Displaying the Orient: architecture of Islam at nineteenth-century world's fairs 9780520074941

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DISPLAYING THE ORIENT a

COMPARATIVE STUDIES ON MUSLIM SOCIETIES Barbara D. Metcalf, General Editor

1. Islam and the Political Economy of Meaning edited by William R. Roff | 2. Libyan Politics: Tribe and Revolution by John Davis

3. Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ahmadi Religious Thought and Its Medieval Background by Yohanan Friedmann

4. Shari‘at and Ambiguity in South Asian Islam edited by Katherine P. Ewing

5. Islam, Politics, and Social Movements edited by Edmund Burke, Ill, and Ira M. Lapidus

6. Roots of North Indian Shi‘ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh, 1722~—1859 by J. R. |. Cole

7. Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan by David Gilmartin

8. Islam and the Russian Empire: Reform and Revolution in Central Asia by Hélene Carrere d’Encausse

9. Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination edited by Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori

10. The Dervish Lodge: Architecture, Art, and Sufism in Ottoman Turkey edited by Raymond Lifchez

11. The Seed and the Soil: Gender and Cosmology in Turkish Village Society by Carol Delaney

12. Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-Century World's Fairs by Zeynep Celik

DISPLAYING THE ORIENT ARCHITECTURE OF ISLAM AT NINETEENTH-CENTURY WORLD'S FAIRS

ZEYNEP CELIK |

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY LOS ANGELES OXFORD

aa

ac °? ——

re University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd.

Oxford, England : © 1992 by The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-inPublication Data Celik, Zeynep.

Displaying the Orient : architecture of Islam at nineteenth-century world’s fairs / Zeynep Gelik.

p. cm. — (Comparative studies on Muslim societies ; 12)

Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 0-520-07494-7 (alk. paper)

1. Architecture, Islamic—Europe. 2. Architecture—Europe. 3. Exhibition buildings—Europe—History— 19th century. 4. Architecture, Islamic—United States. 5. Architecture—United States.

6. Exhibition buildings—United States— History— 19th century. 7. Exoticism in

architecture—Europe. 8. Exoticism in architecture— United States. |. Title. 1. Series.

NA957.C44 1992

725’.91—dc20 91-13594 Printed in the United States of America

987654321 The paper used in this publication meets the miminum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. @9)

TO MY PARENTS |

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations viii Acknowledgments xiv

Introduction 1

1. Muslim Visitors to World's Fairs 17 2. Islamic Quarters in Western Cities 51 3. Search for Identity: Architecture of National Pavilions 95

4. Exposition Fever Carried East 139

5. The Impact 153

Epilogue 181

Notes | 200 Selected Bibliography 226

Index 235

ILLUSTRATION S

I. A parade by Arabs in the Trocadéro Park, Paris, 1900 19 2. Filigree artisans in the Egyptian bazaar, Paris, 1867 20

3. Turkish café, Paris, 1867 21 4. Ironsmith from Kabyle, Paris, 1889 21 S. Tunisian souk in the Trocadéro Park, Paris, 1900 22 6. ‘“Bedouins in Their Encampment,” Chicago, 1893 23 7. Whirling dervish on the Rue du Caire, Paris, 1889 23 8. Alma Aicha’s dance in the Egyptian café of the Rue du Caire, Paris, 1889 25 9. Sudanese musicians and dancer in the Egyptian café of the Rue du Caire, Paris, 1889 26 10. A dance in the theater of Cairo Street, Chicago, 1893 27

Il. Cartoon from World’s Fair Puck, Chicago, 1893 28 I2. Dance of the narghile, Paris, 1900 31 13. Dance of the chair, Paris, 1900 31 14. Reception of Isma‘il Pasha by Empress Eugénie at the Tuileries, Paris, 1867 33 15. Sultan Abdiilaziz’s visit to Napoleon III in the Elysée Palace,

Paris, 1867 34 16. Osman Hamdi, Discussion in Front of a Mosque Door, c. 1900 41

17. Turkish costumes: women and schoolboy 43 18. Plan of Exposition universelle, Paris, 1867 $3

19. Old Vienna, Chicago, 1893 54 20. Rue des Vieilles-Ecoles, Paris, 1900 $5 21. Vieux Paris, Quai de Billy, Paris, 1900 = 55 vill

22. Suez pavilion, Paris, 1867 548 23. Interior of the Suez pavilion, showing the models of the canal area, Paris, 1867 $9 24. The Turkish quarter, with Pavillon du Bosphore, mosque, fountain, and bath, Paris, 1867 60 25. Gateway to the Turkish quarter, Paris, 1867 61 26. Tunisian palace, Moroccan tent, and Moroccan stables, Paris, 1867 62 27. The Ottoman section, with main exhibition hall and the Egyptian buildings, Vienna, 1873 64

28. Sultan’s Treasury, Vienna, 1873 66 29. Turkish café, Vienna, 1873 66 30. Turkish bazaar, Vienna, 1873 66 31. Egyptian section, Vienna, 1873 67 32. Jacques Drévet’s drawing of the Tunisian, Moroccan, Siamese, Persian, and Annam pavilions, Paris, 1878 68

33. An Oriental bazaar in the Trocadéro Park, Paris, 1878 69 34. View of the Trocadéro, with the Islamic quarter, Paris, 1878 70

35. Arab house, Paris, 1889 73 36. Sudanese house, Paris, 1889 74 237. Rue du Caire, Paris, 1889 76 38. Donkey drivers on the Rue du Caire, Paris, 1889 77 39. Esplanade des Invalides, site plan, Paris, 1889 78 40. Gate of the Tunisian souk on the Esplanade des Invalides, Paris,

1889 79 ILLUSTRATIONS ix

Al. Markets on the Esplanade des Invalides, Paris, 1889 79 42. Aerial view of the Chicago exposition, 1893 80 43. View of the Midway from the Ferris wheel, Chicago, 1893 81 44. Entrance to the Egyptian quarter, Chicago, 1893 82

4S. Cairo Street, Chicago, 1893 82 46. Cairo Street, Chicago, 1893 84 47. Entrance to the Street of Constantinople, Chicago, 1893 86 48. Damascus Palace, Chicago, 1893 87 49. “Camp of Damascus colony,’’ Chicago, 1893 88

50. Rue des Nations, Paris, 1900 89 Si. View toward the Trocadéro Palace, with the Iéna Bridge, the Algerian palace, and the Tunisian palace, Paris, 1900 90 §2. View of the Trocadéro Park, with the Algerian palace, Tunisian palace, and Trocadéro Palace, Paris, 1900 91

53. View toward the Eiffel Tower from the Trocadéro Park, with the Tunisian palace and the Algerian palace, Paris, 1900 91

