Designating Place: Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii 9087283571, 9789087283575

Citation preview

Designating Place

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii

Edited by

Hans Kamermans & L. Bouke van der Meer Archaeological Studies Leiden University 50 Leiden University Press

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES LEIDEN UNIVERSITY 50

Designating Place Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Edited by Hans Kamermans & L. Bouke van der Meer

Leiden University Press

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Archaeological Studies Leiden University is published by Leiden University Press, the Netherlands Series editors: M.E.R.G.N. Jansen and M. Soressi Cover design: J.F. Porck Lay out: J.F. Porck Image editor: J.F. Porck

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

ISBN 978 90 8728 357 5 e-ISBN 978 94 0060 398 1 NUR 682 ©Hans Kamermans and L. Bouke van der Meer / Leiden University Press, 2020 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. This book is distributed in North America by the University of Chicago Press (www.press.uchicago.edu).

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

In loving memory of

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Dr. Johanna (Hanna) Stöger (1957-2018)

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Contents

List of Contributors

1. Introduction Hans Kamermans & L. Bouke van der Meer

9 11

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

PART 1 GEOPHYSICAL ANALYSIS

2. Behind the Block: Results from a Geophysical Study of the Unexcavated Area in the Southwest of Ostia Mark A. Locicero & Till Sonnemann

25

3. Exploring with GPR the Frigidarium of the Byzantine Baths in Ostia Antica after Excavation, Backfilling and Floor Re-tiling Dominique Ngan-Tillard, Deyan Draganov, Martijn Warnaar, Jianhuan Liu, Joeri Brackenhoff, Jens van den Berg, Auke Veltmeijer & Hanna Stöger†

41

4. Ultra-shallow Shear-wave Reflections Locating Near-surface Buried Structures in the Unexcavated Southern Fringe of the Ancient Ostia, Rome Ranajit Ghose, Jianhuan Liu, Deyan Draganov, Dominique Ngan-Tillard, Martijn Warnaar, Joeri Brackenhoff, Jens van den Berg & Hanna Stöger†

51

PART 2 SPATIAL ANALYSIS

5. Embellishing the Streets of Ostia Janet DeLaine & Yoshiki Hori 6. Space Syntax a Ostia Antica: le Terme del Nuotatore, Insula V, x, e il Complesso delle Terme dei Sette Sapienti, Insula III, x. (Space Syntax Analysis in Ostia: the Baths of the Swimmer,

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

65 83

Insula V, x, and the Complex of the Baths of the Seven Sages, Insula III, x) Maura Medri, Valeria Di Cola & Giorgia Pasquali 7. From the Forum to the Gate. Commercial Investment and Ostia’s Cardo Miko Flohr 8. Revisiting Old Data with New Techniques. A Re-evaluation of Insulae V, ii and IV, ii in Ostia through the eyes of Space Syntax Alexander C.Q. Jansen 9. The Social Construction of Roman Industrial Space: The Limits of Chaînes Opératoires and the Nature of Roman Baking Jared T. Benton

121 135

153

PART 3 ICONOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS

10. Realia, Rituals and Symbols of the Torlonia Relief L. Bouke van der Meer 11. Bodies and Buildings: Space, Decoration and Ritual in the Roman Domestic Bath Kristian Reinfjord

171 183

PART 4 EPIGRAPHIC ANALYSIS

12. Verba Volant, Scripta Manent. Reconstructing the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia Antica Fenno F.J.M. Noij 13. CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT. On the Manifestation of Collective Memory in Fifteen Inscriptions from the Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia Kaylee M. Branse

201 219

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

PART 5 HANNA STÖGER

14. A Hommage to Hanna Stöger John Bintliff

237

15. Publications by Hanna Stöger

241

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

List of Contributors

Jared T. Benton Art and Archaeology of the Ancient Mediterranean, Department of Art, Old Dominion University, Norfolk, VA, USA Jens van den Berg Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands John Bintlff University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, UK Joeri Brackenhoff Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Kaylee M. Branse Blariacumcollege, Venlo, The Netherlands Janet DeLaine Wolfson College, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK Valeria Di Cola Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici, Università Roma Tre, Rome, Italy Deyan Draganov Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Miko Flohr Institute for History, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands Ranajit Ghose Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Yoshiki Hori Department of Architecture and Urban Design, Faculty of Human-Environment Studies, Kyushu University, Fukuoka, Japan Alexander C.Q. Jansen Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands Hans Kamermans Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

9

DESIGNATING PLACE

Jianhuan Liu Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Mark A. Locicero Department of Classical, Near Eastern, and Religious Studies, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada Maura Medri Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici, Università Roma Tre, Rome, Italy L. Bouke van der Meer Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands Dominique Ngan-Tillard Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Fenno F.J.M. Noij Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands Giorgia Pasquali Dipartimento di Studi Umanistici, Università Roma Tre, Rome, Italy Kristian Reinfjord The University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway Till Sonnemann Institut für Archäologische Wissenschaften, Denkmalwissenschaften und Kunstgeschichte, Otto-FriedrichUniversität Bamberg, Bamberg, Germany Hanna Stöger † Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands Auke Veltmeijer Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Martijn Warnaar Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, Delft. The Netherlands

10

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Introduction Hans Kamermans (HK) and L. Bouke van der Meer (LBvdM)

1.1 RAISON D’ÊTRE (HK)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The analysis of space has always been a topic in archaeological research. Since the 1980s the development of computer based analysis has facilitated this kind of research to a great extent. In the last decades a number of new approaches to the analysis of space have become popular, specifically in Mediterranean archaeology: new geophysical methods like high-resolution, shallow seismic reflection survey and new analytical methods like Space Syntax, the analysis of operationalsequences and linguistic landscape studies. Even collective memory studies are used to interpret the public space. At the same time, the more traditional, well established methods are also yielding exiting results. In this book a combination of new and established methods is used to analyse the urban space of Roman Ostia and Pompeii, namely geophysical analysis, computer based spatial analysis, iconographic analysis, and epigraphic analysis. The book is based on the work of Hanna Stöger, the Leiden scholar who died, much too young, in August 2018. Hanna published her PhD thesis and several articles on the analysis of the urban space in Ostia (see the list of Hanna Stöger’s publications at the end of the book) using a technique called Space Syntax (see Jansen in this volume for a discussion of Space Syntax). John Bintliff, her PhD supervisor was the first to suggest that Hanna should use Space Syntax. L. Bouke van der Meer and I were both involved in Dr. Stöger’s work as co-supervisors, Bouke as a leading expert in Roman Ostia and I for my specialisation in computer applications in archaeology. Her PhD was published by Leiden University Press in the ASLU (Archaeological Series Leiden University

24) series, received very positive reviews (Cuyler 2012; Kaiser 2014; Monteix 2015; Pavolini 2016) and was the best-selling volume in that series ever. When Hanna died her work in Ostia was not finished. She was working on a project called “Neighbourhoods of Roman Ostia”. Part of the project was to map unexcavated parts of Ostia with geophysics. This was done in cooperation with scholars from the Delft University of Technology (The Netherlands) and the University of Augsburg (Germany) (Sonnemann et al. 2015). She was supervising MA and PhD students in Leiden who worked on various topics in Ostia (cf. Jansen 2018; Locicero 2020), and she was organising sessions on the analysis of space at conferences, as well as planning to co-edit a book that “investigates ‘place’ as a fundamental condition of humanity from a variety of archaeological perspectives”. In this book we want to preserve and honor her legacy. We do what she was planning to do; publish as much as possible from the work she was involved in. Of course this book is not complete. The work is not finished and will never be finished in the way she envisioned. So the book contains contributions from people who inspired her, people she worked with, people she inspired, and people who wrote articles for the book she was working on. Most of the authors contributed to a symposium Miguel John Versluys, her close colleague and the Leiden professor of Classical & Mediterranean Archaeology, organised in her memory on the sixth October 2018 in Leiden. The two Pompeii articles were intended for a book Hanna wanted to publish containing contributions from conference sessions she (co-)organised.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11

DESIGNATING PLACE

1.2 THIS BOOK (HK) The book has five sections, four scientific sections: geophysics, spatial analysis, iconographic analysis, and epigraphic analysis, and one on Hanna Stöger. The first section, on geophysics, contains new data on Ostia. The first contribution by Mark Locicero and Till Sonnemann presents an interpretation of the results of a geophysical survey campaign conducted in Ostia Antica in May 2015, which focused on the unexcavated area in the southwest part of the city. The investigated area runs parallel to the southern extent of Ostia’s cardo maximus, and lies directly behind the city blocks, IV, i-iv. It offers an important insight into the previously unknown extent of the city’s urban fabric. An additional study was carried out in the Terme del Faro (IV, ii, 1).

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The second geophysical contribution is by Dominique Ngan Tillard et al. A GPR (Ground Penetrating Radar) survey was conducted in 2017 in the frigidarium of the Byzantine baths in Ostia. Almost 50 years ago this area was excavated, backfilled, and re-tiled with a black and white mosaic. The GPR signals are interpreted using photographs, drawings, and texts produced by the original excavators to retrace the multiple functions of the site. It shows that some ancient reticulated wall structures can be recognised in the GPR data, but there are also prominent GPR features which cannot be identified. The last contribution in the section on geophysics is by Ranajit Ghose et al. They carried out highresolution, shallow seismic reflection surveys along two profiles in the unexcavated part of Ostia south of Region IV, using shear (transverse) waves. The goal of these pilot surveys was to see if any indication of ultra-shallow scatterers, indicating potential location of shallow-buried structures, can be found in the shear wave data. The results show very distinct back-scattered shear-wave arrivals from a previously located mysterious tumulus. It was possible to interpret, with reasonable confidence, the location of several conspicuous, shallow scatterers in the two seismic profiles. The results suggest that the unexcavated areas located south of Region IV most likely contain buried underground structures.

The second section, on spatial analysis, contains contributions that clearly show how current archaeologists analyse Roman cities as places of spatial activities and social interactions. The first contribution in that section is by Janet DeLaine and Yoshiki Hori. It explores three different ways in which the street façades of imperial Ostia were elaborated, based on the information visible in the excavated area of the city. They are analysed in relation to the street hierarchy which emerged from Hanna Stöger’s Space Syntax analysis. The starting points are monumental entrances, porticoes, decorative plaques, and other elements. Together they are used to comprehend the visual language of Ostia’s streets and its relation to social interaction. The next spatial analysis paper is by Maura Medri, Valeria Di Cola, and Giorgia Pasquali. It evaluates the results of two different case studies of Space Syntax analysis in Ostia Antica. Maura Medri and Valeria Di Cola present the analysis of the Terme del Nuotatore. This building is well known for the large amount of material found during the excavations from 1960 to 1970. These finds form a very rich database of detailed information that made it possible to test the effectiveness of a Space Syntax analysis in all phases of the Baths. The architectural representation used in this case is the reconstruction plans, made on the basis of the stratigraphic data coming from the excavations and the standing structures. Giorgia Pasquali presents a study of the Insula X of Regio III. It looks at the Caseggiato del Serapide, that of the Aurighi and the Baths of the Sette Sapienti, with annex Building III, xiv, 1, which probably formed a single complex together with the others, and the relationship between the general road network of Ostia and that of Region III. In this case, the basis is a plan published by Gismondi and data acquired through magnetometric prospections by the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom and the American Academy of Rome. Miko Flohr’s paper analyses the relation between commerce and urban development in Ostia. It explores the question of how commercial interests played a role in decisions about building projects,

12

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

INTRODUCTION

and how this, in turn, impacted the way in which the urban landscape functioned as a social space. In short, to what extent did commercial interests shape the urban experience? The argument is developed from a close analysis of one specific subsection of the city, the so-called ‘Cardo’. The way the role of commerce along this road developed over time is compared to the development along other, better known, main arteries of Ostia. The spatial analysis paper by Alexander Jansen presents a comparison of the results of two Space Syntax analyses; those of city blocks IV, ii and V, ii in Ostia Antica. The archaeological interpretations of two construction phases of block V, ii (c. AD 200 and c. AD 400-500) are compared to the Space Syntax analysis of block IV, ii conducted by Hanna Stöger. This comparison is used to discuss the potential and viability of using Space Syntax to compare archaeological case studies with each other.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The final paper in this section is by Jared Benton. During the last decade a number of methods new to Greco-Roman Mediterranean archaeology were introduced. The chaîne-opératoire (or operationalsequence) approach has emerged as one of the most widely influential methods to identify workshops, model production, and association process with space. The purpose of Benton’s paper is threefold. First, the origins and history of thought on operational sequences is explored. Second, the advancements in the study of Roman industries facilitated by this approach are discussed. Third, other methods are proposed for conceiving of Roman production that might complement the deployment of operational sequences in archaeological contexts. The next section, on iconographic analysis, starts with a contribution by L. Bouke van der Meer. It discusses the famous Torlonia relief from Portus Traiani Felicis. Several aspects of this image have not as yet been interpreted satisfactorily; thus this paper presents a critical update. It incorporates the date, the historical background, the topographical, ritual, and symbolic elements, and the significance of the whole representation in its analysis.

The second paper in this section is by Kristian Reinfjord, and investigates some aspects of interactions of rituals, space, and decoration in Roman domestic bath suites, as found within the Late Republican domus. It shows, based on empirical evidence from the Vesuvian city Pompeii, how private and public spheres were experienced in the Roman world. Together with the contributions from Mark Locicero and Till Sonnemann, Dominique Ngan Tillard et al., Janet DeLaine and Yoshiki Hori and Maura Medri et al., these papers form a hidden book on Roman bathing and water management. The last scientific section, on epigraphic analysis, contains articles by Fenno Noij and Kaylee Branse. Fenno Noij discusses the value of understanding the role of written texts in their original spatial location in archaeological research. To do this, the methodological and theoretical framework of “Linguistic Landscape Studies” is used. The case-study is the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia. Kaylee Branse examines how collective memory manifests itself in inscriptions. As a case study she uses the fifteen Latin dedicatory inscriptions from the second and third century AD which once stood on the Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia. For collective memory studies it is essential to know which people were constructing a memory and for whom. Since we know a lot about the inhabitants of Ostia, this city is perfect for this kind of research. In the last section, Part 5, we commemorate Hanna. In 2004 Hanna completed an MA in Classical and Mediterranean Archaeology at the Faculty of Archaeology in Leiden. In 2011 she got her PhD from the same Faculty (Stöger 2011). From 2010 until her passing away in 2018 she worked in Leiden consecutively as a post-doctoral researcher for the EUfunded project ArchaeoLandscapes Europe, for Miguel John Versluys’ VIDI project and Ann Brysbaert’s ERC project SETinSTONE. John Bintliff was professor of Mediterranean Archaeology in Leiden from 1999 until 2014. During that time he worked very closely with Hanna. In his loving hommage he gives a personal account of Hanna’s stay at the Faculty of Archaeology. The book ends with a list of publications by Hanna.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13

DESIGNATING PLACE

Acknowledgements We would like to thank the following people who helped us in one way or another to produce this book: in alphabetic order, Anita Casarotto, Kate Elliott, Gail M. Higginbottom, Jan Kolen, Karsten Lambers, Jean MacIntosh Turfa, Gertrudis Offenberg, Jessica Palmer, Joanne Porck, Wil Roebroeks, Tesse Stek, Romy Uijen, Nicholas C. Vella, Miguel John Versluys, Milco Wansleeben, and two anonymous reviewers. They know why. The production of the book was made possible by financial support from the P.J.R. Moddermanstichting and the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University. References Cuyler, M.J. 2012. Review of Rethinking Ostia: a Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial Port-town. Archaeological studies Leiden University, 24. BMCR 2012.10.39 Jansen, A.C.Q. 2018. Applying space syntax methods to insula V ii in Ostia: To gain new insights into the effects of changes in the spatial organisation of urban buildings during the Late Roman Empire. Leiden (MSc thesis, University of Leiden) https:// openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/67040 Kaiser, A. 2014. Space syntax: Ostia by the numbers. Journal of Roman Archaeology 27, 575-577 Locicero, M. 2020. Liquid Footprints: Water, Urbanism, and Sustainability in Roman Ostia, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 46. Leiden: Leiden University Press

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Monteix, N. 2015. Review of Hanna Stöger, Rethinking Ostia. Antiquité Classique 84, 518-519 Pavolini, C. 2016. A survey of Excavations and Studies on Ostia (2004-2014). The Journal of Roman Studies 106, 199-236 Sonnemann, T., Stöger, H. & Ngan-Tillard, D. 2015. Using Technical Expertise at Ostia Antica. Newsletter of the International Society of Archaeological Prospection 44, 10-12 Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press

14

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

INTRODUCTION

This book is aimed not only at scholars interested in Roman cities, but also at those interested in geoscience or computer applications like Space Syntax. These last groups will not necessarily know a lot about Ostia and Pompeii. To provide the necessary context and background for them, L. Bouke van der Meer will set the scene in the next sections. 1.3 A SHORT HISTORY OF OSTIA (LBvdM) 1

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

According to some ancient authors Ostia was founded by Ancus Marcius, the fourth king of Rome. He supposedly reigned from 640 to 616 BC. Archaeological evidence for this early date, however, is non-existent. It is possible that the earlier settlement can be found at a nearby location. Settlements may have already existed in the area in the Middle and Late Bronze Age (c. 17001000 BC). Salt would have formed a large part of the appeal of the area; salt from large salt-beds (salinae) was transported to Rome and from there along the prehistoric predecessor of the Via Salaria (Salt Way) to central Italy. In the winter nomadic shepherds descended from the mountains to the coasts of Etruria and Latium in order to collect salt. They returned to the grassy mountains in the summer. The Republican rectangular fortified camp, usually called castrum (194 x 125,70 metres), was built at the end of the fourth or beginning of the third century BC. The date is based on EtruscoCampanian sherds recovered from the lowest level of the fossae (ditches) in which the castrum walls were built. These walls consist of rectangular tuff blocks. After the Second Punic War, when the walls lost their defensive function, they were used as rear walls, probably of shops. The architectonic ornaments and terracotta antefixes point to the existence of a temple by the fifth or fourth century BC. Imported Attic, Etruscan, and Faliscan red figure vase sherds date to the fourth century BC. These artefacts were found in the area of the (later) castrum. Ostia was dependent on Rome, governed by a quaestor Ostiensis after 267 BC. 1 This section is a shortened, slightly revised version of Chapter 1 (Backgrounds) of the author’s Ostia speaks. Inscriptions, buildings and spaces in Rome’s main port (Leuven – Paris – Walpole, MA: Peeters, 2012), pp. 4-9, here published with permission of Peeters.

After the Punic Wars the import of grain from Sicily and Sardinia intensified. Between c. 150 and 80 BC a rectangular space between the Tiber and the north side of the eastern decumanus maximus (the main east-west street) was earmarked for store buildings. The inscriptions on four travertine boundary stones describe the area as public (ager or locus publicus; Fig. 1.1, 1 and 12). Between 63 and 58 BC Ostia was provided with a long city wall (formerly called Sullan walls) with three main gates, now called Porta Romana (Fig. 1.1, no.2), Porta Laurentina, and Porta Marina, on the initiative of the famous orator Cicero. Ostia most likely gained independence from Rome between c. 80 and 49 BC, except for the annona (grain supply) which was still controlled by prefects. The oldest (reused) fragment of the marble Fasti Ostienses, the local yearly calendar listing the names of the most important magistrates and events in Rome and Ostia, dates to 49 BC. Cicero (Pro Murena 8.18) describes the provincia ostiensis as an unpleasant environment: non tam gratiosam et illustrem quam negotiosam et molestam (“not so much gracious and famous as busy and uncomfortable”). Few buildings of the Republican period remain: the temples in the Sacred Area of the Hercules temple (see Fig. 1.1, 21), the Four Small Temples to the west of the Theatre (Fig. 1.1, 9), and some atrium-houses (Fig. 1.1, 35). Some old buildings also lie beneath the second century AD city. 1.3.1 GROWTH AND BOOM The first public buildings date to the Julio-Augustan period. The Theatre, the oldest stone example outside Rome, was built by Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa in 18 BC (Fig. 1.1, 6). The Temple of Roma and Augustus (Fig. 1.1, 16), opposite the later Hadrianic Capitolium, is now dated between AD 10 and 20. As the Tiber was not very accessible to sea ships from Egypt, North Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia, and as grain and other goods were mainly transferred over land from the harbour of Puteoli (Pozzuoli) to Rome, two new harbours were constructed, c. 3 km northwest of Ostia. The space between these harbours and Ostia is called Isola Sacra in Italian (Sacred Island, also called Island of Venus (insula Veneris)). The necropolis of the same name belongs to Portus.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

15

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 1.1 Map of Ostia Antica (published by I. Gismondi and O. Visca in1949, with numbers added by J. Porck in 2011)

Portus Augusti, the first, large sea harbour with two curved piers near today Fiumicino, was initiated by Claudius in AD 42 and probably finished by Nero in 64. Claudius furthermore constructed a canal from the Tiber to the harbour: “to free the city (Rome) from inundations”. A heavy storm revealed that the port was not a safe haven. Therefore, Trajan built a second, hexagonal, inner harbour behind it between 110 and 122. Together, the harbours were called Portus uterque (Both Harbours). Sea ships departed and arrived between March and October. Between 337 and 341 Portus became an independent city: civitas Flavia Constantiniana Portuensis. A canal (Fossa Traiana) linked the harbours with the Tiber. Small tug-boats transferred grain and other goods to Rome and to Ostia. A procurator annonae was responsible for the grain supply. He was subordinate to the praefectus annonae in Rome. The oldest granaries in Ostia date to the Republican period (Fig. 1.1, 41). In the second half of the first century a successful middle class

emerged, consisting mainly of freedmen (liberti). Hardworking slaves from the Greek-speaking Mediterranean part of the Roman empire easily integrated into the society; they learned Latin, and were freed and often also adopted by their patrons. The same period saw the birth of the first socalled guilds, clubs of men who shared the same profession or interest. A guild, called corpus or collegium in Latin, needed an initial permission to gather from the Senate in Rome for political safety reasons. It had a clubhouse (schola) where members could recline, eat, and drink, celebrate birthdays, and worship Roman emperors. Some guilds had a temple, dedicated to the tutelary deity of the guild or profession. In the second century guilds formed the social backbone of Ostia. Guilds consisted of patroni (honorary patrons), magistri quinquennales (presidents for five years) or magistri perpetui (for life), and plebs (common members).

16

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

INTRODUCTION

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Under Domitian (AD 81-96), large parts of Ostia were raised by about one metre, probably as a measure against inundations. The first large flat buildings (insulae), called Casette Tipo in Italian, date to the reign of the next emperor, Trajan. A building boom took place under Hadrian (117138) who twice held the position of one of the two annual mayors of the city. Large areas in the center, in the west (Garden Houses/Case a Giardino (120125)), and in the former ager or locus publicus saw the construction of new buildings (126-138). In the 120s, the Capitolium, probably dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, was built. The preferred building technique style was opus reticulatum mixtum, a network of tuff layers with brick quoins. Towards the end of and following Hadrian’s reign, the masonry was usually in brick (opus latericium). After c. 250 opus reticulatum was incidentally used once again. In the many new flats and apartment buildings, successful members of the middle class, usually freedmen, lived on the ground floor. The less fortunate hired the upper floors; their only access was usually via external, travertine staircases. Both groups of inhabitants, however, may have shared water and cult facilities in buildings which had a central, open court. Most buildings featured rooms along the streetside, which were used as shops, workshops, or bars (tabernae). They could be closed by means of wooden doors sliding in the grooves in travertine thresholds. The number of tabernae amounts to some 800! Until recently, the total number of inhabitants in the second century was estimated at around 60,000. However, geophysical research in the form of magnetometry and ground penetrating radar has made clear that the city had large quarters outside the Ciceronian walls. The population size may have been flexible, fluctuating with the grain trade season in spring and summer. After Hadrian’s reign building activities diminished slightly, although new flats, baths, and temples were still being built. The Theatre was enlarged under Commodus and Septimius Severus. The second century was the period during which oriental deities like Serapis (Fig. 1.1, 26), Cybele (Fig. 1.1, 37), and Mithras (after c. 160; Fig. 1.1, 22 and 40) became popular, probably because they offered hope of

salvation or a life after death. The Jewish population converted a building along the Via Severiana, near the ancient seashore, beyond the city walls, c. 500 m to the south-east of Porta Marina, into a synagogue between c. 50 and 100. A bilingual inscription with one line in Latin and the other in Greek on a marble slab from the second half of the second century, reused in the floor of the vestibule (the original displayed in the local museum), begins with the words: Pro salute Aug/g(ustorvm) (“For the wellbeing of the emperors”). The semi-circular shrine in the Synagogue originally contained the chest with the scrolls of the Torah. It is oriented toward Jerusalem. Two corbels of marble architraves exhibit characteristic Jewish symbols: menorah (candelabrum with seven arms), lulav (palm leaf), ethrog (lemon), and shofar (horn).The last pagan temple, the Round Temple (Tempio Rotondo) near the Forum, possibly dedicated to the cult of emperors, is dated to c. 235. 1.3.2 DECLINE AND A SHORT REVIVAL The third century gradually evolved into a period of crisis for the Roman Empire. There were many military emperors who reigned for short periods. No cohorts of firemen are mentioned in inscriptions after 239 (Fig. 1.1, 5). The most recent statue base on the Square of the Guilds (Piazzale delle Corporazioni) dates to 249 (Fig. 1.1, 7) and that on the Campus of the Magna Mater to 256 (Fig. 1.1, 37). The last mention of a pontifex Volkani, high priest of the firegod Vulcanus, dates to 251. The last mention of the Augustales, successful freedmen who were dignitaries of the cult of Augustus and later emperors, is in the 250s. The last temple, the Round Temple near the Forum, was probably finished around 244. Some buildings that had caught fire were not restored. Portus Uterque evidently became more important than Ostia. Members of the elite, however, converted insulae with windows into onefamily houses (domus), with a slightly raised aula (hall) in the rear which functioned as a reception hall. These houses, now without windows for reasons of security, were decorated with marble and splendid mosaics. The most luxurious mosaics are in the aulae (reception halls), in opus sectile, made of cut slabs of marble in different colours. Some domus

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

17

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

have a little garden (viridarium) with a nymphaeum (water fountain). The most luxurious have internal baths. Names of owners are not known, but it seems likely that not only the local elite but also members of the Senate in Rome and high officials involved in the grain supply enjoyed the pleasant sea climate in the quiet city. Striking for this period is the use of spolia, building elements, bases, and even gravestones from elsewhere, which were recycled. From the third century onward, streets which were too dirty started being closed. In contrast, along the main roads a few splendid marble nymphaea (water fountains) were built. They were meant to give, like a Potemkin façade, the impression of a prosperous city. In these centuries a new building technique appeared, perhaps due to a crisis in the brick industries around Rome: opus vittatum, or alternating horizontal bands of brick and tuff. While Christian religion was tolerated in 313 and even though Ostia had a bishop, the city seems to have been mainly pagan until c. 394. The Constantinian basilica, dedicated to the blessed apostles Petrus, Paul, and John mentioned in the Liber Pontificalis (33.28-29), was discovered thanks to German geophysical research inside the city walls, near the small city gate between Porta Romana and Porta Laurentina. Its peripheral position suggests that the Christian religion was not dominant in the fourth century. As late as the period between c. 375 and 420 the city received several facelifts, among others marble porticoes, nymphaea (fountains), and restorations of baths. A macellum (meat-market) was repaired by Aurelius Anicius Symmachus, prefect of Rome and member of a renowned pagan, aristocratic family. The most recent domus, all of considerable dimensions, also date to this period. Prefects of the grain supply played an important role in this last prosperous period (Fig. 1.1, 6 and 16). The sixth century author Cassiodorus (Variae epistulae 7.9) was impressed by both Ostia and Portus. He called them ornatissimas civitates, most splendid cities. The last building to be built was a very small bath, in the fifth century. In the course of the sixth century the aqueduct fell into disuse, after which wells were dug and well-heads made, even in the middle of streets,

including in the decumanus. Due to the raids of the Saracenes the last few inhabitants abandoned Ostia in the ninth century. Pilgrims visited the shrine of a martyr, Cyriacus, built near the Theatre in the sixth or seventh century. Cyriacus was bishop in the third century. He was killed, together with Aurea, in front of Caracalla’s Arch, which was connected to the Theatre and bridged the decumanus. The inscription on the (now missing) lid of a sarcophagus in the oratory depicting Orpheus reads: Hic Quiriacus dormit in pace (“Here Quiriacus rests in peace”). Quiriacus may be Cyriacus. In 1557 the course of the Tiber changed (see Fig. 1.1), running through part of the city in Regio I, the area to the north-east of the Capitolium. 1.3.3 RESEARCH For the history of early research in and around Ostia and Portus one should consult R. Meiggs’s seminal book Roman Ostia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973 (second edition)). The splendid exhibition catalogue edited by J.P. Descœudres, Ostia port et porte de la Rome antique (Genève: Georg Éditeur, 2001), gives a good impression of research that was carried out between c. 1973 and 2000. The research results after c. 2000 are summarised by C. Pavolini in his critical article “A Survey of Excavations and Studies on Ostia (2004-2014)”, published in the Journal of Roman Studies 106 (2016) 199-136 (also online). By the same author is the very useful guide of handy size, Ostia, Guide Archeologiche Laterza (Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2006). 1.3.4 BIBLIOGRAPHY OSTIA (The following important archaeological books appeared after 2014) Batty, A. 2018. The Domus del Ninfeo at Ostia (III, VI, 1-3). Structure, Function and Social Context, BAR International Series 2909. Oxford: BAR Publishing

18

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

INTRODUCTION

Cébeillac-Gervasoni, M., Laubry, N. & Zevi, F. (eds) 2019. Ricerche su Ostia e il suo territorio. Atti del Terzo Seminario Ostiense, 21-22 ottobre 2015. Rome: École Française de Rome Danner, M. 2017. Wohnkultur im spätantiken Ostia, Kölner Schriften zur Archaeologie 1. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag De Ruyt, C., Morard, T. & Van Haeperen, F. (eds) 2018. Ostia Antica. Nouvelles études et recherches sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cité. Actes du colloque international. Rome-Ostia Antica, 22-24 septembre 2014. Rome: Institut Historique Belge de Rome Gering, A. 2018. Ostias vergessene Spätantike. Eine urbanistische Deutung zur Bewältigung von Zerfall, Palilia 31. Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag Locicero, M. 2020. Liquid Footprints: Water, Urbanism, and Sustainability in Roman Ostia, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 46. Leiden: Leiden University Press Schoevaert, J. 2018. Les boutiques d’Ostie. L’économie urbaine au quotidien, Ier s. av. J.-C. – Ve s. ap. J.-C. Rome: École française de Rome Van Haeperen, F. 2019. Fana, templa, delubra. Corpus dei luoghi di culto dell’Italia antica (FTD) – 6: Regio I: Ostie, Porto. Paris: Collège de France (http://books.openedition.org/cdf/6147)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Van Haeperen, F. 2020. Dieux et hommes à Ostie, port de Rome (IIIe s. av. J.-C – Ve s. apr. J.-C. Paris: CNRS Editions (http://www.cnrseditions.fr/ catalogue/histoire/dieux-et-hommes-a-ostie) Anybody who wants to keep up with the titles of new books, articles, and reviews should consult the excellent bibliography of the Ostia. Harbour City of Rome (www.ostia-antica.org) website, edited by J. T. Bakker.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

19

DESIGNATING PLACE

1.4 A SHORT HISTORY OF POMPEII (LBvdM) 1.4.1 THE SIXTH CENTURY BC The city of Pompeii, situated on a 30m high lava plateau at the foot of Mount Vesuvius near the mouth of the river Sarno, was inhabited by local people and immigrants in the sixth century BC. For the find spots of archaic artifacts, see the grey areas on Fig. 1.2. The content of Etruscan graffiti (Fig. 1.2, black dots) suggests that some people came from Capua. However, there is no proof that Etruscans founded Pompeii. The 3km long wall of pappamonte tuff indicates that the site became a town. The temple of Apollo (Fig. 1.2, 23), probably situated along a market, in the later second century BC Forum (Fig. 1.2, 24), was built in Etruscan style, and the Doric temple, dedicated to Hercules and Athena/Minerva in a sanctuary, the so-called Triangular Forum (Fig. 1.2, 34), was made in Greek style by artisans from Magna Graecia. The first temple dates to 600-550, the second to c. 530 BC.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

1.4.2 THE SAMNITIC PERIOD After the Syracusans defeated the Etruscans in the naval battle off Cumae (474 BC), it is likely that the town was first occupied by the Greeks, thereafter by the Samnites at the end of the fifth century BC. The oldest atrium house, the Casa del Chirurgo (Fig. 1.2, Regio VI.1.10), dates to the fourth century BC, the so-called limestone period. In the third century BC, the tuff period, new city walls were built surrounding an area of 63.5 ha. The street grid of the forum area, incorrectly called Altstadt, is irregular, but the other districts show the influence of the orthogonal layouts of Greek (e.g. Naples) and Etruscan colonies (possibly Capua). The final form of this city plan dates to the end of the fourth century BC. The oldest baths, the Terme Stabiane with a palaestra (wrestlingspace), probably arose around 300 BC. Some elite houses like the Casa del Menandro (Regio I.10.4), built in Greek Hellenistic style with an atrium and peristylium (a garden surrounded with columns), date to c. 250 BC. After the end of the Second Punic War (201 BC) Pompeii became a booming city thanks to the production of wine, olives, and fish sauce (garum). Export took place from the river harbour,

not only to the hinterland, most notably to the cities of Nola and Nuceria, but also to other commercial centers in the Mediterranean. The meddix (supreme magistrate) and aediles (building officials) played an important role in the urban development. The Basilica (Fig. 1.2, 29), the Theatre (Fig. 1.2, 33), the small Palaestra (wrestling-school), the temple of Isis (Fig. 1.2, 38), and very luxurious houses like the famous Casa del Fauno (Fig. 1.2, 12) and the Casa delle Nozze d’Argento were built in the second century BC. Elite houses were often repaired or restructured in later times. The Forum, with its axial Temple of Jupiter (Fig. 1.2, 18) and its beautiful porticus, sponsored by a quaestor, Popidius, took shape between 150 and 100 BC. To the north-west of the city the Villa dei Misteri (Fig. 1.2, 60) was built between 200 and 150 BC. Its famous painted frieze showing Dionysiac mystery scenes dates to c. 50 BC. 1.4.3 THE ROMAN PERIOD During the Social War, Pompeians and Italici fought against Rome but were defeated by consul Sulla in 89 BC. The city became a veteran colony called Colonia Cornelia Veneria in 80 BC. Cornelia refers to Sulla’s family name, and Veneria to his protective goddess, Venus, to whom a temple was dedicated. After 80 BC few Samnitic aristocratic families survived. Latin gradually replaced the Oscan language. Most of the beaten-earth streets were paved in basalt. In the eastern corner of the city the AmphiTheatre arose (Fig. 1.2, 59). Here, a bloody riot between Pompeians and Nucerians took place in AD 59, after which the Senate of Rome forbade gladiatorial shows and illegal associations for ten years. In addition to these changes, the Odeion (Music Hall; Fig. 1.2, 35) was built next to the Theatre after 80 BC. Duoviri quinquennales, two mayors elected for a period of five years, ordered buildings such as the Odeion by decree of the decuriones, members of the city council. Painted election posters are still visible on buildings along the Via dell’Abbondanza. In the Augustan period the Castellum aquae near Porta Vesuvio was enlarged and connected to a second aqueduct, thus becoming a Castellum divisorium for

20

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

INTRODUCTION

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 1.2 Map of Pompeii (from M. Cristofani, Etruschi e altre genti nell’Italia preromana. Mobilità in età arcaica. Roma: Giorgio Bretschneider Editore, 1996, 118, fig. 27, here reproduced with the kind permission of Boris Bretschneider)

the distribution of water. The Large Palaestra (Fig. 1.2, 57) for the collegium iuvenum, a political club of young men, was built next to the AmphiTheatre. The emperor was honored in the temple of Fortuna Augusta (c. AD 3). Statues on inscribed pedestals in honor of energetic men of the elite, aimed at selfrepresentation, were erected on the Forum. During the Imperial period administrative, commercial, and religious buildings were added along the southern, eastern, and western borders of the Forum.

yet most of the repairs remained unfinished when the eruption of Vesuvius covered the city with a 3m thick layer of ash in 79.

1.4.4 THE PERIOD BETWEEN AD 62 AND 79

Dobbins, J.J. & Foss, P.W. (eds) 2007. The world of Pompeii. London/New York: Routledge

After the disastrous earthquake of 62 that demolished large parts of the city, the Central Baths were built but not completed. The elite houses were repaired first, followed by several public buildings and temples,

Ellis, S.J.R. (ed.) 2011. The Making of Pompeii. Studies in the History and Urban Development of an Ancient Town, Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 85. Portsmouth, Rhode Island

1.4.5 BIBLIOGRAPHY POMPEII Beard, M. 2008. Pompeii: The Life of a Roman Town. London: Profile Books Bon, S.E. & Jones, R. (eds) 1997. Sequence and Space in Pompeii. Oxford: Oxbow Books

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

21

DESIGNATING PLACE

Flohr, M. & Wilson, A. (eds) 2017. The Economy of Pompeii. Oxford studies on the Roman economy. Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press Grahame, M. 2000. Reading space: Social Interaction and Identity in the Houses of Roman Pompeii: A Syntactical Approach to the Analysis and Interpretation of Built Space. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 886. Oxford: Archaeopress Hüttemann, A. 2010. Pompejanische Inschriften. Der heutige Bestand vor Ort im Stadtgebiet und in den Nekropolen. Lateinisch/Deutsch. Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam jun. La Rocca, E., de Vos, M. & de Vos, A., coordinamento di Coarelli, F. 1976. Guida archeologica di Pompei. Milano: Arnoldo Mondadori Editore Laurence, R. 2007 (2nd edition). Roman Pompeii. Space and Society. London and New York: Routledge Laurence, R. & Wallace-Hadrill, A. (eds) 1997. Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond, Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 22. Portsmouth, RI Laurence, R. & Newsome, D.J. (eds) 2011. Rome, Ostia, Pompeii: Movement and Space. Oxford: Oxford University Press Poehler, E.E. 2017. The Traffic Systems of Pompeii. New York: Oxford University Press Richardson, L., jr. 1988. Pompeii. An Architectural History. Baltimore, MD, and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1994. Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press Wilkinson, P. 2017. Pompeii. An Archaeological Guide. London/New York: I.B. Tauris Zanker, P. 1998. Pompeii, Public and Private Life. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press Further reading Titles of books, articles, and reviews published after 1955 can be found on the DYABOLA website (http:// www.dyabola.de/), title word: Pompeii.

22

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

PART 1 Geophysical Analysis

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 Behind the Block

Results from a Geophysical Study of the Unexcavated Area in the South-west of Ostia M.A. Locicero and T. Sonnemann

This article presents an interpretation of results of a geophysical survey campaign conducted in Ostia Antica, the principal port-town of the Roman Empire, in May 2015, which focused on the unexcavated area in the south-west part of the city. The surveys formed part of the “Neighbourhoods of Roman Ostia” study conducted by Hanna Stöger (Stöger 2011; 2014). The project was committed to non-invasive methods in archaeology and aimed to reconstruct urban neighbourhoods from a long-term perspective. The investigated area runs parallel to the southern extent of Ostia’s cardo maximus, lies directly behind the city blocks, IV, i-iv, and offers an important insight into the previously unknown extent of the city’s urban fabric. An additional targeted study was carried out in the Terme del Faro (IV, ii, 1).

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

2.1 INTRODUCTION Numerous studies at Ostia Antica have revealed the many faces of the once important port city of the Roman Empire.1 Scholarly publications range from the city’s early beginnings as Rome’s gateway to the Mediterranean to its role as an economic powerhouse (Belotti et al. 2011; Vittori et al. 2015). More recent work has brought to light evidence of the dynamically changing environment around Ostia, especially in terms of the silting of the Tiber River (Goiran et al. 2014), which was one factor leading to the city’s loss of significance to the neighbouring city of Portus (Ogden et al. 2009; Keay et al. 2014). Despite the continuity, albeit on a smaller scale, of an urban community into the fifth century, Ostia was slowly abandoned around the sixth – seventh centuries (Gering 2018). 1 Meiggs 1973, Pavolini 1986 and, Descœudres 2001 are classic works on the subject.

The majority of Ostia’s urban area was excavated between 1938 and 1941, when it was set to become the centrepiece of Mussolini’s Esposizione Universale di Roma (EUR). As a result, excavation mostly focused on the buildings along the main and secondary streets to allow visitors to see the mixed commercial and residential nature of this town.2 This included the area along the southern Cardo Maximus, which exited the city to the south, towards the Pianabella plain. Beyond these excavated streets and buildings the remainder of the city’s intramural area was left unexcavated, with the basalt stones of the city’s streets gradually giving way to grass. Today this unexcavated area is largely used for agricultural purposes. These areas have always been a source of curiosity among Ostian researchers; despite almost no change in the ground level between the urban and agricultural areas, there are no ancient structures visible. Thus, the still-buried structures would surely offer a better understanding of the city’s urban layout, chronology and movement patterns. It was with these questions in mind that geophysical prospection was carried out within the unexcavated area about two decades ago (see below). While preliminary reports on parts of these geophysical campaigns were published, a cohesive publication of the data never emerged, leaving many questions unanswered regarding their wider conclusions. This state of affairs fostered a geophysical prospection of part of the unexcavated area in June 2015, with participants from Leiden University and TU Delft collaborating together (Fig. 2.1). This project was also supported by the Soprintendenza of Rome (Sede Ostia) and the staff at Ostia Antica. The results presented below bring a number of new 2 Calza et al.1953, 43 mentions the unexcavated area to the south and east of the city, and proposes that this area was used for urban gardens.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

25

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 2.1 Impressions from the 2015 survey with Hanna Stöger. (Photograph T. Sonnemann)

features to light from the areas behind the known city blocks. They also offer some new directions for understanding part of the urban development of Ostia.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

2.2 THE AREA The buildings along the western side of the Cardo (IV, i-iv) and along the southern edge of the city’s castrum (IV, v) make up five city blocks, each of which has about a dozen buildings in it (Fig. 2.2). As a result of excavation choices in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the currently visible structures range in date from the Republican period (c. first century BC) until the Late Antique period (c. fifth century AD). City blocks IV, ii-iv in particular, were addressed by Hanna Stöger’s research, in which she used Space Syntax to identify different kinds of neighbourhoods here. While a detailed description of each of these city blocks falls beyond the limits of this paper, a general overview will be given in order to contextualise the geophysical study carried out directly behind them (Fig. 2.3). Starting with the insula furthest to the south-east, IV, i contains the sanctuary to the Magna Mater, as well as smaller temples attributed to Attis

and Bellona (Rieger 2004, 93ff). The triangular sacred space was built directly against the city’s Republican city wall, which is preserved only to a fragmentary degree. Beyond what this insula tells us about Ostia’s religious landscape, the salient point of this area is that it preserves the early ground level of the city. Walking down from the Cardo Maximus into the central area and out at its western side gives an excellent example of the transition from urban environment to modern agricultural fields.

Fig. 2.2 Aerial Image of Ostia with large survey area (white) and the area of the Terme del Faro (red)

26

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 BEHIND THE BLOCK

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 2.3 The archaeological plan with numbering of buildings within Insula IV (after Calza et al.1953, end map)

To the north of insula IV, i lie the 14 buildings that make up insula IV, ii. The Via della Caupona is a secondary road that leads off the Cardo Maximus and separates insula IV, ii from its neighbour, insula IV, iii. This insula was the detailed focus of Hanna Stöger’s doctoral thesis (Stöger 2011). In addition to being one of the few to take an insula-scale approach to the Roman urban landscape, her study humanised the archaeological remains of the city by revealing how people moved and interacted in this city block. Its use of Space Syntax helped to bring socio-spatial methods to the attention of the wider archaeological community.3 Her study also inspired a detailed and diachronic study of the insula’s water system 3 Such as the papers presented in Stöger et al. 2016.

