute you and to reply to your proposals. so much to see M. Le Moine here, whom you promised them would come, that it appears that nothing could be done had he not arrived.
Also, as you advised
the sight of your barks and Gendarmes, they likewise give
when you
will see faces painted red '
See note Bupra,
p.
and black 243.
at
you
them not
Ochouegen. °
to
be troubled at
notice, not to be surprised
Oewego.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I
gave a Cayuga some
letters for
II.
257
you 8 or 10 days ago.
1 do not know if he will have Colonel Dongan had the Duite of York's placards of protection (dcs sauvegardcs) affixed to the three Upper Iroquois villages, and that he styled himself Lord of the Iroquois. Here, a drunken man tore these proclamations
delivered them.
1
believe
I
advised you
that
down
and nothing remains but the post to which the Duke of York's escutcheon was attached. I gave La Grande Gueule your belt underhand, and have remarked to him the things you wish him to effect. He calls himself your best friend, and you have done well to have attached
you
who
has the strongest head and loudest voice among the Iroquois. overcoats {capnts) and shirts which you have been so good as to send to be used on occasions, are a most efficacious means to gain over, or to preserve public opinion. An honorable peace will be more advantageous to Canada than a war very uncertain as to ita to
this hoc,
The
I am of opinion, whatever Mess" the Merchants may say, that the war would be very prejudicial to them, and that you do them a good turn by inducing the Iroquois to give
success.
you I
satisfaction.
am, with
all sort
of respect and submission,
My
Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient servant, . J. DB Lambekviixb, Jesuit.
Reverend Jean de Lamherville
to
M.
de la Barre.
Onnontagu^,
My
this 28"' of August, 1G84.
^9
Lord,
>M. le Moine's arrival has much pleased our burgomasters, who have exhibited towards him many attentions, and have promised to terminate matters with you in the manner you de«ire. The Onnontaguez have called the Deputies of each Nation together, as I have advised you. The Cayugas came here the first, with 2 young Tionnontat6s to restore them to you; we expect the Senecas, and as we were RopTng^TiaT the Oneldas would arrive tS^Sf; one Arnaud, whom Father Bruyas is well acquainted with, came here on horseback from Mr. Dongan to tell the Iroquois that he did not wish them to talk to you without his permission, being complete master of their country and of their conduct towards you that they belonged to the King of England and the Duke of York; that their Council fires were lighted at Albany, ;
and that he absolutely forbade them talking with you. Two words which we whispered in the ears of your pensioner. La Grande Gueule,' caused US to see at once how unreasonable, in his opinion, was so strange a proceeding as that of M. Dongan, after having himself exhorted the Iroquois to give you satisfaction, in order to avoid a When M. le Moine and I will disastrous war which would have very bad [consequences]. have the honor to see you, we shall give you the particulars of these things, and how, we being two or three days' journey from here, '
La Grande Gueule made
Se« note, supra,
use of high words against
p. S48.
«
Vol. IX.
#
33
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
258
this messenger, exhorting all the warriors and chiefs not to listen to the proposals of a
who seemed
opposed to
to be drunk, so
all
reason was what he uttered. Wampum. The 1" and
Tlie said Messenger has produced three strings of
who have promised
2""^
man
are from the
Dongan that they would not go to meet exhort them Onnontaguez, to to give their string of Wampum also us; and the S** was for the The latter have answered, by La Grande Gueule, that they as assurance of the same thing. esteemed themselves too highly honored by your having granted them the embassy of M. le Moine, and by your having placed the affairs of the peace in their hands, to commit so cowardly
Mohawks and
the Oneidas,
M'.
an action and so grave a fault as that which seemed to be desired they should perpetrate. After many disputes the Onnontagues counseled among themselves, and concluded to inquire of M. le Moine if he would not wait the permission M. Dongan wished the Iroquois to have from him to talk with you, and if he would not tarry, and you remain at the Lake, ten days
more, so as to learn M. Dongan's
final will.
This
is
apiece of Iroquois cunning, not to embroil
themselves with M. Dongan, and to follow entirely what M. well
knew would
and knowing, moreover, that delay was directly contrary requdeted M.
le
Le Moine should
say,
whom
they
not wait so long, matters having advanced to the point at which they are,
Moine himself
to
your instructions.
The
Iroquois
communicate their opinion to the Cavalier, which he you will be glad to learn when he will give an
to
certainly did in an excellent manner, as
account of his negotiation.
He
has thought proper to send you one of his canoes at once to inform you hereof, and to
assure to
you
that as soon as the Seneca deputies shall have arrived here, he will endeavor to
have them dispatched hence at the earliest moment
leave with the Senecas
^
who
to
be conducted to you.
If not,
he will
are here.
Tegannehout has acted his part very well and harangued strongly against Mr. Dongan's Messenger and in favor of Onontio. Good cheer and the way you regaled him were a
when it might perhaps have failed in any other who had not experienced proofs of your friendship such as you did him the honor He will return with M. Lemoine. to give him. strengthening medicine which has sustained his voice,
The
who
Cavalier says that, before returning to his Master, he wishes to speak to the Senecas
Tegannehout somewhat, in order that he may win those of and not suffer them to yield to the solicitations of Sieur Arnaud, to whom the Onnontaguez have given two wretched belts to tell M. Dongan that they could not do otherwise than as he himself had urged them to do to wit, to settle matters peaceably with you; and to soothe his spirit if he were dissatisfied with them for not going to Albany whence they had returned very recently. A letter which he has given to M. le Moine are expected here.
I caress
his Nation over to his opinion,
;
is
sent you.
Whatever Sieur Arnaud may
whom we
expect to-morrow.
say,
we have
Monsieur
return to you, inasmuch as his delay I
is
le
not neglected to send for the Oneida deputies
Moine
will use the greatest possible diligence to
not very agreeable to himself.
am
always.
My
Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient servant, J.
DE LaMBERVILLE.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
Reverend Jean de LamherviUe
II
:
to
M.
359 de la Barre. Onnonta^,
My
this 27'*
Sept, 1G84.
Lord,
Lake by very strong head winds. A day before the Iroquois deputies met here, the Senecas sent belts to the 4 Iroquois villages, to declare to them that, should you disembark in their Country, they would attack you. Six or seven hundred Mohegans (LoujisJ were preparing to go to the assistance of the Iroquois, as the Outaoutes were aiding the French. Some Seneca scouts have been as far as Kaionhouague,* where you have concluded the peace, to be certain of the place at which your army had encamped. The Onnontagues were, for several days, under the impression that they had killed me. Tegannehout's arrival in his country will have calmed the minds in communicating the peace to them from you. No news have as yet been received from Seneca. Some say they will I
return here after having been delayed ten days in the
shortly
come here
on important matters.
to confer
inform you of whatever
I shall
Sieur Arnaud, M' Dongan's deputy,
OnnoDta^, though he had assured delay
is
If
any one come here from the Fort
I
shall
have learned.
me
has not reappeared here since
that he should return in ten days.
my
departure from
'Tis said that his
caused by his not having found his master at Orange, and that he has gone to Manath
him of the proceedings of the Onnontagues and of your arrival at Gainhouagu^.' had the honor of writing to you from the Fort, whence I sent you a Wampum belt from I the Tionnontatt's. I have given Sieur Hannataksa the belt of Wampum and the red Calumet in your name, and told him that you would be ever obliged to him if he would turn his arms to the left of Fort Saint Louis,^ where the Illinois are mingled with the Oumiamis, in order to to inform
give no cause of complaint.
was regarding matters on the side of the Senecas, and fearful that they confusion on arriving here, I made some presents, in your name, to some captains
Uncertain as
would create
who
I
could best curb their insolence, so as to prevent the brewing of the storm.
Your man of venal being,
business, I
whom
mean La Grande Gueule,
you do well
to
keep in pay.
I
is
not astonished at any thing
;
he
!•
a
assured him that you would send him the
jerkin you promised. are gone to the borders of Merilande and Virginia to fight, have sent
The Cayugas who some
home
of their warriors to say that the English had killed three of their men, and that, having
they had cut their throats after subjecting them to some bad treatment, and that their little army is still in the English Country. After having spoken to you of others, I must acquit myself of a part of my duty, by thanking you very humbly for all the kindness you have been pleased to shower on me. I should have
taken
five
Englishmen
alive,
wished you, in addition to the good health in which it pleased God to preserve you in the midst of an army weakened by diseases, greater satisfaction for the trouble you have taken for what was the public good. Many individuals assuredly know that, if you had not accepted considered a very favorable peace since no one had been killed on either side, the Colony would have been exposed
to the
mercy of the
Iroquois,
who would
pounce, in different directions, on
defenceless settlements, the people of which they would carry '
S«e
NoU
1,
HL,
481.
— Ed.
off"
*
in order to pitilessly
P*""*. >"•
bum
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
260 them.
I
who knows
pray God,
His blessings on you
the sincerity of your intentions, to be your reward and to heap
of the wishes of him
to the extent
My
who
entirely,
is
Lord,
Your most humble and most obedient Servant, J.
I told
DE LaMBERVILLE.
Colin that you would remember him and his comrade.
The Tionnontates have disposition, gained
sent to thank
you over
the Onnontaguez
to treat for peace,
say] that they were attached to Onnonthio.
Some
furs are to
Hanagoge and Garakonti6.
be collected
There
is
having, by their obliging
lives of many, and [to Grande [Gueule] has pronounced your
and thus preserved the
Sieurde
panegyric here, and professes to keep the promise he
be observed.
for
this
la
made
fall.
you, to cause the articles of peace to
He
is
treating on this subject with
no news yet from the Senecas.
or three leagues front, and the most populous of them having only thirty or forty settlers V the majority of them twelve to fifteen, and even five or six. If these be concentrated, they will need shelter against the rigors of the severe winter, and require stockaded redoubts as places of security for themselves, their cattle, their grain and flour. If the major portion of the strongest and most vigorous are to be detailed effected without causing
'
Je
lie
(loute pas
pour avoir part a
que Je cette nianeuvre on ne doive afendre que
la perte
dc cette nation.
— Text.
IcB plus timidea
Sauvages leurs ennemis se rcveilleront ,
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
HI.
:
^95
war, or for the transportation of provisions, what means will those who remain fortify themselves, malie their harvest and gather their grain and fodder into iho
for the
have to
redoubts at a distance from their settfements? 'Tis certain that stores of grain and flour
the
must be provided, and that serious
people must be anticipated, unless provision
of the
part
suffering on be seasonably made with
great precaution.
You may depend upon
My
Lord, that the English are the principal fomenters of the them to extend their sovereignty uniting with them as one nation, in such wise that the English pretend to own nothing lets it,
insolence and arrogance of the Iroquois, adroitly using
than Lake
become
By
Lake
Saguinan country, that of t'te Hurons if thesA and the whole territory towards the Micissipy. have written to Sieur de la Durantais, whom I have appointed commander
OntJirio,
Erie, the entire
their allies,
the letter
I
our Frenchmen at the Outauas, you will again see. My Lord, what measures I have adopted for the occupation of some posts in the Saguinan in order to encourage our Indians whom possibly he will collect from the most distant parts and at whose head he will march. over
As
all
for our Outauas, I
do not expect any thing from them, having nought else to ask of them I have not considered it best this year to refuse
except to come and witness our. actions. twenty-five licenses, believing
among
shall appoint for them,
am
of very great importance to have a number of Frenchmen
the Outaouas to control the Indians, and to protect them against
the part of the Iroquois
I
it
very sorry.
more sorry
My
;
I,
moreover, expect
when
all
those French to join
new
me
expeditions on
at a rendezvous I
march.
I
Lord, to find the
affairs
of this country in so deplorable a state.
I
am
would avoid the loss of all by too much precipitation, to temporise and to incur the danger of being overpowered by the Iroquois. Be assured. My Lord, could I manage better, I would do so with pleasure. Had I no fear but for myself and for those who, without any other than our own resources, will share with me the dangers of an expedition against an enemy that can put two thousand men under arms, I slill
to see myself constrained, if I
should have no more cause for apprehension than in the several other
affairs into
which
thirty
years of the King's service have led me. I it
cannot avoid stating to you,
will be out of
My
Lord, without betraying
your power to reestablish the
good troops hither
;
and that
affairs
honor and conscience, that
of this country unless you send some
would be much better
it
my
for
you
to incur at
once the expense
necessary to put every thing on a proper footing, than to do so by piecemeal. It will
not be in
my power
to
advise you before this autumn of the success of our
be backed by some presents to gain over the leaders, until you put us in a condition to do better, and to speak with more authority. Colonel Dongan will, perhaps, interfere to prevent a rupture between us and the Iroquois. The Merchants of Orange, who support him, would be very sorry that a war should prevent the Iroquois hunting negotiations.
They
will
by whose means they expect to attract to themselves the trade with the Outaouacs who have been attached to us only by the dread of being pillaged by the Iroquois. The latter perceiving that, do their utmost to encourage and persuade those Indians that a peace concluded between them, independent of the French, will be more to their advantage for beaver,
and much more durable. It is proper for you to know.
My
Lord, that the Iroquois are aware of every circumstance The English, who have free that transpired at Paris touching the affairs of this country.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
296
access to the ocean during the entire winter, take care that the Iroquois be informed of
whatever concerns them. They knew, last year, of the change of Governor and that you were sending troops, long before our arrival in this country. I am with respect,
My
Lord,
Your most humble, most obliged and most obedient servant.
The M. DE Denonville.
M. Memoir on
M.
de Denonville to
de Seignelay.
the Present state of affairs in Canada, and the Necessity of
waging
war, next year, against the Iroquois.
Quebec,
Our Lord,
war
reputation
no
is
that
interest
is
1G86.
absolutely lost both with our friends and our enemies; to reetablish
it.
My
matter in point of expense, trouble, and the grievous consequences of a
trifling
But,
absolutely necessary.
is
S"- 9"",
My
and the King's glory are therein
Lord,
when every one
is convinced that God's and that the hearts and heads of those
stake,
at
entrusted therewith are occupied only with thoughts of effectually performing their duty so as to be free from self reproach,
any defects
will supply
in
I
annex
Memoir the
to this
whom
all his
Heaven
labor with confidence under the conviction that
our knowledge and
protector near the King, with
foundation and motive of
all
all
ability, especially
when we have you
for our
things are possible, his Majesty's piety being the
undertakings.
duplicate of the letter of the
month
of
June
last, in
advised your Lordship of the expedition of the Iroquois at Saguinan against our
which
I
allies, the
Hurons and Ottawas of Missilimakina. I have learned, since then, that the English have a Their artifices greater hand in those expeditions than even the Iroquois who struck the blow. reach a point, My Lord, when it were much better that they had recourse to acts of hostility on the coast, by burning our settlements, than to do what they are instigating the Iroquois to perpetrate against us for our destruction. I
know beyond
a particle of doubt, that M.
Dongan hath caused
Nations to be assembled this spring at Orange in order to
them against Frenchmen in
us, that
the
I
woods
My if
more nor
less
Lord, that there
is
than
no
if it
artifice,
to
make them
were he who was
he has not recourse
presents of arms and ammunition,
to carry
to, in
on
hostilities.
Add
to
this.
order to persuade them of their ruin,
Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit missionary of the Onnontaguez, evil designs of the English, set all his friends to
storm; and taking upon himself to give them an account of every thing,
obtained a promise from them that they would not absence, M.
the Five Iroquois
wished to declare war against them that they must plunder our they could easily overpower on their entering the country, and
one of the Five Nations, being advised of the to avert this
all
in public, so as to excite
;
they did not master us.
work
them
whom
with this view Mr. Dongan caused his merchants neither
tell
Dongan
stir
until
he had seen me.
sent an express to the Iroquois to notify
them
that they
During his must march.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
III.
297
without delay, to attack the Colony, giving orders to bring him Father de Lamberville'i brother,' who had remained as it were a hostage, calculating thus to deprive ua of all the
He was sending people at the same time, to our >fontreal draw them over to him, promising them Missionaries to instruct them, and assuring them that he would prevent the introduction of Brandy into their villages. All these intrigues have given me during the whole of this summer not a little trouble in order to avert this storm. M. Dongan has written me, and I have answered him as a man may do who wishes to dissimulate, and does not yet feel himself in a condition to get angry, much less to overcome his enemy. I thought it better to temporize and to reply to M. Dongan by Missionaries
among
the Iroquois.
Indians to debauch and
concealing rather than evincing any chagrin, not being in a position to be able to injure
an opponent.
whereof
Dongan
I
The
letters I
have received from, and the answers
transmit you) will explain to you
my
I
have sent
conduct in this rencontre.
to,
him (copies
Meanwhile, Mr.
Frenchmen and Indians from ui. Colonel Dongan's letters will notify you sufficiently of his pretensions which extend no less than from the lakes, inclusive^ to the South Sea. Missilimakinac is theirs. They have taken its latitude have been to trade there with our Outawas and Huron Indians, who received them cordially on account of the bargains they gave, by selling their merchandise labors secretly,
by
all
possible artifices to seduce our
;
for
Beaver which they purchased
at a
much higher
price than we.
Unfortunately
we had
but very few Frenchmen at Missilimakinac at that time.
M. de la Durantaye, on arriving The Hurons were hastening to escort there wanted to pursue the English to pillage them. them after having expressed a great many impertinences against us. Sienr de la Durantaye did not overtake the English who met the Senecas on their way to join, and escort them through Lakes Erie and Ontario, until they should be beyond all danger of an attack from us.
My
Lord, that the English and the Senecas understand each other wonderfully well, and are perfectly agreed; and this union dates particularly from the year that M. de la Barre went against the latter, for whilst he was on his march, the Senecas ran to
Thus you
easily perceive.
Orange to see Colonel Dongan to request him to take them under his protection, giving themselves up to him by a public instrument which was recorded and sent to England, and then he caused posts with the English arms to be set up in all their villages. Yet we have had Missionaries there previous to that time, before an Englishman had cognizance that Senecas
were in existence. I annex to this letter a Memoir of our Rights to the entire of that Country, of which our registers ought to be full, but no memorials of them are to be found. I'm told that M. Tallon has had originals of the entries into possession (prue$ de po*»e$nm) of a great many discoveries that have been made in this country, with which our registers ought to be loaded. Doubtless, he will have given them to
My
late
Lord, your father.
Father de Lamberville, having given me an account of all the intrigues of the Colonel who aimed at carrying the Hurons away from us and drawing the Outawas to himself, I loaded
him with presents
to gain over the greatest intriguers
secure the favor of
all
the
among
young men who were intending
to
the Iroquois chiefs, in order to
march against
us.
He
arrived
very opportunely, for ail the Nations, under M. Dongan's assurance that the good Father would not come back, were assembled and marching; but his return revived the party of the Father
by means of secret, called here "under-ground" presents. The entire summer was spent in coming and going for the purpose of releasing prisoners, the Outawas wishing to make application for them to the Iroquois without my participation,
who
dispelled this storm
'
Vol. IX.
R«T. Jsoque* d« Lamhenrille.
S8
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
298 agreeably to
promises of the Seneeas to surrender tliem provided
tlie
The Hurons and Outawas
the demand.
finally resolved
not
did
I
to repair to Cataraqui,
make
and the
Onnontaguez only have surrendered their prisoners, the Seneeas saying theirs were not willing Father de Lamberville came here in the last days of September to give me an to return home. account of all his troubles and fatigues. Whatever partiality he may entertain for the Mission where he has, for fifteen or sixteen years, been daily exposed to destruction at the hands of the Iroquois, he admits, himself, that nothing
So
not humbled. destroy
all
our
perfectly true
one
allies,
who
fear
My
is to
be effected for those Missions,
But up and hate
his
if
that nation be
Lord, that the Iroquois have no other design than to
after the other, in order finally to annihilate us,
Dongan and
the entire policy of M.
JS'iagara, to intercept us.
the Iroquois,
is it,
merchants whose sole object
have not dared
to this time they
their domination
more than
is
to
and
in that consists
post themselves at
to touch that string
with
ours, loving them, in truth, for
their cheap bargains only.
M. Dongan caresses considerably our deserters whose services he requires
in order
to
execute his designs which contemplate nothing less than the destruction and ruin of our trade
by pushing his own. them until I shall be
That wakes up our in a position to
restless spirits (libertins),
and induces me
to
manage
check them more severely.
You will perceive, My Lord, by one of the Colonel's letters,^ that he asks something from the King which he says is his due. He is a very selfish man and, should you consider it proper, would assuredly govern himself accordingly. whom he draws money.
But the secret
is,
he
is
not master of those
merchants from
Father de Lamberville has gone back with orders from nations next spring at Cataraqui to talk over our will
come, but
my
principal object
is
Father remains alone, as he must send back
present state.
storm
will,
I
He am
is
a
man
I
me to assemble all am persuaded that
[some of them]
to attract
experience less trouble himself in withdrawing. of our designs.
affairs.
the Iroquois scarcely
any
to that place whilst the Jesuit
younger brother, this year, in order to That poor Father, however, knows nothing
his
of talent and says, himself, that matters cannot remain in their
very sorry to see him exposed, but should
without doubt, burst sooner upon
us, for
withdraw him this year the the Iroquois would surely discover our I
plans by his retiring.
Meanwhile, I have advices that the Five Nations are forming a large war party, it is supposed against the Oumiamis and other Indians of the Bay des.Puans who have been attacked in the beginning of this year, one of their villages having been destroyed by the Iroquois.
On
receiving notice thereof, the hunters of those
tribes
pursued and overtook
the Iroquois party and fought them with considerable vigor, having recovered several prisoners
and killed many of the enemy, who, without a doubt, pant for revenge. I sent the Western Indians word to be on their guard and, when they will be required to march to join me, to cause their women and children to be removed to a distance. I
say nothing to you of what they (the Iroquois) have done to the
Illinois,
whom
they
spare not, having within two years destroyed a vast
number of them. Nothing more is required. My Lord, to convince you that the caseadmitsnotof any hesitation, and that the Colony must be put down as lost, if war be not waged next year. The
Iroquois destroy our allies on
we
do not declare
in their
all
sides,
who
are on the point of turning their backs on us if
favor; plunder our canoes wherever they find them, and no longer 'See
III.,
460.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS! observe appearances.
world
will send,
them
at
My
Nevertheless,
deranged
in the actual
Lord, war
state of the
and the redoubts which
Colony.
299
the most dangerous thing In the
is
Nothing can save us but the troops you Yet I dare not begin to work
necessary for us to build.
it is
make the least movement towards down on us, before I am in a condition
for, if I
the Iroquois
HI.
these itedoubts, to attack
will assuredly
1
draw
all
them.
my orders for our next year's expedition, will make known to you have adopted to insure success to our plans. The distance is terrible and victory is in the hands of God. If you will be pleased, My Lord, to take the trouble to read all these orders, with the accompanying Map, you will understand all my projects. In The copy
I
transmit of
the measures
all
order to give a of the force
I
little
shall
I
of the best of
more character
have with me.
whom
I
to our expedition,
whom we shall
station,
have overrated somewhat the numbu'r
cannot detail more than eight hundred
will be required to
manage
but go and come during our expedition, those
I
in
fifty
canoes for convoys.
one hundred
will
do nothing
order to transport provisions for our troops and for
during the winter, at the post
near the Senecas, to serve as a retreat
militia,
They
we must occupy either at Niagara or who will be desirous to harrara
our Indians
for those of
them during the winter and the year following. Without this, nothing efTectual will have been done towards humbling that nation, for to confine ourselves to driving them from their villages and to come away after that has been effected, is not accomplishing any great things, as they immediately return and reestablish themselves in those same localities. As you, My Lord, are perfectly acquainted with the ruinous condition of this Colony, you
The
understand very well the deplorable consequences of this war.
settlements will have to
be concentrated, and herein it is that we must expect many difficulties; for establishment of the Colony would have almost to be begun over again. This it
me to
to
demand
renew the
I
have already made
occupy the posts necessary to be guarded.
points that are very requisite to be protected; station a strong party, because
it
is
for
in truth the is
that causei
Regular troops to support our Militia and
Otherwise,
I
will not be able to preserve several
Chambly among the
rest,
where
I
should like to
the most important pass on the route to the English by
Lake Champlain. That post will, moreover, be a constant source of uneasiness to such Indiana as would wish to cross the River Richelieu and then proceed to our settlements on the communicating as it does with- la Prairie de la Madelaine, it would also some sort, the entire country between that settlement and Sorel. Reflect, again. Lord, if you please, how important is the post at the end of the Island of (du Bout de VIiU Montreal, that of Chateaugu6, that of la Chesnaye and that of Isle Jesus.
River
S' Francis
;
secure, in
My de) i
do not mention to you,
My
Lord,
the other separate and isolated settlements which we All those details, My Lord, require considerable troops,
all
must endeavor to secure from insult. which cannot fail to greatly advance this country by contributing to render the Colony more compact, and to bring it closer together by means of forts around which clearances would be made. This,
My
Lord,
no
is
trifling
matter
for
which preparations are required. For what enemy as that Nation, which has assuredly
certainty can there be of destroying so powerful an
two thousand men under arms
exclusive of a large
are estimated at twelve hundred?
The
number of other
vast extent of forest
tribes, their allies,
into which they
who
will certainly
and where Indians alone can pursue them the uncertainty of the force of the Indians we shall have with us the difficulty of rendezvousing so far off, are considerations that ought to make us reflect on the means of sustaining ourselves in case we should not meet that retreat,
;
;
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
300 success
we may desire, and which we
cannot secure without a manifest interposition of Heaven
in favor of such a variety of projects.
Mohawk country by was proceeding against the Senecas, 'tis very certain that I could not only create considerable alarm among the English, which would keep them at home, but obtain a great advantage over the Iroquois by separating them and pillaging and laying waste the corn fields at both ends of their cantons. It would be very desirable that I could destroy all their corn in the same year, so that it would be out Thus they would be reduced to of the power of the one any longer to support the other. great misery, and become a burthen to the English, should they apply to them for means Were way of
to live.
be able to send a strong detachment to the
in a position to
I
the River Riclielieu, at the
Had
having only
same time
a sufficiency of troops
I
my
command,
present
would not
I
I Jiiust
some other year what it is impossible once, it would be much better and
that I
to
fail
undertake such an enterprise, but
attack those Indians in detail and endeavor to effect first. 'Tis true, were all done at promote our expedition and considerably
accomplish in the
to
essentially
dishearten our enemies. I
am
very sorry.
My
Lord, to witness
all
the expense required for the support of Fort
fifty men. might support
CatJiracouy, with a garrison of merely
It
thereabout are not better, so that
itself.
it
is
very unfortunate that the lands I
am
not yet sufficiently well
acquainted with the environs to be able to write you with sufficient accuracy respecting that can be done there
;
nevertheless,
all
of great consequence to preserve that post at the
is
it
mouth of the Lake, though posts in this country do. not command passes so completely as to prevent the Indians avoiding them some two or three leagues either above or below. Yet that post, and one at Niagara would render us entire masters of the Iroquois keep them in great check and respect, and give us immense advantages in our trade with the Illinois and Outtawas as that route is shorter, and much less difficult than the one we usually take, in which there is an infinite number of portages and rapids, much more dangerous than those on ;
;
the Cataracouy side.
The you
letters
I
copies, will
Michilimaquina.
Durantaye
have written
inform you of Sieur du
Lhu
Sieurs du
to
my is
Lhu and de
orders to
them
la
to fortify the
at that of the Detroit of
at that of the portage of Taronto.
Durantaye, of which
Lake
These two posts
I
send
two passes leading
to
Erie, and Sieur de la
block the passage
will
against the English, should they attempt togo" again to Michilimaquina, and serve as retreats
marching against the Iroquois. I have issued for the assembling and marching of our Indian allies and for their repairing to Niagara with Sieurs du Lhu and de la Durantaye. You will see, also. My Lord, the orders I have issued for marching the It looks very well on paper, but the business remains Illinois in the rear of the Iroquois. yet to be done. Many difficulties may intervene from the nature of the Indians, who
to our Indian allies either while hunting, or while I
are
send you,
little
successive
also,
My
accustomed
to
Lord, copies of the orders
obedience and
months that are required
Chevalier de Tonty,
who came
charge of these matters.
I
to the prosecution of a design
to reach the rear of the
to see
me
at Montreal in the
during several the
Senecas from their country.
month of
last July,
has taken
have given him twenty good Canadians with eight canoes loaded
fifty muskets all I could collect in the country. He carries some powder and lead and other articles of trade. Had the guns you sent me arrived, I should have given him a good number of them. He left at the end of August and calculates to
with one hundred and
;
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
|M
III.
arrive at Fort St. Louis' before the hunters will have set out.
number, of Indians he
will be able to bring
exertions to succeed in this
themselves to
with him, but
I
He
could not assure
am
certain he will
me
make
of the great
which he will participate largely if the Indians will allow be governed and advised by him. 1 cannot sufficiently praise his zeal for the affair, in
He is a lad of great enterprise and boldness, who undertakes a the Fort of the Illinois last February, to look for M. de la Salle at the lower end of the Mississippi ; has been as far as the sea, where he learned nothing of M. de la Salle except that some Indians had seen him set sail and proceed southward. On the success of this expedition. great deal.
He
left
receipt of this intelligence he (de Tonty) returned to Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, and thence to Montreal where he arrived in the beginning of July with two Illinois chiefs, to whom I have made some presents, as well as to another who had not come. They have promised me wonders. Nothing remains but the execution, which is in the bands of God for according to what I am told of the temper of those savages, sometimes a mere nothing
only
is necessary to cause them to change their minds. He will have about twenty good Canadians with him to march at the head of the Indians; this he hopes will encourage them. He will have to march three hundred leagues overland, for those Indians are not accustomed to Canoes.
should have greatly desired to have made my letters to you more brief. But, My Lord, as necessary to inform you of the state of our affairs, and to render you an account of my conduct, I thought I would send you all the orders as I had issued them, so as to be corrected if I fail in any respect, being very anxious to give you satisfaction. I
it is
I am in receipt of letters from the most distant parts; from the upper Mississippi, from the head of Lake Superior, from Lake des Lenemyngon,* where they propose wonders to me were I to establish posts for the Missions, and for the Beavers which abound there. But in truth, so long as the interior of th« Colony is not consolidated and secured, no certain reliance can be placed on all those distant posts where, hitherto, people have lived in great disorder, and in a manner to convert our best Canadians into banditti. All these posts at a distance cannot maintain themselves except from the interior of the Colony, and by sure communication with it. Whilst we have the Iroquois on our hands, can we be certain of any thing? Solicited by the English, they daily plunder our canoes and openly declare they will continue
80 to do, as they are unwilling that
and our
The
we
should carry ammunition to the Savages, their enemies
allies.
perishing
if
the Iroquois be let
the security of this Colony which
danger of advantage alone, and we make war and have not a decided
principal affair at present
is
over fhem; and however decided our advantage
may
is
in evident
be, the people, separated as they are, will
always be in danger. Yet, My Lord, if you aid us with troops, war will be the least inconvenience for if we wage it not, I do not believe the next year will pass away without the whole trade being absolutely lost; our friendly Indians revolting against us, and placing ;
themselves at the mercy of the Iroquois, more powerful, because better armed than any of
them. The whole of the Hurons are waiting only for the moment to do so. Had I not by Father de Lamberville's care, fortunately avoided war from the very beginning of this year, not a single canoe would have come down from the forests without having been taken and plundered in the River of the Outtfiwas. We should have lost a great number of good men. '
•
Ftoria,
111.
'Lake Aleminipigon of the older Geographcra; now Lake St
Allll^ north of
Lake Sapcrior.
— Elk
\
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
302
My
This,
Lord,
is
a long narrative about the state of the affairs of the country with the
Iroquois which absolutely require that sees to
its
it.
we wage war withoufany longer delay. Every person it now, who had been hitherto the most opposed you of our wants, you will aid us both in men and other
necessity so clearly that those concur in
I
hope that on the sketch
I
give
My Lord, I had the honor to ask you for Regulars, for in employment of people picked up here and there is very unwise. It requires time to make them fit for service, and on their arrival they will have to take arms in their hands and fight. If you propose to send us any, it would be well to have them arrive at the end of May, which is the season when the Northeast winds prevail in our River. To do that, the ships ought to leave Rochelle in the month of March. Sieur Dambour, one of the best of our ship captains that come to Canada, can give advice thereupon. Our march cannot begin before the fifteenth of May, for we must let the sowing be finished, and the storms before that time are furious on our river and on Lake Ontario. necessaries.
In regard to troops.
truth the
say nothing of the risks to be incurred of the loss of the harvest next year on account of
I
the war, nor of the necessity of building storehouses. will be
done of which we dare not dream
if
If troops
be sent us
many
things
you do not send any.
A
few days since a man named Antoine L'Epinart, an old resident among the Dutch, at present among the English, came to Ville Marie on the Island of Montreal, in search of a child he had boarding with the Jesuits. He reports that the English kept guard three months this summer, our deserters having told them that I would attack them for having armed the Iroquois against us. He also says, that the Iroquois are attracting the Mohegans (LoupsJ and other tribes towards the Andastes,' with
had
evil intentions
whom
they are forming alliances; that he believed the Iroquois
towards us; that the English
who had been
to the
Outtawas had been well
received and invited to return with merchandise, and had well nigh procured from the Iroquois the restitution of their prisoners, by which
means they
will
be more attached
us; that the Merchants of Orange had urgently entreated Colonel
Dongan
to
them than
to
to request the
Senecas to surrender the prisoners; that the Colonel had convoked a meeting of the Five Nations
who went
to see
satisfaction of the Iroquois
and the Hurons
;
and
him; that
it
is
the general belief that the Colonel will obtain
whereby the English
will attract to themselves both the
that their cheap bargains will
ruin
our trade.
The
Outtawas
said Antoine
L'Epinart assures moreover, that a Company of fifty men was formed to go to Missilimakina; that their canoes were purchased, and that the too low state of the waters had prevented them starting; that they
were waiting only
for the rain to raise their rivers,
and that the Senecas
had promised to escort them. I have heard of Sieur de Lhu's arrival at the post of the Detroit of Lake Erie, with fifty good men well armed, with munitions of war and provisions and all other necessaries sufficient to protect them against the severe cold, and to render them comfortable during the whole winter
wherever they will entrench themselves. M. De la Durantaye is collecting people to fortify himself at Michilimaquina, and to occupy In this the other passage at Taronto, which the English might take to enter Lake Huron. this way our EnglishmeiTwill find some body to speak to. All this cannot be accomplished without considerable expense, but
our honor and our property. '
See note
2, p.
227.
still
we must
maintain
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
UI.
The Oumeamia and other Indians of the Bay des Puans have expressed much joy to me on being told that Sieur du Lhu was posted at the Detroit, but I am very sorry to hear that Tonty has learned on the road that these same savages had quarreled with the Illinois, which might prevent the latter attacking the Senecas in the rear, as we had projected. It would, in truth, be an afflicting circumstance to see our allies devouring one another instead of uniting with us to destroy the common enemy. But it is useless to be vexed at it. Nothing remains but to be prepared for every thing that may happen, and to rely only on ourselves. If God give us the advantage, the people will rouse to our aid. My Lord ought to place no reliance on the changeable disposition of a people without discipline, or any sort of subordination. The King must be master in this country if he would eflect any sort of good, and success therein cannot be secured without expense. The M. DE Dbnonvillb.
French Right Memoir
Iroquois Country
and
Iludsoiia Bay.
proof of the Right of the French to the Iroquois country and
Hudson's Bay. *
to
The French were
in
to the
the
circumjacent countries.
first
discoverers of
Francis
I.
New
France, otherwise called Canada and all the who discovered
sent out Verazzano, a Florentine, in 1623,
the 47"' degree, and Jacques Cartier of Saint Malo, in 1634 and 1636, who discovered the Island of Newfoundland and ascended the River Saint Lawrence up to the
from the
SS*" to
Saut Saint Louis.
These facts are proved by all the Relations that have been written since, and particularly by those of Champlain, pages 9 and 10, and of L'Escarbot, pages 3 and 29. These discoveries having been made, the French have always continued in the design of maintaining themselves therein. To secure those countries, the same King Francis granted
Roche Robertval. greatly occupied by the Civil Wars, he did not himself Although King Henry IH. found wish to abandon the right he possessed over North America. On the 12* January, 1698, he a Commission in 1540 to Sieur de
la
appointed the Marquis de Costenmeal and de la Roche his Lieutenant-general in the countries River Saint of Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, La Brador, the River of the Great Bay or Lawrence, River of Norembegue and countries adjacent to said provinces and rivers. There
one thing very remarkable in these letters patent: They mention that those countries were length; not inhabited by any subjects of Christian princes. L'Escarbot gives them at is
page 434. Sieur de 8"-
9ber, 1G03.
than
from
was appointed Lieutenant-general in the said Countries on the successfully Next, Sieur Champlain succeeded Sieur Damons and labored more
Mons
likewise
He says himself, that his predecessors to discover all the interior of the country. of New France; interior 1604 up to 1620 he has been more than 500 leagues into the
ail
that he defeated the
their River, Iroquois, explored (reconnu) and took possession of
'
Rrfeixed Us iopra,
jx »»7.
— Ep.
and
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
304
Saguena towards the North. The Relation of Sieur L'Escarbot, At page 450, he says, that they had received the same thing. beyond the 1" Sault of the River Saint leagues hundred upwards of five intelligence from Lawrence including the Great Lake it flows from, and that they likewise had a knowledge of the Saguena country toward the Northwest, and of the Iroquois country to the Southwest. Sieur Champlain who commanded in New France made divers voyages thither up to 1630. There was also a company established under Sieur de Caen's name, but as those interested thought more of their private interests than of permanent establishments, Louis XIII. dissolved ^^^^ Company, and on the SQ* April, 1627, a new one was organized to which
that he ascended that of
printed in 1612, confirms
This conceMion
I.
King conceded the entire Country of New France, called Canada, in latitude from Florida which his Majesty's Royal predecessors had had settled, keeping along the sea coasts as far as the Arctic Circle, and in longitude from the Island of Newfoundland westward to print.
^jjg
Great Lake called The Fresh Sea and beyond, both along the Coasts and into the interior and along the rivers flowing there and discharging themselves into the River Saint Lawrence and into all the other rivers that convey them to the sea. It is certain that all the Iroquois lands are included within that concession, inasmuch as
to the
them and as the discoveries previously made extend much Hudson's Bay, inasmuch as it is on this side of the Arctic Circle.
Sieur Champlain took possession of farther
;
also the North, or
Since that time the French have continued their commerce within the countries of the said Grant. In 1656, Jean Bourdon ran along the entire coast of Labrador with a vessel of 30
proved by an Extract of the August of said year. IH' 1661, the Indians of said North Bay came expressly to Quebec to confirm the good understanding that existed with the French, and to ask for a Missionary. Father Dablon went overland thither with Sieur De La Valliere and others. Father Dablon has given his
tons, entered
and took possession of the North Bay. New France of the
ancient Register of the Council of
certificate
of
Frenchmen.
the
fact.
In
This
is
26"' of
1663, those Indians returned
Quebec
to
to
demand other
Sieur D'Avaugour, then governor, sent Sieur Couture thither with five others.
Said Sieur Couture took possession
anew
of the head (fonds) of said Bay, whither he
overland, and there set up the King's arms, engraved on copper.
This
is
went
proved by Sieur
D'Avaugour's order of the 20"' May, 1663, and the certificates of those who were sent there. In 1671, Sieur de Saint Lusson was sent by Sieur Talon, Intendant in Canada to the Sault Saint Mary at the Oulawas, where all the Nations a hundred leagues around, to the number of 17, repaired aiid voluntarily submitted themselves to his Majesty's dominion. Said Sieur de Saint Lusson afterwards erected the Cross there, and affixed thereto his Majesty's arms. These Seventeen tNations included all those of the Outawas, and of the entire of Lake Huron, Monsr. Talon's Me-
thosc of
M?ci^r"mbru'iL''^
la
i.mi£fS^!°
"^^ '
Lake Superior,
of the whole Northern country and of Hudson's Bay, of Illinois,* as is
proved by the Relations
the said Sieur Talon, and
by the proces-verbal of
Bale des Puans' and of the Lake of the
thereof which were sent by
the taking of Possession. As regards the country of the Iroquois there have been divers entries (prises) into possession.
In 1656, Sieur de Lauzon, Governor of New France caused a fort to be built on the lake named Gannontae ' some leagues from Onnontagu6 and placed a garrison in it, and so regarded the country as belonging to his Majesty that he
made
grants of land whereof the Actes
are proof. '
Oreen Bay
"
Lake Michigan.
'
Onondaga.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: In
1666,
Sieur Talon
805
concluded a treaty with the
consequence taken of their lands and original
111.
forts
which
Record of the entry into possession.
English succeeded, did not
make any
is
Iroquois, and posseuion was ia proved by the aforesaid Treaty and the
The Dutch
of Manatte, to whose rights the
opposition thereunto.
In 1669 was renewed the entry into possession of the lands of the Iroquois of Lake Erie. Sieurs Dolier and Galin6e,
The English made the first
who were
present, gave their certiBcate thereof which
in justification of their
pretended right to the North Bay
discovery thereof; that in 1479 Sabastien Cabot
discover some passages
Frobisher made
;
Pennemud' was
in
who
same
to
In 1576, 77, 78. Martin
discovered the Straits which bear his name.
1583 on the North east coast of Newfoundland to the
allege that they
Seven years afterwards, Humphrey Guilbert was
three voyages thither.
Richard Witaboux* went
reported.
was towards Labrador
but he returned without effecting any thing.
there also and, after that, John Davis
may
is
coast, in
;
Etienne
sometime afterwards
1590 Captain Georges also went towards the
North, and in 1612 Maner, an English Captain, went again to the North where he found a
passage in the 63'' degree ; finally, that in 1662 they established themselves there, having been conducted thither by Radisson and des Groselliers to the head (fund*) of the North Bay. The English cannot derive any advantage from all these voyages, because those who went as far as the SG"* degree have only explored some small portions of the coasts of Labrador
without entering into the North Bay and without making any sojourn or establishment there,
and the others could go
who
Westward
proceeded further, were merely in search of the passage whereby they to the East Indies without intending to
make any
settlement, and he
approached the nearest to port Nelson was only about the 63^ degree. Had the English in making their voyages any other design than to discover the said passages, they would not have
who
failed to obtain grants of the countries they discovered, as
they had done of Florida in 1607,
and of the North Bay when they were conducted thither. The settlement made by the English in 1662 at the head of the North Bay does not give them any title, because it has been already remarked, that the French were in possession of those countries, and had traded with the Indians of that Bay, which is proved still better by the knowledge the men named Desgroselliers and Radisson had of those parts where they introduced the English. They had traded there, no doubt, with the old French Coureurs de bois. Besides, it is a thing unheard of that rebellious subjects could convey any right to countries belonging to their Sovereign.
The English have still less right to the Iroquois country. It has been established by the Memoir on Acadia that their settlement on the Coast of Florida was a pure usurpation that, even though the grant made by the King James I., in 1607, were valid, it could include, even ;
according to the terms of that Grant, only countries not inhabited at that time, and it is cerUin that the French were then in possession as far as the 40"' degree, and that Sieur Champlain
had already discovered and taken possession of the country of the
Iroquois, as can be seen in
his Relation. Etienne Pareienn of Budn.
Vol. IX.
HarrU
Voyagt", t, 686.
39
— Eo.
*\in«itboiini«. />»
Ltit
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
306
M.
de Denonville
M.
to
de Seignelay.
Quebec, 11 November, 16S6.
My
Lord, add,
I will
you
if
please, to all
my despatches
that
impossible to do anything of
it is
King incur considerable expense
for the preservation of this colony unless the
for a
moment
number of
years to support of the war, inclose the towns and erect redoubts. In this case,
My
which we have every reason we may calculate that the King will be master of North
God on our
Lord, with the blessing of
to expect as justice
is
on our side,
America, where Religion
will
make
great progress, and our trade will flourish.
highly important that the Ships which the
It is
King
month by
will please to send us with troops
They can
necessary ammunition, arrive in the month of May. fifteenth of that
designs,
easily reach
and
Quebec on the
March.
sailing on the 15""
Dorabour, one of our old Captains will willingly undertake to act as pilot with his vessel and return immediately; he will arrive in France still in sufficient time to come back the same year with his ship's
cargo".
Delorme will do the same with his vessel if We must not flatter ourselves that this war
we
should be certain that
effect
such a
of
knowledge of the
all
result,
evil
they can,
when
My
Lord desire
to charter
will terminate as
God
soon as
will blind our
it.
we would
wish.
To
enemies by depriving them
protected by the English, inflict on us.
War once declared, it is an indispensable necessity to establish, and maintain a post of two hundred men at Niagara, where married farmers ought, in my opinion, be placed to make clearances and to people that place, in view of becoming, with barks, masters of Lake Erie. If
should greatly wish to have a Mill at Niagara.
I
we
are desirous of reestablishing our credit with the
have one hundred and It will
fifty,
or at least one hundred,
men
Far Indians, we
be highly proper that our Canadians maintain the post Sieur
the Detroit of Lake Erie. 'In this
way
Shall require to
at Cataracouy.
Du
I'hut has fortified at
our Coureurs de bois coming from Michilimaquina,
could take the route, by Lake Erie, to Niagara, protected by the two hundred there; and thence in our barks to Cataracouy,
whence by convoys they could
men
in garrison
repair to Montreal.
In this way our settlers could draw their peltries from the Outaouas and other distant places where they have a very considerable stock of them, which if lost, or if trade be interrupted, would ruin the Country. Should the War continue the route by the Outaouas river, which falls into the St. Lawrence at the end of the Island of Montreal, would be no longer practicable as it is very dangerous, small parties being able to plunder every thing.
You
see
by
my
letter
and memoirs.
My
Lord, of what advantage
it
was
English the passage by the post of Detroit which Sieur du L'hu occupies with
to close fifty
on the
brave men.
This could not be effected without considerable expense, all the memoranda whereof have not yet come from Michilimaquina. Goods have been sent to the latter place to procure provisions
which must be purchased from the Indians; ammunition and other necessaries maintenance during winter of fifty men have also been transmitted thither.
The
expenditure account sent you by M. de Champigny and myself,
greater than
you
anticipated.
I assure
you.
My
Lord,
I
greatly regret
all
is
for the
doubtless
these expenses.
much But
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
III.
g07
your Lordship must calculate on a Country Ipst, if you do not incur and continue a miracle from God arrest all the deplorable consequences of the War.
tbeni, unless
much management of the people will be necessary, and many difficulties have to be surmounted in order to concentrate the settlers there. And for this purpose I must observe to you, My Lord, that M. de Laval, the old Bishop. *ould be of great assistance here. It appears to me that he has so strong a hold over the hearts of the people throughout the entire Colony, that his presence here would be of great service in persuading them by 'Tis certain that
will
what we should be obliged
gentleness to do, willingly, case,
it
will
be necessary for our
new Bishop
to seek
Seminary which M. de Laval makes his residence. It would be highly necessary that the Seminary of should have the direction of
all
to have enforced by coercion.
In that
some other lodgings than the hole of a Ville Marie,
on the Island of Montreal,
the Parishes from Sorel inclusive, on both sides of the river,
up to Montreal; for in consequence of the distance and the difficulties of the navigation it is very inconvenient for the Seminary of Quebec to forward thither all the assistance that is necessary, and to keep every thing in order. It is a matter to be arranged between our Bishop and the Abb6 Tronson. It is
highly important.
My
Lord, that you request the Queen to send
me Commissions
in
blank for the Commanders of such posts as I shall be obliged to occupy; that of Niagara among the rest. Allowing four Captains for two hundred men required there, it may happen
would suffer should the oldest of the four be unqualified for such a command. must not conceal from, and it is my duty to inform, you that of the mnny Naval Officers, none are capable of commanding a post of one hundred men except Mess" de Crisaty who have more experience than any of them, yet are commanded by the four Ensigns of .Marine. I cannot too highly praise these two brothers, who are industrious and possess merit. It requires talents to command in a place like that of Niagara, where the best is not too good. A commander cannot have too much authority, wherefore, My Lord, it is proper that you send me orders signed by yourself, for we have disorderly spirits which it will be necessary to keep in check. I believe. My Lord, that in this as in every thing else you have confidence in me, inasmuch as I have the honor to speak to the King whenever I have the honor to write to you. Therefore is there occasion for truth, and not of passion nor prejudice which would be highly criminal in me were I capable of them. I do not say that I am incapable of being sometimes that the service I
'
deceived in people, but Sieur de Troye
is
I
will
be the
first
to correct myself,
and
to
admit
my
error.
the most intelligent and most efficient of our Captains; he has that
excellent tact required for the possession of
all
the qualities necessary to
command
others.
Better conduct than that he exhibited in the northern expedition, is impossible; for he needed address (acavoir fuire) in order to induce Canadians to do what he got them to perform, and to retain
them
in obedience.
command of a post. I have not delivered the commission of Commandant which you sent me, at my request, for for a Major the Major of Montreal. 1 know him better than I did last year; a man may do who would be a bad Commandant. If you permit me to take M. de Calliere with me, I request you to send me an order to I
have
still
some Captains
qualified to take
authorize S' Provost, Major of Quebec, to absence.
He
is
command
at Montreal during
a very honest and intelligent man. '
The M«rquis anJ CheT«Iier de Criiwy. Chartnti*.
M. de Calliere's
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
308
I have not troubled you, My Lord, for any of the subsistance of d'Orvillier's Company which has been a year at Cataracouy. I have stopped out of the soldier's pay, the bread and pork furnished him at the current price of the country; it amounts to only three sous per day; so that the soldier is left the balance of his stipend to pay the farthing (deux liurs) in the livre. Hospital money, (Invalides roles), and to defray the expense of linen, stockings, shoes and blankets. I think it would cost the King less to leave this balance for the soldier's necessaries, than to supply them in kind. This rule will be adopted by us for the future, if you so
approve
One
it.
of our merchants
may have some
letters I
is
about to leave Bourdeaux for this place on the
first
of March
;
I
from your Lordship by him.
am
with profound respect.
My
Lord,
Your most humble, most obliged and most obedient Servant
The M. DE Denonville.
M.
de Denonville to
M.
de Seignelay.
Quebec,
My
IG""
November, 1GS6.
Lord,
my
Since writing
letters,
a very intelligent
man whom
I sent to
who
Manat,
has conversed
and had much intercourse with Colonel Dongan, reports to me that said Colonel has dispatched fifty inhabitants of Orange and Manat, among whom are some Frenchmen, to winter with the Senecas, whence they will depart for Michilimaquina at the opening of the spring, under an escort of those Indians to carry along with
prisoners on the part of the English governor,
by the
service he renders them, to
who
abandon our
is
them and
Huron
restore the
desirous to prevail on the Outaouas,
alliance
in order to attach themselves to
the English.
They
carry thither plenty of goods in order to undersell us.
This
is
not
all.
Colonel Dongan has given orders that one hundred and
Englishmen, accompanied by several Mohegans (Loups) should follow the
But
this party is not to leave until spring.
is to
seize the post of Niagara.
driven I
off,
or
we must
send you.
Jesuits,
who
My
it
believe there
is
no room
to
doubt that the design
bid adieu to the entire trade of the country.
my
permission to thank him' for a deceitful protection he this
summer
whom
he
to expel him.'
is for
My
Lord, that you read that
you
to place
me
letter, in
order to understand from
For the Superior's
it
how
in a situation to act powerfully against those Iroquois
proteges of the English. '
other
the English once established there, they must be
Father de Lamberville, Missionary to the Iroquois, from among
'Tis important.
important
I
fifty
with goods.
Lord, Colonel Dongan's original letter to the Father Superior of the
requested
had extended to cunningly wished
Were
first fifty
letter, i«e III., 464.
'
See
III.,
45C.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
IIL
309
All those expeditions, My Lord, render it indispensably necessary, it seems to me, for ni to declare war, and for you to adopt measures to render us efficient support, whilst the King
having no w.ir on his hands
is
at liherty to
send us some of his troops.
The war begun, and misfortunes;
badly carried on, by M. de la Barre has been the cause of all our has reunited the Iroquois to the English who adopt the true means of
it
destroying this Colony in a few years by depriving it of its allies and commerce. require no less than two battalions, My Lord, if you wish to succeed. Nothing will be secure in this country, if you do not fortify the post of Niagara and that of Cataracouy. Villa Marie and Quebec must absolutely be inclosed in time, and the best thing
We
possible done to concentrate our settlers.
Wonders
are recounted to
me
of the English settlements which are collected into villages, alone are at the mercy of the Wolves.
We
in a state to defend themselves.
M. de Vauban to request him to furnish us some one to superintend our Works if you desire them to be continued, for Villeneufue is so much occupied with his Maps, that it is out of his power to think of any thing else ; besides, he cannot be stationary in any one place except in winter, and all tlie works are suspended in that season. The same man who came frotn Manat told me, that there arrived there within a short time from the Islands of St. Christopher and Martinique fifty or sixty Huguenots, who are settjing themselves at Manat and its environs. Here is fresh material I know that some such have arrived at Boston from France. I write to
for banditti.
Whilst writing sent
word
this,
to the fifty
My
men who
there of the hundred and
The
Lord,
cause of this order
fifty
is,
I
receive further advice from Orange that Colonel
are to winter
among
men whom he
is to
Lake
the Senecas, not to start until the arrival
dispatch as a reinforcement in the spring.
that he has learned from
bieing stationed at the Detroit of
Dongan
some Indians the
fact of Sieur
Du
L'hut
Eri^.
detachment and the Indians attack that post, you perceive, My Lord, no more terms are to be observed with the English. Please send me orders on this point, for I am disposed to go straight to Orange, storm their If that
fort,
and burn the whole concern.
If the English continue their expeditions in this
war be waged
against them, nothing
is
to
manner and the King
be expected
for this
Colony but
is
unwilling that
its ruin.
They
never denied the King's right neither to the Iroquois among whom we have missionaries since that people were first discovered; nor to the lakes where we always have a number of
where we for a long time possess establishments. Now, the English governor prompted by the cupidity of the merchants, and by his own avarice to drag largesses from them, claims the whole country as his, and will trade thither posts, nor to the Illinois
though an Englishman has never been there.
Under pretext of hunting he gives his creatures passes, one of which wa« taken at Michilimaquina I would have sent it to you had he who was bringing it not upset in the ;
water and been thereby drowned. See,
My
by giving
there be any thing more pressing than to check these expeditions, either permission and the means to make war on them ; or by causing the capture of
Lord,
me
if
the emissaries of M. Dongan,
who
is
so covetous of
money
that he will spare no effort to
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
310
satisfy the cravings of his
merchants
who
alone are pleased with him, he being greatly hated
by the people on whom he makes pecuniary levies for his own advantage. Meanwhile, My Lord, 1 shall change nothing of my original hostile design, the execution of which I shall advance by all means in my power, in order to thwart our enemies' plans. One of our merchants has informed me that he intends to dispatch a vessel from Bourdeaux I can receive some letters of advice from your for this place in the beginning of March. Lordships by that opportunity. Whilst writing this of the
news
what he all
me
Manat.
that
letter here,
My
Lord,
I
had the honor to communicate
writes
his order at
Of
I
I
receive from Father de Lamberville confirmation to
you respecting Colonel Dongan.