$4. Rue d’Alger, Paris, 1900 92 55. Parvillée’s drawing of the Mausoleum of Mehmed I 97 56. Parvillée, plan of the mosque, Paris, 1867 98 57. Parvillée, facade of the mosque, Paris, 1867 99 58. Parvillée, section through the mosque, Paris, 1867 100 59. Interior view of the mosque, Paris, 1867 IoI 60. Parvillée, plan of the Pavillon du Bosphore, Paris, 1867 102 61. Parvillée, facade of the Pavillon du Bosphore, Paris, 1867 102 62. Parvillée, section through the Pavillon du Bosphore, Paris, 1867 103 63. Interior of the Pavillon du Bosphore, Paris, 1867 104 64. Parvillée, plan of the bath, Paris, 1867 105 65. Parvillée, facade of the bath, Paris, 1867 105

66. Ottoman pavilion, Vienna, 1873 106 67. Pavilion of Turkish Tobacco, Paris, 1889 107

68. Ottoman pavilion, Chicago, 1893 108 , x ILLUSTRATIONS

69. Ottoman pavilion, Paris, 1900 109 70. Palace of the khedive, Paris, 1867 112 71. Drévet, plan of the okel, Paris, 1867 113 72. Drévet, section through the okel, Paris, 1867 113 73. View of the okel, Paris, 1867 113 74. Egyptian temple, Paris, 1867 114 75. Interior of the Egyptian temple, Paris, 1867 115 76. Egyptian temple, Paris, 1878 117 77. Egyptian palace, Paris, 1900 =118 78. Persian pavilion, Vienna, 1873 120 79. Persian pavilion, Paris, 1878 121 80. Persian pavilion, Paris, 1900 121 SI. Tunisian Palace of the Bey, section, Paris, 1867 124 82. Courtyard of the Tunisian palace, Paris, 1867 125 83. Algerian displays of raw materials, Paris, 1867 126 84. Algerian palace, Paris, 1878 126 85. Courtyard of the Algerian palace, 1878 127 86. The portal of al-Kebir mosque, Paris, 1878 128 87. Courtyard of the Algerian palace, Paris, 1889 129 88. Courtyard of the Algerian palace, Paris, 1900 130 89. Tunisian palace, Paris, 1889 131 go. Tunisian palace, Paris, 1900 132 QI. Interior of the Tunisian palace, the archaeological section,

Paris, 1900 133 ,

Q2. Front facade of the main hall, Ottoman General Exposition, Istanbul, 1863 140 Q3. Back facade of the main hall, Ottoman General Exposition,

| Istanbul, 1863 141 Q4. D’Aronco, pavilion for the Istanbul Agricultural and Industrial Exposition, Istanbul, 1894 144 QS. D’Aronco, British pavilion, Istanbul, 1894 145

96. Tents of local people, Ismailiyya, 1869 148

ILLUSTRATIONS xi

97. Pavilion for the khedive and his guests, Ismailiyya, 1869 149 98. Pavilion for the Muslim ulama and pavilion for the representatives

of the Catholic church, Ismailiyya, 1869 150 | 99. Detail drawing from Usul-u mimari-i Osmani 155 100. Detail drawing from Usul-u mimari-i Osmani 155 IOI. Gate of the Ministry of Defense (now Istanbul University) 158 102. Gate of the military barracks in Taksim, Istanbul 159 103. Terminal of the Orient Express, Istanbul 160 104. Public Debt Administration Building, Istanbul 161 10S. Public Debt Administration Building, Istanbul 161 106. Entrance to Khayri Bey Palace, Cairo 162

107. Theater, Algiers 163 108. Central Post Office, Algiers 164 109. Owen Jones, interior of the Crystal Palace, London, 1851 166 110. Furness, Brazilian pavilion, Philadelphia, 1876 167 IIT. Furness, Rodef Shalom synagogue, Philadelphia 169 112. Furness, Pennsylvania Academy of Arts, Philadelphia 169 113. Davioud and Bourdais, Trocadéro Palace, back facade, Paris, 1878 I7I1 II4. Adler and Sullivan, Transportation Building, Chicago, 1893 172 IIS. Adler and Sullivan, Transportation Building, the Golden Gateway, Chicago, 1893-173 116. Hénard, Palace of Electricity, Palace of Illusions, Paris, 1900 177

117. Tunisian quarter, Paris, 1931 182 118. Tunisian quarter, entrance to the souks, Paris, 1931 183 119. Museum of the Colonies, Paris, 1931 184 120. Bas-reliefs depicting North Africa, Museum of the Colonies, Paris, 1931 186 121. Sedat Hakki Eldem, Turkish pavilion, New York, 1939 187 122. Moroccan pavilion, Montreal, 1967 188 123. Casablanca, Nouvelle Ville Indigéne, aerial view 191

xil ILLUSTRATIONS

124. Casablanca, Nouvelle Ville Indigéne, street 192

125. Fathy, New Gourna, street 193 126. Sogukcesme Street, Istanbul 195 127. ‘““Kadine aux mousselines” 197

128. “Odalisque aux bijoux” 198

ILLUSTRATIONS xill

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The research for this book was carried out mainly in the Avery Library of Columbia University, the Cooper-Hewitt Library, and the Bibliothéque Nationale. I am grateful to the directors and stafts of these institutions and to the American Research Institute in Turkey, which provided financial support in the early phases. Among my friends and colleagues who helped me in innumerable ways, my special thanks go to Philippe Aigrain, Tosun Aricanli, Tulay Artan, Charles and Christine Burroughs, Suzanne Chun, Ahmet Evin, Mehmet Geng, Mireille Grubert, Richard Ingersoll, Boyd Johnson, Ned Kaufman, Timothy Mitchell, Gilru Necipoglu-Kafadar, Ilber Ortayli, Mary Woods, and Ayse Yonder. To Leila Kinney I owe my greatest intellectual debt: her challenge led me to investigate new avenues, and our collaboration on a related aspect of the world’s fairs truly broadened my vision. Spiro Kostof pursued his interest in my new ventures and inspired me in many ways. My parents, Edip and Nevin Celik; my brother and sister-in-law, Ibrahim and Sylvie Celik; and my mother-in-law, Frances Rome, maintained a genuine enthusiasm for the project. I thank them for their vital long-distance support. Iam greatly indebted to my hard-working assistants over the past few years: to Cheryl McQueen, Susan Miller, Kirsten Abrahamson, Ned Lager, and Jeff Gelles for the long hours they spent in the Avery Library; to Peter Tolkin for the care with which he photographed illustrations from books and periodicals, and to Tayeb El-Hibri for his revisions of Arabic terms. My editors at the University of California Press, Lynne Withey, Jeanne Sugiyama, and Stephanie Fay, have been invaluable. Lynne Withey’s long-standing interest and belief in the project have been leading forces behind its completion. My son, Ali Winston, did a lot of growing up while I researched and wrote this book. I know it was not fun for him to have a preoccupied mother, and I cannot thank him enough for being such a good sport at such a young age. As