(Locicero 2020). The latter study demonstrated that, like the socio-spatial connections evident in the insula’s architectural arrangement, its water supply and drainage systems seemed to connect nearly every structure in the insula. While the chronology of the buildings in this insula range from the first to the fourth centuries AD, it is its second century AD phase which remained virtually unchanged for the remainder of its existence. The Via della Caupona, bordering one side of the insula, continues without any major sloping directly into the fields. However, the ground level within the insula is almost 2.00 m higher than the field behind it. This difference in height, combined with the absence of any visible structures, made the insula’s connection to the unexcavated parts of the city unclear.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

27

DESIGNATING PLACE

Continuing northward on the Cardo Maximus we come to insula IV, iii. This narrow insula is composed of five buildings, most of which are luxurious houses of the late second and early third centuries AD (Pavolini 2014; 2018). These houses are adorned with marble panelling, water features and a mix of black-and-white and polychrome mosaics. Unlike the clearly defined limit of insula IV, ii, the walls of this insula blend gradually into the agricultural area, and it is unclear how much further its buildings continue. Excavations here have left us with some discontinuous stratigraphy, and it is likely that the street level was higher when these houses were constructed.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Insula IV, iv is located where the Cardo Maximus is forced to make an abrupt turn to the west onto the Via della Tempio Rotondo, which directed traffic flow around the narrow entrance into the city’s forum. This corner position allowed it to have a wide diversity of structures, including a bath building, a multi-seater latrine and a small nymphaeum.4 As with the previous insula, its structures slowly sink into the grass on its southwestern side, hinting at its continuation just below the surface. The western side of insula IV, iv is defined by the Via di Iside, which runs roughly north to south, and is covered by grass close to the edge of the insula. Insula IV, v faces the western extension of the Decumanus Maximus and is composed of 18 buildings. Recent work on the Schola del Traiano has greatly reshaped our image of this building; the domus houses of an earlier phase identified below this structure have also improved our understanding of Late Republican and Early Imperial Ostia (Morard 2018; Mainet 2018). The entire southern face of this insula is also poorly defined, but the recent results emerging from other parts of the insula also suggest that structures from different periods are present here.

4 As this insula is treated in greater detail by other contributions to this volume, this summary will necessarily be brief. Hanna Stöger directed a field school in this insula, which resulted in a detailed recording of its structures, as well as several 3D printed models.

2.3 THE GEOPHYSICAL STUDY Historic water management generally (Sonnemann 2015), and particularly in the context of Roman towns (Gaffney et al. 2000; Seren et al. 2004; Verdonck et al. 2015) has already for a long time attracted the use of geophysical research. Regarding Ostia, previous studies by different research groups had conducted earth resistance tomography and magnetic surveys (Heinzelmann 2001; 2002; Heinzelmann et al. 1997; Heinzelmann et al. 2002; Heinzelmann & Martin 2002), so the present research selected ground-penetrating radar (GPR) as the method of exposing potential subsurface features (Sonnemann et al. 2015). Topographic studies and micro-UAS (commonly known as drones) served for photogrammetric surface analysis (Tab. 2.1). The goal of the GPR survey was to analyse the connection of the built-up insulae in the south-west part of Ostia Antica with the adjacent vacant and lower-lying plots to the south. At the time of the survey low-cut and uncut grass covered this area. Under strict time constraints it was decided to survey about one hectare using an S&S towing system with a 250MHz antenna (Tab. 2.2). The grid was set up at an angle to the orientation of the known buildings. Starting approximately 50 metres away from the insula, the survey used 50 cm row spacing over a width of 250 metres, and terminated in front of the remaining structures. The initial results of the surveys were processed as part of two jointly supervised bachelor papers at TU Delft, and was the basis for a master’s dissertation at the University of Leiden. The complete data from the 2015 campaign was reprocessed, visualized and newly interpreted in 2018, and compared to recently available historic Google Earth aerial images. Photos from the UAS flights were used to photogrammetrically create a detailed topographic map and high resolution ortho-photographs of the area (Fig. 2.4). These were processed using Agisoft Photoscan software and were georeferenced by the reference points from a d-GPS survey. In addition, Google Earth aerial photographs from a period in July 2007 were added to the GIS to map growth marks, that could be traced particularly well in the meadow.

28

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 BEHIND THE BLOCK

Fig. 2.4 3D Model of the surveyed area with details from areas IV, iii and IV, ii and area IV, iv, 7 Date of Survey

May 11-15, 2015

Location

Ostia, Italy

Survey team

BA students under supervision of Till Sonnemann

Coordination

WGS 1984, UTM Zone 33N

Terrain

mostly cut lawn (side of the walls) with part of the meadow uncut

Method

ground-penetrating radar (GPR)

Weather

hot and dry

Soil

dry

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Tab. 2.1 Project data System

Pulse EKKO Sensors & Software

Antenna

250MHz

Data collection

pulling configuration with large survey wheel

Units

m/ns (signal velocity) x, y: m, z (depth): cm

Profile distance

0.5m

Measurements

0.05m

Positioning

georeferencing corner points with dGPS; tapes for survey

Raw data

.hd/.dt1-files

Proc. Software

ReflexW (in 2015) GPR Slice (in 2018)

Processing

start time fix, max. phase correction, background removal, applying median filters, as well as gain

File format

.png/.tiff (time slices)

Resolution

0.1 x 0.1 m

Total Coverage

1.1 ha

Tab. 2.2 GPR System Specifications

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

29

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 2.5 The DEM result of the photogrammetric drone survey, with the grids covered by the GPR survey superimposed

The 250MHz antenna received data to a depth of only about 120 cm near the ancient structures. This was possibly caused by a cover of rubble remaining from the once spread out city, or from salt intrusion that the Mediterranean winds diffused into the soil. The signal reached even less depth in the uncut meadow in the southern part. The deep ploughing in this area has significantly affected the topsoil. 2.4 RESULTS AND INTERPRETATIONS The high-resolution topographic data resulting from the photogrammetry survey demonstrate particularly well the difference in height between the low-lying eastern area next to the sanctuary and the area several metres higher in the centre of the image. The latter area may have preserved more levels of stratigraphy,

being higher than the area closer to the buildings in the north (Fig. 2.5). Despite the challenging soil conditions, the visualised GPR grids reveal a number of significant features (Fig. 2.6, Tab. 2.3). Definite continuity of structures is visible adjacent to all insulae, although the nature and chronology of these buildings cannot be determined at present. What is clear is that there is no evidence of monumental structures here, suggesting that the same kind of mixed-usage urban layout continues. In fact, the GPR identified a number of different features within the unexcavated area which may even refer to different stages of development (Fig. 2.7). However, the data do not show fully developed city blocks, but rather new sections of the city. The known street alignment can be continued below the surface, running independently from the current path. There

30

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 BEHIND THE BLOCK

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

is evidence of continuity of both streets entering the areas from the north (Via della Caupona del Pavone) and the west (Via di Iside). The identified extension of the Via di Iside separates the continuation of building remains in the northern part (adjacent to the visible structures) from the additional freestanding structures to the south of the road. The Via di Iside appears to be heading directly towards the city’s Republican-era eastern city wall, which may indicate the presence of a now-lost secondary city gate here. Similar pairs of gates are known at the Porta Romana on the eastern side of the city. Although each of these five insulae have unique chronologies and architectural remains, they all have evidence of water supply and drainage systems that span the Republican to Late Antique periods. These range from groundwater wells to large above-ground cisterns (in IV, ii, and IV, iv), but also include many traces of aqueduct-supplied systems.5 In terms of drainage, there are smaller drains that removed water from individual basins, but there are also larger sewers that collected waste from groups of structures or from entire regions of the city. The high level of groundwater in Ostia necessitated the distribution of these larger sewer lines under nearly every street in the city (Mastrorillo et al. 2016). These sewer channels often have a characteristic “cappuccina” profile, with a rectangular lower section and a triangular upper section, and are often covered by a robust stone barrel vault for added protection (Fig. 2.8). These have yet to be systematically studied, but the presence of travertine manhole covers helps to trace their distribution across the city (Jansen 2002, 165). While this shape of channel is used for sewers, it can be used to protect large lead pipes in some cases. One notable example of this comes from the Decumanus Maximus directly in front of the Terme di Nettuno (II, iv, 2); a modern grate allows visitors to see the large inscribed lead pipe within the same kind of cappuccina channel. Fig. 2.6 The GPR survey data displayed at different depths. The central part of the image displays noisy data due to a broken cable, which was later repaired to continue the study

5 Although more detailed studies are known for individual buildings and insulae, for a broad catalogue of water features in insulae IV, i-v see Ricciardi & Scrinari 1996, Vol. I, 44- 53 (for wells), 124-128 (cisterns), 171-174 (bath cisterns); Vol. II, 132-156 (fountains), 222230 (nymphaea).

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

31

DESIGNATING PLACE

System

DJI Phantom II with GoPro Hero Black (12MP)

Data collection

vertical and angular photos

Configuration

piloted flight

Data processing

Structure from Motion (SfM): Agisoft Photoscan

Georeferencing

cross marks measured by dGPS

Visualization

AgiSoft (3D-models); ArcGIS (orthophoto DEM,)

File format

.tiff

Resolution

orthophoto: 2cm, DEM: 5cm

Total Coverage

4.5 ha

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Tab. 2.3 Photogrammetry System Specification

Fig. 2.7 Archaeological Interpretation from GPR results, extended to the south by features visible in Google Earth Pro image from 27-09-2007

32

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 BEHIND THE BLOCK

Left: Fig. 2.8 Image of cappuccina channel

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Right: Fig. 2.9 View of the possible fountain/small castellum divisorium south of the Terme del Faro, with the Campo della Magna Mater in the background (SBAO 3714)

What is clear about these channels in both cases is that they tend to be very linear features. In their role as sewers in the southern part of the city they drain outwards towards city gates. The low relief of Ostia did not offer the same topographical advantages as did the hills of Rome, and the sewer lines probably radiated outwards from the city in all directions, towards the Tiber River, the sea and the area to the east and south of the city.6 The Via della Caupona del Pavone has such a sewer running underneath it, and it is likely that one also existed under the Via di Iside. Behind insula IV, ii the GPR results identified a roughly rectangular outline of a structure near to which is a thick linear feature that branches into two lines as it continues to the north. This linear feature then splits into two smaller linear features: one leads towards the southern end of the Terme del Faro (IV, ii, 1), while the other one heads to the southern projection of the insula (building IV, ii, 8). The roughly rectangular shape of the structure suggests a tank of some kind, with the linear feature and its 6 This topic is explored in more detail in a forthcoming article by the author (Locicero) as part of the conference proceedings of the Frontinus Gesellschaft’s annual meeting.

branches representing the thick walls and vaulted ceiling of a cappuccina channel that carried a lead water supply pipe. An aqueduct line was installed on top of the city wall in the early second century (c. AD 120), and branched off to supply fountains and cisterns in the south-west part of the city.7 These water features supplied by the supra-mural aqueduct line all lie relatively close to the wall. The destruction of most of the southern stretch of the city wall prevents us from identifying the spot where the water line branched from the wall into the city. It is possible to propose at least one destination for a branching of this line. Recent research on the Terme del Faro investigated an enigmatic structure at its southern end, and suggested that it may have been a courtyard fountain supplying the southern end of the insula (Fig. 2.9), or at least some kind of structure for dividing water (i.e. a castellum divisorium) (Locicero 2020, 133). As this structure is heavily destroyed it is difficult to 7 Bukowiecki et al. 2008, 154 verified that the cistern behind the Foro di Porta Marina (IV, viii, 2) and the fountain (III, vi, 4) south-east of the Case a Giardino was connected to this supra-mural aqueduct line. If this is a water supply line, it is likely that the lead pipe was stolen already in antiquo.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

33

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 2.10 a) Traces of walls known in connection with building IV, iii, v; b) Known walls part of building IV, iv, 7 (Domus su Via della Tempio Rotondo) (after Calza et al. 1953, end map)

ascertain its means of supply and drainage. Yet, the existence of a similar cistern/water distribution point connected to the supra-mural water line, as well as the presence of this water supply line, helps to support this identification.8 The destination of the other branch of this feature is less clear and it may have supplied a fountain in connection to the southern projection of the insula (in building IV, ii, 8). However this requires further investigation.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The remainder of the space behind insula IV, ii appears to be devoid of any features and closely matches the ground level within the Campo della Magna Mater and the area behind insula IV, i. This suggests that the area behind insula IV, ii was some kind of courtyard or open space devoid of other structures. Behind insula IV, iii the rectangular structures may be the continuation of building IV, iii, 5 (Fig. 2.10a). While the function of this building is unknown, the complex arrangement of its walls may indicate that it was a domus like the other buildings in this city block. It lies behind IV, iii, 4 (Domus su Via della Caupona), which was first built in the late third century AD and modified in the fourth century (Heres 1982, 501, fig. 8 The layout of this proposed cistern seems to match the large thickwalled and above-ground cisterns known across the city: one close example is within insula IV, ii (building V), and another is located in insula IV, iv in connection with the Terme Bizantine (IV, iv, 8).

88). This means that the building picked up by the GPR is from at least the third century AD. Its respect for the Via della Caupona means that its trajectory continued further to the south-west, before it was forced to turn left or right onto the continuation of the Via di Iside. The features identified behind insula IV, iv are most clearly present behind its westernmost building, IV, iv, 7, the Domus su Via della Tempio Rotondo (Fig. 2.10b). The GPR results show that this building extends further to the south-east, and certainly contains additional walls from an earlier phase. It also shows that the Via di Iside does not continue to the south, but bends to have a parallel orientation to the Cardo Maximus (roughly NW-SE). This suggests that the Via di Iside, just like the Cardo Maximus, is a road dating to the earliest period of Ostia’s life.9 In connection with insula IV, v, the GPR results demonstrated the presence of two large streets leading perpendicularly off from the Via di Iside to the south-west. The one further to the north may be just a larger courtyard, as it seems to separate the continuation of buildings IV, v, 5-6 from the other 9 Stöger 2011, 203 reviews the history and evolution of the Cardo Maximus.

34

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 BEHIND THE BLOCK

Fig. 2.11 Drone overview of the GPR survey conducted within the Terme del Faro

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

buildings to the south (Fig. 2.7). These buildings seem to have a taberna-like shape, with a series of rectangular rooms opening onto the southern street, although their shape does not necessarily mean these buildings were commercial in nature. The central part of the GPR results presents a tangled series of walls and irregularly shaped features, and broad rectangular features indicate potential floors or cisterns. This agglomeration of walls clearly faces the Via di Iside but seems to be separated from any additional structures to the east and west. Further archaeological research is required to clarify whether the missing evidence over the larger part of the area is due to environmental circumstances or the actual lack of built structures in this area. Crossing one of the larger rectangular features is another clearly defined linear feature. Although it was not detected by the GPR, it is visible in the aerial image. It appears to curve dramatically at the intersection of the Via di Iside and the southernmost of the two secondary streets described above. This feature is probably another example of a cappuccina line; however, in this case it is difficult to identify whether it was a sewer line or contained another lead supply pipe from the supra-mural aqueduct line. As mentioned above, it could have functioned as a sewer line that emptied its contents through the city wall. For maintenance and structural purposes,

both supply and drainage lines at Ostia do not usually cross under (or through) existing buildings, and often run under roadways, but there are also exceptions.10 While the results of our study do not permit us to discuss the chronology of the identified structures at present, the superposition of these features argues for a complex urban stratigraphy here. One would expect no less from Ostia. 2.5 TERME DEL FARO The survey carried out inside the Terme del Faro (IV, ii, 1) and its relation to the bath’s drainage system presented a case study to investigate the possibilities of tracing ancient Roman water systems using a modern engineering method (Fig. 2.11). Although constructed first in the mid-second century, the floor level of the bath building was raised in the third century and many of its drains were completely rebuilt at the same time (Locicero 2020, 129). It was thought appropriate to use GPR for this kind of study, since it is commonly used to map cables and utilities in modern buildings without construction plans. A very positive result would have led us to expand this internal approach 10 A different GPR survey conducted by the author (Sonnemann) at Augusta Raurica, Switzerland, revealed a major sewer line which passed diagonally below a complete city block (Rosemann et al. 2019).

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

35

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 2.12 Three depth slice from the GPR results from the Terme del Faro, with identified water features depicted on the far right

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

systematically to the entire city block. The results however turned out to be rather ambiguous (Fig. 2.12). There is evidence of a number of linear features that may even connect to water features found in the remaining walls. A detailed study of the drainage systems of this building proposed the location of drainage lines based on individual features. While some of these lines were confirmed by the GPR study, others were not (Fig. 2.13). This may mean that the initial hypothesis needs revising, or that the survey should have been done in an eastwest as well as north-south direction. The applied GPR antennas and survey wheel extend to a length of about 1.5 m and did not offer sufficient space to run a survey perpendicular to the conducted profiles. Shorter equipment would be more practical to use for future “indoor” surveys. 2.6 CONCLUSION The results of this interdisciplinary study offer a first clear look at new parts of Ostia’s urban layout. Buildings, streets and water systems all continue underneath the current agricultural fields, expanding our picture of the city just beyond its excavated limits. Many of the identified walls respect the orientation of Late Antique walls and streets, suggesting that these phases remain intact here. Additionally, the identification of supply and

drainage lines helps to extend our knowledge of the chronology and distribution of these systems across the city. Although the results of the GPR case-study within the Terme del Faro were not as clear as expected, they still offer an example of geophysical prospection within an ancient building, which is rarely done. They suggest ways in which this kind of study can be improved in the future, and how geophysical and ancient hydraulic studies can collaborate to a more thorough understanding of Roman urban remains. The impressive results recently produced from geophysical studies at Augusta Raurica (Rosemann et al. 2019) and other Roman urban sites were not achieved in this survey, most likely for environmental reasons. However, for a site that has already been instrumental in producing a wide range of insights into the wider history and material culture of the Roman Empire, this study has added new parts to the previously “blank” parts of Ostia’s map. By looking behind the known city blocks, this study has expanded the city’s street network, as well as identified possible tabernae and water features. Beyond revealing the individual features, it offers new data for a wide range of new studies on the urban development of Ostia.

36

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 BEHIND THE BLOCK

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 2.13 Plan of the Terme del Faro, with drainage features and proposed drainage lines indicated

Acknowledgements The field school in Ostia was organised by Hanna Stöger within the EU-funded ArchaeoLandscapes Europe project (2010-2015, http://www.arcland.eu) and was led by Till Sonnemann. The Leiden-Delft collaboration (led by Dominique Ngan-Tillard) was part of a larger co-operation agreement between the respective universities to share expertise centres and facilities. From this it grew into an initiative to combine the expertise of the two institutions. The collaboration provided students from Leiden, Delft

and Augsburg with an opportunity to get hands-on experience in different field techniques and to collect data for theses on topics ranging from geosciences to civil engineering and architecture. The authors would like to thank Eraldo Brandimarte and Eric Dullaart for providing their expertise. Members of the survey team were Tim Beerens, Thomas Dworschak, Alexander Jansen, Lars Schaarman, Martijn Warnaar and Thierry van’t Westenende. Our thanks go to the Soprintendenza of Rome (Sede Ostia) and the staff at Ostia Antica.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

37

DESIGNATING PLACE

References Bellotti, P., Calderoni, G., Di Rita, F., D’Orefice, M., D’Amico, C., Esu, D., Magri, D., Preite Martinez, M., Tortora, P. & Valeri, P. 2011. The Tiber river delta plain (central Italy): Coastal evolution and implications for the ancient Ostia Roman settlement. The Holocene 21.7, 1105-1116 Bukowiecki, E., Dubouloz, J. & Dessales, H. 2008. Ostie, l’eau dans la ville: châteaux d’eau et réseau d’adduction. Rome: Collection de l’École française de Rome 402 Calza, G., Becatti, G., Gismondi, I., De Angelis D’Ossat, G. & Bloch, H. 1953. Scavi di Ostia I: Topografia Generale. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato Descœudres, J.P. (ed.) 2001. Ostia: port et porte de la Rome antique. Genève: Georg Éditeur Gaffney, C., Gater, J., Linford, P, Gaffney, V. & White, R. 2000. Large-scale systematic fluxgate gradiometry at the Roman City of Wroxeter. Archaeological Prospection 7, 81-99 Gering A. 2018. Ostias vergessene Spätantike. Eine urbanistische Deutung zur Bewältigung von Zerfall, Palilia 31, Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlag

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Goiran, J.-P., Salomon, F., Mazzini, I., Bravard, J.P., Pleuger, E., Vittori, C., Boetto, G., Christiansen, J., Arnaud, P., Pellegrino, A., Pepe, C. & Sadori, L. 2014. Geoarchaeology confirms location of the ancient harbour basin of Ostia (Italy). Journal of Archaeological Science 41, 389-398 Heinzelmann, M. 2001. Ostia, Regio III: Untersuchungen in den unausgegrabenen Bereichen des Stadtgebietes. Vorbericht zur dritten Grabungskampagne 2000. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 108, 313-328 Heinzelmann, M. 2002. Bauboom und urbanistische Defizite - zur städtebaulichen Entwicklung Ostias im 2. Jh. In C. Bruun & A. Gallina Zevi (eds), Ostia e Portus nelle loro relazioni con Roma, 103–122. Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae Heinzelmann, M., Becker, H., Eder, K. & Stephani, M. 1997. Vorbericht zu einer geophysikalischen Prospektions-kampagne in Ostia Antica.

Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 104, 538-548 Heinzelmann, M. & Martin, A. 2002. River port, navalia and harbour temple at Ostia: new results of a DAI-AAR Project. Journal of Roman Archaeology 15, 5-19 Heinzelmann, M., Martin, A., Fenn, N., Bodinek, C. & De Sena, E. 2002. Ostia, Regionen III und IV: Untersuchungen in den unausgegrabungen Bereichen des Stadtgebietes, Vorbericht zur vierten Grabungskampagne 2001. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 109, 225-242 Heres, T.L. 1982. PARIES: A proposal for a dating system of Late-Antique masonry structures in Rome and Ostia, AD 235-600. Amsterdam: Rodopi Jansen, G.C.M., 2002. Water in de Romeinse stad: Pompeji- Herculaneum-Ostia. Leuven: Peeters Keay, S., Millett, M. & Strutt, K. 2014 The canal system and Tiber delta at Portus. Assessing the nature of man-made waterways and their relationship with the natural environment. Water History 6, 11–30 (2014). 10.1007/s12685-0130094-y Locicero, M. 2020. Liquid Footprints: Water, Urbanism, and Sustainability in Roman Ostia, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 46. Leiden: Leiden University Press Mastrorillo, L., Mazza, R., Tuccimei, P., Rosa, C. & Matteucci, R. 2016. Groundwater monitoring in the archaeological site of Ostia Antica (Rome, Italy): first results. Italian Journal of Groundwater (Acque Sotterranee) 5.1, 35-42 Meiggs R. 19732. Roman Ostia. Oxford: Clarendon Press Mainet, G. 2018. Compredre le Caseggiato delle Taberne Finestrate en fonction de la parcelle de la Schola del Traiano. Nouvelle lecture d’un édifice méconnu. In C. De Ruyt, T. Morard & C. Van Haeperen (eds), Ostia Antica: Nouvelles études et recherches sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cite. Actes du colloque international Rome-Ostia Antica, 22-24 septembre 2014. Rome: Institut Historique Belge de Rome Artes VIII, 191-200

38

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

2 BEHIND THE BLOCK

Morard, T. 2018. Eléments de réflexions à propos de l’occupation de la parcelle de la Schola del Traiano (IV, V, 15-16) à Ostia Antica. In C. De Ruyt, T. Morard & C. Van Haeperen (eds), Ostia Antica: Nouvelles études et recherches sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cite. Actes du colloque international Rome-Ostia Antica, 22-24 septembre 2014. Rome: Institut Historique Belge de Rome Artes VIII, 167-190 Ogden, J., Keay, S., Earl, G., Strutt, K. & Kay, S. 2009. Geophysical Prospection at Portus: An Evaluation of an integrated Approach to the interpretation of Subsurface Archaeological Features. In B. Frischer, J. Webb Crawford & D. Koller (eds), Making History Interactive. BAR International Series S2079, 273-284 Pavolini, C. 1986. La Vita Quotidiana a Ostia, Economica Laterza, Bari Pavolini, C. 2014. Rileggendo le domus delle Colonne e dei Pesci. Mélanges de l’École française de Rome - Antiquité [En ligne], 126-1 | 2014, mis en ligne le 23 juin 2014, consulté le 05 octobre 2015. URL : http://mefra.revues.org/1989 Pavolini, C. 2018. Trasformazioni di spazi e cambiamenti di funzioni nella Domus del Ninfeo dalla media età imperiale alla tarda antichità. In C. De Ruyt, T. Morard & C. Van Haeperen (eds), Ostia Antica: Nouvelles études et recherches sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cité. Actes du colloque international Rome-Ostia Antica, 22-24 septembre 2014. Rome: Institut Historique Belge de Rome Artes VIII, 217-227

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Ricciardi, M.A. & Scrinari, V.S.M. 1996. La Civiltà dell’Acqua in Ostia Antica, Vol. I, II. Rome: Fratelli Palombi Editori Rieger, A.K. 2004. Heiligtümer in Ostia. Munich: Verlag Dr. Friedrich Pfeil Rosemann, U., Milo, P., Sonnemann, T., & Sütterlin, H. 2019. Geophysikalische Prospektion 2018 in Augusta Raurica - Neue Erkenntnisse zu Grienmatt, Kastelen, Obermühle, Schönbühl und Südforum. Augusta Raurica 2019 - Jahresberichte aus Augst und Kaiseraugst 40, 193-220

and GPR surveys of the Roman town Flavia Solva. Near Surface Geophysics 2, 63-68. 10.3997/18730604.2004004. Stephani, M., Becker, H., Brand, R. & Fassbinder, J. 2000. Fusion of aerial images and magnetic prospection for archaeology. International Archives of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing. Vol XXXIII, Part B5, 764-771. Amsterdam Sonnemann, T. 2015. Spatial configuration of water management at an early Angkorian capital - Combining GPR and TerraSAR-X data to complement an archaeological map. Archaeological Prospection 22, 2, 105–115. 10.1002/arp.1502 Sonnemann, T., Stöger, H. & Ngan-Tillard, D. 2015. Using Technical Expertise at Ostia Antica. Newsletter of the International Society of Archaeological Prospection 44, 10-12 Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Stöger, J.J. 2014. The spatial signature of an Insula neighbourhood of Roman Ostia. In E. Paliou, U. Lieberwirth & S. Polla (eds). Spatial analysis and social spaces: Interdisciplinary Approaches to the Interpretation of Prehistoric and Historic Built Environments 18. 297-316. Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter Stöger, H., Paliou, E. & Lieberwirth, U. 2016. Computational approaches to ancient urbanism: Documentation, analysis and interpretation. Session S13. CAA 2016 Oslo Verdonck, L., Vermeulen, F., Corsi, C. & Docter, R. 2012. Ground-penetrating radar survey at the Roman town of Mariana (Corsica), complemented with fluxgate gradiometer data and old and recent excavation results. Near Surface Geophysics. 10. 35-45. 10.3997/1873-0604.2011034. Vittori, C., Mazzini, I., Salomon, F., Goiran, J.P., Pannuzi, S., Rosa, C. & Pellegrino, A. 2015. Palaeoenvironmental evolution of the ancient lagoon of Ostia Antica (Tiber delta, Italy). Journal of Archaeological Science 54, 374-384

Seren, S., Eder-Hinterleitner, A., Neubauer, W. & Groh, S. 2004. Combined high resolution magnetics

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

39

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

3 Exploring with GPR the Frigidarium of the Byzantine Baths in Ostia Antica after Excavation, Backfilling and Floor re-tiling Dominique Ngan-Tillard,1,3 Deyan Draganov,1,3 Martijn Warnaar,1 Jianhuan Liu,1 Joeri Brackenhoff,1 Jens van de Berg,1 Ranajit Ghose,1 Auke Veltmeijer1 and Hanna Stöger†2 1

Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, The Netherlands 3 Leiden Delft Erasmus Centre for Global Heritage and Development, The Netherlands 2

A GPR survey was conducted in the frigidarium of the Byzantine baths in 2017 almost 50 years after the area had been excavated, backfilled and re-tiled using a black and white mosaic. GPR signals are interpreted using photographs of the excavation provided by courtesy of Archivio di disegno as well as drawings and texts produced by scholars to retrace the multiple functions that the site had until the Late Antiquity. It is shown that some ancient reticulated wall structures can be recognised in the GPR data, but not all! There are also prominent GPR features which cannot be identified. We conclude that the partial excavation of the site and the backfilling operation have further complicated the structure of the ground below the mosaic of the Byzantine baths.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

3.1 INTRODUCTION Can we image again structures that were excavated and backfilled in Ostia Antica during the last century using a Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) survey? To answer this question, Hanna Stöger proposed that our TU Delft Geoscience & Engineering team carry out a GPR survey in the spring of 2017 in the large frigidarium of the Byzantine baths located in Regio IV, Insula iv. The site had been excavated (and backfilled) three times – in 1940, 1958 and 1970-1971 (Stöger pers. comm. 2017). Photographs of the last excavation (Archivio di Designo) and drawings of the site’s lay-out (Lorenzatti 1998; Poccardi 2006) were available and we could use them to compare with our GPR data. 3.2 THE FRIGIDARIUM TODAY The frigidarium of the Byzantine baths is currently accessible via two entrances: at its north-west corner

from Via del Tempio Rotondo, along a corridor and stairs; and at its north-east corner through an opening between the remains of the Domus di Giove Fulminatore and a large natatio. At its southern end the frigidarium is characterised by two cold baths with apses (Fig. 3.1, labels 1 and 2). The floor of the frigidarium is partly tiled using white and black mosaics (Fig. 3.1, label 3). Vegetation has invaded the walls fringing the frigidarium and colonised the adjacent floor. Grass, mowed shortly before our survey, covers the parts of the floor where the mosaic no longer exists. Four column bases (Fig. 3.1, labels 4, 5, and 6) are visible in the frigidarium. They had been part of a palaestra. The south-east column base (Fig. 3.1, label 5) has drifted from its initial location. Two short parapets, more or less aligned with the southern end of the palaestra, emerge from the ground surface, and are used to separate the frigidarium into two spaces: the southern space, at a slightly lower elevation, and the northern space. This division is relevant, as we explain below. At the time we performed the survey, the east cold bath at the southern end of the frigidarium was mostly free of vegetation and could be inspected (Fig. 3.2, left). The west cold bath was still covered by vegetation and could not be inspected. The inspection of the bath showed, to our surprise, that the inner face of the more recent north-south wall of the bath is covered by an “anachronistic” reticulated brick pattern that we associated with Hadrian’s time (Fig. 3.2, left and middle, label 7). We also saw a rectangular duct opening at the north-west corner of the bath (Fig. 3.2, right). The duct appeared to go in the direction of the west bath.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

41

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 3.1 The frigidarium during the recording of ground penetrating radar (GPR) data using 500-MHz antennae. The data were recorded along a direction perpendicular to the long axis of the frigidarium. 1: east cold bath, 2: west cold bath, 3: mosaic floor, 4-5: bases of palaestra columns. The white arrow indicates the base line of the surveys

Fig. 3.2 View from the east cold bath towards the west cold bath (left). Anachronistic reticulated wall (left and middle, label 7) and water duct at the north-west corner of the bath (right). The water duct is 24 cm wide and 30 cm high. It is located 50 cm below the floor of the frigidarium

42

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

3 EXPLORING WITH GPR THE FRIGIDARIUM OF THE BYZANTINE BATHS IN OSTIA ANTICA

3.3 SITE HISTORY The frigidarium belongs to the Byzantine baths erected c. AD 390-425. Before being used as a cold bathing place, the site fulfilled several functions, partly revealed by the excavations carried out in 1970-1971. While the targets and outputs of the excavations conducted in 1940 and 1958 are unknown, at least to us, the 1970-1971 excavation clearly aimed to investigate levels anterior to the baths (Poccardi 2006); it is documented with black and white photos provided by courtesy of the Archivio di Designo. After completion of the excavation, the site was entirely backfilled and the fifth-century AD mosaic floor re-laid. Unfortunately, we have not come across a sketch of the 1970-1971 findings nor photos taken during the backfilling of the excavation.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

From observations made on the excavation photos and on the remains still standing today, it is clear that the site not only had multiple functions but was also reconstructed several times. Such conclusions can be drawn from observing for example the walls, because walls present construction patterns characteristic of the time they were built, thus helping to retrace the biography of the site and its connections to adjacent constructions (Stöger pers. comm. 2015; 2018). At an early time, the site of the frigidarium formed part of the peristylium of the Domus di Giove Fulminatore (Lorenzatti 1998). The first phase of this house, called in English the House of Jupiter the Thunderer, dates back to the second century BC (Poccardi 2006). Then, the site was “a large rectangular area flanked by long corridors or rows of rooms” with walls covered by characteristic reticulated facing (Poccardi 2006). Lorenzatti (1998) superimposed the lay-out of the reticulated walls onto the drawing of the Byzantine baths (Fig. 3.3). One reticulated wall (Fig. 3.3, label H) was incorporated within the west wall of the east cold bath and continues to the north, as shown by the 1970-1971 photographs (Fig. 3.4, label c). Today, this wall is visible only from inside the east cold bath (Fig. 3.2, label 7). Elsewhere, it has been re-buried and covered by the mosaic floor. Labels on the photographs of the 1970s excavation

(Figs 3.4-3.7, labels h to l) highlight the reticulated walls drawn by Lorenzatti and labelled H to l on figure 3.3. Note that we could not track back wall K on the 1970-1971 photographs. According to Poccardi (2006), the frigidarium was developed in two phases. The first baths were erected in the southern space in the second century AD and were private. They were named “Byzantine” by mistake due to their curved apses which made them appear like later Byzantine constructions (DeLaine 2006). From the end of the third century to the fifth century, the baths developed into public baths by being extended to the north. The expansion of the baths reflected the dynamics of the neighbourhood and the fact that the Ostia political centre and also the main thermal establishment were situated close by. It did cost, though, the Domus di Giove Fulminatore its peristylium! The slight elevation difference in the floor of the frigidarium marks the northern limit of the former baths. The palaestra (Fig. 3.3, label G) was erected in the extension. The alignment of its long walls with the north-south walls of the cold baths should be noted (Fig. 3.3, labels E, F and G). Four of its six column bases still stand on the mosaic floor. The four column bases marking the corners of the palaestra are used as geo-references in our GPR survey (Fig. 3.1, labels 4-6). More recently, archaeologists have re-evaluated the photographs of the 1970-1971 excavation and reckoned that in the third century AD the site could have been occupied by a fullery, i.e., a laundry. With its numerous small-sized chambers and earthenware vessels (Fig. 3.5, labels n and o), the space excavated under the mosaic floor of the Byzantine baths in fact resembles Roman workshops which have been proved to be fulleries (Stöger pers. com. 2017; Flohr 2013). De Ruyt (2001) depicted fullers in action in Ostia. On her drawing, some slaves are soaking, cleaning or rinsing cloths in a very large basin, while others are trampling on cloths for further cleaning in large pressing-bowls; the slaves are supporting themselves by placing their hands on short walls on either side of the pressing-bowls or are pouring liquids into smaller bowls. The large basin and the pressing-bowls are all built into the floor of the fullery.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

43

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 3.3 Drawing of the frigidarium surveyed by TU Delft in April 2017 (from Lorenzatti, 1998). The frigidarium is delineated by green lines. A: entrance with stairs from Via del Tempio Rotondo. B: entrance between the remains of the Domus di Giove Fulminatore (C) and the large natatio (D). E and F: east and west cold baths, respectively. G: palaestra delineated by thin black lines. Only one of the palaestra corner column bases is drawn. H to K: reticulated walls anterior to the frigidarium. Wall H has been incorporated in the construction of the east cold bath. The areas of the fullery and baths surveyed by TU Delft are marked in red dashed lines. The present article focusses on the largest fullery grid

As a conclusion, the subsurface under of the frigidarium is more complex than is shown on the drawing by Lorenzatti (1998). Apart from the ancient walls built in Hadrian’s time and transformed or added to in Antonine’s time, the subsurface certainly

contains subterranean ducts leading to the cold baths or connecting basins of the fullery as well as the remains of many hand-support walls and buried bowls of various sizes.

44

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

3 EXPLORING WITH GPR THE FRIGIDARIUM OF THE BYZANTINE BATHS IN OSTIA ANTICA

3.4 GPR SURVEYS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

3.4.1 GPR METHOD

Fig. 3.4 Assemblage of photographs taken during the 1970-1971 excavation. Letters a to l correspond to features highlighted with the letters A to L in figure 3.3, respectively. The three square column bases on top of wall k might belong to the columns at the corners of the palaestra. Note the presence of many walls and columns that have not been drawn by Lorenzatti and possibly date from the use of the site as a fullery. The function of the large square construction noted m, situated next to the point where several reticulated walls intersect, is unknown to us. Note also the high number of small excavations dug to various depths. Courtesy of Archivio di Designo

One of the aims of a GPR survey is to map contrasts in electromagnetic properties (magnetic permeability, electrical storage capacity and electrical conductivity) present in the subsurface. The electromagnetic properties of subsurface objects are a function of the material type, moisture and fluid salinity if they contain fluids. Thus, a GPR survey can highlight walls buried under the mosaic floor of the Byzantine baths if the wall structure and/or wall materials are sufficiently different from those of the backfilled material. The walls can also be highlighted if they are characterised by trapped humidity different from the humidity of the walls’ surrounding. During a GPR survey a grid of lines is laid down, and data are recorded by pulling the GPR along each line (Fig. 3.1). The spacing between lines should be sufficiently short (a few decimetres apart) to avoid shadow zones (i.e., not imaging) between the lines. A so-called radargram (Fig. 3.6) is produced for each survey line. The radargram is composed of a number of vertical recordings (traces) representing the recording of electromagnetic signals at consecutive points along the GPR line. The recording points along a line should also be closely spaced (a few centimetres apart). At each survey point the GPR

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

45

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 3.5 Artefacts, photographed during the 1970-1971 excavation, next to reticulated wall (label J and j in figure 3.3 and 3.4, respectively). Earthenware bowls (n) and jars (o). Courtesy of Archivio di Designo

transmitter antenna sends a pulse of a high-frequency electromagnetic energy into the subsurface, while the GPR receiver antenna records the signals that reach it as a function of time. Each trace shows the arrival time of a recorded signal, its amplitude (in grey scale) and polarity (white or black colours). Even though the aim is to send a signal only into the subsurface, part of the transmitter energy propagates to the receiver directly through the air. Another part propagates directly to the receiver through the ground. The rest of the emitted energy propagates through the subsurface. When it reaches a contrast in the subsurface electromagnetic properties, part of the energy is scattered in the form of reflection, refraction or diffraction. The part of the energy scattered back to the surface in the direction of the receiver is recorded by it. Along its travel path in the subsurface the emitted pulse also loses energy because of various physical processes. As a result, the investigation depth of the GPR is limited. This is especially the case in conductive materials such as wet clays, soils saturated with salty waters, but also very heterogeneous soils. A GPR radargram (also called GPR section) can be used for interpretation already after quick and

limited signal processing. What one looks for in such radargrams is strong reflectors (Fig. 3.6, orange arrow) and hyperbolas (Fig. 3.6, blue arrow), which could be indicating a subsurface layer and a relatively small object in the subsurface (or an abrupt end of a relatively bigger object), respectively. To convert the timescale of a radargram to depth, one uses the propagation velocity of the electromagnetic waves in the subsurface. Because this velocity is unknown beforehand, it is usually estimated using radargrams themselves. The common method of estimation in archaeogeophysics is hyperbolae fitting (Goodman & Piro 2013). Hyperbolae are assumed to correspond to reflections from a point object and are fitted with theoretically calculated hyperbolic responses of such an object. The best fit obtained gives an estimate of the velocity of the subsurface above the object, while the apex of the hyperbola indicates the location (including depth) of the object. The estimation method is limited in its accuracy because the objects that generate the hyperbolae are not points but have shape and final dimensions. Even more importantly, the subsurface of an archaeological site is often heterogeneous at

46

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

3 EXPLORING WITH GPR THE FRIGIDARIUM OF THE BYZANTINE BATHS IN OSTIA ANTICA

Fig. 3.6 Radargrams recorded during the 250 and 500 MHz surveys perpendicular to the long axis of the frigidarium along lines 7 and 13. See figure 3.7 for the position of the lines. Arrows of different colour highlight most obvious GPR features (hyperbolas or reflectors). Green arrows point to the bump on the mosaic floor, blue arrows to the Hadrian wall that has been partially re-used in the east cold bath, red arrows and brackets to the square construction next to a spot where many walls converge. Orange, yellow and brown arrows mark clear GPR features that have yet to be identified

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

the scale of the survey, and thus the ground velocity varies in all directions. GPR surveys can be conducted using antennae emitting pulses of various frequencies (250 and 500 MHz, for example). The higher the frequency the higher the resolution of the survey, the resolution being a fraction of the wavelength of the emitted signal. A compromise has to be found when selecting the GPR frequency since the higher the frequency the lower the depth of investigation due to the frequency-dependent signal-attenuation processes. Moreover, the higher the frequency the narrower the spatial “sensing” of the antennae and, thus, the closer the survey lines of the GPR grid should be.

To track walls or ducts in the subsurface the radargrams recorded along parallel lines are combined to form a survey grid. Then, the amplitude of all signals recorded along the lines between two times (or depth levels) are represented on the survey grid in a time or depth slide (Fig. 3.7). To interpret walls or ducts one should look for high-amplitude features of an elongated shape. 3.4.2 GPR SURVEY SET-UP We carried out the GPR survey using a PulseEkko Pro GPR instrument. The survey consisted of three grids, each grid constructed of parallel lines with a 0.25 m spacing between the lines. Such a spacing should have allowed us to resolve possible Roman

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

47

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 3.7 Time slice showing the most prominent feature of the 250 MHz GPR survey recorded along line 13 and adjacent lines. The blue squares mark the column bases of the palaestra

walls in the subsurface; the walls are up to 0.6 m thick. The lines were marked on the ground by nylon ropes. We recorded data along the lines in a zigzag mode, meaning that after recording along a line from its beginning to its end we recorded along the neighbouring line from its end to its beginning. The first survey was conducted with 500-MHz antennae along lines sub-parallel to the long axis of the frigidarium. The second and third surveys were performed along lines perpendicular to the long axis of the frigidarium using 250- and 500-MHz (Fig. 3.1) antennae, respectively. The spatial sampling along the lines was set at 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm for the 250- and 500-MHz surveys, respectively; the recording time window was 130 ns and 50 ns for the 250 MHz and 500 MHz surveys, respectively. To ensure sufficient signal-to-noise ratio of the recordings along all lines, the number of stacks at each recording point was set to DynaQ mode and was kept high because we adopted a slow walking pace.

The invasive vegetation crawling down the walls of the frigidarium prevented us from covering the whole area with the GPR survey. The poor reception of satellite signals by the GPS of the GPR compromised the accurate geo-referencing of the survey. Instead, we used as references the bases of the palaestra columns marked as fiducials during the GPR survey. Lesson learned: always make many manual records of distances between notable features inside and outside the survey area; include in the geodetic survey landmarks with known coordinates. 3.5 DATA PROCESSING The data processing was limited to just a few standard steps: Dewow, Time-zero alignment and Automatic Gain Control (Sensors & Software 2009). Next, we estimated the subsurface velocity applying hyperbola fitting (as explained above). Because the subsurface of the survey area is heterogeneous

48

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

3 EXPLORING WITH GPR THE FRIGIDARIUM OF THE BYZANTINE BATHS IN OSTIA ANTICA

with heterogeneities of various shapes and sizes, the hyperbolae do not exhibit ideal shapes, which rendered the estimation of the velocity inaccurate. We estimated velocities between 0.07 m/ns and 0.10 m/ns. We then converted the radargrams from travel time to depth assuming a constant velocity of 0.10 m/ ns for the sake of simplicity – using multiple velocity values estimated with low certainty does not improve the chances of the interpretation. With the chosen velocity, the penetration depth was on average limited to 1.5 and 2.0 m for the 500- and 250-MHz surveys, respectively. We did not migrate the radargrams nor did we correct them for topography effects before producing the time slices. We chose not to combine the two 500-MHz surveys into one series of time slices because the surveys’ extent was different and their orientation was not exactly perpendicular. 3.6 RESULTS AND INTERPRETATIONS We found the data recorded with the 500- and 250-MHz antennae to be consistent (Fig. 3.6). We can observe that the 250-MHz radargrams are less cluttered than the 500-MHz ones, and consequently highlight better interesting signals from the background noise. On the other hand, the higher-resolution 500-MHz radargrams depict in more detail the organisation of the reflections associated with the interesting features detected by the 250-MHz survey. The 500-MHz radargrams also provide information where the ground wave in the 250-MHz data covers useful signals.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The shallowest time slices are found to reflect differences in ground coupling, surface elevations and the dependence of the recorded signal on the frequency (Fig. 3.7). For example, the extent of the mosaic floor appears clearly on the 500-MHz grids but not on the 250-MHz grids. Slight surface-elevation differences produce a jump in colour on the time slices. This is the case at the northern extension of the baths where walls are slightly protruding above the surface. This is also the case where the tiled surface presents a bump (Fig. 3.6). The bump is subparallel to the west wall of the east cold bath but not aligned with it. It is unclear what caused this bump.