I
send you
concerning the talks the said Colonel held with the Iroquois assembled by
Have
My Lord. My Lord, concerning the designs of the English,
the goodness to read theih yourself,
have the honor
to advise
you
of,
no other proof will be necessary than what you see of the Colonel's intrigues, who has nothing else in view than the destruction of this entire Colony, which is imminent if the King do not apply some effectual remedy thereto. I fear the Outaouas will revolt through [the interference of] the English who conduct their prisoners to them and furnish them merchandise at a much cheaper rate than we. That, My Lord, will cease if you send us two good battalions, and the funds necessary to sustain the movement and to occupy the post at Niagara. The whole is an intrigue of the Orange Merchants who make presents to the Colonel. Great complaints are made of the trade at Cataracouy where goods are too high, because the third of the profit must go to M. de Lassale. If the King desire that post to be settled (sepeuple) it will be necessary that his Majesty take the property of it out of M. de Lassalle's It is hands, and throw the trade open to the colonists, contenting himself with the fourth. with the Indians, reestablish tlie trade and to attract the best means that can be adopted to them thither. The bad state of affiiirs. My Lordj is a source of great mortification to me, but you see that the English of Manat and Orange do not treat their English people of Virginia and Maryland better than [they treat] us.
M. de Calliere writes me
who
that he has arrested a rogue lately settled in the
attempted to persuade several respectable young I
am
men
to
withdraw
Chambly
country,
to the English.
with respect.
My
Lord,
Your most humble, most Obliged and most obedient Servant,
The M. DE Lamberville.
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS Governor Dongan
to the
(U
III,
:
Meverend Jean de LamherviUe.
[TBAN8LATBD FBOH THX LATIN.] Albany,
20«*
May, 1686.
Reverend Father, I received your
letters of the 10** instant and I hereby assure you, that I shall labor strenuously to extricate you from any danger to which you may be exposed from the barbarians. I regret that our Indians are so troublesome to yours; but, as I am informed by the Christians, the Indians consider the country which they conquer in war as their rightful possession ; but I insist not on this. I doubt, however, whether that country, where the Indians are waging war, belong to our or to your King though to me it appears probable that it belongs to ours, ;
because, as
am
West a few degrees towards the South. whereas yours lies to the North; but this cannot in any wise justify our people invading yours, and I shall, if I can, manage so that they be not troublesome, in any way, to yours. I leave the decision of any question about territory to the King, my master, and I think Mr. Des Nonville will do the like. I have not yet spoken to the Indians, and your messenger cannot wait here any longer. In order that peace may be preserved between us, let your Governor send a message to me, should our Indians disturb yours, and I shall do the like in all justice, as far as lies in my power. Your governor will, I hope, exert himself so that in this way the I
told, it lies in
respect to ours.
Indians will be retained in subjection.
but
I
hope that Mons' Des Nonville
Indians subject to our King.
my
I
hear that our Indians fear something from the French
on the tnatter before he invade the
will reflect maturely
Time
does not
now admit
of writing to Mons' Des Nonville, but
service will not be wanting
if needed. I have I shall write to him before I leave here; coming here and convoking the Indians, than to reprove them for some injuries they have done the subjects of the King of France in Canada. I commend myself Reverend Father, to your most pious prayers. Your most humble servant, DONOAN. (Endorsed)
no other motive
for
Reverendo Patri Domino
De
Lamberville d
Societate Jesus.
Governor Dongan [
M.
to
M,
de DenonviUe.
Already printed, IIL, 4S5.
]
de DenonviUe to Governor Dongan. [
Already printed, m., 4S8.
]
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
312
»%
Governor Dongan [
M.
to
Already printed, IIL, 460.
Already printed,
^»
Governor Dongan [
NoTK.
— The word "Indians"
Merchants,
)
de Denonville. ]
de Denonville to Governor Dongan. [
(
M.
III.,
»
^
to
M.
461. ]
de Denonville.
Already printed, HI, 462.
]
in the 9th line from the top of p. 463, Vol.
and the word " Mihillmiqum"
IH
is
in the
in the following line, is " Miohilmiquina,"
French translation "Marchandi^
— En.
*»> Abstract of
M.
de Denonville's Letters
and of
ilie
Minister'' s
Answers
thereto.
Council of Canada. '
Monsieur
Summary
De
of letters written in 1686.
Answers.
Denonville.
Religion.
There is no inhabitant of the Pretended Reformed Religion. There were only a few soldiers, the most of whom have made an act of abjuration. Were some small gratuity bestowed on them, it would have a good effect. 50 or 60 Huguenots of the islands of Saint Xtopher and Martinique have taken refuge at Manatte.
Some have
from France.
also arrived at
Boston
His Majesty are no
is
very glad to learn that there
Protestants in
soldiers wlio
were
been converted,
still
Canada and
that the
of the P. R. R. have
PARIS DOCUMENTS
UI.
:
813
War.
We
have
our Indian
fallen
allies that
recover from
it,
among
into such discredit
we
unless
shall not be
able to
by some considerable
advantage over the Iroquois
who
are endeav-
oring to seduce them.
A
His Majesty
after
mature examination of
reasons adduced in
the
his
concurs
letters
with bim in the necessity of waging war against the Iroquois, and for that purpose hu long since issued the necessary orders for the
Huron, named Escou tache ,' under the
guise of negotiation, delivered seventy
men
belonging to his Tribe, and 36 Outawas into
preparation of troops, arms, ammunition and the other things he will require for
its
suc-
view of aflerwards propo-
His Majesty anticipates from bis prudent conduct and bravery, a happy
sing a peace between those Iroquois and these
termination of this expedition, and only re-
two
commends him
their hands, with the
tribes,
and of achieving it by surrendering
cessful
prosecution.
these prisoners.
omy the
The Jesuit Fathers have broken up this pretended Treaty, having even prevailed on the
him with a
Onontagu^s, one of the
five
husband with
to
strict
funds appropriated, of which part, so that
they
may
I
econ-
supply
suffice for
the termination of this war.
Iroquois nations,
to disavow that act.
These Onontagu^s have, themselves, brought back to Fort Cataracouy five soldiers of that fort who had deserted, and have requested their pardon, which he did not think prudent to refuse them in the present conjuncture, and, in order to preserve the good will of those Indians, he has considered
it
proper to over-
are the cause of
the bad
all
intentions of the Iroquois; they make
them
act
with the view of destroying us and of rendering themselves masters of the country.
Colonel
Dongan has assembled them
Manatte, and promised them
all sorts
He
at
of pro-
made war wage them against us. He even sends emissaries among our Indian allies in order to unite them with against the
tection
presents
receive pardon for such a crime,
French.
4o induce them
about
confidently stated to dispatch
glishmen
in
has
to
write to
under his obedience in America. And I observe to him that on Colonel Dongan becoming aware of this Treaty, his Majesty
countries
is
persuaded that
expeditions he
that the Colonel
one hundred and
fifty
is
En-
the design to attack the Detroit of
Lake Erie which
is garrisoned by the French. Should that be the case, he does not consider that he has more terms to keep with them, and would be inclined to go straight to Orange carry their fort by assault and burn the whole
concern. '
Vol. IX.
not more
M. de Barilion to complain of Colonel Dongan, and I advise M' de DenonI communicate to him, also, the ville thereof. Treaty of Neutrality and the orders issued by the King of England for its execution in the I
the Iroquois. It is
may
readily take leave to desert.
look that crime.
The English
His Majesty approves his conduct on this but he must take care lest the soldiers, aware of the facility with which they occasion,
Compare
supra, p.
40
Hi.
— Ed.
it
may
will put
an end to
be preparing.
all
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
314
Since Monsieur de la Barre's
visit,
quois are in perfect union with the
the Iro-
English
under whose protection they placed them-
when
selves that year,
the English caused posts
I notify him that his Majesty is about to nominate Commissioners immediately, who with others to be also nominated by the King of
England on
bearing the arms of England to be set up in their
formity
country, although the French have had mission-
terminate
aries there
first,
and have an infinitude of incon-
testable titles of their rights to that country.
all
which may French and the
subjects of difference
between
then
exist
will endeavor, in con-
his part,
with said Treaty of Neutrality, to the
English regarding the countries in America belonging to both Kings.
Colonel Dongan has written to the Superior of the Jesuits that he would afford protection
his
— and
Religion
fairs of
him every
provided he meddled only in to
af-
him (de D.) that
Majesty was indebted to him 25""% and
being a very
selfish
man, might, he believes,
be gained over with money,
His Majesty
grounds of
is
not acquainted with the
this Colonel's pretensions,
but
it is
necessary that an eye be kept on his conduct,
because
if
he contravene the orders he has
received, and will hereafter receive to keep up
a good understanding between the two Nations,
His Majesty will request the King of England
if desirable.
deprive him of his Govern-
to be pleased to
ment. of the greatest importance not to pro-
It is
tract the war,
fifteen
168 " "'.
possible,
not protracting this War, and hopes by the
wise measures he (deD.) has adopted, that he
terminate
money he it is
at least, the first
desirable that he could attack
two
largest Iroquois Villages in
prevent them coming to rees-
during the winter, what might be
destroyed in summer.
That such is necessary, likewise, in order to prevent them coming to attack the settlements of the Colony which are at a considerable distance the one from the other, and unable to assist
will conclude
each other.
this year.
it
Advise him that he will be able
to
campaign, and winter in their coun-
try, in order to
tablish,
amounting
specifies
In case the war cannot be terminated
in one year,
His Majesty is^persuaded of the necessity of
require, for that purpose,
to
hundred regular troops with the ammu-
nition and
the
and
He would
this year.
it, if
plish
that
with
the
assistance
to
accomMajesty
his
him; to wit, 800 soldiers actually in Canada and a like number sent thither presently, exclusive of the militia of the country; and the necessary arms and ammunition his Majesty causes to be transmitted to Quebec. In regard to the money, I explain to him that of the 168""" he demands, I shall cause 30" to affords
be expended
in
France
in the
purchase of a
portion of the articles he reqiitres.
the balance of 134™'" is
to
equal to 103°"" French currency,
him
And
as to
Canada currency, which
that 50""'" of
it
I
observe
were sent him
last
year, and that I order the remaining 63""" to
be transmitted to him.
Post of Niagara. Immediately on declaring war, his intention is to fortify in
the best possible
at Niagara; this is of the great
manner the post consequence
order both to furnish the people getting their peltries from the
facilities
His Majesty approves of post, but, is very glad to
regard
in
in
of
build, that
Outawas and
to it is
all
his fortifying this
have him informed
the forts
he proposes
to
necessary that he avoid at the
same time incurring too great an expense; And
PARIS DOCUMENTS
HI.
:
815
other distant places, and to secure a retreat for
therefore I cause
the Illinois, in case they be pressed by the
be observed
Iroquois. But it would be proper to send masons from France as the wages of those of this country are 3"' and 3"" 10 sous a day, and they are moreover indiSerent workmen. It is so much the more necessary to fortify
that post, as
on
will seize
He
also
Chambly;
it is it,
to
if
be feared that the English
proposes to construct a post at at la Prairie de la Magdelaine, to
King
master of that country until
his
forts at all the Falls (Saulis),
First, not to build but
attention.
one fort a most urgent; and
year, beginning with the
secondly, to construct only slight fortiScations, suitable for warding off a surprise, as he has
not to do with any power capable of carrying
on a
siege, so that a simple wall with loop
outside, are the only
will never
be have Majesty
and Barks on
all
the Lakes.
works admissible
in that
country.
regard to
In
among
places.
represents that the
two most essential things to him to which he must pay
holes (creneaux), and a ditch and pallisades
not anticipated.
prevent the incursions of the Iroquois at those
And
to
workmen he
will find
many
the soldiers, but he must not hesitate
to oblige those of the
country to work, fur-
nishing them with the necessary support,
not being proper, at a conjuncture like
them
suffer
to take
need of them.
it
(his, to
advantage of the existing
Meanwhile,
I
write to Sieur de
masons and 20 laborers to be sent to that country, and I recommend him to manage so as get them to Mauclerc, to look up 4 or
five
with the troops. His Majesty approves the measures he has adopted for the approaching campaign, and
enlist
He
is
troops to
making Lake Ontario
preparations to go with his at the
end of June.
the Jesuit Fathers,
has nothing to add except that, as he possibly
some confidential officers to collect all the Frenchmen who are abroad trading, and the greatest possible number of the Indian allies, and to bring them to the rendezvous which he has appointed for them and he has directed Sieur de Tonty to proceed with the
him to until opportunity an confinement in them keep will offer to send them to France, as his Majesty thinks he can employ them in the Galleys. He can send even by the return of the
Illinois to attack the Iroquois in the
vessels
Has and
issued
orders to
to
;
the same time that he
falls
rear, at
on them from
another point.
He mand
has sent orders to the Officer in comof the post of
Lake Eri6
Frenchmen taken among
to cause all the
the English to be
may
take several Iroquois prisoners in the
course of this war, his Majesty desires
which
soldiers, those
will
whom
have
over the
before the departure of those ships. His Majesty approves the issuing of such orders,
and
I
send him an ordinance prohibit-
ing under penalty of death, the French going to the neighboring nations
shot.
carried
he will have captured
without a pass.
Chevalier de Callieres has recently caused a
Canadian
settler to
be arrested
induce some young
men
who wished
to
of the country to
It is of
that
man,
importance to make an example of if
he be guilty of
this crime.
repair to the English.
The Iroquois can arm 200' men and have made an alliance with the Mobegans (Nation
His Majesty does not think the great number of these Savages is to be feared, inasmuch as
•Sio.Qu«r»f »,000.
— Ea
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANSUCRTPTS.
316
who
are to furnish them as many as make war on us, independent of a number of other Tribes, their allies.
du Loup)
they have no experience in
1,500, to
the contrary that those
great
lect
from among our
he will colbe of great
allies will
when conducted by
service,
War; hopes on
whom a
man
of such
experience as he.
He
has dispatched Sieur de Tonty to collect
together the Illinois, and has given him 150
guns
to
That
arm
has been as far as the
mouth of
the River Mississipi in search of Sieur Salle without
who
Indians
a portion of them.
officer
advise him that his Majesty sends three
I
hundred guns
De La
having received any news of
Only learned when returning, that some Savages had seen him at the River des Mouilla which is 40 leagues north of the mouth of the River Mississipi, and that he had left that place to go towards the South. Said Tonty has brought back with him 2 Illinois Chiefs who have promised that their Nation would perform their duty against the him.
His Majesty of Sieur de
be distributed as a
to
gift to
the
will serve with him.
very impatient to receive news
is
La
Salle.
Let him communicate
every particular he will learn of that gentle-
man, and
him every protection he
afford
stand in need
of,
will
should he return.
Iroquois.
As
there
try to
is
no General Officer in the Coun-
command under
him, and
as, in
case of
whole war would devolve on a few Ensigns of Marine who are at the head of the first companies, and are not qualified for so great an enterprise, he demands an order for one of the inferior Governors to command in his absence, and under his authority in his presence, and proposes Chevalier de Callieres, governor of Montreal, who, he assures, has all his falling sick the
I notify
of Sieur
him,
all
him that the King has made choice to command, under
the troops that will be in Canada.
In
regard to the conduct of the war and the
command
of the country, they
of right to this
Commandant.
would belong
Nevertheless, as
he gives assurance that Monsieur de Callieres is highly qualified, his Majesty sends commissions (des patentes) with a
name
blank to be
of such of these
two
filled
with the
officers as
he will
the qualifications requisite to acquit himself
consider best qualified, in case he should find
properly of such duty.
himself unable to act; but he must observe that he
on
is
not to
make use of this power except
this occasion only.
His Majesty approves of his taking the said Chevalier de Callieres with him, in such capacity as
he shall think advantageous
for
his
Majesty's service.
Justice and
He
His Majesty does not consider the increase
one hundred and
very considerable, more especially as regards
being at present 12,373
number of which he ought to augment by every means nothing being more advantageous for that Colony than
last year,
persons, there
souls.
of the Country.
sends the census of Canada, which has
augmented since ten
The Actual State
the Indians, the
endeavor
to
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
UI.
:
817
the acquisition of
new subjects for
his Majesty,
without any expense to the Kingdom. These Indians will, moreover, be of great use in establishing Christianity in the Country.
His Majesty has been, likewise, surprised that there has been less land under cultivation in
1686 than
that he so
in 1685.
manage
He
as that
wishes, in advance, it
will increase,
by
who
will
Majesty approves the measures
he
giving lands to be cleared to those
be able to take them.
The
Seminary are
His
greatly increasing their Establishments on that
adopts
Priests of the Montreal
island,
and as
which
is
soldiers
it is
a quarter the settlement of
for
the
peopling of
the
Island
of
Montreal.
highly important, he will induce the
who
will
get married to establish
themselves there in preference.
more important than the suppression of the disorders which prevail in tba woods, and he has drawn up regulations to correct them; but it will be very difficult to cause these to be observed, if some means be not found to give employment to the Sons Nothing
is
of the Noblesse, and of those
He
who
(plus raisonnables) It is to
and 6 sous
be feared,
if
And
also approves
and to give the best behaved
them
to the others.
would not
into regular companies,
8 sous of France per day to
against the Coureurs de bois; Approves the regulation which he has
made on
that subject.
live as such.
proposes, for this purpose, to enrol these
you^g men
His Majesty continues to recommend him to execute with severity the ordinances made
they be not retained by
his proposal to
into regular companies, but
it
enrol
would be
necessary that he should so manage that they cost
more than those
maintained by his Majesty,
who
at present
promises to
that arrangement, that the English will se-
establish one forthwith on that footing.
duce them.
I explain to him that of the 6 sous a day which the King will give them as soldiers, 4' 6"* will be sent to the country in money and IS** will be retained in France to be expended
in the
purchase of clothing which will be trans-
mitted them every year.
He
will
be at liberty to
select,
for
the
company, one of the old
command
of this Captains already settled in Canada
who
will
have more authority and influence over the minds of those young men than any other officer
who might
be sent thither. Majesty has granted an
alms of a
of Gentlemen, very
His hundred ecus
some
have caused him to be notified, that their actual misery proceeds from their ambition to
He
represents that there are
many
families
worthy persons, in extreme and solicits want, not having even bread ;
charity for them.
to each of these families,
and
I
;
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
318
live as people of quality
and, therefore,
it
is
who
future, those
are not gentlemen assuming
that rank which reduces
He
does not consider
war
of
like
this, to
it
As regards
expedient in a time
them
to mendicity.
Majesty
letters of Nobility, his
does not consider
institute a search after
and without labor
proper to prevent, for the
necessary to grant any
it
people of Canada
spurious Nobles, the more especially as those
more
who have assumed
the country of a part of the children of those
the quality unjustly would
who
not become more industrious.
He
embark in some business. The post of Cataracouy is very advantageously situated for trade, and it would be well will
Sieur de
La
Salle,
to
purchase
and open
it
Gardes de
of
to relieve
send him six comla
Marine
;
and
•
His Majesty will possibly reassume Fort Cataracouy in course of time, but there is no
to attract settlers thither, but to accomplish
Majesty ought
I
and
;
recommend him to be careful not to fill them with any who are not really Gentlemen.
of nobility except to such as will be rich and
that, his
are truly noble,
missions
of opinion, only, not to grant patents
is
to the
hurry at present.
from
trade to all
its
the world.
Sieur Asks
5-*^rat,
Governor of Placentia.
He may,
he must arrest French sailors of
if
who come
the pretended Reformed Religion into the ports belonging to his
Government
in
let
English vessels.
without
him be
M" Gregory
those
to trade
in
any thing
without being sure of success.
the
Ottawa Country.
[Llcenoei, Warrants, &c., 1686, 1702, V., in Secretary's OfBce, Albany.
Thomas Dongan Captaine
cause
careful not to undertake
in this regard,
Commission of Major
difficulty
be arrested and sent to France, but
sailors to
]
Generall Governour and Vice Admirall of the province of
Newyorke and dependencyes.
To Major Patrick Magregore Greetting Being well assured of your loyalty Conduct and Courage I have Commissionated and appoynted And by these presents doe Commissionate and appoynt yow the said patrick Magrigore To bee Captaine and Coniand'' In Cheife of such men as by my order yow are to go along with from Albany to the Ottwasse Countrey a tradeing As
also of a
Company which Likewise by my
order
yow
are to Overtake and proceed together
with in the said Journey which sayd Companyes as Captaine and Comander in Cheife
yow are
to
Leade and Conduct
in their sayd
Journey
'
During the old French government young gentlemen used
board the ships of war. midshipmen.
When
They were
called Gardes de la
Ottwasse Countrey and from office yow are to observe such
to the said
thence back again to Albany In the Execucon of which
to receire brevet commissions
Marine
(
Jarriei^
Military Dictionary
and were permitted to serve on ),
and were of
similar rank to
they had acquired a knowledge of their profession, they were promoted to the rank of officers.
— En.
»
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
III.
Instructions and directions as yow already have or from me Hereby Comandeing and Requyreing all and Every
Companyes
3^9
time to time shall Receave from person and persons of the said
Give due observance and obedience to the said patrick Magregore in the premisses as they will answer the Contrary att their uttmost perrills this Commission to be in force one yeare and no Longer Given Under my hand and Scale att ffort James thij fourth day of december 1686 And in the Second yeare of his ma"" Ileigne
_
By
,
.
to
_
Tho Donoah
,
his Excellencyes
Comand Is.
SWINTOK
1
1
the State
of Canada.
Memoir
for the Marquis de Seignelay Regarding the dangers that threaten Canada, the means of remedying them, and of 6rmly establishing religion, commerce and the King's power in North America. January, 16S7.
Canada
encompassed by many powerful Colonies of English who labor incessantly to ruin it by exciting all our Indians, and drawing them away with their peltries for which said English give them a great deal more merchandise than the French, because the former pay no duty to the King of England. That profit attracts towards them, also, all our Coureurs de bois and French libertines who carry their peltries to them, deserting our Colony and is
establishing themselves
They employ
among
the English
who
take great pains to encourage them.
these French deserters to advantage in bringing the Far Indians to them
formerly brought their peltries into our Colony, whereby our trade
The English have begun by
whom
is
the most powerful and best disciplined Indians of
they have excited entirely against us by their
avowed
who
wholly destroyed. protection
all America, and manifest
usurpation of the sovereignty they claim over the country of those Indians which appertains
beyond contradiction
to the
King
for nearly a century
without the English having, up to
this
present time, had any pretence thereto.
They last
also
employ the Iroquois
to excite all our other Indians against us.
year to attack the Hurons and the Outawas, our most ancient subjects
;
They from
sent those
whom
they
swept by surprise more than 75 prisoners, including some of their principal Chiefs killed several others, and finally offered peace and the restitution of their prisoners, if they would quit the French and acknowledge the English. ;
They sent those Iroquois to attack the Illinois and the Miamis, our allies, who are in the neighborhood of Fort Saint Louis, built byM. de La Salle on the Illinois River which emptiei into the River Colbert or Mississipi ; those Iroquois massacred and burnt a great number of them, and carried off many prisoners with threats of entire extermination if they would not unite with
them against the French.
Colonel Dongan, Governor of
Englishmen to take possession,
New-York, has pushed in the
King
this usurpation to the point of
sending
of England's name, of the post of Mislimakinac
^
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
320 which
is
a Strait communicating between
even declared that to
all
Lake Huron and
the
Lake of the
Illinois,'
and has
those lakes, including the River Saint Lawrence which serves as an outlet
them, and on which our Colony
is
settled,
The Reverend Father Lamberville,
belong
to the English.
a French Jesuit who, with one of his brothers, also
among the Iroquois, wrote on the first of November Governor of Montreal, who informed the Governor-General thereof, that Colonel Dongan has assembled the Five Iroquois Nations at Manatte where he resides, and declared to them as follows a Jesuit, has been IS years a Missionary
to Chevalier de Callieres,
:
1" That he forbids them to go
Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac and to have any more
to
intercourse with the French.
That he orders them
2^
they took from the Hurons and Outawacs,
to restore the prisoners
in order to attract these to him.
That he is sending thirty Englishmen to take possession of Missilimakinak and the and adjoining lands and orders the Iroquois to escort them thither and to afford
S^
lakes, rivers
them physical assistance. 4"" That he has sent to
recall the Iroquois Christians
belonging to the
Mohawks who
reside
where they and converted by the care of our Reverend Jesuit Fathers, and
since a long time at the Saut Saint Louis, in the vicinity of the Island of Montreal,
have been established by that he would give
us,
them other land and an English
Jesuit, to govern them.
6* That he wishes that there should not be any Missionaries except whole of the Five Nations of Iroquois, and that the latter send away our have been so long established there. e* That if they are attacked by Monsieur de Denonville the
latter will
his
F'rench Jesuits
The
Iroquois.
— He
his
accompanied
his orders
who
have to do with him.
That he orders them to plunder all the French who will visit them bring them to him, and what they'll take from them shall be good prize.
to bind
7*''
and dispatched
throughout the
;
them and
with presents to the Five Iroquois Nations,
thirty Englishmen, escorted
by
Iroquois, to
make an
establishment at
Missilimakinak.
The
Iroquois plunder our
Frenchmen every where they meet them, and threaten
much exposed and without any fortifications. These measures, and the discredit we are in among all the Indians
to fire their
settlements which are
our
allies in
M. de
la Barre's
and borne the insults of the
time
;
for
latter,
for
having abandoned
having suffered them to be exterminated by the Iroquois
render war again absolutely necessary to avert from us a
general Indian Rebellion which would bring
down
ruin on our trade and cause eventually
even the extirpation of our Colony.
War
is
likewise necessary for the establishment of the Religion, which will never spread
itself there
except by the destruction of the Iroquois: so that on the success of
the Governor-General of
May
Canada proposes
to
commence
hostilities,
which
against the Iroquois on the 15th of
Country and of the Religion if he be not assisted, or the Establishment of the Religion, of Commerce and the King's Power over all North America, if
next, depends either the ruin of the
granted the required aid. If
men
King will employed since,
consider the Merit in the eyes of God, and the Glory and utility which the
derive from that succor,
it
is
easy to conclude that expense '
Michigan.
— Ed.
was never
better
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
mmm
III.
independent of the salvation of the quantity of souls in that vast Country to which His Majesty will contribute by establishing the faith there, he will secure to himself an Empire of more than a thousand leagues in extent, from the Mouth of the River Saint Lawrence to that of the River Mississippi in the Gulf of Mexico; a country discovered by the French alone, to which other Nations have no right, and from which great Commercial advantages, and a considerable augmentation of His Mnjesty's Revenues will eventually be derived. The Marquis de Denonville, whose zeal, industry and capacity admit of*no addition, require* a reinforcement of J, 500 men to succeed in his enterprise. I( less be granted doubtful and a
war
greater expense to
him. success ii drag along, the continuation of which for many years will be a His Majesty than that immediately necessary to guarantee its success and is
made
to
prompt termination. The Iroquois must be attacked in two directions. The first and principal attack must be on the Seneca Nation on the borders of Lake Ontario, the second, by the River Richelieu and Lake Champlain in the direction of the Mohawks. 3,000 French will be required for that purpose. Of these there are sixteen companies which make 800 men and 800 drafted from the militia, 100 of the best of whom the Governor-General destines
to
conduct 50 canoes which will come and go incessantly to convey he has only one-half, though he boasts of more for reputation'!
Of the 3,000 French
provisions.
sake, for the rest of the militia are necessary to protect and cultivate the farms of the Colony, and a part of the force must be employed in guarding the posts of Fort Frontenac, Niagara,
Tarento, Missilimakinak so as to secure the aid he expects from the Indians, on
whom, however, he cannot
Illinois
and from the other
rely unless he will be able alone to defeat the Five
Iroquois Nations.
The
Iroquois force consists of two thousand picked Warriors (cTeliu) brave, active, more
of the gun than our Europeans and all well armed; besides twelve hundred Mohegans (Loupn), another tribe in alliance with them as brave as they, not including the English who will supply them with officers to lead them, and to intrench them in their villages. If they be not attacked all at once at the two points indicated, it is impossible to destroy them or to drive them from their retreat, but if encompassed on both sides, all their plantations of Indian corn will be destroyed, their villages burnt, their women, children and old men captured and their warriors driven into the woods where they will be pursued and annihilated by the t)ther Indians. skilful in the use
After having defeated and dispersed them, the winter must be spent of Niagara, the most important in America, by means of which
excluded from the lakes whence
all
the peltries are obtained
;
all it
in fortifying
the post
the other Nations will be
will be necessary to winter
troops at that and some other posts, to prevent the Iroquois returning and reSstablishing
themselves there, and to people those beautiful countries with other Itidians served under us during this war.
As
it
and that
will
have
commence on
the 15* of May, it is necessary to hasten the reinforcement and month of March next in order that it may arrive in season to be employed, be accompanied by munitions of war and provisions, arms and other articles the estimates of the Governor-General and Intendant of Canada.
operations
to send
who
off in the it
required in
The vast extent of this country and the inconveniences respecting the command which may occur during the war suggest the great necessity of appointing a Lieutenant-Governor over it, as well to
command
VoL. IX.
the troops there in the absence, and under the orders, of the Governor-
41
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
822
General as to enforce these throughout all parts of the Colony beyond the Island of Montreal towards the great lakes wliich are at a considerable distance from Quebec. The Marquis de Denonville who sees the necessity of establishing that office is of opinion
Governor of the Island of Montreal, is eminently qualified for it by and industry in the King's service, and his experience in war, said Chevalier de Callieres having served twenty years with reputation in his Majesty's armies throughout the whole of his glorious campaigns. that Chevalier de Callieres,
his application
XIV.
Louis
Extracts of a
to
and
Messrs. de DenonviUe
Memoir
of the
King
to the
de CTianvpigny.
Marquis de Denonville and Sieur
de Champigny.
••••••••••
Versailles, SO"- March, 1687.
•
His Majesty has approved the conduct observed by said Sieur de Denonville towards the Iroquois, and the measures he has commenced adopting in order to place himself in a position to
wage war
against
And after having maturely examined all the Majesty has been convinced of the necessity of that war,
them with advantage.
reasons adduced in his
letters, his
and to that end has long since issued the necessary orders for the preparation of the troops, * * * * * • arms and ammunition of which he may stand in need. His Majesty has approved of Sieur de Denonville's calling the Iroquois nations together at Cataracouy, so as to effect the withdrawal of Father de Lamberville, and in case this has not been accomplished, it is necessary to adopt measures to prevent his remaining exposed to the fury of those Savages.
He has been surprised at the proceedings of Colonel Dongan, and has given orders to Sieur de Barillon his Ambassador at London to complain of him to the King of England. Meanwhile, as, since the Colonel has thus acted, the Treaty of Neutrality has been concluded at I^ondon, copy whereof has been transmitted to him, and as his Britannic Majesty has given positive orders to all his Governors of the territories in America under his obedience, copy of which is hereunto annexed, to conform themselves strictly thereunto. He doubts not but 'twill put an end to all the expeditions that Colonel might have commenced against the interests of the French, contrary to the intentions of the
does not consider
it
for the
may demand
his master.
expedient to make any attack on the English.
that Sieur de Denonville report
England
King
if
desires, nevertheless,
that Colonel will conform himself to his instructions from
execution of said Treaty, in order,
his recall
His Majesty therefore,
He
if
he contravene them that hfs Majesty
from the King of England.
In regard to the pretensions of the English in America, his Majesty has approved of the
Memoir of His rights to the best part of that country, and is very glad to let them know, thereupon, that He is about to nominate immediately Commissioners who, with others whom the King of England is on his side also to name, will, in the execution of said Treaty of Neutrality, endeavor to put an end to all differences which said Sieur de Denonville having sent a
PARIS DOCUMENTS
may
Kings
in
HI.
between the French and the English regarding the countries belonging to liis Commissioners to make use of it
exist, at present,
to both
:
America, and will refer that Memoir
in the discussion they will have, on the subject, with those of England.
As
to the expeditions got up by the English to prevent the trade of the French and to
draw
it
to themselves, the said Sieurs
de Denonville and de Champigny must expect that nothing but their industry and attention in having the passes guarded, can secure to his Majesty's subjects
accustomed commerce, as it is certain that they will always experience opposition on the part of the English, and that those Savages would prefer trading with the latter than with their
••••••*••• ••••••••••
the French in consequence of the advantage they derive from selling their goods at a higher rate to the English. •
His Majesty has no knowledge of Colonel Dongan's claim of 25' lb. which be pretends are due him in France. He, therefore, has nothing to say to him on that subject. •
His Majesty has seen the Memoir sent by the said Sieur de Denonville respecting the for the next Campaign, of which
measures he has adopted, and. the orders he has issued,
He
has approved, and doubts not but success commensurate to his expectations will follow,
having
to
contend only with Indians
contrary, those
whom
who have no
he will be able to marshal, will prove most
of his ability and experience.
Finally,
He
retain
efficient
being led by a
man
expects to learn, at the close of this year, the entire
And
destruction of the greatest part of those Savages,
who His
experience in regular war, whilst on the
as a
number
of prisoners
may be made
He desires him to manage so as to Any who will have been captured before
Majesty thinks can be employed in the galleys,
them
until there
be vessels going
France.
for
the sailing of those vessels can even be sent by the return of His Majesty's ships which will
convey the troops. •
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
••
•
His Majesty has been highly pleased to learn the voyage which Sieur de Tonty has made to the mouth of the River Mississippi, but would have wished that he had gained intelligence
••••••••••
there of Sieur de
His pleasure, •
He
if
La
Salle, for the fate of
he return, that they afibrd
whose expedition he feels great him every sort of protection.
authorizes Sieur de Denonville to do
presented to
Majesty
is
him by
what he
one of Colonel Dongan's
willing that he surrender
them
if
will think
Officers for
he see
anxiety, and
it ia
proper respecting the demand
two negro
deserters,
and
bis
fit.
As regards two women of bad character. His Majesty does not approve his proposals to send them back to France, inasmuch as that would not be a punishment sufficiently severe to prevent the consequences of that disorder
;
but
He
desires that they be put to hard labor
on
the public works, such as drawing water, serving masons, sawing wood, or other laborious occupations, in order that such punishment being public, may affijrd a more salutary example in that country.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
824
M.
My
de Denonville to
M.
de Seignelay.
Lord,
On
2^ of this
tlie
select
month,
I
received in
They were transmitted
March.
and
to
tliis
city the King's orders
and yours of the
who remained
me, by Mons"" de Champigny
at
30""
Quebec
to
send off the Militia of the Colony.
me great joy to learn that the King has had the goodness to succor this country, you continue to afford it the honor of your protection. I leave to the Intendant th6 duty of advising you of the arrival of M. d'Amblemont and of the other vessels which bring us troops and ammunition, and of reporting to you the condition of every thing. I have come in advance in order to make all the arrangements for our march and to receive earlier the answers I was expecting from the Iroquois by the Fathers de Lamberville. The younger has arrived alone with letters from his elder brother who has resolved not to repair to gives
It
and
that
Katarokoui without the Chiefs of the Iroquois; but
I
doubt much
if
these Savages, distrustful
come on hearing of my marching with a retinue too great to be agreeable to them, for they would prefer that I should have no more than 20 attendants, so that they may be more frank in their Councils and in a position to address me arrogantly according to their as they are, will
invariable custom. this induces
me
It
has been their particular care always to inquire about
to fear that the
escort.
All
poor Father will experience some difficulty in extricating himself
This makes
from the hands of those barbarians.
me
very uneasy.
found our people disgusted with past proceedings sufficiently to
I
my
to resolve
on accompanying the troops, which obliged
wherein
set forth the
me
make
it difficult
draw up a
to
them
for
sort of Manifesto
This was accompanied by a Pastoral letter of the Vicar-General; the entire population were seen after this to prepare with extreme alacrity
for the
I
march.
All this
motives of this war.
was promulgated only
at the
moment
it
the people; therefore, such publication did not send forward the
every body to prosecute that
it
you may correct me
a similar error in future.
with good if
will.
I
send you both the one and the other.
there be any thing improper in them, and
I
am, moreover, very desirous not
should not be acquainted either after or before doing
you, so as not to
make
became necessary to assemble news of the war, but induced
a move without your orders.
decision on the part of those
who
it.
may
My Lord,
so
avoid committing
do any thing with which you
to
I
I
should wish
But the
are entrusted with the King's
distance. affiiirs;
much
My
to be nearer
Lord, requires
otherwise, the service
will greatly suffer.
In the letters you.
My Lord,
I
had the honor to write you in the month of November of
a tolerably exact account of the state of public
affiiirs.
last year, I
We have
gave
learned since
who are scattered -durantays who commands
from Missilimaquinack that Father Angelran, Superior of the Missionaries
among
the
distant
nations
of that
region,
and Sieur de
la
Missilimakinak and other posts in our possession, had experienced great
difficulty in retaining
Hurons and Outaouas, and preventing them repairing to the Senecas with a resolution to come to an understanding with, and submit themselves to the latter, and thus become their allies, and introduce a trade with the English who have made a strong impression on them by the cheapness of the goods their merchants offered last year at Missilimakinac, where they went as I had the honor to inform you by my letters. This Huron nation, all
the
naturally faithless and fickle like
all
Savages, and the Outaouas, although enemies of the
Iroquois of long standing, would willingly side with the latter, through dread of their
power
PARIS DOCUMENTS Boi through the lures of them in peace with the Far Nations with whom had created considerable
the English
III.
:
who promise them
335
in addition to
enemy and to make them masters of our Frenchmen are in the habit of embarrassment
in the
cheap bargains, to keep
the entire trade of the other trading.
All this,
managing of these people so as
My
to divert
Lord,
them
from their purpose. lA-t length the Hurons and Outaouas decided to send me this winter the tw o most influential amongst them with four of our Frenchmen, who conducted them to us over the ice^ Thus, My Lord, those Fathers have warded ofi' the greatest misfortune that could overtake us at present from that quarter to wit, the abandonment by this people of our alliance and their adhesion to our enemies. The post occupied by Sieur du Lhu at the Detroit of Lake Erie, and the Frenchmen whom Sieur de la Durantays has collected at Missilmakina [coupled with] the harangues of the Fathers- backed by the menaces of Sieur de le Durantays, have been no mean assistance to Sieur Vallois. All this. My Lord, required the outlay of
—
money
to feed our Frenchmen who garrison the posts, to defray the expense of the journeys wherein diligence was necessary without any gain to those who were employed both on the route and in the posts where good guard is kept up as in a fortified town {vUU de guerre.) M. de Champigny and I have not forgotten to welcome our two Jndian envoys whom we have been obliged to retain some months until the severe cold had terminated, before sending them
over the ice as far as Lake Huron where they embarked on the the winter, according to the
news we have
accompany Sieurs de
received of them.
S**
May, on the breaking up of
They
left
seemingly with a firm
Durantays and du L'hu with their people to join me, in accordance with my original project of last year and the orders I had dispatched to them, a report whereof I had the honor to transmit to you with my last letters. I understand that the English have advised the Senecas that I was about to attack them, resolution to
and have obliged them their Castle
la
to recall, to the defence of their country against us, six
who had gone
to attack the
Miamies.
the tribes in the direction of Virginia are, also,
Thus
come back
the terror which has seized our enemies
hundred men of
Other parties who had gone is
in
to
war
against
consequence of similar directions.
highly expensive to Colonel Dongan.
I
have, likewise, understood that a party has returned from Virginia bringing a dozen English prisoners
whom
they will also burn, and Mr. Dongan scarcely troubles himself about
the matter.
A
great
number of
those warriors have hunted in the neighborhood of Catarokoi.
We
are
anxious, at present, to learn whether poor Father de Lamberville, the Jesuit missionary who remains at Onnontagu6, will extricate himself out of their hands when they hear the great in consequence of the extraordinary preparations required to be made, impossible to prevent being bruited abroad, notwithstanding I have always given out that I was going only to the general meeting projected at Catarokoi, where I did not wish to be either insulted or trifled with. I always observed this tone until the moment of marching,
rumor of war, which,
it is
a duty to publish the Manifesto, accompanied by the Pastoral Letter. you an idea of Colonel Dongan's genius, I cannot do better, My Lord, than transmit you his artful letter which sufficiently indicates that I must be distrustful of him, and that he aims only at deceiving us in order to enrich himself and his merchants at the
when
I
considered
it
In order to afford
expense of this Colony. I
know
that he has dispatched
and cover the
retreat of the thirty
men with men whom he
fifty
plenty of canoes and provisions to reinforce sent off last fall to trade with our OuUouas.
;
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
326
He
also invites the
Senecas
go and meet them in order to act as their escort.
to
You may
rely an the truth of this intelligence.
they have not retreated before
If
we
French deserters, without
On
whom
I
do not believe they will have any
They
are accompanied by several of our
arrive at the lake,
reason to be satisfied with their voyage and trade.
they had never dared to undertake that expedition.
receiving information on the 12"" Ps'oveniber of last year, that one Gideon Petit,
who
Chambly, was proposing to go over to the English, and had ( mentioned something about it himself, and engaged some one to accompany him thither, M. de Calliere caused him to be arrested and committed to prison where he remained some months until the Intendant and I notified Sieur Gaillard, the commissary, to set him at liberty, if there were no proofs against him. But we have since discovered, by his escape last March, that our suspicions were well founded. The running away of these people appears to me so much the more criminal under existing circumstances, as they are so many spies our enemies profit by to learn what we are doing. The impunity of Sieur de Chailly casts great discredit on my prohibitions. At another time. My Lord, the crime would affect only the King's revenue, but at this conjuncture, the safety of the country is endangered by the information these lawless rascals convey to our enemies. Herein, My Lord, I have no other interest at heart than the King's service, for in other respects, I wish evil neither to this person nor to that. Gideon Petit says, that his design was to go to France last year in our ships, but he spread the report only the better to his father was very conceal his intention of going to the English. He is from Rochelle unfortunate in business, and is dead some bad debts are due to him in this country; since V he has been here his trade has always been with the English although large profits can be keeps a house of bad repute
at
.
;
;
;
realized, he
and
this, '
no better
is
all
off in his
circumstances than the majority of those
other sorts of business which are prohibited
who have
pursued Another named
by the King.
Salvaye, an inhabitant of the Seigniory of Saurel on the River Richelieu, has also disappeared.
He
a
is
man
of activity
whom
M. de
la
Barre and M. de Frontenac employed as envoy to
the English to negotiate with the Governors last year, that I
him,
of his trad«
;
;
a knave
was aware of some proceedings of
who his
pretends to be honest.
which tended
to the
I told
continuance
thought to take him on the point of honor by some confidences and favors
I
I knew enough to be almost certain of his designs, without, any proofs, and it is herein the severities of authority are necessary however, having without any formalities of law. However, as I have not yet the honor of being sufficiently
He
promised
me Wonders.
we
known
to you,
people
who would
not be guilty in the eyes of the public, in order to avoid giving any one
pain
thought
better not to
I
and as
it
in like severities
commit
are liable to
fall
to prison until
into the inconvenience of punishing
we had set out for On the whole, it
intending to do, both with regard to Gideon and Salvaye. that well.
I
receive a brief
My
word of
instruction from
you
Lord, that these sorts of punishments
for
my
may be
the war, as is
well.
guidance in this regard.
My I
I
was
Lord,
know
dangerous, for a governor may,
vengeance and commit injustice; but woe to him who thus abuses his Master's authority. He deserves not to be intrusted by the King with any command, but to be driven off as unworthy to serve and command any where. I considered the inclosing of Villemarie^ to be of too great moment in this time of war,
under specious pretexts, easily exercise
to
wait for your permission
My
his
Lord, to have 'See note,
it
p. 281.
done.
— Ed.
I
had a quantity of stout and long
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
III.
which two-thirds, or at least more than the half, have been set up. have given orders that a statement of this expense should he transmitted to you in order that you may be able to see that we, therein, have studied economy, as much as possible by making the soldiers work. I thought it necessary to spare the colonists in this expenditure. pickets prepared, of
I
I Ccinnot
do
full
he
is
an utter stranger
but the King I
the service he loves
to self-interest
making others perform
duty, and to
is
and knowledge of Mr. de Calliere, especially and knows so well how to acquit himself of} and applies himself always to the perfoVmance of hit
justice to the care, application
what generally regards
aa
theirs
;
he enters into
all
details
;
some may be
disaatis&ed,
better served.
omit entering Into the detail of
of the SO"" March of this year which
the points in the
all
Memorandum
have received from you,
I
My
of the King's orders
Lord, as
I
postpone the
answer to the whole until my return from the Campaign. F'or this letter is only intended to give you an account of our actual condition, and of my departure, which will take place on the IS"" of this month. The Intendant «l]as arrived here with all our Militia, and accompanies me as far as Cataracouy in order that I may become acquainted with that post, and be able to give you an account of the expenses already, and yet to be, incurred thereon, and of the manner in
which our army, on a small
My
plan
is to
scale, will be
embarked on Lake Ontario.
proceed to the Senecas, the strongest Castle and the nearest to Niagara.
number of
course will be along the Southern shore, contrary to the advice of a
people
My who
go by that of the North as the surest and most tranquil. And here, I shall take the liberty briefly to detail to you the reasons I have for following the course believe that
I
ought
to
I adopt.
The
first is,
that
by following the Southern shore,
as regards the village to which
I
mean
Oneida, Onnontagu^, and Cayuga- Castles, and allowing them to be certain as to which
The
2^ reason
is,
that
I
induce the
do so they will leave Tonty,
I
keep the enemy
to go; for during several
I
finally to the four
intend to
enemy
to
in
days
a state of incertitude
it
leads
Seneca
me
along the
villages,
without
visit.
come
in quest of,
La Durantays and du Lhu, on
and
to
meet me,
for if they
their side respectively, at full
any uneasiness, whereas if I go by the North, the enemy coming to wait for me at Niagara, may fall on those Gentlemen who are to approach from that direction by Lake Erid. Those different and distant rendezvous do not fail to disquiet me for it is in the power of the- enemy to profit thereby. All that I could do is to cause them to delay their arrival at Niagara, in order that I may be the first to reach the enemy to draw him towards
liberty to act without
me
and away from the others.
must inform you, My Lord, that I have altered the orders I had originally given last year to M. de la Durantays to pass by Taronto and to enter Lake Ontario at GandaUitiagon' I have sent him word by Sieur Juchereau, to form a junction with M. du Lhu at Niagara. this winter, to join Sieur du Lhu at the chiefs who t ook back t he two Huro n and Outaouas Detroit of Lak^Erie, so that they may be stronger and in a condition to resist the enemy, Should he go to meet them at Niagara. I believe. My Lord, that I have omitted none of those I
precautions necessary for the dispatch of this in the
hands of God alone,
for, in truth,
which is of great importance. Success of the most experienced is of very little avail
affair
the skill
is
in
without provisions a wooded country where the inhabitants can live as long as they please •
See note
2, p.
112; and compare d'AnriUe**
Map
of Xorth America, Improred L}Ddon, 1775.
— Eo.
;
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
828
the punctual rendezvous which must be kept
out of consideration
(sans manger), leaving
400 leagues. must be indebted to chance alone for prisoners, for should they incline ever so little to run away, how many of them can be caught? From all this, My Lord, it is impossible for the most experienced to determine whether this war will soon terminate or not. I am truly persuaded that it is the interest of the Colony t« preserve peace, but it is necessar)'^ that this nation be first destroyed or at least humbled. You at a distance of three or
We
must
My
clearly perceive.
Lord, that
it is
my
interest to terminate this war, for
it is,
indeed, a
march a foot in the woods to carry, oneself, one's own provisions in a haversack All these. to be devoured by mosquitoes, and to have no more comforts than a mere soldier. My Lord, are not pleasures to make a Governor-general forget his duty by protracting a war, rough
life
to
;
my
especially at All
my
hope
time of
is to
ourselves; perhaps I
know
not, yet,
consider
it
and lay waste their
we may
fields,
with
all
and
to
women and
be able to catch their
what Indians Tonty, du Lhu and
falleu into great discredit I
life.
spoil
la
come
we
end
shall all
apply
Durantaye
will brfng us, for
we have
those tribes.
very fortunate that the six hundred Senecas
expedition have
this
children.
back, because
all
the
who had
set out
on a war
Indian tribes having remained at peace and
undisturbed during the summer, will be able to assemble and join du Lhu.
There
is
reason for strong hope
if
we
have
many
Indians, lor they alone are capable of
pursuing the enemy into the woods accompanied by some of our brave Coureurs de bois,
whom I have taken with me those most experienced and most familiar with the route. It is one of them, who is in my guard, that has enabled me to have the Map prepared for you which We shall omit nothing. My Lord, I sent in order to afford you some idea of our expedition. of
that will be in our power,
and
shall
endeavor
by
profit
to
all
the
advantages that
God
bestows on us. It is of importance to become masters of the post of Niagara, and to form an establishment If time will permit me to have a second expedition got up against the Mohawks, I shall there. willingly attempt
it;
but
I
do not think
I shall
be able to do so before
I leave Chevalier de Vaudreuil in the Colony to
command
my
return.
the troops there, and to take
care of the posts necessary to be occupied and fortified for their security and that of the
He
inhabitants.
will
employ himself in having pickets prepared whilst Monsieur de Champigny
go from Seigniory to Seigniory to issue all orders necessary for the good of the interior of the Colony which stood in need of the assistance you send us, and of an Intendant so experienced and so devoted as he. I cannot sufficiently thank you for having sent him to us, nor will
my wishes that you may have his like in every quarter where you require so and so disinterested an officer. I do not think, My Lord, that you have any complaints of any differences between us, or of our union being prejudicial to the King's interests, although we are good friends. The seed of mischief-makers is not lost, for all that, in this sufficiently express
faithful
country.
What
has been maliciously reported to you of Sieur Provost, Major of Quebec, must not
destroy him in your estimation,
most upright, and the only officer
I
My
Lord, since, without contradiction, he
least selfish, person I
have seen
who
have found
in the
is
the honestest, the
country; up to this time he
is
the
has not meddled in any commerce, nor been mixed up with any of
the past quarrels, having attended only to his duty.
What
I
have learned
for certain
regarding
made
the report
was employing
Had
I
to
as a
you of him,
mason
to
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
lU.
that he has a hired
man
is,
whom
been previously informed of
best
mason
as servant It is
whom
the contractor
the custom of this country.
should have told him not to have any thing to do with
it, I
The
considering the consequences.
it,
he was paying his wages.
329
contractor, with
whom M. de MeuUes had agreed, is the whom I distnisted; and therefore,
mighty great drunkard
in the country, but a
having gone up
last year with the Engineer, I requested the Major of Quebec, and Sieur da Comports, our Provost, to watch him. It is a great falsehood that the Major had made use of any
one's
name
for the
his house or
I know that he has no goods either at and speculates in no sort of trade. This arises from revenge on Engineer whom he opposed in regard to some men he had furnished him
purpose of supplying materials, since
any where
the part of our
little
by my orders
for the
pay, although
I
else,
purpose of assisting him in preparing his Maps, and whom he did not had given him some money for that purpose. M. de Champigny can inform you. My Lord, what sort of a man our Major is, and whether he be capable of dishonesty. Our Engineer is a fool, a rake and a debauchee who must be tolerated because we have need of him. You are not to attach credit to any thing he will write you against others, as he acts only by caprice he is a leaky vessel. Nevertheless, he is an admirable draughtsman and is very quick when he likes. M. de Vauban can-easily give an account of his mental character. Had I not boarded and lodged him in my own quarters, I could not have got any thing from him, he being indebted every where. The Intendant will give you an account of the manner he ;
store covered, the paved stone roof not being sufUcient to prpvent the water penetrating through the joints; besides, the lime and cement used in the work do not at all
had our
resist the frost of this country.
I
came
a circumstance I have witnessed in several places since
here.
I shall
to you on my return, about the Redoubts most necessary That of Niagara and that of Katarakoui are the most important at present. But
have the honor of writing
to be built. all
It is
those establishments will soon
the purpose of cultivating the that of Katarakoui out of
fall
soil,
M. de
to ruin if settlers be not introduced at those places for
and
this
prompts
me
to desire that the
la Salle's hands, in order that people
King should take
be sent thither to feed the
For the continual transportation of provisions, will cause the expense to always exceed the profit, and the same will be the case with Niagara. However, locating too many settlers there, has its inconveaiences, for we must avoid the disease of the country which is to be too much dispersed. The Intendant and I, with the moat experienced in the country, shall see what they deem most expedient, in order to communicate cattle and' cultivate the land.
you -an opportunity of acquainting us with your orders. You may rely on it. My Lord, that I shall study M. de la Salle's interest in whatever depends on me. Chevalier de Tonty intended to have gone to France last year, but I dissuaded him from so doing in order to prevail on him to proceed again in search of news of said Sieurde la Sieur de Tonty is a very enterprizing lad, of good qualities. It were desirable that Salle. and la the King would do something for him hereafter. We have also Durantays, du Lhu honor the have shall I service. good Forest with some others who, up to this time have done each of of capabilities the to give you this fall, a more reliable account of the conduct and of it
to
you
this fall,
and
to afford
these gentlemen.
Vol. IX.
42
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
880
have anticipated the order you gave of permitting our officers to contract marriage; two Captains have already got married, viz. Sieurs de Meloise and Dumus.' I expect that Sieur des Cayrac will also get married on returning from the campaign. Those [whose marriages] I opposed are young persons, minors having fathers and mothers who will never consent to Buch disadvantageous connections as those they wished to form, which cannot be of any benefit I
to the colony.
We
have also one lieutenant and two sub-lieutenants married. I
am
with profound respect,
My
Villa Marie,
Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient and most faithful servant The M. de Denonville.
8* June, 1687.
Louis
XIV.
to
M.
de Dmonville. Versailles, 17"- June, 1687.
Monsieur le Although
Marquis de Denonville.
enough my intentions in my despatch of the 5"" of the month of February last when I sent* you the Treaty of Neutrality concluded at London on the le"" of Novemb' of last year, between my subjects and those of the King of England in the Islands and countries of the Continent of America and have, in my other despatch of the 30"' March following, most expressly forbade you to make any attack on the English, I have thought proper to write you this letter to advise you that I have given full power to Sieur de Barillon, my Ambassador to the King of England, and to Sieur de Bonrepaus whom I have I
have explained
to
you
fully
;
sent for that purpose to London, to terminate with the Commissioners
Majesty has named on his
whom
his Britannic
might have been committed on that Treaty, the existing differences between the French and English Companies respecting Hudson's bay, and generally all whatsoever may have occurred in that country between the part, all the contraventions that
two Nations; And as the said Commissioners have agreed that nothing new should be undertaken by one party or the other during the negotiation, and as it is my intention that such should be observed throughout the whole of the country under
my
obedience,
I
am
very
you conform to my intentions in that regard, and forbid you making any attack on the English, and that I order you even to prevent any injury being done them in their persons or property pending the continuance of the actual negotiation at London. Willing, on the contrary, that you cultivate a good understanding with those who command in that Country for the said King of England, and that you so act that I may not receive any glad to state too that
I
desire that
complaint of your conduct in this matter. '
Sift
And
the present, &c., &c., &c-
Qui Dumas.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
M.
My
Champigny
de
M.
to
:
HI.