XIV

always, the greatest support came from my husband, Perry Winston, who read my drafts, gave me his intelligent feedback, lent me his keen eye in selecting the visual material, and, most important, believed in my work.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XV

This immense exposition recapitulates the entire

world. ... Dreamers of travels, those who are attached by the short chain of their jobs and who

| dream of excursions on the banks of the Nile or the Bosphorus... now have no reason to complain. If they cannot go to the Orient, the Orient has come to them. L‘illustration, 20 July 1867

INTRODUCTION

The second half of the nineteenth century was the time of universal expositions S| in the Western world. Beginning in 1851 in London, the exhibitions, held in many cities of Europe and North America, became, in the words of the historian Eric Hobsbawm, “great new rituals of self-congratulation,” celebrating economic and industrial triumphs. These “new rituals” were directly linked to the dramatic transformation of the economic order. During the first half of the century, industrialization had developed more rapidly than the market for industrial products. With the advancement of modern communication systems, however, the capitalist economy grew to encompass the globe. ' Imperialism and colonialism played crucial roles in this growth, redefining the global power structure and stimulating widespread interest in the nonWestern world—now part of the universal economy. Aside from offering a market and rich sources of raw materials, the non-Western world also provided a supply of labor crucial to the new economic order. The advance of Western capitalism thus led to a much smaller world, one that was unified, if not equal. Simultaneously, the desire to maintain economic and political dominance called for better knowledge of subaltern peoples. While the Western world exported its industrial revolution to the rest of the globe, it also began to import information about other cultures. Universal expositions represented this “single expanded world” in a microcosm, celebrating the products of industry and technological progress and displaying the entire human experience. Other cultures were brought piecemeal to European and American cities and exhibited as artifacts in pavilions that were themselves summaries of cultures. The experiential qualities of architecture—personal, intimate, and accessible to all—made it possible for exhibition buildings to offer a quick and seemingly realistic impression of the culture and society represented.’ As early as the Great Exhibition of 1851 in London, replicas of parts of well-

1

known buildings (such as the Alhambra) were displayed inside the main struc-

ture, the Crystal Palace; separate pavilions for different nations outside the main exhibition hall were first built for the Paris Universal Exposition of 1867. By gathering architectural pieces from all over the world, the fair grounds in-

troduced the notion of an imaginary journey and created a new type of tourism, en place. Architectural displays became indispensable at every fair, setting the precedent for the “period room” and the “outdoor architectural museum.’’® The architectural representation of cultures at the world’s fairs was double-

sided, making a claim to scientific authority and accuracy while nourishing fantasy and illusion.* The architectural critic Montgomery Schuyler argued on the occasion of the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago that the buildings erected for the fairs belonged to a “festal’’ world and formed the “stage-setting for an unexampled spectacle.” This was, he claimed, a world of dreams, and “in the world of dreams, illusion is all that we require.’’® In accord with the notion of the fair as a microcosm and an imaginary journey around the world, foreign and especially non-Western societies were often represented in phantasmagoric images, themselves determined by Western legacies.° Even when the architecture purportedly demonstrated “scientific principles” (for example, the Ottoman pavilions in the 1867 Universal Exposition in Paris), it was received as a dreamlike environment—the setting for fairy tales—because of preconceptions about other cultures that were well established by the nineteenth century. As Walter Benjamin remarked, “Tactile appropriation is accomplished not so much by attention as by habit. As regards architecture, habit determines to a large extent even optical reception.””’ This book examines the representation of Islamic cultures at the world’s fairs of the nineteenth century, with a focus on architecture. The exposition build-

ings reflect sociopolitical and cultural trends crucial to an understanding of nineteenth-century transformations both in the West and in the world of Islam. For example, the placement of pavilions on the exhibition grounds revealed the world order as mapped by Western powers. The architectural styles of these pavilions embodied the colonizers’ concept of Islamic culture as well as the struggle of certain Muslim nations to define a contemporary image, integrating historical heritage with modernization. How Westerners received these pavilions and how Western architects reinterpreted Islamic stylistic traditions, to-

2 INTRODUCTION

gether with the impact such experiments made in urban centers like Istanbul and Cairo, shed light on the dominant attitudes in cross-cultural exchanges. There are several reasons for choosing to study the representation of Islamic over that of other non-Western cultures. First, the world of Islam had been in contact and often in conflict with Europe over a period of thirteen centuries. Cultural and religious differences culminated in adversarial positions: Islam had come to mean the binary opposite of Europe.” Looking at this adversarial relation in the world’s fairs will enable a better understanding of an inherent contradiction: while claiming to be platforms for peaceful cultural communication, in reality the expositions displayed the entire nineteenth-century world according to a stratified power relationship. Furthermore, this choice allows for a more complex reading of the homogenized “Islamic” culture: because some Islamic nations were independent powers while others were colonies during this period, the architectural representation of Islam can be viewed from different perspectives. Second, the issue of cultural self-definition for many Muslim societies during the nineteenth century is particularly interesting due to their struggle to balance modernization imported from the West with local values and forms. The struggle extends to the present day, and “modernity and change” are still debated fervently in all “Third World” countries.’ To analyze the controversy in its original terms, simplified and crystallized in the expositions, helps us to locate it historically. Third, because the investigation of non-Western perspectives reveals ‘“‘other ways that issues were perceived and evaluated, it results in a more complex picture of a nineteenth-century world in which the West is not the only actor. Fourth, and finally, examining the exchanges between Islam and the West acknowledges the existence of communication, discussion, and mutual recognition among these unequal partners, helping to refute the “silent” and “frozen” status given to Islam in Western discourse." My goal is not to survey the nineteenth-century expositions but to focus on those where the architectural representation of Islam was significant.'' The expositions discussed at some length are the Expositions universelles held in Paris in 1867, 1878, 1889, and 1900; the 1873 Weltausstellung in Vienna, and the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago. Each exhibition is associated

INTRODUCTION 3

with specific architectural symbols, themselves often considered tours de force in nineteenth-century architectural history. The 1867 Universal Exposition is best remembered for its elliptical main hall, representing the globe, which was designed by Frédéric Le Play according to Saint-Simonian principles of universalism (see Fig. 18). The hybrid-style Trocadéro Palace, its central dome framed by two minaret-like towers, was the much-discussed hallmark of the 1878 exposition (see Fig. 34). Although this building was demolished in 1935, the new Trocadéro Palace erected on the site followed the outline of the original, engraving the mark of the 1878 fair on the Parisian topography. The centennial of the French Revolution, celebrated by the 1889 exposition, endowed Paris with its most renowned monument: the Eiffel Tower; the immense Galerie des Machines (demolished in 1910) boldly applied technological innovations to architecture. The 1900 exposition gave Paris two permanent monuments:

the Grand Palais and the Petit Palais. In Vienna, in 1873, the longitudinal exhibition hall, with its colossal central dome in iron, stood for the age of technology. Finally, the legendary White City of the 1893 World’s Columbian Ex-

position is considered the beginning of the City Beautiful movement. The dis- , cussion of two other expositions in this study, the 1851 Great Exhibition in London and the 1876 Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia, relates Islamic influences to the work of two important architects, Owen Jones and Frank Furness.