The long continuous reticulate walls drawn by Lorenzatti (1998) are the most noticeable on the radargrams. For example, one of these walls should be the culprit causing the hyperbolae present on most radargrams of the 250-MHz antennae (Fig. 3.6 blue arrow) at about 1.75 m from the base line. The most outstanding feature of all three surveys is a large cluster of hyperbolae (Fig. 3.6, red arrow and bracket). The cluster falls in the neighbourhood of the intersection between four reticulate walls (Fig. 3.3, labels H, I, K, and L), and might very well have been generated by the square structure located between the wall intersection and the north-east corner of the palaestra; on photographs taken during the 1970-1971 excavation the structure is capped by a plank (Fig. 3.4, label m ). The exact function of this structure is unknown to us. The cluster appears to be a very clear squared zone of high-energy signals on the time slices of the three surveys and is connected at its base via an elongated feature to a second, smaller square structure. The elongated feature is formed by a flat hyperbola and a long reflector on adjacent radargrams of the 500-MHz survey that we conducted parallel and perpendicular to the long axis of the frigidarium, respectively. What could this be? Possibly the wall K (Fig. 3.3) that intersects with the other walls next to the main square structure? An overview of the main features extracted from the GPR survey in the northern part of our survey areas is under construction. 3.7 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS We were expecting that the Hadrian and Antonine walls would show up without ambiguity in our GPR data. This is not exactly the case even if many elongated features could be spotted on the radargrams. It is also unclear why one structure is so prominent in the radargrams and time slices compared to others. Several factors could explain these ambiguities. First, the site of the frigidarium has fulfilled several functions which required the demolition of old walls, the construction of new walls and the partial re-use of existing walls. When the area was transformed into a fullery, many basins, small chambers and pressing-bowls must have been built, increasing greatly the complexity of the site.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

49

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Second, based on the archive photographs, the site looks like a patchwork of small excavations dug down to various depths and bordering many Roman walls and objects of various shapes and sizes. It is not known with what materials the backfilling under the reconstituted mosaic floor was done. Using brick, stones or other small objects to backfill would blur the radargrams – such small objects give rise to multiple diffraction signals, which will make the picture appear of high noise level and might thus mask the presence of diffractions and reflections from the walls. Zones not excavated during the last century excavations are probably stiffer than backfilled zones. They might have reflected/diffracted the GPR signals just like walls would do during the GPR survey. Lesson learned: both the excavation and backfilling works should be documented very well with images, drawings and, nowadays, 3D digital models. This would simplify future excavations or geophysical investigations. Alternatively, the difficulty in interpreting expected features in the results of the GPR survey highlights the fact that, if possible, it would be better not to excavate buried structures, but to investigate them with multiple non-invasive techniques. Acknowledgements The survey in the frigidarium of the Byzantine baths was conducted in parallel to the 2017 main geophysics survey performed by TU Delft to reveal the functions of the unexcavated part of Ostia at the fringe of Region IV, Insula iv and contributes to Hanna Stöger’s research. The research of the TU Delft team was supported in kind by TU Delft Department of Geosciences and Engineering. Deyan Draganov’s contribution was supported by the Division for Earth and Life Sciences (ALW) with financial aid from the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) with grant  no. VIDI 864.11.009. Martijn Waarnaar’s involvement was supported by a personal scholarship awarded by the Molengraaf fund.

DeLaine, J. 2006. Baths and bathing in Late Antique Ostia. In Carol C. Mattusch, Alice A. Donohue & Amy Brauer (eds), Common ground: Archaeology, Art, Sciences and Humanities, 338-343. Oxford: Oxbow book Flohr, M. 2013. The World of the Fullo. Work, Economy and Society in Roman Italy. Oxford Studies on the Roman Economy. Oxford: Oxford University Press Goodman, D. & Piro, S. 2013. GPR Remote Sensing in Archaeology. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Lorenzatti, S. 1998. La Domus di Giove Fulminatore. Bollettino di Archeologia. 49-50, 79-98 Poccardi, G. 2006. Les édifices de bains de la ville d’Ostie à l’époque impériale (milieu du 1er siècle- début du VIème siècle): études typologiques, techniques et urbaines. I: Synthèse, II: Catalogue. Thèse de Doctorat Université de Paris I PanthéonSorbonne Sensors & Software Inc. 2009. Ekko User’s guides. Mississauga: Sensors & Software Inc.

Personal communications Stöger, H. 2015. Ostia, 2015 Leiden University and TU Delft multi-disciplinary fieldwork. Guided tour through Ostia. May 2015 Stöger, H. 2017. Ostia, Discussion in the shadow of the frigidarium. TU Delft geophysics fieldwork supported by the “Stichting Molengraaff fonds” foundation. May 2017

References De Ruyt, C. 2001. Les foulons, artisans des textiles et blanchisseurs. In J.-P. Descœudres (ed.), Ostia, port et porte de la Rome antique, 186-191, Genève: Georg Éditeur

50

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

4 Ultra-shallow Shear-wave Reflections Locating Nearsurface Buried Structures in the Unexcavated Southern Fringe of the Ancient Ostia, Rome Ranajit Ghose,1 Jianhuan Liu,1 Deyan Draganov,1,3 Dominique Ngan-Tillard,1,3 Martijn Warnaar,1 Joeri Brackenhoff,1 Jens van den Berg1, and Hanna Stöger†2 1

Department of Geoscience and Engineering, Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, The Netherlands 3 Leiden Delft Erasmus Centre for Global Heritage and Development, The Netherlands

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

2

The southern boundary of Region IV of ancient Ostia coincides with the southern limit of the excavated area of the ancient city. The perceived expanse of the city is influenced by the extent of the excavation. It is not known whether the unexcavated part lying south of Region IV also contains structures of antiquity which might have important historical significance. We have carried out high-resolution, shallow seismic reflection surveys along two profiles, using shear (transverse) waves. The goal of these pilot surveys was to see whether any indication of ultra-shallow scatterers, indicating the potential location of shallow-buried structures, can be found in the shearwave data. The results show very distinct backscattered shear-wave arrivals from a mysterious tumulus, whose location along Line A was known. It has been possible to interpret with reasonable confidence the location of several conspicuous, shallow scatterers in the two seismic profiles. Use of shear waves and a high-frequency, electromagnetic shear-wave vibrator was crucial to achieving seismic resolution of nearly 25 cm. The amplitude of the scattered energy is helpful to locate the relatively strong scatterers. Our results suggest that the unexcavated areas located south of Region IV most likely contain buried underground structures. 3-D shear-wave seismic reflections together with new seismic-imaging approaches will be promising to illuminate the unknown shallow subsurface of this important archaeological site in a non-invasive manner. 4.1 INTRODUCTION The archaeological site of Ostia, the important harbour city of ancient Rome, presents impressive, well-preserved architectural remains that shed light on the complexity of the Roman urban life

of antiquity. Ancient Ostia was situated about 25 km west of Rome, at the mouth of the river Tiber. With time, due to deposition of sediments from the river, the shoreline migrated southwards. Although the earliest human activities in the area date back to 1400-1000 BC, there is a legend that Ostia was founded in the late seventh century BC by the fourth king of Rome, Ancus Marcius. However, the oldest archaeological remains so far discovered date back to the fourth century BC. The vast majority of the excavated buildings are from the first to second centuries AD, which represent the period of most active developments in ancient Ostia during the reign of Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. The decline of the city began arguably in the third century AD, followed by episodes of short-term revival, and final abandonment in the ninth century AD. Most of the ruins of Ostia were excavated in the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth centuries. At the end of the 1990s, non-invasive geophysical surveys were conducted by the German Archeological Institute (DAI) and the American Academy in Rome (AAR), led by Michael Heinzelmann and Archer Martin. In the early 2000s, the British School at Rome (BSR) and several UK universities on behalf of DAI and AAR also conducted geophysical surveys in different parts of Ostia. These and later studies, primarily involving electrical resistivity and magnetometry surveys, provided a wealth of information about the unexcavated areas of Ostia, which led to important discoveries. More recently, integrated geophysical surveys were performed in Ostia’s river harbour, located close to the Tiber to the west of the excavated centre of ancient Ostia (Wunderlich et al. 2018a). This study involved electrical resistivity tomography (ERT), groundpenetrating radar (GPR), inversion of surface

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

51

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 4.1 Regions of ancient Ostia (adapted from Consoli 2013). The unexcavated area in the south, where the present study was carried out, is marked

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

(Love) wave dispersion curves using the MASW (multi-channel analysis of surface waves) method, and refraction tomography using compressional (longitudinal) seismic waves. They detected a lowhigh-low-high seismic velocity distribution with depth in this area. The very shallow high-velocity layer sandwiched between low velocities was attributed to a deposit that probably resulted from a past tsunami. Wunderlich et al. (2018b) succeeded in increasing the resolution and reliability of ERT in Ostia’s silted riverbed through constraining the ERT inversion using additional direct push electrical conductivity and vibracore data. In 2017 we performed high-resolution shear-wave (transverse-wave) seismic reflection surveys for the first time in the unexcavated area located south of Region IV (Insula iv) of ancient Ostia (Fig. 4.1). The southern boundary of this region coincides with the southern limit of the excavated area of the ancient city. In the conventional archaeological interpretation of Ostia, which is largely conditioned by the “visible” (excavated) city, the perceived expanse of the city is usually influenced by the extent of the excavation.

As far as Region IV is concerned, its edge has been considered to be the fringe of the built-up area and thus lacking a “visible” neighbourhood on the southern side (Stöger 2011, 68). However, as has been revealed in earlier geophysical surveys, the excavated area of Ostia possibly constitutes only about one third of the city, comprising merely the central areas, while the larger part, including the outlying zones, remains unexcavated (Bauer & Heinzelmann 1999). The goal of the geophysical surveys that we carried out in 2017 was to perform a preliminary search for near-surface seismic scatterers that might indicate the presence of buried structures in this unexcavated field lying outside the southern fringe of the excavated Region IV. Since the expected depth of any buried archaeological structures/objects was very shallow, the focus was to extend the usual limit in order to locate ultra-shallow (less than 2-3 m in depth) structures, thus requiring very close receiver separation, very short seismic wavelength, and the ability to see below the surfacewave trains that typically dominate the near-offset seismic data. In this article we present the first results of the high-resolution shear-wave seismic reflection survey carried out along two profile lines.

52

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

4 ULTRA-SHALLOW SHEAR-WAVE REFLECTIONS LOCATING NEAR-SURFACE BURIED STRUCTURES

We also conducted ERT and GPR surveys at several locations in this site (e.g., Ngan-Tillard et al. 2020). The data quality of the ERT surveys was relatively poor and/or lacking resolution (as in Wunderlich et al. 2018a who explored Ostia’s river harbour area) and the depth of penetration for the GPR surveys in and around this location was limited (see also Locicero & Sonnemann, 2020), possibly due to the presence of topsoil of high electrical conductivity. In antiquity, the sea was the western border of the plain (Pianabella) located to the south of present-day Ostia. The shore migrated gradually to the west (e.g. Bradford 1957). As the sea-shore was closer to our test-site in the past than it is now and also due to flood deposits of the river Tiber over the centuries, the saltiness of the topsoil and the high electrical conductivity at shallow depths in this part can be explained.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

4.2 ULTRA-SHALLOW SHEAR-WAVE REFLECTION SURVEYS IN OSTIA Propagating seismic waves sense the distribution of the mechanical properties of the subsoil given by the elastic moduli and bulk density which, in turn, are functions of different soil-physical properties such as porosity, stiffness, compressibility, fluid saturation, suction, degree of compaction, stress, certain pore-fluid properties, etc. In unsaturated or partially saturated, porous, near-surface soils, the velocity of seismic shear waves is much lower than that of seismic compressional waves. As a result, for comparable frequencies one can achieve much shorter wavelength and hence much higher resolution using shear waves than using compressional waves. Secondly, shear waves are directly sensitive to the rigidity of the soil or the underground buried objects, which is an important consideration in the search for a buried archaeological target. Third, shear waves sense the subtle changes in soil types (e.g. Ghose & Goudswaard 2004). These are the primary reasons why we chose to use seismic shear waves in our work. Substantial research in the past resulted in the development of high-frequency electromagnetic vibratory sources for high-resolution near-surface imaging (Ghose et al. 1996; 1998). In order to generate relatively high frequencies, in Ostia we used as source the electromagnetic shear-wave vibrator (Ghose et al. 1996; Ghose 2012).

In 2017 we acquired high-resolution shear-wave reflection data along two lines located in/adjacent to an unexcavated field lying outside the southern limit of the excavated Region IV of the archaeological site of ancient Ostia (Fig. 4.1). Figure 4.2(a) shows the location of the site in an aerial map. In the north, west and north-east of this site the archaeological excavations are visible. The orientations of Line A and Line B are illustrated in Figure 4.2(b). Line A is about 35 m long. Although presently covered with soil, part of this line was excavated in the past, and the distribution of ancient walls and the location of a tumulus just outside the southern limit of Region IV are known from archive photographs. The function of such a tumulus in ancient times remains under discussion. Seismic refraction and tomography mostly using P waves were employed in some past studies to locate buried tombs (e.g., Tsokas et al., 1995; Polymenakos et al., 2004). The goal of our survey along Line A was to check whether a tumulus - located at a very shallow depth (less than 1 m) - could be traced in seismic reflection and scattering data. Line B, about 54 m long, crossed Line A, and then extended to the unexcavated field to the south-west. Line B crossed an earthen road. Based on excavations performed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it is believed that ancient north-west south-east trending streets possibly existed under the unexcavated fields (Bakker 1999). The earthen road crossed by Line B might mark the trail of an important Roman street. The exact course of the street and its intersections with other streets cannot yet be securely established (Stöger 2011). The field was mostly vegetation- or grass-covered, except near the earthen road where it was dry, compact soil mixed with stone chips. The minimum distance of our seismic lines from the nearest visible, ancient man-made constructions/walls was over 6 m (except for the wall at the end of Line A). This distance was even greater for Line B. This was carefully chosen in order to minimise the interference of side reflections from these structures with reflections from the shallow underground targets (max 3-4 m depth). Any reflection from the wall at the end of Line A showed up as a negative velocity event and could, therefore, be filtered out easily.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

53

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 4.2 (a) Google map showing an aerial view of ancient Ostia and the River Tiber. The red rectangular area represents the test site for the present study. SR296, the motorway to Fiumicino airport via Ostia, is situated in the south and the east of the test site. (b) The orientation of seismic Lines A and B with respect to the earthen road along Via Gherardo (see Google map). The known location of a tumulus on Line A is marked

Single-component (horizontal crossline orientation) geophones with 10 Hz natural frequency were planted at 25 cm interval (Fig. 4.3). The total number of active geophones per shot was 120. The seismic source (electromagnetic shear-wave vibrator oriented in the crossline direction) was moved by 1 m each time. We used a roll-along mode for data acquisition. When the source moved by 24 receiver stations, the first cable (of 24 channels) was moved to the end, and the data acquisition continued. At the beginning of shooting every line, the acquisition geometry was inline endon, but later on it changed to split-spread. At the end

of shooting a line, the geophones were kept fixed; only the source moved. The data were sampled at 1 kHz Nyquist frequency. We fed a non-linear sweep to the electromagnetic vibrator to acquire very highfrequency shear-wave data. Multiple accelerometers placed on the vibrator (on baseplate and reactionmass) were used to calculate the groundforce signal for each source separately, which was then used to compress the raw vibrograms (Ghose 2002). Along and adjacent to our seismic Line A, ancient structures and the tumulus can be marked in an

54

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

4 ULTRA-SHALLOW SHEAR-WAVE REFLECTIONS LOCATING NEAR-SURFACE BURIED STRUCTURES

Fig. 4.3 The ground surface and vegetation condition along Lines A and B. Crossline-oriented, horizontal geophones planted at 25 cm interval and the electromagnetic shear-wave vibrator source are visible

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

archive photograph (Fig. 4.4). All these structures are now covered by 0.5-2 m thick soil. Near the tumulus the elevation of the ground reaches its minimum. Figure 4.5 shows representative common-source (shot) gathers for seismic lines A and B (field-file ID or FFID 18, 13 and 63 for Line A and FFID 9, 77, 87 for Line B). These gathers are compressed, raw shot gathers - after only trace editing (dead trace elimination and correction for reverse traces). The lateral distance (in m) of the common midpoint (CMP) is marked in the horizontal axis. The elevation with respect to the mean sea level is plotted above each shot gather. The predominant frequency for the observed shear-wave reflections/ scattering in these shot gathers is 80-100 Hz (time period 10.0-12.5 ms). The surface condition along Line A changes quite rapidly; this can be seen in the sharp changes in the lateral appearance and continuity of the surface waves in the shot gathers in Figure 4.5(a). The data are somewhat noisy due to the wind-driven movement of nearby vegetation and suboptimal geophone coupling due to the hard condition of the topsoil. Nevertheless, hyperbolic reflection events from geological layer boundaries (yellow arrows) and localised diffractions, probably

Fig. 4.4 An archive photograph showing the tumulus and the surrounding ancient structures, all of which (except the walls and the column in the upper part of the photograph) are now buried under soil cover. The orientation of the seismic Line A is indicated

from shallow heterogeneities/objects (short vertical red arrows), are identifiable in the raw shot gathers. Interestingly, we notice in Figure 4.5(a) close to CMP_X=24 m that there is an occurrence of strong back-scattered energy. This CMP_X location corresponds to the known location of the mysterious

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

55

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 4.5 120-channel, common-source (shot) gathers, representing (a) Line A and (b) Line B. Above each shot gather, the red line indicates the elevation at the receiver location. The horizontal axis is the lateral distance/location in CMP_X (m). The vertical axis is two-way time (ms). The thick blue arrow in the top margin of each shot gather indicates the source location. The yellow arrows mark some reflection events corresponding to geological layer boundaries. The small vertical red arrows indicate some shallow scatterers. The red dashed line shows back-scattered energy from approximately CMP_X = 25 m, which matches well with the known location of the tumulus

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

tumulus of Roman time. From the frequency content and strength, this back-scattered event appears to be primarily a surface wave. The red-dashed lines in Figure 4.5(a) indicate that this location corresponds to the point of least elevation along seismic Line A. The data are relatively less noisy in the case of Line B. Compared to Line A, in Line B - which passes mostly through the unexcavated part of the field the surface condition is relatively homogeneous, except in the beginning and where the line crosses the earthen road. We indeed notice in Figure 4.5(b) more continuous alignment of surface waves and other events in FFID 77 and 87 and somewhat less continuity in FFID 9.

4.3 DATA PROCESSING AND INTERPRETATION In the search for ultra-shallow, shear-wave scatterers of potential archaeological significance it is important that the processing of seismic reflections be kept at a bare minimum - not to lose the subtle signature of a very shallow, buried target. We performed trace editing (trace kill and trace reverse), elevation static and geometrical-spreading corrections (using 180 m/s velocity) and band-pass (10-110 Hz) filtering. This was followed by CMP sorting, velocity analysis, NMO correction and CMP stacking. Post-stack data were subjected to predictive deconvolution, spectral shaping and automatic gain correction (AGC). Because the goal was to locate the ultra-shallow

56

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

4 ULTRA-SHALLOW SHEAR-WAVE REFLECTIONS LOCATING NEAR-SURFACE BURIED STRUCTURES

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 4.6 Stacked section for Line A (the points A1 and A2 are shown in Figure 4.2(b)). (a) A constant stacking velocity that stacks primarily the surface waves was used. Note that the trend of the surface wave alignment matches with that of the elevation plotted with a solid red line in the top. (b) Stacked section using a 1-D stacking velocity field which minimises the stacked surface-wave energy. Note that still some surface wave remains in (b). However, some body-wave scatterers have become more visible in (b). The small red arrows in both figures mark localised diffraction patterns (scatterers), some of which might correspond to the location of shallow underground objects. The yellow arrows indicate shear-wave reflections from geological layer boundaries

scatterers, it was not an option to remove the surface waves through muting. The frequency-wavenumber (f-k) filtering did not work, as the velocity of the surface waves and that of the shallow reflections or the scattered events were too close to each other. To be able to identify body-wave scatterers present below the stacked surface waves, at first a stacking velocity of 135 m/s was found to maximise the surface waves in the stacked section corresponding to Line A, as shown in Figure 4.6(a). Here, the alignment of surface waves is marked by the red-dashed line. In the upper part of Figure 4.6, the elevation (red line) and the CMP stack fold (blue line) are plotted as functions of lateral distance (CMP_X). Note that

the alignment of surface waves in the stacked section follows the surface elevation, which is explicable. In the next step, velocity analysis was carried out and a depth-varying (1-D) velocity field was estimated that minimised the surface-wave energy in the stacked data, shown in Figure 4.6(b). Some surfacewave energy still remained in the data. Nevertheless, through comparison of Figure 4.6(b) with Figure 4.6(a), it is possible to interpret with reasonable confidence several shallow scatterers, as marked by red arrows in Figure 4.6(b) and one also in Figure 4.6(a) located around 24 m CMP_X. The body-wave scatterers do not co-locate and match in spatial trend with the predominant surface waves. The scatterer marked around 24 m CMP_X is very likely to be

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

57

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 4.7 Amplitude of seismic events in the stacked section in Figure 4.6(b), without AGC and spectral shaping

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

caused by the shallow, buried tumulus. Several other plausible scatterers are marked in Figure 4.6(b). The yellow arrows in Figure 4.6(b) indicate geological layer interfaces. The stacking velocity field that produced Figure 4.6(b) had a lower stacking velocity (V_stack=125 m/s) between 50 and 200 ms two-way time than at earlier times (V_stack=250 m/s) and at later times (V_stack=350 m/s). The presence of such seismic velocity reversal was earlier reported by Wunderlich et al. (2018a) in the harbour area of Ostia, situated to the west of the present location. Next, we looked at the intensity of scattering. The magnitude of the scattered energy depends on the impedance contrast at the point of scattering. From a denser and stiffer object the intensity of the backscattered energy would be higher than that from a softer object. In Figure 4.7, a true-amplitude stacked section (i.e., one without application of spectral shaping and AGC) corresponding to Figure 4.6(b) shows the scattered-intensity distribution. Note that the scattered intensity is high near the location of the tumulus and slightly left of this location. The tumulus is made of hard material/stone, which backscatters more seismic energy than the surrounding area. Figure 4.4 shows in archive photograph this seismic line with respect to the location of the tumulus. We can spot the presence of prominent building structures to the left of the tumulus. This evidence serves as ground truth for the interpretation of the seismic events.

Figure 4.8(a) shows the stacked section for Line B, where the surface-wave energy is predominantly accentuated. A constant stacking velocity of 200 m/s was used. The topsoil here was more compact than along Line A, which might explain the higher stacking velocity than for the section in Figure 4.6(a). The alignment of surface waves is indicated by the red-dashed line in Figure 4.8(a). It is evident that this alignment follows the elevation at this site, as illustrated in the upper plot. The indication of some very shallow scatterers is present, but not very clear in Figure 4.8(a). Next, an average 1-D velocity field was estimated that minimises the surface-wave energy in the stacked section. The resulting stacked section is shown in Figure 4.8(b). The yellow arrows in Figure 4.8(b) mark reflections from geological layer boundaries. From a comparison of Figure 4.8(b) with Figure 4.8(a), the presence of several localised diffraction patterns is clear; these are indicated by the red arrows in Figure 4.8(b). The depth-varying velocity field (two-way time: velocity function) that was used to produce the stacked section in Figure 4.8(b) is as follows: 0 ms: 200 m/s; 50 ms: 150 m/s; 200 ms: 250 m/s. In addition to the very shallow diffractors, in Figure 4.8(b) some relatively deeper heterogeneities also generating diffracted waves are visible. Because the shallow diffractors are considerably localised and small (for the seismic wavelength used), it is not advisable to migrate the seismic data, as that will focus the diffracted energy into a restricted region and make identification of these diffractors difficult.

58

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

4 ULTRA-SHALLOW SHEAR-WAVE REFLECTIONS LOCATING NEAR-SURFACE BURIED STRUCTURES

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 4.8 Stacked section for Line B (the points B1 and B2 are shown in Figure 4.2(b)). (a) A constant stacking velocity was used to stack primarily the surface waves. The trend of the aligned surface waves matches remarkably with that of the elevation plotted in the top. (b) Stacked section using a 1-D stacking velocity field which minimises the stacked surface-wave energy. Several body-wave scatterers have become much clearer in (b). The small red and yellow arrows mark the same as in Fig. 4.6

Fig. 4.9 Amplitude of seismic events in the stacked section in Figure 4.8(b), without AGC and spectral shaping. The red arrows mark some prominent scatterers

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

59

DESIGNATING PLACE

4.4 DISCUSSION In Figures 4.6-4.10, the approximate depths derived from the stacking velocity field are indicated on the right hand side. For the detected ultra-shallow scatterers, the seismic wavelength that we note in the data is about 1 m, which implies a resolution of roughly 25 cm. Such a high resolution could be achieved through use of shear waves in combination with the high-frequency electromagnetic vibrator generating non-linear sweep signals. Because it is a relatively small and non-invasive source, it is suitable for use in an archaeological site like Ostia. Such a high resolution might be challenging in conventional surveys using MASW or ERT surveys.

Fig. 4.10 The match between the two stacked seismic sections (Figures 4.6(b) and 4.8(b)) at their intersection point. The CMP stack fold and the signal-to-noise ratio are different between the two datasets. Note that the main reflection events coincide in time between the two lines

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Figure 4.9 shows the true-amplitude stacked section corresponding to Figure 4.8(b). The intensity of scattering is very high for the scatterer located at CMP_X around 32 m, marked by the red arrow in Figure 4.9. This might be the location of a buried object of a significantly higher density than its surroundings. Another strong scatterer is located at around 42.5 m, also marked in Figure 4.9. In Figure 4.10, parts of the seismic sections at the intersection of two lines, Line A and Line B, are plotted next to each other. Data along these two profiles were acquired independently, the receivercoupling conditions and the noise levels were different, and the processing was done independently for the two sections. We note that the main reflection events in the two sections appear generally at the same two-way time.

Our results illustrate that the use of high-frequency shear waves is quite promising for localising the back-scattered energy from shallow archaeological objects. In this pilot study the goal was to investigate this possibility. In this regard, our investigation has achieved its goal and has provided valuable insights into specific aspects where care should be taken. In a more complete archaeological investigation it will be crucial to do not 2-D but 3-D high-resolution, shear-wave seismic reflection surveys in order to localise the scatterers more accurately in space. Removal or suppression of surface waves is crucial to the illumination of shallow, body-wave scatterers. Recently, a datadriven approach combining seismic interferometry with adaptive subtraction of surface waves has been developed and tested successfully on field data (Konstantaki et al. 2015; Liu et al. 2018; 2019). It will be useful to develop this approach further to reliably image the very shallow scatterers like the ones that we detected in Ostia in this study. Also reverse-time migration and full-waveform inversion could be powerful tools for localising such shallow scatterers. Our results indicate that, for archaeological site investigation, shear-wave seismic reflections can provide a high-resolution complementary method to more conventional ERT, GPR and magnetometry surveys.

60

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

4 ULTRA-SHALLOW SHEAR-WAVE REFLECTIONS LOCATING NEAR-SURFACE BURIED STRUCTURES

4.5 CONCLUSIONS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

We have presented the first results of a highresolution shear-wave seismic reflection survey carried out along two profiles – Line A and Line B - in the unexcavated area south of Region IV (Insula iv) of ancient Ostia. One important goal was to check whether the relatively low-lying southern fields present any indication of the presence of shallowburied (at a depth of less than 2-3 m) objects, which will have important implications on the extent of the urban development and social activities in the ancient Roman harbour city of Ostia. Our results illustrate that the use of high-frequency shear waves is quite promising for localising the back-scattered energy from shallow-buried archaeological objects. We have found very distinct scattered shear-wave energy from a mysterious tumulus whose location along Line A was known. It was possible to interpret with reasonable confidence the location of several conspicuous, shallow scatterers in both Line A and Line B. The use of shear waves and a highfrequency, electromagnetic shear-wave vibrator was crucial in order to achieve a seismic wavelength of about 1 m and hence a resolution of about 25 cm. The suppression of surface waves is crucial to the illumination of the shallow scatterers/objects. Also, the intensity of the back-scattered energy can be informative about the hardness or density of a buried scatterer. In the future, to localise and image the shallow archaeological objects more reliably the use of 3-D shear-wave seismic reflection, in combination with new data processing and analysis approaches like seismic interferometry, fullwaveform inversion, and reverse-time migration, appears very promising. Acknowledgements We acknowledge the permission granted by Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica to do the field work.

Bradford, J. 1957. Ancient Landscapes: Studies in Field Archaeology. London: G. Bell and Sons Consoli, R., 2013. Ostia. Ancient History Encyclopedia. Retrieved from https://www. ancient.eu/Ostia/ Ghose, R. 2002. High-frequency shear wave reflections from shallow subsoil layers using a vibrator source: Sweep cross-correlation versus deconvolution with groundforce derivative. Extended Abstract, SEG Annual Conference, 4081411 Ghose, R. 2012. A microelectromechanical system digital 3C array seismic cone penetrometer, Geophysics 77(3), P. WA99-WA107 Ghose, R., Brouwer, J. & Nijhof, V. 1996. A portable S-wave vibrator for high-resolution imaging of the shallow subsurface. Extended Abstract, 58th EAGE Conference and Exhibition Ghose, R, Nijhof, V., Brouwer, J., Matsubara, Y., Kaida, Y. & Takahashi, T. 1998. Shallow to very shallow high resolution seismic imaging using a portable vibrator system. Geophysics 63, 12951298 Ghose, R. & Goudswaard, J. 2004. Integrating S-wave seismic-reflec­tion data and cone penetration test data using a multiangle multiscale approach. Geophysics 69(2), 440–459 Konstantaki, L.A., Draganov, D., Ghose, R. & Heimovaara, T. 2015. Seismic interferometry as a tool for improved imaging of the heterogeneities in the body of a landfill. Journal of Applied Geophysics 122, 28-39 Liu, J., Draganov, D. & Ghose, R. 2018. Seismic interferometry facilitating the imaging of shallow shear-wave reflections hidden beneath surface waves. Near Surface Geophysics 16(3), 372- 382

References Bakker, J.T. 1999. A topographical dictionary of Ostia. https://www.ostia-antica.org/dict.htm

Liu, J., Bourgeois, Q., Ghose, R. & Draganov, D. 2019. Detection of near-surface heterogeneities at archaeological sites using seismic diffractions. First Break 37, 107-111

Bauer, F.A. & Heinzelmann, M. 1999. The Constantinian Bishop‘s Church at Ostia: preliminary report on the 1998 season. Journal of Roman Archaeology 12, 342-353

Locicero, M.A. & Sonnemann, T. 2020. Behind the Block: results from a geophysical study of the unexcavated area in the southwest of Ostia. In H. Kamermans & L.B van der Meer (eds),

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

61

DESIGNATING PLACE

Designating Place. Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 50. Leiden: Leiden University Press Ngan-Tillard, D., Draganov, D., Warnaar, M., Liu, J., Brackenhoff, J., Berg, J. van den, Veltmeijer, A. & Stöger, H. 2020. Exploring with GPR the frigidarium of the Byzantine baths in Ostia Antica after excavation, backfilling and floor retiling. In H. Kamermans & L.B. van der Meer (eds), Designating place: archaeological perspectives on built environments in Ostia and Pompeii. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 50. Leiden: Leiden University Press Polymenakos, L., Papamarinopoulos, S., Liossis, A. & Koukouli-Chryssanthaki, C. 2004. Investigation of a monumental Macedonian tumulus by threedimensional seismic tomography. Archaeological Prospection 11(3), 145-158 Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Tsokas, G.N., Papazachos, C.B., Vafidis, A., Loukoyiannakis, M.Z., Vargemezis, G. & Tzimeas, K. 1995. The detection of monumental tombs buried in tumuli by seismic refraction, Geophysics 60(6), 1735-1742

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Wunderlich, T., Wilken, D., Erkul, E., Rabbel, W., Vött, A., Fischer, P., Hadler, H. & Heinzelmann, M. 2018a. The river harbor of Ostia Antica – stratigraphy, extent and harbor infrastructure from combined geophysical measurements and drillings. Quaternary International 473, 55-65 Wunderlich, T., Fischer, P., Wilken, D., Hadler, H., Erkul, E., Mecking, R., Gunther, T., Heinzelmann, M., Vött, A. & Rabbel, W. 2018b. Constraining electrical resistivity tomography by direct push electric conductivity logs and vibracores: An exemplary study of the Fiume Morto silted riverbed (Ostia Antica, western Italy), Geophysics 83(3), B87-B103

62

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

PART 2 Spatial Analysis

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

5 Embellishing the Streets of Ostia Janet DeLaine and Yoshiki Hori

5.1 INTRODUCTION

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Since the millennium, the study of Roman urban layouts has taken on a new dynamic, focussing on streets as places of activity, social interaction and movement rather than just as a static aspect of the urban framework.1 A major contribution to this area of research has been made by the Space Syntax analysis which was Hanna Stöger’s greatest contribution to the study of imperial Ostia.2 As Newsome has observed, however, Space Syntax analysis on its own can provide only a hypothetical interpretation of the relative importance of the individual elements in an urban street network, the main value of which is in supporting other independent data on the ground (Newsome 2011, 5). In the cases of both Ostia and Pompeii this has been investigated predominantly in relation to the distribution of shops/workshops (tabernae).3 There are, however, other elements of the built streetscapes that can be used in conjunction with Space Syntax analysis to further our understanding of how the urban street network functioned, of how visual hierarchies were constructed, and how these were manipulated by the choices and priorities of those responsible for the façades of the buildings which lined the streets.4 This paper therefore explores three different ways in which the street façades of imperial Ostia were elaborated, based on the information visible 1 See, for example, Hartnett 2017, Poehler 2017a, 2017b, and the collected papers in Mertens 2008 and Laurence & Newsome 2011. 2 e.g. for Pompeii see Nes 2011; Stöger 2011. 3 Most recently Nes 2011 for Pompeii, and Schoevaert 2018 for Ostia, both with previous bibliography, and see Flohr 2108 and this volume. 4 For the façades of domestic buildings in Pompeii and Herculaneum see Helg 2009, 2012.

in the excavated area of the city, in relation to the street hierarchy which emerged from Hanna Stöger’s Space Syntax analysis. It takes as one of its starting points her first formal publication on Ostia, a study of the monumental entrances, which she argued was one of the major ways in which owners could call attention to their buildings (Stöger 2007). In addition she drew attention to two more forms of elaboration which she argued needed further attention: porticoes, which she saw as being on the whole mutually exclusive with these articulated doorways; and decorative plaques and other elements. These have since been treated individually in more or less detail (DeLaine 2005, Schoevaert 2018, 209-219; DeLaine 2018b), but not together as a way of understanding the visual language of Ostia’s streets and how this related to social interaction. All three to various extents and in different ways reflect economic choices, in order to add visual and/or functional impact to the associated buildings beyond what was strictly necessary for the function of the building per se. Unlike Stöger’s original study of the entrances, this paper concentrates on the mid-imperial period, including any examples which were still visible from the late Republic or early empire, but excluding examples of the late third century AD onwards (Table 5.1). This removes from consideration the monumental entrances to many of the late antique domus with their porches of marble columns projecting into the street space, as well as late urban embellishments such as the Foro della Statua Eroica,5 and brings into focus elements which would have been on the whole more evident in antiquity than they are today. Because the focus 5 For the late antique transformations of the city see Gering 2004, 2014.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

65

Caseggiato del Larario Caseggiato del Larario c.d. Curia unnamed Tempio Collegiale Domus del Tempio Rotondo unnamed basilica basilica unnamed

66

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

I.xi.4 I.xi.5 I.xi.5 I.xii.7

I.viii.1 I.viii.1 I.viii.2 I.viii.3 I.viii.3 I.viii.5 I.viii.9 I.viii.10 I.ix.1

I.vii.1

I.iv.3 I.iv.4 I.v.2 I.v.2 I.vi.1 I.vi.1 I.vii.1

I.ix.3 I.ix.3 I.ix.4 I.x.2 I.x.4 I.xi.2

address

Capitolium portico W Capitolium portico E unnamed unnamed c.d.Basilica unnamed Caseggiato dei Molini Caseggiato dei Molini ?covered street unnamed Insula di Giove e Ganimede Insula di Bacco Fanciullo Insula dei Dipinti Portico di Pio IX Portico di Pio IX Portico di Pio IX Portico di Pio IX Caseggiato dei Misuratori del Grano Caseggiato dei Misuratori del Grano Piccolo Mercato Piccolo Mercato Horrea Horrea Epagathiana tabernae unnamed unnamed unnamed Casa Basilicale

name

I.Forum I.Forum I.i.4 I.ii.2 I.ii.3 I.ii.7 I.iii.1 I.iii.1 I.iii.1 I.iv.1 I.iv.2

function

commercial public public commercial

commercial commercial ?public/collegium commercial religious/collegium domus

commercial commercial commercial commercial commercial commercial commercial ?commercial commercial/residential

commercial

residential residential commercial loggia commercial loggia commercial

commercial residential

public public commercial ?commercial unclear ?staircase commercial commercial

location

forum forum decumanus Semita dei Ci

i

via dei Misuratori del Grano, entrance via dei Misuratori del Grano via delle Casette repubblicani via dei Misuratori del Grano via Epagathiana via Epagathiana via Epagathiana via delle Casette repubblicani via delle Casette repubblicani via delle Casette repubblicani, façade decumanus maximus via del Larario decumanus maximus via del Pomerio via del Pomerio via del Tempio Rotondo

via dei Dipinti via dei Dipinti cardo maximus via del Capitolium cardo maximus via del Capitolium Via della Fortuna, portico

flanking Capitolium flanking Capitolium via dei Molini decumanus maximus decumanus maximus via di Diana via dei Molini, façade via di Diana, façade via dei Molini, later pier via dei Balconi, façade via dei Dipinti

Y Y Y Y

N N Y Y N N

Y N N N N Y Y N N

N

N N Y N Y N Y

Y Y Y Y Y N N N N N N

tabernae ●? ● ●

●

●

●

●

● ●

●

●

stairs

●

●

● ●?

passageway ●

●

entrance

● ● ●

●

●

●

3.5 3 1.5 2.75

4.5 2.5

2.3 3

23 38.25 5 33

29.5 50?+

47 10.5

46.5

31+

2

6.2

105+

102+

56.5 57 34 22.5 12

length

3

3

4.5 5 3 3 3

width

proportion width: length

1:6.5 1:13 1:3.5 1:12

1:6.5 1:20?+

1:20.5 1:3.5

1:7.5

1:15.5+

1:35+

1:34+

1:12.5 1:11.5 1:11 1:7.5 1:4

Monumental entrances

1

1 1

1 1 1

1

1 1 1 1 4

1

1

1

2 1

1

1 1

number

Porticoes

●

●

● ●

columns

Building

● ●

● ●

●

●

● ●

●

●

●

●

●

● ●

pilasters

Below & next 3 pages Table 5.1 Summary of evidence investigated Plaques

2

1

1

?5 1 1 1

number

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

II.i.7 II.iii-iv.1 II.iii.3 II.iv.2 II.iv.2 II.iv.2 II.iv.2 II.v.1 II.v.1 II.v.1 II.viii.1 II.ix.5

II.i.2 II.i.2 II.i.2 II.i.6

II.i.1

I.xvii.2 I.xix.4 I.xx.1 I by harbour II outside walls II.i.1

I.xiv.7 I.xiv.8 I.xiv.9 I.xvi.2

I.xiv.2

I.xi.4 I.xi.5 I.xi.5 I.xii.7 I.xii.9 I.xii.10 + 6 I.xii.11 I.xiii.4 I.xiii.5 I.xiv.2

I.ix.3 I.ix.3 I.ix.4 I.x.2 I.x.4 I.xi.2

commercial commercial residential baths Baths/palaestra baths Baths/palaestra barracks barracks barracks commercial commercial

commercial commercial commercial commercial

?commercial

unnamed street decumanus maximus, façade via dei Vigili decumanus maximus decumanus maximus via dei Vigili via della Palestra via della Palestra via dei Vigili via della Fullonica decumanus maximus via dei Molini

decumanus maximus via dei Magazzini repubblicani unnamed street decumanus maximus, portico

decumanus maximus

via dei Magazzini repubblicani

?commercial

Caseggiato del Cane Monnus Caseggiato del Cane Monnus Magazzini Repubblicani Magazzini Repubblicani Magazzini Repubblicani Portico del Tetto Spiovente Magazzini Antoniniani Portico di Nettuno unnamed Terme di Nettuno Terme di Nettuno Terme di Nettuno Terme di Nettuno Caserma dei Vigili Caserma dei Vigili Caserma dei Vigili unnamed unnamed

via di Roma

unknown

unnamed

via Epagathiana via Epagathiana via Epagathiana via delle Terme del Mitra, later pier via delle Terme del Mitra via della Foce via della Foce via della Foce

via della Foce

forum forum decumanus Semita dei Cippi cardo maximus cardo maximus Forum SE cardo maximus cardo maximus via Epagathiana, portico

decumanus maximus via del Larario decumanus maximus via del Pomerio via del Pomerio via del Tempio Rotondo

baths horrea horrea mixed

?commercial baths residential/commercial ?covered street

residential/commercial

commercial public public commercial ? commercial + latrine ? commercial ?residential residential/commercial

commercial commercial ?public/collegium commercial religious/collegium domus

Terme del Mitra Horrea dei Mensores Mercati Traiani Palazzo imperiale

Caseggiato del Larario Caseggiato del Larario c.d. Curia unnamed Tempio Collegiale Domus del Tempio Rotondo unnamed basilica basilica unnamed unnamed unnamed Forum portico Molino unnamed Casa del Mosaico del Porto Casa del Mosaico del Porto unnamed Terme di Buticoso unnamed unnamed

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Y Y N (Y) (Y) N N N N N Y Y

Y Y Y Y

Y

Y

N

Y N Y N

Y Y N N

Y

Y Y Y Y N Y Y Y* N Y

N N Y Y N N

   

  

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

●

        

       

● ●



●

●



●









● ●

● ● ● ●

●

●





●

   

 

   

● ●

● ●

●

● ●

●

●



●

 

    

     

●

 

●

  

         

●



   







   

 

●





   

●

    

     

●

        

●





●? ●











●

4 2

       

2.5 5.5

5.1 2.5 2.5 2.5

5.1

2.5





3

52 9

       

90 150

40.5 45+ 65+ 48.5

11.5

37+





25





1.25 32?+

 

25?+ 34.5

16.5



 

3 3

3

13



 3

70 27.5 23



23 38.25 5 33

 

29.5 50?+

 

2.5 ? ?