33I
de Seignelay.
Lord,
When
I was on the point of starting to dispatch the troops for the rendezvous near Montreal, where M. de Denonville had already arrived for the purpose of issuing the necessary orders for his march, Chevalier de Vaudreuil came here in the Sloop L'arc en Ciel which anchored at Cape Torment, 9 leagues from Quebec. He brought me the news that the King had the goodness to send some Troops and ammunition for Canada, which arrived very apropos in the present state of affairs, and caused universal joy. Though my presence appear necessary
here in this conjuncture,
and
my
to leave
his, for
and
I
considered myself, notwithstanding, obliged to leave immediately
on the march, having agreed with M. de Denonville to that effect whom M. de Denonville had also left the distribution of the troops, in case any should arrive during our absence, as he was
to get the troops
militia
orders with the Lieutenant-General to
considered highly qualified, of which duty he, in I started,
fact,
has well acquitted himself.
then, on the 31" N(arch with Chevalier de Vaudreuil, who, fatigued as he
and without attendants, was desirous expedition.
On
the same day,
Quebec and of the other
I
to join
M. de Denonville and take a share
in
was the
sent forward the Regulars, and the Militia of the vicinity of
places on
my
route.
On
the
7""
we
of June
arrived at the
Camp
on S*
There I mustered the Regulars and 930 men, exclusive of a hundred who were
Helen's Island, near Montreal, the place of rendezvous. Militia.
engaged
The former numbered 832 and the latter The Indians who
to conduct the convoys.
were present
On
to the
are domiciled
among
us in various missions
number of 300.
the termination of this review, the Marquis de Denonville divided the troops into four
and gave each officer his rank, according to your orders. My Lord. The Militia were in like manner divided into four battalions, and the whole embarked in two hundred flat bottomed batteaux, and in almost as many bark canoes. They will have provisions for three months, including what has been supplied at Montreal and what is to be obtained at Cataraquoy, to which place a hundred men are constantly conveying supplies. The whole army departed on the ll"" June. I followed it for three days, and witnessed the difficulty of the route and the courage both of the Regulars and of the Militia who were
battalions,
obliged to be incessantly in the water up their waist, to haul the batteaux through the cascades and rapids which are frightful even to behold. The Indiana performed good service in tbota difficult places.
As I was in haste to arrive at Cataracouy as early as possible, I lefl the army and went in advance with a detachment of thirty men for the purpose of giving orders, and of having every make only a brief halt. Owing to the care of one Sieur d'Orvilliers who has been two years in command there, I found every thing in good He is an officer so strongly attached to the service, and who does every thing so well, condition. Whilst there, a good number of that I cannot speak to you of him in sufficiently high terras. necessary in readiness so that the army should
Iroquois Indians
who happened
to be in the neighborhood,
were
seized, for fear they
might
weaken so far our enemies. I dispatched a de la Durantaye, vessel from that place with provisions and ammunition for Niagara where Sieurs as they will be allies, our du Lhu and Tonty are to be with all such Frenchmen and Indians,
furnish intelligence of the march, and in order to
able to collect in the country of the Outtawas.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
332
I, also, had two other barks freighted with provisions and ammunition, and two large flat bottomed bateaux prepared to convey some petereros (jnerricrs) and field pieces for the use of the army; and as I was to return to Quebec before the departure of the King's ships, I tarried only two days and left M. Gaillard, Commissary, there to attend to every thing pursuant to my orders. I met M. de Denonville with the whole army at a place called La Gallette,' 25 lengues from Cataracouy, after having surmounted all tiie rapids and dangerous places. It was very fortunate that the Iroquois did not oppose his march in the different passes where, assuredly, they could have given him a great deal of annoyance and caused him the loss of some of his men. The entire army was in high spirits and in good condition. M. de Den'onville expressed to me his satisfaction, especially at the vigor and obedience of the Canadians and of all their officers. In passing Montreal, I gave the necessary orders to continue the uninterrupted transportation of provisions to Cataracouy for the victualling of the recently arrived troops, and to arrange so that the farmers who have remained at home should, conjointly with the soldiers, perform the work of those who are with the army. I did the same every where I passed. On arriving at Quebec, I paid a visit on board the King's ships in the harbor. M. d'Amblemont, who commands VArc en Cicl lying at Cape Torment, came here in a sloop to confer with me, and told me that on the le"" June he had dispatched la Frrponne and la Bretonne to Acadia, as the former could not contain the ammunition and other articles embarked for that place, and as he was sending the soldiers who are designed thither, with orders to take in Coal at Cape Breton. I was to visit VArc en Ciel at Cape Torment. I found her in good condition. M. d'Amblemont informed me that he could wait no longer for a Merchant vessel which was to bring them supplies, and requested me to have provisions furnished from this country, to be replaced on the arrival of the ship. I did so, for which I have taken a receipt also from Chevalier d'Harvaux, commander of la Perle, from Sieur Croiset, Chief purser acting as Commissary of the fleet, and from the Commissaries of Provisions. La Perle and le Pro/und leave this harbor to-morrow to join M. d'Amblimont. Le Fourgon, commanded by Sieur de Saint Michel, is obliged to remain here because seventeen of his crew are sick in hospital. I have, with M. d'Harvaux, Dutast sent by M. d'Amblemont, Jullien and Croiset, drawn ;
up a proces verbal
thereof, and, afterwards, of the requisition said Sieur de Saint Michel
presented to me. I yesterday received a letter
me
that he transmits
me
fifty
from M. de Denonville, dated Cataracouy the
3""
instant advising
Iroquois taken in the vicinity of that place to be forwarded to
France in the King's ships agreeably to your orders. I'll take advantage of the delay of le Fourgon, on board which I shall have them embarked, and as the crew are insufficient to convey so many prisoners who are difficult enough to guard, I reinforce them by
some passengers and seamen belonging to la Catherine, a merchantman that was wrecked last autumn near Tadoussac, and could not be got off. I learn from the same letter of M. de Denonville that Sieur de la Forest had come to give him notice that Sieurs de la Durantaye, du Lhu, and Tonty had arrived at Niagara, the place indicated to them, with a hundred and sixty
Frenchmen and nearly 400 Indians that they had captured GO Englishmen of New-York, in two divisions, escorted by some Indians, our enemies, and conducted by a French deserter from Canada. They were on their way to seize Michilimaquinac and other posts, and to establish trade there with the Indians to the prejudice of us
who
;
are a long time in possession thereof. '
Now Prescott,
C.
W.
— Ed.
Those Englishmen
will
remain
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
HI.
prisoners until his return, in retaliation for those of Orange and Manhatte having furnished powder, arms, ball and assistance to our enemies, the Iroquois. They sent, likewise, to the
take possession thereof, and to set up the arms of England there. They are our most dangerous enemies from whom we have the most to fear. All these proceedings of the English who are backed by the Iroquois, were, if not stopped, sufficient to ruin the entire commerce of Canada. I have learned by a letter from M. Gaillard that M. de Denonville left op the 4'* instant, the weather being fine, and that they ought to be, by this time in the enemy's country. We have so much the more reason to anticipate a successful issue of this expedition as the Iroquois have not, up to the present time, appeared to us to be advised of it, the residence of Father Illinois, to
Lambervilie among them having removed himself from them, and
Fourgon
is
suspicion.
all
at present with the army.
He, very fortunately, extricated any news of him before the
If I receive
communicate them to you. Through the care bestowed by the Captains of the King's ships on the troops they have had on board, the latter have suffered less than in past years. Only seventeen died on the voyage; it is true that several have fallen ill since their arrival, and that as many as 130 have been in hospital. They have not been dangerously sick. I know not how they could be attended to, were it not for the assistance we received from the good Hospital Nuns. They exhibit indescribable care and charity, and have expended more in six weeks than they would have done in one year. The ammunition, pork and brandy were found in good condition in the quantities specified I reserve. My Lord, my answer to the several points of the despatches in M. de Maucler's lists. you write me, until the last vessels, when I shall give you exact information of the entire harvest and of the expense incurred both this and the preceding year; and send you the estimates and advise you fully of the actual state of the Colony. I leave in a few days according to my arrangement with M. de Denonville on a visit to the several districts to see whether my orders have been executed respecting the harvest and other agricultural labor on the farms of those who are with the army; whether the troops are in good health and live orderly; and whether they adopt measures to oppose the incursions the Iroquois may possibly make into the country. I shall take information, at the same time, of the state of the Churches and Priests' houses in order that Divine Service be performed and sailing of
le
I shall
spiritual consolation afforded the people. '
I shall
afterwards go to Montreal to await there the arrival of M. de Denonville and of the
army, and to attend to every thing of which It
would
afford
me
great satisfaction
if I
render you an account by the last ships.
I shall
were
sufficiently fortunate as to
be able to arrange
matters in a manner that would be agreeable to you, having no stronger passion than to prove to
you that I am, with most profound Quebec, IG"- July, 1687.
respect, &c.
•
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
334
French Conquest of
the
Seneca Country.
Minute of the taking possession of the Country of the Iroquois, called Senecas.
On the nineteenth of July, One thousand commanded by Messire Jacques Rene de Brisay,
six
hundred and eighty-seven, the Troops
Chevalier, Seigneur, Marquis of Denonville
King throughout
whole of Canada and country of New France, in presence of Hector, Chevalier de Calliere, Governor of Montreal in said country. Commanding the camp under his orders, and of Philippe Rigaud Chevalier de Vaudreuil, Commander of the King's troops, which being drawn up in the order of battle, Charles Aubert, Sieur de la Chenays, citizen of Quebec, deputed by Messire Jean Bochart, Chevalier, Seigneur de Champigny, Noroy, Verneuil and other places, Privy Councillor of the King in his counsels, Intendant of Justice, Police and Finance in all Northern France, presented himself at the head of the Army, who stated and declared that on the requisition of the said Seigneur de Champigny, he was taking possession of the village of Totiakton, as he has done of the other three villages called Gannagaro, Gannondata and Gannongarae, and of a Fort half a league distant from the said village of Gannagaro,* together with all the lands in their vicinity as many as they may be, and how far soever they may extend, conquered in His Majesty's name, and to that end has set up in all the said Villages and Forts His said Majesty's Arms, and has caused to be proclaimed in loud voice: Vivele Roi, after the said troops had beaten and routed eight hundred Iroquois Senecas, and laid waste, burnt and destroyed their provisions and cabins. Whereof, and of what precedes, the said Sieur De La Chenays Aubert has required that an Acte be granted to him by me Paul Dupuy Esquire, Councillor of the King and his Majesty's Attorney at the Provost's Court of Quebec Done at the said Village of Totiakton, the largest of the Seneca Villages, and others places. Governor and Lieutenant-General
for the
the
:
in presence of the
Reverend Father Vaillant, Jesuit, and of the Officers of the Troops and of the Militia Witnesses with me, the said King's Attorney undersigned, the day and year above mentioned.
And have
signed the Minute, Charles Aubert de
la
Chenays,
J.
Rene de Brisay,
Monsieur de D6nonvilIe, Chevalier de Calliere, Fleutelot de Romprey, de Desmeloizes, de Ramezay, Fran§ois Vaillant of the Society of Jesus, de Grandville, de Longueuil, Saint Paul and Dupuy.
my hands, by me the Undersigned Councillor Secretary of and Chief Clerk of the Sovereign Council at Quebec. Signed Penuret.
Collated with the Original in his Majesty,
Compared and
copy on paper, lying at the (where it remains) by the undersigned resident Royal Notary in the Prevote of Quebec, this twenty-fifth day of July, one thousand, seven hundred and fifty. (Signed) Dulaurens. Secretary's
'
certified according to the collated
Office,
Castle
St.
Louis,
Quebec,
For the location of these Seneea towns, see IlL, 261.
— Ed.
:
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
^H
lU.
Francois Bigot, Councillor of the King in his Councils, Intendant of Justice, police and Finance and of the Navy in the whole of New France
To
all
whom
it
may
concern
Collation on the other side
is
:
We
certify that
Royal Notary
Monsieur Dulaurens
in the Prev6t
Le Fourgon and I^Embuscade.
what has been put on board the Ships ie Fourgon and
UEmbuscade. First.
1 boat to serve for the landing of the cannon and 4 pieces of iron cannon of the calibre of la"*. 4 field carriages for the said cannon. 500 balls.
3 mortars.
200 bombs. 300 loaded grenadoes. 100 iron-shod wooden shovels.
200 spades. 60 pickaxes. 200"" cannon powder. 200"" gun powder. 60 quintals of pork.
20 barrels of Brandy. 1 petard,
4
with
its
platform, craujps and
iron pincers.
2 maces.
The
crab, rigged.
1 limber of a field piece.
300 eight-inch
nails.
30"" of saltpetre.
3 bundles of 3-inch rope. 30 anchor rings {Organneaux).
70 plank.
tire-fonds.
all
their furniture.
PARIS DOCUMENTS 200 stoppers 60"" of
Wax
for the
:
IV.
481
bombs.
old ointment with
some
verdigris.
8 handspikes. 3 wash-hand basins.
3 iron rods. 3 mallets. 30,000"- of Flour. 1 Roll of tobacco.
ObsS^aiions on
the State
of Affairs in Canada.
Extract from the Observations on the State of the Afiairs of Canada at the departure of the ships, the IS" November, 1689. It appears that the ill founded hope of Peace with the Iroquois, caused the inactivity in which the last Campaign had been passed. M. de Champigny advises that nothing had been done but encamping 22 companies near Viilemarie, on the Island of Montreal. The Iroquois, to the number of about 1500, made a descent on that Island on the B*^ August, and perpetrated whatever destruction and cruelties they pleased. Sieur de La Rabeyre was thereupon detached from Viilemarie with about 80 men to throw himself into Fort Roland within view of which they were defeated. Several officers here, some of whom were in that fort which was commanded by Chevalier de Vaudreuil, report that having deliberated with him as to making a sortie to receive that reinforcement and to place the Iroquois between two fires, Sieur de Vaudreuil was prevented by the precise orders which he had. The. Iroquois returned the 13"" November with 150 men only to some frontier settlements where they committed similar grave disorders; killed and led the settlers away into captivity. News of this last action was received at Quebec at the moment of the departure of the ships, in a letter from Chevalier de Callieres to Monsieur de Frontenac and in two others to the Bishop, which they have transmitted. Sieur de Frontenac had come down from Montreal. He had not had time during the brief period subsequent to his arrival to acquaint himself with the state of affairs. He sends no plan he expected that they would have executed this year the expedition against New-York, of which Chevalier de Callieres sends another plan. M. de Denonville also furnishes one, and all agree in representing it as the principal means left for the preservation of Canada. The English have It appears that such a conquest would produce the eflect anticipated. hardly any Colony so well settled, or whose trade would be of such advantage or utility to France, in regard to her interests and those of Canada. But the season is too far advanced to be able to effect it this year. It has to be accomplished before the beginning of September, rather earlier than later, especially on account of the necessary concert of vessels which must be employed. 'Tis even thought that, were it to be executed next year, notice to that effect must be given now, or at latest next March to M. ;
de Frontenac in order that he make preparations for
it.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
43!^
A
portion of the necessary expense has been incurred last year, partly for those articles
brought back in the two ships commanded by Sieur de La Caffiniere. M. de Frontenac who is intimately acquainted with the country and with the enemies he
made
will have to deal with, will, apparently, have
use of
all
existing
means
practicable to
repress their incursions, maintain the Colony, and particularly to reestablish confidence in all
minds.
terrified
In addition to Colonists,
it is
to
what has been written, respecting the small amount of be observed that the
assure, that their good will
heard to first
state, that
is
who have
officers
alienated
and
;
it
is
Sieur de Frontenac will be as
to
discipline
among
the
returned to France from that country
be inferred from what some have been
much
obstructed as he hae been during his
administration, for he will be obliged to act on different principles and according to other
which have been perhaps too dominant during this war. Meanwhile it appears from all that has been collected from letters and reports that, the King being unwilling to increase the expenditure at present, a vigorous defence can be maintained in that colony by harrassing the enemy with the troops already there, the militia, some friendly Indians and by means of the still remaining posts. The extraordinary expenses for carrying the war into the enemy's country, and maintaining the already abandoned posts of Niagara and Cataracouy, having ceased, it is to be hoped that M. de Frontenac, by a more enconomical and better management of the ordinary funds than has hitherto existed, will, in the extremity he has found matters, have employed the several means still at his disposal, with more success. The concentration of the settlements on the Upper part of the river, and the fortification of posts have been begun since the year 1687. The sudden attack by the Iroquois last year consequent on want of vigilance, and the absence of subordination among the settlers have frustrated those precautions and brought on the misfortunes which have happened. It appears that orders are to be issued to continue those particular concentrations above Three Rivers where the settlements, more exposed than in pther places, are more widely scattered, and farther from one another; poor land with a small number of men, so that there is no inconvenience in reducing them and gathering the settlers in places where they will be able to defend themselves and provide also for their subsistence in consequence of the facilities councils than those
the Seigniors will be obliged to afford their tenants, especially for feeding cattle.
The
posts are apparently to be occupied
sowing and during the harvest, Incursions,
dared
it is
to
by the greatest part of the troops
guard the
to be hoped, will be prevented
to attack the posts, at least
settlers
who
by vigilance.
at the
time of
are then obliged to be abroad.
As
the Iroquois have not hitherto
with any advantage, parties can be sent out, even at those
times, according to circumstances.
At other order to
seasons, larger bodies can be detailed and the Militia adjoined to the Soldiers, in
keep the enemy
at
a distance from
tlie
Colony by detachments which
will
always
gain some advantage over them. This, in addition to the aid to be
derived from three or four bateaux which can be
constructed in the country for service at the passes on the lakes,
is all, it is
thought, that can
be done for the protection of the Colony. B'rom the reports of officers and colonists here, it is the conviction that considerable advantage can be derived in the existing state of things by operating, as just stated, for the
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
IV.
^99
by making the Indian allies act beyond the Colony and in distant quarters against the Iroquois conjoining to them even a few officers and soldiers, and some Canadians who are best adapted to this sort of warfare, and also calling out the French at the posts of Fort Saint Louis of the Illinois, of Michilimakinak and in Hudson's Bay, with defence of the Colony
;
;
the neighboring tribes. It
appears necessary to
move
the Iroquois of the Sault and of
La
Prairie de
La Madelaine
Monsieur de Frontenac have not already detached them, in order to place outside and in a position to operate against the enemy, without fearing the disorders that them
from Villemarie,
may
if
occur by retaining them within.
Iroquois Allies.
Assurance
is
given that very good service can be got from these against the enemy, provided
they receive some aid fpr the support of their families, and some ammunition. trifling
from
enemy;
expense, and will be productive of great inconvenience to the
employed,
assisted nor
whom
it is
to be feared they will alter their inclinations
It is
but a
whilst, if neither
and join the Iroquois
they separated, so as to be able to subsist and to live more quietly
among
the French.
Abenaquis.
The Abenakis,
or
Canibas,
who
The
occupy,
preservation of Acadia
towards the coast, the country above Acadia
Canibas.
Douaques or Mount desert to the River Saint George which separates Acadia from New England, ordinarily reside on the River Quinibequy and disperse themselves for
English
inland from
the purpose of hunting as far as
Quebec,
whither they have been attracted by the Mis-
Of
sionaries.
all
the Indians these are
the
bravest and most formidable to the English.
The
experience of
what they
eifected
last
year by the capture of Fort Penpuit and 16 pallisadoed settlements, ought to be an assurance
of what
may
be expected from them, were
is
due to these
They alone have prevented invading
and
security depends for a solid
the
and ita foundation on the
settling
it;
continuance of the war they will wage against the English, and on their assistance
if it
be
would be supposed much more important to leave them in their ancient dwelling places, which are more convenient for waging war against the English, than to draw them to Quebec for the purpose of domesticating them there. Moreover, the trade
attacked.
It
they bring thither,
is
less
than that they car-
ried on with the settlers of Acadia;
and as
they to receive some assistance for the expe-
regards the very scanty fruits Religion collects
which they can be led against the
Iroquois in the direction of Quebec, and against
from these Tribes, the Jesuits and Missionaries can employ themselves equally in the direc-
the English, towards Acadia.
tion of Acadia.
ditions on
They can be put in motion at a expense, and the enemy thus harrassed discouraged, and
we
shall
trifling
will
be
maintain ourselves
whilst waiting a more favorable opportunity to subjugate
them, or to force them to a peace.
them some
65
Lord
is
requested to order
trifling presents.
'A Memoir of the
Canibas has been furnished by a gentleman of Acadia, who is the only one that I know who is
of
Vol. IX.
My
an appropriation from the Canada funds to make
conversant
New-York.
with the Coasts and
places
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
484
Illinois
and Southern Indians.
Fort Saint Louis.
For the preservation and maintenance of Fort Saint Louis, to
keep the
Illinois
and other southern
With
this
view,
it
is
at the
same lime, necessary
good understanding with the French, and in by means of small presents, even by giving them some
tribes in
their natural hatred against the Iroquois,
ammunition.
it is,
supposed that
it
will be necessary
to
give
orders to
M. de Frontenac to aid Sieurs de La Forest and Tonty who promise to maintain themselves in that post without being any charge to the King, and also to send back Sieur de la Forest who has suggestions to make to M. de Frontenac, whereby the enemy can be greatly damaged, should time and circumstances permit.
Outawacs towards the North: Missilimakinak. It is also
supposed
to
be highly necessary to order M. de Frontenac to maintain the post of
Missilimakinak, with a view of keeping the Outawacs in good understanding, and to engage
them to wage war against the Iroquois by making them, also, some trifling presents. The war which has always existed with the Iroquois has never obstructed the communication with the Nations of the North by way of the river of the Outawacs and other routes which are the outlets of all the chief commerce of the French who would lose it were Missilimakinak abandoned, in which case that trade would naturally be conveyed by those Nations to the English who would not fail even to settle there, as they attempted to do three years ago
when taken on
their
way
thither.
ilr Summary
of Intelligence
from Canada.
1689, 1690.
Extracts from the Letters and Memoirs of Mess" de Frontenac, de Denonville
de Champigny, Chevalier de Callieres &c. State of affairs before and since Monsieur de Frontenac's arrival, up to the departure of
the Vessels.
M. de Champigny advises by 6""
his letter dated
war were what kept M.
July, 1689, that the affairs of the
in the
same
state as last year;
de Denonville in suspense, was his not being able to do any thing until he should learn his ,
Majesty's Iroquois
intentions
and the
who were always
plans of the
expected to come
in to conclude a firm peace.
Champigny advises by his letter November that a party of 1500 Iroquois which had come on the Island of Sieur de
of the
le""
Montreal on the
5""
to attack the forts,
August, not having dared
had
laid
waste the country,
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
IV.
435
set fire to every thing
men and
children, on
and carried
many
off
whom
of
men, wothey had
perpetrated unheard of cruelties, and that they
have since been parties
Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny advise that Sieurs du Luth and Mantet, since that burning, have, with 28 Canadians attacked 22 Iroquois and two canoes, and killed 18 of them, took three who were given to the
and
killed
in several
places
in
small
some persons.
by the defeat of Lieutenant Rabeyre, who was
M. de Frontenac adds in his letter of the IS"" November, that, having arrived on the 12''' &^' at Quebec, he had gone to Montreal in quest of Mess", de Denonville and de Champigny, and had. found consternation spread among the people, and the troops dejected; that the people were still terrified by the burning at their very doors of more than three leagues of country on the Island of Montreal and in the canton of La Chine, by the forcible carrying off of more than 120 persons, after a massacre of 200 burned, roasted alive,
dispatched at the time of the Iroquois foray of
devoured,
Indians to be burned, one only having escaped.
Said Sieur de Frontenac
war
is
of opinion that
were not sent out often enough, and that had such advantages been experienced parties
they could have greatly lowered the pride of the Iroquois which had been vastly inflated
5"'
children
being
torn
from
their
throw himself into a fort, and who, having fallen in with the main body of the enemy, was taken prisoner after
mothers' wombs.
having performed wonders.
in transporting the corn of the Indians of the
the
of August, to
The had
troops, fatigued
by the alarm they have for six weeks
having been employed
since,
Sault mission and in building them a fort, were exhausted the bateaux and canoes were in disorder, so that not 20 of them were fit ;
for use.
The Bishop received
sends with his letter those he
Said Sieur de Frontenac writes in his letter
l?* November
of the 17"" 9**' that the ships being ready to
from Montreal the
he learns by a letter from Chevalier de
relative to the disorders of this second invasion
sail,
of the Iroquois, and says he cannot describe
Callieres of the 14"", that one hundred and
among the people The appearance of a small Indians is sufficient to make
the terror they have spread
fifty
and the
before,
soldiers.
had made a descent, the day La chesnaye and the Island of
Iroquois
on
number of those them abandon every thing; that it is to be feared the country must be abandoned if it be not powerfully reinforced and if this war be not terminated by the capture of Manathe and Orange, from which the King will derive
that said Sieur de Callieres had immediately
great advantages, in addition to the subjection of the Iroquois, who obtain arms and powder
sent a reinforcement of two Companies to River des Prairies, and detached a party of
only from these two places.
170 Indians to the Lake of the Two Mountains to endeavor to cut off the enemy's retreat.
Jesus, opposite the lower end of the Island of Montreal (bout de Plsle de Montreal du cole d'en has)
the very
had burned the settlements up to captured and killed all the in-
fort,
habitants,
two only of
whom
had escaped
states, that it having been up any military movement. Mess", de Denonville and de Champigny had.
M. de Frontenac
very
difficult to get
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. him that
doubtless for that reason, informed
the execution of the proposed project against
New-York was
no bateaux or canoes being ready and the season so far advanced Mess" de Denonville and de Champigny proposed to M. de Frontenac only the carrying out the plan that had been projected before
juncture of
M. de Denonville says that M. de Frontenac
was not
of opinion to demolish Fort Catara-
couy, but that he would have done as 16S8
had
it
it
as early
not been for the hope of a
That it is a great evil to have occupied posts beyond the reach of the Colony, and that it had been better to let the Indians come to the settlements in peace with the Iroquois.
his arrival relief
affairs,
—
to send
of the
150
garrison
men
in
canoes to the
Fort Cataracouy
of
commanded by Sieur de Valrenne,
to
whom
M. de Denonville had previously sent Sieur de Saint Pierre with orders to abandon the said post of Cataracouy.
quest of the goods.
M. de Champigny
November
impossible in the actual con-
M. de Frontenac was astonished
in his letter of the 16"" of
states, that
M. de Denonville, seeing
resolution,
at
this
and that a person who had been
was not persuaded
himself unable to maintain Cataracouy, had
four years in that country
given orders to abandon
of the importance of this post, whereof ten
it,
and
to
blow
it
up,
no pass, independent of the number of men which it would require to convey supplies, and the that post being useless in a bay, occupying
garrison
having almost wholly perished in
1687 and 1688.
And by had
stated
his letter
that the
of
e**"
he good
July, 1689,
garrison
was
in
and that one man only had died there. Champigny likewise says, that M. de Frontenac appeared angry at the abandonment of this fort, and had resolved to send Sieur de
assistance thither
He
had demonstrated
consequence and the advantages
from
it for
to
to
him the
be derived
the preservation of the trade with
the allies who, without this
fort,
would have
gone over to the English long ago; and more-
health,
reasons.
years' experience
;
that he does not
believes
it
know
his
was razed because
enemy demanded its demolition, and that was a place to confer with them in time of peace. But that M. de Denonville had previ-
over, that such an
abandonment should have
taken place before the receipt from Court of
any of the orders on the subject which said Sieur de Denonville had solicited, after the insolent propositions of the Iroquois by belts, by one of which, transmitted by Sieur de Frontenac, they
demanded
in bitter irony of Sieur
de Denonville the demolition of that Fort; a
the
demand
it
it,
ously issued his orders.
and give them so palpable an admission of our weakness.
that ought to have sufficed to prevent
in order not to
aggravate their insolence
M. de Frontenac could not fail to oppose abandonment by various reasons too long to be detailed, which the mere inspection of the map will easily suggest; and to try, by carrying out a part of M. de Denonville's project, if it were not possible to prevent the loss of that post, which he apprehends will this
^.'*
ruin our reputation in the opinion of the allies,
when they
will perceive that there will
no
longer be a place where they can hope to find
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
IV.
a retreat
who
are
4S7
and
;
still
also, in
less
that of the Iroquois
disposed to peace.
He
bad hoped to throw in season a sufficonvoy into that fort, by attaching 26 Canoes of provisions and ammunition to those which were to convey the 150 men designed by Monsieur de Denonville for the relief of the garrison, and to take advantage of that
cient
opportunity to send back three of the Indians
returned from France, in order to announce to the Iroquois Nations that the King had done
them
the favor to send
their
Chiefs
should come
Continual
them
who were in
all
back with they
waiting until
quest of them.
rains, the difficulty
of collecting
amount of kept up among the settlers, whose
the requisite canoes and the small discipline
services are necessary to conduct the Canoes,
prevented him, notwithstanding effecting the embarcation
the
6""
at
all
his efforts,
La Chine
before
of November, after having been there
three whole days.
He had
not been two days in Montreal and
the convoy had not proceeded two leagues,
when
Sieur de Vallerenne appeared in those
bateaux with the garrison.
A
proposes as a remedy that M. de Fronte-
everybody; he reported that he had burnt and thrown into the river every thing he could, and as for the two brass guns, that he had brought them as far as Lake Saint Francis when he threw them into a place where they would be easily recovered that he had undermined the walls
send thither a detachment of
of the fort in several places, and doubted not
M. de Denonville says he had given orders to sap the walls of the fort before leaving
it,
and that they were satisfied with undermining, which will not produce any effect.
He
nac be ordered
to
three hundred men, to assuredly destroy
it.
return so prompt surprised
;
but said mines had had their
effect-
Monsieur de Frontenac will endeavor to ascertain the truth,
and whether the Iroquois
or English think of occupying that post which
could render them absolute masters of the
and of all the other Northern Nations, our allies, and consequently of the
Outawacs
entire trade.
The
numwere drowned them by of
entire garrison has returned to the
ber of 46
men
;
six
the accidental upsetting of a bateau.
They
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
438
met no one on the route, a circumstance that would have greatly facilitated the progress of the convoy.
The nition
property
—
is
left in
the fort
—arms, ammu-
estimated at twenty thousand ecus.
M. de Champigny states the same thing; and M. de Frontenac explains that this information came from a friendly Indian who
M. de Denonville states that the English of Boston and Manatte have made considerable
escaped from the hands of the Iroquois, but
them
that he does not attach ever, he
was about
any credit
to
it
;
how-
to supply all the posts.
presents to the Indians in to
wage an
order to induce
irreconcilable
war
against
Colony on one side, and the English by the river, and are to send six and
us,
to destroy the
vessels for that purpose.
The Abenaquis, or M. de Champigny reports of Penkuit by the Indians
M. de Denonville
also the capture
who have no powthem with
Canibas. states that in
consequence
of the good understanding he has had, through
who occupy
last
two
summer.
the
That they belong mostly to the Sillery mission which will increase and become stronger
who
if provisions can be supplied in order to enable
Penkuit, 16 Forts from the English during the
new
summer, in which were 20 cannon and 200 Men. He says it will be necessary to attract them to the mission established near Quebec, under the name of Saint Francis de Salles, where he saw them to the number of 600 souls; that they will be maintained by supplying them with clothes, powder and lead, and if they are to be induced to settle there, the village must
der but what he
them
to cultivate
furnished
some
fields
in
their
establishment two leagues from Quebec.
it
Should their war with the English continue, will draw the Iroquois down on them. There-
fore, it will
be advantageous that they come to
take refuge in Quebec and
that
means
of
support be furnished them.
Jesuits, with these Indians,
woods
neighborhood of Boston, and
in the
are disposed to
become Christians, he has
been afforded the means to
be
seize, exclusive of
fortified.
CoxvERTED Iroquois at the Mission of La Prairie de la Madelaine. M. de Champigny reports the same thing his letter of the le"" 9^'.
in
M. de Denonville says that he caused to be removed into Montreal the Mission of the Sault, otherwise, of
La
Prairie de la
which, he had been
Magdelaine,
notified, the English
were
desirous of seizing.
That they must be withdrawn from Montreal, and their fort rebuilt by the soldiers, with redoubts and palisades.
And
that he
is
of opinion to remove to a
distance from the French settlements another
Mission which
is
within three quarters of a
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
IV.
489
league of Montreal and composed of Hurons
and of Iroquois, crease
if
it
be desirable
in-
to
it.
Observations and Plans for the War. Monsieur de Frontenac has sent three of the Iroquois who arrived from France, to inform
Alid.
the Chiefs that the others are at Quebec, and
he
will urge the negotiations of peace
means Chevalier de Callieres writes that to expect a peace with the Iroquois
it is
idle
by means
of negotiation as long as the English will be
the defensive policy cannot prevent the
Canada by the Iroquois invading
utter ruin of
the settlements scattered along the river, which
they will burn and ravage though twice the
number of troops were in But if New-York, were reduced
for
in his is
which he
an idea
to sue for
will be granted.
before or after
project
all
power.
not yet well acquainted with details, refers to
may be
and money
our enemies.
That
He
by
M. de Champigny so that
formed of the want of troops
for the execution of the
against New-York,
and
for
proposed defence
against the Iroquois.
Canada would be considerable were the Iroquois reduced, and New- York conquered;
the country.
requests information as to his course of action
taken, they will be
in this last affair, in order that he,
peace on such conditions as
This expedition can be made harvest, and he submits two
may make
on his
preparations so as not to
fall
part,
into
the inconveniences of last year.
plans for the execution of this expedition &c.
(His plan
is
reported.)
M. de Champigny writes that the New-York him difficult on account of the distance, the danger of the roads and
expedition appeared to
great labor attendant on the conveyance provisions,
and
because
the forces of
of the
country being thus occupied, the Colony will be
exposed to imminent danger from the invasions of the Iroquois, nity to attack
it.
who would
seize the opportu-
M. de Champigny does not believe that M. de Frontenac's negotiation for peace with the Iroquois will be successful, as they have been rendered insolent by the advantages they have had and by the solicitations of the English, without which they would not have underta-
ken any thing against us; and having no hope of peace, he must prepare for war and have a number of bateaux and Canoes made against the Spring serviceable.
;
the old ones being un-
i
/
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
440
M. Memoir
de DenonviUe
to
M.
Canada prepared M. By de DenonviUe.
respecting
1690.
de Seignelay.
for the
Marquis de Seignelay in January,
Extract.
Independent of never
suffer to
tiie
interests of the Catholic religion
make any
among
progress
which the said English and Dutch
the Natives, regarding
all
will
our Missionaries as their
most bitter enemies, whom they will not tolerate amongst the Indians within their reach, the Commercial jealousy entertained by the English against the French is the principal cause that will ever render the two Colonies incompatible, and must convince us that the French ought not to trust the English or Dutch of that country. The chief motive of the late Queen Mother in beginning to support Canada has been to have the Gospel announced in that New World where an infinite number of various tribes exist without any knowledge of the true God. The English and Dutch have always thwarted that design, and have likewise regarded it as opposed to their Commercial interests. Their entire ingenuity has constantly been employed to accomplish the expulsion of all the
who resided among the Tribes in their neighborhood. They succeeded we have no more of them among the Iroquois since several years. Though the interests of the Gospel should not engage us to keep missionaries in
Missionaries
so well
that
Iroquois and other Indian villages, the interest of
civil
manage as always to have some never govern themselves except by those Missionaries, who trade must induce us so to
our interests and I
of
am
all
to
government there
;
for the
the
all
advantage of
for these Indian tribes
alone, are able to maintain
can
them
in
prevent their revolting against us every day.
convinced by observation, that the Jesuits are the most capable of controlling the
spirit
the Indian tribes, for leaving out of consideration their tact, they alone are masters of the
different languages
by reason of a very long experience successively acquired among them by
the Missionaries they have maintained, and continue to maintain in great number.
On
quitting
Canada
I left
a very good disposition
who
portion of the Abenaqui Indians
to convert to Christianity the greatest
that purpose they must be attracted to the mission recently established near
name
of S' Francis de Sales.
I
time from the vicinity of Boston.
For Quebec under the
inhabit the forests in the neighborhood of Boston.
saw
as
many
I left it in
as six hundred souls arrive there in a short
a condition to be greatly increased
if
protected.
expended a certain amount there which was not useless. The good understanding I have maintained with these Indians through the care of the Jesuits, especially the two Fathers Bigot, brothers,' contributed to the success of all their attacks, this summer on the English, from whom they seized sixteen forts exclusive of Pemcuit, containing twenty pieces of cannon, killing more than two hundred of their men.^ By means of some presents
I
of clothing,
powder and
useful to the
lead, they will
French Colony, especially
mission of S' Francis de Sales.
It will
'
Rev. Jacques, and the Rev. Vincent, Bigot.
*
The
the
first
first falls
of these attacks
if
they are prevailed on to come
was made on the 27th June,
I.,
very
and settle at the
new
be necessary carefully to maintain and
of the river Cocheco. Belknap's History of
August, of th* suae year. Williamion's Maine,
612.
They
will be
be easily maintained in our interest.
1689,
on that part of the town of Dover, N. H., which Hee about
New Hampshire,
— Ed.
fortify that
L, 198.
Pemaquid was destroyed on the 7th of
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
TV.
Village for, doubtless, the English will be able to send
441
some Iroquois
to attack
This
it.
mission protects Quebec which will not be attacked until the former be taken.
Of all the Indian nations, the Abenaqui is the most inclined to Christianity. come the Hurons who are few in number, and then the Iroquois. But the evil the English It is
is
After them, disposition of
a formal obstacle.
a fact that the Iroquois have
but they are carried
away by
more esteem and
inclination for us than for the English,
the influence of the low prices of goods they require, combined
with the higher rate the English pay for Beaver.
Our Iroquois mission at la Prairie de la Madeleine which I was obliged to remove within the precincts of the town of Montreal, must be regarded as a leaven which will, some day, usefully contribute to the conversion generally of the Iroquois, because there are .some from
nations there, who,
mission and It
it
it is
to be hoped, will attract their relatives thither, if care
be removed from Montreal, where drunkenness will bring about
ought to be well located
in
The
The
to
it
the
its
destruction.
a position easy of defence against the enemy, with strong stone
redoubts flanked by good palisades. best location for
all
be taken of that
appears to
me
soldiers ought to
be employed in constructing
it.
be between Chateau Guay and their old village.
These Indians must be removed to a distance from drunkenness. I put them in the town of Montreal because I had notice that the enemy had resolved to seize them, the fort at their mission being in a very poor condition, and for many reasons beyond repair. There is another Indian mission under the charge of the Seminary of S' Sulpice, situate three-quarters of a league from the town of Montreal. It is composed of Iroquois and Hurons In order to its increase, it ought to be removed far from town and from the French settlements. Complaints have, long since, been justly made of the evils caused by ardent spirits, and of the obstacles they oppose to the progress of Religion. contrary
who
Avarice alone has made those allege the traffic, which assuredly proves
expected to enrich themselves by this unfortunate
the destruction not only of the Indians, but also of the French, and of trade entirely.
This
by the experience of many years, during which we have seen none become wealthy by that traffic, and have witnessed the destruction of all that great body of friendly Indians whom we had around the Colony; and by the few aged men to be seen among the French who are old and decrepid at the age of forty. Excesses from Brandy drinking are frequent in that country, in the same manner as those from wine drinking in Germany. Even is
established
the
women
drink.
have witnessed the evils caused by that liquor among the Indians. It is the horror of horrors. There is no crime nor infamy they do not perpetrate in their excesses. A mother throws her child into the fire; noses are bitten off; this is a frequent occurrence. It is another I
Hell among them during these orgies, which must be seen to be credited. They get drunk very often on purpose to have the privilege of satisfying their old grudges. Punishment cannot be inflicted on them, as on Frenchmen who may commit a fault. Remedies are impossible as long as every one is permitted to sell and traffic in ardent spirits. However little at a time each may give, the Indians will always get drunk. There is no artifice that they will not have recourse to, to obtain the means of intoxication. Besides, every house is a groggery. Those who allege that the Indians will remove to the English, if Brandy be not furnished them, do not state the truth; for
long as they do not see Brandy
Vol. IX.
;
it is a fact that they do not care about^drinking as and the most reasonable would wish there never had been
56
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
442 any such thing and clothes
;
for
they set their entrails on
fire
*
and beggar themselves by giving their peltries
for drink.
The union
of the Clergy with the Governor-General and Intendant
the sole effectual
is
means of governing that country well, the people of which are not easily managed. It would be greatly to be desired that the Clergy throughout Christendom were those of
New
France.
Their poverty induces
/
The
latter is
especially
two Hospitals of
the
without a house.
Exclusive of the inability of the Governor-General to protect the country
act
on the defensive, the great
allowed to spread. itself too
difficulty in controlling the people arises
much; and from every
without neighbors, in a savage independence. Colony, and to collect the
may
as holy as
to say that without the continuance of his
cannot support themselves;
Majesty's benevolence they
Quebec and Montreal.
me
I see
settler
be encountered herein, must be overcome
if
obliged to
maintaining himself, isolated and
no remedy
for this
but
we would
to concentrate the
Whatever
forming good inclosed villages.
settlers,
when
from the Colony being
not hazard
obstacles
the destruction
of the entire population.
V
The extent of the Colony from Saint Paul's bay on the north side of the River Saint Lawrence to the head (bout) of the Island of Montreal is about one hundred leagues, and from River du Loup to Chateauguay, an equal distance. The weakness of that country arises from isolated settlements adjoining interminable forestsIf
under such circumstances
it
be desired to continue the occupation of remote
that of Cataracouy or Fort Frontenac,
it
will
add
to the
expenses which cannot be of any use to us, whatever
may be
those posts cannot do injury to hostile Indians but to difficulty of reaching,
Nothing
is
more
such as
alleged to the contrary
;
for
ourselves, in consequence of the
and the cost of maintaining, them.
certain than that
it
was a
the occupation of posts so remote that those
Colony and of
forts,
weakness of the country and increase
assistance.
The
great mistake to have permitted, in times past,
who occupy them
are
beyond the reach of the
have thus been necessitated them, and in that way to participate
garrisons
the interests of those Tribes nearest to
to
enter
into
in their quarrels
and conciliate them. We have, thus, drawn down on ourselves the enmity of their enemies and the contempt of our friends, who not receiving the assistance they were made to expect or might desire, have on divers occasions embarrassed us more than even our enemies. This has been experienced more than once.
in order to please
It
had been much better not
to
have meddled with their quarrels, and
to
have
left all
the
Indians to come to the Colony in quest of the merchandise they required, than to have prevented
by carrying goods to them in such large quantities as to have been frequently obliged to sell them at so low a rate as to discredit us among the Indians and to ruin trade ; for many of our Coureurs de bois have often lost, instead of gained, by their speculations. Moreover, the great number of Coureurs de bois has inflicted serious injury on the Colony, by physically and morally corrupting the settlers, who are prevented marrying by the cultivation of a vagabond, independent and idle spirit. For the aristocratic manners they assume, on their return, both in their dress and their drunken revelries, wherein they exhaust all their gains in a very short time, lead them to despise the peasantry, and to consider it beneath them to their doing so
espouse their daughters, though they are themselves, peasants like them.
they will condescend no more to cultivate the returning to the
soil,
woods for the purpose of continuing
nor the
listen,
In addition to this,
any longer, to anything except
same avocations.
This gives
rise to the
PARIS DOCUMENTS: ionumerable excesses that
many among them are guilty
IV.
|/||
of with the Squaws, which cause a great
deal of mischief in consequence of the displeasure of the Indians at the seduction of their wivea
and daughters, and of the injury thereby inflicted on Religion, when the Indians behold the French practicing nothing of what the Missionaries represent as the law of the Gospel.
The remedy
for this
is,
not to permit, as far as practicable, the return of any person to the who cannot follow any other business, nor to allow ill conducted
Indian country except those
persons to go thither; to oblige
all to
bring to the Governor and Intendant a certificate of good
behavior and good morals from the Missionaries country; which
is
;
to find
employment
for the
youth of the
a very easy matter, for the cod and whale fisheries afford a sure commerce,
and made a business
closely attended to
There
of.
is
if
reason to believe that the wisest and
^
oldest merchants of the country are tired of sending into the bush, but there will be
always too many new and ambitious petty traders, who will attempt to send ventures thither, both with and without license. It is very proper that an ordinance be enacted holding the merchants responsible furnish goods, there It
bois, for did the
merchants not
/
bois.
has been found necessary for the support of some frontier forts to incur some expenses,'
which have been advanced by the merchants from the
first
licenses to be issued.
write on the subject and order that I
Coureurs de
for the fault of unlicensed
would not be any Coureurs de
have already observed that
it
it
to
whom M.
be proper that
It will
de Champigny promised repayment
My
Lord the Marquis de Seignelay
be done accordingly.
is
of importance that the
Indians be governed by the
Missionaries, and that the Governor arrd Intendant act always in concert with the latter;
otherwise, there will ever be a risk of inconveniences arising from the interests of private individuals
who
are influenced only
by avarice.
This truth has been only too often realised.
Great precaution must be used against the restlessness of all the Coureurs de bois, whose spirit leads them always to a distance and to constant roaming. Proposals for new discoveries are pouring in every day. It
will
be
difiicult
to find persons sufficiently enterprising
hardships of going over land in quest of those
whom M.
de
La
and
reliable
to
endure the
Salle has left in Mexico.
The
Two years ago I could have had Monsieur Cavelier informed me of his brother's death. The Missionaries whom we have among the Outawas, who are very numerous, are greatly thwarted by the libertines and the debauched, and have need of My Lord the Marquis de
intelligence of his death has cast great discredit on that voyage.
had people
for the expedition,
Seignelay's protection.
The
Missionaries
about Tadoussac enjoy quietness in consequence of the good order
introduced there by Sieur de Grandville, commercial agent for the Farmers (of the Revenue).
Some
Indians have recently been discovered towards Labrador to
whom
Missionaries have
gone from Tadoussac, as they had expressed a desire to hear the Gospel. Our affairs at Hudson's bay will prosper if the Northern Company continue to cooperate with, and second the designs of, D'Iberville, one of the sons of the late Le Moyne, whom I left resolved to go and seize Port Nelson the only remaining post in the possession of the English. For that purpose
it is
absolutely necessary,
I
believe, that
My
Lord the Marquis de Seignelay
inform Monsieur de Lagny that the King intends that the Northern Company undertake the capture of that post, and furnish said Iberville with every thing he requires to render his design successful.
He
will
winter from the English.
want two In truth.
ships.
My
He
Lord,
it
has already at Quebec one that he took this
would be very advantageous
to the
King's
"
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
444
had said Iberville some honorable rank in the' Navy, in order to excite emulation among the Canadians who will follow the sea. A commission of Lieutenant would work marvels. He is a very fine fellow and very capable of rendering himself expert and of doing service
good
service.
The
Iroquois
war
continuing, as there
the Indians in the direction of the
is
every appearance
Outawas who
traffic
will,
it
with
trade will be diverted towards Port Nelson, or the River Bourbon.
d
the
facilities
direction, very strongly convinces
me
of the necessity
depriving the English of that commerce. get up this year
some expedition against
But
it
we
must be
What
have learned of Sea in that are under to bethink ourselves of
Lake Superior
possessed by the Indians beyond
both against us and
us, the greatest part of the
to reach
effected
without
I
the
fail, for
they will
us.
This Northern Company requires that My Lord should order M'. de Champigny to attend I fear some divisions are creeping their meetings sometimes when he considers it necessary. about failure. will bring its There is no fear that the presence of an Intendant in there which
M. de Chartipigny, can be productive of any harm. know not if My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay is informed that the English of Boston and Manatte have resolved to destroy the French Colony of Canada. They repeatedly so promised their Indians, to whom they also made considerable presents to induce them to wage an unrelenting war against us. They promised them to send five or six ships of war into the River to attack the Colony, and to blockade it in that direction whilst the Iroquois would attack it above, as they have already done, which would ruin it in one year. Certain it is that such is their plan, and information has been received of that having been determined on in Ships must come from England to them for that purpose. full Council. As regards Acadia, that country is in great danger inasmuch as it has no fort of any value, and the settlers there are scattered and dispersed, as in Canada. It would be desirable that the King had a good fort at La Heve for the security of ships. That post would be much more advantageous than Port Royal, which it is not easy to get out of to defend the Coast from pirates, and to be more convenient to the Islands of Cape Breton and Newfoundland as well as the Great Bank. Fish is so abundant on all the coasts of the King's territory, that it is desirable that the King's subjects only should go there to catch them, and that his Majesty were sufficiently powerful in that Country to prevent Foreigners fishing on the Great Bank. They ought to be The Spaniards go every year to those of deprived, at least, of fishing on the King's coasts. Labrador adjoining the Straits of Belle ile. The English trade there more than we. Hitherto, all the people of Acadia as well as those of Canada have paid more attention to the Beaver trade and to the sale of Brandy than to the establishment of Fisheries, which, nevertheless, afford the most certain and most durable profit, and are best suited to the inhabitants of the country, and to the augmentation of the Colony. For what each settler might realize annually would supply him most abundantly with clothes and as the fishing season begins only after the sowing and terminates before the harvest, every individual of any industry would find means to drive a profitable business, without abandoning agriculture, as the Coureurs de bois do. The Canadians are adroit and would become in a short time as expert as the Basques in Whaling, were they to apply themselves to it. If the establishment of this
like
A
I
;
fishery be persevered in, there
is
reason to hope that they will turn their attention to
encouraged by the stimulus of gain.
But he who
is
desirous of commencing
it,
is
it,
being
not wealthy.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
445
IV.
:
and will find it difficult to defray its expense. The last ships have brought to Quebec from Bayonne some harpooners for Sieur Riverin. I doubt if he have means to pay their demands. He gave me strong assurances that he would not de discouraged. The Intendant will help
him
as far as lies in his power, in order to sustain him.
The
condition in which
I left
the affairs of the country would
demand prompt
assistance
;
no doubt but the English continue their intrigues to induce the Iroquois not to abate their incursions to lay waste the colony which they have commenced doing, without any effectual resistance being offered. The Iroquois, having discovered its weakness, will not
for there
is
conclude a durable peace, as they are constantly urged forward by the English. It is
impossible for the country to undertake any thing of
moment
against them.
For
who
all the cantons must be attacked at the same were destroyed had they not found shelter in the other four Iroquois villages. No less than three four thousand men would be necessary for that purpose, for it is impossible to go in one summer to all the Five Nations, one after the other. They must all be reached at the same time, which is not difficult if preparations be made a year before hand. But as the King has need of his troops elsewhere in this season of war, I see but one means certain, which is that his Majesty seize Manatte by sea; it has a walled fort, and the town is inclosed by palisades. That can be easily done with six frigates on board of which twelve hundred men will have been embarked, who, landing on the Island, will take the town sword in hand, and subsequently render themselves masters of the castle by means of some bombs. Meanwhile, Orange could be easily secured from Canada with a strong detachment of eight hundred men at most who will burn that town and all the surrounding settlements as far as Manatte. The main body will the detachments out sent to set fire to the be obliged to remain at Orange until the return of places towards Manatte. It will be also necessary to postpone setting fire to Orange and the neighboring towns until those at a distance be burnt. It will be well to bring to Quebec all the prisoners which will be made, and not to leave any of them in the Country. My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay must not expect that Canada can accomplish any more, nor detach any greater force without entirely exposing the Colony. It will be moreover requisite that all the Militia of the government of Quebec that can possibly be mustered, be marched to Three Rivers and Montreal to remain at these places as long as the expedition against Orange will last. This must consist only of canoes, picked soldiers and Coureurs de bois. Bateaux cannot be used on account of the portages between Lake Champlain and the river of Orange. These detachments must be prepared to be attacked by the Iroquois on their way back from the expedition. The departure from the Country and the march must be prompt, and in good order. Chevalier de Calliores is the best qualified to lead successfully such an expedition which must if possible, be simultaneous with that of Manhatte for the distance between the places, and the uncertainty of the winds prevent communication, derange every thing and require the attack on Manhatte to be made only by sea without expecting any assistance by land. Otherwise, inconveniences attended with too much danger would be incurred. What is to be done is, to send notice very early to Canada of what the King will consider
time, and treated like that of the Senecas,
@
;
proper to be accomplished.
marching order
My
I
doubt not every disposition would be made to place things in
at the earliest notice.
reasons for wishing Orange to be burnt and destroyed are, that
we
are not yet in a
condition to retain so ugly a post as that, and at such a distance from our settlements.
In
44S this
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
.
way
broken up the trade between the English and the Iroquois,
will be
forced to have recourse to us for supplies.
hand
at
Manatte
in order that the Indians
who
Suificiently large quantities of these
may
not want for any thing
;
will be thus
must be on
otherwise, instead of
being conciliated they would be
irritated, and constrained to have recourse to those other places where the English are settled, along the coast of Pennsylvania towards Virginia. Another reason necessitating the expedition against Manatte is, that it would be an assured means of preventing the Hurons and Outaouacs coming to an accommodation with the Iroquois for the purpose of taking advantage through them of the cheaper bargains of goods It is certain afforded by the English, and of the higher price at which they purchase beaver. all the Indians are seeking only an opportunity to trade with the English. Manatte being taken and the inhabitants disarmed, a strong garrison must be left in the fort, capable of making a good defence in case it be attacked by the people towards Boston, who can put a number of vessels afloat. Therefore the disarming the people of Long Island [and]
that
of Manatte must not be neglected in case
it
be considered inexpedient to bring them away in
the ships.
Again, it would be easy for those frigates, if they had time, to ravage the whole of the Boston country which has not a single fort along the coast; for as I believe his Majesty will not be able to avoid sending a strong reinforcement to the Islands, for the purpose either of driving the English thence, or of protecting those Islands from the incursions and expeditions the said English or
Dutch
will be [meditating], I
doubt not but
this reinforcement sailing early
from France will easily be able to make the attack on Manatte and proceed afterwards
to
the Islands.
The Boston
coast
palisaded, unless
it
is
considerable but very
difficult to
well as Sieur de Villebon
whom
settled,
but
it
has no post of any account.
have been done within six months.
who
have been frequently
at
is
be mustered.
M"'
Perrot
The is
Even Boston
is
not
population of that colony
is
acquainted with that coast, as
man named Lamotte all of named Pere is also at Rochelle
at present at Rochelle with a
Boston and Manatte.
A man
who is thoroughly conversant with the vicinity of Manatte on the land side. This Pere may be of great use in this expedition. He is very willing. Such is the surest means to secure Canada, oblige the Iroquois to make peace, and to master the English Colony which might eventually be ceded to the King by a Treaty of Peace with England an arrangement that will never be made if his Majesty do not at once become master of it. It is to be remarked that all the naval expeditions to be made in that quarter must be between the month of May and end of August for in other seasons of the year, the stormy western gales which frequently prevail in that country, drive vessels off the coast. The Indians, our allies, are very glad to see us at war with the Iroquois, inasmuch as they All their tact was exerted in 16S8 to prevent a peace between the Iroquois are quiet at home. ;
;
and
us.
had sent orders to the Captain commanding Fort Cataracouy to abandon that post after having sapped the walls by piling timber well smeared with tar against them. Had these been set on fire on leaving the fort, the walls would have entirely crumbled ; instead of that, he contented himself with undermining them, which doubtless will have no effect, the walls being only two feet thick. To remedy this, it will be well to order M. de Frontenac to send a party I
two
@ three hundred strong, with implements;
they will raze
all
the walls in a day or two.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: I
must observe
destroying that in 1688, did I
here, that
fort.