At the outset, certain themes need clarification. Cross-cultural topics involve confronting the vocabulary of European scholarship that reaffirms false polarities. The positing of a dichotomy between non-Western (or Eastern, or Oriental) and Western (or Occidental) produces culturally meaningless entities like “Islamic civilization” or “Western civilization.” I believe that introducing a cross-cultural dialogue disrupts this polar system and questions the validity of fixing cultural boundaries. Therefore, when I use these inevitable terms, my

intention is to question their validity, not to divide the world into opposing and homogeneous compartments. The world’s fairs of the nineteenth century have been analyzed from various viewpoints that complement one another and reiterate the ideological import of the expositions. Contributions by scholars in the social sciences and human-

ities suggest both the vast potential of the topic and the usefulness of interdisciplinary research. Among recent publications, those of historians and

4 INTRODUCTION

anthropologists stand out. Historians have focused on the materialism and consumerism of the fairs, have linked the fairs to the development of capitalism and imperialism (Greenhalgh, 1988; Rydell, 1984) as well as to political ideology and artistic expression (Silverman, 1977, 1989), and have discussed cultural representations as microcosmic spectacles (Mitchell, 1988). Art historians have looked at the role the exhibitions played in the art world (Mainardi, 1987; Gilmore-Holt, 1988). Anthropologists and ethnographers have analyzed the impact of their disciplines on the organization of the fairs (Benedict, 1983; Lep-

run, 1986) and have connected the notion of consumerism to the selling of ideas at the fairs (Benedict, 1983). Tying all these approaches together is the theme of the expositions as a neat ordering of the world according to classes, types, and hierarchies—a system inherited from the Enlightenment. For architectural historians, the expositions provided laboratories for new architectural forms and compositions; indeed, no architectural account of the late nineteenth century would exclude the Eiffel Tower and the Galerie des Machines, embodiments of the new aesthetics of iron. To them the fairs also reflected changing trends in architecture. For example, the transition in stylistic expression from the Eiffel Tower and the Galerie des Machines to the neorococo Grand Palais and Petit Palais of the 1900 Paris Universal Exposition is often presented as key evidence of a return to classicism. In addition, the involvement of many prominent architects in these grand events helped to bring the expositions to the forefront of architectural history. Expositions, however, have rarely been studied in their entirety; instead, architectural historians have

discussed the buildings in isolation or have looked at them in their immediate : environments. The theme of the ordered world of the expositions, analyzed by historians and anthropologists, did not extend to the study of their architecture. Neither were the non-Western pavilions considered seriously until Sylviane Leprun’s recent study, Le Thédtre des colonies (1986), which examines the displays of the French colonies in the expositions from 1855 to 1937.

Nineteenth-Century Background

The period covered in this study, 1867-1900, witnessed turbulent transformations in both the political and the cultural lives of the Islamic nations discussed

here. Although confrontation with European powers underlay the changes

INTRODUCTION 5

everywhere, the differences in historical conditions, political structures, economic resources, and geographical locations led to different results, which were also affected by the struggles between European nations themselves. The historical outline that follows is intended to remind readers of the key dates and events as well as the contextual differences. '’

During the second half of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire, once a major Mediterranean power that included the territories discussed here—Egypt, Algeria, and Tunisia—was on the verge of disintegration, no longer able to defend itself against European military incursions. Among the crises the empire had faced were the Crimean War of 1854-56 and the revolt of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1876. In 1877, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Romania obtained their independence; in 1882, Britain occupied Egypt, an independent governance of the Ottoman Empire. As Ira Lapidus argues, only the rivalries between European powers delayed the partition of the empire during the last decades of the century. In effect, the Foreign Debt Administration, an organization formed in 1881 by the Western nations that had made huge loans to the Ottoman government, ruled the empire. The Ottoman government, attempting to rejuvenate the Empire and to confront European advances on its own terms, had undertaken modernization programs as early as the last decade of the eighteenth century. Technical, administrative, legal, and educational reforms based on European models were pursued during the nineteenth century, culminating in the declaration of the Turkish republic in 1923. A crucial debate—as reflected in Young Ottoman thought in the 1860s—was how to balance European norms and forms and Ot-

toman traditions. |

The sultans who guided the Ottoman participation in universal expositions were Abdiilaziz (1861-76) and Abdtilhamid II (1876—1909). Whereas Abdilaziz enthusiastically supported Westernizing reforms, Abdulhamid’s reign was characterized by a return to Islamic ideals on the one hand and a continuation of change and reform on the other. Under Abditilaziz an industrial exhibition

was organized in Istanbul in 1863, and major Ottoman displays were assembled in Paris in 1867 (Abdtilaziz himself visited this exposition) and in Vienna in 1873. During the thirty-two-year-long reign of AbdtiwIhamid II, the Ot-

toman Empire participated in the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago and the 1900 Universal Exposition in Paris; ambitious plans to hold a

6 INTRODUCTION

similar event in Istanbul in 1894 fell apart because of financial problems resulting from a major earthquake that heavily damaged the city.

Although under Ottoman suzerainty since 1517, Egypt acquired a semiautonomous status in 1805, when Muhammad ‘Ali was appointed governor; this status lasted until 1882, the date of the British occupation. Muhammad ‘Ali initiated a series of military, economic, and administrative reforms, relying on the expertise of French and Italian advisers. These reforms were followed by legal and educational transformations and the development of infrastructure (the construction of railroads, the Suez Canal, cities, etc.) under Isma‘il Pasha (1863-79), paralleling the changes promoted by the Ottoman rulers in Istanbul. In 1867, the Ottoman sultan conferred on Isma‘il Pasha the title of khedive, giving him a special position in the empire and allowing him to sign independent technical and economic agreements with foreign powers.'’ Using this capacity, Isma‘il Pasha appealed to European leaders for large loans to finance his projects, and like the Ottoman government, he soon lost control over finances. In 1875, a debt administration under British-French control was established, and in 1882 the British occupied Egypt in the name of the bondholders. Egypt under Isma‘il Pasha built an extensive compound for the Parisian exposition of 1867, which Isma‘il Pasha, like Abdtilaziz, visited. Egyptian pavilions appeared again in Vienna in 1873 and in Paris in 1878, but finances considerably restricted the lavishness of the displays. When the country was appended to the British Empire in 1882, private enterprise undertook the design and execution of the pavilions at the universal expositions.