3.5 3 1.5 2.75

 

4.5 2.5

 

●

 

●



●

●

  

●



● ● ●



  

●

 



1 1







1

  

1:13 1:4.5

       

1:36 1:27

1:8 1:18+ 1:26+ 1:19.5

1:25

1:15+



67

 

N 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Y 1

1

  





1

      

● ●

  

   





●

 

●



 

●





       1

●



 

  

●

 

1

 

1 1



1 1 1

1:25.5?+  2  1:8.5  1 

 

1:8.5?+ 1:11.5

1:5.5

1:4.5

  

1:28



1:6.5 1:13 1:3.5 1:12

 

1:6.5 1:20?+

 

 

● ● ● ● ● ●



● ●



●

  







●

  



●

 





●

  

●

   

● ●

 

● ●

           

   







   

1

  



2

        

     

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

68

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

IV.ii.2 IV.ii.6 IV.iv.6 IV.v.1

IV.i

III.xvii.5

Cortile del Dioniso Schola del Traiano unnamed

residential residential residential commercial commercial loggia

Insula del Graffito Insula delle Muse Case a Giardino unnamed unnamed Caseggiato degli Aurighi

IV.v.8/9 IV.v.15 IV.vi.1

residential

Case a Giardino

residential residential unknown

commercial residential residential commercial

religious

commercial/residential

commercial/residential? commercial commercial religious residential

residential

Case a Giardino

Caseggiato di Annio unnamed Horrea Serapeum Caseggiato di Bacco e Arianna Caseggiato di Bacco e Arianna Campo della Magna Mater Portico dell' Ercole Caupona del Pavone unnamed Taberne dei Pescivendoli

baths religious/collegium ? domus horrea residential passageway ?residential residential residential residential residential residential residential residential

baths Baths/palaestra baths Baths/palaestra barracks barracks barracks commercial commercial commercial unknown

Terme della Basilica Tempio dei Fabri Navales unnamed Domus di Marte Horrea Casa delle Volte Dipinte unnamed unnamed Case a Giardino Case a Giardino Case a Giardino Case a Giardino Case a Giardino Insula delle Pareti Gialle Case a Giardino

Terme di Nettuno Terme di Nettuno Terme di Nettuno Terme di Nettuno Caserma dei Vigili Caserma dei Vigili Caserma dei Vigili unnamed unnamed Grandi horrea unnamed

III.xiv.4 III.xvi.6 III.xvii.1 III.xvii.4 III.xvii.5

II.iv.2 II.iv.2 II.iv.2 II.iv.2 II.v.1 II.v.1 II.v.1 II.viii.1 II.ix.5 II.ix.7 II unattributed III.1.2 III.ii.2 III.ii.3 III.ii.5 III.ii.6 III.v.1 III.v.2-v1.1 III.viii.1 III.ix.1 III.ix.3-4 III.ix.8-9 III.ix.9-10 III.ix.11-22 III.ix.12 III.ix.12/201 III.ix.13/1415/16 III.ix.17/1819/20 III.ix.21 III.ix.22 III.ix.22-23 III.ix.25 III.ix.26 III.x.1

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

cardo maximus via della Caupona via del Tempio Rotondo via del Pomerio/decumanus maximus vicolo del Dionisio decumanus maximus unnamed street

cardo maximus

via della Foce, façade 

via di Annio via delle Foce, portico Cardo degli Aurighi Via del Serapide Via del Serapide

via delle Volte Dipinti via delle Volte Dipinti passageway Cardo degli Aurighi Cardo degli Aurighi Cardo degli Aurighi

passageway

passageway

via delle Volte Dipinti passageway passageway passageway passageway via delle Volte Dipinti passageway



decumanus maximus decumanus maximus decumanus maximus Cardo degli Aurighi Cardo degli Aurighi vicolo delle Volte Dipinte via delle Volte Dipinte

decumanus maximus decumanus maximus via dei Vigili via della Palestra via della Palestra via dei Vigili via della Fullonica decumanus maximus via dei Molini via dei Grandi Horrea via della Fullonica

N Y N

Y N N Y

N

Y

N Y N N N

N N N Y Y Y

N

N

N N Y N N N N N N N N N N N N

(Y) (Y) N N N N N Y Y Y N

  

  

●

  ●

●

 

 ●



●

  

   ●

●

●





 

● ●

  



● ●

  





           

            

●

●

 



  

● ●

        

● ● ●

       

  

●

 

●





    



● ●

  





              

           

3.5







3.5

 

3.5



3

  

3





11.7



1:3.5



1:6 1:6

20 20



 

1:19



1:11

  

1:9



1:10 1:10+ 1:10

  





           

1:6

 



1:13 1:4.5 1:37

       

 

66



32

  

27



  





           

18

 



52 9 111

       

4 40 4 40+ 3 29.5 (av)

  





           

3

 



4 2 3

       

●



●

  





  

●?



●

    





           

●

 

 

●

        

1 1 1



1 1



1



1 1 1

 

 

1 1 2 5

2

2

1 1 1 2 2 2 2 1 2



●



   





 

●

 

     





●

        

●



1 1



   

●

       

● ●



1 1

1

  

1 1 1 1 1 Y 1

●



●



● ●



●



● ●

  

 

● ● ● ●

●

●



● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●



●



● ●

   

● ● ● ● ● ●



  

  

1



1

  

3 1

     





 

1 1

          

           

DESIGNATING PLACE

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.



baths unknown commercial residential residential commercial

Terme di Musiciolus

unnamed unnamed unnamed unnamed unnamed

Domus del Pozzo

unnamed Terme dell'Invidioso Terme dell'Invidioso Portico del Monumento Repubblicano Portico degli Archi Trionfali Horrea di Hortensius

Horrea di Hortensius unnamed unnamed unnamed unnamed

IV outside Pta Laurentina IV via Severiana V.1.1 V.ii.6 V.ii.10 V.ii.13 V.iii.2

V.iii.3

V.iii.4 V.v.2 V.v.2 V.xi.4

V.xii.1

V.xii.1 V.xiii.1 V.xiv.1 V.xvi.1 V.xx.1



V.xi.6



commercial Loggia (external arcades) unknown

IV.viii.5 IV.ix.1



commercial unknown commercial commercial commercial

commercial

commercial

residential baths/commercial baths commercial

residential

residential residential unknown commercial

commercial residential residential commercial

religious

commercial/residential

Cortile del Dioniso Schola del Traiano unnamed Portico della Fontana con Lucerna Horrea Loggia di Cartilio Popicola unnamed

IV.ii.2 IV.ii.6 IV.iv.6 IV.v.1

IV.i

III.xvii.5

IV.v.8/9 IV.v.15 IV.vi.1 IV.vii.1

commercial religious residential

Horrea Serapeum Caseggiato di Bacco e Arianna Caseggiato di Bacco e Arianna Campo della Magna Mater Portico dell' Ercole Caupona del Pavone unnamed Taberne dei Pescivendoli

III.xvii.1 III.xvii.4 III.xvii.5

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.



decumanus maximus decumanus maximus decumanus maximus decumanus maximus unnamed street

decumanus maximus

decumanus maximus

Semita dei Cippi/cardo Semita dei Cippi via della Casa del Pozzo via della Casa del Pozzo via della Casa del Pozzo/via delle Ermette, passageway via della Casa del Pozzo/via delle Ermette unnamed street Semita dei Cippi via dell'Invidioso, external wall decumanus maximus

via Severiana

via di Cartilio Popicola decumanus maximus/via di Cartilio Popicola unnamed street

cardo maximus via della Caupona via del Tempio Rotondo via del Pomerio/decumanus maximus vicolo del Dionisio decumanus maximus unnamed street decumanus maximus

cardo maximus

via della Foce, façade 

Cardo degli Aurighi Via del Serapide Via del Serapide



Y N Y Y Y

Y

Y

N Y N Y

N

N Y N N N



● ● ●

 



●

     



●

 



●

●





    



●





  

●







N N

 

●



●

  

●

●

  

●

 

●

●

 



●

  

●



●

  

Y Y

N Y N Y

Y N N Y

N

Y

N N N

     





   



  

●









●

●

  

●

 

●





   





1:14

1:7



1:12





  

1:4







1:22 1:6.5

1:39



1:3.5







1:3 1:2.5 1:15



26+24 1:4 1:4 12 1:6

35

24



5.5 18 5.75 15 3 44+

2

    

6

2.5

3.6







  

1.75 21





  







78 25.5

118



11.7



1:6 1:6

20 20



 

1:19



1:11

  

 

66



32

  

2.25 9.25







3.5 4

●

●

●

●



●





    





●





  3

3.5



3.5

 

3.5



3

  

●



●

  





  

   

1 1





  

1

1

1 1 2



1

1

1

1





1 1 1



1 1



1



1 1 1



    

●





   



    





 

 

●



   





 

●



   

●







  

●



● ● ●



●

●

●

●





●



●



● ●



●



● ●

 

     







1

 



    





 

   

  

1



1

  

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

69

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 5.1 Arcaded portico on the southern cardo maximus (Photo: J. DeLaine)

is on the streetscape, the study includes public buildings which had a monumental façade directly on either a street or a public space which was an open extension of a street (as the forum was of the so-called decumanus maximus), such as the basilica and the so-called Curia, but not those which were in their own precinct and/or had a separate entrance visually cutting them off from the street, such as the Sanctuary of Hercules; it does however include any monumental entrances to precincts, as in the case of the Sanctuary of Magna Mater. Similar criteria have been applied to porticoes, so that, unlike Schoevaert’s study of the porticoes fronting tabernae (Schoevaert 2018), those on internal spaces have not been included, even if generally accessible. Equally, only the

decorative plaques and other figured elements which can be identified as coming from street façades have been included. 5.2 PORTICOES Street porticoes, whether colonnades or arcades, provided the most imposing aspect of Ostian street façades (Fig. 5.1 and Table 5.1).6 By the first century AD porticoes had come a long way from their roots in 6 Buildings are given their standard official address (region, insula, unit) used in most subsequent publications, plus any modern designations, according to Calza et al. 1953 and the 1:500 plan; street names are also conventional, from the same source. The Topographical Dictionary in the Ostia website (www.ostia-antica. org) provides convenient access to the street map and plans of most individual buildings.

70

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

the stoas of Greek sanctuaries to form a major element of Roman street architecture.7 During the period in question here there was a shift at Ostia from largely stone columns in the first century AD to brick-faced concrete arcaded piers by the early second century, a shift that has recently been demonstrated for the eastern Forum portico (Gering 2014, 212-216). While columns with trabeated entablatures appear to have conferred greatest prestige, piers of some arcades were given greater emphasis by being embellished with pilasters or half columns in the well-known ‘theatre-motif’ commonly associated with theatres and amphitheatres. For most of the porticoes at Ostia there was a clear structural advantage in this change, as they more easily allowed multiple upper floors to be carried out to the edge of the street, providing, for example, internal access corridors along the façade for narrow linear buildings.8 Concrete arcaded structures would also have been cheaper than solid stone columns and entablatures (DeLaine 2018a), so it is not surprising that in the second century stone colonnades, usually in prestigious marble, are found only in the free-standing porticoes flanking the so-called Capitolium. On the other hand, because porticoes are permeable spaces accessible to all users of the street,9 rather than forming fixed boundaries with limited and controlled entrances, most required a sacrifice of functionally controlled - but potentially still usable - space on the part of the owner, as can be seen clearly where the immediately adjacent buildings share the same façade line as the portico (e.g. I.xiv.8, 9, and 2 east on the via Epagathiana). The porticoes at Ostia were most commonly integral parts of residential and/or commercial structures or baths, but differed considerably in how they functioned in relation to the building unit. In their simplest form porticoes gave access to a row of largely undifferentiated tabernae, often, but not necessarily, including staircases to upper floors, as in the Portico del Tetto Spiovente (II.ii.6) or the 7 See MacDonald 1986, 33-51; Gros 1996, 103-107; Frakes 2009, especially 5-10. 8 Street porticoes designed to support upper floor extensions over the street are well attested to in early imperial Herculaneum in Insulae V and VI, where long stretches of portico have either no openings off them, or only one onto a taberna or service space (see Andrews 2006, buildings V.9-12; V. 30; VI.11/13). 9 For the importance of this permeability for the popularity of porticoes see Frakes 2009, 8, citing Nünnerich-Asmus 1994, 25.

portico on the east side of the Grandi Horrea (II.ix.7). The earliest surviving examples, dating to the late Republic (I.i.4 on the eastern extra-pomerial road of the castrum, and I.viii.5 and I.x.2 on the western extra-pomerial road) are of this type. Others, such as the Portico di Pio IX and the Portico di Ercole (IV.ii.2), also include passageways through to other secondary streets, thus more closely integrating the porticoes to the street network. Other porticoes are closely related to buildings with specific functions and development in depth, in most cases giving access to a main entrance flanked by tabernae. The function of the building can be domestic, as in the Casa del Mosaico del Porto (I.xiv.2) on the via Epagathiana, or commercial, for example the north entrance to the Piccolo Mercato (I.viii.1) on the via dei Misuratori del Grano, but examples also include the portico fronting the Terme dell’invidioso (V.v.2). A further class of porticoes did not have tabernae at all, but functioned solely either as entrance features, as in the case of the forum façade of the basilica and the Terme del Mithra (I.xvii.2), or as standalone buildings in their own right, for example the Capitolium and Forum porticoes.10 The longest of the extant porticoes, the Portico di Nettuno (II.iii.1iv.1), combines all these types, as it gave access to two major public buildings (the Terme di Nettuno, II.iv.2 and II.iii.2), and two streets, the via dei Vigili and (originally) the via della Fontana, as well as numerous tabernae and three external staircases to upper floors. The longest and the shortest porticoes appear to work in different ways. While the longest, which gave little or no access beyond the single depth of each taberna, arguably encouraged motion along the portico, the shortest arrested motion by providing a form of monumental entrance where crowds might be expected to gather. This is a distinction succinctly articulated by Frakes and Nünnerich-Asmus (Frakes 2009, 9; Nünnerich-Asmus 1994, 78), who identify two main classes which affect us here: ‘street’ porticoes, built to assimilate varied structures; and ‘façade’ porticoes, built to differentiate them. Given that all the porticoes under consideration here form 10 The street faces of loggia-type structures, including the Loggia of Cartilius Popicola (IV.ix.1) and the Caseggiato degli Aurighi on the via della Foce (III.x.1), would also have functioned in some ways as porticoes.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

71

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 5.2 Via Epagathiana. On the right, monumental entrance to the Horrea Epagathiana with flanking tabernae embellished with low relief pilasters; on the left, connective portico in front of the Terme di Buticosus (Photo: J. DeLaine)

street façades, we have chosen to use “connective” portico and “entrance” portico in place of their “street” and “façade” portico. In most cases the distinction can also be noted in the proportions of the porticoes. The “connective” porticoes generally have proportions of at least 1:10, and for the main ones up to 1:39 (the Portico della Fontana con Lucerna); a few have wider proportions due to the narrowness of the street frontages, but these are relatively rare.11 In a few cases, porticoes belonging to what appear to be two separate buildings form

a continuous route, so that for the user the overall proportions would have seemed even longer (I.xiv.7 and 8; III.ix.25 and 26; III.xvi.6 and III.xvii.5). In contrast, all those that have mainly an entrance function have width to length proportions below 1:10. In practical terms, these porticoes provides shelter for those gathering outside the entrance door, while also enhancing the dignity of the building itself. In the cases of the so-called Curia, the entrance to the basilica on the decumanus maximus, and the so-called Schola del Traiano,12 all of which had

11 Due to the extent of the excavations it is no longer possible to ascertain the complete length of many of the “connective” porticoes, although a few have been restored from indications in the German geophysical survey.

12 The exact function is still under discussion. Most recently, Bocherens 2018 has suggested a connection with the reorganisation of the annona administration under Severus Alexander.

72

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

elaborate temple-like columnar porches, it is in fact difficult to know whether they should be classed as porticoes at all or simply as monumental entrances. 5.3 MONUMENTAL ENTRANCES

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The remaining monumental entrances at Ostia, which are a moderately common element of the streetscape, are less ambiguous (Table 5.1). Columns, engaged columns or pilasters were arranged in pairs and crowned by a pediment (a fastigium) to create an aedicular frame for the entrance door. The majority of the surviving examples from the mid imperial period are made of brick, often carefully selected for colour, and form an integral part of the doorway. This latter attribute has the distinct advantage of making it clear that these were part of the original intention of the builders. They are best represented by the reconstructed entrance to the Horrea Epagathiana et Epaphroditiana (I.viii.3; Fig. 5.2) and the small horrea at III.2.6, and the two well-preserved entrances to the Insula di Bacco Fanciullo (I.iv.3), but generally only the lower parts of the engaged columns and pilasters are preserved. Since these are very distinctive, there is a high degree of confidence that all those which once existed on surviving walls have been included. It is worth remembering that this is not necessarily the case with free-standing columns which, where they still survive, were often later additions and also prone to having been re-erected to the benefit of the modern archaeological site, not always in their original place. The brick-built monumental entrances occur in a wide variety of building types and contexts, although it is not always possible to determine the precise function of the building to which they belong. A few are found embellishing public and semi-public buildings, retaining some semblance of the original significance of the fastigate form: sacred in the entrances to the Tempio Collegiale (I.x.4), the Tempio dei Fabri Navales (III.ii.2), the Serapeum (III.xvii.4), and the Campo della Magna Mater (IV.1); and public in the four entrance to the Terme di Nettuno (II.iv.2) and the three entrances to the Caserma dei Vigili (II.v.1). Monumental entrances were also provided for some of the smaller neighbourhood baths (Terme di Buticosus (I.xiv.8); Terme della Basilica (III.i.2)).

A range of individual residential units were also given the same treatment. While some are clearly high status domus, including the Insula di Giove e Ganimede (I.iv.2), the Domus del Tempio Rotondo (I.xi.2) and the Insula delle Muse (III.ix.22), many are the so-called “medianum” houses, including the up-market apartments in the same complexes as domus (I.iv.3 and 4; III.ix.12 and 21), while a few are more modest, unnamed structures (e.g. V.ii. 10), some of which have monumental entrances which lead to both ground floor accommodation and stairs to upper floors (e.g. I.xiv.9; II.3; V.ii.13); in two cases the door leads only to the stairs for the upper floor (I.xiii.5; IV.iv.6). In the case of the Case a Giardino complex (III.ix), some of the monumentalised entrances frame passageways, both of those connecting the central space to the surrounding streets and others acting as central corridors giving access to the individual apartments of the two central blocks. While the latter should probably count as extended entranceways to individual units (as is the case also with V.iii.2), the former have a somewhat ambivalent role within the streetscape, as entrances to the whole complex but also as part of the street system, as is the case with the passage between the via del Mitreo dei Serpenti/ via delle Ermette and the via della Casa del Pozzo, marked by monumental entrances at either end. The final category of buildings with monumental entrances are commercial, particularly but not exclusively horrea. These range from the substantial Piccolo Mercato (I.viii.1) and the Horrea dei Mensores (I.xix.4), to the much more modest-sized III.ii.6 and III.xvii.1, both on the Cardo degli Aurighi, and include the Horrea Epagathiana et Epaphrodiiana (I.viii.3), the horrea at I.viii.2, and the Caseggiato dei Misuratori del Grano (I.vii.1); the Caseggiato del Larario (I.ix.3) which appears from the wide openings of its internal spaces to have been more market than horreum, had two monumental entrances. The early first century AD Horrea di Hortensius (V.xii.1) had a columnar entrance, suggesting that the idea of monumentalising commercial buildings was already in vogue by the early empire. In a small number of cases monumental doorways were added to entrances behind porticoes. The most notable case is the Terme di Nettuno (II.iv.2), where

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

73

DESIGNATING PLACE

the south entrance to the palaestra and the original south entrance to the bathing block were marked out from the flanking spaces – tabernae, stairs and the through passages of the via dei Vigili and the via della Fontana - along the Portico di Nettuno. In the Piccolo Mercato (I.viii.1) the wide main entrance to the horrea, accessed from a short “entrance”type portico, was also monumentalised. In all other surviving cases, monumentalised entrances and street porticoes were, as Stöger suggested, mutually exclusive (Stöger 2007). The engaged pilasters on the piers dividing the openings of the tabernae flanking the monumental entrance to the Horrea Epagathiana (I.viii.3) along the via Epagathiana, however, provided the same kind of rhythm to the façade as a portico with a monumental entrance behind, while making full use of the footprint of the block by extending the tabernae all the way to the street (Fig. 5.2). 5.4 STREET PLAQUES AND OTHER FIGURED ELEMENTS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Street plaques and other figured elements, the final form of façade embellishment to be discussed here, are the least known and the most difficult to analyse as we have no way of knowing how common they originally were. Unlike the porticoes and monumental entrances, which can be identified even where the buildings are preserved only to a few centimetres in height, the wall plaques which survive are usually to be found at head height or above, requiring more substantial preservation of the façade to be found in situ, or for the places where they were once inserted to be identified.13 Nevertheless, what does survive suggests that the placement of street plaques has elements in common with porticoes and monumental entrances. In a few cases, the monumentalised entrances are well enough preserved to show that they were further embellished with figured elements. The Caseggiato dei Misuratori del Grano (I.vii.1) has a modius in high relief in the pediment, and a Hercules club, also in relief, forming part of the central brick of the door arch. A similar Hercules club decorates the arch forming one of the doorways into the central area of

Fig. 5.3 Via della Fortuna, plaque showing the goddess Fortuna on the outer face of the portico (Photo: J. DeLaine)

the Case a Giardino (III.ix.9-10). A wedge-shaped stone block, now incorporated in the Portico di Ercole (IV.ii.2), can also be assumed to have decorated the keystone of an arch, although the original context cannot now be recovered. The Casa delle Volte Dipinti (III.v.1) has a plaque which once had a head in relief (now missing) in the space above the lintel and below the relieving arch, although the rest of the doorway is plain. Although all of these can be interpreted as having an apotropaic function, they would also have added to the visibility of the doorways and emphasised their importance. The outer faces of some porticoes were also embellished with plaques (I.vii.1; I.xiv.2; III.xvi.6, and possibly IV.ii.2), all of which represented protective deities (Fortuna (Fig. 5.3), Hercules, Apis) or apotropaic phalloi. Nearly all the rest of the surviving street plaques are to be found on piers between doorways, although one comes from a blank stretch of external wall belonging to the Terme dell’Invidioso. While it has been

13 See DeLaine 2018b for the surviving evidence and discussion.

74

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

Fig. 5.4 Via dei Molini, street plaques. (Laser scan image Y. Hori)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 5.5 Segment analysis: integration at 400m radius (after Stöger 2011, Fig. 7.12)

argued that many of these too probably had mainly a protective function, rather than being simply “shop signs”, the overall visual effect would also have been to differentiate structures from those around them, in a manner equivalent to some street porticoes and the low relief pilasters framing the tabernae of the Horrea Epagathiana (I.viii.3). In the present state of knowledge, however, there are no examples where we can demonstrate that building façades behind porticoes had plaques in these positions,14 and there are several cases (I.iii.1 (Fig. 5.4); I.ix.1; III.xiv.4) where multiple plaques were used to provide an articulated framing device for the tabernae and/or door openings in the way that the piers or arches of porticoes would have done.

14 The well-known marble plaque showing a market stall from III. xvii.5 was found in the debris of a taberna which was fronted by a portico, but there is not enough information to reconstruct its exact original location.

5.5 THE SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF STREET EMBELLISHMENT For her study of street networks in relation to movement and interaction, Hanna Stöger deployed the techniques of spatial analysis to unpick the movement economy of Ostia’s streets, based on the extended street grid revealed by the German geophysical survey of the late 1990s-2000.15 The results are displayed as graphs representing the street layout as a colour range, with the most integrated sections in red to orange and the least integrated in blue (cf. Fig. 5.5). The overall axial analysis shows the degree of accessibility each street has to all other streets, while the segmental analyses, calculated at a series of distances ranging from 1000m to 50m from each street, were calculated for choice, which identifies potential for passing movement and 15 Stöger 2011, 213-219. For preliminary results see Heinzelmann 1998 and 1999, Heinzelmann & Martin 2002, and Heinzelmann, Mols & McKinnon 2002; the full survey remains unpublished.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

75

Fig. 5.6 Ostia, plan of excavated area with the location of porticoes, monumental entrances (triangles) and street plaques (circles) shown in purple, and with the results of the segment analysis at 400m radius superimposed (J. DeLaine)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

76

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

therefore routes, and integration, which identifies the accessibility of destinations.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Both the axial analysis and the segmental integration analysis over the long (1000m) range unequivocally highlight the prime importance of the full length of the decumanus maximus, the via della Foce, and the via del Sabazeo, which appear in red to red/orange on all the graphs, while the choice analysis over the same distance highlights the central section of the decumanus between the via del Sabazeo and the west gate of the castrum as the key section for all routes. As has long been assumed for all but the via del Sabazeo, these are the main routes into, through and out of the city. The integration analysis for the 400m radius (Fig. 5.4), on the other hand, provides the most complex picture and is the most useful for analysing local movement within the city; the 250m radius analysis gives a similar but less well-defined picture. The 400m radius analysis further highlights the importance of the via Epagathiana/via del Pomerio, the via dei Molini/first stretch of the Semita dei Cippi, and the via degli Aurighi, all “orange” routes, while also showing the connective importance of the Forum. Therefore in order to examine if and how the porticoes, monumental entrances and street plaques of Ostia relate to the movement economy of Ostia’s streets, the 400m radius integration analysis graph was manually transferred to the detailed plan of the excavated area of Ostia, with the three embellishing elements all further indicated in purple, a colour which does not appear in the original graph (Fig. 5.6). This allows an easy visualisation of the concentrations of the elements in question against the real streetscape of the city and its spatial distribution. It is immediately obvious from the plan that many of the “connective” porticoes, which encourage movement and assimilate structures, cluster along the main through “red” route of the decumanus, particularly the eastern part from the Porta Romana to the via dei Grandi Horrea. This relationship between the main road and its flanking porticoes has long been noted, and the spatial analysis reinforces our understanding without moving it forward. It is different with the “orange” routes of the via Epagathiana/via del Pomerio, where there is a concentration of monumental entrances, including

the embellishment of the tabernae façades of the Horrea Epagathiana with pilasters, and a pair of street plaques, as well as both “connective” and “entrance” porticoes. Likewise the “orange” via dei Molini/ Semita dei Cippi has a concentration of street plaques and both “connective” and “entrance” porticoes, while the via degli Aurighi has “connective”porticoes and monumental entrances, although the density of street features is less. In these cases the concentration of features is the result of a series of relatively smallscale building interventions, rather than a few largescale ones like the Portico di Nettuno on the eastern decumanus, so that it can be argued that the global and local accessibility of the streets as identified by the spatial analysis may have been an observed phenomenon in antiquity which encouraged the owners of the buildings to enhance the attractiveness of their properties and hence reinforce them as prime destinations. In other parts of the street network, the evidence of street embellishments does not agree so closely with the predictions of the spatial analysis. This is particularly true for the northern and southern sections of the cardo maximus, both of which have extensive “connective” porticoes, but appear only as “green” (northern) and “yellow” (southern) streets. In the case of the northern cardo, this may be at least in part a result of the absence of evidence for connecting E-W streets between the end of the excavated area and the Tiber, lost after the river changed its course in the sixteenth century. In addition, no account was taken of the area across the Tiber, now known to have been quite densely occupied, or of the Tiber itself as a transport route. For the southern cardo, the 400m radius from the street includes the part of the geophysics where the results were less clear and the blank area caused by the modern road. As Hanna Stöger already noted, the limitations of the evidence inevitably reduce the reliability of the results.16 Miko Flohr’s paper in this volume, however, uses a different approach from this one to come to a similar conclusion about the greater importance of the southern cardo than is apparent from the Space Syntax analysis.

16 On the importance of working with complete or fully reconstructed road systems for this kind of analysis see Poehler 2017a.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

77

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Several other patterns are worth noting. The dead-end via del Serapide somewhat surprisingly appears as a mid-range “yellow” route, the same as the southern cardo, presumably because of its connections with the network of streets to the north and west, leading to the Tiber and its mouth. Its entrance is signalled on the “red” via della Foce by a combination of porticoes and street plaques, while important structures along the street – the Serapeum and the adjacent Insula di Bacco e Ariadne – have monumental entrances. A similar signalling of a group of structures marked out by monumental entrances but on a secondary street also occurs along the “orange” via del Mitreo dei Serpenti/ via delle Ermette, in the form of a monumental entrance to a connecting passageway which leads to the “green” via della Casa del Pozzo. The portico and plaques along the via della Foce at the via del Serapide are part of another phenomenon, the clustering of embellishments around what were presumably significant nodes in the street network, in this case involving both sides of a significant “red” route. Here, the porticoes flanking the via del Serapide are mirrored by the “entrance” portico of the Mercati Traianei. The strongest case is seen at the “bivio del castrum”, intersection of the decumanus, the via della Foce and the via Epagathiana/via del Pomerio, just outside the western gate of the original castrum, which Stöger identified as one of the points in the streetscape with the highest level of visual integration, marked first by a compital shrine and later by a fountain inserted in the late Antonine period (Stöger 2011, 220-225). What is immediately apparent from the plan (Fig. 5.6) is that much of the first 70-80 metres of these street façades was also heavily embellished with “connective” and “entrance” porticoes, monumental entrances and street plaques, belonging to at least ten different independent structures, of different functions and dates. The cluster of monumental entrance, “entrance” portico and “connective” portico around the intersection of the via dei Misuratori del Grano and the via della Fortuna is therefore reason to argue that these streets had a more important role in the street network than their “blue-green” designation suggests, another likely result of the loss of evidence to the Tiber.

Not all of the distribution of façade embellishments, however, necessarily relates to the upper levels in the street network hierarchy. Monumental entrances in several cases rather appear to advertise the presence of prestige residential buildings lying off secondary “yellow” to “green” streets. The greatest concentration is in the Case a Giardino, and, on a smaller scale, the Insula dei Dipinti, although in this case the spatial analysis may be once more underestimating the importance of the via dei Dipinti because of loss of evidence. The group of buildings comprising the Hadrianic redevelopment of the area behind the Portico di Nettuno also makes extensive use of monumental entrances. Individual examples include those at the end of dead-end “yellow” streets off the southern side of the western decumanus, which appear quite well integrated as streets (like the via del Serapide) but would have been visually more obscure due to the flanking commercial structures. 5.6 CONCLUSIONS In this short paper we have tried to move forward our understanding of how building owners responded to the pre-existing dynamics of the urban streetscape by including in their projects functionally unnecessary embellishments which served either to enhance the experience of pedestrian through traffic, or to draw attention to, and in the case of “entrance” porticoes enhance, their establishments as destinations.17 Given the chronology of the constructions under consideration, it is clear that they are responding to a largely pre-established street layout, only the via dei Dipinti being a proven insertion of the midimperial period.18 This has produced some interesting reinforcements of the basic spatial analysis of the imperial city in relation to movement economy carried out by Hanna Stöger, including the important role of the via Epagathiana/via del Pomerio, while suggesting areas in which this analysis may not be giving the whole picture, particularly in the case of the northern cardo maximus and other streets where the Tiber has destroyed potential evidence for more connections along its southern bank. 17 See Poehler 2017a for an interesting attempt to analyse the street network at Pompeii in similar terms but using a completely different approach. 18 For the restructuring of the street system around the Hadrianic Capitolium see DeLaine 2002, 96-98.

78

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

While we have very little evidence about actual ownership of individual buildings or about benefactors for public buildings at Ostia, there are strong arguments to suggest that virtually all were erected by either the colony or private individuals rather than being imperial benefactions.19 Many of the longer “connective”’ porticoes, especially the Portico di Nettuno,20 the Portico del Tetto Spiovente, the Portico di Pio IX, and the Portico belonging to the Terme di Gavio Massimo on the southern cardo, relate to what were – or most likely are – public buildings built by and/or belonging to the colony, while others, for example the Portico di Ercole and the Portico della Fontana con Lucerna, may have been the result of large-scale private developers. A few, including those along the via Epagathiana and the via degli Aurighi appear to have been additive, made up of sections belonging to different structures but combining to form long “connective” porticoes. In these two cases the close dating provided by the brickstamps suggests collaboration between builders rather than the response of one to another.21 Where we observe a wider variety of embellishments, including shorter “connective” porticoes, entrance porticoes, monumental entrances and plaques, often clustered in apparent competition for attention rather than in collaboration, we can assume the presence of private property owners concerned more for advertising their presence than providing wider urban amenities. It is interesting that among them we can tentatively identify several collegiate structures (the precincts of the Magna Mater, the Tempio dei Fabri Navales, and the collegiate temple on the via del Pomerio), a number of privately-run public baths (Terme di Buticosus, Terme del Mitra, Terme del Invidioso, Terme della Basilica Cristiana), and small commercial buildings (Horrea Epagathiana, Caseggiato del Larario, Horrea III.ii.6), as well as a variety of domestic structures. This suggests a widelyunderstood and common language of competitive embellishment, as well as a widespread appreciation of the potential of the street network in attracting 19 Cf. Heinzelmann 2002; DeLaine 2002. 20 The attribution of the Baths of Neptune to imperial benefaction has now been shown to be mistaken (Turci forthcoming), which has implications for the whole development of that zone. 21 For the brickstamp evidence see Bloch 1953, 218 (I.xiv.7 and 8) and 223 (III.ix.25 and 26, confirmed by personal observation of many stamps in situ). A close analysis of all the dating evidence would be interesting but is beyond the scope of this paper.

customers or clients, which in turn provided further visual reinforcement of the movement hierarches through Ostia’s busy streets. Acknowledgements Our warm thanks are due to the director of the Archaeological Park of Ostia Antica, Mariarosaria Barbera, for kind permission to carry out our individual research projects which led to this paper. Janet DeLaine is also grateful to the Leverhulme Foundation for a Research Fellowship which provided the opportunity to spend time in Rome and at Ostia. References Andrews, J.N. 2006. The use and development of upper floors in houses at Herculaneum, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Reading Bloch, H. 1953. I bolli laterizi nella storia edilizia di Ostia. In G. Calza, G. Becatti, I. Gismondi, G. De Angelis D’Ossat & H. Bloch, H. Scavi di Ostia I. Topografia generale, 215-227. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato Bocherens, C. 2018. La Schola du Trajan: un bâtiment de l’annone? In C. De Ruyt, T. Morard & F. Van Haeperen (eds), Nouvelles études et recherches sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cité. Actes du colloque international (Rome-Ostia Antica, 22-24 septembre 2014), 289-294. Bruxelles-Rome Calza, G., Becatti, G., Gismondi, I., De Angelis D’Ossat, G. & Bloch, H. 1953. Scavi di Ostia I: Topografia Generale. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato DeLaine, J. 2002. Building activity in Ostia in the second century AD. In C. Bruun & A. Gallina Zevi (eds), Ostia e Portus nelle loro relazioni con Roma. Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 27, 41-101. Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae DeLaine, J. 2005. The commercial landscape of Ostia. In A. MacMahon & J. Price (eds), Roman Working Lives and Urban Living, 29-47. Oxford: Oxbow DeLaine, J. 2018a. Economic choice in Roman construction: case studies from Ostia. In A. Brysbaert, V. Klinkenberg, A. Gutiérrez Garcia-M. & I. Vikatou (eds), Constructing Monuments, Perceiving Monumentality and the Economics of Building (Leiden) 243-269

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

79

DESIGNATING PLACE

DeLaine, J. 2018b. Street plaques (and other signs) at Ostia, in C.M. Draycott, R. Raj, K. Welch & W. Wootton (eds), Visual Histories: Essays in Honour of R.R.R. Smith, 331-343.Turnhout: Brepols Flohr, M. 2018. Tabernae and commercial investment along the western decumanus in Ostia. In C. De Ruyt, T. Morard & F. Van Haeperen (eds), Ostia Antica. Nouvelles études et recherces sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cité. Actes du colloque international (Rome-Ostia Antica, 2224 septembre 2014), 143–153. Rome: Institut historique belge de Rome Frakes, J.F.D. 2009. Framing Public Life: The Portico in Roman Gaul. Wien: Phoibos Gering, A. 2004. Plätze und Strassensperren an Promenaden. Zum Funktionswandel Ostias in der Spätantike, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 111, 299-382 Gering, A. 2014. Le ultime fasi della monumentalizzazione del centro di Ostia tardoantica, Mélanges de l’École française de Rome 126, 207-225 Gros, P. 1996. L’architecture romaine. 1. Les monuments publics. Paris: Picard Hartnett, J. 2017. The Roman Street: Urban Life and Society in Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Rome. Cambridge: CUP

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Heinzelmann, M. 1998. Arbeitsbericht zu einer zweiten geophysikalischen Prospektionskampagne in Ostia Antica, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 105, 425-429 Heinzelmann, M. 1999. Neue Untersuchungen in den unausgegrabenen Gebieten von Ostia: Luftbildauswertung und geophysikalische Prospektionen, Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome 58, 24-25 Heinzelmann, M. 2002. Bauboom und urbanistische Defizite - zur städtebaulichen Entwicklung Ostias im 2. Jh. In C. Bruun & A. Gallina Zevi (eds), Ostia e Portus nelle loro relazioni con Roma, 103–122. Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae

Heinzelmann, M. & Martin, A. 2002. River port, navalia and harbour temple at Ostia: new results of a DAI-AAR Project. Journal of Roman Archaeology 15, 5-19 Heinzelmann, M., Mols, S.T.A.M. & McKinnon M. 2002. Ostia, Regionen III und IV. Untersuchungen in den unausgegrabenen Bereichen des Stadtgebietes. Vorbericht zur vierten Grabungskampagne 2001. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 109, 225-242 Helg, R. 2009. Architettura della facciata nella casa romana: Pompei ed Ercolano. In A. Coralini (ed.), Vesuviana: Archeologie a Confronto: Atti Del Convegno Internazionale (Bologna, 14-16 Gennaio 2008), 497-508 Helg, R. 2012. Transformation of the Domestic Space in the Vesuvian Cities: from the development of the Upper Floors and Façades to a New Dimension of Intimacy. In A. Anguissola (ed.), Privata Luxuria: Towards an Archaeology of Intimacy: Pompeii and beyond, International Workshop Center for Advanced Studies, Ludwig-MaximiliansUniversität München (24-25 March 2011), Münchner Studien Zur Alten Welt Bd. 8, 143-61. Munich Laurence, R. & Newsome, D. (eds) 2011. Rome, Ostia, Pompeii: Movement and Space. Oxford: OUP MacDonald, W.L. 1986. The Architecture of the Roman Empire. II. An urban appraisal. New Haven, CT, and London: Yale Mertens, D. (ed.) 2008. Stadtverkehr in der antiken Welt. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag Nes, A. van. 2011. Measuring Spatial Visibility, Adjacency, Permeability and Degrees of Street Life in Pompeii. In R. Laurence & D. Newsome Rome, Ostia, Pompeii: Movement and Space, 100-118 Newsome, D. 2011. Introduction. In R. Laurence & D. Newsome Rome, Ostia, Pompeii: Movement and Space, 1-56 Nünnerich-Asmus, A.1994. Basilika und Portikus : Die Architektur der Säulenhallen als Ausdruck gewandelter Urbanität in später Republik und früher Kaiserzeit. Köln: Böhlau

80

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

5 EMBELLISHING THE STREETS OF OSTIA

Poehler, E. 2017a. Measuring the movement economy. A network analysis of Pompeii. In M. Flohr and A. Wilson (eds) The Economy of Pompeii, 163-208. Oxford: Oxford University Press Poehler, E. 2017b. The Traffic Systems of Pompeii. New York: Oxford University Press Saliou, C. 1999. Les trottoirs de Pompéi, BABesch 74, 161-218 Schoevaert, J. 2018. Les boutiques d’Ostie: l’économie urbaine au quotidien: Ier s. av.J.-C. – Ve s. ap. J.-C. Rome: École française de Rome Stöger, H. 2007. Monumental Entrances of Roman Ostia: architecture with public associations and spatial meaning, BABesch 82, 347-63 Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Turci, M. forthcoming. Le iscrizioni delle Terme di Porta Marina rinvenute da Gavin Hamilton. Nuovi dati per la contestualizzazione di CIL XIV 98 e CIL XIV 137. In C. Virlouvet et al. (eds). Ostie‑Portus, hub de l’empire romain. In onore di Mireille Cébeillac‑Gervasoni, Actes du Quinto seminario ostiense, Rome 21‑22 février 2018

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

81

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 Space Syntax a Ostia Antica

Le Terme del Nuotatore, Insula V, x, e il Complesso delle Terme dei Sette Sapienti, Insula III, x Space Syntax Analysis in Ostia

The Baths of the Swimmer, Insula V, x, and the Complex of the Baths of the Seven Sages, Insula III, x

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

M. Medri (MM), Valeria Di Cola (VDC), Giorgia Pasquali (GP)

English summary The aim of this paper is to test the quality of the results obtained with the Space Syntax method in two different case studies in Ostia Antica.

These two case studies have yielded good results and constitute an excellent starting point for future investigations that it would be interesting to extend to larger portions of the Ostian settlement.

Valeria Di Cola presents the Terme del Nuotatore, the full edition of which she published in 2013, and, together with Maura Medri, the stratigraphic study and the reconstruction of the phases. This building was already well known among those who deal with Roman ceramics for the large amount of materials coming from it published by Andrea Carandini’s research group following the excavations of 19601970. All this constituted a very rich base of detailed information that allowed us to test the effectiveness of the analysis by Space Syntax through all the phases of the Baths, from the original project of the Flavian age until their abandonment, which took place in the mid-third century AD. The architectural representation used in this case is that provided by the reconstructive plans, elaborated on the basis of the stratigraphic data coming from the excavations and from the standing structures.

Questo contributo sulla Space Syntax è dedicato a due casi di studio in Ostia Antica.

Giorgia Pasquali presents the Insula X of Regio III which contains the Caseggiato del Serapide, that of the Aurighi and the Baths of the Sette Sapienti, with annex Building III, xiv, 1, which probably formed a single complex together with the others, and the relationship between the general road network of Ostia and that of Regio III. In this case, the basis is the traditional one of the plan published by Gismondi in the General Topography, which, however, was integrated, only for the analysis of the road network, with the data acquired through the magnetometric prospections by the team of the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom and by the American Academy of Rome.