He
M. de Frontenac
IV.
not of
is
447
my
opinion as to the propriety of
does not appreciate any of these reasons.
not expect to have
made
should have had
it
razed
^
n »
Captain Duplessi^
I
peace.
Plan for
the defence
of Canada.
Experience has demonstrated, by the trifling impression made by three thousand men on the Iroquois in 1687, that it is very difficult to derive much advantage from going to their country in quest of them, laying aside the very heavy expense and the hardships attendant thereupon which bring very
That
little
benefit to the
French Colony.
had the Senecas, then, instead of attacking, as they did, the King's troops,
made a
descent on Canada, as they ought to have done, they would have swept every thing before
them as far as the other side of Quebec, notwithstanding the arrival there of sixteen companies which were distributed over sixty leagues of territory, four hundred men being sufficient for such an expedition, one-half on the North and the rest on the South, side of the river. The reason is, each company was spread over from two to three leagues of country and being without a single fort they would have been defeated one after the other before they could have been got together.
The destruction in 1687 of the Indian corn belonging to the Senecas, subjected them to but a small amount of inconvenience. Not one of them perished of hunger, as two arrows are sufficient to enable a Savage to procure meat enough for a year's support, and as fishing never
The
fails.
demolition of Catharacouy will henceforth afford them liberty to
come and harrass us summer and the
during the entire spring, as soon as navigation will be open, throughout the
They
come by two routes, But their principal
by which they reached the Island be made by Lake St. Peter, centre the them in the of country, leaving which places them at liberty to go up to Montreal, or down to Quebec. They can effect both these objects at one and the same time, by dividing their party which, no doubt, is much stronger than that of 1689, it being the interest of the English and Dutch to unite with them, in order to monopolize the fur trade which is very considerable, inasmuch as more than two millions worth of Beaver has been embarked this year, on account beginning of the
fall.
will
of Montreal being open to them.
of the country or of individuals, and almost as
The
means
that
effort will
much remains
in the country or in the woods.
is to have immediately bottomed sloops in form of small brigantines, which will be sent out in packages and put together on the spot. On these can be mounted two or four small guns carrying a one pound ball to some distance and some good brass swivels (pierriert de fonie.) They must have eight oars on each side. The crew independent of officers is to consist of two sailors to steer and work the craft and thirty soldiers, each having a cartridge box always full, a fusil in reserve to remain in the cabin, in the benches of which the powder
sole
to arrest
the forays of the Iroquois barbarians
constructed at Rochefort twelve
flat
and munitions are to be carefully stored. Each sloop must have, likewise, swords with hafts, or spontoons to defend them against boarders.
fifteen to
twenty
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
448
They
employed during the
will be
entire season of navigation, to wit:
— Six
in
guarding
the lake above Isle Perrot;' one-half at the foot of the North, and the other at that of the
A
must be constructed in the most convenient cove of that Island to serve as a retreat in case of a storm, and to repair thither, one after the other, every eight days for provisions; and the meat will be served out to them cooked, a little more than the ration of the soldier who remains on shore, and who has some comforts. Each sloop is to have a good South, Rapid.
fort
bark canoe which will be laid across the chain well secured, to be used in case it is desirable to ascend a rapid to look for the enemy, or to land should it become necessary to pursue them. When they discover the enemy they will fly before them, witiiout firing a shot, not so however, as not to afford them a hope of overtaking them. This, however, is merely to draw them into the Lake, and when they will perceive the Canoes of the Indians
precipitately,
in the middle of
it,
they will charge them.
small guns and swivel, they will sink as
man
to
swim
three or four leagues.
They
same manner.
It is
many
Those
not
difficult to
understand that with their
as they will strike, and that
detailed to guard
Lake
difficult for
it is
a
S' Peter will act in the
mouths of the rivers which flow into it from Lakes S' Sacrament and Champlain, and receive provisions and other necessaries from the forts S' Francis and Sorel, two leagues from the said mouths. will
station themselves at the
15 February, 1690.
? Observation on the above. «'
This plan, which would entail too heavy an expense, appears to require too many men not even have much of an effect. There are an infinite number of other routes
who would by which
the Iroquois could come.
precaution.
when
They send out canoes
They descend as scouts,
the rivers and enter the lakes with great
and land, as has always been
their custom,
discovered.
" Persons conversant with the Country are however of opinion that a few strong sloops as
many
as four at most, could be built in
Buch as occurred last year.
It is
Canada, with the design solely of preventing surprisals
reported that such
was M. de Frontenac's
Message of Count de Frontenac Message
to be delivered to the
Outawas
to the
Ottawas.
to dissuade
them from the Alliance they
propose to make with the Iroquois and the English.
Men you,
!
left
I give
you notice that Onontio,
who
plan."
1690.
has never deceived you, and who,
when he quitted
the whole world in peace, has again returned.
He
learned that the Country he had left in peace and which he loved so much, was groaning; and that the storms, by which it was shaken, were utterly destroying his children whom he had adopted. Hear him! I am about to speak in his name. '
I^ke
St, Francis.
—Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS "Children!
lie says:
protection
I
am
449
astonished to learn on arriving that you have forgotten the
My
have alv?ays aflbrded you.
I
IV,
:
knowing what to imagine. Remember, that I am your
heart
distracted
is
by several thoughts, not
who have adopted you and who have
father,
loved you so
tenderly.
have given you your country
I
;
have driven the horrors of war from
it,
and introduced
You were wandering about and exposed
to the Iroquois
I
peace there.
You had no home tempests.
before that.
my
have laid them, and have brought you in to
I
Cabin sheltering you
in
it
from
every thing that could injure you.
You were then but
little fatherless Children who, however, possessed more courage than you you are men, supported by a powerful father. You did surrender your bodies through a desire to enter into my cabin, the building of which had only been begun. What, Children! now that you see it big you would destroy it, by wishing to cover it,
d(J
now
that
yourselves, with blood, by uniting with
Hark I
ye, I speak to
you as a
father.
what was formerly your enemy. My body is big. It is strong, and cannot
die.
suppose what you witnessed above Montreal has frightened you.
But think ye
am
I
no more, or that
such as has prevaile'd during children's heads
when
I
was
my
I
am
in the
absence? and
if
humor
of remhe
prisoners
after the capture of the
Country.
evening she returned, greatly elated, on board the Admiral's ship.
we wished
to restore
were
The English
mustered that very night; they consisted merely of
women
and children and none of any consideration except Captain Davys' who was commander of the Fort which Sieur de Portneuf took. There were, besides, his lieutenant's two daughters who appeared very well bred. Tlie Count had ransomed them from the Indians, and put them to board. Another girF of nine or ten years of age who was somewhat well looking, had ?n.TA!m. to retum to the Mohawk village in order to avoid the impending tempest. But our panjf thim lo ibe Jd..ha»it Village;
on
llieir
whl'm
declining
ih *y
ffp'ri-
•onvra and talk uf
Sault,
,
their missionaries, and aided by Indians encouraged by a reinforcement M. de n j j Callieres had sent them, remained faithful, and declined the proposal. This
^jQJ^jjwk party having, before arriving, captured twelve persons belonging to the
brought them back, and told our Indians that
hostilities;
adding that
if
the Iroquois did not wish to
there
ought to be a cessation of
make
peace, they would withdraw
from them and remain in their village, smoking. Our Indians gave them for answer that the governor must be spoken to and nothing be undertaken, meanwhile, on one side or the other.
M. de Frontenac being except twenty-five
at
Quebec and
the
who remained with
they had not burnt those of our people in the beginning of '90
and
the lives of thirty of theirs
Mohawks being unable
whom
is
to
These Mohawks have,
They added,
they had captured on the retreat from Corlard
la
Madeleine
also, reported
last
that Chevalier d'O, a reduced Captain,
de Frontenac in the month of by ggnt to the IroQuols J M. n eador to the Ir>given up and sent by them to Boston, where he remained to tl-""^™Kl'wrof
yr.mun»c'. Ambas-
u.e"'M.'Ih"wk',''"wh';;
8 Krenohmen, iii$ companions, burnt. ^'TiuIiiIIm'"*"''''
and two other Frenchmen
to
•'
1690, had been
that his interpreter
him, had been burnt by the **
m
Company
supposed
who had accompanied
May ;
IroQuols to which they had been distributed ; that Father Millet, lu three Villages ^ ° itmi the Indian Villages ; that the ^ Jesuit, was a prisoner with other Frenchmen,
English the
home
likewise, that
summer, because we had spared at Corlard when it was burnt by our Frenchmen inform you particularly regarding every thing that
La Prairie de who were found
at
and Indians. M. de Frontenac occurred on both sides.
to wait, they returned
their relatives at the Sault.
held
of Acadia
taken a vessel
loaded
with
beaver,
apparently
belonging
to
where M' Perrot was; that they had captured four or five others, Isle Perc^e last summer: They, likewise, stated
be those that had been fishing at
that our Upper Indians had struck several blows on the Iroquois and killed fifteen or twenty of
were very scarce in New England; that the entire country was abandoned; that the old men, the women and children had retired to Boston and Manatle that only four of the ships belonging to the fleet which had appeared before Quebec, had their
men;
that goods
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
500
returned to Boston, and that the others had remained at the mouth of this River for the
purpose of laying as
it is
wait for the French Ships
in
;
but this last statement
is
probably not true,
impossible to winter in those parts which are very dangerous, and the greater portion
of their vessels were small ketches, with a great
many
sick
and wounded, and no provisions
on board. L»
^^
piaquo, an In-
G'?M"iiawkT
Plaquc, an Indian,
who
set out
Inc'eu
who
'''''''*•
him
as to obtain
their
luformcd him of what they said and done at the Sault. ' had to surrender five prisoners
the Sault last
prisoners so
Mohawks on
intelligence from them, met, on his return, the
lo 11..- suuii, »mi restores l^Mtlhe priaon, r» h- had tak. n Delonguig to Ihejr
men from
with some of his
wlutcr ou an excursion to capture some English
way home,
This obliged °
he was conveying, and on his return to the Sault
FranJ^w^'Kuu ^^ Confirmed what the Mohawks had stated. This Indian is proceeding to France, ^^^' saying that he wishes to see the Great Onnontio, that is, the King, of whom he has heard so much talk. He is a very brave, and well looking man ; the nephew of the
—
Great
—
Mohawk who was
the Chief of our Indians, Monsieur de Denonville was here,
When
or
the reennBiraction of the Goalie of
we wrote
vou. J
'
MyJ
Lord, respecting r o '
M. de Frontenac who occupies it at present, has also remarked it, and would wish it to be rebuilt. If the King is disposed to incur tliis expense at present, it were well, the building not being worth any thing. It will cost at least 20,000 f. by making use of the old foundations. And if his Majesty do not Quebec
the bad condition of the Castle of Quebec.
desire that to be done,
may
it
will suffice to cover
it
with shingles, replace some beams that are
and make the necessary repairs without thinking of building a
rotten,
roof,' or slating
it,
as
possibly be required, for the walls are not sufficiently strong to bear such a weight; and
provided two or three thousand livres be laid out on
But these are always
it,
it
can
last
some years
longer.
heretofore, which though
useless expenses similar to those incurred
amoun', form nevertheless a pretty considerable sum.
trifling in
Quebec, 10th May, 1691.
Champigny.
M. Extract from the
de
Champigny
Memoir
instructif
lo the Minister.
annexed
to
M. de Champigny's despatch of
the 10th May, 1691. Fortified places into
•
which the people can
season of war, constitute
retire for security, in
Canada
Every house borders on the forest, and is consequently open to the unimpeded incursions of the enemy. It is plain, then, that villages inclosed with palisades must be completed in order to protect the settlers from the Indians; and Quebec and Villemarie fortified with a good wall, particularly the former, in consequence of the attacks from the sea to which it is open so as to afford the people a place of refuge in case of an attack by Europeans, and a means of making a vigorous
the
main stay
defence ^
it.
parts of the world.
is
exposed on
all
sides.
simple picket inclosures such as they have, being insufficient and of no duration.
;
Mansarde.
invented
in ail
A
roof, the
Jamei
top of which
itilitary Dictionary.
ia
flat
— En.
and the
sides perpendicular; so called
from Mansard, the
architect,
who
PARIS DOCUMENTS The
IV.
:
601
aware of the importance of that fortification, has submitted to My Lord the Marquis de Seignelay in his letters of the month of November 1690, the views he entertained to effect it without sulyecling the King to any expense. Nothing more is Intenrlnnt in that country,
necessary than to appropriate to that purpose the twenty-five licenses usually issued every year
Outawas Country, each of which produces a thousand livres ; they are bestowed gratuitously to settlers and are of no benefit to his Majesty. The public interest cannot be belter advanced than by applying them to that use. Fifteen more can be issued for for trading in the
the Illinois trade, each of which will also produce a thousand livres, and thus an annual fund of forty thousand livres would
we
be obtained, provided peace existed and
could send to
those Tribes.
The French for several years occupied Fort Cataracouy sixty leagues beyond Montreal ; the Marquis de Denonville had been constrained to cause it to be abandoned at the close of the year 1689,
it
being untenable in time of
War
consequence of the
in
difficulty of victualing
it.
M. de Frontenac has always intended to establish it, because it is his work, and he still persists in that design. But there is no appearance of its possibly succeeding, owing to the many difficulties which attend it. All the buildings have fallen, and almost all the walls have been blown up, so that it would require to be rebuilt anew, which cannot be effected unless at incredible expense, and even were this fort rebuilt it would need as much preparation, expenditure and men to supply it with necessaries as to make a campaign in the enemy's Besides, strictly speaking, this fort
territory.
is
a prison for the confinement of a garrison,
and does not prevent the going and coming of the enemy except they be within musket shot.
Hence it is to be concluded that it is very difficult to reestablish it; that it requires a considerable sum to maintain it, when built, and that it is utterly useless. It will be possibly alleged that it is a retreat for the Indian allies of the French when they come to make war against the Iroquois; but that argument is destroyed when it is known that they always make their attacks suddenly, and that as soon as forest
they strike the enemy, they retreat homeward, the All that can be
and the swiftness of their heels being their greatest security.
that post
There
at
to carry on trade there in time of peace.
is
is
done
not the smallest
the country.
But we have
do not think we should so
shadow of a doubt but Peace it
not; and although people
flatter ourselves.
It is
is
may
the principal and greatest good of
represent that
true that in the
month
it
will be
made,
I
of April last there
arrived at the village of our Indians at the Sault, a league from Montreal, a party of one
hundred and forty-six Iroquois from the Mohawk country, who said that there ought to be an end of killing, which means, that peace ought to be concluded, and gave notice that a large body of eight hundred Iroquois with some Mohegans and Englishmen among them, was coming to attack the Sault, in order to carry them off and afterwards overrun the Country for the purpose of inflicting on
it all
the injuries in their power.
converted to whatever use people please.
good
faith
and wish
to
The speech and
If they like,
it
these
Mohawks
will
be
will be said that the Indians are in
detach themselves from the other Iroquois villages
;
but no reliance
is
to
would be overwhelmed by their own nation As a seem to desire peace, inasmuch as they have burnt Clievalier d'O's interpreter and two other Frenchmen whom M. de Frontenac sent with him, a year ago; and have delivered Chevalier d'O to the Mohawks who sent him to Boston to save him from destruction, as a return for our Frenchmen and Indians having spared the lives of Oreoaou^, a Chief of one thirty of their people who were at Corlard when it was burnt. be placed on them,
for they, themselves,
general observation, the Iroquois do not
:
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
SOS of those villages in 1689,
who was
went hunting
among
a prisoner
in the
beginning of
suspect that he will have gone back to his
us,
and
is
one of those
who
returned from France
Spring and has not returned, which makes us
last
own
country.
Another similar prisoner
killed
one
of our Christian Indians, whilst hunting with him last winter, and went afterwards over to the Iroquois. killed
some of
Illinois have made some attacks on them within a year and and the English are continually with the Iroquois to divert them
The Outawas and their people,
Thus,
from any thoughts of peace.
it is
evident that matters are more embroiled than ever;
and as we are not in a condition to go with force of arms to the Iroquois to destroy all their towns at the same time, nothing remains but to make some presents to all our Indian allies, Outawas, Illinois and other Upper Nations in order to induce them to continue to harrass the enemy; to act in like manner towards the Abenakis, Canibas and other Nations of Acadia so that they
may
persist in their attacks
on the English in the neighborhood of Boston;
in which and advantage; engage our Christian unite with our French to do the like in the direction of Orange,
they have heretofore experienced invariable success, Indians settled in the Colony to
and to be most vigilant within the settlements; to perform the sowing and the reaping in a body without being dispersed and at too great a distance, as the Iroquois most generally take advantage of those seasons to attack the Colony; on which occasions success has hardly ever failed them up to the present time. For the support and continuance of this war, it is necessary that the King be so good as to assist the country, as he has done of late years, with a supply of troops, money, provisions and ammunition. The Intendant has sent My Lord the Marquis de Seignehiy estimates of all tliat is required, wherein he has only entered the articles absolutely necessary. It is full time
who have not had any for three years. empty; and the Treasury without any funds except paper money, which is not
that they arrive as well as the clothing for the Soldiers
The
stores are
employed so profitably as ordinary currency. It is proper to add to this Memoir the news which has just arrived from Montreal, in proof that the war rages worse than ever. The eight hundred Iroquois whose approach the Mohawks reported, made their appearance at the upper part of the Colony. Three or four hundred of them fell on the lower part of the Island of Montreal, where they burnt twenty-five houses, and took, or killed three persons; the others have scattered themselves, in divers bands, through different places without any one being aware where they will strike as they keep the woods. It is evident then how important it is not to flatter ourselves any longer with the hope of peace, and to send from France (if the preservation of this Country be desired) necessary aid in men and ammunition to provide, at the same time, for the security of the three principal places, and when such defences will be constructed, to proceed against the enemy who at present rules the Country and prevents the sowing being completed, which throws the settlers into ;
great consternation.
Oreoae,
the Iroquois chief
who was
home, as we have already
stated, has
displeased with his Nation
when he
"Canoemen of Chevalier d'O. to
a prisoner
come
here, and
in to-day
was supposed
from hunting.
He
to
have gone
appeared greatly
learned that they burnt the Interpreter and
the
two
M. de Frontenac has proposed to him to speak to those nations,
which he answered, that since they had burnt Chevalier d'O's men he was no longer their This will show that affairs are more
Captain, and that perhaps they would burn himself.
confused than ever.
Quebec, 12th May, 1691.
Champigny.
JV
PARIS DOCUMENTS
M.
My
:
/
IV.
508
de Cliampigny to the Minister.
Lord,
^^® have just leamed by a canoe sent by M. de Callieres, that the eight whom we were threatened, Iiad made their appearance Bt'ihe lower en.l*r.f and wcre dispersed in North and various bands throughout the neighborhood o o Ihi- Island, burn^S I'Tiiinaie I"""""-, part of South of Montreal;' that three® v> four hundred had invaded the lower r piwttiiilora of M. (Ib caihAres. ^jj^j {gland where they burnt twenty-five houses in which, fortunately, there The were but one man and two women who have been killed or taken prisoners. by Mons' Callieres saved considerable persons precautions adopted de have a number of thereabouts; also the grain, furniture and cattle which were distributed among the forts. We ittanot yet known do not yet know what place will be attacked by the others who are in the woods where ihti others , a wHiaiighi. and at liberty to make a descent at whatever point they please, and it is scarcely possible with the few troops in the country to garrison the three principal places, and the ^orts, and to take the field against them. The difficulty of continuing the sowing, tinainiflhe'^«.wrng The
800
inKjunis
i»iri)*auack"Ml.'ir-
hutidred Iroquois with
iim
•
i
i
t
,•
i
i
which had ouly been begun throughout the entire Upper country above Three Yoa Rivers, and the want here of munitions of war, are most unfortunate circumstances.
Munuy
uncaay.''''"
my
how important it is that we be supplied with troops, I am reduced to the necessity of having the leaden gutters and weights melted in order to be run into bullets. M. Gaillard who is about to embark, will explain to you every thing you desire to know. He has a thorough knowledge of the state of this Country. He takes charge of a Memoir I have drawn up on every particular, so that he may have the honor of conversing with you thereupon, when he submits it to you. He is as well informed as I am of its contents, and you can repose entire confidence in his Demand*
reinforce-
°"'°'''
^""^
^ware, then,
Lord,
provisions and ammunition.
representations, being
full
of integrity and honor. I
am
with most profound respect
My
Your most humble, most obedient and most obliged servant Chahfiont.
Quebec 12 May 1691.
M.
My
de
Olmmpigny
to
M.
de Pontchartrain}
Lord,
We could
Thank^the Minister
mentasenL
•
Lord,
uot dcsiro morc agreeable news than those
from you by the
fleet
you have had the goodness
Lotng PnfLTPiAUx, Count de Pontcharthaih, son of Paul Ph61ypeanx, Lord de
we have
to send us P.,
just received
under the
Secretary of State,
command
was bom
in 1648.
was admitted Councillor in the Parliament of Paris, and in 16G7 was elected first President of the Parliament of Brittany. He was appointed Intendant of Finances in 1687, and succeeded M. de Seignelay as Secretary of State, In 1699 he was appointed Chancellor, and after having served his country with zeal in that office for the space of in 1690.
At
the nge of 17 he
15 years, resigned the post
meditation and almsgiving.
in
1714 and retired to the Institution of the Oratory, where he occupied his time in prayer, reading
Towards the
close of his life
the 22nd of December, 1727, at the age of 85. poor, he
was
and wealth.
he removed to his Chateau of Pontchartrain, where
lie
expired on
Though was necessary to oblige him to accept an office which conferred on him power, patronage In authority he preserved an inviolable attachment to the laws and forms of jiutice. Siograpkie Univertell*. so honest that force
M. de Pontchartrain was very small of stature, thin, but well formed.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
904
who has acquitted himself very well of his charge whereof he will render you Count de Frontenac will communicate to you the reasons which induced him not officer to Hudson's bay, and why he detained him here. Le Soldi (TAfrique goes to
of M. du Tast,
an account. to
send that
Acadia, and la Catherine remains with us for the purpose of conveying the latest intelligence to you.
This succor was needed, and has arrived at a time when
We know
not
how
to express to his
we were
in great
want of it.
Majesty the deep obligations of the country
My
we have
powerful protection he has afforded; and as
it is
we
If the arrival of this fleet has diffused general
tender to you our most humble thanks.
throughout the country,
I
through you,
Seignelay.
I participate in
my
obtained
it,
joy
have individually experienced the most profound gratification
on learning that the King had bestowed on you the your orders;
Lord,
the
for
offices
My
held by
Lord
the ftLirquis de
the joy as in duty bound, and feel highly honored in serving under
zeal, exactitude
and
equal
fidelity herein will
my
to deserve the
effiirts
honor
of your protection. The
Iroquois con-
sinee M: ly"" c'mse preatdt'sl ruction in the siHicmints of Montreal and euvi'ons-
Since the despatchcs I have had the honor to address
May by
Francois Xavier and
le Saiiit .
.
,
vQu, tho Iroouois have contmued to T '
never acted with so
le
Glorieux, •
remam
m -
_
much
which ^^
,
My Lord
have been handed
will
i
de Seignelay last mi
•
i
harrassing the Colony, J a us. ^
1
hey J
many Frenchmen
obstinacy, having taken and killed
and committed great havoc throughout the settlements of Montreal and its environs. A party Indians called Loups, three A arty consisting consistiug of English, Iroquois, Mohawks, and M.iuwiira'n.TI'na!a''Mad"iainer9u',and routes
hundred
camp
prizes
the ooionisis. B.Mten In turn by M.
in
has just fallen on La Prairie de la Madelaine where we had a huudrcd men including both Regulars and Militia. They surprised
all,
of slx ,
and routed our
«».!•
i
Militia, to
»
whose support the '
'
r^
i
,
i
•
i
•
^
i
mimeuiately. Itegulars proceeded i o
mi 1 he
killed several officers, soldiers and militia and retreated. enemyJ fifed avolley; J been repaired by Captain de Vallerenne, commanding a small separate Our loss has detachment. He fell in with the enemy on their way back, and though inferior in point of numbers, he fought them with such tact, resolution and courage that he cut them to pieces, having killed or wounded nearly all of them, and this has most effectually reestablished our honor. That officer deserves your protection. My Lord. M. de Frontenac sends you a
de vairenne at the head of an inferior
'
'°'°*-
detailed account of this action. I
do not transmit to you by
the sailing of la Cat/ierine.
this opportunity a report of
I will
merely say that
we
shall
my
department, deferring
it
until
need early assistance in the spring
equal to that afforded this year, together with a thousand soldiers, for we have every reason This is to fear that the English will attack us by sea towards the close of next May. particularly to solicit the honor of your protection, being with most profound respect.
My
12 August 1691.
Lord,
Your most humble, most obedient, and most obliged Servant, Champignt.
f
PARIS DOCUMENTS
*
detained
505
•••••••••• M,
I
IV.
:
de Frontenac
him [M. du Tast]
to
M.
de Pontcliartrain.
as well as Sieur de
Bonnaventure here for reasons which I S"* September; the first with orders to
submitted to you, and they sailed hence only on the cruise, as long as his stores permitted, along the
there are
some
Manathe and Boston
vessels from
river, where we are informed and to touch afterwards at Placentia and
mouth of our ;
the Islands of St. Peter as his orders from Court direct.
The
other will land Sieur de Villebon at the place he shall select for his establishment, and
ordered to
is
call at
Port Royal, to push as far as Boston and Manatte, and acquire
all
the
information and knowledge possible respecting the entire of those coasts, with a view to render
you a
faithful report thereof,
possibly be desirable to
make
which may
facilitate the
execution of any demonstrations
it
will
against them.
This year the opportunity would have been the most favorable in the world, in consequence of the situation of affairs in that country and the confusion which must prevail at Manatte, as you perceive by the copy of Sieur de St. Castin's letters which I send you. Those the Governor of Boston and M. de Nelson ' address me, and which I annex, will lead you also to conclude that the nature of their
advances and their friendly language, so diflerent frota what they formerly addressed to M. de Denonville, indicate that their arrogance is somewhat abated, and that they are greatly afraid of* our incursions and of those of our Indians.
know
I
not whetheryou approve
my answer
and the complaints
I
make
that,
under pretence
of asking leave to release their prisoners in the hands of our Indians, they appear rather to entertain the design of attempting to alienate the latter from us and to debauch even our
of our people in their hands, we have no interest in exchange unless they include such as are among the Iroquois so as to make the
As they have none
Frenchmen.
listening to an
exchange general. It will,
nevertheless, be always well to
make other
overtures,
prescribe to
me what
which
course
I
I
know what
they desire to propose, and
could submit to you by our last ships,
am
I
if
they should
shall request
you to
to pursue.
would be useless for me to repeat to you all the arguments contained in my despatches of to the Marquis de Seignelay on the subject of the capture of Manath, and New- York, as the most assured means of terminating this war and of utterly reducing the Iroquois. It
Neither
is it
necessary for
me
to tell
you
that, according to
my limited
information, the
Canada
cooperate in that expedition, even were they more numerous than they are, owing to the distance of the places; the difficulty of the communications, of the precise forces cannot
many
have explained suflBciently in detail; that ther^re, the only thing we could undertake from here would be to attack Orange, for which wouldBtill be required both time and forces in addition to those we already have, so as not to expose this country by utterly stripping it and that, if the design were formed to proceed to Manath, such could not be accomplished except by sending an expedition by sea to bombard it, and by landing at the same time a force which would conquer it. rendezvous necessary to be made, and
other reasons
I
;
I
if
proposed likewise sending other vessels against Boston, to bombard that place, and to see
the fright into which
it
would throw "
Vol. IX.
its
inhabitants,
See note, IV., 211.
64
— Ed.
would not
force
them
to surrender,
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
606
whereof there is some appearance. This would at least cause a diversion give them some occupation and prevent them thinking of sending reinforcements to Manath, the capture whereof is alone necessary for the security of this country, which is very well able to dispense with that of Boston. I believe it would be necessary to burn and entirely destroy the latter city, were we masters of it, and to think only of placing the post of Port Royal on a ;
solid foundation. I
am aware
European affairs, it will perhaps be difficult to think But the King's arms are everywhere accompanied by such considerable
that in the present state of
of matters so remote.
•••«••••••
good fortune and success, that I hope those he will have gained over campaign will place him in condition to undertake what he pleases in more •
My
his
enemies
this
distant countries.
Lord
Your most humble and most Obedient Servant
Frontenac.
October 20 1691.
M.
de VUlebon
Extracts from a
to
Memoir annexed
de Pontchartrain.
12""
them
Had
de Pontchar train. to Chevalier de Villebon's letter to
My
Lord
October, 1691.
On 1"
M.
Acadia.
the English succeeded in gaining our Indian allies over to agree to a peace with
after the fall of
Port Royal, there
is
no doubt but Canada would have been entirely
consequence of the facilities they possess of reaching Quebec from the river Saint John and from Pentagouet in ten or twelve days at farthest, and of the knowledge of the state of the country and of our forces. Therefore, they cannot be too closely engaged in our interests this is easily effected by
exposed and,
I
dare add,
lost, in
;
Munitions of war ought especially to form a large proportion of these presents, and the gentlemen of the Company of Acadia, besides, ought to supply them, as they do the settlers, with whatever will be of use
continuing the presents that his Majesty has begun to
make them
this year.
to them.
A
garrison ought to be always stationed, during the war, at the place where I
am
going to
The Indian never feels so much encouraged as when he sees himself* sustained. As the Cod constitutes the greatest part of the New England trade, and as that fish is transiently with them, they are obliged to come and fish along our coasts, and it may be
reside. S**
only
asserted that half of
New England
prevent them entering our ports, to
has supported itself by this trade
wood and water and
;
and as the Indians bad weather,
shelter themselves from
they will leave nothing undone to engage the said Indians in a peace, or to establish
themselves at Port Royal, where, once settled, they would easily attract those Indians
would be forced
to go thither in order to procure their necessaries.
who
—
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
IV.
507
Respecting Boston. by well informed inhabitants of Port Royal, who returned from Boston in the month of May, that there were no fortifications to the town, although Count de Frontenac, on the report made to him, states that there is a sodded inclosure around it. There are only two 3^.
I
am
told
gun-batteries on the
The
left,
going
in.
no great affair. It is of stone with four small bastions, on a little island somewhat perpendicular, and washed by the sea a battery of ten or twelve guns, without embrasures, must be passed; the channel is narrow, and their resource, in case an attempt be made to pass the fort, is to sink two vessels for the defence of the mouth of the harbor. No town can be easier burnt than Boston. More than fort at the entrance,
two-thirds of I
it
about a league from the town,
is
consists of frame houses, covered with shingles.
The
streets are
very narrow.
estimate the town, having been there twice, as two-thirds the size of Rocbelle.
Respecting Manatte.
The memoirs which Count de Frontenac sends respecting Manatte are very correct The Governor sent thither by the Prince of Orange is called Colonel Slaughter. He arrived there this spring in a frigate of forty-six guns and about one hundred and fifty soldiers, and on his arrival, caused a colonist' and ten or twelve others who had seized the fort, to be hung. The expedition against Manatte would be the most advantageous for Canada. It would render the King master of a fine Country, and put an end at once to the Iroquois war. The expense incurred for Canada during two years would be more than sufficient for this expedition. A French privateer has taken three Vessels this summer within view of Boston. I could not learn where he was fitted out. Two or three frigates would be required to cruise along the coast. No vessels could enter without being captured. This year's fleet to the number of ten or twelve, arrived there without convoy.
Petition of
To My Lord de
My
M.
de Callihres to
M.
de Poivtchartrain.
1691.
Pontchartrain, Minister and Secretary of State.
Lord,
Chev' de Callieres, Governor of the Island of Montreal and territories adjacent, and commander in chief of Canada in the absence and default of Count de Frontenac, represents to you that, when his Majesty was pleased to honor him in 1689, with the commission of commander in chief in addition to that of governor of the Island of Montreal, whereof he is in possession since 1684, his Majesty having regard to the modicity of his ordinary pay of 3,000" and to the expenses to which he is subject, being on the frontier of the Colony where he has the honor to command all the troops and militia of the country, and where he bears the chief brunt of the war against the English and the Iroquois, granted him as a gratuity for the year 1690, the
annum, equal '
sum
of 2,000" with the hope of increasing, and fixing
to the allowance to his other governors of the >
Jacob Leuler.
Ed.
American
it
at 3,000" per
islands
who have
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
508
3,000" old pay and 3,000" gratuity annually.
prevented him
him
He
hopes,
year enjoying the plenitude of his Majesty's bounty, the gratuity granted
last
for that year
My
But the vast expenses of the war having
amounted
to only 1,500".
Lord, that you will have regard to his long service of twenty-eight years,
twenty of which have been spent in the King's armies and the last eight in his government; to those he renders with success and all possible zeal and industry in the defence of the entire Colony, and to the great need he has of support in a period of general scarcity throughout this country, where he is subject to heavy expenses appertaining necessarily to his office, and is obliged even to pay a high rent for a house, being the only governor to whom the
King does not
He
furnish quarters.
requests of you the favor,
My
Lord, to cause to be accorded to him, this year, a gratuity
of 3,000", equal to that of the other governors of the Antillas,
same expenses, and
for
Memoir on Memoir on it
.
^^^
^^ ^^^^
of
.^ ^j^^
that they are preparing to
the state
of Canada.
New
1691.
England having been unsuccessful
^^^^ 1690, for the couqucst of Canada,
renew the attack with a greater
who commanded the former expedition, has Orange, three men of war, which he is to add to
General Phlips' Prince of
New- York, whereof he has been this year to
are not subject to the
the present state of Canada, and the aid required to be extended to
for its preservation.
The English
Dangers to which ana ai»expo«e
who
your prosperity he will ever Pray.
force,
in the expedition
it is
they
conSdently reported
both by sea and land.
obtained for that purpose from the all
the forces of
New
England and
created Governor General, and gives out that he
is to
return
besiege Quebec, with five thousand land forces, whilst another body of three
thousand English and Iroquois are to march to the attack of Montreal. The troops maintained in Canada by the King were about thirteen hundred men in 1690, They have decreased since ; more than half have been at the date of the English attack. either killed on divers occasions or have died of disease.
More than two thousand men,
including Militia, Regulars and Veterans, have been lost in Canada since the War.
This remarkable diminution in a country that is sparcely peopled, the settlements of which extend more than eighty leagues along the river S' Lawrence exclusive of the frontier forts which are more than three hundred leagues off, renders this Colony unable to resist any new attack by the English, unless promptly aided by his Majesty. Eeinforcemcnte required for the defence of Canada.
For that purposc, Canada requires one thousand
effective
men
are reduced to fifteen or sixteen men.
This reinforcement will
of his Majesty's troops; the officers being paid,
new
to
complete the
some ofc which not increase the pay roll (etat)
thirty-two Compauics his Majesty has maintained hitherto here,
\
•
\
ones will not be required.
There are three towns to be garrisoned, viz* Quebec, Viile-Marie in the island of Montreal, and Three Rivers, besides several small posts throughout, and on the frontier of, the Colony which render this aid absolutely indispensable. '/St«.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
IV,
gQgg
Flour, Pork and other provisions are also required for the subsistence of the troops, with arms and ammunition as per memoirs of the Governor General and tlie Intendant. It is necessary to fortify Villemarie by doubling and terracing the palisades which the Governor of Montreal erected there and widening the ditch. This will not be a great expense; it will secure the entire Colony, whereof the island of Montreal is the frontier and the most important barrier in the whole Country against the incursions of the English and Iroquois. It would be further expedient that his Majesty be pleased to send this year, four frigates of about 40 guns to cruise at the mouth of the river S' Lawrence, and along the Coasts of Acadia and New England. These will be sufficient to cripple the Naval expedition which is to be
New England, with a design of returning to besiege Quebec; and would secure the passage of the reinforcements his Majesty will please to send hither, and the trade of his subjects on all these Coasts those four frigates can also capture prizes there, which will indemnify his Majesty for this expense. ^^ comports with His Majesty's interest, glory, and piety to preserve Canada Beaaons for pre; ierTtogc.i>«dfc vrhich is the first and most ancient of our Colonies in America and the establishment whereof has cost his Majesty and his subjects several Millions. That country is useful of itself, by furnishing a quantity of peltries, to wit Beaver, Martin, Elk. for making robes (Duffies), black Fox, Bear and other Skins which are sold in France and foreign Countries for considerable sums; it exports Indian corn, wheat, peas, and other vegetables and articles, which contribute to the supply of our Insular Colonies. fitted
out at Boston, the capital of
;
It is
capable of furnishing very fine masts and
Vessels, as
all
has been shown by the specimens thereof
sorts of timber for the construction of
that have been transmitted;
whereby we
with that of Sweden and Norway. Exclusive of a quantity of Whale, porpoise and other oils, a large amount of dry Cod and its stationary fisheries, the establishment of which has been Salmon can be supplied
would be placed
in a condition to dispense
;
commenced
A
both on the coast of Acadia and in the river S* Lawrence.
great quantity of French wines and brandies, and of
all
sorts of manufactures are sold
there; these are exported every year from Rochelle, Rochefort, Bordeaux, Bayonne, Dieppe
and other ports whence
is carried on a considerable trade with this country from which his Majesty derives large revenues. One of the chiefest reasons his Majesty has to preserve this Colony is, because it carries on the trade in green cod, in which are engaged more than four hundred merchants' vessels, the property of his subjects, who go for that fish to the Great
Bank and
Newfoundland coast dependent on the government of Canada, and supply it. This trade alone is, also, one of the most considerable that is carried on in France ; it is estimated to amount to between fifleen and twenty millions annually, and could not be prosecuted in time of war, should the English become Masters of Canada. to the
almost the entire of Europe with
It
this
comports with his Majesty's glory not Country, and
abandon over ten thousand of his subjects, in who would there be put to the sword or constrained to submit to the to
Conqueror's yoke.
But the
interest that
is
paramount
to all others in his Majesty's heart is that of the Religion
which, after having taken such deep root there by his pious care and charity, would be utterly destroyed and abandoned to the fury of heretics, and especially of French Huguenots who
have
fled in great numbers to and openly proclaim that they
New
England; constitute the main force of those expeditions;
will
revenge themselves on the Priests, Friars and Nuns of that
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
510 Add
Country.
to this, the loss of the entire fruits of so
many
holy Missions which have
whom more than forty thousand souls owe, under and charity of his Majesty, who therein satisfies the pious intentions of the late King his father, who resolved to maintain this Colony with a view to propagate the Faith among a barbarous people, in order to drawdown on the Royal Family the blessings of Heaven which we behold so abundantly showered on it.
converted a great number of Indians, of
God,
their salvationto the forethought
Measures recommended for
Remarks on what
New
of
the
hettei'
Defence of Canada.
appears Important to the King's service for the preservation 1G91.
France.
As the inhabited parts of Canada lie along the River S' Lawrence, both on the North and South shores, and as the cleared lands extend on an average only a quarter of a league back into the woods, the settlements are, by such proximity, always in danger of being burnt by the enemy who possess, by instinct, so thorough a knowledge of the forest that they find themselves much less embarrassed in it, than we in the best beaten roads. This shows that it is impossible to protect, with the troops in this country, all the houses situated as they are at a considerable
in
—
or to save them from danger except by collecting them all into villages which can be inclosed by pickets between Montreal and Three Rivers a very short time, and thereby placed beyond insult; the Indians rarely attacking fortified
distance, one from the other;
—
at least
posts.
There
is
no doubt but the people of
this
Country,
who
are not very docile nor easily
governed, would strongly object to shut themselves up, loving liberty and, by no means, discipline.
But
it is
well to constrain
to those contravening
it,
them
of having their
by a Royal houses razed; the enemy, also, in this instance
order, with a penalty will
be thus deprived
of the privilege of burning the settlements, as they are in the habit of doing to their advantage
and our prejudice.
And
in order that the settlers
may be
able to plant and to attend to their harvests and
other operations in perfect safety, the troops can be distributed around said forts, causing regularity to be observed in
That one
is
to say:
—
all
things.
let several of the
peasantry assemble with their arms and
for the other, whilst they will be
supported by detachments of soldiers
;
work all
equally the
retiring every
night to their post in good order.
This being regularly observed, the bravest of the
be sent out with our Savages who selected from to
among
the troops.
settlers can,
will be attached to six or
The remainder
without fear
for the
seven hundred good
Country,
men
to
be
will be sufficient to guard the posts confided
them.
The detachment
to
be composed of said troops,
for an expedition against the
Mohawks and even
settlers
and Indians
will be strong
enough
against Orange which they can insult whilst
detachments will lay waste and burn the adjacent settlements
(plat jiays.J
PARIS DOCUMENTS And
IV.
:
in order to facilitate the success of this affair,
it
511
would be desirable that the places
occupied by the English on the Coasts might be bombarded and cannonaded from the sea at
That would worry and throw them assuredly into all sorts of panic; and, loving their trade better than war, it would oblige them to think seriously of seeking repose and of no longer inciting and urging the Iroquois by presents to invade our territory. These would, undoubtedly, accept a peace, which, however indifferent it may be, would always be more beneficial to us than the greatest victories and advantages that we might gain over them, short of their utter annihilation which is very difficult to effect, as we have neither suffScient troops nor, even had we the force, sufficient facilities to admit our going to their Country in a somewhat considerable body, on account of the Rapids and inaccessible places which have to be passed to reach it. This forms no impediment when they make a descent on us, nor when they return home, because they go across the woods, which we cannot do except the same time.
with
difficulty.
the necessity that may exist of making war against them, a hearty union must be always maintained with the Indian tribes in our interest; because it would be very disadvantageous and altogether ruinous to trade should they form an alliance with the Iroquois: for, besides encouraging them to carry their peltries to the English, they might even seduce them into a mutual league for the destruction of the Colony. To avoid such a misfortune, it is well to preserve the posts we occupy in their country, namely. Fort S' Louis of Louisiana, Detroit, and Michilimacquina. These can be kept up at a very trifling expense which will not be of less utility to us than if it were more considerable. By this means, we render ourselves masters of those Indians, who are much better adapted
To remedy
than we, to the war to be
And
for that
waged
against our enemies.
purpose they can be
won by some
presents to which they are very sensible.
no wise increase the expense the King has concluded to incur for the support of this Colony, if it be deducted from the extraordinaries of the war, which would amount to a much greater sum, were the enemy to be attacked by large armies, as has been heretofore
This will
in
the case.
Our Indians were well Ofliicers
wage war
send from
to
any thing
in the adjacent Missions will not ask
the others, than to
in their
own way,
that
is
better, after the
and small
in large
example of which it
parties
points very frequently against the five Nations.
all
and soldiers are to be found among the Regular troops
same manner. Those of respectability belonging
to the country, almost all of
who
will act perfectly in the
whom
are well disposed and
They cannot fail to be the woods as the Indians,
very enterprizing, will eagerly demand leave to attack the enemy. very useful, possessing as they do almost the same knowledge of
with whose manners they are also acquainted, which
And
as
it
may happen
that the
them would not be always
number
so
who would
volunteer to accompany
be undertaken; and that Regulars were well if the Governor General had
sufficient for the expeditions to
would have to be attached to those sorts of parties, the Royal authority to commission such as he might
They have
a very great advantage.
is
of Colonists
much ambition
it
find qualified for such expeditions.
that nothing seems to
them
diflScult
when
of undertaking any thing extraordinary, by which distinction can be acquired,
pleased as an encouragement to them, to reward those
who would
there if
the
is
question
King were
occasionally signalize
;
612
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
themselves with a silver
gilt
the other a branch of palm or
medal of
trifling value,
having his portrait on one side and on it would produce most certainly
some other honorable device;
•wonderful emulation and effect were the Governor General to have a distribution It is to
among
number of
these for
the most valiant.
be remarked that the enemy come rarely
to
invade the north part of our territory
They can be prevented by incurring a very trifling by constructing four long bateaux, with oars, in each of which twenty or thirty soldiers can be placed with a small cannon and some swivels and by stationing two of these bateaux to guard each lake. The Iroquois would assuredly be thereby prevented passing, as they have only bark canoes which could be sunk by firing small shot into them. The King being at war with so many enemies, it may possibly happen that some of their adventurers may surprise Quebec which is without any fortification or force to resist an attack, however trifling it may be. except by lake S' Louis or S' Peter.
expense; that
is,
;
The Canada,
plan to obviate such an accident, which would inevitably bring with is
to
have two small galleys constructed here, to serve not only
it
the loss of
for the transport of all
the provisions required by the troops in the Upper country, but for going to reconnoitre
all
the
would approach, and prevent them attempting any of those things above alluded by annoying them with those two galleys which would give warning at Quebec, of
craft that to,
their approach.
This can not
Quebec are narrows and Traverses the passage through which causes the best pilot to tremble ships are always stopped there unless they have the wind and tide entirely favorable, which happens but rarely. As regards the maintenance and armament of these galleys; to save expense they can be commanded by two captains of the troops of this country, and in order that they always be in a condition to sustain all the fatigue to be endured, their crews should be formed of good soldiers and sailors selected from the other companies, as is the custom for Grenadiers in the Regiments in France. Their pay might also be increased on account of the trouble they will be exposed to; all which could be effected without any extra expense to the King, by appropriating a part of what has to be paid for chartering vessels employed in the transportation of supplies and ammunition to the stores of Mont-royal, in which service those galleys can be employed, as we have already observed, whenever fears are not entertained for Quebec. Those two galleys could be easily supplied in a short time with rowers, by condemning thereto deserters and other persons of the country who would deserve punishment. This would tend considerably to keep the Volunteers and Libertines within the bounds of duty and submission. fail
of success, because within ten or twelve leagues of
called Isle au Coudre,
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
518
IV.
Narrative of Hie most remarkable Occurrences in Canada.
An
1690, 1691.
Account of the most remarkable Occurrences in Canada from the departure of the frigate La Fleur de Mai, on the 27*'' November, 1690, to the close Sixteen hundred and Ninety-one.
left Quebec, the troops, which were all collected there, were and as the small stock of provisions received from France was hardly sufficient for a month's supply. Count de Frontenac, the governor general, and M' de Champigny, the Intendant, resolved to distribute them throughout all the Settlements, and to oblige the farmers This was effected with to feed them for the same sum the King allows his soldiers a day. some difficulty, the crops having that year fallen very short. The joy felt by every one for
Shortly after the English had
sent
away
;
we had
would be followed by powerful reinforcements from France, moderated, however, in some degree, the sorrow that scarcity might create. The death of Sieur Lemoyne de S" H^lene Lieutenant in the army, affected every one profoundly. That gentleman had, as already stated, been wounded in the late affair, whilst fighting courageously against the English. He was an officer of distinction who on divers the success
gained, and the hope that
it
occasions afforded proofs of his bravery against the Iroquois; at the North, against the English,
from
whom
he had right boldly taken Corlard, the preceding winter.
six months of winter which are to be certainly calculated on in this country, and the impossibility of receiving any supplies until Spring, rendered every thing excessively dear. Wheat was worth some twelve to fifteen livres* the minot; Wine one hundred 6cu8 the barrel ; Brandy, six hundred livres, and all other articles in proportion. Every description of food was acceptable, and the ground was no sooner bare of snow than herbs, roots, and the trifling quantity of fish that could be caught, constituted the sustenance of a large number of families. This pitiable state to which the country was reduced, absolutely prevented the possibility of thinking of sending any expedition against the enemy. The entire Winter thus passed away without 8carcelyr,k»i''up
and
tii
i
.
it
move
soldiers
who have
prosecute the Canada expedition;
if
sent and of that they
in the alliance
take advantage of the absence of the English to
It will arrive in
inflict
some
may
season to
expect in future.
with the French, will be able to serious damage on them if they
not, a powerful diversion will
of the whole of Acadia at least, rendered more
difficult,
be effected and the invasion the English not having, up to the
present time, turned the capture of Port Royal to any account.
This vessel
John, precise information of the preparations and
will obtain, at the river Saint
dispositions of the English, so as to send
word thereof
Monsieur de Frontenac overland. pass to Port Royal and convey some to
Minas to and ammunition, which the Company is to send thither. Nelson has stated that the English admitted having mismanaged matters when they attacked Quebec in 1690, and that they ought to have previously destroyed the adjacent settlements of
She
will be able to notify the inhabitants of
articles of provisions
the Colony, on both sides of the river, and they will apparently adopt that course.
mistake of the English in that
first
of the season and from the delays they had experienced.
They
bribes or threats to seduce the inhabitants of those settlements. project of this expedition being
The
expedition might have arisen from necessity, from the lateness
deemed
will endeavor, hereafter,
However
that
may
by
be, the
certain, the reinforcements intended to be furnished
M. de Frontenac ought to be sent early in order that he may have time to adopt proper measures to prepare the settlers, and provide, also, for the Upper part of the River and the to
preservation of Montreal. If the
King's
affairs
were
in a state to
admit of sending some men of war, not only the
overthrow of the English designs and the destruction of
New
this
armament, but even the ruin of
England, appear certain.
But should
his
Majesty not wish to make this diversion with his naval
remains but to use diligence
in
forces,
nothing
forwarding to Quebec the subsistence of the troops and the
most required particularly for the war, with 400 soldiers at least. These could be conveyed by two good, commodious fly boats (flutes), and one or two men of war, to articles that are
sail at latest
If the
on the ao"" of March.
merchants could not be got
to leave
with the King's
fly
boats, the second
man
of
war
convoy them, and the first would arrive in season to proceed on the expedition against Hudson's bay with the two ships belonging to the Northern Company, which has greatly suffered from the fruitless preparations of the last two years, into which it has been led. They have one vessel in Canada which will be found ready, but the other, which has been sent to the Islands in order to return to France to take in the articles required for the Hudson's bay expedition, cannot be back in season, and it will be necessary to assist might be retained
that
to
Company.
In regard to Trade, as the plans presuppose an attack on
Canada by the English, there
is
inconvenience in suspending a more extensive commerce, and it is thought possible to manage with the preparation of only two or three of the largest merchantmen of Rochelle among
less
Vol. IX.
69
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
546
men
those which are eagerly offering themselves, so as to be ready to accompany the
The delays wines and
of war.
of the mercliants arise simply from the time they require for collecting the Bourdeaux j,he
dry goods, which they procure in other places
Rochelle.
tiian
These might be
omitted this year, and the attention of the merchants directed solely to the articles necessary
which may be procured
for the support of the settlers,
In
cases, should
all
second vessel of war
it
in Rochelle.
be deemed proper to extend greater assistance to the Colony, the
may
be detained until the tenth of April in order to be dispatched with
the merchants destined thither. In the present circumstances of that country, rendered important by an Establishment that
has cost more than a century of care and expense; which prevents the English becoming masters of North America, and which will cause them a very serious diversion pending the
many expenses
war, and in trade during peace;
can be curtailed and others suspended this
year, and these only incurred which regard the war.
Here it will be observed, that the sojourn the men of war under M. du Palais' command were obliged to make at Spaniards' Bay,' having consumed the time of the expedition fixed for the reduction of the English posts at
ship
le
Newfoundland, contributed,
also, to the
Bon whi"ch had not any one on board acquainted with the Bay of
loss
of the
Placentia, at
the head whereof»lies the best harbor in the world.
That expedition can be refitted agreeably to the proposal of Sieur de Le Lande Magon for The Governor of Placentia the invasion and destruction of the English posts in said Island. can cooperate therein, and said Sieur de Magon will afford the necessary aid for the subsistence and fishery of the settlers of the islands of Saint Peter. Provision will be
made
for the preservation of the
people of Placentia, for their support,
their fishery, and for strengthening the fortifications and garrison,
the supplies of said garrison, and whatever
Note.
When
Phips was
to be
made
is
necessary for the King's service.
Quebec in 1690, at the sole expense of the government M' Nelson, the chief man of the country was only 87'^
to attack
of Boston, the contribution of
Memoir on Acadia, New England, New - York and
I.
by the contract
Nantes in preference toothers, and on condition of furnishing
for obvious reasons with those of
Virginia.
1692.
Memoirs of M. Lamothe-Cadillac respecting Acadia,
Extracts from
the
England,
New
New
Netherland and Virginia.
Indians of Acadia, In regard to the Indians in general, they are, also, of a good figure, active, strong, with
black eyes and hair, without beards or hair on the body, expert hunters, swift of foot, good marksmen with the gun, gluttonous, proud, haughty, cruel, charitable to their friends, vindictive and unforgiving.
language
is
They
entirely dissimilar.
are divided into various tribes, or by provinces, and their
In some places they are better made, more warlike, and more '
See note, tupra,
p. 844.
—
PARIS DOCUMENTS civilized than in others;
whom
Lords, for
they have more love and regard for their offspring than for their They have chiefs whom they call Sagomos, that is to sny Their
best warrior or the
whilst menstruating, into their
they set their food. days.
man
After a
best
He
They do
hunter.
wigwams; they construct one
woman
is
is
generally the one
not admit
women
;
please and
among
or girts,
apart for them at the door of wiiich
con6ned, the husband does not approach
They like poligamy marry when they
have the same
547
they entertain consideration and some respect.
the
is
V.
and wives.
fathers, motiiers
them who
:
unmarry
in like
privilege with this exception, that they have only one
iier for forfjr
manner.
husband
The women
at a time.
with him his arms and every thing he possessed during his
Wheu
which is not much; they fire, on the same day, several shots around their cabins to drive away, say they, the ghost of the deceased. iThey acknowledge a master on High, and a master below they will not pray to Him on high, because, say they, he does them no harm, and they pray to him below that he may not ill-treat them^ This is in brief the account of this province. '•I a
II.
dies, they inter
life,
River Saint John.
Schiginnigtou' is twenty-three leagues by sea from the river Saint John, whose mouth is twelve leagues from Port Royal across the bay.* There are several harbors for vessels of thirty to thirty-five tons, but they are not worth stopping at and describing. The mouth is very wide; two islands are visible at its larboard side on going in, and a cape on its starboard the soil of which is red, like blood. The harbor is very commodious and free from rocks. Large vessels can enter and anchor there, especially with a south, or south west wind. It possesses an earthen fort of four bastions which could be placed in its original condition at a trifling expense. About a third of a mile above the harbor are two large perpendicular rocks so close to each other as not to admit the passage of more than one vessel at a time. At that point precisely are Falls which are impassable either by ship or canoe without being wrecked. We must wait for half flood and then they are passable either at the flow or ebb of the tide, without any danger. These Falls, which are only from seven to eight hundred paces in length, being once surmounted, the river becomes all at once half a league wide; also very deep and a vessel of 50 tons can without danger sail up 3-5 leagues. It must be allowed that this is the finest and richest river in Acadia and New England, and the most convenient for navigation. The greatest variety of timber is to be found on its banks; hazel, walnut, cherry, vines, all bearing fruit which is not bad, and indicating that if care were taken in its cultivation it would succeed much better. In a word, there is no sort of timber but can be had there. Around a lake near Gemseq' is a pinery in which material for very fine masts could be found; in the environs of the same lake, is a tin mine. 1 have seen [some of the ore
of this river
that the Indians It is
number soil,
of lakes and rivers that
empty
and the salmon fishery there because
it
furnishes
canoe 150 leagues. '
Chiegneeta
•
Jemtec, as
Grand Lake,
it is
To
much
avoid
its
width and depth, and this arises from the great
into'it; the richest,
and a hundred other species of
anciently called
f
lie
nsaps, \ay
its
the greatest quantity of
furs.