Algeria, within the Ottoman imperial boundaries since 1529, had maintained its territorial identity and was ruled by a small group of Ottoman miulitary officials until 1830, when the French occupied Algiers. From 1830 to 1890, the French gradually took control of the entire country, defeating a series of regional resistance movements. The first uprising, headed by ‘Abd al-Qadir, lasted from 1832 to 1841 in western Algeria. Sporadic revolts followed, culminating in the massive but unsuccessful revolt in 1870-71, led by a tribal chief, al-Mugrani. Following the defeat of al-Mugqrani, Algeria was incorporated into France and its administration was reorganized into three departments. Nevertheless, a civil governor-general maintained his authority over the entire country. Conflicts between the Algerians and the French did not affect France’s pre-

INTRODUCTION 7

sentation of Algeria in the universal expositions as one of its most consolidated colonies. Algeria was always given a prominent location and an elaborate pal-

ace whose displays depicted a rich country, well integrated into the empire, whose culture enriched the dominating culture. The French presented the Algerian pavilions in Islamic styles even when in Algeria this heritage was being oppressed. Tunisia, captured by the Ottomans in 1574 and made a province of the em-

pire, maintained a semi-autonomous political structure like that of Egypt through most of the nineteenth century. Sharing the problems of the Ottoman

Empire and Egypt in the face of the growing economic might of Europe, Tunisia similarly attempted a series of Westernizing reforms. Ahmad Bey (1837-55) and Khayr al-Din (1873-77) are particularly notable for their modernization efforts. Ahmad Bey, who was deeply influenced by Muhammad ‘Ali of Egypt and whose ideal was Napoleon, began his reign by creating a new army, followed by an industrialization program to help equip the military. Khayr al-Din pursued the reforms begun under Ahmad Bey in administration, finance, education, and urbanism." French involvement in Tunisian affairs increased as Tunisia modernized. This is perhaps best illustrated by the current bey Muhammad al-Sadiq’s submission of the Tunisian constitution to Napoleon III for his approval in 1860.'° Using border disputes as a pretext, the French occupied Tunisia in 1881. Tunisia’s displays in the world’s fairs were staged by the independent beys in 1867 and 1878 in Paris and by France in 1889 and 1900 after Tunisia became a colony. The dramatic shift in political structure did not, however, affect the pattern of architectural representation. The colonial officers chose to repeat the Islamic imagery of the earlier expositions; French architects designed the displays, reflecting the model set by the Algerian pavilions. In its historical references this architecture addressed the concern to preserve tradition. Unlike other North African countries, Morocco never became part of the Ottoman Empire. As an independent state, its power was divided between the

, sultans in the urban areas and the tribal and Sufi leaders in the countryside. But Morocco did not escape the fate of other North African countries in the nineteenth century. As European trade increased, Moroccan industries could not compete with those of Europe, and the opening of the Suez Canal and the

| French expansion into West Africa made the main trade routes through Mo-

8 INTRODUCTION

rocco obsolete. To remedy this situation, Sultan Hasan (1873-95) introduced military, administrative, and infrastructural reforms. These proved less successful than in other parts of the Islamic world largely because of the strong opposition of the religious and political elites, who believed the reforms infringed on religious law. The conflict between the sultan and the regional leaders and the resulting loss of central control facilitated French colonization between 1899 and 1912. Morocco’s presence at the world’s fairs reflected its unstable status: architectural scale and ambition were modest, and the pavilions mimicked those of other Muslim nations. Iran’s political status during the second half of the nineteenth century resembled that of the Ottoman Empire: both were sovereign, but each was also increasingly under European control. In the weak centralized regime of the Qajar dynasty that ruled Iran from 1779 to 1925 the religious establishment had a great degree of independent power. European incursions into Iran were military during the first half of the century, carried out by Russia in the north and the British Empire in the east; later, however, the same powers intervened economically. As elsewhere, exposure to Europe stimulated the modernization of the state apparatus as well as the military and the educational system. The reform movement was led by a new group of Westernized intellectuals who believed that only by modernizing could Iran resist foreign control. In spite of these developments, Iran’s cultural contacts with Europe were more restricted than those of other Muslim countries, which were geographically closer to Europe and had a history of continuous contact with the West. Accordingly, Iran’s representation at the world’s fairs did not reach the sumptuous scale of the Ottoman participation, for example. When Iran took part, its

displays summarized the country’s culture, albeit modestly, by architectural | reference to its most glorious building era—the seventeenth century, under the Safavid dynasty.

Search for a Cultural Image

Many scholars, rejecting the definition of culture as the fixed attributes of a particular society, now focus instead on the dynamics through which cultures are “constructed” by those who define them. For example, in 1986 James

INTRODUCTION 9

Clifford argued that cultures do not have a “scientific” objectivity; they are “produced historically.”’'° Several years earlier, Roy Wagner, analyzing the position of the anthropologist vis-a-vis his research topic, claimed that the anthropologist “invented” the culture he studied on the basis of his own culture: “enveloped in his own world of meanings,” he made analogies or “transla-

, tions” from one culture to the other.'’ In the early 1970s, John Berger elaborated a similar point, applying the idea of studying “culture through culture” " to the way we see things: “We never look at one thing; we are always looking at the relation between things and ourselves.” "” Accepting Wagner’s broad definition of culture as a term that “attempts to bring men’s actions and meanings down to the most basic level of significance, to examine them in universal terms in an attempt to understand them,” ” I will survey the dynamic reformulation of Islamic culture by discussing late nineteenth-century Muslim thought in relation to the representations at the world’s

fairs. Even as many Muslim nations accepted European supremacy and attempted to remodel their institutions according to Western precedents, they were also searching for cultural identity under the strong impact of European paradigms. Because Europe represented the technologically advanced, “‘scien-

tific” world, its “record” of another culture carried authority.” It is not surprising, therefore, that the European cultural image of Islam formed an impor-

, tant element, and often the foundation, of the new self-definition. Europe’s own norms and values had determined the image of an “Orient” in response to the European agenda, and the Orient had become the negative image of post-Enlightenment Europe.” In European discourse Islam was repeatedly characterized according to the preoccupations of Europe (or of anywhere

else, for that matter): power, sex, and religion, linked by violence and tyranny.* European and Islamic cultural systems were juxtaposed and described as diametrically opposed to each other in these areas. Islamic countries in turn focused on the same attributes in their self-definitions: when invited to represent themselves through architecture in the universal expositions, they repeatedly depicted the mosque and the sultan or bey’s residence as prototypical. The mosque was the setting for religious practices and the residence displayed the realm of the political ruler, his power, his lifestyle, and, perhaps most intriguingly, his subordination of women.