Valeria Di Cola si è occupata delle Terme del Nuotatore, di cui nel 2013 ha curato l’edizione integrale, affrontando insieme a Maura Medri lo studio stratigrafico e la ricostruzione delle fasi costruttive, edificio per altro già notissimo tra quanti si occupano di studi sulla ceramica romana per le edizioni dei materiali da esso provenienti pubblicate dal gruppo di ricerca di Andrea Carandini a seguito degli scavi degli anni 1960-1970. Tutto ciò ha costituito una base ricchissima di informazioni molto capillari che ha consentito di testare l’efficacia dell’analisi tramite Space Syntax attraverso tutte le fasi delle Terme, dal progetto originario di età flavia sino all’abbandono avvenuto alla metà del III secolo d.C. La rappresentazione architettonica usata in questo caso è quella fornita dalle planimetrie ricostruttive con percorsi, elaborate in base ai dati stratigrafici provenienti dallo scavo e dalle strutture. Giorgia Pasquali si è occupata della porzione della Regio III che contiene il Caseggiato del Serapide, quello degli Aurighi e le Terme dei Sette Sapienti, cioè l’Insula X, con annesso l’Edificio III, xiv, 1, che probabilmente formava un unico complesso insieme agli altri, e del rapporto tra la viabilità generale di Ostia e quella della Regio III. In questo caso la base è quella tradizionale della planimetria edita nella Topografia Generale che tuttavia è stata integrata, per l’analisi della viabilità, con i dati acquisiti attraverso le prospezioni magnetometriche

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

83

DESIGNATING PLACE

dall’équipe del Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom e dall’American Academy of Rome. Queste due sperimentazioni hanno dato buoni risultati e costituiscono un ottimo punto di partenza per indagini future che sarebbe interessante estendere a più ampie porzioni dell’abitato ostiense. 6.1 PREFAZIONE (MM)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Poche righe per sottolineare come i testi che seguono siano il frutto di un seme che dapprima Janet DeLaine (2004) e poi più diffusamente Hanna Stöger (2008; 2009; 2011) hanno fatto crescere negli studi ostiensi, portandoci a sperimentare una metodologia di indagine, quella della Space Syntax, che non era mai stata applicata precedentemente in questo contesto archeologico. Ostia è per altro uno dei luoghi più adatti a sperimentare l’efficacia e anche i limiti dell’analisi configurazionale, data l’ampia estensione del suo centro urbano – a noi noto sia dalle evidenze già scavate che da quelle indagate con metodi non invasivi – e data la complessa conformazione architettonica degli isolati che lo compongono, resa ulteriormente articolata dal susseguirsi delle fasi di uso e trasformazione. Sono stati, quindi, scelti due casi di studio che sono stati sviluppati da due giovani studiose, una Valeria di Cola, che aveva avuto modo di conoscere e apprendere il metodo attraverso l’insegnamento diretto di Hanna Stöger; l’altra, Giorgia Pasquali, che si è appassionata solo di recente a questo tema e ha voluto farne l’argomento specifico della sua tesi di laurea magistrale, discussa nell’anno accademico 2018-2019, di cui sono stata relatrice insieme al collega Riccardo Santangeli Valenzani che mi piace ricordare tra gli amici di Hanna. I due casi di studio sono molto diversi tra loro, sia per come sono stati trattati che per la quantità dei dati di partenza disponibili. Valeria Di Cola si è occupata delle Terme del Nuotatore, di cui nel 2013 ha curato l’edizione integrale, affrontando insieme a me lo studio stratigrafico e la ricostruzione delle fasi costruttive, edificio per altro già notissimo tra quanti si occupano di studi sulla ceramica romana per le edizioni dei

materiali da esso provenienti pubblicate dal gruppo di ricerca di Andrea Carandini a seguito degli scavi degli anni 1960-1970. Tutto ciò ha costituito una base ricchissima di informazioni molto capillari che ha consentito di testare l’efficacia dell’analisi tramite Space Syntax attraverso tutte le fasi delle Terme, dal progetto originario di età flavia sino all’abbandono avvenuto alla metà del III secolo d.C. La rappresentazione architettonica usata in questo caso è quella fornita dalle planimetrie ricostruttive con percorsi, elaborate in base ai dati stratigrafici provenienti dallo scavo e dalle strutture. Analisi che avviene, quindi, su di un livello che è già interpretativo, ma sorprendentemente offre comunque molti spunti per interpretazioni ulteriori e differenti. Per esempio, si esalta la caratteristica intrinseca dell’edificio termale come architettura chiusa agli sguardi e con sequenze praticamente bloccate di permeabilità. Considerazione che si ribadisce anche nello studio di Giorgia Pasquali. Credo che questo sia un buon risultato perché apre alla possibilità di creare una tipologia termale non più basata solo sulla schematizzazione dei percorsi, ma anche sulla effettiva percorribilità delle sale. Giorgia Pasquali si è occupata della porzione della Regio III che contiene il Caseggiato del Serapide, quello degli Aurighi e le Terme dei Sette Sapienti, cioè l’Insula X, con annesso l’Edificio III, xiv, 1, che probabilmente formava un unico complesso insieme agli altri, e del rapporto tra la viabilità generale di Ostia e quella della Regio III. In questo caso la base è quella tradizionale della planimetria edita nella Topografia Generale che tuttavia è stata integrata, per l’analisi della viabilità, con i dati acquisiti attraverso le prospezioni magnetometriche dall’équipe del Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom e dall’American Academy of Rome. Per il complesso architettonico si è proceduto alla lettura funzionale a partire dallo stato di fatto visibile oggi, in pratica coincidente con l’ultimo periodo di uso in età imperiale, anche perché gli studi per fase sono recentissimi e ancora inediti1. Si evidenzia qui 1 Sul Caseggiato del Serapide e le Terme dei Sette Sapienti, si vedano ora le ricostruzioni per fase di Daniele Bigi, dottorando in Storia dell’architettura, XXXII ciclo 2016-2019, con la tesi dal titolo “Edilizia abitativa nella piena età imperiale. Il Caseggiato del Serapide a Ostia Antica come Caso Studio”, Università “La Sapienza”, Roma, Dipartimento di Storia, Disegno e Restauro dell’Architettura, ciclo

84

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

uno degli aspetti salienti della Space Syntax come mezzo per analizzare la struttura della viabilità nel contesto urbanistico, con il solo limite della completa conoscenza di quest’ultimo. Lo studio topologico del complesso, in particolar modo, offre la possibilità di mettere in evidenza l’organizzazione degli spazi interni gli uni in relazione agli altri e risulta essere di aiuto nella valutazione delle ipotesi funzionali per ciascun ambiente ed esalta anche visivamente, tramite il J-Graph, la disposizione e le differenze esistenti tra le percorrenze interne. In conclusione, queste due sperimentazioni hanno dato buoni risultati e costituiscono un ottimo punto di partenza per indagini future che sarebbe interessante estendere a più ampie porzioni dell’abitato ostiense. 6.2 UNA PROPOSTA DI ANALISI SPAZIALE DIACRONICA DELLE TERME DEL NUOTATORE (VDC)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Le terme del Nuotatore sorgono in un’area piuttosto interna della Regio V e occupano un lotto di forma quadrangolare regolare (insula X) collocato subito ad est del santuario di Bona Dea, con il quale condividono il muro di recinzione orientale. L’edificio termale rappresenta il primo caso ostiense indagato stratigraficamente sia nei depositi non consolidati che negli alzati. All’edizione completa degli scavi e dei relativi materiali archeologici, che ha consentito di costruire una prima sequenza cronologica delle fasi di vita e di abbandono del complesso2, è infatti seguita la pubblicazione dell’analisi stratigrafica degli elevati e la conseguente seriazione delle fasi costruttive (Medri & Di Cola 2013). L’edificio, dunque, si qualifica come un importante, quanto raro, esempio ostiense di epoca flavia, del quale è noto l’intero sviluppo sia planimetrico che funzionale nel periodo compreso tra il I e il III secolo dell’età imperiale. A partire da tali premesse, è parso utile e interessante sperimentare il metodo della Space Syntax analysis XXXII. Sulle Terme dei Sette Sapienti, si veda anche Medri 2018. 2 Si vedano i volumi Ostia I-IV (Carandini et al. 1968; Berti et al. 1970; Ampolo et al. 1973; Carandini et al. 1973; Anselmino et al. 1976).

al contesto delle terme del Nuotatore nell’ottica di porre a confronto i risultati già raggiunti dall’analisi stratigrafica con gli esiti dell’indagine spaziale. Nello studio diacronico delle vicende costruttive sopra citato, per ciascuna fase cronologica sono stati elaborati diversi prodotti grafici, utili a descrivere e ricostruire le funzioni e i percorsi di volta in volta praticabili. Tali prodotti costituiscono, in particolare, l’analisi sincronica del dato stratigrafico (piante composite) e la sua interpretazione (piante ricostruttive, piante di funzione con percorsi) in rapporto agli spazi dell’edificio che per ogni fase si è potuto considerare in uso, coniugando le informazioni storiche date dalla stratigrafia con gli aspetti funzionali. Per agevolare, in questa sede, la lettura comparata dei due metodi applicati, si forniscono di seguito, per ogni fase, le planimetrie ricostruttive con indicati percorsi e funzioni (già edite volume del 2013) e i grafici che rappresentano da una parte la visibilità reciproca degli spazi (VGA), dall’altra il livello di integrazione globale (Agent). Il confronto ha evidenziato differenti possibilità di ricostruire le modalità di fruizione degli spazi, la cui variazione dipende dall’attenzione data ora agli aspetti tecnologico-funzionali, ora alla visibilità e connettività sul piano percettivo. 6.2.1 IL PROGETTO E LE SUE TRASFORMAZIONI La profonda conoscenza delle terme del Nuotatore maturata nel volgere di un trentennio di ricerche ha portato alla definizione di cinque fasi cronologiche principali articolate in tre sotto fasi. In estrema sintesi, nella media età flavia, in un’area già parzialmente occupata dal santuario di Bona Dea e da strutture, probabilmente residenziali, di epoca giulio-claudia (fase 0, ante 80 d.C.), si colloca la costruzione di un edificio termale dotato di un settore esclusivamente termale, un settore polifunzionale e forse anche abitativo e un settore destinato ai servizi (fase 1a, 80-90 d.C.). L’edificio, accessibile già dai settori nord-ovest e sud-ovest del quartiere, viene dotato, nel volgere di un trentennio, di un ingresso preferenziale dalla

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

85

DESIGNATING PLACE

viabilità principale rappresentata dal Decumano massimo, per cui si rende necessario attraversare la proprietà del contermine santuario di Bona Dea con una strada secondaria perpendicolare, detta via degli Augustali, che inevitabilmente decurta la porzione sud del recinto sacro (fase 1b, 90-120 d.C.)3.

a chiarire la situazione è lo smantellamento della latrina, sostituita da un piccolo recesso monoposto: è il segnale che l’edificio termale in quanto tale non esiste più, ma i suoi spazi e le sue strutture superstiti legate all’uso dell’acqua sono ora ad uso e beneficio di sporadici frequentatori dell’area (fase 4a-b, 190230/240).

Nel corso dell’età antonina, forse a causa dell’intensivo sfruttamento degli impianti termali, accompagnato da un fisiologico deterioramento delle strutture connesse all’uso termale, si rende necessaria una consistente ristrutturazione che interessa tanto gli impianti di riscaldamento, quanto le strutture di servizio (fase 2, 120-160).

Un’ultima fase, che si protrae fin oltre la metà del III secolo, racconta l’abbandono dell’impianto termale, caratterizzato da interessanti dinamiche di smantellamento intenzionale dei materiali di rivestimento delle sale termali, come lastre e tubuli, per il recupero dei quali si compongono cataste ordinate di frammenti negli ambienti non già destinati a discarica (fase 5, 230-240-post metà III secolo).

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Nei decenni finali dell’età antonina l’edificio subisce una particolare forma di potenziamento degli impianti, che assume la forma di una riduzione delle dimensioni di vasche e ambienti termali a favore dell’aumento quantitativo; d’altronde un indizio della diminuzione del numero degli utenti è dato dal restringimento della latrina di almeno metà dei posti iniziali, per cui è legittimo scorgere i primi segni di un calo delle prestazioni dell’edificio termale, pur essendo ancora evidente la capacità ricettiva e funzionale, che a tratti assume le forme di una occupazione residenziale di ambienti originariamente adibiti al servizio termale (fase 3ab, 160-190).

6.2.2 L’ANALISI DELLE FASI 6.2.2.1. Fase 1a-b (80-90 d.C. – 90-120 d.C.) Tra l’80 e il 90 d.C., in un lotto libero da edifici, posto subito a est del santuario di Bona Dea, si costruisce un edificio termale di forma quadrangolare, la cui superficie occupa in totale 2300 mq5 (Fig. 6.1).

Ma negli anni seguenti, complice soprattutto il malfunzionamento degli impianti fognari4, è inevitabile l’inizio della contrazione degli spazi funzionali dell’edificio termale. All’ostruzione del sistema di smaltimento si aggiunge il crollo strutturale di una delle sale tiepide poste all’inizio del percorso balneare, che rende inaccessibile l’intero settore termale. La possibilità di usufruire di un minimo servizio termale è comunque garantita dalle vaschette e saune distribuite in più punti nella fase precedente. L’idea di poterle rifornire e svuotare manualmente troverebbe giustificazione nella loro continuità d’uso in un momento in cui il resto delle sale termali è inagibile. L’evidenza che contribuisce

La composizione del complesso prevede sin da subito una differenziazione spaziale e funzionale. Nella porzione ovest, contermine per tutta la sua estensione al santuario di Bona Dea, si sviluppa il settore non termale, costituito da un corpo rettangolare in cui al centro si apre l’atrio tetrastilo che dà accesso alle terme (A 1), raggiungibile da due lunghi corridoi con funzione di ingresso aperti a nord e a sud verso il quartiere (AA 3, 6). All’atrio si affiancano, verso nord, un grande spogliatoio (A 2), un ambiente di servizio (A 8), una latrina da 30 posti (A 7) e un ambiente di passaggio (A 6) dotato di corpo scala verso il piano superiore (A 41); a sud, invece, oltre a un secondo ampio spogliatoio (A 4), si trova un vano taberna (A 16) aperto verso il piazzale esterno sud-ovest. Tale corpo di ambienti era dotato di un piano superiore, forse occupato da abitazioni o adibito a funzioni più specificamente legate alle attività termali (massaggi, cura del

3 Sulla rilettura delle fasi costruttive del santuario di Bona Dea vedi da ultime Medri et al. 2017. 4 Si veda lo scavo del settore degli impianti idrici (A 25) in Ostia IV (Anselmino et al. 1976, 136; Medri & Di Cola 2013, 184-186.

5 Gli scavi pregressi (editi in Ostia I (Carandini et al. 1968), II (Berti et al. 1970) e III (Ampolo et al. 1973; Carandini et al. 1973) avevano evidenziato l’assenza di edifici preesistenti demoliti nell’area delle terme: Medri & Di Cola 2013, 42.

86

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

corpo), oppure ad entrambe le opzioni data l’ampia superficie a disposizione (Medri & Di Cola 2013, 86). Lo sviluppo totale, infatti, è pari a 680 mq, cioè il 29,5 % dell’intero complesso.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Il corpo delle sale termali si dispone perpendicolarmente al settore non termale e al centro del lotto edificato, sviluppandosi da ovest ad est, per totale di 590 mq, pari a circa il 26%. La sequenza prevede un grande frigidario, con ampia vasca, accessibile dall’atrio, due sale tiepide affiancate, di cui una di sosta (A 13) e una di passaggio (A 18) verso la sauna (A 20); quest’ultima è collegata alle due sale calde, di cui una con vasca singola (A 19), l’altra, posta al culmine del percorso, con due vasche e una grande esedra centrale (A 50). Nel blocco delle sale termali, in prossimità delle sale calde, sono poi inseriti due ambienti per i prefurni (AA37 e 31) e un vano caldaie con tre forni circolari (A 38). A sud del corpo delle sale termale si apre la grande palestra (A 27), accessibile da un portale monumentale a più ingressi, situato sul lato orientale del recinto della proprietà. All’interno, verso il limite occidentale, a contatto con il frigidario e lo spogliatoio meridionale, si concentra un gruppo di ambienti di cui il principale è l’unctorium/ destrictarium (A 39), per ungersi prima e dopo gli esercizi ginnici, totalmente pervio e fiancheggiato da un possibile elaeothesium (A 14), dove oltre a prelevare gli oli, ci si poteva ungersi e cospargersi di sabbia. A nord delle sale termali si sviluppa l’area dei servizi (A 25), un vasto spazio scoperto accessibile, con buona probabilità, dalla viabilità posta lungo il confine orientale; sul lato nord svetta la cisterna monumentale, un grande invaso con quattro concamerazioni distribuite su due livelli, dei quali solo quello superiore è adibito a riserva d’acqua. La sua capacità, stimata in 112-156 mc circa, ha suggerito che potesse fungere da vero e proprio castellum aquae per il quartiere, servendo ovviamente anche le terme del Nuotatore per mezzo dell’allaccio di fistulae (Medri & Di Cola 2013, 9394). Si tratta, in conclusione, di un edificio termale di medie dimensioni, di tipo assiale asimmetrico, nel

quale la duplicazione delle sale termali e dei calidari consentiva di svolgere un percorso ad anello (Medri & Di Cola 2013, 47-50). La committenza e i fruitori dovevano essere di un certo livello per la ricchezza delle decorazioni e per la presenza di soluzioni architettoniche e tecnologiche che potremmo definire al passo con i tempi (Medri & Di Cola 2013, 51). La tipologia sembra essere quella della thermae publicae, dotata di tutti i comfort, costruita per volontà della municipalità o per il tramite di figure facoltose dell’ambiente e aperta al pubblico gratuitamente o a prezzo calmierato (Medri & Di Cola 2013, 102-104). I percorsi possibili in tale impianto, così come sono stati definiti entro il 120 d.C., nella prima fase costruttiva, sono di due tipi. Un percorso pubblico si origina in corrispondenza di almeno sei diversi punti di accesso collocati in luoghi strategici del recinto termale: uno a nord-ovest dal quartiere, due a est, dall’area dei servizi, uno monumentale dalla palestra, due a sud dall’area sud-occidentale. Un ulteriore ingresso, l’ultimo in ordine di tempo - aperto dopo l’inaugurazione dell’edificio - raggiunge le terme dal Decumano Massimo attraverso la perpendicolare via degli Augustali. In base alla loro posizione, tali accessi consentono di raggiungere l’atrio, gli spogliatoi e gli ambienti di servizio limitrofi, per poi snodarsi dall’atrio in direzione est, verso la sequenza delle sale termali e a sud-est, verso la palestra. Subito accanto all’ingresso occidentale da via degli Augustali, forse si trovava la cella dello ianitor (A 17), addetto alla riscossione della quota di ingresso. Un secondo percorso, di servizio, consente l’accesso all’area degli impianti idrici (A25) e ai prefurni localizzati in massima parte sul fronte nord delle sale termali, con qualche eccezione a sud, nell’area della palestra, in questa fase ancora privi di un apposito corridoio di servizio (cfr. fase 2, infra). Oltre all’ingresso sul lato orientale del recinto, posto lungo la viabilità esterna alle terme, un altro accesso è possibile dal vano di servizio posto accanto alla latrina, nella porzione nord-ovest dell’edificio: le possibilità offerte dalla distribuzione delle sale e dei passaggi sono quindi molte.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

87

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.1a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 1a-b (80/90–90/120 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva delle funzioni

Dal punto di vista dell’analisi spaziale emerge invece un quadro differente, che colpisce soprattutto per la diversa percezione degli spazi, influenzata dalla visibilità, e per la conseguente modalità di frequentazione. Il grafico che illustra le relazioni di integrazione globale tra i vari ambienti (VGA, radius n, Fig. 6.2a) mostra una maggiore concentrazioni di assi visivi nell’area della palestra (A 27), per via dei tanti ingressi previsti nel recinto, sia ad est che a sud. Il secondo punto di maggiore visibilità è l’area degli impianti idrici (A 25), per via della presenza

di un ingresso aperto sulla viabilità esterna; il terzo punto corrisponde al piazzale sud-ovest. Analizzando la distribuzione della scala cromatica, le aree più “calde”, cioè più visibili e teoricamente più facili da raggiungere, sono quindi la palestra e l’area intorno all’unctorium/destrictarium (A39) e, sul versante opposto, l’area degli impianti idrici e dei prefurni. In una posizione di visibilità intermedia ci sono i corridoi di accesso sul lato ovest (AA 3 e 5), sui quali si aprono diversi ambienti, che infatti

88

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.1b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 1a-b (80/90–90/120 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva dei percorsi

restituiscono delle concentrazioni di colore azzurro, indice di una limitata accessibilità. Leggermente meno visibili (azzurro) risultano, in parte, i corridoi di accesso (laddove non intercettano porte), l’atrio (A 1) e il frigidario (AA 9-10). Ad una fascia cromatica più fredda appartengono le restanti sale, dove non del tutto prive di visibilità appaiono la cisterna (A 26), gli spogliatoi (AA 2 e 4), l’unctorium/destrictarium (A 39), la taberna presso l’ingresso meridionale (A 16) e la sauna (A 20), la più connessa tra le sale termali. Decisamente più “nascoste” e meno integrate sono le sale termali

tiepide e calde (AA 13, 18, 19, 50), la latrina (A 7) e perfino vano dello ianitor (A 11). Il quadro che si ricava dal grafico VGA racconta, dunque, di un diverso grado di accessibilità legato alla visibilità reciproca, per cui gli spazi più invitanti sono quelli dotati di più punti di accesso, come è logico pensare. Nell’ottica della visibilità, tuttavia, tale sistema di connessione tra le sale renderebbe meno attrattivi non solo le sale termali, tendenzialmente sempre riparate e a loro

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

89

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.2a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 1a-b (80/90–90/120 d.C.). Grafico VGA

modo chiuse, ma anche i vani-taberna aperti sul piazzale sud-ovest e la saletta del portiere, posta, a ben vedere, subito accanto all’ingresso da via degli Augustali. La latrina, dato il suo ingresso angusto, rimane piuttosto occlusa alla vista, come forse doveva essere nella realtà data la funzione espletata, ma non si può considerare del tutto casuale la sua vicinanza all’ingresso nord-ovest. Il grafico in cui si è simulato il movimento di 50 agenti liberi (Agent, Fig. 6.2b) conferma sostanzialmente la stessa dinamica. I punti di avvio del movimento

sono stati collocati in corrispondenza degli accessi da nord, sud, est e ovest, proprio a voler riprodurre l’arrivo dei fruitori delle terme. Le aree di maggiore “movimento” sono dunque quelle prossime agli accessi (palestra A 27, corridoi AA 3-5, ingresso A 56). La circolazione tende a dirigersi spontaneamente verso l’atrio (A 1), punto di snodo centrale dei percorsi, e l’attigua sala del frigidario (A 10) e, attraversando il pervio unctorium/destrictarium (A 39), confluisce nella palestra. Leggermente meno frequentata appare l’area degli impianti idrici (A 25), mentre balza agli occhi come siano poco battute le sale termali, che

90

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.2b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 1a-b (80/90–90/120 d.C.). Agent analysis

invece, in ragione della loro funzione, dovevano essere il vero fulcro della frequentazione degli utenti. Unica eccezione è rappresentata dalla sala tiepida di sosta (A13), forse per la contiguità con l’ampio e ben connesso frigidario. 6.2.2.2. Fase 2 (120-160 d.C.) Trascorsi circa trent’anni dalle ultime modifiche, le terme subiscono un rinnovamento piuttosto consistente (Fig. 6.3a-b). Gli interventi di maggiore portata interessano gli impianti di riscaldamento del settore termale, completamente ricostruiti fino al livello

degli ipocausti, contestualmente alla ricostruzione dei forni per le caldaie, ora in forma rettangolare. La gestione dei prefurni è ulteriormente migliorata con la costruzione di due corridoi di servizio, situati sia lungo il fronte nord delle sale termali, che sul fronte sud. In tal modo il passaggio degli addetti alla cura dei forni è ben riparato, specialmente nell’area della palestra (A 27), dove in precedenza i prefurni, essendo esterni e liberi, comportavano una interferenza del percorso di servizio con quello termale/sportivo (Medri & Di Cola 2013, 151).

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

91

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.3a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 2 (120-160 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva delle funzioni

Alla ristrutturazione delle infrastrutture per il riscaldamento corrisponde un potenziamento degli spazi e delle risorse balneari a beneficio degli utenti. Nell’area centrale del settore termale, infatti, si assiste alla costruzione di una vaschetta per il bagno caldo (A 57) all’interno della sala tiepida di passaggio (A13), che comporta peraltro l’introduzione di un heat-trap (A 53) per mantenere il calore in un ambiente concepito come tepidario. Si ricava poi una piccola sauna (A 22) tra il frigidario e l’unctorium/ destrictarium (A 39), intaccando il lato nord di quest’ultimo. Nel settore sud-ovest, esternamente

alle terme ma in contiguità con esse, si costruisce, infine, un intero quartierino termale, dotato di una sala (A 43) risaldata da due prefurni dedicati, muniti di altrettanti vani di gestione (AA 45-48). L’edificio termale sembra anche aprirsi maggiormente all’esterno, attraverso la sistemazione di altri accessi sul fronte nord, anche in relazione all’incremento del livello di calpestio delle aree limitrofe, che, nel caso del santuario di Bona Dea, rende necessario rialzare il pavimento di via degli Augustali (A 56)6. 6 Cfr. Medri et al. 2017, fase 7, 14-16.

92

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.3b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 2 (120-160 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva dei percorsi

I percorsi possibili sono sempre di due tipi, come nella fase originaria. Quello pubblico conduce al settore termale, raggiungendo le sale termali aggiunte a quelle già esistenti, che determinano una dilatazione dei movimenti possibili da parte dei fruitori. Il percorso di servizio, invece, è sempre concentrato nell’area nord-est e sembra caratterizzarsi per una maggiore permeabilità rispetto al quartiere, per via dell’apertura di nuovi punti di passaggio. Dal punto di vista dell’analisi spaziale, tale assetto restituisce una dinamica di frequentazione, ancora

una volta, differente. Il quadro delineato dall’analisi della connettività (VGA, Fig. 6.4a) è sostanzialmente analogo a quello della fase precedente, manifestando un indice di maggiore visibilità dell’area della palestra (A 27), seguita dall’atrio (A 1) e dell’area degli impianti idrici (A 25). Del tutto isolate permangono invece le sale termali, e per conseguenza anche le nuove installazioni nella sala tiepida di sosta (A 13), la piccola sauna (A 22) e il quartierino termale a sud-ovest (AA 42-48). Del resto, se la connettività si valuta a partire dalla quantità di accessi presenti, le sale termali risulteranno sempre “chiuse” dal

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

93

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.4a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 2 (120-160 d.C.). Grafico VGA

momento che, per mantenere il calore, non possono essere solitamente dotate di troppe aperture. La situazione che si ricava dal movimento libero di 50 agenti (Fig. 6.4b), lanciato in questo caso dall’ingresso da via degli Augustali opportunamente rialzato in questa fase, rappresenta un addensamento di presenze attorno all’atrio (A 1), agli spogliatoi (AA 2, 4) fino alla palestra, attraversando la grande sala per ungersi/ frizionarsi (A 39). Risulta, anche in questo caso, piuttosto peculiare il generale isolamento delle sale termali.

6.2.2.3. Fase 3a-b (160-170 d.C. – 170-190 d.C.) La terza grande stagione di trasformazioni all’edificio termale è ascrivibile tra la media e la tarda età antonina, cioè circa quarant’anni dopo la seconda grande ristrutturazione. Anche in questo caso si tratta di interventi puntuali ma di un certo impegno economico e architettonico, finalizzati a potenziare ulteriormente la capacità termale e la ricettività dell’impianto, tanto nel settore termale, quanto ai piani superiori del settore non termale (Medri & Di Cola 2013, 164-165) (Fig. 6.5a).

94

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.4b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 2 (120-160 d.C.). Agent analysis

Gli elementi di potenziamento sono localizzati soprattutto nella porzione occidentale del settore termale. All’interno dell’atrio (A 1) si crea una vasca per il bagno freddo (A 55), accessibile tramite tre gradini direttamente dalla sala del frigidario (A 10); quest’ultima viene dotata di panchine in muratura e sembra costituire un insieme funzionale con il grande unctorium/destrictarium (A 39), anch’esso provvisto in questa circostanza di panchine in muratura, e alle sale gravitanti attorno ad esso, come la vecchia sala per gli oli (A 14), ora forse rifunzionalizzata in stanza di servizio, e la piccola sauna (A 22). Quest’ultima,

in seguito al crollo del tetto, viene ripavimentata in marmo. Ad essere smantellato è invece il quartierino termale in precedenza allestito presso l’ingesso sud-ovest, che lascia il posto a piccole stanze evidentemente adibite ad altra funzione (AA 45-48) e forse a due ulteriori spogliatoi riscaldati (AA 42-43), allestiti in alternativa al cambiamento di destinazione d’uso dell’ampio spogliatoio originario (A 2) situato a nord dell’atrio. Un ulteriore segno di potenziamento, o comunque di importante cambiamento, è la costruzione di due nuovi corpi scala nei settori ovest (A 11) e nord-ovest (A 69) in sostituzione di quello

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

95

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 6.5a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 3a-b (160/170-170/190 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva delle funzioni

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

originariamente presente nell’ambiente attiguo alla latrina (A 6). Ma accanto a tali manifestazioni dell’impegno a voler mantenere in vita l’impianto termale, si manifestano i primi, importanti segni di cedimento. L’impianto delle caldaie (A 38) vede una drastica riduzione tra tre elementi a uno; la latrina (A 7) viene dimezzata, occupando ora la metà occidentale del vano, mentre la restante parte è destinata ad ambiente di servizio (A 61), messo in comunicazione con il vicino vano di servizio (A 41 in A 6) da una breccia nel muro contermine. La riduzione della latrina è, di fatto, la

conseguenza più diretta dell’inizio della riduzione funzionale della rete fognaria. Il crollo dell’angolata nord-ovest del corridoio settentrionale (A 3), poi, deve aver determinato importanti ristrutturazioni in questo settore, probabilmente anche la ricostruzione del tetto del blocco non termale, ora servito, come si è visto, da due corpi scala. Contestualmente, si verifica la riduzione degli accessi alla palestra dalla viabilità orientale, forse per necessità legate al rinforzo strutturale del grande muro perimetrale. Tali modifiche impongono ai fruitori delle terme alcuni cambiamenti nella fruizione dei diversi settori

96

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.5b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 3a-b (160/170-170/190 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva dei percorsi

dell’edificio, con il risultato che i percorsi di servizio, in modo particolare, cominciano a penetrare nel settore nord-ovest dell’edificio (Fig. 6.5b). Il settore termale è ancora quello maggiormente servito da percorsi di tipo pubblico, dal momento che le grandi sale tiepide e calde sono ancora in funzione, affiancate dalle altre piccole sale, con o senza vasche. La lettura di tale dinamica dal punto di vista dell’analisi spaziale offre interessanti spunti di riflessione. Il grafico della connettività reciproca globale (Fig. 6.6a) mostra come, rispetto alle fasi precedenti, l’originaria permeabilità di determinate aree dell’edificio risulti ora

ridotta. Il caso più evidente è quello della palestra (A 27), che pur rimanendo tra le aree del settore termale maggiormente integrate, ha significativamente ridotto il suo potenziale di connettività. L’area dell’atrio (A 1) e delle sale ad esso attigue, in particolare i corridoi di accesso (AA 3 e 5), appaiono essere quelle meglio integrate, dopo la palestra, tra le sale del corpo termale, seguite dall’area dei servizi (A 25). Una serie di connessioni, seppur deboli, si irradiano dall’atrio, quasi a raggiera, verso gli ambienti situati tra questo e le sale tiepide, interessando soprattutto il frigidario (A 10), la sala di passaggio (A 40) verso la piccola sauna (A 22) e l’unctorium/destrictarium (A 39) e la grande sauna (A

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

97

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.6a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 3a-b (160/170-170/190 d.C.). Grafico VGA

20). Particolarmente poco integrati sono la grande sala tiepida di passaggio (A 18), le due sale calde (AA 19, 50), la piccola sauna (A 22), i corridoi dei prefurni (AA 21, 24) e il vano di servizio attiguo alla latrina (A 6), mentre del tutto segregati sono i corpi scala, il quartierino sudovest (AA 42-48), la latrina (A 7) e il retrostante vano di servizio (A 61), la cisterna e la sala tiepida di sosta con vaschetta (A 57), protetta dall’heat-trap.

(A 56), si osserva come il quadro raffigurato sia sostanzialmente analogo (Fig. 6.6b). Il movimento spontaneo si addensa principalmente nei poli di attrazione rappresentati dalla palestra (A 27), dall’area dei servizi (A 25) e dall’atrio (A 1), lasciando fuori tutto il comparto delle sale termali, come anche delle salette aggiunte in questa fase e i corpi scala, questi ultimi forse naturalmente ‘chiusi’ per la struttura architettonica.

Posizionando gli agenti liberi in corrispondenza dell’ingresso occidentale da via degli Augustali

98

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.6b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 3a-b (160/170-170/190 d.C.). Agent analysis

6.2.2.4. Fase 4a-b (190-210 d.C. – 210-230/240 d.C.) In epoca severiana la storia dell’edificio termale è animata dagli ultimi interventi di ristrutturazione, localizzati e prevalentemente riparatori, cui si affiancano chiari segni di riduzione degli spazi agibili e di interruzione delle funzioni termali, a favore di una conversione in aree di servizio non meglio precisabili. Un intento di occupazione a scopo residenziale sembra guidare molte delle trasformazioni (Fig. 6.7a).

Una fitta serie di interventi di rinforzo interessa in modo particolare il muro perimetrale, presso il quale si registra la tamponatura delle originarie aperture nei tratti sud ed est; in corrispondenza della palestra (A 27) si lascia aperto un solo ampio ingresso centrale. Pilastri di rinforzo sono costruiti all’interno della sala-taberna presso l’ingresso meridionale (A 16), trasformata probabilmente in popina con l’inserimento di un bancone: del resto, la posizione prossima al quartiere sud-ovest sembra aver garantito il mantenimento di tale funzione fin dalla

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

99

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.7a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 4a-b (190/210-210/230 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva delle funzioni

costruzione originaria. Altri pilastri sono dislocati lungo il corridoio meridionale (A 5) e nell’atrio (A 1). Nell’area dei servizi (A 25), il tracciato dell’acquedotto risulta restaurato con la costruzione di strutture di sostegno ai pilastri originari. Il grande cambiamento che si registra in questa fase è l’interruzione definitiva del percorso termale canonico: l’accesso alla sala tepida di passaggio (A 18) è infatti chiuso da una tamponatura. Parallelamente, si smantellano le piccole stanze dei prefurni allestite nel quartierino sud-ovest, per lasciare spazio a vasti spazi forse di servizio. Nel settore nord-ovest, invece,

abolita totalmente la latrina (già dimezzata nella fase precedente), si costruisce un piccolo recesso monoposto (A 54) proprio di fronte ad essa, lungo il corridoio settentrionale (A 3). Contestualmente, il vano di servizio attiguo alla vecchia latrina viene ulteriormente pavimentato, dotato di un piccolo focolare, segno di una occupazione residenziale dello spazio. Le uniche postazioni termali ancora in funzione sembrano essere le piccole vasche calde nella sala tiepida di sosta (A 57 in A 13), nella piccola sauna (A 22) e la vaschetta per il bagno freddo nell’area dell’atrio (A 55 in A 1).

100

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.7b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 4a-b (190/210-210/230 d.C.). Pianta ricostruttiva dei percorsi

Dal punto di vista dei percorsi, le modifiche sono sostanziali (Fig. 6.7b). L’itinerario che conduce alle sale con funzione ancora termale è limitato alla suite allestita tra la sala frigidario (A 10) e la grande sala compresa nella palestra (A 39), passando per la piccola sauna (A 22); il percorso di servizio, di conseguenza, è limitato alla gestione dei pochi prefurni rimasti in uso, all’approvvigionamento idrico nell’area scoperta settentrionale (A 25) e alla frequentazione dei vani al piano inferiore della cisterna monumentale. A tali percorsi se ne aggiunge ora un terzo, che può definirsi privato, delineato da coloro che frequentano il blocco di sale

non termali situato ad ovest del complesso termale, non necessariamente in relazione alle strutture termali superstiti. Si tratta di un itinerario che in primo luogo attraversa gli ambienti, ora di servizio, dislocati attorno all’atrio in direzione nord-sud, e che inoltre accede al piano superiore e si introduce nell’area dei servizi. In questa fase l’analisi spaziale sembra forse corrispondere meglio alla lettura funzionale elaborata su base stratigrafica (Fig. 6.8a). La distribuzione delle diverse cromie illustra chiaramente come il fulcro della maggior connettività sia ancora la palestra (A

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

101

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.8a Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 4a-b (190/210-210/230 d.C.). Grafico VGA

27), seguita dall’area circostante l’atrio (A 1) e l’area degli impianti idrici (A 25). Mediamente integrate risultano essere le sale della suite termale allestita tra il frigidario e la palestra (AA 10, 40, 22, 39, 14), la popina presso l’ingresso sud-ovest (A 16) e le corrispondenti stanze sul lato opposto del corridoio sud (AA 42-48) e infine gli ambienti di servizio sul versante opposto, presso l’ingresso nord-ovest. Del tutto segregate e inaccessibili sono le sale termali. La frequentazione dell’edificio da parte degli agenti liberi (Fig. 6.8b) contrappone invece alla palestra

l’area dell’atrio e delle sale limitrofe, quali luoghi maggiormente attrattivi e battuti. L’ingresso da via degli Augustali, peraltro, sembra dare facile accesso anche al santuario di Bona Dea, che, per quanto esterno alle terme, evidentemente in questa fase gode di una certa accessibilità. Un particolare movimento, indice di connettività, si addensa tra il corridoio nord (A 3) e l’area degli impianti idrici, passando per uno dei vani di servizio posti nel settore nordovest. L’itinerario sembra evocare la cessazione di quella rigida suddivisione funzionale dei percorsi vigente nelle fasi precedenti. La circolazione sembra

102

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 6.8b Ostia, Terme del Nuotatore, fase 4a-b (190/210-210/230 d.C.). Agent analysis

ora più libera e fluida, slegata dall’ordine imposto dalla precedente distribuzione funzionale degli spazi. 6.3 UNA PROPOSTA DI ANALISI SPAZIALE DELL’INSULA X DELLA REGIO III DI OSTIA (GP) Alla luce dei risultati ottenuti da Johanna Stöger nello studio pubblicato nel 2011 sull’Insula IV, II di Ostia si è deciso di sperimentare questo tipo di analisi su un altro complesso abitativo ostiense, simile nella struttura ma caratterizzato da molteplici e chiare relazioni con il

fitto tessuto urbano circostante7. La scelta, anche su sollecitazione della dott.ssa Mariarosaria Barbera, direttrice del Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica, si è indirizzata alla Regio III, nella quale si è conservato un buon numero di esempi di edilizia abitativa integrata con gli spazi pubblici e commerciali. In particolare, in questo studio di carattere generale e sperimentale che prescinde dall’analisi delle fasi costruttive per concentrarsi sui percorsi, si considera 7 Oltre a Stöger 2011, per la Space Syntax si sono consultati i siti Kinda Al_Sayed 2018 e UCL Space Syntax 2019. Sui temi generali, si veda Hillier & Hanson 1984.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

103

DESIGNATING PLACE

il complesso costituito dall’Insula X, che seguendo la divisione per isolati di Gismondi, è composto da tre edifici: il Caseggiato del Serapide, le Terme dei Sette Sapienti e il Caseggiato degli Aurighi. A questi si è deciso di aggiungere l’Edificio III, xiv, 1 che viene considerato un isolato a parte dal precedente insieme al Caseggiato di Annio, al magazzino dei Doli e all’Edificio III, xiv, 2 ma che per struttura e connessione era sicuramente parte integrante anche del sistema di percorsi interni del Caseggiato degli Aurighi e quindi fondamentale per la completezza dello studio8.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

6.3.1 LA VIABILITÀ GENERALE DI OSTIA IN RELAZIONE ALLA REGIO III Il primo passo per applicare uno studio di analisi spaziale è quello di identificare l’edificio o i complessi da esaminare e di integrarli nella realtà cittadina in cui sono inseriti. Ricostruendo brevemente la storia urbanistica di Ostia si vede come il sistema viario della città, così come è ad oggi visibile, si consolida con la fondazione della colonia militare, soprattutto in base al rapporto tra alcuni punti topografici fissi dell’insediamento, come la foce del Tevere, la linea di costa, la presenza del porto a nord della città e le porte del Castrum, di cui tre sono state riconosciute con sicurezza (Mar 1991): la porta orientale, c.d. Porta Romana, alla quale arrivava l’antica via Ostiense da Roma, la porta meridionale, c.d. Porta Laurentina, al termine del tracciato viario litoraneo che collegava Ostia alla città di Laurentum e la porta occidentale, c.d. Porta Marina, dalla quale si biforcano due strade, la via che portava con andamento NE-SO al mare che successivamente diventerà la seconda porzione del Decumano Massimo e Via della Foce che portava alla foce del Tevere e alla così detta Tor Boacciana. La successiva urbanizzazione della città si sviluppa al di fuori delle mura del Castrum rispettando le originarie delimitazioni topografiche. In questo nuovo tessuto urbano Mar riconosce quattro settori di cui si sono conservate tracce del sistema originale di 8 Come bibliografia generale e sugli edifici compresi in questo settore della Regio III, si è fatto riferimento a: Hermansen 1981; Heres 1992-1993; Medri c.s. 2017; Mols 2000; Pavolini 2006²; 2010²; Thebert 2003.

Fig. 6.9 Ostia, delimitazione dei settori urbani in cui viene riconosciuto il sistema di parcellizzazione originale (da Mar 1991)

parcellizzazione (Fig. 6.9): uno a sud del Decumano Massimo fino a Porta Marina (1); un secondo lungo il Cardine Massimo nella direzione di Porta Laurentina (2); un terzo blocco individuato tra Via della Foce e la riva del Tevere (3); un quarto tra Via della Foce e Cardine degli Aurighi (4). Lo studio della parcellizzazione originaria della città mostra come il settore di nostro interesse, il numero 4, fosse già delineato, benché la vera spinta urbanistica si avrà dal II d.C. con la costruzione del secondo bacino a Portus, in aggiunta al precedente, che spinse allo sviluppo dei quartieri della città più vicini al Tevere incrementandoli con nuove strutture amministrative, abitative e per lo stoccaggio delle merci utilizzando gli spazi fino ad allora rimasti inutilizzati. Focalizzandosi sulla Regio III il quartiere viene consolidato sotto i principati di Adriano e Antonino Pio con la costruzione a sud del grande progetto abitativo c.d. delle Case Giardino, mentre lungo via della Foce fu avviata la costruzione del nuovo quartiere del Serapeo e del complesso abitativo/ termale del Caseggiato del Serapide, Terme dei Sette Sapienti e Caseggiato degli Aurighi (Pavolini 2010b). Il problema nell’applicazione dei metodi dell’analisi spaziale alla viabilità Ostiense è dato dalla presenza di molte strade non completamente scavate e dalla conseguente mancanza di una visione complessiva del tessuto urbano. Uno studio generale sulla

104

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

viabilità è stato condotto da Johanna Stöger (Stöger 2011) in cui si tiene conto della problematica, che viene affrontata analizzando prima la viabilità scavata e visibile e in un secondo momento quella ricostruita. Come rapido esempio per la viabilità non ricostruita si porta il grafico assiale (Fig. 6.11a), che utilizza un valore radiale-n, che mostra il grado di accessibilità urbana utilizzando come base la planimetria Gismondi (Calza 1953) con il quale si può notare senza stupore come il valore maggiore di integrazione viene ottenuto dal Decumano Massimo, mentre il Cardine Massimo risente significativamente della presenza del Castrum che ne blocca la percorrenza lineare. Anche le strade di nostro interesse non spiccano particolarmente.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Se considerano invece i dati raccolti dalle ricerche del Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom (Martin et al. 2002)(Fig. 6.10) si aggiunge un punto nodale, il bacino portuale, e si nota come i valori di integrazione di via della Foce aumentino (Fig. 6.11b). Non c’è dubbio infatti che fosse la strada principale di collegamento con il porto e l’area commerciale della città. Si può supporre quindi che gli edifici che affacciavano su di questa e sul Decumano fossero quelli con il maggior risalto, in quanto immediatamente visibili a chi volesse raggiungere due dei punti principali della città: il porto e il mare. Per studiare più da vicino la percorrenza locale della Regio III si è proceduto ad effettuare un’ulteriore analisi assiale utilizzando un valore radiale-3 e un raggio di 400 m (Stöger 2011) utilizzato come misurazione locale per calcolare l’accessibilità di tutte le strade all’interno di un raggio topologico, dato in questo caso un raggio di altre due strade entro 400 m basato sul movimento dei pedoni. Si nota dal grafico (Fig. 6.12a) come il punto focale della città per un pedone fosse il Foro, con valori di integrazione che scendono man mano che ci si allontana da questo. In questo caso, via della Foce e il Cardine degli Aurighi sono caratterizzate da un grado di integrazione locale comunque medio alto e un buon collegamento interno tramite la viabilità secondaria.