I
fi.^h
abound there; the
ascended this river in a bark
prolixity I pass over in silence the visible beauties of that •
written in
because of the superior quality of
incomparable, extending eighty leagues into the interior;
is
trout, shad, gasparot, sturgeon, turbot
richest,
for casting bullets for their hunting excursion.
were smelting, which they used
the most navigable on account of
of Fnndy.
on the east banli of the river
Lake Freneuse, on
it»
North.
Ed.
St.
John, opposite wh»t
is
now Oagetown, haring
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
548 One thing
country.
to be regretted
is, tliat
every spring at the breaking up of the rivers cannot
contract the
Micmac This
low
the finest parts, or the
and
lands, are overflown
this inundation continues a long time, as the
empty themselves on account of those two rocks I have already spoken of, which mouth of this river. Marble exists there. Thirty leagues up the river is a Naxehouac,' and thirty leagues farther up
fort at a place called
They
tribe is pretty warlike.
year make
ice,
Indian corn, beans, kidney beans and pumpkins
fine fields of
leagues further,
is
in their country.' rises in a lake
and abounding
another fort where the Canibas ordinarily retreat to It is
is
one of the Marisizis.^
are well built and good hunters; clear the land and every (citrouillcs).
when they
anything and 12 leagues long and one wide; very deep
on the bank of a small stream which discharges into
Madagouasca which is and pike. It is a very
called
Forty-four
in trout, carp
fear
this river
Moose hunting country.
fine
Of New-York and Manatte.
III.
From Rhode
Island to
New-York
Island and the Main land but besides, one place flood (Stale)
course
;
where the
is
There
55 leagues.
is
Long
a good passage between
necessary to be acquainted with the Channel, there being,
river is very narrow,
because of a rapid they
call
South, and wide, of
to steer
is
it is
Hellgate
Long
—
which cannot be passed, except that
is
Island; this
Porte d'Eii/er.
to say,
at half
The
safest
leagues long and inhabited
is fifty
and produces a prodigious quantity of wheat, which makes as good sell their produce at New-York. Long island seems joined on its west side to another called Staten island. It forms a hook which juts out into the sea. It will be necessary to make the Cape and steer from one end
to the other
bread as the finest grain in France; they also carry on whale fishing and
for this
hook; when near
visible
this
;
is
a passage and the opening
it
mouth of the New-York
precisely the
between the two islands become It is well to keep the lead
river.
going, in consequence of the sand banks at the entrance.
Manatte, so called
when
in the possession of the Dutch,
three leagues long and one wide.
The
is
properly speaking an island,
on a triangular point of land, and on the banks of two rivers, one called the South River and the other the North River. It has four Bastions, and is faced with stone and terraced on three sides on the North, South and East. Some barracks and the gate are on the west side the ditch is but a miserable affair, fort is situate
;
;
and
is
almost
filled
up on the East and North.
order; good muskets,
There
is
a very fine armory which
is
in
good
There are 27 pieces of It is surrounded by houses on all sides except the South. The roadstead cannot be cannonaded without razing and throwing down almost one entire street. The same is the case on the side of the town which is built of brick and stands on the banks of the two rivers. It is not inclosed either by There is one wooden wharf but smaller than that at Boston. The Vessels walls or palisades. enter the port and are aground at low water. There may be in the town five hundred men capable of bearing arms, but they could [muster] 3,000 men in a short time. Here it must be remarked that there are a great many Quakers or Tremblers who are non-combatants. The Dutch church is in the fort. The garrison consists of 60 men. The population is composed of fusils, pistols, halberts, pikes,
swords, cuirasses.
iron cannon around the fort, and four small brass pieces at
'
'
Kaxoat
Charlevoix.
river St.
the river Nashwaak, opposite Frederickton, N. B.
The locality in the text is presumed John and Eel stream, where stood according to Williamson
The other Madawaska. '
On
Marecliites or Etcln'mins.
called " Indian Village" It is
is
to
its
— Ed.
be Meductic point, just above the confluence of the
( I.,
477,) a Marechite Village.
on the east side of the river near the Little
wholly within the State of Maine.
—
Ibid.
gate.
Falls,
and opposite to the mouth of the
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
V.
549
Calvinists, Lutherans, Anabaptists,
Jews, Quakers. AhuJievx, French Protestants nnd some Their trade is made up of beaver and peltries which they buy from the Iroquois whale oil, pork, staves, horses and tobacco. The people are almost all Dutch; there are about forty English families, and a great Catholics.
Each
sect has
its
Churcii and lieedoni of religion. ;
many
This Island
French.
is
batter the fort or the town. richer in
money than Boston.
They have Negroes as in Boston. an Island, on which cannon can be planted to
almost entirely cleared.
East Northeast, within 120 rods of the
fort, lies
of wood, and easy of access.
It is clear
Its principal
is much They have
This town
currency consists of Spanish coin.
considerable merchandise there also.
On go
to
little
the other side of the South river
Albany. fort,
It is
is
a small town called Newiazze.'
People pass there to
no great things.
utterly defenceless.
It
Orange is thirty-five leagues from New-York. It is a has a few guns in very bad order and perhaps sixty men
bearing arms.
Note at the end of the Memoir.
The preceding Memoirs
are drawn up only on the idea Sieur de la Mothe Cadillac has of There are some more extended ones of Acadia, in which are noted down even all the Winds necessary to enter each river, and particularly to which point of the compass the current sets, either at flow or ebb, and several other particulars.
the Country.
Louis
XIV.
to
Memoir of
the
made by new
those
Count de Frontenac and M. de Champigny.
King to Count de Frontenac, Lieutenant-General, and Sieur de Champigny, Intendant, of New France. (28"" March, 1693)
The
report
making there
for a
that the English of
who have
returned from Boston, of preparations which were
expedition against Quebec, and the information they have also given
New
York on
their side were,
the upper part of the river, have induced the
with the Iroquois,
King
to
powerful reinforcement of men, ammunition, arms, provisions, to dispatch shortly the vessels
Frontenac
may
to attack the
Colony by
adopt the resolution to send thither a
mopey and
other articles, and
intended to carry and convoy them, in order that Count de
be in a condition to prepare for repelling the enemy, should they come to make a vigorous war on them in case they confine themselves to menaces.
attack him; or to
Sieur de Frontenac's capability and experience prevent his Majesty giving him any particular
what he has to do for the defence of the Colony against the threats of the enemy, and assaulting them when able. His Majesty is entirely disposed to refer herein to what he shall deem proper, and to say to him only, that after having caused to be examined Sieur de la Motte Cadillac's proposal to have vessels of war of light draft, and adapted to the defence of the narrow defiles of the rivers and lakes on the usual route of the English and Indians coming from Orange, He has issued orders at Rochefort that the plans, for their
instructions as to
'
Ifew Jeney.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
550 construction be sent to
His Majesty's intention
Canada with is
all
that
is
necessary for procuring timber for that purpose.
that they cause these bateaux to be built as soon as they will have
received these plans and specifications, in order that they
may be
make use of them this the command of these
able to
Sieur de Frontenac can confer Motte Cadillac, but that must be done very secretly and
year for the defence of the country.
bateaux on said Sieur de
manner
that
intelligence
la
of these
armaments be not conveyed
their descent.
to the
An
1692, 1693.
account of the Military operations in Canada against the English and the Iroquois, since the
The
to
!
'^Narrative of the Military Operations in Canada.
^^ ^^
in such a
enemy previous
Iroquois not liking to
month of November 1692.
wage war except
By M.
de Champigny.
secretly, ordinarily select the season
when
the
French settlements on the frontier of the Colony. and the ground covered with snow, they retire home and do not
trees are full of leaves, to approach the
When
they see the leaves
fall
appear any more, or at least very rarely, during winter.
Count de Frontenac being desirous to take advantage of the season of their retreat in order heavy blow on them, dispatched from Montreal in the month of January a force of six hundred and twenty-five men, consisting of one hundred soldiers, two hundred Indians, and the remainder the most active young men of the country, under the command of Sieurs de Mantet, Courtemanche and de Lanoue, Canadian officers, accompanied by Sieur de L'Invilliers and twenty other officers, with orders to proceed against and destroy the Mohawks, and afterwards to commit as great ravages as possible around Orange. This party provided with every thing necessary for so long and fatiguing a march on snow shoes through woods and over frozen rivers, dragging their provisions after them, were guided so correctly by our Indians that they arrived near the three Mohawk villages, within fifteen leagues of Orange without being discovered. At nightfall, on arriving, our Indians in company with some Frenchmen went to reconnoitre two of the Villages, situate a quarter of a league the one from the other. On approaching these, they heard the enemy sing which obliged them to wait the Indians should retire in order to surprise them whilst sleeping. The main body, in until the meantime, advanced in two divisions, so as to be -able to make a simultaneous attack on both Villages. Our scouts did not delay reporting that the enemy made no more noise. The Villages, which were surrounded by strong pallisades and closed with gates, were approached; our Indians scaled the inclosure in order to open the gates. A crowd entered and became to strike a
masters of all
its
all
the cabins without resistance.
The
small Village, after having been burnt with
was abandoned at day break, and the Indians and their families brought the large Village where the commanders left a portion of their force to guard them.
contents,
prisoners to
Early next morning our party set off for the third Village, distant seven or eight leagues, where they arrived in the evening, and surprised it on the following night in the same manner as they had the others; set it on fire and brought the prisoners to the principal Village.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: The Count's
V.
orders were not to give any quarter to the
arms, and to bring
away
the
Women
and Children
551
men who would be
for the purpose of
found under augmenting our Indian
But this order was not strictly executed, because they surrendered at discretion and expressed themselves pleased at having this opportunity to come and live with our Indians, to whom they were closely related so that, of about eighty fighting men found in those
villages.
;
were killed, and the others, with the women and children, were made prisoners to the number of two hundred and eighty persons. This expedition having succeeded as much as could possibly be desired, and our Frenchmen having perceived that a young Englishman,' a prisoner of our Indians whom they brought with them on this march, had made his escape during the night on which the two Villages were taken, and that he would undoubtedly notify the English of their design, judged it unsafe to remain any longer in the enemy's country, as the smallest delay might prevent their retreat, having to travel over the lakes and rivers on which the ice was beginning to rot. Therefore, after they had sojourned only one day at the principal Village, they burnt it, and set out with all the prisoners. On the first and second days of their homeward march, several Mohawks, who, whilst hunting in the neighborhood, had learned the destruction of their Villages, came to join them, expressing their desire to follow their wives and children. They reported that the English and Iroquois had received intelligence, the former by the young Englishman who had escaped, and the latter by four Iroquois who on their way to Orange discovered the trail of our party and then returned to their village to notify the warriors, who were then assembled there to the number of seven hundred, deliberating on the expeditions they were to organize in the spring, and who they believed were on their march to attack our party. On the third day the avant-couriers of the Iroquois did, in fact, overtake our Indians, and submit several three villages, only eighteen or twenty
propositions to them from their people and the English, to induce our people to wait for
on pretext of having a
talk about peace
them
which they represented, on the part of the English, was
The Commanders correctly judging it a feint to enable the English and Iroquois to overtake them, for the purpose of attacking them, resolved not to wait; but our Indians having received new assurances of good faith from the enemy who already concluded in Europe.
were in great consternation at the destruction of the three Mohawk were almost certain of their being inclined for peace in order to avoid similar treatment with which our Indians were threatening them and that, moreover, our party being come to wage war, it must oppose the enemy in case they should dare attack it, so that the resolution was adopted to wait for them and to construct a fort of stockades, for the purpose of security and the confinement of the prisoners. asserted that the Iroquois
Villages; that they
;
Two days afterwards, the Iroquois to the number of three or four hundred men arrived, in company with some Englishmen, within musket shot of the fort, where they at once entrenched themselves behind a large abatis of trees. Our Frenchmen and Indians judging correctly thereby, that their design was not to talk of peace resolved on immediately attacking them. They sallied from the fort and advanced towards the enemy and some shots were exchanged on both sides and the foe repulsed within their retrenchments which it was not deemed expedient to force, for fear of falling into some ambush. We lost on this occasion [eight men*] and the enemy as many according to their report." Our Frenchmen having learned from some Mohawks who came over to them, that the English were coming with a large body to reinforce the Iroquois and attack our people, 'John BaptUt VanEpa., IV., 616.
*
De
U Potherie,
III, 178.
^
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
552 abandoned the
fort
an hour after the last action, and continued their march the remainder of
wounded on litters. The enemy pursued and encamped within half a league. Some Iroquois came again to assure our Indians that the English Commander was approaching to make peace, and pressed them to wait for him but our officers aware that this was merely to amuse them, made answer that they had been waiting too long for them, and if they wished to come, let them repair to the centre of Lake Chaniplain, where they would again wait for them, either to receive their propositions or to fight them. Our party marched the the day, conveying the
;
whole of next day, followed by the enemy, and reached the lake on the day following; the ice on it was found all rotten, and the men sunk in some places up to the waist. The greater number of our Indians separated from our Frenchmen with intention of striking across the woods, and the prisoners being too much embarrassed by their baggage (equipages) and the women by their children, were almost all forced to remain on the lake-shore. Only fifty of them followed, and the other prisoners promised to come in the spring. Our Frenchmen having arrived at a place where they had secreted, when on their way up to the Mohawk country, a portion of their provisions to serve
them on
their return, discovered these entirely
spoiled by the rain; so that they found themselves entirely destitute at a distance of nearly fifty
wounded
leagues from our nearest settlements, having to carry the
unfavorable circumstances.
They
under these
also,
dispatched four Indians and one Frenchman to advise us
maybe promptly sent them; and those messengers M. de Callieres immediately dispatched one hundred and fifty men to them with provisions on their backs. Never was there such distress. They were four.
of the
circumstances,
reached Montreal in
that
assistance
five days.
About one hundred and twenty, overpowered by fatigue, remained behind until they should be somewhat restored by the supplies that we forwarded to them. or five days without food.
Two
many threw down
or three died of hunger;
their arms,
and almost
all
arrived without
blankets (convenes) and half naked, scarcely able to drag their heels after them. surprising under such untoward circumstances was, that the
did not dare to follow
had it not been have returned. Poly,
did not pursue
this special interposition of
feet.
them
;
Certain
they it is,
Providence, not a solitary Frenchman would
was out, letters from Acadia and from Sieur d'Iberville commander of were received at Quebec, stating that two Frenchmen who had deserted from that
Whilst le
for
enemy
over the lakes, as the ice melted under their
What was
place last
this party
summer with some
English prisoners, had repaired to Boston whence they had been
sent to Acadia by Governor Phips to carry off or assassinate Sieur S* Castin, a gentleman
esteemed among our Indians
— and
that these
two Frenchmen having been
arrested,
had
confessed every thing, and reported that warlike preparations were in progress on a large scale
Quebec by sea with ten thousand, and Montreal by land with two thousand, men. This led Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny to make the necessary preparations for the extensive fortification of these two posts, and to put them in a complete slate of defence. At the opening of spring, M. de Callieres sent out a detachment of nine Indians in the direction of the English to procure some prisoners, in order to ascertain the designs of the enemy. They went within two leagues of Orange*where tliey discovered five or six men at work in the bush. They killed all except one whom they brought off a prisoner. He was a Frenchman at
Boston preliminary to coming next spring
who had been
to attack
taken at Placentia four years ago; he assured us that the English had issued a
proclamation calling on the people to prepare to attack Quebec
;
that orders had been sent
PARIS DOCUMENTS: throughout the entire country
to
muster the
settlers
May and
;
V.
553
that the rendezvous
was
fixed at
Boston;
were to be ten thousand men This news confirming what had been brought by the French who exclusive of the crews. attempted the murder or seizure of Sieur Saint Castin at Acadia, obliged Mess" de Frontenac and de Champigny to urge on the fortifications of Montreal and Quebec, so as not to be surprised, and to notify the Acadian Indians to bold themselves in readiness to march to the that they were to leave on the 10"" of
Quebec
assistance of
And
in order to
that there
at the first notice they should receive of the sailing of the fleet.
have some reliable news of the enemy's departure and movements, M. de
Callieres dispatched from Montreal different parties of Christian Indians in the direction of
Those who proceeded towards Boston took some English whose heads they were obliged to break, being unwilling to accompany them the
Boston and of the Iroquois Villages. prisoners
;
others did not find an opportunity to strike a blow, so that nothing could be ascertained
through them.
month of May, M. de Frontenac dispatched four canoes with twenty-three men, escorted by twenty-seven others, to convey his orders to Missilimakinac and to adopt measures for bringing down the peltries. They went through in safety, but the escort, in returning, was attacked above the Island of Montreal by a party of the enemy in ambush on the margin of In the
the River,
Among
the
who
fired
number
men and
a volley on the canoes, killed of those
was Sieur de
la Valterie,
a Canadian
took
prisoners;
officer,
who commanded
the party.'
Three or four parties of Abenakis and Canibas arrived at Quebec from Acadia in the course of the same month and in June, bringing some English children whom they had captured, and the scalps of several men whom they had killed in the neighborhood of Boston. Those who arrived last have informed us that the English bad sailed from Boston and that an English lady, whom they had taken and left in Acadia, bad assured them that several of her relatives were gone on board the fleet. This intelligence caused the works at Quebec to be hastened. The settlers within twentyfive leagues were commanded to repair thither, and in less than a month the town was inclosed by pallisades fraised after the new fashion, and having a sodded parapet from fifteen to eighteen feet in thickness the platforms were placed within the bastions, on terre-plains of eighty feet from the parapet; two extensive pieces of Masonry were constructed, one on Cape Diamond, which commands the entire town, for sixteen pieces of cannon, and the other on a height which defends the Cape. M. de Frontenac visited the settlements below Quebec in ;
order to dispose the people to retire into the woods with their movables, cattle and provisions,
on the
first
news of
the enemy, so that the latter
may
not find any thing
— not
even a blade
of grass or any refreshment. In the latter end of June, an Iroquois Indian belonging to a Village called Oneida, arrived at
Quebec with a Frenchman who was a prisoner
This Indian said that he came on ascertain whether there were not some
there.*
behalf of his family and a portion of his Village, to means to negotiate a peace, and that he was disposed to mediate with the other Iroquois to '
" tuerent
hommes
da nombre desqaels eUit 1« Siear de la Valterie." It ii not clear from La Potherie and Charlevoix say he was killed. The one Iroquois of the Mountain was taken prisoner. HUtoirt
in Letter V. of the
3d volume of La Potherie,
;
— Ed.
*
A pi»tole i> 10
fr»nc«—11.87*.
'
St.
Lawrence.
»
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
55G
The smallness of the force in that government did not permit marching openly against the enemy, in the uncertainty which prevailed as to what quarter they would attack. M' de Calliere merely ordered every one to retire into the forts, and sent as large a reinforcement as he could to the Sault which was threatened the most. The Indians, on their Bide, promised to meet the artifices of the enemy in their own style ; to allow as many of them as pleased to enter their fort, and then to seize them, knock them on the head, or send them to M' de Calliere. The Marquis de Crisafy commanded all the French who were at the Sault a garrison was sent to the fort at Sorel which had been abandoned, and all the officers whom business had called to Quebec, on the arrival of the ships, returned to their posts. Finally, the party
coming by Lake Saint Francis appeared
first in sight
of the Sault at noon.
enemy contented themselves with firing several There was no great loss on either side the volleys which were answered by a like fire. enemy withdrew in the evening and our scouts reported that they wete turning towards Lake Saint Francis, doubtless with a design to hunt there, and to send out small parties. They surprised some farmers who after the main alarm had passed away were unable to abstain from It was, however, not deemed expedient to pursue the enemy, the number visiting their farms.
On
our appearing to be expecting them, the
;
were garrisoned, not equalling half their force although the party from the Sault and Mountain, which had been recalled, had returned. Thus, the expense incurred to fit them out, and which always amounts to a considerable sum, was found to have been thrown away. The wife of Chaudiere Noire* one of the principal Iroquois chiefs, who had been taken some months ago on the defeat of the party commanded by her husband, and who was a prisoner at the Sault, had a desire, it was discovered, to run away. Tataconicere an Oneida Chief belonging to that Mission, on such suspicion, dragged her without the fort and knocked of persons that could be mustered, after
all
the posts
He then struck his hatchet into the gate as a sign that he would not grant any one, inviting his brethren to do likewise. No news, however, were received of the Lake Champlain party, and when the time for their attack was supposed to be near, a young lad and two squaws deserted from them and
her on the skull.
pardon
to
reported that, after the escape of the Indian already mentioned, they had held a Council during
two whole days; that a
part, seeing their project
that one hundred did, in
fact, retire;
was discovered, had advised a
retreat,
that the remaining three hundred were intending
and to
come when we should have withdrawn. Our scouts now discovered them encamped on a desert island in lake Champlain, but as the season was pretty well advanced no great harm was anticipated from them. M' de Calliere, thereupon resolved to send, agreeably to the Count's orders, to revictual Chambly, and dispatched a canoe to examine the passes of the river Richelieu where it was feared loaded bateaux would, apparently, not find sufficient water.
enemy had
This canoe in returning
some persons and taken others prisoner at Vercheres, drove the cattle into the woods, and scalped a soldier at Saint Ours. This, it was supposed, was a small detachment from the main body. The convoy for Chambly set off". It was composed of six Companies that were to winter in the government of Quebec, and some fifty Indian scouts. All the wood necessary for fuel for the garrison was cut and hauled.
learned that the
killed
Black Kettle.— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
V.
mm
557
Chambly and went to the borders of Lake Champlain, to enemy who were there. They succeeded in overtaking only
Several Indians joined those at
endeavor to surprise some of the
one Seneca whose head they broke; two others, who were accompanying him, escaped, in whose wallets were found the scalps of two farmers of Sorel, a father and son, who had beea killed whilst hunting in the islands of Lake Saint Peter. The ice beginning to form, every one retired to his post, and attention waa directed to preparations for a winter expedition, whereof we shall presently speak, and which made a great sensation among the enemy. Though the Mohawk be not the most numerous of those composing at present the Five Iroquois Nations, its humiliation has always appeared a matter of importance. The most of the Indians of the Sault belong to that tribe, many of whom are actually their brethren and relatives, whom they have endeavored by all acts of kindness to persuade to come and join them and to unite with them in prayer. The Mohawks on their side omitted no effort to seduce the greatest number possible of our Indians; and frequent negotiations, secret communications, messages of which it was impossible for us to have any knowledge, and which were very much to our prejudice, engaged us to omit nothing to obtain by force what our Indians could not effect by their negotiations. Moreover, this tribe being the nearest to the English is, also, that in which most of the parties are organized against us, and our Southern settlements have often unfortunately experienced the prowess of these Indians, who the first waged war with the French, and who would never have concluded a hearty peace had not M' de Tracy humbled them by three consecutive expeditions within the space of eighteen months.
These motives, and the concurrence in sentiment of the oldest and best heads of the Sault and of the Mountain, obliged the Count to direct his attention thereto.
The
expedition was less difficult than that of Onontagud which had aborted the preceding and the great desire our Indians felt to undertake it actuated as an inducement not Accordingly, at their request Lieutenants de Manteth, to allow them to become cool. Courtemanche and Lanoue were detached to command the French, who. they said, were
fall,
necessary for that expedition.
The Count promised
Commanders, a number of number of Regulars and Militia. From the first setting in of the winter, then, attention was turned to the preparation of whatever was necessary for this undertaking. The Intendant dispatched orders in season to Montreal, to put in readiness provisions, ammunition, snow shoes, trains and other articles to join thereto, in addition to these three
other officers, and the greatest possible
sufficient for six
The Hurons
hundred men.
were invited to attend, some Algonquins and Soccoquis of Three Rivers
of Loretto, the Abenakis of the
and furnished, each,
thirty to forty
men
;
falls
of the Chaudiere
joined them.
The
smartest soldiers of each
Company,
(all
not being adapted for these expeditions), and
such of the Militia of each settlement as were considered qualified, were detailed for the occasion.
The whole numbered more than
exclusive of the officers.
six
hundred men, both
Sieur de Manteth led the van and
French and Indian,
commanded
those belonging to
the government of Three Rivers.
Sieur de Courtemanche followed him with those of the government of Quebec, many of had come from almost opposite Tadoussac, a distance of more than thirty leagues from
whom
NEW- YORK COLONIAL
558
To
that city.
abandon
Canada
it
is difficult
to
the credit of the Militia of
expedition with a right good will, such as their property
essential injury.
It
MAJSTUSCRIPTS. can be said, that they went on this
be met with among people
and settlements whatever the season
may
who
cannot
be, without doing themselves
would, then, be the height of cruelty to oblige them to go on these
own expense, inasmuch as, independent of the danger to life inseparable who have been any length of time engaged in it are, by the fatigue attendant
expeditions at their
from war, those
thereupon, rendered incapable of labor for a long while after their return.
misery which has prevailed
for several
Moreover, the
years in this country, exempts them sufficiently from
Therefore, the large sums such movements necessitate, must Those acquainted with this country are absolutely ignorant on that head, and many others who are here do not comprehend one-half the expense. Those who enter into the details have, alone, a perfect knowledge of the subject. January 20"*. All the forces from the lower part of the Colony arrived at Montreal. 25"" Started from La Prairie de la Madelaine, and went to encamp at Chambly, where they
the expenses they should incur.
not excite surprise.
tarried on the twenty-sixth. 27"" All the 30*''
The
Frenchmen marched
Indians
The number
who had been
thence, and on the
hunting joined them.
of officers amounted to
some twenty-five
or thirty,
many
of
themselves the Seniors or superiors of those in command, went as volunteers. February 1&^ Arrived in the evening within sight of one of the little Mohawk '
two
divisions, for the
Sieur de Lanoue remained to seize the
whom
finding
Formed
forts.
purpose of proceeding against another only a quarter of a league
Sieurs de Manteth and Courtemanche marched against
and children
whom,
he experienced no
first,
in
which he found only
difficulty in
off.
it.
overpowering.
five
men, several
One man, however,
women
escaped,
notwithstanding his vigilance. Sieur de Manteth found still fewer people in the second fort. They burnt that taken by Sieur de Lanoue, and repaired together to the other, where Sieur de Courtemanche remained
with a detachment
to
guard the prisoners they had captured and some others
whom
they caught
hunting in the woods. Sieurs de Manteth and De Lanoue marched with all the rest, towards the principal fort where they arrived on the night of the Eighteenth. They were surprised to hear great uproar and war songs, which made them apprehensive, at first, that they were discovered but it turned out to be some forty warriors who were about to join a large party that was organizing at Oneida. The noise having terminated, means were found to open the gates of the fort into which an entrance was easily effected, and it was captured without any loss but that of one Frenchman, and one Indian wounded, though several muskets were tired. Some twenty or thirty men, and several women were killed as well in the first assault, as in the subsequent intoxication of our Indians and the cabins, the pallisades of the fort, the provisions, and whatever clothing could not be removed, were set on fire. Finally, on the Twentieth, the drunkenness of the Indians having passed off, a junction was formed with Sieur de Courtemanche at the little fort where he had been left. The number of prisoners amounted to more than three hundred, one-third of whom were capable of bearing arms the remainder were women, little children or old men the plunder such as is to be found in Indian wigwams. ;
;
;
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
V,
559
be remarked that two young Dutchmen, a long time prisoners at the Sault, and whom our Indians were carrying along with them, escaped in the course of the night of the first attack, in addition to the Indian already mentioned and some others who might have had It is to
cognizance of th\? expedition.
This proved, eventually, of dangerous consequence. in deliberating whether Orange should be attacked, or the
21" Passed in taking rest and
march homeward commenced. The Indians represented that they were loaded with prisoners whom they could not in any way be persuaded to kill, though they had on setting out from Montreal, promised to do«o, both to the Count when they demanded permission to organize this expedition, and to M' de Calliere. This was one of the points on which the latter had the most insisted, and it formed part of The Count enjoined this on him, and he did all in his his instructions to the Commanders. power to impress it on the minds of the principal Indian chiefs whom he bad caused to be expressly assembled at his house.
But these sort of people do not act like others they willingly promise what is asked of them, reserving to themselves to perform what they have promised, according as their interests, which they do not always clearly understand, or their caprice may suggest. The French, therefore, found it impossible to make them listen to reason on this head and this obstinacy, as well as that evinced by them on another occasion, (as will be seen by and by) was the cause that this expedition was not accompanied by all the success that was anticipated. 22»
and about 1696 waa aent to
Sometimes he was
in
danger of beiug
stifled in the
summer
midst of the
hunt, in
tall grass,
thirst, not finding a drop of water any where in the parched prairies. During the day he and at night obliged to take his rest on the bare earth, exposed to the dews, to the injurious
atmosphere and to
Kip't Jesuit Mistiom, 209.
;
followed these Indians during the most oppressive heats of July on their
many
— En.
other miseries.
These fatigues brought on a deadly fever which soon put an end to his
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
568
The
reinforcements sent by the Count were disembarked as soon as possible.
be
and many others became
were found passage. But we hope to
they will be
fitted
part young men,
The
sick,
that, with time
for the
who
mode
ill
Some
of
them
since they landed; about forty died on the
and the attentions already begun
to
be afforded them,
of warfare peculiar to this country, as they are for the most
adapt themselves to
it
with the greatest
facility.
three ships rimpertinent, la Perle and la Fille bien-aimce arrived in the end of July.
Sieur D'Iberville had captured on the
a cargo of Tobacco
from Boston
;
way
a small English vessel coming from Virginia with
and Sieur Robert took another craft of fifteen to eighteen tons going Newfoundland, the crew of which assured us that the English
to the island of
were again threatening Canada after their expedition against the West Indies. On the twenty-first of the month of July we were informed by letters from ftr de Calliere Eight hundred of the enemy at the that our Indians had discovered a body of Seven
@
Cascades of the River
Some
des Iroqiiois,
on their
way down
soldiers belonging to Sieur de Lorrimier's
to Montreal.
Company, who had been
sent expressly on
the scout, thought they had seen their camp, within six leagues of Montreal, on the island itself,
opposite that of
The apparent
La
Presentation.
Count to dispatch M. de Vaudreuil Companies that were at work at Quebec, and one hundred and fifty of such newly arrived forces as were found to be in the best state of health. This greatly interrupted our fortifications, which it was hoped might be completed during the remainder of the season, and did not result in any great things, no more than did the levy of eight hundred men raised by M'' de Calliere in his government with very great diligence. He marched with this force in the resolution to fight the enemy before they separated, which would have been of the greatest importance, as small parties are more to be feared during harvest than a large troop, which ordinarily retires on the slightest check. He went as far as the Cascades without meeting either the enemy or any sign of their having passed. M"^ de Vaudreuil arrived at Montreal a few days after M. de Calliere's return, and the troops were distributed throughout the settlements to gather the harvest which had been, this year, more abundant than heretofore. The movement was productive, at least, of one good effect. A Mohawk Indian, a prisoner at the Sault, made his escape after M'' de Vaudreuil's arrival, and saw that the reinforcements immediately with
certainty of these news, obliged the five
so long expected had, in fact, arrived from France, and that, on the slightest alarm,
put ourselves in a condition to return the enemy the blows they were coming to
His report cannot but have a good
effect,
from the change that has taken place
we
inflict
could
on us.
in the disposition
of the Iroquois.
The Count, who was preparing
go up to Montreal, received, on the seventeenth of August, a piece of the most agreeable news he could expect. This was the arrival of more than two to
hundred qanoes, both of Frenchmen and Outaaacs, which had come from their country freighted with a prodigious quantity of peltries. His orders had been most punctually executed in those parts, and whatever Indians were met unprovided with any means of transportation of their own, were accommodated by the French to enable them to get their effects down. It is impossible to conceive the joy of the public on beholding such a vast quantity of riches.
impatiently
waiting for this prodigious heap of
Missilimakinac.
The merchant,
the farmer and
For several years Canada had been
Beaver, which was reported other individuals
to
be
at
who might have some
PARIS DOCUMENTS
V.
:
569
were dying of hunger with property which they did not enjoy. Credit was exhausted and the apprehension universal, that the enemy would become masters, on the way» of the last resource of the country. Therefore, terms sufficiently strong were not to be found Father of the People, to praise and bless him by whose care so much property had arrived. titles so much in vogue since four years seemed not and Preserver of the Country sufficiently expressive; and those who were at a loss for terms, contented themselves with demonstrating, by the joy depicted on their countenances and the gaiety of their hearts, the peltries there,
—
—
gratefulness of their feelings.
On
this intelligence
he set out, on the twentieth, from Quebec, and the principal Chiefs of He arrived at Montreal on the twenty-
each Nation came as far as Three Rivers to meet him.
eighth, and on the following day, the Indians of the various Tribes delivered their Speeches,
the burthen of which was, for the most part, to inform him that they had
obedience to to
the order he had transmitted them by Sieur D'argenteuil,
demand a favorable trade. The Hurons dilated a little more, and enumerated
pretty fully
come down
in
to hear his voice and
all
the parties they
had
organized against the Iroquois, pursuant to Onontio's commands.
Trade was opened on Monday, and the answer until after its close.
This interval was epiployed
in
to the
one and the other was postponed
reading Sieur de Louvigny's letters, and
most influential of those who came down, had communicate from whom an account was received of what had occurred in the Upper Country; of the good or evil dispositions of the Tribes, and of the merit of each particular Indian who possessed any degree of consideration. This was absolutely necessary to be in hearing whatever matters of importance the to
;
ascertained, in order to treat each as he deserved.
The
only disagreeable intelligence
we
got was, that the Miamis had received some presents
from the English through the medium of the Mohegans (Loups).
This
affi)rded a just subject
of apprehension lest that Nation had received them in order that they might trade in their country, and lest they would possess, by this means, free intercourse with all the others, which
would bring about the entire ruin of Canada, both
and war. The Count much larger number of Frenchmen, Regulars and Militia, than he had at first proposed, to expel the enemy from that post, if they had seized it, or to prevent them entering it. This is to be done by Sieurs de Manteth and de Courtemanche whom also he dispatched at the head of all the Frenchmen, whose orders are, in regard to trade
was, therefore, under the necessity of sending a
to think
more of
fighting than of trading.
The principal Indian Chiefs were, in turn, entertained at the Count's table. The feast came off on Sunday the sixth of September, when each emulated the other in
gene.ral
singing
of war and recounting his exploits.
The King's
presents to the Indians were distributed on Monday among each of the tribes; the Count selected this opportunity to address them, and praised or censured each according to his deserts.
They
The
following are the proper terms of
iiis
discourse.'
retired all seemingly highly pleased,
and set out three or four days afterwards, their Chiefs having received particular presents and having been greatly caressed.
They were the
Illinois,
is to
followed by the French under the direction of Sieur de Tonty,
under
whom
serve Sieurs de Manteth,
remain at Missiliraakinac, and '
Vol. IX.
There
to act as Sieur
ia
no ipeecb
72
in the
commandant
Courtemanche and D'argenteuil
de Louvigny's Lieutenant. French Text.
— Ed.
;
at
the last
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
570
who have each their stations fixed, the man named Perrot is to immediate neighborliood of the Miamis, in order to execute whatever will be ordered him. This place is called Malainet,' and the great concourse of Indians who repair thitiier, among whom this man possesses very considerable credit, induced the Count to select In addition to these officers
occupy one
in the
him to be stationed between the Miamis and the other Tribes who might receive proposals from the English; a barrier which destroys all their designs. Lesueur, another voyageur, is to remain at Chagouamigon and to endeavor to maintain the peace lately concluded between the Sauteurs and the Cioux. This is of the greatest consequence, as trade
is
now
it is
the sole pass by which access can be had to the latter Nation,
very profitable, the country to the South being occupied by the
Masscoutins
who have
whose
Foxes and the
already, several times, plundered the French, under pretence that they
were carrying ammunition to the Scioux, their ancient enemies. These frequent interruptions would have been punished ere this, had we not been occupied elsewhere. Lesueur, it is to be hoped, will facilitate the Northern route for us by means of the great inQuences he possesses
among
the Scioux.
There had been some
trifling difficulties in
the presents intended for the Tribes, and the
The
during this voyage.
latter
regard to the conveyance of the remainder of
manner
was arranged
[at the
the French should govern themselves
moment
of setting out from] Montreal,
and the Count tranquilized the minds of every one by his orders and the correct interpretation of those of his Majesty. He was obliged to spend a whole night at la Chine, in order to have what remained of the presents distributed in his presence among the several French canoes.
Each took a portion of them on board without
difficulty so that
nothing was
left.
One Canoe,
however, has since been obliged to return in consequence of the want of strength and of three soldiers
who were
in
skill
it.
After the departure of the French the Count thought only of returning to Quebec, and of quitting Montreal
which he could leave
in all safety in the
hands of M' de Calliere.
Before
he received two different pieces of intelligence by some canoes which had been dispatched to him by Sieur Provost, the lieutenant-governor of Quebec.
he
left,
Tlie
first
was from Hudson's bay
:
M"'
Pachot, one of the directors of that
Company wrote
him that three English ships, which had wintered in that Bay, had attacked Fort Saint Anne whose garrison consisted only of four men and one criminal in irons, as already slated. That the enefny had at first landed forty of their men against whom our Frenchmen held out during the first night; but on the second, seeing more than a hundred approaching, they had to
abandoned their
The
and
fort
retired as quietly as possible.
English found in this
will deprive
Canada
The second news in that quarter,
an English
more than fifty thousand 6cus' worth of Peltries, exclusive of Cannon which might be there. This is a very serious loss, and
fort
the munitions of war, and the
of considerable beaver. the
Count received came from Acadia.
Sieur de Villebon, the
wrote him that the Abenakis lacking goods, went
fort,
and
liad
commander
them to Pemkuit, however, no apprehension
in search of
purchased some with their beaver; that,
need be entertained that these communications would result in a peace, being simply for trade, and that hatred was always existing between these nations. This has been confirmed to us by the Indians who came since to us, and by Father Binneteau, the Jesuit missionary to those Tribes.
Too much
reliance '
is,
however,
not
Maramec, or the Kalamazoo
to
be
placed
ia Michigan.
— Ed.
on
this,
on account of the
PARIS DOCUMENTS: proximity of fort Pemliuit which, at present,
is in
V.
57I
a condition not to be attacked; though
it
could have been easily taken last year, had the orders that were issued been obeyed. Sieur de Viiiebon sends, also, other intelligence which he had received from two Frenchmen recently from the Boston prison.
They
stated,
among
other things that Governor Phlips'
was
with eight hundred Englishmen and Indians, to endeavor to seize him in his fort on the river S' John ; that he is waiting for them in good spirits, and that he does not apprehend this fleet can do him any injury.
ready to
Tiiat
sail
the Governor has approved the conduct of those of Chignictou or Beaubassin, the
territory belonging to Sieur de Lavalliere, Captain of the Count's guards
who, having been landed during the night, repulsed them with loss; and that Sir Phlips had severely censured the Commandant of that landing party for having so acted
attacked by the English
who
towards people who, up to the present time, had committed no adt of
hostility.
Those two prisoners reported further, that fifteen days before their departure from Boston, seventeen men of war of from twenty to sixty guns, had arrived in a very bad condition from Martinico;^ that their army had been defeated there; that they had lost three thousand men and that two of their large ships had been sunk that many of their people had come over to us; that the fever (pesic^had broken out on board their ships and that the governor had put those that arrived in quarantine. It was also said that they were very sorry those ships were in such bad condition, for had it not been for that, there would be still time to take Quebec; but as soon as they would refit, they should send them to the mouth of our river in order to ;
endeavor
to capture
our ships on their return.
Advices have been received from New-York, that the Iroquois were always very insolent, killed three or four settlers near Orange.
and had
was
also reported, that considerable misunderstanding existed
between the Governor who had withdrawn on board his vessel, and that they were insulting each other daily; that the people of that town were heartily tired of the war, and of the interruption of their fishing and commerce, having lost more than fifty vessels within four years. It
of Boston and Sir Furfax, Captain of a large English ship,
What
has occurred in the Islands
other news, so
much
is
better
credit will be given to
known it
in
France than here.
As regards the
as can be reposed in prisoners
who
are not
always well informed.
We, however, entertain no doubt but General Phlips will, eventually, carry out his threats provided he have the means to do so, to which he is the more strongly committed as, apart from the vexation of having been once already repulsed, it is the sole means of staying the
who so long lay waste the people of his government. have received advices that some of that Nation have, recently, had considerable negotiations with the English. Those of the river Konebeky have concluded a peace which they pretend is only conditional, and merely to recover their prisoners. Those of Pamnaaaniske,' frequent incursions of the Abenakis,
We
and of Amireaneau have not gone so of their Chiefs
who
far in the treaty,
and wished merely
to recover
some
are in the hands of the English.
Nevertheless, there is every reason to be apprehensive of all these negotiations, unless the Indians receive considerable presents from us, as the English supply them with goods at a low rate '
*
and the
fort
of Pemkuit has
Sic. Phijw.
An
Island in the Penobscot river,
its
foot
on their necks.
"Sir Francis Whcc'er's fleet Supra,
now
called Indian Oldtown.
Considerable presents and an open p. 665.
nilUamxm't Hitory of Maine,
L, 68, 473.
—En,
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
572
trade to supply their wants, will alone prevent
Therefore, whatever friendship they
English.
them seeking whatever they require from the
may
evince for us,
essential not to neglect
it is
preventing them so far allying themselves commercially with the English as to destroy the confidence they repose in us.
war most vigorously. Every hope the aid they will receive from and we to do so them means will be employed to engage France will stimulate them thereto better than our messages, which the urgency of affairs assured us that they will, next Spring, renew the
They have
;
elsewhere prevented us effectually following up. The negotiation we had commenced with Tareha the Oneida, has been almost entirely
broken
The
off
his return in the beginning of October.
by
Iroquois held a
first trip.
number of
The English
took"a very active part therein, and
presented by this Tareha to Onontio, to visiting
them
will conduct
;
that
safely to
if
tell
him
all,
we and
were prevented allies have
our
he will send two Frenchmen, capable of regulating
Albany
the future, the Tree of Peace and
—
War
at his
together, caused a belt to be
that the Chiefs of each Tribe
entertain of the detachments
him here by the dread they
continually in the field
Count gave him
consultations respecting answers the
affairs,
they
—
where they are to treat for is to say, to Orange, having been transported from Onnontagk to that place,
that
and that terms can be concluded there by all the nations; that is to say, the Iroquois, the Dutch and us. This Belt was at once rejected by the Count who contented himself with answering, that since the Iroquois were not willing to accept what had been generously proposed to them, he
means
them
obey his will. Tareha presented another Belt from the Oneida Cabins, in whose behalf he had spoken at first. They thanked Onontio for the kind reception he had extended to the said Tareha ; and for having restored them the Indian, his nephew and their relative, and assured him that they possessed assured
to constrain
should not meddle in the bad
affairs into
The Count promised Tareha, by him
to
which the Iroquois might
fall.
a belt in reply to the last that he would not confound
or his in the expeditions he premeditated against the Iroquois Nations, the execution of
which a prompt repentance alone could prevent. He was dismissed with pretty considerable presents both for himself and brother, and some were given to an old woman called Suzan, who it was known had taken great care of the French prisoners at Oneida, and who had come to see the Count with Tareha. Since the departure of this Indian the greater part of the Companies who are to winter in this government have arrived here. We have learned at the same time, that a party of six Indians of the Sault, at the head of whom was Laplaque, had struck a blow within a short distance of Orange. They captured two of the soldiers belonging to the garrison of that town; they were obliged to break the head of one,
who having
untied himself in the course of the
night after his capture, inflicted on three of our Indians; whilst sleeping, several blows of an axe, the
marks only of which
will
remain; the other has been brought hither, and assures us that
the English of Boston, New-York, and Virginia are preparing to sea,
and that another detachment
make a descent near Montreal. The ship la S'' Anne, belonging
is
to
come
be organized at Orange, with
to the
hither in the Spring
all
by
their Indian allies, to
Hudson's bay company, arrived here on the twenty-
month ; found the English in peaceable possession of the fort we occupied in that Bay, and having been attacked by a vessel of thirty-six to forty guns, fortunately got away
eighth of this
PARIS DOCUMENTS after
V.
:
573
an engagement of two hours, and brought back every thing the merchants destined and the Indian trade. ,
for the
winter's supply of their people,
Such are nearly all the most important occurrences in Canada since the sailing of the ships Those who will understand the true state of the country, and the manner in which last year. war can be waged there, with such indifferent forces as we have had up to the present time, must admit that the funds his Majesty has entrusted to us cannot be more usefully employed, nor the glory of his arms be more brilliantly sustained by a handful of men.
Lome XIV. Memoir
of the
to
M.
King
to
and M.
de Frontenac
de Champigny.
Count de Frontenac and Sieur de Champigny.
8
May
1694.
The
threats of the English as
communicated by the
Officers returned
close of 1692, and the information Sieurs de Frontenac and de
from Acadia at the
Champigny have pretended
to
have had, that they design a general invasion of Canada and to besiege Quebec, having been without any result, and as there is but little appearance that those English have been since in a condition to prosecute the attack, his Majesty is persuaded that Sieur de Frontenac will not only have placed the country in a state of security against their incursions and Indian forays, but be able to have executed the projects, which, he had informed his Majesty, he was preparing with a view to prosecute hostilities vigorously against them ; so that his Majesty is not without hope that the Iroquois may be disposed to make some advances towards peace.
••••••••••
•
His Majesty desires that they conform themselves
to the order
he gave them
last year,
to
cease paying the Christian Indians 10 silver 6cus' for every Indian killed, 20 6cus for each prisoner,
and half these sums
for
women;
This expense cannot be afforded, and of the invasion of the successfully
made
Mohawk
this will
appears so
it
be a further diminution of the estimate.
much
the less necessary as on the occasion
country and the retreat of the French party which had so
that expedition, the hope of this recompense did not prevent the Christian
Mohawks, and rendering that expedition not only even very destructive to the French, all whose sufferings Sieurs de Frontenac and de Champigny have described in the Relations they have sent of the retreat of the French, who allowed themselves to be prevailed on by their Indians to form a camp and to remain in Indians conniving at the escape of the useless, but
it,
in order to afford the
English time to muster and pursue them, as they have done.
the escape of the prisoners to the
number of more than
300, not been favored by the friendly
Indians, the entire of the fund appropriated to the expenses of Canada, to
pay these rewards.
Finally, his Majesty understands
regard, in the condition previous to the formation
subsistence and other supplies furnished these Indians entirely
on
his Majesty's account. '
Each 60
tora.
— Ed.
Had
would not have
sufficed
that they replace matters in this
of that resolution, inasmuch as their
when they
are
employed
in war, are
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
574
M. Memoir
d^
Villebon to
M.
de Pontchartrain.
My
Lord de Pontchartrain respecting the expedition to be organized against fort Pemquid; dated 20"' of August 1G94. By M. de Villebon.
The English have
for
so well understood the importance of reestablishing fort
Pemquid, which
our Indians had taken from them in the beginning of this war, that they adopted, in 1692,
every suitable measure condition; and surprise,
it
may
for its
recovery without sparing any expense to place
it
in
its
present
be alleged, that they are quite safe there from Indians, unless in case of
and even from French,
if
the resolution be not adopted to attack
them
in form.
They judged very correctly that in building Pemquid, they were depriving our Indians of the power of going freely coastwise on their expeditions; embarrassing them in an extraordinary degree in hunting Deer which were very abundant thereabout, and that the Indians, finding themselves thus straitened,
would be obliged
to enter into negotiations, as has
in fact been the case; having been tempted by the proximity of our enemies
of merchandise they would require,
supply them with all sorts them over to their interests by cheap
bargains.
the French of the friendship of the Indians
way
find themselves in a
Company
of the
at
Boston
who were
able to
prices, in order to gain
This, however, did not, at any time, deprive
who always amused
the English, until they
would
abundance of every description of which the gentlemen year and have continued to supply this season, suitable to
to obtain goods,
furnished last
their use.
No
conjuncture can be more favorable than the present to attack fort Pemquid, inasmuch as
they (the Indians) are resolved to wage a more vigorous and a more cruel war than heretofore; as they have demonstrated in the last expedition,* having spared neither
The
capture of fort
Pemquid would embolden them the more
as they
precaution to adopt to avoid discovery; since they are always uneasy, lest the
nor children.
would not have any
when
passing near
it,
march and prepare some ambuscade for them on they are not accustomed to come back except in small squads in
enemy would become aware of
the return of their parties, as
women
their
order to avoid being discovered.
Moreover, on the capture of that fort, which the English represent as impregnable, the latter would lose the best post they possess in this entire government, and we could extend our bounds teiii or twelve leagues to the river Quinibeki which is to be considered the property of the King, since it is at present exclusively inhabited by our Indian allies; and it would be easy, after the expedition against Pemquid, to station an officer there and some soldiers in one of the Indian forts, for the purpose of maintaining possession of the place, which would even
them a great deal of satisfaction. Fort Pemquid is situate in a commodious and
afford
Rock
that
is
not at
all
dangerous.
The
fort
which only is a the right on going in, and is
safe bay, at the entrance of
stands on a point at
handsomely located.
The man named Abraham Boudrot, an inhabitant of Port Royal, who came from there within six weeks, and who goes to and fro to Boston by Count de Frontenac's and my advice, having been twice in Fort Pemkuit has assured me that he had thoroughly examined it, and that each curtain was about 160 feet in length, being, as well as he could judge, quadrated by four bastions. after
'
On
Oyster river N.
W.
of Portsmouth,
N«w'Hampshire. Belknap,
I.,
216.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
V.
575
That on the entrance or Northwest side where lies Roadstead, this curtain forms a wall eight or nine feet thick, and on this front sixteen twelve and sixteen-pounders are ranged in battery on the wall
with sodded embrazures; and
itself,
tliat in
the centre of this curtain
the gate which is of oak, six inches thick, 12 feet wide and ten feet high, but not
is
crowned
by any work. That on the northeast, towards the harbor for sloops, the curtain may be six feet thick, and is mounted with two four or six-pounders. That the curtain which fronts a portage, half, or at most three-quarters of, a league in length, leading to a
little
harbor they formerly occupied,
is
the weakest, because they apparently
concluded that they could not be attacked on that side except by Indians, and that they had properly but two curtains to fortify; mainly those I have mentioned; since the fourth, of
which I have said nothing, resembles that at the Portage.* This expedition may be undertaken at two seasons of the year. The first, of which I propose to treat, appears to me by tbe last advices I have received from Boston, to be the safest and properest. It is the end of May or the IS**" of June at latest. It is very certain that the enemy hath all the trouble in the world to fit out every year their frigate, which is not ready, however diligent they are, before the 16"" or 20"' of May, and cruises towards Port Royal and Cape Sable, in order to make known to this former place that it must remain attached to their interests, and to maintain the other at the same time, and to protect their fishing vessels
They
on the Coast.
may
year from Old England, and whatever
receive hardly any
news
at that season of the
no ways in a condition to oppose the projected expedition, which will be almost executed before they have any intelligence of it. The other season at which this expedition may be undertaken is at the end of August at furthest. But as the vessels destined for it would, apparently, go first to Quebec, and as it is so uncertain what time they might arrive here, the Court would incur an expense which, in consequence of delays, might turn out entirely useless, and render the enterprise more difficult of execution another year, on account of the advice the enemy may receive. And supposing, arrive thence
is
even, that they did arrive before the end of August or the month of September, the English would find themselves reinforced by the mast fleet and convoy, which do not fail to come
annually to Pescatou^ at that season.
Add
to this, the
winds begin
to be squally and,rough on
those Coasts at the close of September.
Another weighty consideration also is, that the Indians can be relied on at the season I mention the Spring, as they all return from hunting and repair to their principal quarters
—
—
in order to plant their Indian Corn,
whereas in the month of August or September, they are by families along the rivers in order to live on the Fish and Game they may kill. It is only by having advices early from France that word can be sent them. But I would not guarantee that the same number would be present as in the Spring. For the expedition against Pemquid, and to control at the same time, the New England all
distributed
Coasts, three ships will be required:
One of 46 to 48 guns; another, a frigate of 36 guns, and boat adapted to the transportation of whatever is necessary for the garrison and requisite for making the landing. a
fly
'
Pcmaquid
river issues from a
pond in Nobleborough, Maine. The fort stood on the east bank of the river near its from 14 to 16 feet), and completely Commanded its entrance. The ^uin^ some of which are now high, are melancholy remains of great labor and expense. It was called, at different times, Fort George, Fort
mouth, (where the tides three feet
rise
Frederic and Fort William Henry.
Williamton, L, 67.
Ed.
'
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
576
In sailing from France directly for the River Saint John, one hundred good picked soldiers
make the I men from the three crews. To these may be conjoined one hundred attack on shore. should support these by an equal number of Indians, who are much greater adepts at the musket than all our Soldiers, but less obedient, and in a sortie should not perhaps be much should necessarily he embarked on board the ships, to form a landing party and to
depended on to stand their ground. However, being supported by 200 Frenchmen might assuredly engage them not to give way. 4 Brass 12 or 18 pounders, with their cedar carriages, equipments and ammunition. 4 Trains, or Devils, to transport them at once, from the sea by the portage I have mentioned these will be of trifling inconvenience on board the ships, when dismounted. 30 Rakes, 24 of 100 iron-shod shovels to remove the earth 300 Grenades 2 gunners
— them iron — 50 good
—
—
axes.
4 pieces of Coarse Clocheterre canvas for bags to hold earth. Two mortars of only about 12 1300 weight, with cedar carriages and equipments. 200- Shells
—
@
2 bombadeers, as
it
is to
be feared that having only one, he
through sickness or some other accident. I shall land the troops in that harbor which
is,
may
fail
either
at farthest, only three-quarters of a league
Pemquid, whence there is a wagon road to the fort; and the landing having will have only to cruize at the entrance of the Bay of Pemqui, and enter the ships been made it at the first shot from our battery, in order to anchor at an Island which is at the Northwest,' and beyond the range of the guns of the fort; and in the course of the night, they could come and lie alongside the fort which, as far as I can judge, would require only twenty-four hours of a distant from Fort
brisk attack.
To
insure the success of this expedition will require perfect understanding and agreement
between the Commanders of the naval and land such orders as I
shall
it
forces
;
wherefore
take the
liberty
of representing, were
addition to the knowledge he
is
I request the
may
will consider proper so that the King's service
Court
to give
not suffer.