10 INTRODUCTION

Yet European paradigms were not simplistically appropriated; they were often filtered through a corrective process, which reshaped them according to self-visions and aspirations. Another reference to architectural representations in the world’s fairs may help to explain: the Ottoman pavilions in the 1867 Universal Exposition in Paris highlighted the rationalist principles of composi-

tion in Ottoman monuments rather than their decorative programs—the obsessive focus of European interest. Aside from illustrating the continuous redefinition of cultures, such specific cases suggest that different Islamic societies need to be considered, “‘each within its particular agendas and pace of development, its own formations, its internal coherence and its system of external relations.”’ At the same time, applying a “contrapuntal perspective” to such specific experiences yields a better understanding of their “overlapping and interconnected”’ histories.” World’s fairs were idealized platforms where cultures could be encapsulated

visually—through artifacts and arts but also, more prominently, through architecture. The debates on architectural imagery thus became closely intertwined with redefinitions of local cultures. I will look briefly at the dominant trends among the Muslim intelligentsia in the 1860s, when Islamic nations first participated on a large scale in the world’s fairs, beginning with the 1867 Universal Exposition in Paris. The colonial discourse associated with the cultural

representation of the occupied territories is not included here, however, because its subject was the consolidation of foreign control and its arguments were embedded in the culture of the “mother country,” in this case, France. I will attempt to correlate nineteenth-century thought in the Middle East and North Africa with the architectural imagery of the universal expositions with reference to the writings of three leading intellectuals from three different regions: Ibrahim Sinasi (1826-1871) of Istanbul, Rifa ‘a al-Tahtawi (1801— . 1873) of Cairo, and Khayr al-Din of Tunis (1820/30—1889). All had lived in Paris for extended periods,” and each one had been exposed to French intellectual and political life, which became a key factor in the evolution of his thought. The historian Albert Hourani argues that the Young Ottomans in the 1860s used Islamic ideas to explain and legitimize the modernization of Ottoman institutions along European models by emphasizing the high morality of Islam

and by claiming that progress meant a “return to the true spirit of Islam.” ”

INTRODUCTION 11

Ibrahim Sinasi, the founder of this movement, was one of the champions of Westernization among the Ottoman intelligentsia. Reversing the Islamic concept of moving from faith to reason,” he argued that the “soul. . . was chiefly guided by reason” and that religion was achieved through reason. But reason was not an end in itself for Sinasi; it was a means to civilization, which he described in religious terms. For example, he referred to Mustafa Resit Pasa, a leading reformer, as the “prophet of civilization” (medeniyet resulu), his time as “the time of felicity” (asr-1 saadet), and his physical existence, his body, as a “miracle” (mucize).” Civilization, the religion of the new age, also had its scripture—the book of laws in which its values, such as justice, rights, and ethics, were registered— and its promise of redemption: it would free mankind from oppression, slavery, and ignorance. Sinasi talked about a “‘new man,” a man of the age of reason, characterized more by universal attributes than by national ones. Indeed, Sinasi’s goal was a worldwide civilization whose nations would serve and en-

lighten humankind and therefore contribute to “progress.’’ Ottoman society would form a bridge between Europe and Asia, where “Asia’s wise (old) reason’ (Asya’nin akl-1 piranesi) would meet with “Europe’s young ideas” (Avrupa’nin bikr-i fikri).” The Ottoman intelligentsia derived their concept of a universal civilization

centered in Europe (and, for many, in Paris) from the French social philosopher Saint-Simon and his followers. Many Ottoman displays in the world’s fairs underlined the participation of Ottoman culture in world civilization: the universal qualities of Ottoman architecture were emphasized to show how these might be incorporated into the repertoire of a contemporary architecture;

artistic and industrial products were often presented with a similar intent: to , link the empire to the European community. Al-Tahtawi, one of the most influential figures in the cultural reformation of Egypt under both Muhammad ‘Ali and Isma‘il Pasha (he was directly involved in educational reform and in the translation of major French texts into Arabic), focused at length on a cultural definition of Egypt within a broader framework of world civilizations and history. In an early work, Takhlis al-ibriz fi talkhis Bariz (The refinement of gold—summary of Paris), published in 1834 by order of Muhammad ‘Ali, al-Tahtawi divided humanity hierarchically into savages, barbarians, and the civilized. Like Europeans, many Muslims belonged to the

12 INTRODUCTION

third group, defined as “‘the people of morality, refinement, sedentary life, life in towns and great cities.” If Europeans in this group were more advanced in

science and technology, Muslims had the shari‘a (divine law), the source of wisdom and social order; by studying European achievements, Muslims would

overcome their inequality.” Thus Egypt would become more civilized as a result of frequent contact with Europe—a notion that Muhammad ‘Ali and Isma‘il Pasha fully accepted. Al-Tahtawi’s concept of civilization was broad based, ranging from infrastructure (roads, modern ports, canals, railroads, etc.) to administrative and political institutions to education. Isma‘il Pasha, satisfied with the progress registered in these areas, declared during his visit to Paris in 1867: “For thirty years, the European influence has transformed Egypt;

now... we are civilized.” *! This rapprochement with Europe did not mean a loss of cultural identity, however. On the contrary, the notion of watan (fatherland, patrie), as opposed to the concept of umma (the large body of believers), appeared in political and intellectual discourse around this time, contributing to the Egyptian struggle for autonomy from the Ottoman Empire. Curiously enough, Egypt’s new

rulers were dusting off Napoleon’s goal of returning Egypt to civilization and | endowing it with its own cultural identity by dissociating it from the Ottoman system. For al-Tahtawi, watan was a place with a glorious history, a place he was proud to be associated with. In his concern to create a distinct national history, al-Tahtawi became the first Egyptian historian to embrace Egyptian antiquity as a glorious part of the country’s past, when Egypt was the “mother”

of civilization.” Al-Tahtawi's first volume on the history of Egypt, Anwar Tawfig al-jalil fi akhbar Misr wa tawthig bani Isma‘il (The radiance of the sublime Tawfigq in the history of Egypt and the descendants of Isma‘il), published in 1865, dealt with

the period from the ancient kingdoms to the Arab conquest, reflecting the work of Egyptologists—among them Jean-Francois Champollion and Auguste Mariette, the first considered the father of Egyptology, the latter a main actor in determining Egyptian representations in the universal expositions in 1867 and 1878.* Al-Tahtawi analyzed both the great achievements and serious setbacks of Egypt after the Arab conquest. For example, although the first caliphs brought a renewal of civilization, the Mamluk beys impeded Egypt’s development with

INTRODUCTION 13

their “pagan furor,” their “racial and clanish solidarity,” and their disregard of “progress and civilization’; their defeat by Muhammad ‘Ali finally opened the era of progress.** Nevertheless, Arab culture played a great role in the history of “civilization,” and Islam would continue to define nineteenth-century Egypt, which would be simultaneously Egyptian, Muslim, and modern (hence civilized according to European norms). As we will see in chapters 3 and 4, this tripartite definition informed the architectural representation of Egypt in the 1867 Universal Exposition in Paris, where one pavilion was devoted to Egyptian antiquity, another to the Arab past, and a third to the modern era— clad in an Islamic image. The Tunisian statesman Khayr al-Din’s proposals for progress followed Eu-

ropean models yet were justified and explained by Islam and exemplify the widespread struggle between modernity and tradition among Muslim intelligentsia in the late nineteenth century. Khayr al-Din’s important book, Aqwam al-masalik li-ma‘rifat ahwal al-mamalik (The surest path to knowledge concerning the conditions of countries) was published in Arabic in 1867; only one year