Fig. 6.10 Ostia, planimetria della Regio III con le strade ipotizzabili in base alle prospezioni magnetometriche (da Martin et al. 2002)

Un ulteriore grafico assiale (Fig. 6.12b) di misurazione locale, basato sempre su un valore radiale-3 e un raggio di 400 m, mostra infatti il grado di scelta (Choice) identificando i punti di passaggio, ossia quei punti dove un pedone si trova a passare occasionalmente mentre cerca di raggiungere altre strade. Questo tipo di analisi mostra ancora meglio l’importanza dei percorsi secondari tra via della Foce e il Cardine degli Aurighi mostrando come l’isolato X fosse l’unico punto in cui si potevano raggiungere, tramite la viabilità secondaria, le strade principali, diventando quindi il punto in cui si focalizzavano i flussi di percorrenza di questa porzione della Regione III. 6.3.2 LA DIVISIONE SPAZIALE DELL’INSULA X E DELL’EDIFICIO III, XIV, 1 L’intero complesso copre un’area di 4578 mq e conta sette punti di accesso (Fig. 6.13). Del perimetro totale di 348 m il 58,7% è accessibile direttamente dalla viabilità circostante rendendo il complesso ben inserito nel sistema interno di spostamento di questa porzione della Regio III. Da via della Foce si poteva accedere direttamente all’ingresso del Caseggiato del Serapide che costituisce l’entrata principale dell’edificio e anche

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

105

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 6.11 a-b, Ostia, analisi assiale della viabilità, grado di integrazione (HH, Valore radiale-n); a, viabilità scavata; b, viabilità ricostruita

106

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Fig. 6.12 a-b, Ostia, analisi assiale della viabilità ricostruita; a, grado di integrazione (HH, Valore radiale-n3, raggio 400 m); b, grado di scelta (Choice, Valore radiale-n3, raggio 400 m)

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

107

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 6.13 Ostia, Insula III, x ed Edificio III, xiv, 1. Planimetria con destinazione d’uso degli spazi al piano terra e dell’accessibilità

108

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

l’accesso al vestibolo nord delle Terme. Sempre da via della Foce, svoltando nella piccola via della Calcara, si potevano incontrare due accessi secondari, uno al Caseggiato del Serapide e un altro al portico est del Caseggiato degli Aurighi. Sempre partendo da via della Foce si poteva, inoltre, raggiungere un secondo accesso alle Terme percorrendo la via Est delle Casette Tipo o poco più a ovest di questo imboccare via Tecta degli Aurighi. Questa strada privata poteva essere chiusa tramite delle porte poste ai due estremi, ma qualora fosse stata aperta avrebbe condotto verso il Cardine degli Aurighi, divenendo così un ottimo percorso di collegamento tra le due vie principali della Regio. Dal Cardine degli Aurighi era invece possibile, oltre alla via Tecta, accedere direttamente al Caseggiato degli Aurighi e, passando attraverso questo, arrivare all’ambulacro che lo collegava con il cortile delle Terme. Il complesso sembra quindi presentarsi come un edificio con numerose soluzioni d’accesso, dotato di ampi spazi dedicati alle attività commerciali che in totale coprono circa il 27% della superficie, e che erano dislocati nelle immediate vicinanze dei principali punti di percorrenza o lungo le facciate dei Caseggiati, come le quattro tabernae su via della Foce e quelle sul Cardine degli Aurighi, due di pertinenza del Caseggiato e due dell’Edificio 1. L’intero piano terra del Caseggiato del Serapide era dedicato ad attività commerciali, mentre nel Caseggiato degli Aurighi sembra che la vocazione commerciale fosse più contenuta. In quest’ultimo, una taberna si trova nell’angolo nord-ovest del cortile porticato, visibile da chi usciva dalle Terme utilizzando il vestibolo sud di queste; un secondo blocco commerciale si può trovare nell’ala est ed era formato da due grandi stanze che subirono una riorganizzazione interna con la costruzione di tramezzi. Si può supporre infatti che le stanze fossero state concepite con una divisione interna neutra e che successivamente il proprietario o affittuario le avesse sistemate in conformità alle esigenze della sua attività, della quale purtroppo non rimane traccia. Stesso discorso può valere per gli spazi dell’Edificio 1. Questo era stato costruito come doppio portico

impostato su pilastri con volte a crociera di copertura e in un secondo momento furono edificati una serie di tramezzi che andarono a creare un certo numero di stanze, dodici nella parte nord e sei in quella sud, divisi da una rampa di scale. Gli ambienti sono posti su due file, mantenendo la divisione del doppio porticato e sono tutti comunicanti tra loro tramite una porta, ma si nota come questi accessi non siano tutti uguali e allineati, forse perché realizzati in base alle varie esigenze delle attività che vi venivano svolte. Importante punto di collegamento tra la parte a nord e quella a sud dell’edificio sembra essere stato il vestibolo o ambiente di disimpegno posto sulla prima fila (64) che porta all’ambiente retrostante, dove è posta la rampa di scale che dà accesso al piano superiore. Questo infatti è collegato con un accesso diretto alle stanze a nord e, tramite un’apertura nel sottoscala della rampa 65, a quelle a sud, di cui il sottoscala sembra essere di pertinenza visto il collegamento diretto che esiste tra questi ambienti. Il vano 64 si dimostra quindi essere l’unico punto di collegamento interno tra i due ‘blocchi’ commerciali. Delle attività svolte rimane traccia solo di un bancone, tre bacini e un piccolo forno. Nell’Insula X vi è un unico esempio di edilizia residenziale al piano terra, l’appartamento del Caseggiato degli Aurighi, il cui accesso principale è posto nel muro nord del passaggio che porta dal cortile del Caseggiato alla via Tecta. Internamente presenta una pianta molto semplice, un corridoio su cui si affacciano due cubicoli, un atrio su cui si trova una scala interna per l’accesso al secondo piano, un possibile triclinio e due ulteriori stanze sul fondo. Nel complesso sono presenti tre tipologie di latrine. Una è posta nel sottoscala del Caseggiato del Serapide con un solo sedile, probabilmente ad uso dei condomini. Un’altra, sempre di modeste dimensioni, si trova ad est della sala a cupola delle Terme, probabilmente a uso dei fruitori dell’impianto balneare e una nel Caseggiato degli Aurighi. Quest’ultima è di notevoli dimensioni e si trova alle spalle di una bottega in una posizione che la rende facilmente accessibile dal Caseggiato e anche da coloro che uscivano dalle Terme o passava per via Tecta degli Aurighi.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

109

DESIGNATING PLACE

La parte centrale del complesso è occupata dagli spazi dedicati alle Terme. La pianta è impostata su una sorta di corridoio centrale che porta dal vestibolo nord al cortile e che permette l’accesso a tutti gli ambienti balneari. A est si susseguono le sale calde, mentre la parte ovest è dedicata ai frigidari, all’apoditerio e alle altre stanze di pertinenza della parte pubblica e multifunzionale delle Terme.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Gli spazi aperti del complesso non sono molti, circa il 15,2% dell’area complessiva. Soprattutto per quanto riguarda i Caseggiati la disposizione degli spazi aperti è condizionata dalla presenza dei piani superiori, in quanto la loro funzione principale, indipendentemente dalla presenza di locali commerciali, era abitativa. Essendo insulae la loro caratteristica peculiare era infatti lo sviluppo in altezza e la necessità di ottimizzare gli spazi per creare il maggior numero possibile di unità abitative e ciò avrà sicuramente inciso sulla quantità degli spazi dedicati ad attività comuni. Il cortile centrale era un’ottima soluzione per dare luce all’interno dell’edificio e per garantire un comodo smistamento ai piani superiori senza pesare troppo sugli spazi dedicati alle abitazioni. L’impostazione della pianta al piano terra era rispettata nei piani superiori, dove le scale davano accesso al ballatoio che si affacciava sul cortile e garantiva l’accesso agli appartamenti. Anche se poco conservati i piani superiori delle due insulae hanno mostrato come gli ingombri dei blocchi costruttivi del piano terra fossero riproposti anche nel piano superiore, facendo supporre che lo fossero anche i percorsi principali. Discorso diverso invece per le Terme, in cui la presenza di un piano superiore, posto esclusivamente nell’area centrale, era una dotazione in più dell’impianto e non un elemento discriminante per la disposizione degli spazi. Le aree scoperte infatti sono più numerose: il vestibolo nord e sud più il cortile, dimostrando come l’inclusione di ampi spazi comuni fosse uno degli aspetti principali, in quanto l’impianto balneare era probabilmente destinato a una intensa fruizione pubblica e a scopi ricreativi.

Molto differente, invece, è la situazione nell’Edificio 1, dove la pura destinazione commerciale ha portato a ottimizzare la distribuzione degli spazi in favore delle tabernae. 6.3.3 L’INTEGRAZIONE LOCALE E GLOBALE DELL’INSULA X E DELL’EDIFICIO III, XIV, 1 Si è proceduto con l’analisi degli spazi tramite il software Jass, che permette la creazione di un grafico giustificato denominato J-graph (Fig. 6.14a, b). In primo luogo, sono stati segnalati sulla pianta gli spazi da analizzare tramite il posizionamento di un simbolo (punto) che funge da indicatore; in seguito, è stata stabilita la posizione del nodo che indica il punto base dal quale si svilupperà il grafico. Nel nostro caso, questo punto iniziale indica genericamente lo spazio esterno al complesso, ossia l’accesso dalla strada, con il numero 71, che è stato collegato con gli spazi interni tenendo conto dell’interazione che hanno con questo. Gli spazi analizzati sono 70 e il grado di interazione globale (RRA) per il complesso nella sua totalità è di 1.198, indicando una struttura non molto integrata. Si segnala che si è scelto di analizzare come blocco unico l’appartamento al piano terra del Caseggiato degli Aurighi, numero 41, tenendo conto solo dell’accesso principale in quanto l’analisi avrebbe restituito solo un dato parziale, dal momento che si concentra esclusivamente sul piano terra e che l’appartamento aveva invece un’ulteriore accesso al piano superiore. Il grafico ottenuto da questa analisi restituisce tre valori: il numero di passi necessari a raggiungere la stanza analizzata dal nodo (Depth); il valore locale di controllo che ha la stanza nei confronti delle altre stanze, ossia quanto quello spazio porti ad altri spazi (Control Value); il valore globale di integrazione (RRA) che indica quanto la stanza analizzata sia integrata con tutto il resto del sistema (Fig. 6.15). Il valore di controllo più alto è stato ottenuto dal cortile del Caseggiato del Serapide (8), che nonostante i 2.0 passi che servono per raggiungerlo dall’esterno è lo spazio che controlla più spazi di tutto il complesso. Se si calcola anche l’integrazione globale, il cortile non è lo spazio più integrato in quanto la sua posizione incastonata e periferica in

110

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

confronto ai flussi di movimento non lo rendeva il percorso più utilizzato per raggiungere tutti gli altri percorsi, anche se il valore si attesta comunque tra quelli più alti ottenuti. Il maggior grado di integrazione globale lo ottiene l’ambulacro (39) del Caseggiato degli Aurighi, che si trova ad 1.0 passi dal nodo esterno. Questo si dimostra, facendo una media dei tre valori, il passaggio meglio collegato di tutto il complesso in quanto punto di snodo per la percorrenza in ogni direzione. Valori alti ottengono anche il passaggio est degli Aurighi (46) e la via Tecta (51) posti ad est e ovest di questo e quindi parte della spina dorsale di collegamento del complesso.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

La sala a cupola (20) delle Terme, pur stando a 3.0 passi dall’esterno ottiene un alto valore di controllo locale in quanto dà accesso a tutte le sale calde, alla latrina e alle stanze che vi si affacciano a nord. Il valore globale, come era prevedibile, è

Fig. 6.14 Ostia, Insula III, x ed Edificio III, xiv, 1. Grafico tipologico e J-graph dell’insula (nodo 71 = vettore esterno) con indicazione delle aree maggiormente integrate

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

111

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 6.15 Ostia, Insula III, x ed Edificio III, xiv, 1. Tabella riassuntiva dei dati ottenuti dall’analisi topologica (in grigio scuro gli ambienti con media di valori di CV e RRA alti, in grigio chiaro gli ambienti con media di valori CV e RRA medio-alti)

112

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

un valore medio. È infatti possibile raggiungere tranquillamente i punti principali del complesso senza dover passare per questo, ma tenendo conto che si sta parlando di un ambiente di pertinenza delle Terme e non di un ambiente di percorrenza comune si può dire che all’interno della fruizione dell’impianto era l’ambiente principale delle Terme. Sempre analizzando il settore balneare, il passaggio (22) che dal vestibolo nord (15) porta al cortile (34), sempre di pertinenza delle Terme, è il passaggio focale dell’impianto in quanto lo attraversa e permette l’accesso a tutti gli ambienti. Questo è posto a 3.0 passi dal punto esterno, ma ottiene un alto valore di controllo locale e un valore medio-alto di integrazione globale in quanto capace di collegare i due caseggiati del complesso passando internamente alle Terme. Un valore medio-basso di controllo e medio-alto di integrazione globale lo ottiene il vestibolo nord delle terme (15) che pur essendo un punto di passaggio obbligato per l’accesso dal Caseggiato del Serapide soffre il collegamento non immediato con l’esterno, 3.0 passi. Si può fare un confronto con il vestibolo sud, che pur avendo 1.0 passi di distanza dall’esterno, in quanto immediatamente accessibile e quindi un valore di integrazione locale alto, ha un valore di controllo molto basso in quanto troppo decentrato e quindi poco collegato alle atre sale delle Terme. Lo stesso vale per il cortile (34), sempre di pertinenza delle Terme, e per le fauces (3) del Caseggiato del Serapide, che mostrano un valore di controllo abbastanza basso. Il cortile del Caseggiato degli Aurighi (40) invece si trova a 2.0 passi dal punto esterno e ha un alto grado di integrazione locale; per l’integrazione globale ottiene invece un valore medio-alto 0.723 di RRA che, messo a confronto con quello del cortile del Serapide (0.611), sembra mostrare un grado globale di interazione nettamente inferiore, anche se la tipologia costruttiva è la stessa e l’ampiezza di quest’ultimo avrebbe dovuto incidere sul flusso di percorrenza che poteva contenere. Questo punto verrà approfondito poco avanti con l’ausilio dei grafici assiali e VGA. Per ora ci si limiti ad osservare che il dato è influenzato sicuramente dalla presenza di un minor numero di botteghe e dalla presenza dell’appartamento, che

pur prendendo una buona porzione del piano terra aveva un unico accesso dal cortile. Il portico (42) degli Aurighi è direttamente affacciato sul Cardine e quindi solo a 1.0 passi dall’esterno, ha un alto grado di integrazione globale in quanto punto di passaggio obbligato per l’accesso a molti dei percorsi interni del complesso; tuttavia ha un grado di controllo abbastanza basso in quanto direttamente collegate a questo c’erano solo le botteghe ai suoi estremi. Il portico venne successivamente chiuso dalla creazione di un appartamento che andò a impiantarsi nella fascia centrale a sud del cortile degli Aurighi (40). La creazione di questa unità abitativa risparmiò i due corridoi laterali, mantenendo così il collegamento della facciata esterna con il cortile esterno. Per quanto riguarda gli spazi commerciali, che mostrano tutti un valore di controllo medio o mediobasso, gli ambienti che hanno affaccio diretto sulla strada mostrano un livello di integrazione molto alto come era prevedibile e questi sono gli ambienti (43 e 47) del Caseggiato degli Aurighi, gli ambienti (2,4 e 5) del Caseggiato del Serapide e gli ambienti (52,69 e 70) dell’Edificio 1. Si è poi proceduto con l’analisi delle linee assiali e del grafico di visibilità (VGA) ottenuti tramite il software UCL Depthmap, aggiungendo a essi i dati da un’analisi che tiene conto della visibilità degli spazi e del loro volume (Fig. 6.16). Si notano infatti alcuni cambiamenti. Come risulta subito evidente, il cortile del Caseggiato degli Au__ degli Aurighi, che nella precedente analisi aveva ottenuto ottimi valori di integrazione e controllo. Qui si presenta come uno dei passaggi con minor visibilità insieme a quelli secondari di raccordo, come lo sbocco su via della Calcara del Caseggiato del Serapide o i passaggi che circondavano i vani scala del Caseggiato degli Aurighi. Poca visibilità ottiene anche Via Tecta degli Aurighi: benché fosse uno degli snodi principali della viabilità interna era pur sempre una strada coperta abbastanza angusta. Un ulteriore grafico è quello che si può ottenere con il lancio virtuale di 50 agenti autonomi che vagano per il complesso con libertà di spostamento

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

113

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Above & next page Fig. 6.16 Ostia, Insula III, x ed Edificio III, xiv, 1. A sinistra grafico assiale, a destra grafico VGA dei percorsi

114

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

115

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 6.17 Ostia, Insula III, x ed Edificio III, xiv, 1. Grafico che mostra il movimento di 50 agenti virtuali

116

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

(Fig. 6.17). Anche quest’analisi si basa sul grado di visibilità degli spazi e conferma come il flusso principale dello spostamento interno sembra passasse in modo lineare dal cortile del Serapide attraverso il passaggio centrale delle Terme, dove un alto grado di concentrazione si può trovare nel cortile, per poi incanalarsi maggiormente attraverso il passaggio sull’ambulacro che portava al cortile del Caseggiato degli Aurighi, dove si concentra il maggior numero di passaggi da parte degli agenti virtuali. 6.4 CONCLUSIONI (VDC, GP) L’applicazione del metodo della Space Syntax ai due casi sopra illustrati solleva alcune riflessioni metodologiche.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Quanto alle terme del Nuotatore, comparando i risultati dell’analisi stratigrafica con quelli dell’analisi spaziale si delineano due diversi scenari. Se, infatti, nella prima a determinare la ricostruzione dei percorsi è soprattutto la logica funzionale, nella seconda l’esplorazione sembra essere guidata dalla percezione dello spazio e dalla connettività. L’esperienza dei luoghi, è quindi il tema attorno al quale ruota la questione. Come determinare con buona approssimazione l’andamento di un percorso in una determinata fase assecondando solo uno dei criteri? Quanto sembra di cogliere dall’indagine è che i fruitori dell’edificio termale dovessero possedere una certa consapevolezza negli spostamenti, sì da sapere dove dirigersi in base alla sala da voler raggiungere. Tale consapevolezza, immaginiamo, poteva essere maturata da parte di un antico cittadino ostiense frequentando abitualmente gli edifici termali, salvo poi “fare esperienza” del singolo edificio accedendovi per la prima volta. Il senso della riflessione è che il settore delle sale propriamente termali è funzionalmente ben connesso ai punti di snodo del complesso, mentre dal punto di vista della percezione risulta particolarmente isolato, dimostrando come i due approcci andrebbero integrati per ricostruire una storia globale dell’edificio.

L’esito del confronto proposto apre quindi nuove prospettive di analisi riguardo alla scala di riferimento, all’oggettività della percezione e al valore della connettività/integrazione nell’ambito di una realtà stratificata, che per sua natura tende a trasformare le forme degli spazi, lasciando tuttavia inalterate le funzioni. In merito all’Insula III e alle terme dei Sette Sapienti, si è visto come si possa ottenere uno studio abbastanza dettagliato che consideri alcune delle variabili che influiscono sull’utilizzo e sull’importanza di uno spazio tenendo conto del complesso nel quale è inserito. Lo sviluppo planimetrico, la disposizione delle aree coperte e scoperte, i volumi utilizzati per alcuni ambienti, il grado di visibilità, di collegamento di uno spazio e la rapidità di percorrenza per arrivare ad una destinazione sono tutti dati che influiscono sulla decisione del percorso da prendere da parte di eventuali frequentatori. Oltre a dare indicazioni sulle motivazioni che hanno guidato la disposizione degli spazi, possono contribuire ad individuare la destinazione d’uso di alcuni ambienti. L’unico limite che si è incontrato è stata l’ampiezza dell’area di ricerca. Si pensa infatti che, se si potesse estendere lo studio, almeno per quanto riguarda l’analisi dei percorsi, a tutto l’isolato nord della Regio III, si potrebbe analizzare in modo più completo il grado di percorrenza e utilizzo dei complessi costruttivi che vi si trovano. Si è notato infatti come questo tipo di analisi abbia penalizzato i punti periferici del complesso, come il portico del Caseggiato degli Aurighi e la via Tecta. Probabilmente tenendo conto del flusso di spostamento anche verso l’esterno, e non solo verso l’interno, si potrebbe avere un quadro il più possibile dettagliato dell’influenza di questi passaggi in quanto, a differenza del complesso studiato da J. Stöger che aveva un’organizzazione più incentrata all’interno, l’Insula III, x era organizzata per accogliere un maggior flusso proveniente dalle numerose strade limitrofe e dai complessi attigui.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

117

DESIGNATING PLACE

Bibliografia Ampolo, C., Bracale, G., Capo, G., Carandini, A., Cassolo, P., Fabbricotti, E., Giovanni, V., Moriconi, M.P., Panella, C., Pensabene. P., Piana, P., Pucci, G., Ricci, A., Salone, C., Semeraro, T. & Settepassi F. 1973. Le Terme Del Nuotatore. Scavo degli ambienti V e di un saggio nell’area SO. Ostia III, Studi Miscellanei 21, Roma Anselmino, L., Ascenzi, A., Bracale, G., Bragantini, l., Capo, G., Carandini, A., Caruso, l., Cassia, S., Cassali, P., De Carolis, E., De Vos Raaijmakers, M., Giove, S., Manacorda, D., Panella, C., Pavolini, C., Pensabene, P., Pucci, G., Ricci, A., Ricciotti, D., Semeraro, T., Sergi, S., Settepassi, F., Talamo, E., Tortorella, S. & Tortorici, E. 1976. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell’ambiente XVI e dell’area XXV. Ostia IV, Studi Miscellanei 23, Roma Bauer, F.A., Heinzelmann, M., Martin, A. & Schaub, A. 1999. Untersuchungen im Bereich der konstantinischen Bischofskirche Ostias. Vorbericht zur ersten Grabungskampagne, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung, 106, 289-341 Berti, F., Carandini, A., Fabbricotti, E., Gasparri, C., Giannelli, M., Moriconi, M.P., Palma, B., Panella, C., Picozzi, M.G., Ricci, A. & Tatti, M. 1970. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell’ambiente I. Ostia II, Studi Miscellanei 16, Roma: De Luca

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Calza, G., Becatti, G., Gismondi, I., De Angelis D’Ossat, G. & Bloch, H. 1953. Scavi di Ostia I: Topografia Generale. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato Carandini, A., Fabbricotti, E., Gasparri, C., Gasparri Tatti, M., Giannelli, M., Moriconi, M.P., Palma, B., Panella, C., Polia, M. & Ricci, A. 1968. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo dell’ambiente IV. Ostia I, Studi Miscellanei 13, Roma Carandini, A., Fabbricotti, E., Palma, B., Pucci, G. & Semeraro, T. 1973. Le Terme del Nuotatore. Scavo degli ambienti III, VI, VII. Ostia III, Studi Miscellanei 21, Roma DeLaine, J. 2004. Designing for a market: “medianum” apartments at Ostia, Journal of Roman Archaeology 17, 146-176 Hillier, B. & Hanson, J. 1984. The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Hermansen, G. 1981. Ostia. Aspects of Roman City Life, Edmonton: University of Alberta Press Heres, T. 1992-1993. La storia edilizia delle Terme dei Sette Sapienti (III, x, 2) ad Ostia Antica: Uno studio preliminare, Mededelingen van het Nederlands Historisch Instituut te Rome 51-52, 73-113 Mar, R. 1990. Las Termas de Tipo Medio de Ostia, Italica. Cuadernos de Trabajos de la Escuela Española de Histoia y Arquelogia de Roma 18, 31-77 Mar, R. 1991. La Formazione dello Spazio ad Ostia, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 98, 83-109 Martin, A., Heinzelmann, M., De Sena, E. & Granino, M.G. 2002. The Urbanistic Project on the Previously Unexcavated Areas of Ostia (DAI – AAR 1996 – 2001), Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 47, 259-304 Medri, M. 2018. Terme in città: osservazioni a partire dal caso di Ostia Antica, In José Miguel Noguera Celdrán, Virginia García-Entero & Marta Pavía Page (eds), Termas públicas de Hispania, Congreso Internacional, Murcia, 1921 abril 2018, 15-17 Medri, M. & Di Cola, V. 2013. Le terme del Nuotatore in Ostia. Cronologia di un’insula ostiense, Studi Miscellanei 36, Rome: De Luca Medri, M., Falzone, S., Lo Blundo, M. & Calvigioni, S. 2017. Le fasi costruttive del Santuario di Bona Dea (V, X, 2). Relazione sulle indagini svolte negli anni 2012-2013, in http://www.fastionline. org/docs/FOLDER-it-2017-375.pdf Mols, S. 2000. Decorazione e uso dello spazio a Ostia. Il caso dell’insula III, X, Mededelingen van het Nederlands Historisch Instituut te Rome 58, 247-384 Pavolini, C. 2006². Ostia, Roma: Laterza Pavolini, C. 2010², La vita quotidiana a Ostia, Roma-Bari Stöger, J.J. 2008. Roman Ostia: Space Syntax and the Domestication of Space. In A. Posluschny, K. Lambers & I. Herzog (eds), Layers of Perception,

118

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

6 SPACE SYNTAX A OSTIA ANTICA

Proceedings of the 35th CAA, 2007, 322-327. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt Stöger, J.J. 2009. Clubs and Lounges at Roman Ostia: The Spatial Organisation of a Boomtown Phenomenon (Space Syntax Applied to the Study of Second Century AD “Guild Buildings” at a Roman Port Town). In D. Koch, L. Marcus & J. Steen (eds), Proceedings of the 7th International Space Syntax Symposium. 108.1-108.12. Stockholm: KTH Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Thébert, Y. 2003. Thermes Romains d’Afrique du nord at leur contexte Mediterraneen: etudes d’archeologie, Roma: École française de Rome Zevi, F. 1973. P. Lucilio Gamala Senior e i “Quattro Tempietti” di Ostia, Mélanges de l’école française de Rome, 82-2, 555-581 Zevi, F. 1996-1997. Costruttori eccellenti per le mura di Ostia. Cicerone, Clodio e l’iscrizione della Porta Romana, Rivista dell’Istituto Nazionale d’Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte, III serie, 19-20, 61-112 Sitografia Kinda Al_Sayed 2018, http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/ 1415080/1/Al-Sayed_SpaceSyntax-manual_2018. pdf

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

UCL Space Syntax 2019, http://otp.spacesyntax.net

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

119

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

7 From the Forum to the Gate Commercial Investment and Ostia’s Cardo

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Miko Flohr

This article analyses the relation between commerce and urban development in Ostia. It explores the question of how commercial interests played a role in decisions about building projects, and how this, in turn, impacted on the way in which the urban landscape functioned as a social space: to which extent did commercial interests shape the urban experience? This agenda necessitates a close reading of building practice on the micro scale, analysing changes and shifts over time, and assessing the impact of individual building projects. For this reason, the argument will develop from a close analysis of one specific subsection of the city, and it will focus on an area that has long remained relatively marginal in scholarly thinking about Ostia’s urban landscape: the so-called “Cardo”, which has traditionally played a secondary role in conceptualisations of Ostia’s urban landscape, as these very much focused on the eastern decumanus and its continuation west of the forum towards the sea. Still, the excavated section of the cardo, which connected the forum of Ostia with the so-called Laurentine Gate and the necropolis beyond it, must be seen as a key road within Ostia’s urban street network, and it certainly was one of the oldest: it has been argued that it went back to before the foundation of the Roman colony in the fourth century BC (Mar 1990; Stöger 2011). Understanding the way in which the role of commerce alongside this road developed over time, and comparing this to the other main arteries of Ostia, which tend to be better known, can add to discourse on the commercial history of Ostia at large.

commerce in Ostia. Already in the late 1950s, Girri published a small booklet on the shops of Ostia (Girri 1956). Meiggs subsequently discussed commerce extensively in his trend-setting work on Roman Ostia, as did Hermansen in his book on daily life in the city (Meiggs 1960; Hermansen 1981). More recently, DeLaine has offered an architecture-based approach to the “commercial landscape” of Ostia in the second century AD, while several scholars have been studying bakeries, fulleries, and horrea in the city (DeLaine 2005).1 A recent analysis by Schoevaert has analysed the tabernae of Ostia from a variety of angles (Schoevaert 2018). Recent work on the tabernae by Holleran and Ellis has also discussed the tabernae of Ostia (Holleran 2017; Ellis 2018). All this scholarship has left no doubt that commerce was a defining feature of everyday urban practice in Ostia, and it has made clear that the archaeological remains of the city cannot be properly understood without acknowledging the fundamental centrality of commerce to both the formation and use of the urban landscape. Yet it may be argued that most of these approaches have focused on the second century AD city, and remain implicit about – or even insensitive to – chronological change: second century AD Ostia has been characterised as a “boomtown” that suddenly exploded in size under Trajan and Hadrian, and this is likely to have had an enormous impact on the way its commercial landscape took shape in this period, but this has barely been part of the discussion.2 At the same time, while several people have been looking at the spatial dynamics of Ostia’s urban landscape, particularly Hanna Stöger,

7.1 COMMERCIAL INVESTMENT IN OSTIA Commerce in Ostia has not escaped scholarly notice. Indeed, there is, compared to elsewhere in the Roman world, a relative wealth of literature on

1 On bakeries, see Bakker 1999; on the fulleries, see De Ruyt 2001; Flohr 2013. On the horrea of Ostia, see, besides Rickman 1971, Boetto et al. 2016. 2 On the second century AD building boom, see, still, Heinzelmann 2002.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

121

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 7.1 Taberna in the north-east corner of building I M. Flohr)

most approaches to commerce have been typological rather than topographical in nature: the idea that commercial development as a phenomenon spreads unequally over time and place within cities has not yet been a central part of the discussion (Stöger 2011). Yet chronological change and an emerging differentiation within the urban area are crucial for our understanding of the social and economic history of Ostia, and the same is true for the changing contexts within which commercial facilities were constructed. The present author has explored some of these issues in an earlier article discussing the chronological development of commercial investment along the western decumanus (Flohr 2018). The following pages subject Ostia’s cardo to a comparable analysis. As will become clear in what follows, engaging with the cardo adds quite a bit of nuance to the picture suggested by analysing the decumanus.

xii

10, belonging to the Terme del Foro. (Photo:

A few basic, methodological issues briefly need to be discussed explicitly at the start of the argument. First, the relation between archaeology and commerce is complex and takes several forms. Traditionally, scholars have emphasised the quantity and size of the horrea of Ostia (Meiggs 1960, 270–278; Hermansen 1981, 125–205). It is undeniable that the horrea constitute a dominant and remarkable feature of the city, and their history is of direct relevance for both the economic and urban history of Ostia: it is hard to build up a credible narrative of Ostia’s commercial landscape without acknowledging the impact of the horrea on urban space, particularly in the eastern half of the city. However, the more dominant commercial phenomenon at Ostia was the taberna – a large space with a wide opening from, usually, the street, which could be used for a variety of commercial purposes (Fig. 7.1).3 Within the Roman architectural 3 On the taberna see Flohr 2020; in press; Holleran 2012, 00–00;

122

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

7 FROM THE FORUM TO THE GATE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

vocabulary the taberna was a room type, not a building type, and as such it is always found as part of a larger whole. However, it also was a very flexible concept: it could be used in a large variety of building types, in a variety of places, and in smaller and larger numbers; size and shape could differ according to the circumstances – essentially, only the wide entrance is a standard element. In practice, tabernae have been found as part of houses, and of all kinds of public buildings, and they could also be constructed as groups, in rows, as a commercial building. There was no clear end to the flexibility with which tabernae could be deployed. The taberna was an old phenomenon by the time that Ostia began to grow spectacularly in the later first century BC and early first century AD. Probably, its origins lie in the Italian peninsula. The taberna seems to have emerged in the third century BC, roughly in the same period in which there is increasing evidence for the monetization of everyday urban commerce, and to have become increasingly common, throughout Italy, from the second century BC onwards—particularly in larger cities, but increasingly also in smaller urban centres. By the Early Imperial period the taberna was a widespread phenomenon in Roman Italy, and one that was, culturally, profoundly associated with concepts of urbanity—Roman authors talk about it as if a city normally had shops, and if it did not have shops, or if shops were closed, it did not look like a city, or at least not like a daytime urban environment.4 The wide opening of the taberna not only fostered commercial interaction—prospective buyers could quickly and easily evaluate what was on offer—but they also integrated shop holders—craftsmen and retailers— into the urban environment, thus intensifying the urban social landscape (Flohr 2020). In other words, the commercialisation of urban space, which was mostly fostered by economic priorities, had profound social consequences in many cities in Roman Italy, and transformed the practical dynamics of everyday urban life. At Ostia the oldest remains of tabernae are found against the outer walls of the castrum and probably 2017; Ellis 2018. 4 E.g. Liv. 23.24. Cf. Flohr in press.

date to the third century, though no good dating evidence is available (Calza & Becatti 1953; Flohr 2018). There is scattered evidence for the Later Republican and Early Imperial periods, mostly underneath later buildings, but it suggests that, as elsewhere in Italy, the taberna became a common element in the urban landscape even if, at Ostia, compared to Pompeii, large elite houses with more than four tabernae in the façade appear to have been exceptional. Tabernae at Ostia, before the second century AD, appear mostly in relation to small- and medium-sized private houses, and in the form of long rows as commercial buildings along the main streets, and in the castrum. The building boom of the second century AD completely transformed the entire city, and resulted in a much denser commercial landscape which, throughout the city, became dominated by long, continuous sequences of tabernae. Some of these were constructed during huge building projects which involved the construction of entire neighbourhoods – such as the quarter around the Baths of Neptune along the eastern decumanus, or the Case a Giardino in the western part of the city.5 By the third century AD, however, it seems that investment levels had dropped, and the number of tabernae had stopped increasing – though there is no evidence suggesting that many tabernae went out of use immediately: only when the population of Ostia began to decrease, in Late Antiquity, did tabernae begin to be closed off, or to be converted into other uses – indeed, many of Ostia’s late antique houses include the remains of second century AD tabernae.6 7.2 INTRODUCING THE CARDO This, very roughly, is the background against which the history of commercial investment alongside Ostia’s Cardo should be evaluated. There is a bit more to say about the Cardo itself. In its final state, the Cardo started – or ended – at the south end of the forum, against the back wall of the temple of Roma and Augustus (Fig. 7.2). In the second century traffic could, at this point, continue towards, or come from, three different directions: the forum, the palaestra of 5 On these quarters, see DeLaine 2002; Stevens 2005. 6 On late antique Ostia in general, see Boin 2013. Converted tabernae were included in e.g. the House of Amor and Psyche (I xiv 3), house II vi 2, and the Aula of Mars and Venus (II ix 3). On these complexes, see Pavolini 2006, 38.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

123

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 7.2 Overview of the Cardo and its adjacent buildings. (Map: M. Flohr)

the forum baths, and the Via del Tempio Rotondo and the Via del Pomerio, which ran around the outer castrum wall and connected the end of the cardo to the piazza in front of the sea-side gate of the castrum, from where the two main roads towards the sea and the river mouth departed. Only this last connection was viable for wheeled traffic. From this crossroads on the edge of the forum the Cardo slightly bent in an easterly direction before continuing in a straight line to the Porta Laurentina – a distance totaling some 250 meters. On its way, it encountered two other roads. On the south side, some 75 meters from the forum it crossed at right angles the Via della Caupona, of which some 100 meters have been excavated; we do not know how it continued beyond that point, though it probably at some point encountered the continuation of the Via di Iside, which ran parallel to the Cardo further to the south. Some 125 meters further down the road was the point where the Semita dei Cippi split off from the Cardo, to continue in a north westerly direction towards the east end of the original castrum and the decumanus. Beyond the city gate the cardo has been excavated for no more than a few meters, but its continuation has been found some 200 meters further to the east, where it is surrounded by tombs and thus appears to have lost its urban character. Beyond the necropolis, the road was connected to the rigidly centuriated agricultural zone of the Pianabella area.7 7 On this centuriation, see Heinzelmann 1998.

To understand how this road functioned in its larger urban environment, the most logical starting point is Stöger’s analysis of Ostia’s reconstructed street grid, which does not only include the actually excavated streets, but the unexcavated streets of which we know the existence through geophysical survey (Stöger 2011, 197–227). Her analysis in general strongly privileges the decumanus over perpendicular routes like the cardo: these were less central to the urban road system, and therefore mostly of secondary importance. Additionally, Stöger’s Space Syntax analysis suggested that among the roads leading to and from the decumani, it was not the Cardo and the Semita dei Cippi that were the most relevant, but a road further to the east that branched off the eastern decumanus in the vicinity of the theatre – the Via del Sabazeo (Fig. 7.3). This road is known to have led to an unexcavated city gate and continued south of the city, connecting with the prolongation of the cardo in the necropolis.8 It offered a shortcut to those who traveled from the area south of Ostia to the city and preferred to avoid the city center. Yet it should be pointed out that this relative marginality of the Cardo should not be overstated. First, of course, Stöger’s analysis of relative integration analyzed potential traffic routes, not actual road use, and because it is based only on the road network, it is insensitive to 8 On the city gate belonging to this road, see Martin & Heinzelmann 2000, who date it to the first century AD.

124

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

7 FROM THE FORUM TO THE GATE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 7.3 Position of the Cardo in Ostia’s street network. (Map adapted from Stöger 2011, Fig. 7.12)

differences in population density within the city. It may be argued that the Cardo, while theoretically more marginal than the Via del Sabazeo if you look at the road network, was in practice much more prominent and much more intensively used, simply because it ran through and gave access to several areas with a high population density and, especially, to the forum. Also, and partly for the same reason, the Cardo was a privileged position compared to the Semita dei Cippi, and this is also clear in the latter road’s historical development over time, which suggests increasing marginalisation.9 We should, therefore, analyse the Cardo with the idea in mind that it was a very central urban road, and potentially also one that had considerable symbolic significance within the community. As the argument proceeds to discussing the commercial development of the Cardo, it makes sense to divide the road into a number of sections. In what follows three will be distinguished. The 9 A section of the Semita dei Cippi close to the eastern decumanus was partially overbuilt by a monumental exedra in later antiquity, rendering it unusable. Cf. Pavolini 2006, 79

first runs from the forum to the Via della Caupona; the second from the Via della Caupona to the Bivio with the Semita dei Cippi, and the third from the Bivio to the Porta Laurentina and beyond. 7.3 SECTION I: FROM THE FORUM TO THE VIA DELLA CAUPONA In its present, excavated state, the first part of the Cardo has two faces: on the east side the road is flanked by the remains of a porticus with tabernae belonging to the Forum Baths; on the west side are the remains of a sequence of private buildings of mostly modest size. This latter sequence starts with Ostia’s two remaining “atrium houses”, which date back to at least the late first century BC, and it is clear that both were initially built with the classic, PompeianVitruvian arrangement of a central entrance corridor flanked by a taberna on each side.10 Further to the south follow two more private buildings, but their 10 Calza & Becatti 1953; Pavolini 2006, 198–199. On the Domus di Giove Fulminatore, see Lorenzatti 1998.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

125

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 7.4 Ostia, Cardo. Porticus with tabernae I

xii

visible remains are of a much later date. The first of these was dramatically altered in the early fifth century by the construction of the so-called Ninfeo degli Eroti; it was originally Hadrianic in date, and it may have had two tabernae.11 The second is the third century AD Domus delle Colonne, which was constructed with two tabernae around its monumental entrance.12 In both cases it is impossible to reconstruct how the area was used beforehand, but it may be argued that it would have been occupied by buildings that were similar in size to the later structures—or smaller. On the opposite side of the road, the tabernae of the Forum Baths belong to the later second century AD – probably, to the final years of the reign of Antoninus Pius (Fig. 7.4) (Cicerchia & Marinucci 1992; Pavolini 2006, 107–110). It is hard to 11 On the Ninfeo degli Eroti, see Pavolini 2006, 200. 12 On this house, see Tione 2004, 227; Pavolini 2006, 200–201.