M. de Bonnaventure
selected
already in possession of respecting the country, he
that, is
in
of a
temper not to cause any difficulty. This post being captured, attacks could then be made along the coast. Sieur Baptiste would, with some pilots whom we have here, conduct the ships in safety, and a portion of the Islands within sight of Boston could be destroyed without any risk. Profound secresy must be observed in France respecting the vessels to come here, so that the people of Boston may not have any information by way of Old England of this expedition. I am very glad to remark, when asking for two hundred shells, that such a number will not be required for fort Pemqui, but it may eventually happen that we would find the attack on Pescatoue feasible, and we may be in want of some to attack the fort, for it is very certain that, should all the Indians take the field next year, it will be a bloody campaign for our enemies. As the Indians of Cape Breton could not be readily notified in consequence of the distance, and as it was they who went on board the Man of War la Brelonne, and who, M. de Bonnaventure observed to me, were very much pleased, they could be shipped on the way hither; to effect which nothing is necessary but to enter Spaniards' bay,^ where some will be found awaiting the news from France, with a settler who is going thither this fall to establish himself there. '
Now, Rutherford
Island.
WtlUamton,
I.,
68.
— Ed.
'
S«9 note, supra,
p. 644.
Two
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
V.
577
months' Provisions to be brought
for
the subsistence of the Indians
estimated at 200 men, to be loaded equally in the 3 vessels.
2000 2 200
lbs. of
Flour.
tierces of Molasses, to flavor their Sagamitd. lbs.
of Butter, for the same purpose.
10 barrels of Brandy; without which
'twill
be impossible
to
on them to
prevail
act efficiently.
In order to avoid incumbering the ships, the surplus of the provisions they
during two months, can be sent
for,
on their
arrival, to
may
be procured cheaper than in France, and be advanced by the Company's agent • that Country.
Memorandum
of Presents for the Indians of Acadia, for the
his Majesty grants
them
in order to
require
Minas or Port Royal, where they could
wage war
sum
who
is
in
of 3640" which
against the English.
2000 '" of Powder. 40 barrels of bullets. 10 barrels of
Swan
shot.
400 lbs of Brazilian Tobacco. 200 Tomahawks, of which M' de Bonnaventure will furnish the pattern. CO selected guns like those of this year. 200 Mulaix Shirts, averaging 30' each. 8 "" of fine Vermilion.
200
tufts
of white feathers to be given the Indians in order to designate them during the
@ 7*;
to
be selected in
will be
all
assembled at
night in case of attack, and which will cost at most only six Paris by M. de Bonnaventure.
Which
presents will be distributed
among
when they
the Indians
the rendezvous to be indicated to them.
Narrative of Occurrences in Canada.
Memoir of
the Negotiations in
Cadillac.
In order to inform you of
proposals for peace,
made
Canada with the
1694. Iroquois.
By M.
de
la
Mothe
1694.
what has occurred
this year,
I shall first state to
you that the
October 1093 by Atharea the Iroquois, were continued by two Indians who arrived at Montreal in the month of January, with the assurance that the Chiefs of the Five Nations were coming for the purpose of learning what M. de Frontenac's intention
was
in
in regard to the negotiation entered
Vol. IX.
into
73
by
their
Atharea; that they were coming to
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
578
^
>
whether they would be well received, and if there would be safety for their Chiefs who were at a distance of five days' journey of Montreal awaiting their return, and the answer the Count should give them. M. de Callieres having advised the Count of this deputation, sent (so as to lose no time) these two Iroquois back to their Chiefs with assurances, in advance, that they could come in all safety and that no harm would occur to them ; that they would be conveyed to Quebec with a good escort and without the smallest risk that the Count would .there listen to their words, and that they might in conjunction with him, devise some expedient for the conclusion ascertain
;
of a peace.
These two Iroquois and their Chiefs were expected some days, but in vain; and their knavery was soon admitted. Nevertheless, when nothing more was thought of them, the Count again received advice that three other Iroqupis, belonging to the Mohawk village were come and had Belts for our Indians of the Sault and the Mountain. M' de Callieres having questioned them,
made them go down
Count's orders before speaking
first
after
Quebec, where they remained two days by the
this
they flung three belts, that
is
to
say, three
Chamber.
propositions, into the Council
The two
;
to
assured our Christian Indians and others, that the road to the Five Nations
was
Orange and Corlard that they might go there and return without danger, and that their hatchet was tied up pending 45 days on condition that they, also, would tie up theirs for the same time. (To tie up the hatchet means a Truce.) The third Belt was addressed to the French and embodied tlie same proposition.' The Count kicked away these three propositions or Belts, and by this mark of contempt and haughtiness, indicated to the proudest nation throughout this New World his indifference for peace, and said to them " I consider it a very bold and rash proceeding on your part to come here for the purpose of seducing and debauching my Children of the Sault and of the Mountain. There they are present in this Council. They will tell you their thoughts at home. Think you that you are able to corrupt or to shake them? You deceive yourselves. They are submissive and obedient to me, as true Children ought to be to their fathers." Our Indians hereupon uttered a cry expressive of their approbation of what he said. The Count continued in this wise " Although I regard you here as spies and fellows bribed by the Great Arrow,^ I cannot, however, forget that [ am your Father, and that you are my Children, who have become rebels and disobedient to my orders. Wherefore and in order to afford you leisure to reenter into clear as well as that to
;
:
—
:
—
I will indeed tie up my hatchet for two moons, on this condition that if Teganissorhens be not here before the expiration of that time, and with two principal Chiefs of each nation, I will no longer listen to your voice, and should you return to submit to me any new proposition,
yourselves,
and declare to you, that I will commit to the kettle those who shall be so rash as to undertake such an embassy. Once more I repeat to you that Tegnnnisorens alone
I protest
dare to
and those who will accompany him, will find their path open; that it is hear, and that I will not close my ears to his word; that the road will be shut him, and that those who will be taken will nefr^scjjpe roasting."
G.
these propositions at length, see
^
IV^
92, also Coldcn, 8to., 163.
\
'
his voice
I
will
to all others but
Governor Fletcher of New-York.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
V.
:
579
Language so haughty undeceived these three envoys who were surprized at it. They were sent back, two days afterwards to Montreal and thence to the fort of tiie Indians of the Mountain and Sault, to present them the two Belts the Count has rejected, to which their Chief jeplied in these terms
:
—
19th April,
Onontio, that
1694.
he arts were _bad
is ;
to say our Father, has rejected
but no matter.
He was
your Belts; he was aware yoar
wise to allow you to come here, in
may be no longer at a loss to know our intention respecting your negotiation, to answer by this Belt, that speaks for all my Nation, and is to assure you that our^hfiatt is good and pure; that we shall never follow any but Onontio's will. He is our Father who fenderly lovesHs, who does not abandon us, and we shall be always obedient unto him. We have nothing to do either with Corlard or Orange, and have still less thoughts of going into your villages to convey thither proposals of our movement. We have no other mind nor aim than that of our F'ather. If he hang up his hatchet, we shall hang ours up likewise, and if he sharpen it in order to strike the better, we will go whither he will turn it. However, as you have solicited Onontio to tie it up for two moons and he has consented, we shall tie up ours also, and during that interval Teganissores and those who will accompany him, will be at liberty to come freely and without fear. No harm shall be done them, for our Father so order that you
which
I
ordains
The
it.
Indians of the Sault
made
the
same answer by the second
which the three what they had seea
Belt, after
Deputies, took the road towards Ononta^, where they were to report
and heard.
At the expiration of two moons, that
is
about Saint John's day, Teganissorens and two of
the most influential Chiefs of each Iroquois Nation arrived at Montreal and then
came down
Quebec, where M' de Callieres happened to be. The Count received them quite courteously, and at a formal interview let them know, that he deplored their misfortune, and was touched with compassion for their errors. He then dismissed them, and they were conducted to the to
custom, two days without explaining
lodgings prepared for them.
They were, according
themselves, and on the
they delivered a public discourse in which they reported the
3"*
to their
propositions they had to submit on the part of their Tribes agreeably to the resolution of their
Council; and with this view Teganissorens, in the before the
Count
in
Clergy and Laity, in 23^ May, 1G94.
name
of the Five Nations, laid three Belts
presence of the principal Indian Chiefs and the most influential of the this country.
The
following
is
the Tenor of the l'«
Belt.
Father Onontio Atarh^a, whom we sent unto you last year in order to ascertain whether were safe to come and see you, assured us, on his return, that if I came with two of the most considerable of each Nation, you would again condescend to listen to the proposals we should submit, and that even should affairs not be arranged, we could return in all security. On this message we set out and here we are on your mat, (that is, chair) to speak to you of peace in the names of the Five Iroquois Nations, and even of our Brethren, the Great Arrow and Peter Schuyler, mayor and commandant of Orange. !
it
p-
2" vith a riew to iu stability aad tiw kKraaat of iu Talae for the adraati^ of the Coiooj, has beeoiM wocae thaa bad, and appeals to have KMitrd laagii^ m tlw ialcrior af the tammUj haa beea beea WMMTaiitly J^gravaied. aiaea pemiittff^ This bm beea pfod«eti?aam Quebec preceded,
some days, by the
Militia of that
government
;
by the Abenakis and by the Hurons
of Loretto.
From Three Rivers to Montreal the army proceeded in a body (en corps), and the Count and Intendant reached the latter place on the 22"* of June.
A
canoe arrived three days afterwards, from Missilimakinac, bringing letters from Sieur de La Motte the commandant, which contained various news, good and bad. It is necessary to dwell somewhat on the affairs of that country. Those who will give themselves the trouble to read this Narrative, will in the
draw such information from
it
as they will think proper,
present conjuncture, Nations, so difficult of government, can
discretion, without endangering the total loss of all
spot can, with great difficulty
be
Canada, since all the only, divert them from their evil designs.
left
skill
and see
to their
if,
own
of those on the
It was remarked, at the close of last year's Relation, that the Deputies from the Iroquois had been received, through means of the Hurons, by the five Nations of Missilimakinac and their allies their belts accepted and peace almost concluded between them. Those Deputies set out on their return, on the lO"" of October, after a number of Councils and other private conferences to which Sieur de La Motte was not invited. He, however, ;
found means to learn all that transpired from Onaske, Chief of the Kiskakons business presents and Belts had passed] besides several merely of thanks. present
was a Calumet of red
stone, of extraordinary beauty
and
size,
— [that various The
by which
all
principal
the
Lake
namely, the Outaouas and others, invite the Five Iroquois Nations to smoke the same Calumet and, whilst smoking, to recover their senses, and to assure themselves that
tribes,
Missilimakinak and their that this present
is
not
allies will
made them
remember Anick's
Anick's belt was explained by Onaske. Iroquois and invites us to eat the Nations had agreed to
The
Indians
dare not
all
them not on
their side forget,
It
comes, he says, from the English through the
White meat,' and I see that, when these Deputies had HowBrer, you can rely on their eating me, also.
who had been down
and gave out that
we
it.
belt; let
in vain.
to Montreal arrived a
the French were dead
make our appearance on ' i.
e.,
;
that the
the Great Lake,
The French. De La
few days
Quebec
i: e.
left, all
after at Missilimakinac,
was stopped up and that the Sea; that we had neither Wine,
Potherie, HI., 261.
river
— Ed.
r
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS: nor Brandy nor any merchandise grieved them
Sieur de
more
La
that they were returning with their old shirts and
;
— without having had a drink.
He made
who was
— what
was by no means
Motte's embarrassment, on receipt of this intelligence,
but he was reassured by the arrival of a solitary Frenchman canoes, and
645
V.
who had embarked
small,
in the Indians'
entrusted with letters from the Count.
the most, to the Indians, of the blow which Sieur de la Durantaye had inflicted
on the Iroquois, and promised them that the scarcity of goods, which arose merely from the
among them
delay of the ships by the winds, would not prevent the distribution
remained
them
in their
Had
whom
it
even on
in the stores at Missilimakinac at the usual prices,
of
what
credit, in order to assist
winter encampments.
not been for this foresight he never would have succeeded in appeasing the Indians
interest alone governs,
in quest of
whom
and
neither difficulty nor fatigue will ever prevent going
a cheap bargain, wherever they
Council and thus addressed them Brothers.
From
all
:
imagine
will
—
among you, but many have remained it
to be found.
time have rebellious children existed, and in
from
me
I
time have some been
all
firm and have not wavered.
vain.
is
24"" of 8'*' in a general
Suspicion has spoiled the hearts of some
seen to hear with joy the voice of their Father.
endeavor to conceal
it is
them together on the
After having thus soothed them, he called
speak, then, to
your thought; your those whose hearts waver, and who I see
suspected that the Governor wished to conclude peace for himself alone, without including generally
all his
children in
Let them
it.
on
reflect
that has been done, and reject the evil
all
See with what fury he is striking and and will no longer fighting at present; he has cast away his body an Indian expression listen to the Iroquois for whose utter destruction measures have been taken. Behold with joy Catarokouy, i. e. Fort Frontenac That is the Great Kettle from which the whole world will take what it wants to keep alive the war unto the end. Be not impatient; Then will Onontio invite all his children to that Kettle has not yet boiled it will boil soon. the feast and they will find wherewithal to fill them. The tears and the submissions of the Iroquois will be no longer received as in times past. They have overflowed the measure the patience of the common father is exhausted ; their destruction is inevitable. Brothers: I hear tbe words of my father; The proud' Onnask^ answered in these terms: designs malignant spirits have induced them to adopt.
—
—
;
;
—
he
is
fighting, he
to follow
does not
me have
let the
Iroquois go.
me from my purpose I will warriors who will not abandon me think fit, and let me do as I like.
divert
;
;
Big Head, the most influential of
execute I
urge no one to follow
all
thoughts, that
if I
It is
me
the nations, spoke thus I
my
peril of
at the
it
time that you are grieving at our misconduct. saying a word. But 'tis time to relieve you.
those
who
vain for
you
wish to imitate him
I
only to remain quiet and on their mats.
:
;
life
let
;
I
are unwilling
to attempt to have some young
every one act as he will
Father,
have suflered from
I tell
;
it
I
perceive for a long
as well as you, without
you publicly and no longer conceal
my
have been, in any manner, concerned in the peace proposed to us, whilst it was unintentionally. You could have seen that my son Mikinac was
the Iroquois were here,
mourning for
it;
face painted
and
he has not washed his face, neither has he combed his hair. his hair dressed '
;
his heart feels glad
Faithful
De
;
he
la Potherie, III, 264.
is
You
will see his
determined on war according to
—Ed.
i^
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
646 your wishes
my
'Tis
;
thought
As these two
Two
days
Sieur de little
thought
all
shall
do
is
there on this earth that will look
me
in the
?
most considerable among the Nations, none other presumed
to
sung the same song.
they demanded some Frenchmen to accompany them on the war-path
after,
La Motte
Brandy
I
chiefs are the
contradict them, and
Who
'tis his.
;
what
eyes, and find fault with
furnished; but
to sing the
War
it
was impossible
song:
to get
They even broke
whom
them to start without giving them a some French cabins where they
into
to find a supply.
This could not be prevented, and a
Commandant who
is at all
times greatly embarrassed to
them to act, could never absolutely effect his purpose had he persisted in refusing them what they so passionately love. Are they not, in like manner, but too much disposed to go in search of some to the enemy, if they should not procure it from us? Onaske, despite the belts presented to him by people belonging to his own Nation, and the considerable presents they offered him and he obstinately refused, organized a party whereof means were found to debauch a great number, and faction ran so high that his canoes were cut get
in the night.
son, of
The
Notwithstanding
whom we
all that,
he departed and at Detroit joined Mikinak, Big Head's
have already spoken.
'
Iroquois had been hunting the whole
•
of the winter, living on very
good terms with
the Hurons.
The Outaouacs, who were
had
there, having disposed of a quantity of goods the English
The arrival intrusted to them, one of them had been arrested, but even he was set at liberty. of Onnask^ changed the face of affairs. Wilameck, chief of the Poutouatamis, who left his The Hurons gave and WiJamak were preparing to go and attack them. On receipt of this news, they bundled up their packs and our people did not pursue them until some days afterwards, but they made such speed, marching day and night, The attack was vigorous and well sustained, but most of the that they overtook them at last. According to Iroquois, after a rough fight, were obliged to throw themselves into the water. the report of those wiio have been taken, over 40 warriors were drowned on this occasion. They have brought back to Missilimakinac thirty scalps and thirty-two prisoners, men, women 500 beavers,' exclusive of several goods, and children. The plunder amounts to between 4 the remainder of what the English had given them. Some Hurons who were following the Iroquois, were taken at the same time, and have been since given up to their own tribe. This blow was of so much the more importance that it entirely broke up the inceptions of peace between the Iroquois and Upper allied Nations. We are under every obligation to the address of Sieur de La Mothe who knew how to find means to move Onaske, Big Head and country expressly on a war excursion, joined him with 30 of his Tribe. intelligence to the Iroquois that Onnaske, Mikinac
@
Mikinac his son.
It is
not probable that the English will confide their goods to the Iroquois we might get our
as their Agents, as long as they will be apprehensive that
and employ them
Indians to strike similar blows, and carried
away by
returns they will side,
the
first
are of a very fickle disposition; allow themselves to be
gust of wind, and pass easily from one extremity to the other.
make them
when no one
all
for this venture will
be too poor.
But may we not
fear,
The on our
will be at Missilimakinac to take advantage of these circumstances;
encourage good, and divert bad intentions; to
make
use in
fit
to
season of firmness or presents;
that this trade so successfully interrupted in its inception will not be entirely reestablished to '
which may be valued
at fifteen thousand francs.
La
Poiherie, III, 266.
— Ed.
'
—
PARIS DOCUMENTS
V,
:
647
That of the Beaver, though constituting the sole support of the Colony, would not be the most serious. It is to be apprehended that the English and the Nations who would abandon us, forming a common interest, may turn their arms against us; or at least, the loss of Canada
that
we
?
should be entirely deprived of their aid against the Iroquois, the
What
cease to hold communication with them. discover designs,
a
And how, at when those who
are present, notwithstanding
great deal of difficulty ere
To
believe, however,
gain over?
What
intrigues
three hundred leagues' distance, divert the execution of their evil
?
in quest of our
we
chiefs could
moment we should
and
they succeed
all
to assure the Court, as has
goods to Montreal,
is
their care
and application, experience
?
been done, that they come every year
an indication either of malice, or consummate ignorance in
Interest alone governs them; their sole desire is to live comfortably Every thing turns on these two points, and is it to be presumed that they will undertake a voyage to Montreal of more than 500 leagues in search of their necessaries, at a time when they will be supplied at a lower rate at home by the English or the Iroquois? They used to come there formerly, 'tis true but the road on the English side was neither opened nor known to them, and our retreat from Missilimakinac would render it absolutely free. athingnot to be expected That, should they continue to wage war against the Iroquois they would dare totally to abandon their villages, as they used to do in the time of the ancient They would then fairs, and leave their wives and children at the mercy of their enemies? find themselves under an absolute necessity to make peace, and that peace would be our ruin. It is also -alleged that the French traders ciiuse considerable injury to the people of Missilimakinac who alone were in the habit formerly of carrying on the trade, and distributing among the most distant Nations what they used to draw from us. That is true but did they Were we acquainted, in those furnish any to the Nations with whom they were at variance ? us than even the Outaouaes, who more attached to multitude of Allies are times, with that and all of whom regard the King and his representatives as their Father? Missilimakinac will The Nations will assemble there, still carry on the trade, but the Beaver will go to Orange.
regard to the Savages.
and
to
be .dlothed.
;
—
—
;
but they will lose clothe
all
recollection of Onontio,
them and make them drink Brandy which they are animated,
Protestants
will
Even though they would,
?
in future regard only the English
reflections
on
it
new Churches;
how
fer\'ent
soever be the
this
is
them ?
long,
'tis
true, but too short for the
Narrative are at liberty to
make such
fit.
Onnask€, on his return, presented the scalps and a La Mothe adding, thereunto, these words:
Sieur de
and,
will the latter permit
Those who read
as they will think
will
they dare preach the Catholic religion in sight of
Public interests have required this digression which
importance of the subject.
who
at discretion.
Will Missionaries be in security in their zeal with
and
little
prisoner he had brought along, to
;
you what 1 have done. The French, who have wintered at the Saguinan, have doubtless informed you of it. I believe that you are aware that my arms, my legs and my waist have been tied ; that guns and kettles had been suspended to stop me ; I passed over them all. I listened to you Father; I have performed thy will; I have fulfilled thy word. Retain, I request you, what you have given me. Let the warriors have some Brandy to drink; I pledged myself that they should have some; I will not taste any of it; I promised it to them. They did as you desired; they told you no lies; they have killed the Father.
I
shall not tell
iWsc^"mberat Piscato^, lalesl,
,/
Manatte about the
beginning of July.
tlie
Previous to Starting for Manatte the fleet would assist the Canadians and
""^aStn "^h^
iSd
may
the enterprise t
liberty to sail for
GGl
would meet the troops from Canada and the
Indians from Acadia, so as to leave tiiere (or Boston in Theycoui
M.
de Pontcliartrain.
Quebec,
My
14"'
November
1709.
Lord,
I did
myself the honor
to
way of Placentia, and rendered you go up to Montreal, in the course of the winter,
write to you this spring by
an account of the reasons that obliged
me
to
on the reports M. de Ramezay sent
me in several consecutive letters, confirming the intelligence enemy were wishing to make some expedition on the ice. Unformed you by the same My Lord, of the efforts M'' Dudley, governor of Boston, was making through those of
that the letter,
Orange
to induce the Iroquois to declare themselves against us,
the authority of the
over these Indians.
breaking up of the
new Governor who had This obliged me, on ice, for
having employed
for that
purpose
arrived at Menathe, and Peter Schuyler's influence
my
side,
to dispatch Sieur de Joncaire, at the first
the purpose of maintaining these Indians always in their neutrality,
making them understand that it is for their interest not to take any part between the English and us. He would have been entirely successful in this, could he have been every where, but having been absent on a tour
to Seneca, whilst waiting until
the Onnontagues
were ready
to
come
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
829
VI.
down with liim, as they had promised, the English sent Abraham Schuyler to Onnontague with four Dutchmen and some Englishmen to sing the War song in the Villages, and to present the hatchet to the Nations on the part of the Queen of England. Abraham Schuyler having had a long conversation with the Reverend Father de Lamberville, and having likewise expressed
to
him
his regret at being obliged to present the hatchet to the
so well that he persuaded this good father to come himself to Montreal to of what was passing; and as he desired nothing better than to send off account give me an Father de Lamberville, of whose influence over the minds of the Onnontagues he was aware, he took advantage of his absence, as soon as he savv him depart and told the Rev"" Father de
Indians,
managed
remained, that his life was not safe, insinuated to him that the only means of from certain danger to which he was exposed was, to accompany them to himself extricating Orange, which this good Father complied with as appears by a copy of a letter that he himself Mareuil,
who had
addressed to Father d'Heu, Missionary at Seneca, and which
annex hereunto. In order to Abraham Schuyler immediately I
engage the Onnontagu^s the more to declare war against us, made some drunken Indians set fire to the Father's Chapel and house, which he
first
caused
be pillaged.
to
Sieur de Joncaire
who was
knowing the Indian
fifteen leagues off,
having learned this news, did not think proper, who were with him, but at the same time
character, to risk the soldiers
who was at Seneca, nor to return without to accommodate matters, sent a canoe and his means some ascertaining whether there was not soldiers to Fort Frontenac with the annexed letter to Sieur de la Fresniere who commands
not wishing thus to abandon Father d'Heu
there,
As
and returned alone to the Senecas. all
this intelligence.
English prisoners
we were on
whom
My
Lord, conjoined to other
news already furnished us by some
our Indians had captured since the spring, demonstrates to us that
the eve of a most sanguinary
war
in this
country, and the more to be apprehended
—
I from that moment made appeared that the Iroquois were declaring against us preparations to give the enemy a warm reception ; and the Abenakis Indians having brought me on the 20"" of June an English prisoner 46 years old, a man of character, whose examination
as
it
I adjoin, I sent this prisoner to
Quebec
in order to let the
better the necessity of being on their guard against
all
Intendant and his son understand
contingencies.
I
transmitted
my
orders
Three Rivers to Sieur de Cabanac, commandant of that post since M. de Crisafix death, and to M. de I'Angloiserie at Quebec, for the farmers to place their more valuable property in safety, and that all capable of bearing arms be ready at the first news of the enemy's ships, to repair to Quebec with as much provisions as possible, and their arms. The government of Montreal being the most exposed to the incursions of the Iroquois, I called together at my house M. de Ramezay, M. de Longueuil, M. de Bellemont, Superior of the to
Seminary and Seigneur of the Island of Montreal, the Superior of the Jesuits, the Missionaries of the Indians and whatever there were of Captains at Montreal, and having communicated to them all the aforesaid news, it was resolved that it was necessary to oblige all the settlers within this government to remove their families, movables, grain and cattle into the town, 80 that should the enemy happen to hold the country with any considerable force, they could not, at least, find any supplies in the settlements, principally on the south shore which apparently would be most exposed to their incursions. And as fort Frontenac is untenable during hostilities with the Iroquois, unless at a vast expense, at
my
quarters,
when
it
was resolved
to
abandon
it.
I
called a second Council of
War
But Sieur de Joncaire having fortunately
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
830
arrived at Montreal, and having assured
who were
bringing Father d'Heu
their villages,
I
profited
me
tliat forty
Senecas were coining down with him,
and a French blaci^smilh
wiiom they had
by the occasion, and the sojourn of these Indians
into fort P'rontenac the supplies
it
at
some years in Montreal, to throw for
needed.
annex hereunto what these Indians have said to me and my answers. You will understand, My Lord, by their speeches and conduct up to this time, that 1 did not hazard too much when I stated, at the commencement of my letter, that if Sieur de Joncaire could have been every I
where, he would have counteracted the influence of Abraham Schuyler.
him
for
in
such a situation,
when he found
It is
very fortunate
himself out of danger, that he returned to the
Senecas without knowing precisely what would turn up, and that, after he had made his men kill,
not three weeks before, one Montour, a
Frenchman by
who was endeavoring for exerting himself to make them
birtb,
but entirely devoted
two years
English and in their pay,
the last
the Upper Nations,
declare against us.
to attract to I
owe
to the
them
Sieur de Joncaire, who, in this matter and by his return to Seneca, has given evidence of
the firmness that
is to
be expected from a worthy
officer
who
all
this justice to all
has solely in view the good of his
Majesty's service.
The Senecas, My Lord, having gone back very well satisfied with me, and I with them, I was making preparations to go down to Quebec to hasten its fortifications, when an Indian whom I had sent express for news to the Mohegans (Loups) residing near Orange, came and told me that the enemy were working hard and fast in constructing bateaux, and that they were even having
come
their provisions carted along the river Orange, so as to be quite ready to
to Montreal as soon as they
This news.
My
would have
Lord, conjoined to a letter
I
intelligence that their fleet
was
in the river.
received next day from Sieurs de Rouville and
send you, caused me to adopt the resolution of having the enemy's stores seized and their wagons broken, and with this view instead of taking the troops to Quebec, where they were much required, I left them with M. de
de
la Periere,
copy whereof
I
have the honor
to
Ramezay, and having sent orders to Three Rivers to send up two hundred men and the Abenakis Indians of S' Francis, I organized a force for M. de Ramezay of nearly fifteen hundred men, and gave him the annexed orders, fully persuaded that with such a detachment he had nothing to apprehend, and was in a condition to undertake any thing on Lake Champlain, as in fact, I have reason to believe that M. de Ramezay would have fully achieved had it not been that, unfortunately for us, he employed a young officer, his nephew, on the day he approached Crown Point, to go on a scout, who having advanced too far, was himself discovered by the enemy, which consisted of a party of a hundred and some odd men including Englishmen, Dutchmen and Mohegans (Louj)s). This mishap having deranged the plans which M. de Ramezay had laid down for seizing Crown point, he effected a landing three-quarters of a league lower down, and seeing the enemy defiling off" in canoes and coming towards the place where he was, made preparations to give them a warm reception, when he got word that other Englishmen were in the woods in great numbers. This at first prevented him ordering a charge to be made in canoe against those on the river, but perceiving at length that the enemy, on discovering his position, were beginning to wish to get out in the stream, he ordered a volley to be fired at them by which some thirty of them were killed. It is unfortunate for M. de Ramezay that the enemy were the first to discover him; otherwise, he would have surrounded that party, and it maybe added, would have performed other good service. This misfortune is the more serious as it
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
831
VI.
Ramezay puslung on further; because having, on the same night, heard the two guns, and believing that it might be some wounded Englishmen in need of help, he sent two or three canoes to the spot, which discovered two Dutchmen, who having taken our Frenchmen for their people, came to the water side; but having found out their mistake, wished to make their escape. This they would have effected Iiad Sieur de Rouville, who commanded this detachment, not ordered them to be covered by the men's guns, and obliged them to embark with him. 1 annex hereunto the statement of these two prisoners, to M. prevented M. de
reports of
Ramezay and
de I
forgot.
on the
My
of May,
S""
Quebec.
their examination at
Lord, to inform you in the beginning of I
The
obtain intelligence.
my
letter, that
on arriving at Montreal
detached several small parties of Indians to take some prisoners so as to English having the same design, a party of twelve or fifteen men,
composed of Englishmen and Mohegans (Loup!) met in Lake Champlain a party of our Indians of the Sault, two of whom they killed and scalped. Returning by the river Bnouskyt* the same hostile party discovered another of our detachments from the Sault au Recollet on Our men being surprised, the English killed one its way back with some English prisoners. of them; but our Indians rallying, disembarked and so vigorously pressed the enemy, who were on shore, that after having killed four or five of their men, they routed the remainder who are in danger of perishing of hunger, having no provisions and almost all of them having thrown aside their arms.
This party of the enemy having experienced such bad luck,
we have
not seen any of them
since near that river; but our Indians not being satisfied and feeling piqued, asked
them go on an excursion with some
not less dear to
me
to
make
Frenchmen and
me
to let
to allow Sieur
la
Periere to
their zeal, and at the
the French take the
This party.
of the most active
command. I assented to this on the spot, in order not to same time to let them see, that their interests were us than our own, and that it was sufficient for them to be attacked to induce
de Rouville and de
throw a damp on
fifly
My
field.
Lord, having gone to the fork of the river Pynictigouk to carry off some
English, who, as they were told, were there scouting, and not having discovered any thing,
came to guerrefiUe^ where having prepared an ambush for the English, examination I annex hereunto, and came back with their party whose they caught two to join M. de Ramezay on Lake Champlain. M. de Costebelle informing me. My Lord, that he was advised that an expedition consisting of 12 or 15 large ships, was fitting out in England, and that he had no doubt it was intended for him I received advice, at the same time by M. de Subercasse that nothing was more certain than that the expedition getting up at Boston was designed for us, and that it was to be joined retraced their steps, and alive,
;
by a very considerable
On
by M. de Ramezay gave
fleet
from Old England.
two Dutch prisoners taken renewed the orders I had issued to all the settlements had on both sides of the river forty and fifty leagues
the strength of this intelligence and the examination of the
new
in
Lake Champlain,
ones to the scouts
whom
I
I
from Quebec; visited the settlements myself; reviewed the settlers, inspected their arms, had lists made out what were wanting, and of what required repairs; encouraged the one;
answered the objections of others '
'
;
increased even the officers of militia in order to insinuate
Onion Rirer, Vt In June one of the RoaviUcB, vilh one hundred and eighty French and Indians, made another attempt opoD Deerfield.
Hutchinson,
II.,
163.
— Eu.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
832 to the settlers
what
T
wished them
and
to do,
finally,
having returned to Quebec, caused a
War to be held which was attended by M. Raudot, Jun^ M. de Louvigny and whatever captains were in town.
Council of
On
the night of the 16"" or l?"" of August,
leagues from Quebec, advising
me
I
M. de
I'Angloiserie,
received a letter from Sieur de Plaine dated 20
that he had discovered 3 leagues above Bic, that
is
to say,
below Quebec, eight vessels under sail and two others which he thought he saw later to the North, with other particulars which you will learn from his letter. Notwithstanding all the precaution I had taken, I confess to you. My Lord, I could not help feeling some embarrassment at this news, for, according to M. de Subercasse's letters, I could not expect the enemy's fleet for a month at soonest, and according to the information Sieur de The troops Plaine told me he received, I could not flatter myself that this fleet was French. were still partly at Montreal; the town, in spite of all the care and pains Sieur le Vasseurtook, was still open at many points; the cattle were to be driven, and the women and children sent, a matter so much the more difficult as into the woods and the men brought into town
some
forty-five leagues
those
who ought
—
themselves, were the that
it
me
to assist
first to
in
insinuate to them, notwithstanding
was impossible the enemy would invade
you, but
it is
make every
encouraging the people to
all
the
sacrifice to
news
I
was
defend
receiving,
This will appear incredible
this country.
to
nevertheless, most true.
Sieur de Plaine's letter having been handed to
me
at
two o'clock
in the
morning,
I first
set
about issuing what orders I considered necessary, and having thus spent the night of the IG"" or 17"" and the whole of the following day, I called another Council of War on the IS"" and from that time drove work forward as rapidly as possible; but as the harvest was yet out, and as it was as dangerous not to gather it as not to employ the whole of that time in fortifying the city of Quebec, M. Raudot, Jun', and
considered
I
obtain information of those at Tadoussac, and
it
proper to send out
new
scouts to
meanwhile we put the farmers, who were
arriving from day to day, at the most urgent work.
We had
already taken the precaution, some time previously, to employ the sailors belonging
to the vessels at
Quebec, with a view
to relieve, in
some degree,
the owners of the ships from
the expense they were subjected to by being delayed, so as to diminish at the same time the
number of facilitate
the farmers
the country
Our new
we were
work
;
obliged to furnish Sieur
without which
Le
we would have run
Vasseur, and by this means
the risk of a famine next year.
scouts having returned from Tadoussac, without either themselves or any
else there having seen
any thing,
I
dismissed the people, and this justice
is
due
body
to all the
farmers in the governments of Quebec, and Three Rivers, that notwithstanding the reports
which had been circulated [respecting] their harvests and little private affiiirs, I saw tliat they were favorably disposed to come and throw themselves into Quebec. Those of Three Rivers, indeed, have in some sort done more than was to be expected of them, for they went up twice to Montreal and came down once to Quebec.
••#»#•
I
have the honor,
My Lord,
to relate to
you
all
the
news
that I have received up to the present
time as well from the Iroquois, from Orange, from the English prisoners as from Acadia,
all
which together confirm the intended invasion by way of Montreal and Quebec. The lowest estimate was, that I should be attacked at Quebec by six thousand men and at Montreal by two thousand. It was even pretended that among the number of these 6000 men against
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
VI.
838
Quebec, there were to be five regiments of Regulars; the remainder were raked up in Scotland and promised, as a bounty, free plunder and fine lands alrejidy cleared in this province. It is
now
proper that
The government
I
give you a faithful return of the forces in Canada.
of Montreal,
My
Lord, contains about twelve hundred
men between
the
ages of seventy and fifteen years.
The government fifteen
of Three Rivers contains about four hundred
men between
seventy and
years of age.
The government of Quebec contains two thousand two hundred men between the ages of seventy and fifteen years and that within forty leagues of territory; to wit, twenty leagues above and twenty leagues below Quebec.
The and it
troops
fifty
amount
men, but
I
detachment at Detroit, to about three hundred do not calculate on having at Quebec more than two hundred and fifty, in all, exclusive of the
being highly proper to leave the remainder at Montreal, for without troops, however well
may
always some disturbers, and such delicacy exists in this country that one Canadian cannot be got to arrest another. disposed the farmers
The
be, there are
hundred and some men, and in the Colony we may All this footed up makes four thousand, eight hundred and fifty men. Deduct one-third for the old men, or the young people of fifteen years, incapable of bearing arms, and which would have to be sent into the country to guard the women, the children and the cattle, I should have remaining in all three thou^nd three hundred and fifty men. Of these three thousand three hundred and fifty, I should want at least one thousand men to defend the government of Montreal there remain for Quebec two thousand three hundred and fifty men, who, according to the news, were to be attacked by Sailors
amount altogether
to five
calculate on five hundred Indians under arms.
;
six thousand.
M. de Ramezay having sent Sieur de Joncaire to me with his letter of the 10"" of September and an Indian named Arousent, lately arrived from the enemy's camp, I had the letter examined in presence of M. Raudot, Jun'. He informed us that the enemy continued encamped on the river of Orange, with the design to come to Montreal, and that the Iroquois not being able to resist the powerful solicitations of Peter Schuyler had
all
finally declared in their
favor; that Peter Schuyler in order to be better master of the Indians had taken the resolution
come and construct a fort at the end of Lake St. Sacrament, and that the English, to the number of six hundred, were to seize, as soon as possible, on Crown Point, so as to be more convenient to this place whenever they would think fit to come; that they bad five pieces of cannon and several grenades, as well as mortars to discharge them that their plan was to take Chambly, and, next, to get to Montreal, or down to Quebec; according to the news they would receive of their fleet. As we were at the 15"" of September, and, according to the report of this Indian, the enemy had not yet any news of their fleet, I thence inferred that we should have no more to apprehend for Quebec, considering the advjinced season. But as they were still in camp, and if they should come to Crown Point, they would be within two days' march of Chambly, it appeared to me of the greatest consequence not to permit them entering our territory, and with l!;is view I adopted the resolution of going myself to Chambly, and in order not to strip
to
;
the government of Quebec,
Vol. IX.
I
took with
me 105
only the Regulars, four hundred Militia of that
/
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
-634 government, the Indians
who were
and the Abenakis Indians of
at
Quehec and on passing Three Rivers, two hundred men
On
S' Francis.
arriving at Sorel, I sent the entire force to
Chambly under the orders of Sieur de la Chassaigne, whilst I proposed to proceed thither myself, by way of La Prairie de la Madelaine. M. de Ramezay having on the way advised me of a Belt, that Arousent had given in passing to the Indians of the Sault S' Louis on the part of the Mohawks, I was very glad to learn from these Indians when at Montreal, the purport of that belt, and what were their sentiments. They told me that the Mohawks had sent them word by Arousent that it was with great which had been placed was impossible for them to refuse that was at Orange and that was
regret they had consented to Peter Schuyler's message; that the hatchet in their it,
hands did not afford them any pleasure, hut that
not daring to do
so,
considering the large military force
resist the
English army; that
but
if
it
they did not do so,
them
good brothers, that the French never could was still time for those at the Sault to take their choice and to they might consider themselves dead men, and that they need
arriving there every day; that they advised
retire,
it
as
not expect any quarter.
The to see
Chiefs of the Sault having told
me
me
this,
and
signified to
arrive with a great force so as to be able to reply
communicated
to
They thanked
me
me
more
were very glad the Mohawks, they
that they
easily to
the purport of their answer to these Indians.
Arousent had brought, by which they gave had not willingly taken up the hatchet against Onnontio, but only because they could not help it; that if the thing were so, they could easily disengage themselves from a bad business that they had only to continue their neutrality so faithfully observed on the part of the French that for them of the Sault, they were resolved to live and to die with their father; that the threat of the English did not frighten them; that they knew by experience that the French up to this time had always beaten them that they hoped such would still be the case, and that so long as they would be under Onnontio's wing, they feared nothing; that Arousent, the bearer of the Belt, could inform them how they were fortified at Quebec, Montreal, and of the force that was stationed at Chambly, awaiting the English; that it was for them, the Mohawks, to reflect on the past war so as to be able to adopt prudent measures respecting the present; that they ought to reflect that the English had abandoned them, in the last war, and would do the same thing again in this, as soon as there would be
them
their Brethren for the Belt that
to understand that they
;
;
;
peace in Europe.
I
agreed with these Indians that they should give this answer, and made
them add, that if Peter Schuyler caused the Mohawks too much very much welcomed by us. This
affair
having thus terminated,
Indians came to see me.
I
remained
My
Lord,
until the
through want of provisions, to send back the
I
left
regret they
would always be
Montreal for Chambly where
15"" of
October,
Militia, as well
as
when all
I
all
the
saw myself obliged
the Indians, retaining at
Chambly only the regulars to wait for two parties of fifty men each whom I had in Lake Champlain. As the enemy continued according to all accounts, encamped about 15 leagues from Orange, I left, as I
remained
have just the honor of informing you, the regular troops
until the ao"" of October,
when M. de Ramezay
news by a Dutch prisoner who was taken by sent to
me
at
at
Chambly, where they
ordered them to return, on receiving
four Indians of the Sault S' Louis,
and
whom
he
Quebec.
This prisoner.
My
Lord,
who
of Militia raised within the
doubly related to Peter Schuyler, is lieutenant of a Company government of New- York by order of the Queen. I have the is
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
835
VI.
annex hereunto a copy of his commission, as well as of the letter M. de Uamezay wrote me regarding him in which he relates all the prisoner had told. This letter, or rather what this prisoner states, shows that it was not without reason nor uselessly that I caused Quebec and Montreal to be fortified, and that I was on the alert during the summer. It is almost incredible that the enemy should remain four months without making any attempt honor
to
on us, and that we should, during that time, have harrassed them so seriously that within the government of Boston two-thirds of the grain has remained in the field, through want of men, This is a fact and some of our parties have been as many as three or not daring, to garner it. weeks in the neighborhood of some English settlements without being able to take one prisoner, because no one would venture abroad. The enemy being, according to the report of this prisoner, always designing to return next year, and having preserved for that purpose their bateaux and canoes, I shall on my part neglect nothing in my power to contribute to the defence of the colony but as powder is an essential element in war, I beg you. My Lord, to reflect that as we have not received any this ;
year, and are always obliged to furnish
our scarcity be known,
we
some
to the Indians, to
whom
it is
not prudent to let
shall fall very short of that article next spring, unless
good as to have some sent
us,
according to the request
we make
in
our joint
you be so
letter.
Vaddbeuii:*
Examination of Ensign Samuel Whiting. Examination of Samuel Whiting, aged forty-six years, son of a Minister settled He is Ensign of Militia under at Dunstable, eleven leagues from Boston. M' Ting, the brother-in-law of the Governor-General of New England. He
was taken on Sunday, second intelligence:
A
—
of
June 1709 and reports the following
Boston about the middle of May, from England with orders to have in readiness one thousand men to be distributed throughout a fleet which is to sail from Scotland on the 12"" of April to attack Canada. This fleet consists of eight large men of war and flyboat arrived at
twenty-two smaller vessels
some
officers
who
his return
there
is
to be a land force of six thousand
named M. Maccardy, a Scotchman, who home, in the present war under the Duke
The General on
;
men,
all
Scotch, except
are English.
is
in hii youth served in France, of Marlborough,
by
whom
and
he was
recommended to his Queen, on her applying for a person fit to command the expedition. M. Vetch, also a Scotchman, who is to be appointed Governor-General of Canada when reduced by the English, will command under him. Queen Anne has obtained from her Parliament half a million for the expense of this
pay and maintain the thousand men she furnishes. delay at Boston. For this reason the thousand men were at once raised on the arrival of the flyboat which brought out arras for those of New England.
expedition.
The
New
fleet is
England
not to
is
to
make any
i
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
886
Two
Colonels settled at Boston are to accompany the naval forces; one
is
named M' Taylor,
the otiier M' Hasby.'
Meanwhile, the people of
New
England, pinched by the continual subsidies they must pay, are dissatisfied with the war, and their Governor whom they accuse of encouraging it in order to have an opportunity to enrich himself and friends.
Colonel Vetch on arriving from England in the flyboat rode post to Orange,
He was
his uncle, Peter Schuyler.
to
Peter Schuyler received a letter in the
name
Queen Anne
of
to the effect that
disposed to side with the French, he was to withdraw forthwith to them, but
many
men
with
if
were he
he would be
would appoint him Chief of the land expedition.
faithful to his party, she
Fifteen hundred
to consult
be away only eight days.
are to be raised in the government of
New-York
;
the Iroquois and as
Indians as possible are to join these.
In order to gain them over, the
Schuyler
for distribution
Queen sends out among them.
After the conquest of Canada, the fleet
is to
presents which she addresses to Peter
proceed to Acadia and Newfoundland.
The French of Canada are to be sent to England for exchange, the French having taken a large number of English at sea. The Scotch are to have Canada if they take it. They have been thinking of making themselves masters of
The Flyboat
it
for the past four years.
does not bring any news of the probability of Peace.
Reverend Pierre de Mareuil
to (lie
Reverend Jacques d'^Hea.
Copy
of a letter from Father de Mareuil, Jesuit Missionary at Onondaga, Father d'Heu, Missionary of the Senecas, dated IG"" of June, 1709.
to
Reverend Father,
As war with
the Iroquois and English
is, I
perceive, certain, and as
M' Peter Schuyler has
sent a belt to protect us against insult, and even given orders to conduct us to Orange, if preferred,
I
have adopted
The Governor's of our party.
brother would have been
me
Father; try to follow
us.
to
much
it been convenient to you to be you to accompany him to Orange, and send, if necessary, for you by the interpreter. Adieu, my dear I recommend myself to your holy S. S. Your most humble and most
M. Joncaire's brother
has even promised
we
this last alternative.
pleased bad
will propose to
obedient Servant
(Signed) ^Sic.
de Mareuil.*
Hobby.
Maeewl is stated to have come to Canada in 1706. He remained in the Iroquois country until the above when he was conducted to Albany by Lieutenant-Colonel John Schuyler, " the Governor's brother." New-Y
July, 1711.
Sir,
your despatches of the 1" of May, 25"' October and 3^ year, with the papers annexed thereunto; and the duplicates of those of 14"" and I have rendered an account thereof to the King. His Majesty has been very glad to learn that your movements in the month had obliged the enemy to burn the forts he had erected along the river I
am
in receipt of
November of last November, 1709, of October, 1709, of Orange, their
bateaux, pirogues and the supplies of provisions they had collected for their intended expedition against Canada. His Majesty has approved of every thing you have done to obtain the
nothing must be neglected to be exactly informed of the enemy's adopt the necessary measures to thwart them ; but you ought at the same and to movements, time pay great attention to unravel, as much as you can, the incorrect intelligence that may be communicated to you, so as not to make any false movement, nor causelessly incur any expense. His Majesty commends you to apply yourself particularly to these objects. He has been much gratified by the assurances the Deputies from the Onnontagues gave you that they did not intend making war against the French. Neither these assurances nor those of the Mohawks must prevent you being constantly on your guard, and anticipating any movements they might make conjointly with the Dutch. His Majesty recommends you to pay strict attention hereunto. He approves your exchange of Peter Schuyler's nephew for Father de Mareuil, the Jesuit, and of the other prisoners. You did very well to take advantage of the opportunity afforded by that exchange to obtain news of what was passing at Orange. His Majesty has been satisfied with the assurances you afford him that you will in future prevent the frauds which the Interpreters commit in the matter of the Indian presents and the trade in Brandy. You cannot pay too strict an attention to this, and I cannot too strongly recommend it to your watchful supervision. particulars
thereof;
He
has seen the messages of the Outaois, Senecas and other Indians of those parts, and has learned with pleasure their dispositions and assurances not to declare in favor of the English,
and
with the French. You ought to direct all your attention to retaining them and to nullifying all the movements whereby the new Governor of Menathe win over the Five Iroquois Nations to his side and to induce them to rise
to live in peace
in these sentiments, is
endeavoring to
against the French.
measures
to
prevent
There
is
reason to hope that he will not succeed,
if
you adopt
suitable
it.
His Majesty has highly approved the answer you have caused the Indians of the Sault S' Louis to give to the proposal the Governor made them not to wage war any more against the English of Boston, and to observe neutrality with them. You must prevent this by all manner of ways, and keep these Indians in their present sentiment of never abandoning the interest of the Colony.
His Majesty has been likewise highly satisfied that you found means to break up M' Dudley's draw the Abenakis of the sea-board to Boston, in order to carry their Beaver thither and to purchase goods there. That is of great importance, and his Majesty recommends you
design to
to prevent these Indians
continue hostilities.
by every means trading
at all with the English,
and
to
engage them to
PARIS DOCXJMENTS: You have done
well to send Sieur Dubuisson to
place, as the latter's affairs obliged
him
to
remain
VII.
command
857
at Detroit in Sieur de la Forest's
Quebec during
at
but he has returned to his post early in the spring, and that M. de
la
the winter.
I
doubt not
Mothe Cadillac has taken
his departure for Louisiana.
His Majesty has approved of your having permitted an inhabitant of Detroit to go to the Ouabache on the information you received of the existence of a Silver mine there, and that you have given him orders to bring you some specimens from that mine. Be so good as to send me word, at the same time, whether it be productive. This discovery, as well as that of the Copper mines which are reported to be abundant, is of great importance, and nothing must be neglected to acquire thorough information on the subject, and to discover the easiest means to render it useful. It is desirable that you find means of .irranging the affair of Paskou6's tribe with the Iroquois. It is of importance and deserves all your care. By the Memoir of the King you will see what his Majesty's opmion is of the expedient you proposed, and I have nothing to
add thereunto.
M.
My
•
On
M.
••••••••••
Lord,
de
VatidreuU
to
de Pontcliartrain,
and Dupuis from Boston on the 17"* of March last, news from Europe. Different persons had, however,
the departure of Sieurs de Rouville
the English had not yet received any
them aA Orange and elsewhere that, unless a revolution should break out in England, there was not the least doubt but that the King would furnish a considerable fleet to M' Nicolaon, who returned to England only with that sole view. This information, furnished by persons in whom I could not fail to have confidence, caused me to adopt the resolution to send back again to Orange, and as I required a pretext, I had recourse to that of restoring a servant that Major Livingston had left behind sick when returning to Three Rivers. I even added to this servant another English prisoner, whom I sent back on his parole in order to obtain Sieur de Beaunny, whom they have detained since three or four years from me in the Boston Government. They told
have retained up to the present time in Orange the three Frenchmen whom I sent to fetch back these two men, and I have not had, since that time, any news even of the English prisoner
whom
I had sent back on parole. This conduct of the English does not surprise me. They have done it, they say, to prevent me knowing what was passing among them, and herein lies their mistake; for by detaining my three men, they have afforded me more reason to suspect
the truth of their expedition than
The
if
they had immediately sent them back to me.
Frenchmen whom I had sent to Orange, have had the honor peviously to observe to you, leads me to suspect at once the cause, and to assure myself of the matter, I dispatched an Indian, who, under pretext of going to
as
non-return at the time indicated of the three
I
Orange
like the rest to trade,
been able
to effect this,
Vol. IX.
employed every means
he examined, pursuant 108
to
to
speak to these three men.
my
orders, every thing that
Not having
was doing
at
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
858
Orange, and remarked that they were beginning to collect bateaux there, and that they were
very busy purchasing up Indians, and
But
my
as
I
left
me no room
was unwilling
This intelligence was confirmed shortly
barii canoes.
to doubt that the
to incur useless
enemy were preparing
e.xpense, I contented
opinion to the Intendant, and requesting him in
means
my
Meanwhile,
arrived, at this
of their voyage, gave
me
after
Sieur Beaucourt's I
issued orders to
word of command. juncture, with Deputies from the Onnontaguez Sieur
the farmers generally throughout the entire country to be ready at the
Baron de Longueil
by other
myself then with communicating
letters to facilitate
to place us at least beyond insult from a sudden attack.
de Joncaire arrived some days
after
invade this country.
to
first
;
him, with six Senecas, and both rendering
to understand that the English
Iroquois to declare themselves against us; that, however,
had spared no pains
me to
an account
engage the
could rely on the fidelity of many,
I
but that there was a large portion of them in favor of the English, as they had been gained over by the presents which were heaped on them, and persuaded that
we
could never resist
the forces that were to attack us.
have done myself the honor to advise you already, My Lord, that M. Raudot and I had adopted measures to bring down to Montreal the Upper Indians, our allies. Sieur de Tonty whom I had sent to Detroit, arrived the first; Sieur de S' Pierre and others who had gone up I
by the Grand river came some time afterwards, and altogether brought us nearly four to five hundred Indians. I employed the time these Indians sojourned at Montreal to endeavor to accommodate the differences that might exist between them, and also Paskoue's afTair last year, and that of the Poutouatamis with the Senecas. I kept these Indians at Montreal nearly two months, but the season beginning to be unpleasant, they could not remain any longer. It would have been a hardship to wish to retain them, as some among them had nearly five hundred leagues to travel before arriving at their winter quarters. I, in like manner, detained two months the Iroquois who came down with M. de Longueil and Sieur de Joncaire; but perceiving that they began to grow weary, I thought 'twas much better to send them back than to retain them by force, and thereby furnish the remainder a reason to declare against us. I already observed to you. My Lord, that I had adopted measures with the Missionaries of Acadia to be informed of the opinions of the inhabitants of those parts, who, I was previously aware from divers private letters, were discontented with the English, by whom they were very badly treated.
On
the
4""
of August
I
received
at
Montreal a letter from Father Felix,' a Recollet
Missionary at Acadia, in which he informed
from Pintagowet fort,
sent sixty
to attack the
men with
of the 21" of June
These
to
me
English garrison
that Sieur Castin having sent forty Indians
at
Port Royal, M' Wetsche,' governor of that
arms in three pirogues up the take two or three farmers prisoners. their
forty Indians of Pintagowet,
Royal
river of Port
in the
morning
commanded by one L'Aymalle, on perceiving these them to surrender. As they fired first,
three pirogues, went to the water side and cried out to
they did no injury to our Indians, but the latter having discharged their pieces, killed twenty
and wounded several more at the first fire, and afterwards became masters of these three pirogues and all who were in them, except one man who escaped. After this expedition, the Indians demanded assistance from the Settlers at Port Royal, who, having assembled from all parts, proceeded with the Indians to invest the Fort at Port Royal, expecting to take
it
because a great number of the garrison had died of sickness during the '
Rev. Felix Cappes.
'
Sic. "Vetch.
—Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS M' Weitche,' the Governor, had recently
winter, and
other
On
859
VII.
:
lost his
Major, Engineer and three or four
officers.
this
for aid,
I
news, and on the request of Father Felix on behalf of all the inhabitants of Acadia two hundred men, both Regulars and Militia, and twelve
resolved to send thither
under the command of the Marquis d'Alogny. My orders were already issued, the warned, and waiting only for a few carriages which they required, when I received some people letters from M. de Costebelle, on the morning of the 6"" of August, informing me that the skipper of an English bark, a prisoner of war at Placentia, after having been interrogated, and after officers,
the truth, had assured him that two 70-gun ships had arrived IQ* of June with M' Nicolson that they had been detached from a fleet consisting of ten sixty, and one seventy-gun ships, with three bomb ketches, and thirty transports carrying from twenty-four lo thirty guns; that there were two Boston ships of fifty guns with five transports, on board which three thousand New England Militia were to embark; that they were actually victualed and provided with military stores, in order to be ready to put to sea as soon as the men of war should arrive from Old England. M. de Costobelle's letter added, that these made their appearance on the 20"" of June, sixty leagues
having promised
at
to
Boston on the
tell
lO"* or
;
off Boston, according to the report of a
the
S"*
Martinique privateer
of July and stated that he had seen
them
who had
arrived at Placentia on
quite close, and had counted as
many
as
thirty-five sail.