, later a French translation (done under the supervision of the author) appeared in Paris. The book thus addressed two major audiences: Muslim political and religious leaders who opposed changes according to European models and European statesmen who considered Islam an obstacle to progress.” As a statement about the present condition of Muslim countries that explained their history and speculated on their potential, the French edition played a role similar to that of the exposition pavilions abroad. In the introduction to his English translation of The Surest Path, the historian Carl Brown condensed Khayr al-Din’s argument into three points: Europe’s progress was not linked to Christianity, and hence Islam was not a hindrance to advancement; the reforms Khayr al-Din proposed were in accordance with Islam; and institutions and ideas similar to those in nineteenth-century Europe could be seen in Islamic countries in other periods.” The book itself describes European technology and inventions at length, focusing on the knowledge that could be easily grasped and applied; it omits descriptions of wonders or accounts of daily life in Europe.* It is in this context that Khayr al-Din discussed universal expositions as platforms where “whoever invented{ed] something new or concern[ed] himself with any kind of beneficial work” got public attention; such exposure formed

14 INTRODUCTION

‘one of the reasons for [European] progress.” The organization of the expositions into buildings designated for similar sorts of industries and merchandise, the prizes and decorations, and, ultimately, the attendance of kings and other “men of state’? at these events promoted industrial and technological development.” Khayr al-Din believed that by understanding and applying European mechanisms for rewarding individual initiative, the lands of Islam could achieve progress. Khayr al-Din argued that Muslim nations could both accommodate modernization and maintain their cultural identity. Although he did not dwell on cultural issues, he based his plan for Islamic societies on historical continuity. Unlike al-Tahtawi, Khayr al-Din did not envision national cultures and civi-

lizations, nor did he subscribe to the notion of watan. On the contrary, his propositions were never specific to a locale, and his emphasis was always on umma, most likely because of his concern for the integrity of the Ottoman Empire against European expansion.“

The first three chapters of this book cover the Islamic displays at world’s fairs in Europe and America. Chapter 1 discusses the presence of Muslims at the expositions in the ethnographic displays of indigenous peoples, in the official visits of Muslim rulers, and in the visits of individuals. Chapter 2 examines the site plans of the expositions as diagrams of the prevailing power relations and focuses on the grouping of Islamic pavilions. Chapter 3 surveys the main pavilions of Islamic nations, analyzing their stylistic qualities in the broader context of the nineteenth-century search for cultural self-definition. Chapters 4 and 5 trace the impact of the architecture of these Islamic pavilions. Chapter 4 looks at two Ottoman expositions in Istanbul and at the opening of the Suez Canal in Egypt, all influenced by Western expositions. Chapter 5 relates exposition architecture to Islamic architectural theory and practice and discusses the interpretations of Islamic architecture by leading Western architects. Finally, the Epilogue brings the themes of the book to the present day.

INTRODUCTION 15

Now that we are not afraid of Turks, Arabs, and Saracens, the Orient has become for us a sort of

hippodrome where grand performances are

given... . We take the Orient for a theater. Le Figaro, 26 June 1867

, MUSLIM VISITORS TO WORLD'S FAIRS

Muslim visitors to expositions in European and American cities were either | official representatives of Muslim states or independent travelers, some of whom later recorded their observations in print. The official missions included

| heads of state as well as high-ranking government bureaucrats. Whatever their own motives for visiting the expositions, Muslim sovereigns who attended immediately became part of the display, often as the major attraction. Members of exposition commissions also received due attention from the Western press. And the commissions themselves published books about their cultures, documents that illustrate not only the official self-perception but also the perceptions governments hoped to elicit among Westerners. As part of the displays, indigenous people were brought in to represent anthropological “types.”’ This idea may have derived from the French researcher Joseph Marie de Gérando (1772-1842), who, in the belief that humans could be understood in light of methodological observations carried out on “savages,” had proposed to transport such “pure’’ specimens to France. ! Whereas official visitors to the fairs brought their lives and cultures to Europe and America, independent travelers in their reports took the expositions to audiences back home. Exposition fever was widespread, and literature on the fairs included travel accounts, newspaper and magazine articles, novels, and even poetry, all in tones ranging from the didactic to the lyrical.

Displays of Indigenous People

The young disciplines of anthropology and ethnography popularized their methods and publicized their discoveries at the nineteenth-century universal expositions. In a provocative study, Johannes Fabian defines anthropology as ‘a science of other men in another time,” the notion of “another time” signify-

17

ing not a chronological past but the frozen status of certain societies and cultures. Although, as Fabian points out, these “other men are our contemporaries,” they are situated at a temporal and spatial distance.* The displays of non-Western peoples at the nineteenth-century world’s fairs were organized around the anthropologist’s concept of distance. “Natives” were placed in “authentic” settings, dressed in “authentic” costumes, and made to perform “authentic” activities, which seemed to belong to another age. They formed tableaux vivants, spectacles that fixed societies in history.* Mixing entertainment with education, these spectacles painted the world at large in microcosm, with an emphasis on the “‘strangeness” of the unfamiliar (Fig. 1). Describing a procession to be held at the Midway of the World’s Columbian Exposition in 1893, the Chicago Tribune emphasized its theatricality: It will be a unique procession, one which cannot be seen elsewhere, and one which never may be seen here again after the Fair closes. Headed by the United States regulars, there will follow in picturesque array Turks with Far-Away Moses leading them, Bedouins, sedan bearers, Algerians, Soudanese, the grotesque population of the Cairo Street, with its wrestlers, fencers, jugglers, donkey boys, dancing girls, eunuchs, and camel drivers, Swiss guards, Moors and Persians, the little Javanese, South Sea islanders, Amazons, Dahomans, etc. . . . The march of this heterogeneous conglomeration of strange peoples, brilliant in color and picturesque in attire, will be enlivened by music of all kinds. . . . It will be a picture in miniature of the World of the Orient in this newest city of the Occident, and a day’s diversion in the routine of sight-seeing which will be of an agreeable if not exciting character to witness the queer and strange spectacle."