10. (Photo: M. Flohr)

understand land use prior to the construction of the baths, but a magnetometer survey done by the University of Kent suggests the presence of at least one building with dimensions and an orientation suggesting it was a house opening off the cardo (Lavan 2018, 415–417). It is possible, thus, that before the construction of the baths, land use on both sides of the road was rather similar, and that the baths were constructed at the expense of a residential quarter. Parallels like the Central Baths in Pompeii, constructed at the expense of a city block in the 60s and 70s AD, and the baths of Caracalla in Rome, which replaced a sizable urban quarter in the early third century AD, also suggest that this is a credible scenario.13

13 On the Central Baths in Pompeii, see De Haan & Wallat 2008. On the Baths of Caracalla in Rome, see Coarelli 2008, 428–432; Claridge 2010, 357

126

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

7 FROM THE FORUM TO THE GATE

Fig. 7.5 Ostia, ashlar façade of building I

xiii

3. (Photo: M. Flohr)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

7.4 SECTION II: FROM THE VIA DELLA CAUPONA TO THE BIVIO The second section of the Cardo essentially mirrors the layout of the first. Now, the east side of the road was flanked by a sequence of small to medium-sized buildings – though in this case commercial buildings rather than houses. All were much deeper than they were wide, and all had a façade with two or more tabernae. Immediately south of the Terme del Foro, the two buildings closest to the forum had archaising façades of ashlar (Fig. 7.5). Apparently, these façades belonged to earlier buildings: even though the present structures belonged to the second or third century AD, the façades, and therefore the tabernae, were significantly older, perhaps dating back to the late Republic or the Augustan period.14 Further to the south, the last two buildings before the Bivio were much later 14 See, on these two buildings (I 1976, 9–13; Meijlink 1999, 64–77.

xiii

3 and I

xiii

4), Pietrogrande

in date. The first is a row of six tabernae from the late Severan Period (Calza & Becatti 1953, 237). The second is the fourth century Domus delle Gorgoni on the south end of the city block, which included only one, very small taberna. Both buildings are likely to have had predecessors, but it is not clear whether these were of similar size. Compared to most other buildings at Ostia that do not belong to the boom period of the early second century, the Severan tabernae have a relatively long façade length; perhaps, they were the result of a merged plot. On the other side of the road, in insula IV, ii, the situation was different.15 Most of the street front of this insula is taken up by the Porticus and Caseggiato dell’Ercole, which has been brick-stamp dated to the 160s AD (Fig. 7.6).16 Chronologically, it therefore connects 15 On this insula, see, of course, Stöger 2011, 67–196. 16 See Stöger 2011, 96 with reference to Calza & Becatti 1953, 226; Packer 1971, 190.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

127

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 7.6 Ostia, Cardo with Portico di Ercole (IV

ii

rather directly with the porticus with tabernae belonging to the Forum Baths. Physically, too, the two porticus were closely linked: one could directly cross the road from the east end of the porticus of the Forum Baths to the west end of the Portico dell’Ercole. While it is hard to prove (and perhaps unlikely) that they were actually planned as one coherent covered walkway, they surely will have ended up functioning as one. Within the porticus there was a sequence of ten tabernae interrupted by three corridors connecting the porticus to the inner part of the building. The portico is unlikely to have been the first building in the area and, indeed, excavations by Calza have found traces of houses dating back to, possibly, the Republican period (Calza & Becatti 1953, Fig. 30; Stöger 2011, 96). Their number and layout are unclear, as is the extent to which they had tabernae. Probably, they were bought up and razed in order to make space for the Caseggiato dell’Ercole. The only building that may have partially preserved the shape of the original

2-3). (Photo: M. Flohr)

allotments is the one hosting the Terme del Faro, which in its present state roughly belongs to the same period as the Caseggiato dell’Ercole, and which has two tabernae directly on the street.17 East of these baths was the large sanctuary that occupied the entire space between insula IV, ii and the city walls, and is commonly referred to as the Campo della Magna Mater.18 This sanctuary emerged in the Imperial period on an area that appears to have remained unoccupied after the erection of the city walls. Initially, it was separated from the street simply by a closed wall, but in the Hadrianic period a row of ten tabernae was built on both sides of the central entrance to the sacred area, and only the last section before the gate was kept free (Fig. 7.7).19 17 On this building, see Stöger 2011, 69–92. 18 The most detailed study of this sanctuary is Berlioz 1997. See also Pavolini 2006, 207–210. 19 The dating of the tabernae is derived from Calza & Becatti 1953, 236, but can be confirmed on the basis of the use of Hadrianic-style

128

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

7 FROM THE FORUM TO THE GATE

Fig. 7.7 Ostia, Final stretch of the Cardo with tabernae (IV i 9) in front of the Campo della Magna Mater. (Photo: M. Flohr)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

7.5 SECTION III: FROM THE BIVIO TO THE PORTA LAURENTINA AND BEYOND The final stretch of the road, between the Semita dei Cippi and the end of the modern excavations, was partially bordered by the tabernae belonging to the sanctuary. Outside the gate there is a partially excavated structure that includes at least one taberna, and possibly more. It may have been a caseggiato, or a row of tabernae, and its date remains unclear. On the other side of the road the remains of two buildings are visible. One is a row of seven tabernae dating to the Severan period that have been built around and over the city wall (Fig. 7.8).20 A second building, further to the east, is an only partially excavated caseggiato with at least three tabernae along the street, but, opus reticulatum with latericium. There are no known brick-stamps associated with the complex. 20 On this building, see Calza & Becatti 1953, 237.

again, the details remain unclear.21 On the opposite side of the road the plans of Calza and Becatti show one taberna outside the Porta Laurentina, but while it evidently was part of a larger whole, its context cannot be reconstructed on the basis of the building’s known remains. However, even if the interpretation of these fragmentary remains at the edge of the excavated area remains complicated, they do make clear that, like at the other city gates, the urban area continued a bit beyond the wall-circuit, albeit not endlessly: the excavated section situated some 200 meters further to the south shows the road being flanked by a necropolis, with little trace of urban architecture around it.22

21 This building seems to be completely undocumented; it lacks a number on the plan of Calza & Becatti 1953. 22 On the Porta Laurentina Necropolis, see Heinzelmann 1998; 2001.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

129

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 7.8 Ostia, Caseggiato V Flohr)

i

1, with tabernae built on top of the late republican city wall. (Photo: M.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

7.6 DISCUSSION The 14 buildings within the city walls that have been discussed in the previous sections together had, in their excavated state, 59 tabernae – or on average just over four tabernae per building (Fig. 7.9). Five buildings had more than this average – with six to ten tabernae; seven buildings had only one or two tabernae, and there is one building with three, and one building with four tabernae. Thus, while the porticus with tabernae of the Caseggiato dell’Ercole and of the Forum baths are eye-catchers, in terms of commerce, small- and medium-sized complexes made up the majority, and it seems from the archeological evidence that these complexes mostly had a history of independent ownership. At the same time, in the excavated state, commercialisation along the street is rather close to the theoretical maximum: there were only four buildings with alternative uses of space: the Forum Baths included a latrine south of the tabernae; the Late Antique Nympheum of the

Cupids occupied the space of, possibly, one earlier taberna; the Late Antique Domus delle Gorgoni was partially constructed with a closed façade, and the same is true for a section of the Campo della Magna Mater. Yet, this is only the static, descriptive picture. More important is how this situation developed over time, and how it compared to other roads. As to the first issue, there seem to be three main developments in the area. First, in the Late Republican and Early Imperial periods the land alongside the Cardo was parceled out and sold to private people who used it to build their houses; the finds underneath the Forum Baths and the Caseggiato dell’Ercole suggests that this was true along both sides of the road, up to the Campo della Magna Mater and, perhaps, the south end of the city block east of the road. Second, while these buildings were continuously being adapted and developed, a major development took place in the 160s AD, when, possibly in a related development, the porticus with

130

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

7 FROM THE FORUM TO THE GATE

Fig. 7.9 Ostia, number of tabernae for each of the buildings discussed in this chapter. (Chart: M. Flohr)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

tabernae of the Forum Baths and the Caseggiato dell’Ercole were constructed, both at the expense of pre-existing buildings. These two building projects fundamentally changed the character of the street and gave the Cardo a considerably more monumental appearance than it had had before. Thirdly, in later antiquity, the need to invest in commerce or to maintain commercial facilities diminished, and this is reflected in the construction of the Domus delle Gorgoni, the Ninfeo degli Eroti, and the large public latrine, that were probably constructed at the expense of tabernae once situated alongside the road. It is relevant to put this in a slightly broader context: how do the developments along the Cardo relate to developments elsewhere in Ostia? Three points can be made. First, it may be observed that the history of the Cardo to some extent resembles that of the first section of the western decumanus, which had a comparable sequence of small- to medium-sized buildings.23 Some of these subsequently merged to form larger complexes, but in general plot boundaries along both roads appear to have remained stable. Second, it may be argued that, compared to the traditional narrative of Ostia as a Trajanic and Hadrianic boomtown, developments along the Cardo in the second century AD were not only limited, but also relatively late: while both along the western 23 As has been argued in Flohr 2018. See there for an assessment of the historical development of the Western decumanus.

and along the eastern decumanus key developments clustered in the 120s and 130s, the Cardo began to be transformed decisively only in the 160s, and its development continued well into the Severan period, with two rows of tabernae being added only in this period.24 Finally, it may be pointed out that compared to the two “competitor roads” between the Pianabella Necropolis and the decumanus – the Semita dei Cippi and the Via del Sabazeo – the Cardo had traditionally been the main connection, and the developments of the second century AD confirm this: the Cardo ended up much more strongly monumentalised than the other two roads, even if, in terms of connectivity as measured through space syntax, it was less central than the Via del Sabazeo. Arguably, for civic purposes the Cardo was and remained the main road; this may have been different for trade and transport, but it does show that space syntax should not be used too rigidly when assessing urban topographies. 7.7 CONCLUSION More in general, this article confirms how, even in Ostia, where architecture developed on a scale not seen in most other urban excavations in the Roman world – or indeed in many Roman cities – a lot of commercial development was spatially constrained, and proceeded little by little, bit by bit – because of the way in which the landscape had developed, it generally was hard to construct buildings that exceeded the size of one traditional plot unless the local authorities got involved and helped to evict the people living on the spot – then you get developments like the Forum Baths or the Portico dell’Ercole. Yet it should be pointed out that, in spite of what may be expected, such complexes were exceptional even at Ostia – whatever happened on the really large scale, excepting the Porticus of Pius IX, happened on land that previously had not or scarcely been built up. In this way, the developments along the Cardo may be more extreme than they appear to us at first sight. At the same time, the discussion in this article has highlighted that the development of the Cardo sits uneasily with the Trajanic and Hadrianic 24 For the eastern decumanus, key projects like the Terme di Nettuno quarter belong to the boom period of the first half of the second century AD. See e.g. DeLaine 2002.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

131

DESIGNATING PLACE

building boom narrative that dominates the historical development of the decumani and the city as such. As it seems, the Cardo followed its own rhythm, and came under development only at a later moment— essentially just when the second century AD building boom had come to an end. In fact, this opens up an array of new questions about Ostia’s commercial history in the second century AD and beyond.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Finally, it should be emphasised that methodologically, to understand all of this, the larger framework of the urban landscape as a whole is indispensable, and this chapter has also shown that in understanding such issues at Ostia, Hannah Stöger’s Rethinking Ostia remains a groundbreaking work: even if some of the arguments will be modified or further developed in the future – indeed, this chapter implicitly challenges her argument about the prominence of the Via del Sabazeo – the merit of Rethinking Ostia lies in opening up an entirely new way of thinking about Ostia as a spatial system. Without this work, it would be impossible to contextualise the commercial development of both individual streets and the urban landscape as a whole. References Bakker, J.T. 1999. The mills-bakeries of Ostia: description and interpretation. Amsterdam: Gieben Berlioz, S. 1997. Il Campus Magnae Matris di Ostia. Cahiers du Centre G. Glotz 8, 97–110 Boetto, G., Bukowiecki, E., Monteix, N., & Rousse, C. 2016. Les Grandi Horrea d’Ostie. In B. Marin & C. Virlouvet (eds), Entrepôts et trafics annonaires en Méditerranée: Antiquité-Temps modernes, 179–226. Collection de l’École française de Rome. Rome: École française de Rome Boin, D. 2013. Ostia in Late Antiquity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Calza, G., Becatti, G., Gismondi, I., De Angelis D’Ossat, G. & Bloch, H. 1953. Scavi di Ostia I: Topografia Generale. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato Cicerchia, P. & Marinucci, A. 1992. Le Terme del Foro o di Gavio Massimo. Rome: Scavi di Ostia Claridge, A. 2010. Rome. An Oxford Archaeological Guide. Oxford Archaeological Guides. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Coarelli, F. 2008. Roma. Guida Archeologica Laterza. Rome: Laterza De Haan, N. & Wallat, K. 2008. Le Terme Centrali a Pompei: ricerche e scavi 2003-2006. In M.-P. Guidobaldi & P.-G. Guzzo (eds), Nuove Ricerche Archeologiche nell’Area Vesuviana (scavi 2003-2006), 15–24. Studi della Soprintendenza archeologica di Pompei. Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider De Ruyt, C. 2001. Les foulons, artisans des textiles et blanchisseurs. In J.-P. Descœudres (ed.), Ostia, port et porte de la Rome antique, 186-191, Genève: Georg Éditeur DeLaine, J. 2002. Building activity in Ostia in the second century AD. In C. Bruun & A. Gallina Zevi (eds), Ostia e Portus nelle loro relazioni con Roma. Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 27, 41-101. Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae DeLaine, J. 2005. The commercial landscape of Ostia. In A. MacMahon & J. Price (eds), Roman Working Lives and Urban Living, 29–47. Oxford: Oxbow Ellis, S.J.R. 2018. The Roman Retail Revolution. The Socio-Economic World of the Taberna. Oxford: Oxford University Press Flohr, M. 2013. The World of the Fullo. Work, Economy and Society in Roman Italy. Oxford Studies on the Roman Economy. Oxford: Oxford University Press Flohr, M. 2018. Tabernae and commercial investment along the western decumanus in Ostia. In C. De Ruyt, T. Morard & F. Van Haeperen (eds), Ostia Antica. Nouvelles études et recherces sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cité. Actes du colloque international (Rome-Ostia Antica, 2224 septembre 2014), 143–153. Rome: Institut historique belge de Rome Flohr, M. 2020. Performing commerce: everyday work and urban life in Roman Italy. In A. Haug & S. Merten (eds), Urban Practices. Repopulating the Ancient City, Studies in Classical Archaeology 8, 67-80. Turnhout: Brepols Flohr, M. in press. Places and Spaces of Shopping. In M. Harlow & R. Laurence (eds), The Cultural History of Shopping, Volume 1: Antiquity. London: Bloomberg

132

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

7 FROM THE FORUM TO THE GATE

Girri, G. 1956. La taberna nel quadro urbanistico e sociale di Ostia. Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider Heinzelmann, M. 1998. Beobachtungen zur suburbanen Topographie Ostias. Ein orthogonales Strassensystem im Bereich der Pianabella. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Römische Abteilung 105, 175–225 Heinzelmann, M. 2001. Les nécropoles d’Ostie: topographie, développement, architecture, structure sociale. In J.-P. Descoeudres (ed.), Ostia. Port et Porte de la Rome Antique, 373– 384. Genève: Musée Rath Heinzelmann, M. 2002. Bauboom und urbanistische Defizite - zur städtebaulichen Entwicklung Ostias im 2. Jh. In C. Bruun & A. Gallina Zevi (eds), Ostia e Portus nelle loro relazioni con Roma, 103–122. Rome: Institutum Romanum Finlandiae Hermansen, G. 1981. Ostia. Aspects of Roman City Life. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press Holleran, C. 2012. Shopping in ancient Rome: the retail trade in the late Republic and the principate. Oxford: Oxford University Press Holleran, C. 2017. Finding commerce: the taberna and the identification of Roman commercial space. Papers of the British School at Rome 85, 143–170 Lavan, L. 2018. Chronology in Late Antiquity: a Lesson from the Palaestra. In M. CébeillacGervasoni, N. Laubry, & F. Zevi (eds), Ricerche su Ostia e il suo territorio. Atti del Terzo Seminario Ostiense (Roma, École française de Rome, 2122 ottobre 2015), 400–438. Collection de l’École française de Rome. Rome: École française de Rome Lorenzatti, S. 1998. La Domus di Giove Fulminatore. Bollettino di Archeologia 49–50, 79–98 Mar, R. 1990. El santuario de Hércules y la urbanística de Ostia. Archivio Español de Arqueología 63, 137– 160 Martin, A. & Heinzelmann, M. 2000. The Joint AARDAI Research Project at Ostia: 1998 and 1999 Seasons. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 45, 277–283 Meiggs, R. 1960. Roman Ostia. Oxford: Clarendon Press Meijlink, B. 1999. Molino I, xiii, 4. In J.T. Bakker (ed.), The mills-bakeries of Ostia: description and interpretation, 61–79. Amsterdam: Gieben

Packer, J. 1971. The Insulae of Imperial Ostia. Rome: American Academy Pavolini, C. 2006². Ostia, Roma: Laterza Pietrogrande, A.L. 1976. Le Fulloniche. Scavi di Ostia. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato Rickman, G. 1971. Roman Granaries and Store Buildings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Schoevaert, J. 2018. Les boutiques d’Ostie. L’économie urbaine au quotidien. Ier s. av. J.-C. - Ve s. ap. J.-C. Rome: École Française de Rome Stevens, S. 2005. Reconstructing the Garden Houses at Ostia. Exploring Water Supply and Building Height. Bulletin Antieke Beschaving. Annual Papers on Classical Archaeology 80, 113–123 Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: a spatial enquiry into the urban society of Rome’s imperial porttown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Tione, R. 2004. Nuove soluzioni funzionali nelle domus tardoantiche di Ostia attraverso la lettura delle tecniche edilizie e delle tipologie architettoniche. Archivo Español de Arqueología 77, 221–238

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

133

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

8 Revisiting Old Data with New Techniques

A Re-evaluation of Insulae V, ii and IV, ii in Ostia through the Eyes of Space Syntax Alexander C.Q. Jansen

This chapter presents a comparison of the results of two different Space Syntax analyses: the archaeological interpretations of two construction phases of block V, ii (c. AD 200 and c. AD 400-500) by the author of this chapter and the Space Syntax analysis of block IV, ii conducted by Dr. Hanna Stöger. This case study is used to discuss the potential and viability of using Space Syntax for comparisons between archaeological case studies. 8.1 INTRODUCTION

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

This chapter presents the results of a spatial analysis of two construction phases of city block V, ii in Ostia Antica: the Severan phase (c. AD 200) and the final phase of this city block (c. AD 400-500). Space Syntax is used in a way similar to that of Stöger (Stöger 2011), who analysed the nearby city block IV, ii. This allows for a comparison between Stöger’s published PhD monograph and Jansen’s MSc dissertation. First, a basic introduction is given on Space Syntax theory and methods, followed by a description of the case study. Next, the results of the Space Syntax analysis of insula V, ii are presented, and it is demonstrated that these data can be used to interpret the function of a space. This is followed by two comparisons between insulae IV, ii and V, ii: a comparison of their physical properties and a comparison of their hidden spatial properties (which are measured using Space Syntax). The chapter closes with the conclusions of this study and looks forward by discussing the future potential of applying Space Syntax in the field of archaeology. 8.1.1 SPACE SYNTAX The concept known as “Space Syntax” was developed in the context of architectural design and

movement in the built environment (de Smith et al. 2007, 343-344). It was pioneered by Bill Hillier and Julienne Hanson in the late 1970s (Stöger 2011, 43). Space Syntax encompasses a multitude of theories1 and methods primarily used in the fields of architectural and urban research and design (AlSayed et al. 2014, 7). However, these methods also present a toolkit which can be employed by archaeologists. Integrating this approach into the field of archaeology allows us to uncover hidden characteristics of the built environment which may not be apparent from their archaeological remains. Even if some of these characteristics may appear self-evident, this does not mean that they would have been detected without the use of Space Syntax methods. Furthermore, this approach provides an additional quantified layer of evidence for interpretations, and allows for the results to be reproduced (Stöger 2011, 31). Additionally, Space Syntax could allow us to circumvent the use of labels such as tablinum or triclinium. It is often difficult to establish a 1:1 relationship between label and function (DeLaine 2004, 148), even when general trends can be established. These labels can be avoided by instead focussing on how spaces were actually used. Different types of use can relate strongly to specific spatial characteristics of buildings. In order to uncover these characteristics the buildings can be converted into graphs to measure their properties using Space Syntax methods (Al-Sayed et al. 2014, 7-8). Needless to say, the reliability of the results depends on the accuracy and level of detail of the floor plans 1 For a detailed explanation of Space Syntax theory for archaeologists see Jansen 2018.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

135

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 8.1 Insula V, ii, final phase (after Boersma 1985, 214, Fig. 202)

on which the analyses are performed. Thanks to the efforts of Stöger (2011) and Boersma (1985), the Ostian city blocks numbered IV, ii and V, ii are particularly suitable for this Space Syntax study.

8.2 INSULA V, II 8.2.1 THE CITY BLOCK The city block known as insula V, ii was unearthed in a hurry with a severe lack of documentation in 1940

136

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

(Boersma 1985, 1). However, it was extensively documented in the 1970s by a team from the University of Amsterdam, led by Prof. Johannes Boersma. Their work, published in Amoenissima civitas: Block V.ii at Ostia (Boersma 1985), provides an excellent case study for this analysis. The Severan and final phases were selected for this study because the layout of this city block during these two periods is well known. The archaeological evidence of previous construction phases is too fragmentary (Boersma 1985, 201-220) to allow for a Space Syntax analysis. During the Severan and final phases city block V, ii consisted of 14 buildings (Fig. 8.1). Buildings 4-5 as well as 6-7 are each analysed together as single units as they lack a clear boundary. The plans used in this analysis were published by Boersma (1985). 8.2.2 SPATIAL ANALYSIS OF INSULA V, II

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

This spatial analysis of insula V, ii focusses on the effects of differences in the layout of the insula on its inhabitants and visitors. In this chapter the results of an Access Analysis of the city block are presented and discussed. Out of the available Space Syntax methods, Access Analysis is the most commonly used type of analysis and is most suitable for the analysis of buildings (Stöger 2011, 61). The resulting graph presents a schematic depiction of the layout of the buildings, which allows for a syntactic analysis of their internal structure. This can be used to develop hypotheses on the relation between the Space Syntax data and social variables (Hillier & Hanson 1984, 143). The plans of the city block are converted into access graphs with the use of JASS software. First, a topological graph is made, shown in Fig. 8.2. One node is placed in each convex space2, and these are then connected to other nodes if a doorway or connection is present between the spaces. One connection represents movement from one space to another (Hillier & Hanson 1984, 149). 2 A convex space is a space in which each point can be seen from every other point (Klarqvist 1993, 11). Due to the highly irregular shapes of rooms and other spaces in archaeological datasets, the definition of convex spaces should not be applied too strictly. Otherwise, small irregularities would require a space to be split into multiple convex spaces, even if they clearly would have been experienced as a single space. To avoid this, some non-convex spaces (primarily rooms with inward curved walls) are treated as a single space.

The topological graph is then used to generate a justified access graph (also known as a j-graph), Fig. 8.3. A graph is justified when it is created from a specific point of view: this selected space is known as the root node. In this study the four streets surrounding the city block form a single root node (node 0000 in Fig. 8.3). This produces an outside perspective, which represents the point of view of a person in the streets (Laurence 2007, 127). For each node in the j-graph multiple3 spatial variables can be calculated (Stöger 2011, 61), such as depth. Depth is defined as the lowest possible number of connections between two spaces (Klarqvist 1993, 11). Spaces which are directly connected to the streets are placed on the first horizontal level of the graph above the root node. For every additional space one has to pass through in order to reach a space, its depth from the root node increases by one. The mean depth of the entire insula increased from 2.35 during the Severan phase to 3.39 during the final phase. This change can be attributed to the construction of additional spaces in the innermost areas of the insula. The number of spaces increased from 138 to 187. The majority of the new spaces had a depth value of 4 up to 11, whilst the number of spaces with a depth value of 1-3 remained roughly stable. This suggests that the insula became more inwards focussed, and that the overall degree of privacy increased. An analysis of the shape of the two graphs is presented in section 8.3.2. The primary contributors to these changes would have been buildings 4-5, 6-7 and 8, as shown by the values of the individual buildings (Fig. 8.4). During the Severan phase, these were already the largest structures within the city block, in terms of both physical size (surface area) and syntactic size (number of spaces). Their large physical size allowed for more drastic changes compared to the other buildings. Whilst the changes in building 8 were primarily related to how the already existing spaces were connected, the number of spaces in buildings 4-5 and 6-7 was doubled. Only three buildings, 1, 2 and 14, underwent no changes that affected their spatial organisation. In the other buildings most changes involved the creation or removal of 3 Several other variables are discussed further in chapter 8.3.2.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

137

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Above & next page Fig. 8.2 Topological graph of the Severan (left) and final (right) phases of insula V, ii. The colours indicate the different buildings and correspond with Fig. 8.1. The root node is not shown to improve the readability of the graph (by author)

doorways, and the construction of new walls. Whilst some of these changes had a major impact on the layout of their respective buildings, they had little effect on the insula as a whole. The creation of a j-graph results in more data than can be discussed in this chapter, but several variables are discussed in more detail in section 8.3.2. The results of three other Space Syntax methods are presented, discussed and assessed in Jansen (2018).

8.2.3 INTERPRETING THE FUNCTIONS OF SPACES Spatial characteristics of buildings can relate strongly to different types of use. In order to uncover these characteristics, Space Syntax converts buildings into graphs to measure their properties (Al-Sayed et al. 2014, 7-8). Linking distinctive combinations of spatial characteristics to specific functions would allow us to roughly reconstruct the function of a building or even individual spaces based on quantifiable features. By developing a classification system, Space Syntax would allow us retroactively to “predict” how spaces could have been used in the past.

138

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

In this case study, the Space Syntax data are used to categorise the individual spaces inside the city block into six basic functions: domestic, commercial, industrial, social, utilitarian and staircases. These categories are based on those used by Boersma (1985, 223, Fig. 206). The staircases were allocated to an extra category (‘Other’) as their primary function is to provide access to a different floor level. Including them in the other categories could distort the results. It should be noted that the presence of an upper floor is represented by an additional space (shown as a node) connected to the staircase. However, as the layout of the upper floors is completely unknown, any possible

connections or additional spaces were not included in the analysis. The following section presents a reconstruction of the functions of the individual spaces of the Severan phase (Fig. 8.5), based on Space Syntax data. This was done by determining correlations between the Space Syntax data and the six different types of use in Boersma’s reconstruction of functions during the final phase, and extrapolating these data to the Severan phase. In this case study, the characteristics of each type of use are based on multiple variables, such as: depth, number of connected spaces, complexity of the layout, visibility

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

139

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 8.3 J-graph of the Severan (top) and final (bottom) phases of insula V, ii. The colours indicate which building each space belongs to, and correspond with Figs. 8.1 and 8.2

Fig. 8.4 Bar graph showing the number of spaces in each building, left, and the maximum level of depth for each building, right, for the Severan and final phases (Jansen 2018, 89, Fig. 37)

140

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

Severan

Severan uncertain

Final

Final uncertain

Final (Boersma)

1. Domestic

56

3

77

6

77

2. Commercial

36

4

33

1

34

3. Industrial

19

2

19

5

24

4. Social

7

1

18

0

18

5. Utilitarian

2

0

8

0

8

13

0

26

0

26

Total

133

10

181

12

187

+ (uncertain/2)

138

-

187

-

187

+ root node (streets)

139

-

188

-

188

Function

6. Other (staircases)  

Table 8.1 The number of spaces for each function during the Severan and final phases of insula V, ii, based on the Space Syntax analysis. The functions originally suggested by Boersma (1985, 223, Fig. 206) are also shown. Spaces classified as uncertain have two plausible functions (by author)

from outside, internal intervisibility, accessibility, and the presence or absence of staircases.4 Several additional variables from the j-graphs are discussed in section 8.3.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The lack of significant architectural changes in buildings 1, 2 and 14 suggests that they continued to be used in the same way. Minor changes occurred in buildings V, ii 3, 9, 11 and 13, but it seems that the functions of the already existing spaces remained unchanged. Only a single space (0905), in building 9, may have had a different function as it could have been an industrial space instead of a commercial space during the Severan phase. Overall, the graphs seem to suggest that the individual buildings retained the same type of function (except perhaps for building 10). However, this seems to be caused primarily by the shortfall in categories, not by a lack of changes in how the buildings were used. Three buildings may have undergone a significant change in their primary function: 6-7, 10 and 12. After the Severan phase a temple in the courtyard of building 6-7 was demolished, and by the final phase a small bathhouse had been built there (Boersma 1985, 137). Building 10 may have had a domestic function during 4 A detailed description of the spatial properties of the individual functions can be found in Jansen (2018).

the Severan phase and an industrial function during the final phase, but both interpretations are relatively uncertain (Fig. 8.5). Lastly, building 12 seems to have lost most of its industrial function as it was integrated into building 11. By analysing the individual spaces other patterns can be detected (Table 8.1). First, several commercial spaces seem to have been incorporated into the domestic parts of the two domus, resulting in a reduction in commercial space. Second, a change occurred in the number of industrial spaces. Whilst two industrial spaces in building V, ii 12 were converted into domestic spaces, the opposite occurred in house V, ii 10, which was possibly converted for industrial purposes. Third, the number of social and utilitarian spaces changed significantly. This was caused solely by the construction of the bathhouse, with the number of social spaces doubling, and utilitarian spaces (in this case for heating) quadrupling. The last notable change is that the number of known staircases doubled. The change in the number of domestic and commercial spaces between the Severan and final phases might correspond to a change in the nature of the city of Ostia. Ostia used to be a commercial hub with an outward focus, but during the early third century it began to turn into a consumer city which fulfilled the

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

141

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Above & next page Fig. 8.5 The reconstructed functions, separated into six categories, of each space in the city block during the Severan (left) and final (right) phases. The reconstruction of the Severan phase is based on the Space Syntax analysis. Four rooms in the Severan phase are depicted with two plausible functions. The functions in the final phase are based on Boersma (1985, 223, Fig. 206). The results of the Space Syntax analysis suggest that the six encircled nodes may have had a different (domestic) function from those suggested by Boersma

needs of local wealthy Romans (Stöger 2011, 160). The increase in staircases could have improved the accessibility of any upper floors where they already existed, or reflected the construction of a new upper floor. This could mean that the number of domestic spaces would have increased even further, assuming that the upper floors mostly consisted of space intended for domestic use. However, this cannot be quantified due to the lack of archaeological evidence of the upper floors.

From the results it can be concluded that, in order to use the Space Syntax data to quantify functions, categorising them differently would be more appropriate. For example, the social category may be somewhat flawed. It does not visualise the major change in the inner part of building 6-7 from a temple to a bathhouse. The categories used by Stöger in her short analysis of land use within insula IV, ii may be more suitable: recreation, movement, production, habitation, food/drink, commerce,

142

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

religion and mixed (Stöger 2011, 161-163). Whilst she did not attempt to apply these functions in her own Space Syntax analysis, they could be used for further research. Additionally, in order to represent the large differences between structures within the domestic (or habitation) class, it could be split into houses, apartments and domus. Each of these units has a different combination of spatial values which are characteristic of how they were used. It seems likely that their properties could be defined more

clearly than those of a domestic class. However, in my opinion, to allow for the quantification of these functions sharp boundaries between these categories cannot and should not be made. Instead, the similar types of use should slowly transition from one to another.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

143

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 8.6 Insula V, ii (after Stöger 2011, 70, Fig. 5.3)

8.3 CITY BLOCK IV, II AND V, II City block IV, ii in Ostia (Fig. 8.6) was used by Stöger as a case study for a similar spatial analysis, which formed the basis of Jansen’s study on insula V, ii.

Stöger did an excellent job at re-mapping the remains of the insula, which provided her with accurate data suitable for Space Syntax analyses (Stöger 2011). Stöger applied a Space First policy and examined the built environment to identify the underlying

144

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

Fig. 8.7 Reconstruction of the missing upper floors of insula IV, ii, left (after Stöger 2011, 161, Fig. 6.1), and insula V, ii, right (by author, based on descriptions from Boersma 1985). Stairs leading to an upper floor are marked by a green triangle. Stairs which do not provide access to upper floors are coloured yellow

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

spatial structure, which can provide insights into the social organisation (Stöger 2011, 257). A Space First policy places the built environment at the centre of the analysis, which has also been done in the study of insula V, ii.

8.3.1 COMPARING PHYSICAL FORM AND SIZE

street on the western side of insula V, ii (the Semita dei Cippi) branches off from the street which leads to insula IV, ii (the Cardo Maximus). The two city blocks are located close to both the city centre and the southern city gate (the Porta Laurentina). This area would have had a relatively high degree of traffic, which could have resulted in a higher potential for commercial activities. Additionally, the city blocks were inhabited simultaneously, at least between the second and fifth centuries (Boersma 1985, 7-8, and Stöger 2011, 67 and 156). The two city blocks even have the same number of buildings, although this is probably coincidental.5 Thus, these two insulae

Insula IV, ii and insula V, ii have several notable similarities. They are located close to each other, at a distance of c. 50 metres, giving them a similar position within the street network of the city. The

5 In insula V, ii, buildings 4-5 and 6-7 could also be interpreted separately as units 4, 5, 6 and 7. Additionally, whilst buildings 11 and 12 are separate units during the Severan phase, they could be regarded as a single unit during the final phase as a new door was added in order to connect them. Depending on how these units are

This section discusses the differences and similarities between insulae IV, ii and V, ii. The physical differences are described, followed by a comparison of the results of the two Space Syntax analyses.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

145

DESIGNATING PLACE

existed in a similar topological position and were occupied simultaneously. These similarities allow us to limit the number of potential variables which could have influenced the results, which provides an excellent opportunity to compare these two insulae and their respective Space Syntax analyses.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The plans of the two insulae (Fig. 8.7) show three major differences: their size, the presence or absence of open space for collective use, and the number of façades through which the block can be accessed. The total surface area of city block IV, ii is 7321 m2, which is significantly larger than the 5115 m2 occupied by V, ii. Whilst insula IV, ii had 1544 m2 of open (semipublic) space and 5777 m2 of closed space, insula V, ii did not have any open space and instead consisted fully of 5115 m2 of closed space (Boersma 1985, 224225 and Stöger 2011, 162). Insula IV, ii has several alleys and large semi-public courtyards, whilst the buildings in insula V, ii are tightly packed together without any spaces between them. This means that in block V, ii, to move from one building to another one would have had to leave the insula and walk through the streets, whilst in block IV, ii one could access most buildings from the courtyards. The last major difference is that insula V, ii is completely surrounded by streets and could be entered from all four façades, whilst insula IV, ii could be accessed only through its northern and western sides. Of the 374 m façade of block IV, ii, 212 m were adjacent to a street and 162 m were completely walled off without any entrances (Stöger 2011, 162). Two minor differences should also be mentioned. First, the lack of domus in city block IV, ii. The construction of Late Antique private luxury domus was an important phase typical for the city of Ostia, as can be seen in the insulae in the surrounding area (Stöger 2011, 156), including block V, ii. Second, whilst insula V, ii has a clear Severan and final construction phase, the spatial organisation of insula IV, ii seems to have been much less susceptible to change. The pre-Severan and Severan structures remained operational into the fourth or even fifth century. Stöger theorises that perhaps a domus could never be built because there were no vacant buildings available for conversion (Stöger 2011, 67 and 156). defined, insula V, ii can have either 11, 12, 13 or 14 buildings.

An in-depth comparison of the upper floors of the two city blocks would be of questionable worth due to a lack of archaeological evidence. However, some general observations can be made. It is likely that a large part of block V, ii would have had at least one upper floor (Boersma 1985, 217, Fig. 203). In Fig. 8.7, some of the rooms (coloured orange) in the two domus which are depicted without an upper floor may instead have had high ceilings to allow light to enter through windows on the roof. Boersma states that reconstructing the upper floors proved to be a speculative task due to the state of the archaeological remains (Boersma 1985, 238). Stöger seems to have encountered similar problems, warning that the indicated upper floors (Fig. 8.7) are hypothetical. However, some buildings in insula IV, ii may have had up to four upper storeys (Stöger 2011, 160). To conclude, both the similarities and differences between insulae IV, ii and V, ii should make for an interesting comparison. Overall, insula V, ii seems more compact and might have been more densely populated. However, it is difficult to establish how many people could have lived in these two insulae due to the lack of archaeological evidence of the upper floors. This is also stated by Boersma, who warns one to abandon any attempts to calculate the number of inhabitants in insula V, ii due to the lack of evidence (Boersma 1985, 232-233). 8.3.2 SPACE SYNTAX COMPARISON This section focuses on a comparison of block IV, ii with the final phase of block V, ii, and discusses the effects of the physical differences between the insulae. The final phase of insula V, ii (Fig. 8.1) is selected because it presents a more complete dataset than its Severan phase. The plan of insula IV, ii (Fig. 8.6) represents the Severan phase of this insula, but can also be seen as its final phase because the Severan period was the last period with building activities other than maintenance or undemanding interventions (Stöger 2011, 155-156). In this section, comparisons are made between the city blocks in their entirety as well as between the individual buildings. Comparing two such complex systems with each other at the level of individual spaces is theoretically possible, but falls outside the scope of this chapter. In

146

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

Insula IV ii

MRRA

Max Depth (from street)

Min Depth (from street)

Max Depth (from entrance)

IV ii 1

1.195

8

1

8

IV ii 2-3

0.562

4

1

4

IV ii 4

1.218

5

4

3

IV ii 5

1.218

7

3

6

IV ii 6

1.110

4

1

4

IV ii 7

0.725

4

1

4

IV ii 8

0.837

2

1

2

IV ii 9 and 13

1.333

10

4

7

IV ii 10

1.523

7

5

3

IV ii 11

1.893

9

6

4

IV ii 12

1.015

6

4

3

IV ii 14

0.907

6

4

2

Table 8.2 Mean integration value (MRRA) and depth values of the buildings in insula IV, ii (after Stöger 2011, Table 6.2, 167). As most of the buildings have no direct connection to a street, two additional types of depth values are calculated. The maximum and minimum depth values from the streets were not given by Stöger but are calculated based on Fig. 8.8. The lowest and highest MRRA and maximum depth values are shown in bold

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

her analysis of the buildings of insula IV, ii, Stöger seems to have emphasised the use of j-graphs (Stöger 2011, 159-196). Hence, this paragraph focuses on a comparison of the j-graphs of the two insulae and the computed variables of the nodes in those graphs. Degree of integration When comparing structures with each other, the variable known as integration can provide decent first impressions. This variable can be used to gain a basic understanding of the buildings (Stöger 2011, 166), and allows for direct, albeit rough, comparisons. The integration of a space is assessed by calculating the so-called RRA value (Real Relative Asymmetry). This is done for each space in the j-graph. Calculating the mean of the RRA values (the MRRA) of all spaces within a building “helps to formulate ideas about the use of space and the potential function of buildings” (Stöger 2011, 166). In technical terms, the RRA value describes how the mean depth of a space relates to all other spaces in the j-graph (Klarqvist 1993, 11). Spaces with a low RRA (e.g. 0.5) are strongly integrated, whilst those with a high RRA (around or above 1.0) are more segregated

(Hillier & Hanson 1984, 109-113). According to Hillier, integration can be used as an indicator of the chance of unexpected social encounters and the rate of retail activities. Strongly integrated spaces are less private than spaces with a lower degree of integration. Integrated spaces are more likely to have higher rates of random social encounters and are more suitable for retail activities (Hillier 1996, 41-60). The mean integration values (MRRA) of city block IV, ii and V, ii are shown in Tables 8.2 and 8.3. In insula IV, ii, building 2-3 has the lowest MRRA value (0.562), meaning that it is well integrated. It is a commercial-residential building with many tabernae, but also includes several industrial spaces. Stöger argues that the low MRRA is the result of the shallow ringy layout, which affords greater integration between all its spaces. This is significantly different from the structure with the highest MRRA value (1.893), building 11. This building has a unilinear sequence of rooms, creating the most segregated configuration within the insula. This reflects the function of this building: a mithraeum with a cult room dedicated to Mithras (Stöger 2011, 96, 144 and 166). According to Stöger, the spatial values of this

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

147

DESIGNATING PLACE

Insula V ii (Severan)

MRRA

Max Depth

Insula V ii (final)

MRRA

Max Depth

V ii 1

0.513

V ii 2

0.664

1

V ii 1

0.679

1

3

V ii 2

0.821

3

V ii 3

0.852

5

V ii 3

1.037

5

V ii 4-5

0.733

4

V ii 4-5

1.173

8

V ii 6-7

0.814

6

V ii 6-7

1.335

11

V ii 8

0.822

5

V ii 8

1.001

6

V ii 9

0.660

3

V ii 9

0.773

3

V ii 10

0.662

2

V ii 10

0.783

2

V ii 11

0.716

3

V ii 11

0.997

4

V ii 12

0.720

3

V ii 12

0.857

3

V ii 13

0.893

5

V ii 13

1.040

5

V ii 14

0.613

2

V ii 14

0.773

2

Table 8.3 Mean integration value and maximum depth value of the buildings in the Severan and final phases of insula V, ii. The lowest and highest MRRA and maximum depth values are shown in bold. In insula V, ii, maximum depth equals internal depth, as each building has a direct connection with a street (by author)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

structure “strongly suggest that the mithraeum did not at all promote interaction with casual, uninvited visitors” (Stöger 2011, 181). As for insula V, ii (Table 8.3), its most integrated building is V, ii 1, with a MRRA value of 0.513 during the Severan phase and 0.679 during the final phase. As this structure consists of individual rooms which are each connected only to the street, it is well integrated. This points to a high rate of retail activities, which supports the interpretation of this structure (Fig. 8.5) as a commercial building. The difference in the MRRA value between the two phases is caused by the nature of this variable. It is a global measure (Klarqvist 1993, 11), meaning that every other space in the graph is also accounted for in the calculation. Even when a building does not change, its spatial values can change due to variations in its surroundings. The highest MRRA (1.335) can be found in the final phase of building 6-7, which includes a unilinear sequence of rooms, somewhat similar to that in building 11 of block IV, ii, albeit with a different function. Interestingly, in the Severan phase building 13 has the highest MRRA (0.893). Despite its small physical size and seemingly low depth, this structure has a complex layout due to

its high number of relatively small rooms (Fig. 8.2). Furthermore, the building lacks a central hallway providing higher accessibility to the spaces farther away from the street. Whilst it does feature a narrow courtyard which controls access to most spaces, its orientation parallel to the streets means that it does little to improve the overall accessibility from the outside. On the other hand, this courtyard is part of a (deep) ringy layout, so it does somewhat improve the internal accessibility. Nonetheless, these factors allow building 13 to be the most segregated in the insula during this phase. The lack of entrances on the southern and eastern sides of insula IV, ii results in greater differences between the individual buildings than within insula V, ii. For example, the entrance of building 11 is located the farthest away from a street, both physically and topologically. This isolates the building even further, contributing to its MRRA of 1.893. As insula V, ii has multiple access points on all four sides, and lacks open courtyards or alleyways, the differences between the highest and lowest MRRA values (Table 8.3) are considerably smaller.

148

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

In this case, integration proved to be a useful measure for broad comparisons and for studying large-scale processes. Nonetheless, the spatial values can be fully understood only by studying them together with their j-graph. As stated by Stöger, in order to compare specific spatial characteristics with each other, the j-graphs and additional spatial values should be studied as well (Stöger 2011, 166).

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Differences and similarities in the spatial organisation The shapes of the three graphs (Figs. 8.3 and 8.8) are quite similar and they can all be classified as bushshaped. In a bush-type graph, the majority of spaces are located close to the bottom of the graph. Such graphs are relatively wide, have a low mean depth, and are described as shallow (Klarqvist 1993, 11). Of the three graphs, that of block IV, ii seems to fit this description least. It has a relatively high mean depth and is less wide. Of a total of 182 spaces, only 28 are located on the first level (directly connected to a street). Nonetheless, it should still be classified as a bush-type graph, but one with a relatively equal distribution of spaces across the multiple levels of depth. The graph could be described as being on the lower side of centre-heavy, as the third depth level has the highest number of nodes (35 spaces), reflecting a higher degree of privacy. During both phases of block V, ii, the level of depth with the highest number of spaces is the first. In the Severan phase, 47 spaces (of a total of 138), and in the final phase 45 spaces (of a total of 187), had a depth value of 1. Both graphs are considerably wider at the bottom than that of block IV, ii, reflecting improved accessibility. The graphs of block V, ii are bottom-heavy, whilst block IV, ii has a higher number of spaces in the top half of its graph. Whilst the graphs of these insulae are bush-shaped, some of the individual buildings have a different type of spatial structure. For example, the graph of building 5 in block IV, ii has a tree-like structure. This building is possibly a so-called medianum6 apartment (Stöger 2011, 171). It has a tall but narrow 6 See DeLaine (2004) for a study on other Ostian medianum apartments.

graph which becomes wider at the top, branching out like a tree (coloured orange in Fig. 8.5). The domestic part of building V, ii 3 has a similar graph, with only one space on the first and second depth levels, becoming wider on levels three up to five. Another different type of layout can be seen in building IV, ii 11, the religious cult building (the mithraeum, coloured dark blue in Fig. 8.8), which consists of a simple sequence of rooms. Whilst building V, ii 12 also consisted of a unilinear sequence of rooms, its proximity to a street and the large size of the rooms would have made it more suitable for industrial purposes. Overall, the graphs of the city blocks suggest that block IV, ii would have been more similar to the final phase of insula V, ii than to its Severan phase. Furthermore, on average, the spaces of block V, ii would have been more accessible and less private than those within block IV, ii, with a higher potential for commercial activities. 8.4. CONCLUSIONS This chapter has demonstrated the potential of comparing the results of different Space Syntax analyses with each other. Comparisons can be conducted at multiple levels: between city blocks, between buildings or even between individual spaces. Despite the many similarities between city blocks IV, ii and V, ii, their physical differences seem to have caused major differences in the results. The comparison of the city blocks in their entirety allows them to be arranged based on their spatial properties. The results suggest that out of the three studied plans, the Severan phase of block V, ii would have had the highest potential for commercial activities, with the highest degree of accessibility, and would have been the least private. The final phase of this city block is already considerably more private and less accessible. However, this is surpassed by the even higher degree of privacy and lower accessibility within block IV, ii. This suggests that the inhabitants of these two city blocks would have experienced their respective neighbourhoods very differently from one another during their daily lives. The predominant cause seems to have been the presence of central open spaces in insula IV, ii,

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

149

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 8.8 Topological graph, top (Stöger 2015, 69, Fig. 2), and j-graph, bottom (Stöger 2011, 185, Fig. 6.18), of insula IV, ii, consisting of 182 spaces. Node 183 is the root node, which represents the two streets bordering the insula. The colours indicate which building each space belongs to

150

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

8 REVISITING OLD DATA WITH NEW TECHNIQUES

and the lack of access points on its southern and eastern sides. This increased the overall complexity of the j-graph of this city block.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Interestingly, the semi-public spaces actually contribute to the lower degree of accessibility and higher degree of privacy of insula IV, ii. At first glance, the presence of alleys and courtyards may seem to suggest that block IV, ii could have been less private than block V, ii. And indeed, the lower internal depth (calculated from the entrance, not from the street) of the individual buildings may indicate that they were, on average, less private than the buildings from the final phase of block V, ii. However, for the insula as a whole, the semipublic spaces actually increased the degree of privacy. Perhaps this may explain why insula IV, ii was selected for the construction of a mithraeum, a generally more private building, whilst insula V, ii does not have such a building. Furthermore, the combination of high privacy from the outside and low privacy on the inside might have contributed to a sense of community within this block. This is in contrast to block V, ii, where the inhabitants would have lived relatively segregated from each other. The people living in insula V, ii may have interacted more with those living in other city blocks on the other side of the street than with those living on the other side of their own insula. Studying the individual buildings within the two blocks paints a somewhat different image regarding privacy. The buildings with the most complex layouts and highest internal degree of privacy can be found in the final phase of block V, ii (buildings 4-5, 6-7 and 8). However, from the perspective of the streets they are surpassed by several buildings from block IV, ii, as the latter lack a direct connection to the area outside the block. Hence, in my opinion, individual buildings should not be studied separately from the city block they are located in, in order to avoid potential misinterpretations. The individual variables and methods offer insights into specific social aspects of space, but when combined the result becomes greater than the sum of its parts. Space Syntax methods allow us to quantify certain social aspects of space, and to compare

objectively multiple spatial aspects of different case studies with each other in a way which cannot be achieved otherwise. To fit the scope of this article, the analysis was limited to a relatively simple comparison using statistics, omitting many variables. The available data of insula IV, ii and V, ii still hold much more potential. 8.4.1 GOING FORWARD Despite the limited scope of this study, the results seem promising. In order to allow for a complete comparison of all Space Syntax data of the two insulae, and a comparison of the functions of all spaces, a new analysis of block IV, ii would have to be conducted. Stöger took a slightly different approach during her spatial analysis of insula IV, ii, as she limited her application of some Space Syntax methods (agent-based modelling and visibility graph analysis) to the semi-public spaces. Hence, these results could not be included in this chapter. Adding the interior spaces of the buildings to her dataset would allow us to include the results from these additional methods, which would allow for a much more detailed comparison. Due to the proximity of the two insulae, they could even be analysed together as a single dataset by including the streets and other connections between them. For the most part, the interpretations of block V, ii correspond with Boersma’s view of the city block. This demonstrates the potential of basing interpretations primarily on spatial properties combined with Space Syntax data. Such an approach would be particularly useful at archaeological sites where the architectural remains are the only available source of data, or to assist with the interpretation of maps created with the use of geophysical methods. Further research could allow for the development of a new classification system for the functions of spaces. A combination of Space Syntax methods with machine learning could be a viable approach for the future and may have much potential. It could improve the transparency of our interpretations and speed up the process of analysing the abundance of data generated by Space Syntax methods. This may also allow us to conduct such comparisons on an even

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

151

DESIGNATING PLACE

bigger scale, between multiple settlements. We still lack a comprehensive guide to applying Space Syntax in the field of archaeology, but using machine learning could help to address the inaccessibility of Space Syntax for archaeologists. Acknowledgements One of the aims of my Master’s dissertation was to compare my analysis of city block V, ii with Dr. Hanna Stöger’s analysis of city block IV, ii. My spatial analysis was conducted in such a way as to allow for direct comparisons with her data as much as possible. Sadly, due to her untimely passing, we could not do this together. I would like to thank Hanna for her advice through the years and hope that I have fulfilled our wish through this work. This study was supported by the “Koninklijk Nederlands Instituut Rome”. I would also like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Karsten Lambers, for his support and advice. Lastly, I would like to thank Prof. J.S. Boersma for granting me permission to use the plans of insula V, ii from his publication.

of urban buildings during the Late Roman Empire. Leiden (MSc dissertation University of Leiden) https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/67040 Klarqvist, B. 1993. A Space Syntax glossary. Nordisk Arkitektur Forskning 2, 11-12 Laurence, R. 2007. Roman Pompeii: Space and Society. London and New York: Routledge Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Stöger, H. 2015. Roman neighbourhoods by the numbers: A space syntax view on ancient city quarters and their social life. The Journal of Space Syntax 6(1), 61-80

References Al-Sayed, K., Turner, A., Hillier, B., Iida, S. & Penn, A. 2014. Space Syntax Methodology. London: The Bartlett School of Architecture, UCL (University College London) Boersma, J.S. 1985. Amoenissima civitas: Block V.ii at Ostia: description and analysis of its visible remains. Scrinium: Monographs on History, Archaeology and Art History 1. Assen: Van Gorkum

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DeLaine, J. 2004. Designing for a market: “medianum” apartments at Ostia. Journal of Roman Archaeology 17, 146-176 de Smith, M.J., Goodchild, M.F. & Longley, P.A. 2007. Geospatial Analysis: A Comprehensive Guide to Principles, Techniques and Software Tools. Leicester: Troubador Publishing Hillier, B. 1996. Cities as movement economies. Urban Design International 1(1), 41-60 Hillier, B. & Hanson, J. 1984. The Social Logic of Space. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Jansen, A.C.Q. 2018. Applying space syntax methods to insula V ii in Ostia: To gain new insights into the effects of changes in the spatial organisation

152

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

9 The Social Construction of Roman Industrial Space The Limits of Chaînes Opératoires and the Nature of Roman Baking Jared T. Benton

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Process-oriented approaches to understanding production in the Roman world, and the chaîneopératoire approach specifically, have become one of the mainstays of Mediterranean archaeology in recent years. Their application has revolutionized how we approach ancient crafts and workshops, but also how we make inferences about ancient life from the last vestiges of ancient built environments. Such approaches are not, however, without their limitations. The purpose of this paper is to review the history of the chaîne-opératoire approach with a view to how its application can be improved and where its limits lie. Process-oriented approaches have led to an undue focus on well-preserved archaeological sites and central Italy in particular, exacerbating a pre-existing tendency to leave little room for regional variation in our discipline. Moreover, theoretical models such as chaînes opératoires do not provide a diachronic framework through which one can draw historicizing conclusions, limiting the academic impact of their use. Finally, at least in the case of operational sequences, they have failed to incorporate industrial processes with social habits, as was their initial purpose, but perhaps if combined with other theoretical models we might begin addressing these obstacles. 9.1 INTRODUCTION The study of Roman industries has advanced rapidly in the last ten years, from 2010 to 2020, by the deployment of a number of methods new to Mediterranean archaeology where Greco-Roman culture is concerned. The chaîne-opératoire (or operational-sequence) approach has emerged as one of the most widely influential methods to identify workshops and model production, and associate process with space. In such a framework

production is cast as a series of interconnected processes that culminate in a final product. The method has revealed much about how pottery was made or how workshops operate. It has also allowed archaeologists and historians to move past dots on plans to better assess how production fits within the built environment of Roman cities. It formed only part of a general shift in how we reconstruct human activity in Roman cities, of which Hanna Stöger’s work (2011) on Space Syntax and human movement through space formed part. Mediterranean archaeologists in the 1990s and early 2000s looked to be more critical about how to interpret space and reconstruct human activity in the urban landscape of ancient cities. In part, the issue was one of site formation processes (Ellis 2017), but for Stöger it was also about how we infer dynamic lived experience of ancient cities from the static material remains. Theoretical frameworks, such as Space Syntax and chaînes opératoires, offered a more intellectually rigorous approach to space than the Vitruvian or logical positivist approaches of earlier eras. Building on the shoulders of scholars such as Stöger, we now find ourselves exploring the strengths and limitations of methods pioneered by such scholars. For one thing, the method works best in archaeological contexts with excellent preservation, which has led to an unnatural emphasis on Pompeii and central Italy (a similar observation is made by Flohr in this volume 6.7). Indeed, Stöger notes that “Ostia, the harbour city of ancient Rome, is one of the few archaeological sites where the extensive architectural remains allow us to explore the complexity of Roman urban life” (Stöger 2014, 297). In other words, the same method might not work at less well-preserved sites and, moreover, it would be a mistake to assume life in other places around the empire mirrored closely Ostian habits and traditions.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

153

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Additionally, in the case of the chaîne-opératoire approach, the operational sequence is intrinsically synchronic to the specific product or service being made; a diachronic dataset can be created only by compiling a body of specific objects, which works for ceramic studies which never lack for evidence, but not for studies grounded in architecture or for industries like baking where the final product rarely survives. A lack of diachronic data prevents one from addressing change or deriving historicizing conclusions. Finally, the horizontal links in the chain – that should have integrated more social or ideological processes into the operational sequence – have failed to materialize. Part of the problem is that the operational sequence reduces craftsmanship to its composite processes, losing track of what it actually is. Craftsmanship did not – and does not – consist of a series of processes; it is a body of knowledge that is enacted and performed. That knowledge is passed down generationally through its performance and through a variety of training strategies. Similarly, that performance is not done in a vacuum; it is conducted within social habits, mores, and prejudices that circumscribe it. We need to pair the chaîne opératoire approach with other frameworks to recapture the didactic and social aspects of ancient craftsmanship. The purpose of this paper is threefold. First, the origins and history of thought on operational sequences, outside Roman studies, are explored as a way to show that its purpose was always, at least in part, to explore the social components of production, a fact that has been somewhat neglected in recent years and in its application to Roman industries and workshops. Second, the advancements in the study of Roman industries facilitated by the approach are detailed with an eye toward where it could be implemented further and where it is currently over-used. Third, other methods are proposed for conceiving of Roman production that might complement the deployment of operational sequences in archaeological contexts, but also move past them in terms of how we study and draw conclusions about the intersection of industrial processes and the social habits that circumscribed them.