This same English prisoner had further assured M. de Costobelle that two thousand Militia and Indians were to proceed against Montreal, and that it was very certain that it was intended to take
On
Canada
this year.
and on information received from Teganissorens, an Onnontague Chief, by brought me three strings of Wampum from him, to let me know that it was
this advice,
an Express
who
that there were at Orange fleet had sailed from Boston for this country two hundred bateaux already built and that one hundred additional were to be brought there at the earliest moment; and, moreover, that Abraham Schull* had visited all the villages in order add to which, the letter you did M. de Costebelle to engage the Iroquois to declare against us I found it, the honor to write, dated the ll"" of March last, copy whereof he had sent me, assistance to the people of Acadia, impossible for me to furnish any regret, my profound to use to them, and having no troops here to allow me to detach a number sufficient to be of any the people of this place being unwilling, on hearing of the menaced attack, to leave their
time that the English
;
;
—
country to defend another.
M. de Costebelle's despatches, I assembled at my quarters in Montreal the Onnontagues and Senecas who had accompanied M. de Longueil and Sieur de Joncaire, and afl,er having communicated to the one and the other the news and the three strings of Wampum that Teganissorens had sent me, I let them know that, as the Dutch had openly avowed themselves, I could no longer refrain from making some prisoners in that direction, in
On
the receipt of
order to obtain intelligence.
me that I was Master that they saw clearly that my reasons were was thereupon resolved in the same Council, that, in order to strengthen our party Onnontagud and among the Senecas, [it would be well to send back their Deputies,] who
The
Iroquois answered
valid; and at
;
it
relating to the Ancients all that occurred at Montreal in
experienced by those
who were •
Sit.
Vetch.
their regard,
and the treatment
going back, as well as by those that remained, would *
Sic Schuyler.
— Ed.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
860 assure the Chiefs
anew on my
part that
I
entertained no unfriendly design against them, and
break with them, my intention was to observe most exactly the peace concluded by the late Chevalier de Cailieres; that in token of my sincerity, I was restoring to them three of their people whom I caused to be taken out of the hands of the from desiring
that far
to
Oyatonons; that I required nothing but Neutrality from them, and to abstain from taking any part between the English and us. On the day following this Council, I agreed with M. de Ramezay as to the number of men he should furnish me from his government, and after having left to him the care of issuing the proper orders,
I
caused a grand feast to be given to
those domiciliated and the others, so as to
get them
all
the Indians then at Montreal, including
to chant the war-song.
was attended
It
by between seven and eight hundred persons. Sieur de Joncaire and after him Sieur de la Chauvignerie having commenced to raise the hatchet in my name, the Indians of the Sault S' Louis, Sault au Recolet, the Nepissings of the entire Island,' immediately responded with loud shouts of joy. The Indians who had come down from the Upper Country did not follow their example. Some of them hesitated a long time between the desire to declare themselves, and the fear of thereby closing the path to the English
;
for, after all.
My
Lord,
all
Upper
the
JNations,
even
to the Indians of
Lake Superior,
number of twenty, having commenced
Meanwhile the Hurons up the hatchet, the other nations followed, and finally, in presence of the Iroquois of the [Upper] Country, who were spectators of this feast, all accepted the hatchet of Detroit, to the
resort thither. to sing
and
to take
against Peter, and, after their fashion, pleasure.
However,
made me master of their bodies to
dispose thereof at
my
as I have the honor already to inform you, I have not been able to take
I have been will, owing to the season being too far advanced. them back, contenting myself with retaining of all the tribes only a certain number, so as to let the English and Iroquois see that I was always master of the Upper Nations, as they left me their children as hostages. These remained with me until I became certain that the enemy could no longer invade this country. Information so positive as that I was receiving from all parts, allowing me no longer any
advantage of their good constrained to send
excuse for doubting that part,
adopted
all
to our enemies.
we were about
to
be vigorously attacked above and below,
I,
on
my
the precautions I considered advisable so as to oppose a vigorous resistance I
wrote strongly on the subject to the Intendant; sent orders to the Marquis
d'Alogny at Quebec to hasten the
fortifications,
and have the
Women,
Children, old
men and
the cattle not required within the town, removed into the depths of the forest, on the
alarm of the enemy being in the
river.
My
the spring, the farmers took the precaution to construct parks in the woods, and sufficiently at rest
on
this point.
I
first
orders on this point having been issued early in
was likewise
my mind was
perfectly satisfied that Sieur de Beaucourt
would not neglect any thing on his part to place the town in a condition to stand a siege and t heard, by every opportunity, that the fortifications were perceptibly advancing from day to day, which afforded me sincere pleasure. I owe this justice. My Lord, to Sieur de Beaucourt; ;
he has discovered the secret to please every body; the farmer has returned, without difficulty and regret, as many as four times to the works; and, satisfied with the reasons that Sieur de Beaucourt gave him, went home contented and convinced that we should beat the enemy. Such good dispositions were not to be neglected ; I have been myself in several settlements to '
of Montreal. Charlevoix, IL, 363.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS bold reviews, to encourage the farmers to
make
8G1
VII.
:
a good defence, and to abandon every thing
for the public good.
Meanwhile, however anxious
I
was
to get to
Quebec,
the seventh of September, because the English
made
I
could not start from Montreal before
use of every means not only to induce
the Iroquois to declare against us, but even to debauch our domiciled Indians, assured that they did not intend to harm that, if
they joined
us,
;
who
they were irrecoverably
whom
they
could remain undisturbed in their village, but lost
and had no more quarter to expect-
made some impression on
minds of the Indians, and even on certain of the French who were apprehensive that the Indians would abandon us, it became of imperious necessity that I should be on the spot to destroy those underground Belts, the more dangerous inasmuch as the Indians make it a point of honor, among tiiemselves, not to All these threats having
inform us of them.
I
can assure you.
those promises and threats;
number of
eighty-four
duty to take
— that
is
for,
My
Lord, that
when news
the
have succeeded therein
I
arrived that the
in spite
of
all
in the river to the
not one of our Indians but occupied the proper position
sail,
it
was
his
and Bescancourt came to Quebec, and
to say, the missions of S' Francis
those of the Sault S' Louis, Sault au Recolet and Bout de it
enemy were
I'Isle
proceeded
to
Chambly when
became necessary; the one and the other having, as a mark of their fidelity, sent their children to Montreal and Three Rivers. 'Tis true that I had the precaution before
women and
leaving Montreal to visit
down,
to pass
all
the missions within that government, and afterwards, on
through S' Francis and Bescancourt, where
I
had made
all
my way
the Indians understand
means to resist our enemies was for us to unite together and all to form but one body that it was a mistake to expect to be able to defend ourselves in different places that this war was one of religion, but at the same time a common one, it being the intention of the English to utterly destroy them, if successful in conquering us and driving us from this Continent. These reasons, My Lord, backed by the Missionaries, having made an impression on their minds, I came down to Quebec, where I found matters in a pretty good state. that the only ;
•
•
;
•• ••••••••••• •
Quebec,
•
•
•
•
•
•
de Pontchartrain to
•
Vaudreuil.
this 25"" October, 1711.
M.
•
M.
de
Vaudreuil. Marly, 2S«» June, 1712.
Sir,
His Majesty has approved the measures you have adopted to obtain information of the enemy's designs, and the embassy you sent to the [ Indian ] Nations. You cannot employ a better agent than Sieur de Longueil when you will have any negotiation with the Iroquois. He is likewise satisfied with the measures you have adopted with the Onontagues and the Senecas,
who were
at Montreal, respecting the prisoners
you wished
to
be made in the territory
of Orange.
You have done to
well to have the hatchet taken up against the English by all the Tribes, and have retained their children by you until you were sure the enemy could no longer come
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
8G2
•••••*•**•
into the Colony, so as to give
them and the Iroquois
to understand that
you are Master of the
Upper Indians. • It is
having
fortunate that the enemy's fleet had been wrecked, without the Colony of
a drop of blood, though
lost
I
am
would have made, would have forced them administration.
It is
Canada you
well persuaded that the vigorous resistance to retreat as
they did during Count de Frontenac's
an interposition of Providence and a visible mark of
its
protection, for
which the entire Colony ought to return God thanks. His Majesty is persuaded like you, that you ought not to embroil yourself with the Iroquois, by reason of the cruel war which would be the consequence in the Colony, but this must not prevent you making them thoroughly sensible of the fault they have committed, so that they may not in future again fall into it, and may attach themselves the more to us. You must always prevent the Abenakis going to Boston to trade their beavers; and I am persuaded that you will find means to effect that object as you have already done. I exhort you thereunto, for his Majesty, in consequence of hard times and the war in which he is involved, is not in a position to remit the supply of goods which you require. I
to
have learned with pleasure Sieur de Rouville's return, and that the Iroquois were preparing
come down.
I
doubt not but your reception of them has been consistent with the dignity
wrong they You know how to profit by this opportunity so as to attach them more closely to you, by making the most to them of the pardon you have granted them. His Majesty recommends you to preserve peace constantly with them and the other Indians, and to adopt all the means necessary for and that you have given them
that belongs to your character,
have been guilty
that purpose. •
Whatever
of,
*•••*•*•*• ••••••••••
M'^
Nicolson
may
say, I do not believe that the English will
expedition this year against Canada.
and
in a condition to repel the
year well prepared for their reception.
enemy.
fit
out another
Nevertheless you ought to be constantly on your guard,
last
•
to understand the
without, however, estranging them from you.
It
appears to
me
so
much
the
more
easy, as
you were
cannot recommend you too earnestly to pay undivided and perfect attention to the preventing the trade in, and the sale of Brandy among the Iroquois. His Majesty's orders in I
this regard
on
must be executed without favor you redouble your vigilance.
to
any person whomsoever.
He
desires
that
this point
M. My 1
de
Vaudreuil
to
M.
de Pontchartrain.
Lord,
am
very sensible of your goodness in assuring
me
of his Majesty's approbation of
services last year, and of his being pleased to approve of all the
movements
I
had made
my to
PARIS DOCUMENTS
VII.
:
863
oppose the designs which the enemy had formed against this Colony. I will always pay more attention to the proper performance of my duties, in order to merit, thereby, the favors his Majesty will be graciously pleased to bestow on me.
My
letters by way of copy whereof I annex hereunto, rendered you an account of every thing that occurred in this country up to the twenty-third of July, about which time, I went up again to Montreal, having already made one voyage thither at the breaking up of I
did myself the honor,
my
Placentia, £\nd in
the
Lord, to write you since the spring four
three,
first
ice.
My
My
fourth letter,
Lord, being only an abstract of the contents of the others, and of what
took place up to the arrival of the King's ship, I
had the honor
last
I
do not repeat
it
if
the earliest date, to the reestablish ment of Michillimakinac,
we
our
allies,
who were This
their doing so.
during the winter the secret in the place
almost
to unite
man named Saguina having discovered
this year, for the
with the Poutauatemis in order to wage war together
The
to
win over
the other tribes to his interest, pursued these unfortunate people as far as Detroit,
where they have •
a considerable number of
where they were wintering, but having further found means
•••••••••• •••••••••••
all
•
Upper
should run the risk of losing
against the Maskoutins and the Outagamie, not only destroyed
them
the
destroying one another, having no person in that place to prevent
what occurred
is
affairs in
attention were not directed, at
Country, and then took the liberty to represent to you, that
all
here.
year to give you an account of the situation of
killed or taken prisoners nearly a
occurrences at Detroit,
and Maskoutins
who were
My Lord,
there,
thousand of both sexes.'
in regard to the
•
wholesale destruction of the Outagamis
made me apprehensive
that the Iroquois
would take the part
of the former, who, two years ago, had been to renew alliance with them and place themselves
under their protection, and
make some overtures
to
to
whom
them on
even a party had retired
when I
this subject,
of Sieur de la Fresniere,
me from Fort Frontenac, where who had come down to be cured
as a part of his garrison,
was
Joncaire, which he wrote
on
their
sent
way
to
last winter.
I
was preparing
to
received at Montreal a letter from Sieur de
he was commanding in the absence
of the fevers from which he, as well M. de Joncaire informed me that the Senecas being Montreal, the Onontagues had induced them to abandon the journey and had suffering.
him four Deputies with three
strings of
Wampum,
«'
to say
" That they were drawing by the arms their three children, M. de Longueil, Sieurs de Joncaire and La Chauvignerie, and that they invited them to Fort Frontenac to hold a general Council with all the Iroquois Nations who were to assemble there.
That they had learned from some Iroquois who came from Detroit, that Nations were to fall on them, and that to be in readiness for all events, they, on '•
prepared canoes and
all
the
Upper had
necessary provisions, so as not to be surprised.
That they did not wish this news to be conveyed to me by any them or settled at Katarakouy, but by the French of the Fort."
•'
to
all
their part,
Indians, either belonging
These demands of the Iroquois did not customary '
to
M. Dubuisson's
fail to embarrass me, the rather as it was not go to Fort Frontenac to arrange matters, but to Montreal, or to their country
official
report of the seige of Detroit in 1712, and of the
published at length in General
W.
R. Smith'* very valuable
Mamacra of the Ootagamii and Maskouteni, HUtory of WUcontin, III., 814. —Ed.
is
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
864
when I thought proper to send there. Besides, I was aware that Peter Scul' had made two consecutive journeys to Onontague for the purpose of renewing the ancient league, and to create distrust in their minds at the same time in respect to the occurrences at Fort However, not to have any thing to reproach myself with, I took, the resolution to send Mons' de Longueil thither with Sieur de la Chauvignerie, Sieur de Joncaire being there already, and they set out on the the morning of the twenty-seventh of August, when, in the evening, I received another letter from Sieur Joncaire, in which he Pontchartrain of Detroit.
informed despite of
go
me all
down
that he did not succeed in preventing the departure of the Indians, and that, the Onontagues and Cayugas could do, the Senecas had adopted the resolution
number, both Chiefs and men of influence that the other and that a great portion of their canoes were built; that some Indians even of Virginia had been with them, and that they amounted to as many as a thousand or twelve hundred warriors; that he considered it his duty to communicate this information to me, because the Iroquois did not declare the precise point where they would strike that their canoes were constructed in the very spot in which they made those in the Marquis de Denonville's time when they came to attack the settlements of Lachine that it did not appear to him probable that Peter Scul^ would suffer them to strike the Upper Nations, from whom he annually derives a considerable to
to Montreal, forty-five in
;
four Iroquois Nations were always continuing their meetings at Onontague,
;
;
quantity of peltries
;
that there
design against this country.
was every reason
apprehend that they entertained some
to
thereupon, adopted what precautions
I,
I
considered necessary to
avoid a surprise below here, and, at the same time, gave notice, by some Indians, to our allies to
be on their guard.
The Senecas
arrived four days afterwards at Montreal, and told
speak unless Sieur de Joncaire were present.
granted them
me
that they should not
by no means sorry to retain them near me as long as possible, as I was persuaded that the others would not make any movement so long as those deputies were in my hands. Sieur de Joncaire having returned from Fort Frontenac, the Senecas communicated to me, on the tenth of September, the message I have the honor to annex to this letter, to which I gave the answer which is thereunto adjoined. During Sieur de Joncaire's absence I had time to interrogate the principal Seneca chiefs in private.
They admitted
to
me
I
main cause of
that the
their
their request, being
coming down was, that they knew to have any war with the
better than the other Iroquois Nations
how important
people of the Sault
principal suft'urers in the last war, being daily exposed
;
that they
were the
it
was not
to the forays of our allies, whilst the others, less accessible to the
Upper Nations, remained
very quiet in their villages; that Teganisorens was singing the war song the whole of this winter against Saguina and the people of Detroit, being urged thereunto by the English to
whom
he
resolution of
is
wholly attached
;
that being unable to stop this expedition, they took the
Mess" de Longueil, de Chauvignerie and de Joncaire, by whose means they hoped to effect their purpose that being aware of the Teganisorens' obstinacy, they had, despite the Onontagues, who had stopped them, afterwards adopted the resolution to come down, flattering themselves that, so long as they were here, the others, though assembled, would not set out that should they proceed I would at least be aware of the fidelity of Senecas, of which they supposed they could not give me a stronger proof than by coming and placing themselves in my hands. first
inviting
;
;
'
Sic Sehuyler.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
865
VII.
During that time, My Lord, up to the twenty-fifth of September, I received several notices were always persisting in their designs; that they continued assembled at Onontagu6, and, let whatever happen, that they should march, without troubling themselves that the Iroquois
about the Senecas
who were
and
at Montreal; they even sent Belts to the Indians of the Sault
of the Mountain, requesting them to remain passive on their mats, and not to take any sides, neither for nor against them in this
had no
will
affair.
but mine, and that, whatever
Perceiving
this,
My
I
Our Indians made answer
to this Belt, that
they
should do, they would do likewise.
Lord, and that the season was already too far advanced to permit
me
••••••• •••••••••• •••••••••• •••••••••••
any longer your orders to be sent to Michillimakinac, I immediately adopted the Ligny thither. I also dispatched Sieur Deslietten' to the Uinois and Sieur de Vincennes to the Miamis.
to await
resolution to send Sieur de •
I have learned, with much satisfaction, by the despatch of the twenty-eighth of June, that you approve the answer I sent last year to the letter M'' Nicolson wrote me from Port Royal in conjunction with the Queen of England's Council. • •
November
•
6,
Vaudreuil.
1712.
a
M.
I
>
I
de Pontchari/rain to
M.
de Vaudreuil.
-'
'
'
Vers''^es,,4* July, 17 15. ' ^Vfc /
Sir,
His Majesty has approved the measures you have adopted on the iqfbrmation you received were preparing another expedition last year, of which, however, there was
that the English
no probability, after the ill succcess they had had the year preceding and the good understanding which existed between us and that Nation. This ought to impress on you the necessity of being constantly on your guard against the information communicat#4' to you, the most of which is false and serves only to create expense and excite alarm throughout the country. You will have understood this by the advice I gave you, in the first instance, of the suspensiou of hostilities, and afterwards of the conclusion of Peace, which finally procures tranquillity for the country and security for trade and navigation, advantages by which merchants and farmers will usefully profit, if they will, and to which you ought to contribute protection and the necessary facilities, by your encouragement. His Majesty orders me to recommend you to pay attention thereto.
'
Vol. IX.
Delietto,
a relatiTe of Sieur da Tonti. Charlevoix, IL, 266.
109
— Ed.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
866
Memoir on It is for
Detroit.'
the King's glory and the interest of the Colony to preserve the post of Detroit, for
divers reasons.
The
and principal
first
is,
themselves masters thereof, as neighbors of the English,
that it
is
if
that
post be
abandoned, the English would render
separated only by Lake Herie from the Iroquois, the near
who have
already
made two attempts
to seize
it,
and
to
form an
means of which they would carry on the whole trade with all the Indian The first was in 16S6, when they sent 7 Englishmen from Orange with 5
establishment there by nations our
allies.
Abenaki Mohegans (Lou-ps)
to
sound the disposition of the Indians as to whether these would when they would bring some goods and, in fact,
be glad to receive them the following year,
;
they did perform their promises to the Indians in 1687, but were met by the French
marching by
M""
The French and
de Denonville's orders against the Iroquois.
who were
Indians to the
number of 800 men, who had set out from Detroit and other posts occupied by the French, M' de Denonville at the Senecas on the borders of Lake Ontario, encountered 32 canoes in which were 60 Englishmen and some Mohegans {loups) who had gone from Orange with merchandise to trade at the Detroit with the Outaois and Hurons then at Michilimakina the whole of their goods were plundered and distributed among the Indians and French, as contraband and in the possession of a people without a passport either from the King or from Governor-general of New France. The parties were sent to Fort Frontenac, where they remained until the return of M"^ de Denonville, who transferred them to Quebec, whence, after a detention of three weeks, he sent them back to Orange. Since that time, the post of Detroit to join
;
new expedition. The second reason is, that the King, preserving this post with a garrison, would afford means to prevent any movements the Iroquois might make and the engagements they might enter into with the Indians, our allies, either as emissaries of the English or on their own account. The third reason is that, if we have war with the Iroquois, Detroit may keep them in check because between that post and them, there is only Lake Heri6 by which they can be attacked, as in 1687, when all the old and new grain of tlie Iroquois was destroyed that this post would, moreover, furnish sufficient provisions to the French and Indians who might has been established, which has prevented the English presuming to send out a
;
assemble there preparatory
The
fourth reason
is,
to
going to war against the Iroquois.
that the preservation of this post
establishment at Michilimakina, since, from the
is
of importance for the proposed
commencement
of the present year up to this more than 800 minots^ of Indian corn have been exported from Detroit; and the more Michilimakina will augment, as the land there is poor and does not produce corn, of the more consequence is it that some Indians remain at Detroit to cultivate the soil, which is good
time,
thereabouts, particularly for Indian corn.
These reasons soldiers, sufficient
will show the necessity of fortifying that post and of garrisoning it with 20 one sergeant and an officer, under the orders of the Commandant; this would be both to guard the fort and to prevent the Coureurs de bois going thither.
There are two modes of defraying this expense without any cost to the King. First, to give up the trade at this post exclusively to the officer in command there, as is the case at present, on condition of his defraying all the necessary oharges, even the presents for managing the '
Supposed to have been written by Captain de
la Forest..
— Ed.
'
2400 bushels.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
8G7
VII.
who come to trade there whence it follows that the conditions heretofore imposed by M. de La Mothe on divers private persons can no longer exist, as these cannot derive therefrom any further advantage than that of carrying on trade there to the prejudice of the Commandant Indians
;
who must meet
all
the expense thereof.
These settlers are unable to improve any grant of land, as they possess no other retreat and asylum there than the fort, for were any houses without the fort, they would be exposed even the Hurons and Outawas are each in their to be burnt, and their occupants to be killed fort, like the French, and the Poutouatamis, who have not as yet had time to erect one, have taken shelter between the French and Huron forts, and they often have alarms which oblige them to put their wives and children into the French fort. Therefore, M. de la Mothe's idea of establishing a colony there is impracticable and incompatible with the exclusive trade his Majesty [has conferred] on the Commandant of that post, which is not to be governed otherwise than Fort Frontenac, where there were formerly some settlers whom the King ;
obliged to abandon said place? and
if it
that the settlers
When
Sieur
Commandant
be his Majesty's intention that the
Detroit enjoy the trade of that post as the
King enjoys
that of Fort Frontenac,
who remain only in the fort have orders to abandon it. de La Mothe undertook this establishment, his Majesty
it is
of
necessary
granted him 150
who
desires
to be in a position to defend this post as he ought, requires from his Majesty only
twenty
soldiers,
whose pay and clothing were provided by the King.
Sieur Delaforest,
one Serjeant, with their pay and clothing, which he
soldiers and
without any charge
for transportation,
and
will receive
these soldiers will not cost his
at
Quebec
Majesty any more
than his other troops in garrison in that country, and would render his Majesty very good service there,
it
not being
fitting for
an
officer
who
has the honor to
a fort 350 leagues from Quebec, in the centre of the Indian
command
nations,
to
for the
King
in
be alone and
without troops.
The second mode would is
be, that his Majesty should
the case with Fort Frontenac.
in this
command than
It is indifferent to
it
less suited to the
this fort
on his
who
own
account, as
has no other view
to acquit himself to his Majesty's satisfaction.
These two plans can be applied equally still
manage
Sieur Delaforest,
to the establishment of Michilimakina,
establishment of a colony than Detroit, the
does not produce Wheat, and so
little
soil there
which
is
being so poor that
Indian Corn that the resident Indians of the place are
every year so very short of food that they are obliged to scatter themselves along the Lakes,
where they
live partly
on
fish,
and on small berries called
bluett
which are very common
in
that country.
But
if
the free trade of licences be established, exclusive trade can no longer exist at
Detroit either for the King or the to
any extraordinary expense
because the
Commandant, and
in that case his
Majesty will not be subject
and the twenty soldiers who will be in that fort, with bit allowances, and the soldiers with their pay in
for the Officer
officer will be satisfied consequence of the privilege of trading which they will enjoy. Done at Quebec, the first of October, one thousand seven hundred and fourteen.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
868
M.
de Vaudreuil to the
Duke of
Orleans.
Memoir addressed by M. de Vaudreuil
Extracts of the
Regent of J" ranee, February,
to the
Duke
of Orleans,
1716.'
1" Extract.
The Marquis de Highness is submit reasons
Governor-general of Canada, persuaded
Vaudreuil,
convinced of the necessity in
which
exists of preserving this Colony, will not here
He
support of such policy.
that your Royal
will endeavor only to
Memoir the means of accomplishing it. One of the surest is to prevent the imminent danger should a new war break out with the English.
to
which
this
communicate in
this
Colony would be exposed
It is easy to comprehend this, if it be considered that there are at present, in Canada, only 4484 persons, between fourteen and sixty, capable of bearing arms; That the twenty-eight companies of Infantry which the King maintains there, consists, in all, of only 628 soldiers, including Sergeants, Corporals, and lance-corporals, and that this handful of men is dispersed over an extent of one hundred leagues of Country. And if it be at the same time borne in mind to what degree the power of the English has advanced in this part of North America, there being in the English Colonies, contiguous to Canada, sixty thousand men capable of bearing arms ;
cannot be,
for an instant,
doubted but the English, on the
first rupture between France and England, would employ all their efforts to seize the whole of Canada, and consequently the entire of North America, whence might follow the loss of Mexico, from which they would expel the Spaniards in a few years without any resistance.
It
They have made their intentions sufficiently clear by the expedition they fitted out in 1711, and even since the peace, by the twenty-second Article of the Instructions given by the city of London to its representatives, wherein it is expressly stated that they shall demand of the Ministers of the preceding government the reason at present called lie Royale,
were
left
Should this Island of Cape Breton pass resource would be
left for
why Canada and
the Island of
Cape Breton,
to France. to the English,
with the rest of Canada, no further
the Cod-fishery, which would be a serious loss to the
commerce of
the Kingdom. It is
impossible to express
how much the power of England would increase should she seize how formidable that power would become in Europe.
the remainder of North America, and
This must render peace to
Infantry as to
The
sufficiently intelligible the necessity that exists to take
Canada by sending some people augment the population.
fortify
reestablishraent of the companies
King reckon
is
thither, as well to
advantage of the
complete the Companies of
within the ordinary rule,
it
not being just that the
Colony on twenty-eight companies of fifty each, when they hundred and twenty-eight men. A governor would render
for the defence of a
are found to be reduced to six
himself responsible for the consequences, should he observe silence in such a case. The conjuncture is favorable for reestablishing them; the great number of soldiers discharged from the regular army greatly facilitates the levies; they will cost little, and the '
Compare Charlevoix,
II.,
402,
by which
it
Beems a slmiUr letter to this was addressed to M. de Pontchartrain in 1714.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: balances remaining from to
the
869
VII.
nou-completion of the regiments of preceding years otight
maice the ordinary funds of
years furnish
said
sufficient
for
reestablishment of
the
said companies.
would be well
hundred men. Two hundred can be conveyed in the King's ship which will go to Canada, and the remainder on board those destined for He Royale, whence it would be very easy to bring them to Canada, by obliging all the barks which sail thither from He Royale to take a certain number of them, and even the King's ship which goes to Canada and will touch at He Royale will be able, when there, to take one hundred more with the two hundred it would It
to
send out this year a reinforcement of
five
already have.
As many more might be conveyed next year, and one hundred and fifty annually during the when the companies are more than complete, to grant discharges to the old soldiers in order that they may marry and settle in the country; which would
following years, observing,
materially benefit
placing
it
it
by peopling
insensibly with disciplined settlers adapted to labor, and
it
make it feared by the Indians and to upset be war with th^m. With such assistance in case
in a position to
English, should there
the projects of the of war, a hope
may
even be entertained of recovering Acadia and the Island of Newfoundland. S""*
One
Extract.
of the Marquis de Vaudreuil's principal objects of attention since he
Canada, has been
to preserve
peace with the Indians, and to prevent them as
Governor of
is
much
as possible
resorting to the English to trade.
He
has succeeded herein pretty well up to the present time with very
dares to
flatter
himself that he will
still
little
expense, and
succeed therein despite the advantages they find
the English, and the continual solicitations the English
employ
them But he cannot do so except by making them some presents annually, and to attract
among
to themselves.
especially this
year when they are impatiently expecting them.
He would
be very
illy
the necessary presents,
him
a confidence he is
;
among And seize
received should he arrive without having wherewith to
make them
and would run the risk of losing the confidence they repose in in such need of to terminate the difierences these Indians have
themselves. the English,
this
occasion,
who
only seek means to estrange the Indians from us, would not fail to and give them to understand that they are not of any consideration
in France.
Your Royal Highness
aware how prejudicial to Canada the alliance of the how much its trade would suffer thereby. It would be a pity to give these Indians cause to complain, for want of a few presents ; their zeal and fidelity, of which they have afforded proofs on divers occisions, and principally in coming to the Marquis de Vaudreuil's aid as soon as he let them know that he was about to be attacked by the English, demand that some attention be paid them. is
sufficiently
Indians with the English would be, and
The Marquis this year to
de Vaudreuil hopes, then, that your Royal Highness will be pleased to send
Canada
thirty thousand livres' worth of presents for the Indians, and to continue to send thither annually the usual gratuities. It is
more advantageous
to
make
the purchases in France than in
cost 100 per cent more), provided those authorized to
Canada (where they would
make them do
not act as in preceding
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
870 when
was remarked that they charged the King more in France than the merchants of Canada sold them for and that what was purchased for three livres by Canadian importers of similar goods, cost the King nine. It would be proper to send annually to Canada forty thousand weight of powder, sixty years,
it
;
and six hundred Tulle fowling pieces ; these are the best, the Indians are conversant with them and do not want any others. The only article of our merchandize the Indians prefer to that of the English is powder, and it will be a great inducement to them to come to trade with us, especially if your Royal Highness has the goodness to order that it be sold at the King's store at thirty sous, the price previous to 1712, and not at forty-five, as at present. The Indians complain of this advance ; they consume from twenty to twenty-five thousand weight of powder annually the surplus thousand weight of lead in
pigs,
;
will serve to form a reserve for fear of falling short, so as not to be in
The Marquis de Vaudreuil supplicates your Royal Highness to be among the Indians such posts as he will find adapted to
establish
without being obliged to give notice beforehand, but merely
to
him
to
of these posts for
am of opinion
that
it is
pleased to permit
the good of the service,
render an account thereof and of
them; otherwise he will be obliged two years, which might be very prejudicial.
his reasons for establishing
I
in
war should break out with the English.
case
^
want of a supply
to
postpone the establishment
absolutely necessary to introduce licenses again for Michillimakinak;
to issue twenty-five annually as heretofore; also to allow the sale of
Brandy there; and
at the
posts thai are to be and have been already established, such as Forts Frontenac and Detroit.
These licenses cannot but be of great advantage
,
to the
Colony, and will prevent the Upper
\ Indians trading with the English.
The circumstance that has partly led them thither, heretofore, is the length of the voyage make to Montreal in quest of supplies, which they find among the English at lower rates and without going so far. If goods be carried to them they will certainly prefer
they have to
such to those of the English ; their natural antipathy to the latter, and the risks they run in the journey, will engage them so to do. Besides, a great portion of the Indians will, by this means, be attracted to that place,
whereas they are
all
manage them more
nomadic (errants) ; and the Commandant of that post will be enabled to and even to make himself feared by those Tribes in consequence of
easily
the reinforcements he will annually receive.
By is
such means also will the Coureurs de bois be prevented, who, no matter what precaution
taken, do not
fail
to get off
every year; these
men
incurring the penalties of the law binders their return.
V
^ i'
are lost to the Colony, as the fear of
Your Royal Highness
will be
under
the necessity of granting them an amnesty.
Those who
will obtain these licenses,
which are to be examined (vises) by the Intendant, same time, and to repair to the Commandant
will be obliged to take their departure all at the
whose orders they shall be subject. The disorders caused by the sale of Brandy, in past times, may be presented as an objection. They are easily remedied by permitting each canoe to take only a small quantity, and by obliging the proprietors of the Canoes to deliver it all to the Commandants of the posts to
at Michillimakinak, to
which they
will go, who shall sell it to the Indians on their account and in their presence, observing to furnish these Indians only half a pint a day for four persons.
PARIS DOCUMENTS: In this it
way
there need be no fear of the evils which brandy
do good, by preventing the Indians,
will
English, who, in the hope of attracting
who
prevention of which
is
to themselves, is
it,
cause
going
;
in
on the contrary, quest of
it
to the
do not refuse them any; they the cause of those disorders, the
aimed at by the abolition of the trade.
'Tis certain that the Indians, finding to the English.
may
cannot do without
them
supply them with some even to take to their villages, which
rum
871
VII.
They know
French brandy at home, will not go in search of any
the difference between the one and the other and will always
prefer that of France. It is, therefore,
necessary to have
some
at Fort Frontenac, at Detroit, at Michillimakinac,
which it will be considered proper to establish. The English, always alive to whatever will secure the friendship of the Indians, come even It is the to their country to trade with them, and speak even of making establishments there. Marquis de Vaudreuil's opinion that it would be well to put the Indians up to expelling them, should they execute the design they entertain of coming to establish themselves among our Indians, or on our territory. They have, accordingly, wished to seize the territory occupied by the Abenakis and the Indians of the River S' John, on the ground that it depends on Acadia which has been ceded and
at all the posts
them by the French. But the Indians made answer to them, that this that they were not subjects of the French, but only to
territory has
always belonged
to
them
;
and friends; that the French could not give the English a territory that belonged to them, and which they would not quit. They were correct in saying that the French are only their allies, the Marquis de V^audreuil having always so styled them, in order not to be responsible for what they may do.
The Abenakis have done more,
last
year
—
their allies
at least according to the advices received
by the
Marquis de Vaudreuil; they have captured more than twenty small fishing vessels from the English.
As
may
be attended with some consequences, the Marquis de Vaudreuil beseeches your Royal Highness to let him know your intention, and in what manner he is to act in case the that
English should establish themselves
He
and another little,
for the
and serve
The plan,
among our
Indians and in our territory.
requests also an order for the building of a
fortifications
use every effort to take
will also
They have long been promised
it; it will cost
more strongly to us. of Quebec were commenced in 1712, according
state to resist the English,
You
River S' John,
•^
to attach these Indians
which has been approved
Royal Highness
Church
for the Indians of the
Abenakis of Piskadoue.
will
it,
at Court.
who
will not
Were fail,
to Sieur de Beaucourt's
they once completed, that town would be
in
a
should war break out between them and us, to
the consequence of which
would be the
have the goodness to give orders
entire loss of
Canada.
Your
for their continuance.
have the goodness to direct that He Royale be
That island, so Cod fishery, would soon find itself under the dominion of the English, if advantage be not taken of the peace to put it in a condition to resist them during the war. In addition to the loss of the Cod, it would be also attended by that of the Canada trade. Should the English once get that island, they would be masters of the sea on that side; the risk the ships trading to Canada would then run, would greatly diminish their number. important
for the preservation of the
fortified.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
872 The
garrison of that island
is
danger of perishing of hunger, should your Royal Highness
in
not have the goodness to cause some ships to be dispatched in the provisions to
it;
those intended for
it
last
year not having been sent
permitting any to be sent so early from Canada.
month
off,
That garrison has need
of April with and the season not
also of clothing.
Description of the Fortifications of Quebec. Report on the Fortification and Situation of the city of Quebec, the Capital of Canada. By M. Chaussegros de Lery, Eugineer-in-Chief.
The
situation of this place
on that of the land, as the
is
favorable on the side of the River S' Lawrence, and unfavorable
locality is
Cape Diamond from the summit will be partially commanded by the at
17
;
the ground rising according as
two-thirds of
its circuit
it
difficult
of fortification,
hill at
Artigny's mill,
recedes from the place,
does not require to be
there being a great pitch
and as the works and by another hill, under-marked
to Coteau de la Potasse
(
Potash
it is
hill ),
favorable, inasmuch as nearly
All that part from the Coteau de la
fortified.
Potasse marked S, which fronts the River S' Charles around to the Redoubt marked H, or top of
Cape Diamond, and beyond that
need of any other
fortification
height, in front of the River S'
Lawrence, has no
than that of the Batteries already there, as
is
it
precipitous
and there are only some few small steps, which could be rendered impassable at the first necessity; there are three good bateaux, in the Lower town, at high-water mark (a Jlotaison), marked F, D, E. Those on the escarpment, in the Upper town, are not so well situated, being too high, especially that of the Chateau. The works on the land side, between the Cape Diamond Redoubt, H, and Coteau de la Potasse, S, do not amount to much, being open in several places, through which the town is entered; though some of these were left to serve as entrances to the town, they have no gates, not even a miserable barrier; the space between Cape Diamond Redoubt, H, and the edge of the escarpment, 2, is open, so that thirty men could enter the town abreast, that point having never been closed. This redoubt, though badly turned, having its left face undefended, is fit for use, being in good repair; and though it were well turned, flank 3 is situated too low to (escarpe),
defend this
left face.
Curtain R, and flank strictly speaking,
3,
and face
4, are
commanded by
the hill 5 of
Cape Diamond, or more
concealed (ojfusquce) by that height in consequence of
its
proximity; the
above ground, and at one place as far as the cordon, by the draft of the actual works, having a large breach towards its centre some earth has been thrown up behind, which does not touch the wall; the flanks and faces of the tenail have open embrasures; to make use of them, it would be necessary to put some earth there for a platform and to construct the merlons. These works are without a ditch. The mill battery, marked G, is fit for service, and though it forms a dead angle, NoTTt. It comCurtain
is
raised only four, five or six feet
as appears
;
i.
mancled by the hoighu
.
,
.
it IS
no
/^
,
less etiectual,
,
•
11
i
being greatly elevated.
All the fortification, 6, 7, 8, to complete the inclosing of the town, consists
elevation without a ditch in front, open and crumbling in
many
places,
merely of an
having in one part a
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS bad upright pallisade at the nothing to prevent Itedou/jt,
Jloijal
foot,
VII.
:
873
which can be scaled without any
difficulty,
there being
it.
marked
I.
The barracks
This redoubt
are good.
is
not completed, as some
remains to be put on the terreplain, and the merlons are to be constructed, some doors and windows to be inserted and the flanks of the barracks to be finished. The Daujihin
earth
still
Itcdoubc
is
incomplete,
of a rising ground.
much being still to The plans, profiles,
be done to elevations
Its location is
it.
and
drafts,
which
bad, being on the slope
have drawn, exhibit
I
the actual condition of these two redoubts. Saint Unule's Redoubt, marked L, for the reception of cannon, consists merely of one double-
faced platform with embrazures of gabions, without a ditch, being inclosed pallisade stuck upright
;
it
has no communication with the place and
is
the guns that might be put there in time of need would be soon captured at a distance
at its gorge;
as this redoubt is
from the place, without communication and without a ditch, and surrounded only
by a wretched
The
;
by a miserable
open
pallisade,
it
would be cannon and people
lost.
which is marked; it is excavated some 2 and 3 feet; the rampart is not begun, the earth which has been removed from the ditch having been used to repair the gardens and fill up a pond, so that there is only this excavation of 2 and 3 feet. 5* Nicholas Redoubt, marked N, is a mere trifle, being very small, covered with wooden machicoulis, the same as the Gallows redoubt {Redouteau Boureau,) G G. 5' Roch Redoulu, marked M, is surrounded by a small ditch; the parapet, almost entirely ia inclose the palace is not advanced, having only the ditch,
fortification to
is made of gabions. The Potash Tenail, marked f f, is badly turned, not being defended at any point. The fortification raised on Coteau de la Potasse, which occupies the border of the escarpment, too low, being in some places only 6 feet high above the escarpment, which can be made
ruins,
is
use of at this point.
The
fortification,
Q, O, P,
nor parapets completed
where there
11,
and there
is
is
;
it
imperfect; Joubert's demi-bastion Q, has neither its rampart forms, on its left, a dead angle towads the escarpment, marked 9, 10, is
a gate; the approach to this angle
a passage of 7
@
by a covert way along the escarpment,
is
8 feet between the end of the wall, 11, which goes
down
to this
escarpment and the edge of the escarpment, 12, behind this wall, 10, 11; it is difficult to construct a rampart there, and at present there is no chrmin dcs rondes^ from which we could fire over its parapet; there are some loop-holes beside the gate, but they are situated too low, fire would be completely traversed from without; the Curtain, 13, is raised six feet over the ground; in bastion O, the ramparts and parapets are not built the Curtain, 14, is not formed, except by a retrenchment the same as that of the Place the bastion, F, is not
so that the
;
;
finished;
it
is
opposed to the
raised over the ground, as hill
at Artigny's Mill,
but without a ditch,
it
shown by
the sketch.
This bastion
being raised above the ground, like
make any
being impossible to
all
is
entirely
that fortification,
at the right face of the bastion, O,
which
is situate on the brow of the hill that is very precipitous; from the height at Artigny's Mill, the faces of bastion F and of bastion O could be easily destroyed. All the
front,
and '
from 15 to 16, is exposed to this hill, the fortification not being covered by any ditch were desirable to construct one before bastion F, it would be necessary to lower the
if it
A space
between the rampart and low parapet under
Vol. IX.
it
110
for the
rounds to go about it Janu/ Military Dictionary.
— Ed.
;
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
874
which would be
faces of said bastion, or to raise the counterscarp
built,
and the covert way
of about twenty feet above the level of the ground on which the faces of this bastion stand
would cause a great expense, it being necessary to prolong the glacis of the covert way, which would not prevent the revetement of this bastion being always exposed at that height; as this bastion is situate in a low locality, I doubt if earth be found in the neighborhood within two hundred toises to construct its rampart, which will be thirty feet high, for the vicinity of this
this place
is
nothing but rock covered with a
have remarked that there
I
Vaudreuil
Done
is
at
is
little soil.
neither cistern nor well within the fort, and the Marquis de
badly lodged there.
Quebec, the 15th October, 1716.
Chaussegros.
Signed
*
i>
»
>
Ramezay and Begon
Messrs. de
Council of ike Marine.
to the
Proposed establishment at Niagara. Lifawn^Xve™"mach^st^m^""^!: whuLrLen'^Suaii'y Bent every year to
niMageihaiNaiioD. t This is a Stone (ort creeled at the mouth of I^ke On-
November, 1716, observe that M. de Longucuil* had informed them on his return from the Iroquois that it would be ncccssary to have a small post North of Niagara, on Lake Ontario, at n r. ^^ about 100 Icagues from Fort Frontenac.t which could be reached in 7 or 8 days ,
peace concluded by M. de Callieres in
\
•'
in CanOC.
That
/-tit-.-, LiaKC Jl.arie. ^"*
r\f \\\o ''"''
plies on their way to and from hunt-
mf»id'^hem"
M""de
^^ approved, the trade there must be carried on
for the
account
KiniT -I^lllg.
M.
de Longucuil has also proposed to build a bark for the purpose of p transportation irom one post to the other, and considers it a sure means to l
*.•
i
i
i
-i
•
.'
''o'^ciliate
go
the Iroquois, and to secure the greater portion of the peltries which
to estab-
except
to the English,
be^doie Cthe premises, and reqoesu permiMion '
profit for his
Majesty's benefit.
This post being established, would afford means to prevent the Coureurs de ,
.
roind'fu'and that Th'.!'»"i»i"hriha'ifK°
and produce a large
bols goiog to trade to '^"^""
to
^^^^ P"^*
^'^
"'
Vaudreuil
lish this post
ro
Indians from
passing from hunting o in the neighborhood
?'h'e'
for''?he'K"g^il'
Vol. IX.
Hobby. Butekinson,
117
IL, 162, 153, 181, Ao.
— £o.
930
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
having been sent back to
me
to Placentia.
Sieur Morpin has sustained
liis
usual reputation;
yard-arm to yard-arm, and, though inferior in strength, prevented the enemy boarding, and had he not been knocked overboard by a he fought for the space of three hours,
manoeuvre, he would have obliged the enemy to
armament
to aid the
4""
him
of September; another ship-master
He depended much on
go.
The same English
and Indians of Acadia.
settlers
next day, a bark coming from Quebec, freighted
on the
let
provisions,
v?ith
was taken on
sailed
from Canada
the 30"" of July at Spaniard's bay'
by two English men-of-war, the Chester and Leopard, belonging
He
which
this little
privateer captured,
to the
Canada
expedition.
on his guard.
is
Expedition against Canada.
M. de Costebelle to M. de Pontchartrain : Placentia, 25 October, 1711. English prize, arrived at Placentia on the 20"" October, has confirmed to
— The me
master of an
the expedition of
me that it consists of a landing force of 8,000 men, and of 4,000 who have proceeded across the country to attack Port Royal.^ Sends the proclamation that the English had printed at Boston and distributed among the people of the English against Canada, and assured
New
France.
Capture of French Vessels.
The Boston
galley, with 3 brigantines, has sailed from that port at the close of
September,
loaded exclusively with munitions of war for Quebec.
The King's
ship
le
Heros, and
fe
Vermandois of Rochelle, have been taken at the Island of
Per^^e, and sent to Old England.
The
aid,
which was on the way
to the
French and Indians of Acadia, and consisted mainly
of munitions of war, has been captured in part on board Sieur Morpin's brigantine, after an
engagement of three hours with an English
Had
to decline boarding.
frigate of
30 guns, and after having forced
it
Captain Morpin not been knocked overboard in the course of the
made contrary to his orders, he would have sustained this unequal fight with some hope of escaping from his adversary.
action by a manoeuvre
He
is
apprehensive that the bark of M. Goubin,^ Missionary, loaded with the remainder
of said munitions of war, has experienced the
same
fate.
Sieur Morpin has been sent back to him from the prison of S* John.
Cape Breton and the Coast of Labrador. Expedition of the English previous TO THE War. Mes^T' de
Vaudreuil and Begon
to
M.
de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 12'* of November, 1712,
— State
that they transmit a Memoir, containing
all the information they have been able to obtain respecting the establishment that could be formed on the Island of Cape Breton and the
Labrador Coast, and all the papers they have been able to find relating to the boundaries between us and the English in North America, together with a Memoir they have drawn up on the subject.
That they have not as yet learned any thing respecting the statement that in 1688, before war had been yet declared, the English had captured a French vessel in the port of Chibouctou,* laden with dry goods that a little while aRer, they went to take the port of Chedabouctou, ;
'
See note, lupra,
p.
644.
'
Sie.
Qii
?
Mont Royal.
'
Gauliii.
'
Now
Halifax, N. S.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
be publicly sold at Rodelln' the proceeds of this pillage. That a report on the subject as soon as they shall be ready to find some justificative
and afterwards caused they will
make
931
VII.
:
to
pieces thereupon.
Sundry documents are annexed
to this despatch.
The Boundaries with the English.
Acadia.
—
MtxT de Vaudreuil and Begon to M. de Pontchartrain : Quebec, 16"* November, 1713. Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon have not yet received the Treaty of Peace between France and England signed at Utrecht on the ll"" of April last, ^^^ they have seen a printed copy of it whereby it
appears that
all
Acadia
is
ceded
to be
to
England according to
important to restrict within the extent of the Peninsula
its ancient limils,
known on
all
Acadia, for reasons explained at considerable length in the Memoir,
the
maps by
Map and
it is
name of
despatch annexed,
who
which Sieur Begon prepared with Father Aubry, Missionary of S' Francis, conversant with that country than any other person here.
The documents mentioned
which
the
is
more
are not annexed.
Rivers Ouabache and Mississipi. Mess" de Ramezay and Begon
to
M.
de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 13" September, 1715.
Ville,* a Jesuit missionary, and Sieur de Vincenne, write Sieur de
Ramezay
— Father De
that the English of
Carolina have recourse to every expedient to attract the Indian Tribes of the South by means of the Iroquois, and Sieur Illinois,
Begon reports
that Father Marmet,^ a Jesuit Missionary to the
writes respecting the encroachments of the English in the rivers Ouabache and
Mississipi,
where they
are building 3 forts.
Oath required of the French who remained at Port Rotal, &., under the dominion OF the English.
—
M. Begon to M. de Pontchartrain: Quebec, 25" September, 1716. A French inhabitant of Port Royal has reported to him that he read the orders received by the governor from the Court of England on the subject of the proclamation of the new King and of the oath of fidelity and religious abjuration (de religion) to be exacted from all the settlers, to the effect that he shall
oblige the French
the English
;
who
will remain under the English
dominion to take 4 of these oaths
like
but that on the French becoming indignant at such proceeding, he had contented
himself with requiring them to take the oath of allegiance; that he had even promised them, in his Britannic Majesty's name, that they should have freedom of religion and be at liberty to retain their Missionaries,
and that they could remain as quiet on their lands as
if
they were
native English.
Notwithstanding these
offers the
French refused
to take the oath of fidelity,
and promised
merely not to take up arms as long as they should be under English dominion, as they could not pledge themselves to any thing else, and that they would never violate the obedience due by good subjects to their prince. The English governor, being satisfied with their answer, told
them simply '
Rhode
that he should report
to the
Court of England.
Island.
'Rev. Louis Maris dc Ville the Peorias in the Chronologigue. '
it
—
Rev. Jacques
fall
m
wag Missionary
said to have emigrated in IT02;
of that year. Kip.
lie
belonged to the
Illinois Mission,
at Kaskaskias in 171
and
is
snid to
1,
and was sent to
hare died in IT38. Littt
Er>.
Marmet became Mimiuimiy
stationed nt Kaskaskias, lUinoid, Charlevoix.
to the Indians at the
He died
in 1736,
mouth of the Ohio
according to
tliat
as early aa 1700,
and was afterwards
unreliable authority, the List* ChroHotofique.
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
932
This governor immediately dispatched a small English vessel from Port Royal to convey the same intelligence to the French and Indians of Minas and Beaubassin and to the Indians of the two Missions of the Rivers S' John and Pentagouet, to induce them to take the Oath of fidelity,
and
them that they should enjoy the
to declare to
free exercise of their religion.
M' Breton, an officer of the troops belonging to the garrison of Port Royal, and Sieur Capon> commissary of said place, embarked on board this vessel with an English crew and two Frenchmen, one named Jean Landry, an inhabitant of Minas, and the other named Melanson, an inhabitant of Port Royal, one of whom acted as captain (mailre d'equipage) and the other as pilot.
That said Sieur Capon, a native of Bourdeaux, where he has been a wine merchant, told him when on his mission, that he was the sole deputy on the part of the King of England to publish this proclamation and receive the oath of fidelity; but being French, he had requested the Governor of Port Royal to send an English officer of that garrison with him, in order to remove all cause of suspicion from himself, and that M"" Breton had been adjoined. That he proceeded first to Minas, where, having called the F'rench and Indians together and published this proclamation, he invited them to swear allegiance to the King of England, which
they
all
refused to do.
That he went next and Indians refused,
That
said Sieur
Beaubassin, where, after the proclamation had been read, the French
Capon
leagues above which
women and
to
in like
children,
is
manner, to take the oath of allegiance.
repaired, last April, to the
mouth (au
ban) of the River S' John,
the village of the Malicites and Abenaquis, consisting of 3
among whom
there are about 100
men
40
@ 400 men,
capable of bearing arms.
Said Mess" Capon and Breton told the Missionary of these Indians that the object of their
was
them the accession of Prince George of Hanover to the Crown of England, and to propose to them in his name to place themselves under his protection by taking the oath of allegiance to him; that the King of England would allow them the same and even larger presents than the King had been accustomed to give them that they would be at liberty to preserve their religion and to retain their Missionary. The Indians answered, that they were too few in number to speak of these propositions that as far as they were concerned, they were ignorant of what was passing in Europe; that perhaps the English wanted to deceive them that they were expecting the return from France of their father, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, when they would be able to answer according to the information they should visit
communicate
to
to
;
;
;
then receive.
The two Frenchmen who were on board
this vessel,
and who speak the Indian language, so
from supporting the propositions the English were making to the Indians, strongly exhorted the latter not to trust them.
far
Father de
la Chasse, the Jesuit missionary of the Abenaquis, has informed him that Mess" Breton and Capon proceeded, at the end of April last, from the River S' John to the mouth of that of Pentagouet, where all the Indians of that mission had again assembled, and had submitted to them the same propositions that he had presented to those of the River S' John.
The demand, and answers
are reported in the letter.
Extent of Acadia as claimed by the English; and what is to be opposed to them. The English, both of the Boston and Port Royal governments, publicly assert themselves masters of
all
the countries from Boston to Port Royal, Minas and Beaubassin,
which they
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
933
VII.
name of Acadia or Nova Scotia, by the Treaty of boundary than the S* Lawrence, although this Treaty they have no other and that peace; states that Acadia shall be ceded according to its ancient limits, which comprehend only the peninsula whereunto alone the name of Acadia is given in the maps, all the rest being laid down pretend have been ceded to them, under the
maps as New France. They have even wished, in execution
in the old
of this treaty, to oblige Sieur de Belisle and Jean
Denis, frenchmen settled at Pentagouet, to leave that place, but the Indians of that village opposed it, and told the English that, as these two Frenchmen had married Indian women
they were considered to belong to their Village and Nation, whereupon the English have not insisted
any
further.
-» »
I
»
Abstract of Messrs. de VavdreuU and Begon^s Despatches, with the Report of the Minister thereupon.
Canada.
Abenakis.
Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon report that the expedition of the Abenakis, against the English fort situated to the Northeast of the River S' George, has not succeeded on account of the continual rains, which obliged sent back, burnt a
saw
mill
and
them killed
to retire after having
some
cattle.
They
made some lost
prisoners
whom
an Indian belonging
they
to the
River Saint John.
By
sending back the English prisoners, that nation, they expected, would
let
them remain
andisturbed; but whilst engaged hunting, the English visited and burnt their village.
aroused the Indians afresh, in vain,
This
owing fort
who made
This
divers attempts to capture the English fort; but all
to their little experience in these operations.
having been built two years ago on French
territory, to
the prejudice of the
bounds and limits laid down in 1720,' and the King having forbidden any assistance in men to be furnished the Indians, Mess" Vaudreuil and Begon are of opinion that it would be proper to require the King of England to raze that fort. The Abenakis having gone hunting, the English captured forty of them whom they placed in the hands of the Iroquois. The latter sent two of them, with two Englishmen, to Naurantsouiik, to treat of peace there with the Abenakis of that village. These deputies, not finding the Abenakis, left some Tobacco and Calumets in the cabin and attached to a tree a piece of bark on which they drew two moons, to indicate that they would return in two months, and carried away with them another piece of bark, which Father Rasle, the missionary of that village, had attached to the door of his church, on which he had written that the Indians would not listen to any overtures of peace until the English had entirely abandoned all the Abenakis lands, and, if they burned their church and village, that the Indians would go and burn the meeting houses and settlements of New England. These Deputies did not return to Nauransoiiak. The English, who acted with the Iroquois, were of opini(Jn that this negotiation would be more successful if they could gain over the '
1700. Pott, p. 938,
— Ed.
—
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
934 Indians of the
Saint Francis Mission,
and with
this
view sent a
belt, last
February, to
the Village.