Such spectacles also served the politics of colonialism. The display of both subject peoples and products from foreign possessions made colonialism concrete to those at home and reaffirmed the colonizing society’s “racial superiority,”

manifest in its technical, scientific, and moral development—as the French prime minister Jules Ferry argued in the 1880s.° The inclusion of native populations in the fairs was much discussed at the time. An anonymous article on the Tunisian section in 1889 argued that it was essential to display the colonized people “to give more reality and life to the buildings [erected on the site].”’° Furthermore, without the display of colonial subjects, an exposition would fail

18 MUSLIM VISITORS TO WORLD'S FAIRS

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Rue des Nations, with Ottoman pavilion to the right, Paris, 1900 (Bibliotheque Nationale, Département des Estampes et de la Photographie).

along the waterfront. Nations considered more important were given larger sites facing both the river and the street. The allocation of space to Islamic countries in the 1900 exposition made evident a hierarchical classification. The Ottoman Empire and Persia, both sovereign nations, had their pavilions on the Rue des Nations. The Ottoman Empire, perceived as more important politically, also faced the embankment and was located between the pavilions of Italy and the United States, whereas Persia’s much smaller pavilion sat on the back row, between Peru and Luxembourg. Egypt, now accepted as a British colony, was with the other colonies in the Trocadéro Park. — ISLAMIC QUARTERS IN WESTERN CITIES 89

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height of the interior space from the floor to the top of the dome was obtained

by the superposition of two Egyptian triangles, whose height equals fiveeighths of the base (Fig. 55). On the basis of geometric analyses, Parvillée argued that Ottoman monumental architecture and its decoration were systematic and that the triangle was the primary form of geometric composition.” In Architecture et décoration turques (Paris, 1874), Parvillée presented his discoveries as a “key, a link, a reasoned explanation [une explication raisonnée]”’ of the ARCHITECTURE OF NATIONAL PAVILIONS 97

yr | a ul mf Ih FIGURE 56. Ul )\ ill . ; 7 | D Ablution hall . CIA Js D :(/aaa, =~ a —_ \ yee——a a A ! NG 49 EE ~ |

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compositional principles of Ottoman architecture. He claimed that he was correcting the interpretation of “Oriental art” as purely a product of fantasy.‘ Viollet-le-Duc wrote the preface to Architecture et décoration turques, praising Parvillée’s studies for their “spirit of examination and analysis, necessary for

the discovery of truth in the sciences just as in the arts.” Parvillée, he continued, demonstrated the role of “‘cold science” in these artistic productions, which on the surface seemed to belong to a world of dreams.° In his analyses Parvillée took part in a broad contemporary debate. The concern with science and geometry in architectural design and the links between Islamic architecture

and geometric principles were widely discussed in France, and not only in Viollet-le-Duc’s circle. For example, César Daly, a prominent architect and architectural theorist, in his review of Owen Jones’s Plans, Elevations, Sections, and Details of the Alhambra (1842-46), emphasized that “geometry [was] the base of all form studies” and that “to become a great artist, one had to combine science and art,” science meaning geometry in this context.° A similar line of thought was pursued by Anatole de Baudot, who reviewed Parvillée’s pavilions in the Gazette des architectes et du batiment.’ Baudot, looking

for a theoretical premise in the Ottoman architecture in the 1867 fair, concluded that these buildings were based on harmonic proportions, in accord with Viollet-le-Duc’s theory of proportions. Baudot felt that the pavilions of other countries lacked the serious, instructive, and novel aspects of the Ottoman (and Egyptian) pavilions. Although they amused the public, such structures failed to inform and interest the architect.* 98 ARCHITECTURE OF NATIONAL PAVILIONS

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In the West an okel is more commonly known as a caravansary, a wholesale market that also provided rooms for travelers. Drévet’s interpretation of this structure was considered an interesting use of Egyptian architectural forms and

«e.

3 3 ildings.>> I | outline and detail

J e °..

construction methods in modern buildings.” Its general outline and details

’.

.e syge ; ,

were adapted from several okels—including those in Aswan (the okels of Shaykh

‘Abdal-Miansur al-M d and Sidiidl‘Abdallah); th harabi duplicated duplicated thoff the th allah); the musharabiyyas those

; ; in Cairo. Drévet’s okel

Gamaliyya Palace and the Husayn Bey Residence in Cairo.” Drevet's ore! was a rectangular two-story structure with arcades on both stories and a covered central court, which had a fountain at its center.°” On the ground floor was a cafe and shops that faced each other along the length of the building. Here “Orien-

7 On eth. YF d fl4 *fé

9 3 b)

tal hospitality was demonstrated by free coffee, chibouk, and narghile, and

f, d.738 music was performed.

Jb

The second story of Drévet’s okel, like the first, was given over to commerce. Artisans embroidered and made jewelry, lace, saddles, and harnesses; vendors sold fancy pipes, mats, and various trinkets.*” On this fioor was also

I ” On this fl ]

114 ARCHITECTURE OF NATIONAL PAVILIONS

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Museum of the Colonies,

Paris, ‘p

.*p.

is, 1931 (L’Exposition coloniale de Paris, Paris,

the “Greco-Latin tradition” (Fig. 119). Laprade argued that a colonial style would not flourish under the Parisian sky; besides, it would be impossible to select one of the many colonial regions to represent all of overseas France. Nevertheless, elements from various colonies appeared in the structure. For example, the surface decoration in the subbasement suggested “primitive civilizations,” the ironwork borrowed motifs from Berber carpets, and the Ionic capitals of the colonnade were found in a simpler form in southern Morocco.’ The museum was seen at the time as belonging to the esprit nouveau, with “a perfume of Islam and of very primitive civilizations.” ’ In addition, Albert Janniot’s bas-reliefs in the colonnade, depicting the colonies of France, literally conveyed a message about the nature of colonialism (Fig. 120). Colonies were

shown as well-integrated parts of the French sociopolitical and economic mechanism. It was argued at the time that Janniot’s depiction was like a “mirror of the world” and carried no militaristic overtones—that it was not “a tri-

umphal ode, but the familiar and grand epic of human activity and of nature’s fertility.’’®

The pavilions of noncolonial Islamic nations in the twentieth-century expositions also carried over many traits from the preceding century. This is perhaps best illustrated in the structure Sedat Hakki Eldem designed for Turkey for the 1939 New York World’s Fair (Fig. 121). The young Turkish republic, born out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire, was represented in a complex that blended modernist and neo-Ottoman forms. For example, its main pavilion was derived from residential prototypes, reminiscent of the numerous Ottoman structures in nineteenth-century expositions and going back to the 1867 Pavillon du Bosphore. Its courtyard, with a fountain and brightly colored tiles, and its small reproduction of the covered bazaar in Istanbul reenacted other favorite themes. Meanwhile, the displays inside stressed the modernization of Turkey.’ The tension between modernization and a historically defined cultural image thus continued. Such a pattern has been common in the architectural representations of Islam in more recent world’s fairs that have recycled, for example, the familiar elements that signified North African Islamic architecture to the West for one hundred years. The Moroccan pavilion at the 1967 World Exhibition in Montreal was a square building with a sixty-five-foot minaret; its decoration—horseshoe and lobed arches, sculptured wooden ceiling, mosaic floor—drew on cultural

EPILOGUE 185

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