The most
of these
Indians, and
those
of Becancourt,
were hunting or
Some
who remained in them. The deputies
at
war, which
They merely
prevented these deputies explaining the veritable object of their voyage.
said
were come to speak of peace. told them that they and brought back a great number of ought to cease striking the English, and detach themselves from those of Naurantsoiiak and Panoiiamske, who, alone, could not bear up against the English. One of these Deputies had orders to signify privately to four of the most considerable chiefs, and who were least attached to the French, that those who would be inclined to make peace that they
the Village ran after
of those
their people,
with the English should retire with their families to the Iroquois;
That those who would unite with the Abenakis of Naurantsouak would not be safe either in their village or on the road, and that the Iroquois declare themselves equally against them, and against those of Naurantsouak. All the Indians,
when informed
Deputies that they would cease
of this secret and of the threats of the Iroquois, told the
hostilities, if the
Iroquois would prevail on the English to give
the Abenakis up their lands and prisoners which they had taken from them.
On
month of June, they met the English, who and had obtained their promise to wage war
the return of these deputies to Orange, in the
had just renewed
their alliance with the Iroquois,
against the Abenakis.
They
Abenakis were very willing to obey them, and to cease it was on condition that their lands and prisoners should be given up to them whereupon the Iroquois became mediators, and invited two Chiefs from each Abenakis village to accompany them, two months after that, to Boston. The Abenakis having been notified that the Iroquois deceived them, sent word that they were not disposed to risk themselves with them at Boston. told the Iroquois that the
hostilities against the English,
without stating that ;
They acquainted M. de Vaudreuil
whom they
of
it,
and told him,
were. sending back to Boston, and
whom
in presence of
an English prisoner
they authorized to repeat to the Governor
of Boston that they would not make peace until the Abenakis, who were detained prisoners, were restored; until the English hud left their lands and repaired the wrongs and injustices they had done them and that for the settlement of the terms of the peace, they desired no other mediator than M. de Vaudreuil. Those of S' Francis, to the number of sixty, and those of Becancourt to the number of forty, set out afterwards on a war party, to the government of Boston. The former returned after having killed ten prisoners,' burnt several houses and saw-mills, and captured eighteen prisoners. Only one of their men was wounded. The others have also returned, after having, in connection with those of Nantansoiiak, killed seven persons, burnt two picket forts which had been abandoned, and killed a quantity of cattle. The Hurons of Loretto have also been twice at war; they killed six Englishmen and took ;
-f
one prisoner It
this
;
one of their Chiefs has been killed on that occasion.
appears by the report of the prisoners that public sentiment in
war
is
divided.
The
New
England respecting
people complain loudly of the Governor for continuing
their will.
'Sic.
Qu?
Persons.
Ed.
it
against
PARIS DOCUMENTS The understanding
wliich manifested itself between
935
VII.
:
tlie
Nations, had seriously intimidated the Abenakis, and the
Knglish and the Iroquois of the Five ill
disposed
among them
represented,
to those of the Tribe who were going to fight, that the Iroquois would declare against them, which cooled them down considerably. M. de Vaudreuil thought it necessary, for the encouragement of the Abenakis, that the Iroquois domiciled at Sault S' Louis and the Lake of the Two Mountains should join them; being in no wise apprehensive that those of the Five Nations would declare against the Abenakis. They were invited so to do by all the Abenakis Indians and by tjie Hurons of Loretto. They resolved on this junction, and requested M. de Vaudreuil to permit them to go to war. They set out on the twentieth of September, numbering one hundred and thirty-four of the Sault S' Louis, forty-five from the Lake of Two Mountains, and thirty Abenakis of S* Francis. They will not return before the beginning of November. The Abenakis have, likewise, sent Belts to the Outawas to invite them to join. It were desirable that they should cooperate in this war, because it would put an end to their trading at Orange, and to the English efforts to penetrate the upper countries. They [the English] have [sent] flags (jMnllom) there by some Outawas, who have seemingly received them with
pleasure.
Sieur de Vaudreuil will conform himself to the King's intentions in order to maintain the
Abenakis, as much as possible,
He
own
wrote, as of his
in the possession
of their lands.
accord, to the Governor of
New England
to ask that the English
should retire from the lands of the Abenakis and leave these Indians in peace. It is
proper that Monsieur de Vaudreuil be ordered to sustain the Abenakis
continue to require the Governor of
New
lands belonging to the Abenakis, and to let the Indians alone. the French appear in this war, but he assist the
is
It
is
not proper that
Abenakis, by giving them to understand that the design of the English
war against the French on account of the peace and endeavor
to
in
now
is
to
wage
Europe, they attack their
allies
invade their territory and to destroy them, and intend to act in the
same manner towards the other Nations who adjoin them on the sea all
to
secretly to encourage the other Nations to
to render themselves masters of the entire Continent; that, being unable
seizing
;
England to withdraw the English from the
side,
and by
the coasts and harbors, put a stop to the navigation of the French.
That eventually they will seek, by open force, to expel them from the Continent, and if they should succeed, would make slaves of all the Nations, because, finding themselves sole [masters], they would give no more powder, nor ball, nor guns to those whose destruction they would desire, and would not pardon any one. That all the Nations should adopt early measures to ward off this misfortune. The Iroquois, who are more intelligent than all other Nations, ought to be made to understand
necessity,
its
the Outawas,
it is
They must be Colonies, and nevertheless,
and be
told that if the English
wish
to
form an alliance with
in order to obtain assistance from that tribe against the Iroquois.
also
informed of the vast number of people inhabiting the English
how few the French are who maintain the Indians
18 January, 1724.
in the country; that in liberty.
it is
these Frenchmen,
;
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
93G
Louis
XV.
to
Vaudreuil and Begon.
Messrs. de
Extract of the Memoir of the King to Mess" de Vaudreuil and Begon, formerly
Governor-general and Intendant of Canada. Versailles, 30
May, 1724.
His Majesty has considered the report of Sieurs de Vaudreuil and Begon on the subject of
War of the English against the Abenakis. He will add to his orders conveyed in his despatch
the
of the
9""
of June of last year, that
it is
not expedient that the French appear in this war, but it is proper, at the same time, that Sieur de Vaudreuil "do secretly encourage the other nations to assist the Abenaquis, by giving them to understand that the design of the English
is
to
make themselves masters
of the entire
continent; that as the peace wliich exists between the Princes of Europe does not permit
waging war against the French of Canada, the English attack their allies and try to invade their and to destroy them; that when they will have accomplished that, they will seek to invade the territory belonging to other nations adjoining them on the sea side, and that, by seizing on all the coasts and harbors, they wish to put a stop to the Navigation of the French, in order to oblige them eventually, by means of open violence, to abandon the entire continent territory
that then, finding themselves sole masters, they will enslave
all
the Indian nations
whom
they
any more powder, ball or guns, and who will be no longer able to acknowledge that they have been deceived ; that early measure should be adopted to ward off this misfortune; that efforts ought to be made to impress it on the Iroquois, who are more capable of understanding it than any other Nation, and to remark to them, that if the English are endeavoring to form an alliance with the Ottawas, it is with a view of obtaining assistance will not furnish with
from them
for their (the Iroquois') destruction
;
to explain to
them the
large
in the English Colonies and the small number of French in Canada; that
this small
number of French
amount of people it is,
nevertheless,
that maintain the Indians in liberty.
* M.
My I
de
Vaudreuil
to the
Minister.
Lord,
had the honor
to advise you,
by the ship
le
Cheval Marin, of the disposition of the English
Abenakis War, and of the Governor of Boston's answer to the letter I had It remains for me to give you an account of the English expedition against the mission of Father Ralle, who had the misfortune to lose his life on that occasion.
as regards the
previously addressed him.
All the circumstances attending this affair deserve to be fully narrated
;
you
will permit
me
not to omit any of them. Since the close of October, 1723, the Abenakis did not cease harrassing the English, with a
view
to force
the Miamis,^
them
whom
to quit their territory.
Those
of the village on the River St.
John joined
they induced to resume the arms they had a year ago laid down; burnt
A
'
Sic.
MicmacB.
— Ed.
five
PARIS DOCUMENTS or six Knglisli houses near Port Royal, aiuJ
drove
garrison into
tiie
to
937
eight or ten Englishmen, took as
favorable time, under the apprehension that the large
that harbor would render their ettbrts abortive.
Eight of them,
number
prisoners,
of ships at anchor in
who were
to their villages without having struck a blow, attJicked an Knglish bark, after
many
were making coiUinua! sorties. These same Indians, men, wished to attack Caticeand, where the English were
on consulting together they postponed the execution of the project
fortifying themselves, but
a more
VII.
thi; fort, vvlio
the iiumijer of one liuridred
to
killefl
:
unwilling to return
which they captured
having killed the crew that defended her.
The
Panaouamsquee,' which had not done any thing since the commencement of
V^illage of
hostilities three years ago,
them early
being
now
excited by our domiciled Indians of St. Francis,
whom
on the other four villages of the same Tribe, and killed and captured nearly 100 Englishmen and 14 Vessels loaded with salt and fish.^ I
sent to
Those of parties
in the spring, prevailed
St. Francis
since
and Becancourt, aided by some Mohegans, continued sending out war
month of March
the
last; the
Hurons of Loretto joined them
in
assisting
the Narantsouans. Several Iroquois of the Sault and of the Mountain also took up arms with considerable success; and
I
have reason to hope that the mass of these Villages will espouse the quarrel of
the Abenakis.
There was every appearance that the Narantsouans and the other Indians, their allies, would eventually tire out the English and oblige them to abandon their forts on the river of Narantsouac, when the Village was surprised on the 23"* of August last. The English, accompanied by some Indians,' called La Porcelaine, arrived thereunder cover of 'the long grass and brushwood with which the environs were filled, and came on the cabins unawares. This village was without pallisades, and the Narantsouans considered themselves sufficiently secure there in consequence of the care they took to send out scouts. The last of these who had come up the river had not seen any trails of the English, who were coming through the woods, and announced their arrival only by a discharge of musketry. The Narantsouans then in the village numbered 50 Warriors. Those who were not hit by the bullets which riddled the bark of the Wigwams, having immediately rushed to arms, made a few moments' resistance, crying to the
women and
children to
fly to
the river which
was yet open.
Father Ralle, the ancient Missionary of the Abenakis, on whose head the English had year set a price,
who was exhorting
lands and country, went out of his house on hearing the noise, but the
moment
he
appearance, the English fired a volley at him by which he was immediately killed. the Indians
who
possessed not the courage to
was
perceived that the Father
slain.
last
the Indians belonging to his mission to preserve their
The
resist, fled
made
his
Those of
towards the river as soon as they who had held out
bravest (resiates) of the warriors,
a long time against the English, seeing that they were on the point of being surrounded, flung
themselves into the river like
edge with their shots.
all
the rest, and the English Indians pursued
them
to the water's
Firing, as they did, unimpeded, against a mass of frightened people
who were crossing a river, some in canoes and some swimming, it is surprising that a single man should have escaped. They killed, in this action, only 7 men, 7 women, 14 children, and wounded 14 persons very
slightly.
The mass
of the
villiige
which escaped amounts
'
See note, supra,
'
Compare Willianuon, IL, 127 Penhallow, in JVne Uampihirt HUlorical ColUctiom, L, [and guided by a aquaw]. Some such words seem to be wanted here to majce up the
'
p. 671. ;
Vol. IX.
118
96, 100.
sense.
— Ed.
to
160
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
938 persons,
among whom
their Missionary
remain 29 Warriors, who were so incensed at the death of tlie sacred vessels belonging to their Church, that they
tliere still
and the profanation of
would have pursued the English the day following their defeat, had they not found themselves without arms, powder and clothes. They had the affliction to witness, without being able to prevent, the burning and plunder of their Church and Wigwams. After having paid every attention to their wounded, every body set out on their way to Canada, where they arrived to the number of 150. The deplorable condition to which I saw them reduced, prompted me to receive and furnish them all the assistance they stood in need of. I have provided, up to this time, for their subsistence, which I shall continue to do for one year, in order to enable them to lay out plantations at Beaumont' and St. Francis, and to furnish our warriors thereby with means to continue hostile operations. They have assured me that they were going immediately to adopt measures to make the English feel the wrong they are guilty of in retaining their lands and their prisoners, and that whilst one Abenaki remains alive, he would oppose the English. The domiciliated Iroquois appear to entertain the same sentiments.
The
English, thus harrassed, will perhaps get tired and let go.
I
beg of you
to observe
of extreme consequence that the English do not
become Masters of the Narantsouac which would bring them too near Quebec and place them in a position to make a flank attack on the Colony. Besides, it would be to be feared that if that territory passes into their hands, the Indians, who are its owners, would feel irritated in consequence, and consider themselves abandoned, which would possibly detach them entirely from us.
that
it is
river,
If the "English sincerely desire
conform to the bounds
war
laid
down
peace they must raze their forts on the River S* George, and in 1700.
'Tis certain that our Indians will not cease
waging
against the English so long as they will be encroaching on their land.
I shall follow exactly
in their regard,
the orders you have given
and direct
listen to reason,
all
and restore
my to
me
in respect to the course I
am
to observe
war; but the English must the Abenakis their land and prisoners. These are their attention to put an end to this
sentiments, and they are resolved to persist therein.
Sieur de Louvigny,
who
the legitimate measures
He
I
has an intimate knowledge of the Indians, and
have adopted to terminate
this war, proceeds to
is
acquainted with
France
this year.
you more particular information on the subject. Though the English have already expended a considerable amount to win over the Iroquois to their side, they have not accomplished their object, and I have always kept them neutral. will furnish
The English expend, this year, more than 20,000 crowns without producing any effect on the minds of these Indians. I flatter myself that those domiciled among us will take up arms and defend their brethren, the Abenakis. Deputies from the Five Nations came this summer to assure me that they will not take up the hatchet in favor of the English against the Abenakis ; and in order to retain them in these favorable dispositions, I thought I could not do better than to send Sieur de Joncaire to winter at
Niagara and among the Senecas.
According
news to be received from Sieur de Joncaire, I shall determine whether to send Sieur de Longueuil to the Onontagues, among whom he has considerable influence. to the
Those of the Sault S' Louis and of the Mountain, governed by the Jesuits and the Priests of S' Sulpice, have not yet responded to my intentions, though they have organized some 'Sic.
Becancourt
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS successful parties.
the
same time,
missions, as
goods
for
I
I
to
make them
more promptness.
act with
have these Missionaries written to not
to
am
hope shortly
VIT.
:
but too well informed that they permit
I
beg of you, at
allow any trading houses in their
to
tiie
French
purposes of trading, especially those of the Mountain,
who
to furnish Indians
with
detain the Indians that
come down from the Upper country, to trade with them. This is a considerable prejudice to the commerce of Montreal. The Algonquins and Nepissings have inflicted some considerable blows this summer on the English, and
still
Father Breslu, Missionary of the
daily continue their incursions.
aux Tourtes, where he has had a church and dwelling
Isle
has always resided there since.
He
is
built, carried
a Priest thither
thoroughly conversant with their language.
He
has not been able to
same pension of 500" that Sieur Bresid enjoyed.
them on
Majesty's expense,
it
Missionary, and one in
You can
well judge.
is
who
an excellent man, greatly beloved by the Indians, and
make
a longer slay at
that place, being unable to live there, unless his Majesty have the goodness to grant
stop these Indians and settle
latter at
beg to observe that
I
this Island,
where a
fort
if it
him the
be desirous to
has been constructed at hia
highly important that this mission be provided with a resident
whom confidence can be placed. My Lord, that all these movements
expense, and whatever pains
I
cannot be made without serious
take to reduce them, agreeably to your intentions,
I
cannot,
demanding a supplementary grant of Ten thousand weight of Powder, Twenty thousand weight of Lead and Balls, one hundred guns, and one hundred and fifty withal, dispense with
blankets, to indemnify the Indians of Narantsouac for the losses they have sustained, and to
engage the other Indians, by presents, supplement,
I
shall
deprived of the aid which
I
have flattered them
Without
part of the Abenakis.
to take the
move should they
be absolutely unable to get the Indians to
;
they would not
to expect,
this
see themselves
fail to
a circumstance that would be highly prejudicial to the interests of this Colony.
withdraw,
I shall
omit
nothing to prevent the English encroaching on the lands of the Abenakis. In order to render an exact account of the funds to be employed for these Indians,
necessary that nothing be delivered except on
commands on I
my
I request
order.
you
will
issue
it is
your
this point.
have the honor to be with most profound respect,
My
Lord,
Your most humble,
&c.,
28 November, 1724.
Vaudrbuil.
Memoir on Of
all
the Indians of
the present Condition
New
of the Abenaquis.
France, the Abenaquis are those
a position to render the most service.
hundred warriors. Two Lawrence, near Three Rivers one below that town, altogether, about five
who have
This nation consists of
1724. performed, and are in
five Villages,
which number,
of these Villages are situate along the River S'
—
at
what
the other, ten leagues above, at the Village of S' Francis.
is
The
called the Village of Becancour;
three others are in the direction
of Acadia, and are called Narantsouak, on the River Kanibekky; Panasamsd^, on the River
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
940
Pentagouet and Medocteck,' on the River S' John. The Village of Narantsouak is nearest New England that of Medocteck nearest Acadia, and that of Panaouamke nearly in the centre. ;
These three villages have different routes, each by its own river, whereby they reach Quebec This circumstance it is that constitutes the importance of their position as in a few days. regards Canada, of which they are the strongest barriers, and that ought to be attended to by the Court so as to prevent the English destroying these Villages in the war they are actually waging against the Indians or, what would amount to the same thing, their obliging the Indians to abandon tiieni and to retire elsewhere, which is evidently their sole aim. For, far from making establishments on the Peninsula of Acadia, which has been ceded to them by the Treaty of Utrecht, and their right to which no one disputes, it does not appear that a solitary Englishman has as yet taken up land there, or at least cultivates any, in the whole extent of that province, whilst, since that treaty, and contrary to what is agreed to therein, they have located a number of settlers on the rivers belonging to the Abenaquis, and ;
Wherefore does that happen, unless for which these lands are much nearer than Acadia, and of taking possession of them when they shall be in the humor to nominate Commissioners to settle its boundaries with France? Should the Court not think proper to assist the Indians publicly in this war, which is waged on the lands their
title to
which, of right,
is
denied.
the purpose of constantly advancing towards Canada, to
by
the English against them,
it
seems
at least
expedient that
it
complain loudly of the
contraventions by the English of the treaty of Utrecht; adopt measures to put an end to them,
and have
it
settled at the
Congress
at
Cambray,
that the English shall not be permitted to
molest the Abenaquis by encroaching on their territory and establishing themselves, contrary to the law of Nations, in a country of which the said Indians have been from all time in possession.
Otherwise,
what
it
will follow that the Abenaquis, tired of the
War,
will
abandon
their country,
more probable, will, without quitting it, make the best terms they can with the means of much larger presents then we can possibly make these Indians, will soon succeed in gaining them over, especially by giving them to understand, as they will not fail to do, that France has cared nothing for them except when she had need of them,
or
is
English, who, by
whilst now,
any part
when
it
is
in their quarrel
her interest not to embroil herself with England, she refuses to take
with the English.
Indians, and the proof of
it
would be too
This reasoning
is
within the comprehension of the
plain not to convince them.
If,
on the contrary,
the Court succeed in replacing matters on their ancient footing, and in putting a stop to the
usurpations of the English, the Abenaquis, on hearing the
and more
to France,
fact, will
attach themselves
more
without thinking of quitting their country, and we, thereby, shall have
completely provided for the security of Canada on the land side. The knowledge of their customs and genius, acquired by an uninterrupted residence of fifteen years among them, impresses me with the belief that the best way to fix this attachment, and even to render it eternal,
would be
to increase, particularly in favor of the three villages adjoining the English,
the gratuity which the Court annually allows them, and to transmit every five years a silver
medal of the King, which the Indians will, in their way, look upon as an abiding word that will incessantly tell them that the King continues to honor them with his Royal protection. M"' de Vaudreuil, Governor-general of Canada, and M'' Begon, Intendant, approve strongly of this expedient, which I have had the honor to submit to them before I took my departure. '
See note, supra,
p. 904.
— Ed.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
M.
JBegon
to
:
941
VII.
Count de Maurepas.'
Extract of a letter written to the Court by Mons"" Begon, Intendant in Canada, dated
tiie
twenty-first of April, one thousand seven
hundred and twenty-
on the subject of the war between the Abenakis and the English.
five,
have the honor to inform you that the Marquis de Vaudreuil was advised on the twelfth of
I
March
last
— the day on
which he arrived
at Montreal
— by
a letter from
the
commanding
Chambly that three English Deputies had arrived at that post on the preceding M' Dudiay,* son of the late Governor of Boston, Colonel Taxter,' member of the Council, both deputies from the Boston Government, M' Atkinson,^ deputy from the government of Pescadou^, and M' Schult,* merchant of Orange, who stated that he came only officer
of
evening,
viz',
companion to those gentlemen. These delegates arrived at Montreal on the thirteenth of the same month, and delivered to the Marquis de Vaudreuil a letter from the Governor of Boston, containing only a vague answer to that addressed to him last October on the subject of the English expedition against Narantsouak of the preceding August, and a justification of the death of Father Rasle, the missionary of that Village, who was killed by the English on that occasion. This governor also added, that reliance might be placed on the representations these delegates may make, whom he had furnished with instructions, without explaining the matters on which they were as a
to speak.
At
their first conference,
the prisoners
whom
on the sixteenth of said month, they demanded the restitution of
the Abenakis had taken, &*.
demanded
M. de Vaudreuil should cease assisting the Abenakis with munitions of War and with provisions; as such conduct was contrary to the Treaty of Utrecht, which prohibited them favoring the enemy, and as the Indians were Rebels. M. de Vaudreuil answered them, that the aid he furnished the Abenakis consisted in the yearly presents the King made them since the foundation of the Colony, as they are under his Majesty's protection. And if they employed these presents in making war against the English, the latter could blame only themselves, as they had impelled these Indians, who had never been In a second conference they
*
that
Jean Fbedirice Phelippeaux, Count de Maurepas, wa« the son of Jerome (tupra, p. 736), and graodson of Chancellor da He was born in 1701, and created Knight of Malta whilst ;et a minor. He was appointed p. 503.
Pontchartrain. Supra,
Secretary of State at the age of fourteen years
the
office until
patronaj^e to
construction
went
1725,
;
but the Marquis de la Vrilli^re, subsequently his father-in-law, bad charge of
when Count de Maurepas commenced
his administration at the age of 24.
He
soon extended hia
men of science sent expeditious to tlie equator and the pole to measure degrees of the meridian ordered the of new maps, and dispatched officers to examine imperfectly-known coasts and countries, whilst the celebrated ;
;
to study the
Botany of Peru. At his desire M. de la Verandry was sent, in 1738, to discover the Pacific Ocean, Rocky Mountains. An epigram which Count de Manrepas wrote on Mde. de Pompadonr, the Mistress of Louis XV., caused his downfall in 1749. After his disgrace he retired to Pontchartrain, and was succeeded in his office by his brother-in-law, the Duke de la Vrillidre. On the accession of Louis XVL, and after a retirement of more than 25 years, Count de Maurepas was recalled and made President of the Council. Ue died N'ovember, 1781, greatly Jussieu
and reached,
in his journey, the
regreltcd by the King. Biographie Universelle. after him.
— Eu.
Lake Maurepas,
in Louisiana,
and an Island
in
Lake Superior, wore
called
' Colonel WiLUAM Dudi-kt, son of Joseph, was born October 20, 1686; graduated at Harvard College 1704; married a daughter of Judge Davenport in 1721, and died September 27, 1767. New England Genealogical Regitltr, L, 71. •
Samuel Thaxter.
*
Theodore Atkinson. Belknap's
Kea
Hampshire, HI., 68.
*
Sic.
Mr. Schuyler.
;
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
942
either their allies or subjects, to
wage
it
from which they
for the possession of their country
would expel them. denying that they were not attached to us, 'twas said, that they had been for full eighty years united with us against the English when we were at war with the latter; since which time they have always styled the Governor of New France their father; received from him commissions confirming the elections of their chiefs, and have hoisted
And
in reference to the Englisli
the French flag in their villages.
That, on the contrary, they had been almost always at
war with
the English, even
when
and the Governor of Boston having since the Treaty of Utreclit, and previous to the commencement of hostilities between the Abenakis and the English, gained over Abemesnie, the nephew of Raxou, Chief of Narantsouak, and having given him, after his uncle's death, an English flag to be carried to the village of Narantsouak, and a the two crowns were at peace
commission of Chief
;
command
to
was
there, this Indian
so badly received there
by the people
of his village, that they tore the commission and the English flag, and said that they did not
New
receive any except from the government of
France.
about eighty years that they have French Missionaries, and profess the Catholic religion, these had never been troubled by the English until the last war, and that the Indians have never been willing to receive Ministers, and have always vindicated their freedom of
That
for
religion and the possession of their territory, independent of the English. In the third conference the English maintained that the lands of the
that the Indians had sold those lands to them.
Abenakis were theirs
They submitted some unsigned and informal They added, in their submission to the Crown of England,
papers, which, they pretended, were deeds of the purchase that they had effected. that the Indians had in divers meetings given
and had taken the oath of allegiance; that they submitted the matter to M. de Vaudreuil, and made him judge of the justice of their claim, and handed him copies of these pretended donations
made
He answered
to them.
them, that the Indians had always told him they had never sold their country
to the English, nor
presented
;
had ever submitted
brought and convinced
The
to
them
;
that he
knew nothing about
that the Indians had always assured him they were forgeries; in his presence of the
the papers they
that they must be
genuineness of the documents.
English said, that credit ought to be attached to their word, as they were not people
who were in
the habit of imposing on others.
They
consented, with difficulty, that the Indians
power
to
They were asked what was the object of their voyage, if they had not authority to treat They answered, they had come only to recover their prisoners, communicate this peace?
of
of S' Francis and Becancourt should be brought to Montreal, saying they had no treat with them.
to
M. de Vaudreuil the justice of their cause against the Abenakis, and learn some news of this war. That Mess" Atkinson and Dudelay would return to Boston, and that M' Texter would remain
at
Montreal
for the
These having arrived
purpose of conferring with the Deputies from the Abenakis.
at Montreal
on the twenty-third of April
of the most ancient of the entire Nation, the English
last, to
the
number
of seven
announced their intended return home,
as they had nothing to say to the Abenakis.
They were gone to
told that
St. Francis,
one of their party, an interpreter of the Abenakis language,
Becancourt and Three Rivers
prisoners at these places, and his
own
niece
for the
who was
who had
purpose of recovering the English
with the Ursulines of Three Rivers, had
:
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
given the Abenakis to understand that the English had
come
943 Montreal to negotiate a peace
to
They were likewise informed that these Indians had heen hrouglit to Montreal at
with them.
made by the
the request
They
VII.
said
Englisli to
their
that
M. de Vaudreuil. had spoken without
interpreter
their
authority
;
notwithstanding, obliged to admit that they had requested M. de Vaudreuil to
come, and
they were,
make them
they consented to confer with these Indians, which conference did not take
finally
place until the twenty-ninth of April, as they were awaiting the return of that Interpreter of
the Abenakis language.
They employed
this interval to advantage, for they
practices they could contrive to
made
meanwhile, of all the go and speak to them at
use, in the
induce the Abenakis Deputies
to
their tavern.
Sieur Schul,' their emissary, went also in the course of the night to see the Indians,
The
who
listen to
him, and told him that they would speak only at M. de Vaudreuil's house.
Interpreter
having arrived, the English and Abeuakia Deputies assembled at M.
would not
de Vaudreuil's.
The
English, at the outset, objected to speak
The
the Abenakis. to say to
them
latter
asked them,
why
first,
saying that they had nothing to say to
they had brought them hither
they had nothing
if
M. de Vaudreuil having exhorted the one and the other of them not to get
?
angry, and to converse peaceably
—
The
English began and said to the Indians: That they had come only with good intentions; that they had selected M. de Vaudreuil, as he is the friend of both parties and the father of the Abenakis, to be their mediator, and to
arrange their differences justly. that they were very glad that the English had come only with a and that they, too, had requested their father, M. de Vaudreuil, to be their mediator. They said, that they complained that the English should seize their lands contrary to right and reason ; that some Abenakis were unjustly detained as prisoners of war at Boston and Port Royal that they hrivate iudividualai
—
Iji.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
§8^
7* The Iroquois never gave themselves to the English otherwise than as they gave themselves to us. If the English regard them as subjects, we can consider them such likewise, and with a better right, as I have just demonstrated. We alone, indeed, can justly do it, for, in fine, if they have given themselves up to France as subjects before they did so to England, they no longer possess the right to make themselves over to others, and we are justified in maintaining our possession. S"" It must, however, be admitted, as I have already remarked, that there is not an Indian Nation in North America that ought to be considered in any other light than as friends and The Iroquois are allies of the English, but they are allies of the French, also their allies. ;
war waged by the two Crowns.
alliance has existed in spite of the
Therefore, [if] Article 15
of the Treaty of Utrecht regards the French and the English equally, we are justified in preventing the English molesting the Iroquois, who are our allies. Therefore, if to have a fort
on Iroquois territory, though with the consent of the Iroquois themselves, be to molest the Iroquois, the English are also deemed to molest them in having caused a post to be at Niagara,
erected at Chouegen,
we
be theirs that 9""
All this
territory,
but
is
this
which
is
it
as
much our
and
them
to demolish, as
it
can
under the supposition that Forts Niagara and Chouaguen are on Iroquois principle is false. The bounds of the Indian territory are indefinite, if it be
pretended to include their hunting ground in villages
interest to require
should raze that of Niagara.
fields are located,
We
on French territory.
and on
it.
Their country properly
is
only where their
Niagara and Chouaguen are
this principle the posts at
do nothing, then, but rebuild a house in ruins on our
own
soil,
where
Fort Denonville stood, whilst the English, in establishing themselves at Chouaguein, build on
French 10""
territory.
The
possession of the River Saint Lawrence, and the liberty the French have to settle
on what part of
it
soever they think proper, as well as on the Lakes, are so fully admitted by
the English themselves, that, in order to preserve good correspondence between the
Crowns,
it
two
has been specially stipulated in the Treaties formerly concluded between the
Governors of
New
France and
New England
that the subjects of Great Britain should not
have the privilege of coming thither to trade with the Indians that they would be deemed by the sole act as contravening the order of their Sovereign, and would subject themselves to ;
the confiscation of
Up
all
their goods,
and to other penalties,
etc.
Treaty of Utrecht, the English considered themselves so little masters of the Iroquois that they have never been able to prevent them having constantly in their villages French Missionaries, officers, garrisons, and some sort of forts. Even during the last war, they 11""
to the
had Missionaries among them, who would
still
be there, were
it
not for the violences which
the English have been always guilty of towards them, not with the consent of the chiefs of the Nation, but through indecent artifices constantly had recourse to even in time of profound peace, hiring individual Indians to get drunk and to insult the Missionaries.
have been, in
fact, so
These persecutions
frequent and so importunate, that the Missionaries, ever in danger of
their lives from these
drunken hirelings, have been obliged to abandon the place. This did not prevent the Chiefs and Council of the Five Nations asking the Governor-general of New France, repeatedly since the peace of Utrecht, to furnish them
,
..
,
beyond
my
i
,
,
,
knowledge.
)
At
Quebec. Warrlora.
"^^he
Hurons.
1 Village
.
At
The Abenakis. The Bbenakis.
the
60 a 70
men
;
60
bearing arms,
River Saint John, adjoining the English.
.
1 Village called
.
1 Village called
.
1 Village.
Panasamsket towards the mouth of said Narentchaan, at the head of said
river,
200 150
river,
Becancour.
The Abenakis.
GO
Warriors,
At Saint
Francis.
The Bbenakis. 1 Village, including those of Michiskoui and those who migrate, The Armorial bearings (Totums) of this Nation, which is divided into two .
sections, are the
There
Pigeon
are, besides,
(lourtre^)
some
tribes
and the Bear.
who
carry the Partridge, the Beaver and the Otter.
At Three
The Algonquins.
.
fifteen
The
180
Rivers.
See Montreal. 15
men, Tetes de Boule or
Tribes of the Interior.
These are wandering Savages who have no knowledge either of the order or form of villages, and evince the least intellect they inhabit the mountains and lakes in the Their armorial bearings are unknown, interior, from Three Rivers to Lake Superior. hey have. any if ;
Boston and
The Mohegans (Lowps) who understand
the
Orange.
Bbenakis and
whom
the Bbenakis
is equal to from Lake Champlain to the head of Lake Erie 300 leagues. This nation may be six hundred men, under British rule. No person could give me any information of their customs. This only by way of remark.
understand, are dispersed from Boston to Virginia, which
—
605 •ThiB word
Part HI., 653.
ia
Otter, (Loutri) in Schoolcraft's Hittory
— Ed.
of the Indian Tribea of tin United
States, 4to.
Philadelphia, 185S.
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
VIII.
1053 WaiTlori.
6ti6
Montreal.
They
Algonquins.
are twenty
men
settled with the Iroquois of the
Two
Mountains;
remains of a nation the most warlike, most polished and the most They have for armorial bearings, an Evergreen Oak
this is all tliat
attached to the French.
20
( Chcne Vert),
Al
The
Nepissingues.
remainder has
A its
the
Lake of
part of this tribe
is
the
Two
Mountaitu.
incorporated with the Iroquois.
village at the lake of their
name.
Here are
fifty
men
The
bearing
60
arms,
The Armorial
bearings of this Nation are, the Heron for the Achaguc, or Heron
the Beaver for the Amekoties the Birch for the Bark tribe ; Blood for the ; Miskouaha or Bloody people (Gens du Sang.) Remark, Sir, if you please, that besides the arms of the principal stocks to which
tribe
;
I exclusively confine myself, leisure
not permitting
by peculiar devices. no more than sixty-three
tribe distinguishes itself village,
amount
to
—
At
The
who compose
Iroquois,
me
to obtain thorough details, each
The Iroquois who I mean warriors,
are masters of this
60
the Sault Saint Louis.
exclusively the village are nearly three hundred and
300
three bearing arms,
These two villages are shoots of the Iroquois of Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, and have the same armorial devices. Those of the three principal tribes are the Wolf, Bear and the Tortoise. Note. Argent, to the Wolf gules, &c. Tiiey usually design them merely with charcoal.
—
The Grand River of
At Lake Nepissingue there
is
the
Oulawas.
one small village of thirty men,
who
bear a Squirrel
30
AtchitamH,
JUver and Lake Themiscaming.
They have for device an Eagle, Tabittibis are one hundred warriors. At the mouth of the Themiscaming there are twenty warriors, At the head of the Lake, twenty domiciled, These Indians are what are called Tctes de Boule, who amount to over six hundred
The
in the
I shall
100
20 20 600
Northern country,
speak of them hereafter without reference to their numbers.
At
The Outawas
amount to one hundred and eighty warriors the two Kiskakons (1) and Sinago (2) the Bear (1) and Black
of this village
principal branches are
Squirrel
Missilimakinak.
(2),
;
;
180 2,045
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
1054
Warriors.
2,045 River Missisaguc.
The
Missisagues on the river called
number
They have
Lake Superior
At
the Falls of Saint
Mary
men, and twenty men on the Island
thirty
Manitouatim of Lake Huron.
— At
for device, a
the
are the Sauteurs, to the
Mouth.
number of
two divisions, and have for device, the Crane and the Cat Michipicoton
The Papinakois and
those of the interior
— At North of the
;
first
50
Crane,
this
thirty
;
they are in 30
fish,
Lake.
are twenty warriors,
and have
for
Hare
device, a
20 River Ouiiepigon.
The Oskemanettigons have
The
who
Monsonis,
for device, a
The
forty warriors.
They 40
are migratory, estimate themselves
Abittibis and the Tttes de Boule
the
number of
have
first
two hundred men, and have
Moose (Orignal),
200
come
there also.
all
Some have informed me
with the Eagle.
for arms, the Partridge
that they are in
The
are domiciled there to the
for device, the bird called the Fisher,
that
have already stated
I
one hundred warriors.
Namesilinis have one hundred and
fifty fit to
They have
bear arms.
for device,
a Sturgeon,
The
150
one hundred and forty warriors strong, have for armorial
tribes of the Savannas,
device, a
Hare
140 Gamancttigoya.
The Ouace
are in
number
sixty
men, and have
for device a
Cat
60
fish,
Tecamamiouen, or Rainy Lake,
These Indians are the same as those who come lake to the number of one hundred men,
Lake of
The
Cristinaux are scattered hereabout, to the
They have
for device, the
Cristinaux are around this lake to the
Assenipoels.
They
are about this
100 Woods.
number
of
two hundred warriors.
Wild goose,
200
Lake
The
the
to Nepigon.
Ouneiiigon.
number of sixty men,
60
See Sdoux. South of Lake Superior.
Kiouanan.
In this quarter there are domiciled forty Sauteurs,
who have
the Crane and the Stag,
The Sauteurs
of Point
Chagouamigon
for device,
40 are one hundred and
fifty
warriors
150 3,285
PARIS DOCUMENTS:
1055
VIII.
Warrioni,
3,285
The
Scioux, at the hecid of this lake, in the
computed
scnttured, are
The
at three
woods and along the
300
hundred men, the Otter.
They number one hundred and
they formerly sprung.
of Lake Ounepigon, and have
for device, a
fifty
to the south
160
Big Stone or a Ilock,
Puans have retired, since 172S, to the Scioux to the number of eighty; they have for
80
Armorial bearings, the Slag, the Polecat (Pichoux), the Tiger, The
The AyoBois
Jiead
of Lake Superior.
are settled at the south of the River de Missouris, at the other side of
They
the Mississipi.
are no
more than
Lake Michigan
The
Dog and
2,000
Asssenipoels, or Pouans can, according to others, vie with the Scioux, from
whom The
though
Scioux of the Prairies are, in the opinion of Voyageurs, over two thousand men, Tlieir Armorial devices are the Buffalo, the Black
The
lakes,
Folles Avoines, north of this lake,
The most Kiliou
eighty.
with
il3
They have
is
a species of Eagle (the
80
Fox,
dependencies.
number one hundred and
considerable tribes have for device, the Large
— that
for device, a
sixty warriors,
)
Bear, the Slag, a
tiiiled
most beautiful bird of
this country,)
—
160
/
perched on a cross. In explanation of a Cross forming the Armorial bearings of the Indians, that
formerly a Chief of the
Folles
Avoines finding
himself
it is
stated
consented, after trying the ordinary remedies, to see a Missionary, who, Cross in hand, prayed to God for his recovery, and obtained il from his mercy. In gratitude for this
benefit, the
which the
to the
The Bay,
Chief desired that to his arms should be added a Cross on
Kiliou has ever since been always perched. In 1728 there
Pouteaatamis.
number at the
was a small
\
\
_\
village of this nation retired
on an island
20
of.
head of
^__^
dangerously sick,
this
Lake
is
the sojourn, or rather the country of the Sakis.
This nation could put under arms one hundred and fifty men. Others do not count but one hundred and twenty. They have for device, a Crab, a Wolf, and
160
a She-Bear,
Fox
The
river of the consists,
Foxes discharges
when
for device, a
River.
into this lake.
not separated, of one hundred
This nation
men
now
migratory,
bearing arras.
still
They have 100
Fox,
The Kickapous, formerly
their allies,
may
be eighty men.
They bear
for device, the
80
Pheasant and the Otter,
The Maskoutin has
for
Armorial device, the Wolf and the Stag.
estimated at sixty men,
This nation
is
60 6,466
—
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
1056
Warriom.
6,465 River Saint Joseph, south of hake Michigan.
The Poutebatamies, who village of the
The
call
themselves the Goveraor's eldest sons, compose the
River Saint Joseph,
principal tribes bear the
There are
in the village
or
;
number
the
one hundred warriors
of
100
Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise. who bear as their arms a Crane,
about ten Miamis
Also, eight Illinois Kaskakias,
notched
to
whose device
is
a feather of an arrow,
two arrows supported one against the other
(
X
)
10
'~-i?=^^'x?^^-~-v,c
in saltier (like
a
St. Andrew's cross.) These are the nations best known to us as well along the Grand River of the Outawas as north and south of Lakes Superior and Michigan. I propose now proceeding again from Montreal by way of the Lakes to Missilimakinak.
From Montreal; Lake I
have spoken of Sault Saint Louis on the
first
Route.
page.
To7iiata.
Some
Iroquois, to the
device,
is
number
of eight or ten
men, have
Their
retired at this place.
without doubt, like that of the village from which they issue
;
the
Deer, the Plover, &c., as hereafter,
10
Lake Ontario, or Frontenac There are no more Iroquois
The
;
south.
settled.
Mississagu^s are dispersed along this lake, some at Kente, others at the River
Toronto, and finally at the head of the Lake, to the number of one hundred
and
fifty in all,
and
at
Matchedach.
Tiie principal tribe
is
that of the Crane,
150
North of Lake Ontario.
The
Iroquois are in the interior and in five villages, about fifteen leagues from the
Lake, on a pretty straight
line, altho'
distant from each other one days journey.
This nation, though much diminished,
is still
powerful.
South of Lake Frontenac.
The Onnontagues number two hundred Cabin on the top of a Mountain, The Mohawks, towards New England, not for device of the village a Steel
The Oneidas,
their neighbors,
This village has
for
and a
warriors.
The
device of the village
is
from Orange, are eighty men, and have 80
fiint,
number one hundred men or a hundred warriors,
is
100
device a Stone in a fork of a tree, or in a tree notched with
Their device
a very large Calumet,
The Senecas form two device
a
200 far
some blows of an axe. The Cayugas form a village of one hundred and twenty warriors. generally
is
villages, in
a big Mountain
which are three hundred and
120 fifty
men.
Their
350 7,686
PARIS DOCUMENTS
:
1057
VII?.
WwrhMC
7,686
own, and every man has his Thus the Oneida designates his village by a particular mark to designate him. next he designates his tribe by the bird or animal, and finally he Slone, a fork Besides the arms of each village, each tribe has
its
—
See the designs which
denotes himself by his punctures.
you
in
had the honor
I
to
send
1732'by Father Francois, a Recollet.
Tlie five villages belonging to the
Plover, to which
I
belong
same
tribe,
have
for their
arms
in
common,
the
the Bear, the Tortoise, the Eel, the Deer, the Beaver, the
;
Potatoe, the Falcon, the Lark and the Partridge. I
doubt not but the other nations are as well distinguished, but our Voyageurs, little curiosity in these matters, have not been able to give me any information.
having
The Tuscarorens have a village of two hundred and fifty men near who brought them along. I know not their hieroglyphics, Niagara
The
Iroquois have
some cabins
—
the Onontagues,
260
LaJce Oataiio.
at the Portage.
Lake Erie and Dependencies ; South
Side.
The Chaouanons towards Carolina, are two hundred men, The Cherakis, Chicachas, Totiris, are included under the name Flalheads. Flatheads by the Iroquois, who estimate them at over six thousand men, more than
The
is
in
I'm told they had for device a Vessel, (un Vaisscau.)
thirty villages.
Ontationou6, that
200 of
those
who speak
Men
the language of
Iroquois because they understand each other
— may
be
fifty
men.
I
know 60
nothing of them,
The Miamis have Tribes.
for device the
There
6,000
so called by the
;
is
Hind and the Crane.
likewise
that of the Bear.
These are the two principal are two hundred men,
They
200
bearing arms,
The Ouyattanons, Peanguichias, Petikokias, are the same They can place under arms three hundred and villages.
Nation, though in different fifty
men.
The
devices
of these Indians are the Serpent, the Deer, and the Small Acorn Illinois. The Metchigamias at Fort Chartres, number 250 men, The Kaskakias, six leagues below, have a village of one hundred warriors,
The The
Peorias at the Rock, are
fifty
men,
Kaokias, or Tamarois, can furnish two hundred men, All these Indians comprehended under the name of Illinois, have, for device, the
360 260 100 60 200
Crane, the Bear, the White Hind, the Fork, the Tortoise. River of
the Missouris,
The Missouris. The Okams or Kamse. The Sotos. The Panis. This only as a note, as Vol. IX.
I
do not
know anything 133
of these Nations except the name.
16.236
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
1058
Warriorp,
15,235
Luke Erie;
-PThe Hurons
present are two hundred
at
Detroit.
They mark
men, bearing arms.
the
200
Tortoise, Bear and Plover,
The Pouteouatamis have
a village there of one hundred and eighty men.*
bear for device the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, the Tortoise. Saint Joseph, south of Lake Michigan,)
The Outawas have two
villages there,
other of Kiskakons, and
They have
the
composed one of the
may count two hundred
same devices
tribe
They
(See River
of Sinagos
180 ;
the
200
warriors,
as those of Missilimakinak
;
that
is
to say, the
Bear
and Black Squirrel.
Lake Saint
At
the end of the
little
Clair, which leads to
Lake Saint
Lake
Huroii.
Clair, there is a small village of Mississagues,
which numbers sixty men. They have the same devices as the Mississagues of Manitouatin and Lake Ontario; that is to say, a Crane,
60
Lake Huron. I
On
have spoken before of the Mississagues who are to the North of this Lake. the South side, I know only the Outawas, who have a village of eighty men at Saguinan, and for device the Bear and Squirrel,
80 15,955
80
Less,
15,875
Remark. All the Northern Nations have this in
much by the device of his wife's who carries a similar device to his. as
as
common
;
man who goes to war denotes himself own tribe, and never marrries a woman
that a
by that of his
you would, Sir, have been better satisfied with my researches. would have written to the Interpreters of the Posts, who would have furnished me with more certain information than I could obtain from the Voyageurs whom I questioned. I am If time permitted, I
engaged
in the history of the Scioux,
which you have asked of Monsieur de Linerot.
Missilimakinak. * Instead of 180, only 100 NoTK.
men must be
counted.
— JoDcaireis supposed, by some, to have
been the author of the preceding enumeration, but this cannot -well be, as that officer was on the Ohio at this date, and the writer was at Michilimackioa. It it attributed to M. de la ChauTignerie, by Mr. Schoolcraft» in History of the Indian Tribet of tht United State; III., 668. En.
—
PARIS DOCUMENTS
YIH.
:
1059
•••••••••• Louis
•
XV.
Messrs. de BeauJiamois
to
His Majesty approves the alternate sailing
recommends Sieur Hocquart
to
last
and Hocquart.
year of the two sloops on Lake Ontario, and
pursue the same course
eacii year, so as to
keep these two
vessels in order. If it
use to
were possible to navigate Lake Champlain with vessels of that description, it will be of have one built for the transportation of supplies to Crown Point; but before hazarding
their construction,
it
Lake
will be well to cause that
acquainted with the rocks to be met there.
When
be surveyed, with a view to become
to
Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart shall
have acquired correct information on this subject, they will report the same, and his Majesty will cause his intentions to be communicated to them.
His Majesty has learned with pleasure that Captain Desnoyelles' expedition against the Foxes and Sacs in 1735, has not been attended by any bad consequences. As he causes his intentions regarding these Indians to be fully explained to the Marquis de Beauharnois, he will content himself here to recommend him to conform thereto. He hopes to learn that the Chaouanons will have kept the promise they gave Sieur Joncaire, the
commandant
in their country, to
come down
de Beauharnois discourse on their migration.
on that course, they will be easily persuaded to
Marquis
this spring to Montreal, to hear the
probable that, should they determine
It is
settle at Detroit;
and that
it is
very desirable,
But the
so as to protect the fidelity of these Indians against the insinuations of the English.
movement induces
delay they interpose to that
Beauharnois with
whom
to dissuade
will
meet with more
his
Majesty
difficulties
his Majesty to
than he had anticipated, and that the English,
informed they trade, had
is
However
them therefrom.
and
to accomplish that removal;
apprehend that the Marquis de
made
sufficient progress
among them
that be, Sieur de Beauharnois should neglect nothing
this object deserves
now
settlement which a party of Cherakis and Chickachas has
the more attention by reason of the
made on
the river Oio, as Sieur de
Beauharnois must be aware.
His Majesty
is
satisfied
with his explanations respecting his deternjination
among
press the afiuir that occurred
Indians
A
demanded of him.
in
1734 not to
the Ouiatanons, and to be content with the pardon these
mild and moderate policy
is
always preferable, when
it
can be
pursued without affisctiug the honor of the Nation and the glory of His Majesty's arms. there are occasions policy
may
to decide
when
it
may
be absolutely necessary not to stop short, and
be accompanied by very unfortunate consequences.
on the course he
is
It is for
But
when such
Sieur de Beauhamoii
to adopt in occurring circumstances, and his Majesty cannot but
rely on his zeal and prudence.
As
respects theScioux: according to
what the commandant and Missionary
at that post
have
written to Sieur de Beauharnois, relative to the dispositions of these Indians, nothing appears
wanting on that point. But their delay in coming down to Montreal since the time they so, must render their sentiments somewhat suspected, and nothing but facta But what must still further whether determine their fidelity can be absolutely relied on. can increase the uneasiness to be entertained in their regard, is the attack on the convoy of M. de to be
promised to do
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
1060
adopted the course he had informed the Marquis de Beauharnois he should take, to have revenge therefor. His Majesty will wait impatiently Sieur de Beauharnois' report of what shall have been done on that subject, and is, meanwhile,
la Veranderie,' especially if this officer has
persuaded that he will have adopted such measures as will have appeared
to
him the most
suitable for the public service.
His Majesty has been very glad to learn that the Senecas, when they visited Montreal last summer, seemed well disposed towards the French. But though their fidelity appear above suspicion, Sieur de Beauharnois must not be less attentive in watching the conduct they observe towards the English. This is what His Majesty recommends him to do. The readiness with which the most of the Abenakis Chiefs who had received commissions from the English have given these commissions up to the Marquis de Beauharnois, must aHbrd and it is to be desired, that those who still have any of them a good idea of their fidelity may follow their example, as Sieur de Beauharnois has been promised. But he must not rely, altogether, on this proceeding: he must be always attentive to whatever may occur to induce ;
them to accept new commissions. For these sorts of connexions are ever dangerous. As regards Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquarts' proposition to let the Chiefs of the St. Francis Indians make a voyage to France, pursuant to their request; it seems to His Majesty Nevertheless, should Sieurs de Beauharnois and Hocquart deem useless to incur the expense. But he recommends them not to enter into it absolutely necessary. His Majesty may concur. any sort of engagement in that regard, without having first received his orders.
He
to,
on the subject of the Chicachas
new
expedition against that nation,
has caused the Marquis de Beauharnois to be written
Indians, to inform
him
of
the preparations on foot for a
••••••••••
from Louisiana.
He recommends him
to
do whatever
power, on the Canada
will lie in his
side, so as to effect, at last, the reduction of these Indians. •
Versailles, lO"- of '
He
May, 1737.
This gentleman was sent, set out with his party
by orJer
of the French government, on an oyerland expedition to discover the Pacific Ocean.
from Montreal
passed through Lake Superior, and proceeding as near due West as he could, went
;
along the foot of Lake Winnipeg, ascended the River of the Assinibonis and directed his course towards the Rocky Mountains, for several days, over large tracts of land free from timber but covered with very tall grass.
European had ever been, were found great
pillars of stone, leaning
upon each
stone each, and sometimes such stones were found laid upon one another and as
other. it
The
In some places, where no
pillars consisted of
were formed
the prairie, about nine hundred lengues west of MoiitrcKl, the party discovered a large stone, like a stone about a foot long and between four and five inches broad, covered on both sides with curiosity
was separated from the
pillar
and transmitted
to the Secretary of State at Paris,
with the Eastern languages, affirmed that the inscription was
in
Tartarean characters.
one single
At one place in and in it a smaller
into a wall. pilliir,
unknown
characters.
This
where Missionaries conversant Without reaching the Rocky
Mountains, M. de la Veranderie was obliged to abandon the prosecution of his expedition, his party having got mixed up in a
war which the Indians
waging against ench other. Kalm's Travel', III., 123; Garneau, II., 126. The as the North Western Territory of British America, and lies North and "West of Minnesota. Three hundred miles West of Lake Wirmipei;, on the Assiniboin river, the French erected Fort la Reine, mentioned by Carver, 109 ; three others were built farther West, the most remote of which stood on the bank of the Rivar Paakoyac Ei>. of those parts were
country thus explored, embr.ices what
—
is
known
PARIS DOCUMENTS
Earl Waldegrave
to
:
VIII.
lOGl
Count de Maurepas. Ppris,
16* January, 1739.
Sir, ^ \^K
I
Count de Mawepas.
to
Canada.
My
Lord,
You have
I had
been able to perceive by
done and proposed
the 12'*
to
my
despatches of the 22"" of July
last,
and of
do in consequence of what you did me the honor
of August, 1739, 29 February and 13'* of
New
May
to
the
10"
instant,
communicate
to
what
me on
last.
present date. Had there been any movement, I should have been notified of it immediately, having people continually abroad. I have communicated, My Lord, to M. Hocquart your despatch of the IS"" of August one
Nothing
occurred in
lias
England up
thousand seven hundred and thirty-nine, and
expenses of I
we have made
the proper arrangements together for
utility.
have been informed,
my
always been on this
to the
My
Lord,
by the
first
month, which has reported that matters
were
vessels, of the aifairs of
A vessel arrived
guard against every event.
in the
same
here
from
position,
Europe, and have
Isle royale
on the 25"' of
and that the Spaniards
were making a great deal more progress against the English, than the English against them.
The
precautions
Point, and to
the
same
I
have adopted.
My
supply that post with
to Fort
Crown
Lord, have been to send a good garrison to
every thing necessary for
its
defence.
I
have done
Chambly, and have sent Sieur Rochbert de La Morandiere to Niagara to have the whereof were falling down, and, next, to Fort Frontenac to put every These posts, My Lord, will be furnished this fall with the troops, provisions
fort repaired, the pickets
thing in order.
and ammunition I
calculate.
effective
it
My
may
require in case of rupture with our neighbors.
Lord, on six hundred Regulars.
who would
militia
serve well
rely as absolutely as on disciplined
when
There may be twelve
to fifteen
occasion requires, but on
whom
troops, the long continuance of peace having
the ardor of the Canadians;
thousand I
cannot
damped Lake of
four hundred Iroquois of Sault S' Louis and of the two hundred Algonquins and Nepissingues and more than seven hundred Abenakis of Acadia and" this place. As regards these Nations you are aware. My Lord, of their inconstancy. I took the precaution to let our domiciliated Indians know by some strings of Wampum, not to go far from home, in case they may be wanted. I advised you last year by a despatch of the 25'* of October, that I had transmitted to you on
Two
Mountains
the twenty-ffih
munitions of stores.
I
;
of (he same month one thousand seven hundred and thirty four, the estimate of the
War necessary
for the defence of the country, and to complete those in the King's took likewise the liberty to ask you to send forty fifty thousand weight of powder
@
;
PARIS DOCUMENTS
VIII.
:
10G9
@
you have not thought proper, My Lord, to send more than thirty forty thousand weight of it. It is, however, the most important article for the Colony, as well as a larger quantity of muskets which would be required to arm those who have none. They would not be lost, for they would be returned to the store after the close of the expedition, if we should find ourselves in that category.
I am
with most profound retpect.
My
Lord,
Your most humble and Most
obedient Servant,
Signed
Quebec, the 31 October, 1740. llie preceding despatcli
KoTE.
was written
Beauharnois.
:
in cypher, except the paasagei in Italic.