9.2 HISTORY OF CHAÎNES OPÉRATOIRES The concept of a chaîne opératoire, frequently translated as an operational sequence, as a means to understand production was initially envisioned by André Leroi-Gourhan, whose primary interest was lithic industries in Palaeolithic archaeology (LeroiGourhan 1964, 164). Robert Cresswell defines the term as “a series of operations which brings a raw material from a natural state to a manufactured state” (Cresswell 1976, 6). One of the strengths of the chaîne-opératoire approach, and similar processoriented methods, has been the ability of scholars to use it to associate process with space and to explore decision-making on the part of producers. But for Loroi-Gourhan operational sequences developed into an overarching framework to explore a wide range of human behaviours and they provided a way to model human behaviour in ways that moved past stylistic and typological preoccupations that dominated contemporary Anglophone scholarship. Operational sequences were, for Leroi-Gourhan, both a distinguishing feature of humanity and also a way of framing our development as a species toward ever greater and more complex behaviours. Many studies, ranging from historical archaeology of the early United States to primatology, use such an approach with great success.1 Most of these studies follow Cresswell’s definition and tend to adopt a rather linear linking of the chains, most commonly in terms of industrial production. Choices and decisions appear frequently as themes in the application of operational sequences. Olivier Gosselain, for example, uses the points between one process and the next to isolate stylistic choices made by African potters (Gosselain 2000). He finds that social identity is expressed in the choices they make with regard to technique and style, but such expression is not static; it is subject to interactions of the potters with other humans, both inside and outside of their kinship or larger social group. Similarly, Sander van der Leeuw observes that Lemonnier’s conceptualization of chaînes opératoires “permit[s] the investigator to come to grips with their variants 1 A recent study uses chaînes opératoires to explain and understand resource exploitation and tool use among wild chimpanzees: Carvalho, Cunha, Sousa & Matsuzawa 2008.

154

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

9 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ROMAN INDUSTRIAL SPACE

and thus with both their invariant ‘backbones’, those strategic components which cannot be modified without jeopardizing the entire chain, and with the degrees of freedom and the choices which the actors can afford themselves” (van der Leeuw 1993, 240241). In other words, some processes are essential to the production of certain items, but at other points in production the producer could achieve the same end through multiple means. It is at these points of freedom that van der Leeuw sees the greatest opportunity to isolate ‘choice’ (which path the producer chose from the available options). The work of Sander van der Leeuw demonstrates the strengths of chaînes opératoires as a means of inference, particularly concerning human decisions. By tracking individual processes through the material evidence for them, one can effectively isolate technological choices of craftspeople.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The concept of the operational sequence, growing out of Leroi-Gourhan’s work, took on renewed significance within a broader field: materiality studies. Materiality is a concept that often defies qualification. Chris Gosden, an anthropological archaeologist whose work pertains to the human perception of objects, defines ‘materiality’ as “human relations with the material world”. He contrasts it with ‘mutuality’, which he defines as ‘human inter-relations” (Gosden 1994, 82). Tim Ingold, an anthropologist and ethnographer whose work focuses on husbandry in northern Scandinavia, has become the champion of the use of chaînes opératoires to frame and understand ancient industries (Ingold 2007, 2). Ingold laments the increasing distance between theorists and the actual objects they study, particularly in studies of materiality, and thus for him chaînes opératoires serve as a way to bridge theoretical concepts of how humans interact with objects and the real-world praxis of the making of things.2 Nicole Boivin, an archaeologist 2 There are, of course, other traditions of tracing series of procedures. Carl Knappett (2012, 196-7) identifies two inferential frameworks from within ‘materiality’ studies: behavioral chains and chaînes opératoires. Knappett sees the distinction between the two schools of thought as breaking down on geographic (and linguistic) lines. Behavior chains dominate in the Anglophone literature of the United States and chaînes opératoires, as the name might suggest, is the product of Francophone scholarship in France. David and Kramer (2001, 140-1), on the other hand, see the difference between behavioral chains and chaînes opératoires as an epistemological difference. Behavioral chains emerge from James O’Connell’s ‘behavioral ecology’ (1995, 206), more in the determinist camp of archaeology, while chaînes opératoires comprise part of the French

whose work is based in southeast Asia, corroborates Ingold’s position, arguing that material engagement theorists reduce “artefacts to reified thoughts” (Boivin 2008, 129). Furthermore, she argues that it is in fact the ‘physicality of matter’ that provides objects with functionality, symbolism, and ultimately agency. Boivin’s definition of ‘materiality’ must be a union of Gosden’s material relations and human inter-relations. For Boivin, “what is important is not just materiality, but the coming together of materiality and embodied humans engaged in particular activities” (Boivin 2008, 167). Growing out of the Behavior Ecology school more prevalent in North America, Michael Schiffer and James Skibo explore the factors in artefact design in terms of behavioural archaeology (Schiffer & Skibo 1997). They reject traditional classifications of artefacts, such as style and function, and attempt to explain variation in artefacts in terms of artisan behaviour, such as procurement of raw materials, skill level, and performance characteristics. Schiffer and Skibo base their analysis on ‘behavioural chains’, the series of procedures involved in the conversion of raw materials into manufactured goods. They characterize craftsmen as highly adaptable problem-solvers, who respond to changing conditions by innovating and altering their existing practices. Schiffer and Skibo’s explanation of artefact variability along with O’Connell’s behavioural ecology offer a framework for archaeologists to integrate ethnographic data into their analyses, but both deliberately ignore cultural factors in artefact design. David and Kramer criticize Schiffer and Skibo’s approach as setting forth “an unrealistic and ethnocentric image of artisan as engineer-handyman adjusting design in light of feedback regarding any or all activities on an artefact’s ‘behavioural chain’ in order to attain weightings of performance characteristics that approximate a culturally determined ideal (or, in socially heterogeneous contexts, ideals)”. In other words, Schiffer and Skibo create an archetypal artisan and prescribe it to the evidence, often identifying variance as rational adaptation where other factors could be contributing to the prosaic nature of ancient craft.

school of technologie culturelle, a somewhat more relativist tradition.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

155

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Ludovic Coupaye rightly notes that such rigid formulations of the chaînes limit production to a single formulation each time it occurs (Coupaye 2009, 441). Single option models of production fail to account for change. In such a model, materials and action have routes that they follow without variation. Van der Leeuw notes that human behaviour constantly varies, and such variation is the actual source of invention (van der Leeuw 2009). Through experimentation, whether intentional or not, one arrives at the new. Coupaye advises conceiving of linked processes in terms of a material ‘flux’, a continuum of technical activities and social behaviours (Coupaye 2009, 450). Coupaye’s flux extends chaînes opératoires to include social behaviours. In his study of yam production in Papua New Guinea, he expands the definition of chaîne opératoire from the industrial operating sequences to include other processes, such as the decoration of maabutap (yams) (Coupaye 2009, 441-449). Productivity, argues Coupaye, comprises more than technical activities and technologies; ritual and aesthetic display can affect production by ‘prompting people’s emotions and evaluations’ (Coupaye 2009, 452). Similarly, David and Kramer observe that chaînes opératoires are more than the series of procedures comprising industrial production; they argue that the links in the chain can be extended into other spheres of life (David & Kramer 2001, 140). In addition to Coupaye’s ritual and aesthetic production, industrial production is integrated into a meshwork of processes that range from domestic mode production to social interaction. All production is carried out by people that have an identity and a socio-economic status. Their industrial activities are part of their daily life and integrated into patterns of behaviour that exist outside commercial activity. Thus, for David and Kramer, every chaîne opératoire has social and economic links that extend horizontally from the linear sequence of procedures. But operational sequences have largely failed to accomplish this goal because, in part, industrial processes and social habits are fundamentally different. Coupaye’s study was successful in part because it was grounded in living culture where human behaviours and beliefs could be directly observed. Social relationships

or ideological systems, archaeologists have long known, are harder to identify when the only source of evidence is physical remains; they have little or no material consequences and their expression visually presents its own interpretive difficulties. Another issue, aside from the inability of operational sequences to incorporate non-industrial processes, has been their inability to model change through time. In some ways a chaîne opératoire is intrinsically diachronic in that one process is performed and then the material is subject to the subsequent process, but that time period is limited at best. Olivier Gosselain has shown how one might project the operational sequence across time, conceiving of the chaînes as ‘historical documents’. The final product, in this case pottery, serves as the source of evidence and the material consequences of various processes are reverse engineered from the object. Valentine Roux, for Roman pottery, infers the various processes comprising ceramic production from surface features and microfabrics of actual vessels. Because the data for ceramics is so complete and the chronologies and typologies of ceramics are so well studied, Roux is able to assess changes in the operational sequence diachronically. Ultimately, she connects changes in procedure to social, cultural, and historical phenomena as they shifted. For the study of the ancient Roman workshop, the growing use of chaînes opératoires in our understanding of production has resulted in a laudable shift away from the identification of workshops within the urban fabric of a city3 to a focus on processes and outcomes inside workshops. This is where I view Stöger’s work making its most lasting impact. Most traditional interpretations of space were grounded in the opinion of the original excavators, citing names such as Fiorelli, Lanciani, or Calza, and simply accepting their identification. I am often shocked at how well that can actually work. Those scholars were profound in their understanding of the sites they excavated, but they also had no consistent or clearly stated method for identifying one space as a bakery and another 3 This is well-trodden ground and does not require further exploration; see Robinson 2005 and Flohr 2013 for a discussion of early studies of Roman industries in Pompeii.

156

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

9 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ROMAN INDUSTRIAL SPACE

simply as a shop. The other traditional method was to turn to Latin literature and specifically to Vitruvius for guidance, but that only really worked for houses, and even then it gave us names without any sort of dynamic theoretical model of household operations. By the 1990s and early 2000s, scholars such as Stöger began questioning traditional identifications of space and sought to ask more rigorous questions of the architecture and standing remains of cities such as Ostia. For workshops, Miko Flohr’s work on the fulleries of Pompeii was the first to really examine comprehensively the interior of workshops of a city. Flohr isolates the processes that comprise fulling through a combination of ancient textual and iconographic evidence, combined with historical comparanda. He then isolates those processes in workshops as a means of understanding materially the operation of fulleries. One of the real contributions of this work was that it shifted focus away from distribution of workshops throughout the city or from their accessibility from houses, which were interpreted as indicative of strategies of resource acquisition or the social status of the craftsmen. Such methods were long overdue to be revisited and Flohr’s focus on workshop operation advanced our ability to identify and understand workshops. But when Flohr, in his work on the fulleries, attempts to move past production to integrate social processes, he arrives at the limits of the process-oriented approach. In one instance he uses inter-visibility of multiple stalls in fulleries to suggest intense familiarity among workers and infers workshops filled with familiar faces (Flohr 2013, 261). Inter-visibility, as a metric, neatly intersects the operational sequence at the stalls, providing the horizontal link in the chain hoped for by David and Kramer. It also makes for compelling evidence of familiarity; the people who could see one another and worked alongside each other would know one another, but were those people in the stalls related? Were they of the same social status and, if not, what was the nature of that asymmetrical hierarchy? Visibility is not a proxy for actual social relationships or ideological concerns, even if it helps us build toward understanding the experience of the workshop.

9.3 THE OPERATIONAL SEQUENCE IN ROMAN BAKERIES For Roman baking Betty Jo Mayeske, Robert Curtis and Jan Theo Bakker conducted some of the initial work on how ancient bread was made and what technologies were required to accomplish them (Mayeske 1972; Bakker 1999; Curtis 2001). These scholars, in identifying the technologies associated with the various processes in the production of bread, were significantly aided by the Roman iconographic depiction of bakery scenes, for example the frieze on the Tomb of the Baker, Eurysaces, in Rome (Fig. 9.1). The core processes as identified by Curtis are milling, sifting, mixing and kneading, forming loaves, leavening, and baking (Curtis 2001, 359). The tomb, just outside the Porta Maggiore in Rome, originally had four sides, though only three remain extant in fragmentary form (Petersen 2006, 87). Bakker similarly uses that same understanding of the operational sequence and its associated technologies, derived from the frieze on Eurysaces’ tomb, to identify the bakeries at Ostia, noting areas where millstones exist and places where mixing occurred, and places where baking occurred (Bakker 1999, 4-9). One of the strengths of the chaînes opératoires approach is that the production of bread is governed by – or perhaps guided by – certain processes that circumscribe it. As such, modern bread production is not unlike ancient bread production and it is worth briefly reviewing. W.P. Edwards, in his work on modern commercial baking, reduces bulk fermentation – and the sourdough method – to the processes that comprised them, in essence the sequence of operations or chaîne opératoire (Fig. 9.2) (Edwards 2007). His sequence is mixing, kneading, bulk fermentation, dividing, moulding, panning, proofing, and baking. Yet the use of these principles as interpretive tools imposes a modern and fundamentally etic perspective on ancient baking practices. Ancient bakers may have initiated such chemical processes, but they certainly had no knowledge of them on a molecular level, and processes such as moulding or panning are not essential to bread production and are culturally specific. Edwards’ sequence of operations can

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

157

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 9.1 Frieze on Eurysace’s Tomb (Courtesy of Robert Curtis)

be further reduced to four processes: mixing and kneading, dividing and moulding, proofing, and baking. Furthermore, ancient bakers milled their own grain, compelling the inclusion of milling and sifting in the operational sequence. Thus the chaîne opératoire in ancient bread production is: (1) the grain is milled into flour; (2) the flour is sifted to remove impurities; (3) wet and dry ingredients are mixed and the first rising of the dough occurs; (4) the dough is formed into loaves; (5) the second rising of the loaves occurs, ideally at a controlled and rather warm temperature; (6) and, finally, the loaves are baked into bread. Nicolas Monteix, who has studied most fully the bakeries of Pompeii, notes that previous literature “has failed to go further than providing a synthetically designed description of the main features of bakeries; the first step beyond this would be to insert each operation into the space of the workshop. This should lead to an understanding of how technical challenges have been solved—or not—within a

peculiar spatial layout” (Monteix 2016, 171). What this allows Monteix to do is align process to space and begin isolating choices made by those who built or worked and lived in the space. Similarly, Christy Schirmer and I used archival documentation from the twentieth century to identify undisturbed strata in a partially excavated bakery near the Maison à la Citerne at Volubilis, which we sampled for archaeobotanical analysis and took samples from stone technologies for petrological analysis. This work allowed us to hypothesize the chain of operations within the bakery (Fig. 9.3).4 This archaeometric data have allowed us to begin extending the chain of operations horizontally, linking the bakers with other craftspeople and service providers in terms of cross craft interactions (McGovern 1989; Brysbaert 2007). The olive pips suggest a 4 Our team has been working on the bakeries at Volubilis since 2017 and our first publication on this work is forthcoming (2020) with Museion, and a preliminary report specifically about the bakery in the Maison à la Citerne is in progress.

158

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

9 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ROMAN INDUSTRIAL SPACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 9.2 The Operational Sequence for the Bulk Fermentation Method of Bread Production, (modified from Edwards 2007, 169 Fig. 1)

relationship between the bakers and the city’s olive pressers (Monteix 2009, 331; Rowan 2015; 2018) and the sourcing of different stones indicates different suppliers of stone technologies. In fact, one of the strengths of process-oriented approaches like cross craft interactions and the chaîne opératoire approach is that one can begin extending our conceptualization of production beyond the workshop into systems of supply, but one is still limited to making inferences about processes with material consequences or production that required equipment that might still reside in or near the location where it was used, such as ovens or heavy millstones. The presence of olive pips in a bread oven might suggest an exchange between a baker and an olive presser, but they do not support the conclusion that the two had a personal relationship or that they collaborated in any fashion. The application of chaînes opératoires revolutionized how we approach Roman industries, providing a framework for the production of objects for which we have no workshops. It has also allowed us to isolate the details of production in the material record, thus linking process with space. It has also allowed us to begin detailing the economic complexity of

Roman urban centres through cross craft interactions and energetics. But part of its success has been that the method has largely been applied in cities with exceptional preservation, such as Pompeii or Ostia in central Italy. The reasons that make the central Italian cities an ideal body of evidence to apply chaînes opératoires also make the region a poor touchstone for understanding ancient baking in other areas of the Mediterranean. First, the preservation of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Ostia is unique. The vast majority of Roman cities and towns were not covered by a volcanic eruption. Second, few regions of the Roman Empire enjoyed the infrastructural advantages of Ostia, as Rome’s port, or even that of the Campanian cities as tax-exempt Italian communities near a hub of production and manufacture in Latium. In fact, an increasing body of scholarship is showing that, despite the political unity of the Roman empire, regional variation predicated on was more the rule than homogeneity (Woolf 1998; 2004; Oltean 2008; Sinner 2015; Haeussler 2016). If one goes seeking the operational sequence of bread production as it appears on the tomb of the baker Eurysaces or from Monteix’s work at Pompeii or

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

159

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 9.3 The Operational Sequence as Identified by Features and Archaeobotanical Remains in the Maison à la Citerne (plan by author and Giancarlo Filantropi)

Jan Theo Bakker’s at Ostia, we risk neglecting local traditions and regional technologies. For example, Touatia Amraoui found that many Algerian workshops identified as bakeries had no ovens or only rubble platforms (Amraoui 2017, 113-114). This region of North Africa had a history distinct from that of Italy; its people were Afro Asiatic, not Indo European. Carthage played a more important role in determining trade routes and commercial habits of North Africa than it did in central Italy. North African ovens could take the beehive, domed form typical at Pompeii and Ostia, but there were also oven forms specific to North Africa, such as the tannūr, a vertical-aperture oven that was

primarily intended for making flatbread (Fig. 9.4). If our point of departure is the operational sequence as dictated by evidence in another region or from another culture, the search for a masonry or domed oven might prevent scholars from capturing the rich diversity of bread production around the Roman world. Similarly, Sandra Ammann and PeterAndrew Schwarz identified a bread oven at Augusta Emerita and, despite the domed and masonry oven, no other features typical of a Pompeian bakery were found in the space (Fig. 9.5) (Ammann & Schwarz 2011, 394-396). Assemblages found in primary deposits in the shop suggested to Ammann and Schwarz that the space was an inn that made its own

160

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

9 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ROMAN INDUSTRIAL SPACE

Fig. 9.5 Adobe and Masonry Oven in the Inn/ Shop/Squater Bakery at Augusta Raurica (photo by author)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 9.4 Terracotta Figurines Depicting the Use of a Tannūr-Style Oven from Borj-el-Jedid, Tunisia (illustration by Dan Weiss, after Hoyos 2010, fig. 15)

Fig. 9.6 Operational Sequences in two bakeries at Volubilis: the Forum Bakery (A) and the bakery near the Maison au Buste du Bronze (B) (plans by author)

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

161

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 9.7 The bakery on the same insula as the Maison Maison au Bassin Tréflé at Volubilis (modified from a plan by James Huemoeller)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

bread. Imposing the label of ‘bakery’ as defined by material and visual evidence from central Italy leads to an artificial homogenization of our understanding of how bread was made, by whom it was made, and how it found its way into the hands of those who would ultimately consume it. We encountered similar difficulties at Volubilis, in Morocco. The operational sequence derived from central Italy worked relatively well for the thirdcentury bakeries with high levels of preservation, but much less well for bakeries that were poorly preserved. The sequence of operations in the socalled Forum Bakery and that of the bakery next the au Buste de Bronze are readily identifiable (Fig. 9.6) But take for example the bakery on the same insula as the Maison Maison au Bassin Tréflé; it has an oven and a single mixer or kneading machine

(Fig. 9.7). The oven itself is little more than a few tiles bedded directly on a rammed-earth surface and whatever other features existed in its two rooms have long disappeared; the entire northwest corner of the bakery is missing. The same problem is evident throughout the ancient world. At Italica a small bakery with an adobe oven was identified by excavators without millstones or indications or mixing or leavening (Fig. 9.8). How does one identify choice and process in the operational sequence in a workshop with a single fixed feature? 9.4 SOME OTHER WAYS OF THINKING ABOUT ROMAN CRAFTSMANSHIP There are other problems with the chaîne opératoire approach that extend beyond where the approach has been applied. The conceptualization of production

162

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

9 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ROMAN INDUSTRIAL SPACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 9.8 Oven in One-Room Workshop next to the House of the Birds at Italica, Spain (photo by author)

as a series of interrelated processes all leading to a single product is, in the long run, fundamentally synchronic. It provides no framework to model change in production across time periods. Pottery provided a more abundant source of evidence for operational sequences, allowing Gosselain and Roux to see chronological change; workshops are not so numerous as to allow diachronic analysis. This inability has often led scholars to seek diachronic datasets in the comparison of one city to the next, which has not proven fruitful largely because such remarkable variation existed from city to city even at the same point in history. Would Pompeian bakeries have developed into the massive bread factories of Ostia had the city persisted into the second and third centuries AD? The answer is obviously no; Ostia had infrastructural and political advantages as the port

of a pan-Mediterranean capital that Pompeii would not have enjoyed. Similarly, second-century bakers at Narbonne were occasionally integrating their economic activities vertically, investing in the grain trade, but bakers at a similar time period at Italica show no such economic strategy and their workshops are modest. Indeed, one of the criticisms of the chaîne opératoire approach is that it never actually accomplishes the integration of the productive with the social (Graves 1994, 440). From its origins, as outlined by LeroiGourhan, it was intended to bridge processes of production with direct material consequences with social behaviours.5 Moreover, this approach was 5 See Soressi & Geneste (2011) for a fuller discussion of the history of the approach.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

163

DESIGNATING PLACE

always intended to be part of a broader effort to reconstruct change over time, and Leroi-Gourhan saw operational sequences as complementary to operational memory (mémoire opérationnelle), the collective storage of knowledge that underpinned the human ability to develop complicated tasks and pass that knowledge from one generation to the next. This component of Gourhan’s work has largely been left out of how we are applying operational sequences in workshops.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Elizabeth Murphy directly engages with this very problem. As a result of recent developments in Roman household studies, she conceives of workshops and “work groups” as separate entities just as houses and households are treated separately. This reconceptualization allows Murphy to move past a simplistic view of production as strictly speaking commercial and economic. She writes that “just as the household was part of larger social spheres, workshops were also part of larger communities that reinforced the nature of relations among workers. Furthermore, as evidenced archaeologically, workshops could be venues, not only of work tasks, but also ritual activity” (Murphy 2016, 143). This is obviously a vast improvement on the idea that somehow chains of operation would magically link into social processes, but even empowered by Murphy’s reconceptualization of social space in workshops we still lack a means of bridging commercial processes and social habits (Allison 1999, 59). A lot of work not couched in the archaeological remains of workshops is addressing apprenticeship (Venticinque 2016), the importance of friendship (Verboven 2002), or the importance of slavery to the transmission of knowledge and the performance of economic activities. Operational sequences as a way to link process with space may offer a point of departure, but we need to start interrogating these sequences in a way that yields interesting results for our broader understanding of Roman craftsmanship and of Mediterranean societies in general. Craftsmanship, as a subject of study, has enjoyed somewhat of a revival in recent years, not only in ancient studies, but also in the study of later time periods. Richard Sennett, for example, has reframed

craftsmanship as “bodily practices…gained in the hand through touch and movement” and “technical understanding developed through the powers of imagination” (Sennett 2008, 10). Training is critical. But for the most part forms of training have focused almost entirely on apprenticeship, for which we have sparse evidence outside of Egypt and outside the textile industries. Other forms of training exist and we need to begin expanding how we view training to include family-based training, slaves training slaves within a household, and employer on-the-job training. Moreover, the study of apprenticeship has focused on the economic significance or the social importance of horizontal relationships between the master craftsman and the apprentice’s father or guardian. More attention could be paid to how different forms of training result in different types of bodily practices and technical understandings. Apprenticeship was, after all, a learning experience. Modes of production may offer another way to bridge observations about process in workshops to other spheres of ancient life. Economic theorists of an earlier age often conceived of production in terms of ‘modes’ that were more than just the processes that comprised it, expanded to include how the industry integrated with the rest of society and helped replicate systems of power. Such conceptualizations might provide a means of couching industrial processes in their social context but, more importantly, ‘modes of production’ might give us a means to highlight how craftsmanship and industry either helped replicate oppressive systems of power or, conversely, offered opportunity to the oppressed. Domestic modes of production (industry steeped in household life and serving household needs) are often discussed by archaeologists, usually contrasted with commercial activity. This dichotomy neglects the complexity of household production in the ancient world, but as a modern construct it has allowed anthropologists, at least those influenced by Marxist traditions, to periodise human history based on technologies and systems of production or to provide coherent models of production that acknowledge that economic activity was embedded in – and reproduced – social constructs and institutions of power (Sahlins 1972; Wolf 1982). Eric Wolf, for

164

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

9 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ROMAN INDUSTRIAL SPACE

instance, divided production into three types: kinordered, tributary, and capitalist modes. Kin-ordered mode of production is the same as domestic or household production. In the tributary mode of production the primary producers or craftspeople perform their work, but tribute is exacted from them by elites, which sounds very similar to how we understand ancient craftsmanship. The capitalist mode of production is characterized by an investor class, ‘capitalists’, who perform no work related to the production but nevertheless control the means of production through ownership of the workshop and exploitation of the labourers. We might connect such a mode of production to the massive bakeries of Ostia and the evidence there for businessmen-types who enacted complicated economic strategies (Tran 2006, 223-229; Schoevaert 2018, 192). Chaînes opératoires cannot arrive at the sorts of power structures that underwrote craftsmanship and production in the Roman world, but they can perhaps provide the first building blocks in constructing a picture of different types of production throughout the Roman world, even if they are unevenly successful in their application. The mere association of production with space allows one to see the relationship with other types of spaces and to estimate the levels of production in the bakeries. Such observations, paired with a clearer understanding of the ‘modes’ of production in Roman cities, might reveal more about the nature of craftsmanship than the workshops alone – and the processes they hosted – can tell us. But they will work only if we abandon the idea that production in central Italian cities offers a betterpreserved testimonial for the types of production throughout the Roman world, which was too prosaic in nature to be characterized in general from a single region. Process-oriented methods which have flourished at the well-studied and well-preserved Ostia and Pompeii can be applied elsewhere, but only if their application allows for regional variation in both production and social habits.

und Wohnraum in Insula 5/9: Ergebnisse der Grabungen 1965-1967 und 2002. Augst: Museum Augusta Raurica Amraoui, T. 2017. L’artisanat dans les cités antiques de l’Algérie: 1. siècle avant notre ère - 7. siècle après notre ère. Oxford: Archaeopress Bakker, J.T. 1999. The Mills-Bakeries of Ostia: Description and Interpretation. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben Boivin, N. 2008. Material cultures, material minds: the impact of material world on human thoughts, society, and evolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Brysbaert, A. 2007. Cross-craft and cross-cultural interactions during the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean Late Bronze Age. In S. Antoniadou & A. Pace (eds), Mediterranean Crossroads, 325359. Athens: Pierides Foundation Carvalho, S., Cunha, E., Sousa, C. & Matsuzawa, T. 2008. Chaînes opératoires and resource-exploitation strategies in chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes) nut cracking. Journal of Human Evolution. 55 (1), 148163 Coupaye, L. 2009. Ways of Enchanting and the Chaine operatoire. In J. Pollard (ed.), Prehistoric Britain, 160-176. Oxford: Blackwell Cresswell, R. 1976. Techniques et Cultures. Les bases d’un programme de travail. Techniques et Cultures 1, 1–16 Curtis, R.I. 2001. Ancient Food Technology. Leiden: Brill David, N. & Kramer, C. 2001. Ethnoarchaeology in action. New York: Cambridge University Press Edwards, W.P. 2007. The science of bakery products. Cambridge: Royal Society of Chemistry

of

Ellis, S. 2017. Re-evaluating Pompeii’s Coin Finds: Monetary Transactions and Urban Waste in the Retail Economy of an Ancient City. In M. Flohr & A. Wilson (eds) The Economy of Pompeii, 163-208. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Ammann, S. & Schwarz, P.A. 2011. Eine Taberna in Augusta Raurica: ein Verkaufsladen, Werk-

Flohr, M. 2013. The World of the Fullo. Work, Economy and Society in Roman Italy. Oxford Studies on the Roman Economy. Oxford: Oxford University Press

References Allison, P. 1999. The Archaeology Household Activities. New York: Routledge

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

165

DESIGNATING PLACE

Gosden, C. 1994. Social Being and Time. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Gosselain, O. 2000. Materializing Identities: an African Perspective. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 7, 187-217

Oltean, I.A. 2008. Dacia: landscape, colonisation, and Romanisation. New York: Routledge

Graves, P. 1994. My strange quest for LeroiGourhan: structuralism’s unwitting hero. Antiquity. 68 (259), 438-441

Petersen, L.H. 2006. The Freedman in Roman Art and Art History. New York: Cambridge University Press

Haeussler, R. 2016. Becoming Roman? Diverging identities and experiences in ancient northwest Italy. London: Routledge 

Robinson, D. 2005. Re-thinking the Social Organisation of Trade and Industry in First Century A.D. Pompeii. In A. MacMahon & J. Price (eds), Roman Working Lives and Urban Living, 88-105. Oxford: Oxbow Books

Ingold, T. 2007. Materials against materiality.  Archaeological Dialogues. 14, 1, 1-16 Knappett, C. 2012. Materiality. In I. Hodder (ed.) Archaeological Theory Today, 188-207. Malden, MA: Polity Press Leroi-Gourhan, A. 1964. Le geste e la parole. Sciences d’aujourd’hui. Paris: Michel Mayeske, B.J.B. 1972. Bakeries, Bakers, and Bread at Pompeii: A Study in Social and Economic History. PhD thesis, Ann Arbor, MI McGovern, P.E. 1989. Ceramics and Craft Interaction: a Theoretical Framework. In P.E. McGovern, M.D. Notis & W.D. Kingery (eds), Cross-Craft and Cross-Cultural Interactions in Ceramics, Ceramics and Civilization 4, 1-11. Westerville, OH: The American Ceramic Society Monteix, N. 2009. Pompéi, Pistrina – Recherches sur les boulangeries de l’Italie romaine. Les Mélanges de l’École française de Rome 121, 1, 323-335 Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

O’Connell, J. 1995. Ethnoarchaeology Needs a General Theory of Behavior. Journal of Archaeological Research 3, 205-255

Monteix, N. 2016. Contextualizing the Operational Sequence: Pompeian Bakeries as a Case Study. In M. Flohr & A. Wilson (eds), Urban Craftsmen and Traders in the Roman World, 153-182. Oxford: Oxford University Press Murphy, E.A. 2016. Roman Workers and Their Workplaces: Some Archaeological Thoughts on the Organization of Workshop Labour in Ceramic Production. In K. Verboven & C. Laes (eds), Work, Labour, and Professions in the Roman World, 133-146. Boston, MA: Brill

Roux, V. 2016. Ceramic Manufacture: The chaîne opératoire Approach. In A. Hunt (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Archaeological Ceramic Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press Rowan, E. 2015. Olive Oil Pressing Waste as a Fuel Source in Antiquity. American Journal of Archaeology 119, 4, 465-482  Rowan, E. 2018. Sustainable Fuel Practices in Roman North Africa and the Contemporary Mediterranean Basin. Interdisciplinaria Archaeologica - Natural Sciences in Archaeology 9, 147-156 Sahlins, M. 1972. Stone Age Economics. Hawthorne: Aldine de Gruyter. Schiffer, M.B. & Skibo, J.M. 1997. The Explanation of Artifact Variability. American Antiquity 62, 2750 Schoevaert, J. 2018. Les boutiques d’Ostie: L’économie urbaine au quotidien. Ier s. av. J.-C.– Ve s. ap. J.-C. Rome: École française de Rome Sennett, R. 2008. The Craftsman. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press Sinner, A. 2015. Cultural contacts and identity construction: a colonial context in NE Spain (2nd - early 1st c. BC). Journal of Roman Archaeology 28, 7-37 Soressi, M. & Geneste, J.-M. 2011. The history and efficacy of the Chaîne Opératoire approach to lithic analysis: Studying techniques to reveal past societies in an evolutionary perspective. PaleoAnthropology 2011, 334–350

166

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

9 THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF ROMAN INDUSTRIAL SPACE

Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Stöger, J.J. 2014. The spatial signature of an Insula neighbourhood of Roman Ostia. In E. Paliou, U. Lieberwirth & S. Polla (eds). Spatial analysis and social spaces: Interdisciplinary Approaches to the Interpretation of Prehistoric and Historic Built Environments 18, 297-316. Berlin and Boston, MA: De Gruyter Tran, N. 2006. Les membres des associations romaines: le rang social des collegiati en Italie et en Gaules, sous le Haut-Empire. Rome: École Française de Rome Van der Leeuw, S. 1993. Giving the Potter a Choice: Conceptual Aspects of Pottery Techniques. In P. Lemonnier (ed.), Technological Choices: Transformation in Material Cultures Since the Neolithic, 238-88. New York: Routledge Van der Leeuw, S. 2009. The Long-Term Evolution of Social Organization. In D. Lane, S. van der Leeuw, D. Pumain & G. West (eds), Complexity: Perspectives in Innovation and Social Change, 85116. Dordrecht: Springer Venticinque, P.F. 2009. Common Causes: Guilds, Craftsmen and Merchants in the Economy and Society of Roman and Late Roman Egypt. PhD thesis, University of Chicago

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Venticinque, P.F. 2016. Honor among thieves: craftsmen, merchants, and associations in Roman and Late Roman Egypt. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press Verboven, K. 2002. The Economy of Friends: Economic Aspects of Amicitia and Patronage in the Late Republic. Brussels: Éditions Latomus Wolf, E.R. 1982. Europe and the People without History. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press Woolf, G. 2004. Becoming Roman: the origins of provincial civilization in Gaul. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

167

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

PART 3 Iconographic Analysis

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

10 Realia, Rituals and Symbols of the Torlonia Relief L.Bouke van der Meer

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

10.1 INTRODUCTION Although the famous Torlonia relief from Portus Traiani Felicis has prompted much scholarship, interpretations differ. Several aspects have not been interpreted satisfactorily. This paper intends to be a critical update. It pays attention to the date, the historical background, the topographical, ritual and symbolic elements, and the significance of the whole representation. The relief is made of Greek marble and measures 1.24 x 0.75 m. It is preserved in Museo Torlonia (inv. 430) at Rome. It was found during an excavation on the north-east side of Trajan’s hexagonal port, to the north of Casino/Villa Torlonia in December 1863 or January 1864 (Fig. 10.1, no. 10; Gismondi 1935). It probably originates from the Temple of Liber Pater Commodianus (Dionysus/ Bacchus) that was built between AD 185 and 190. This was a round, Corinthian, peripteral temple, probably with a dome (Meiggs 1973, pl. XVIIIb), standing on a high square podium, situated between two long rectangular storehouses, opposite the channel of communication between the Claudian Portus Augusti (AD 54-64) and the Portus Traiani, constructed in AD 106-114 (Keay et al. 2005, 50-51 Fig. 3.5; 280 Fig. 8.4; 283; 310-311; 313-314). Nothing remains of it. A statue of Liber, now lost, was found near the temple in the sixteenth century (Testaguzza 1970, 186). Greek and Latin inscriptions from Portus mention Dionysos, Liber Pater and deus Liber (Ross Taylor 1985, 27-31). 10.2 DESCRIPTION The relief represents two merchantmen and two small boats, two personifications, Neptune and Dionysus, a lighthouse with a statue, an arch with an elephant quadriga, three semi-nude women, and a symbolic eye (Figs 10.2-10.3).

Fig. 10.1 Portus Traiani, no. 10: Temple of Liber Pater (from Meiggs 1973, 151, fig. 5)

The relief has a slightly central perspective, as shown by the right side of the lighthouse and the left side of the pedestal to the right of it. It shows several disproportions. Parts of the relief are missing. The ship on the right, partly hidden by Neptune, has arrived and is bound to a mooring block that is similar to those in Portus Augusti and Portus Traiani (Testaguzza 1970, 104, 166, 170). Five men are furling the mainsail, at least one of whom is nude. The relief on the prow shows the frontal bust of Dionysus. The ship on the left, moving under top- and mainsail, is about to arrive. On the prow a bearded man hauls at a rope that runs through the end of the foremast lifting up the gangway with a round buffer in

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

171

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 10.2 The Torlonia relief (photo J. Felbermeyer: D-DAI 33.1326; permission by ss-abap-rm. [email protected])

order to avoid hard mooring.1 On the stern a little Victoria or a statue of her turned to the right holds up a wreath. Another Victoria on a globe holding a wreath and a palm leaf, turned to the right, stands on top of the mast. The stern is decorated with a relief showing Dionysus, Ariadne holding up a veil above them, and a winged Amor. The relief on the prow depicts frontally Dionysus nude, holding a thyrsus in his left, and a patera in his right hand under which a panther is visible. He is standing on a low rectangular base. To the right of the helmsman, who sits behind the upper part of an ornamental swan above the deckhouse with two windows and a stair, a bearded man, a woman and a bearded male assistant, dressed in tunics, are about to make a sacrifice on a burning, portable, rectangular altar. They have decreasing heights. The man on the left is about to take incense from a box (acerra) held 1 For these and other technical aspects of the ships, see Kähler 1960, 329-331 and Basch 1987, 464-467.

by the woman in the centre; the assistant on the right holds a wine pitcher in his right and a patera in his left hand. Under the main sail a man pulls one of the ropes; another assists a carpenter who is dressing a piece of wood with an adze on a small pedestal. The stitched, abbreviated inscription on the mainsail of the ship on the left reads: V L which means Votum Libero (“dedicated to Liber”). Above the letters a stitched image of the she-wolf suckling Romulus and Remus is rendered twice, in a symmetrical way. The heads of the lupae are hardly turned back to the twins who are facing each other. Above the ship a flying eagle carries a laurel wreath in a frontal direction, its head turned to the right. The ship passes by a five-storied lighthouse. An open fire burns on its top. A frontal bearded male statue, nude except for the paludamentum that is draped over his left shoulder, holding a lance

172

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

10 REALIA, RITUALS AND SYMBOLS OF THE TORLONIA RELIEF

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 10.3 Drawing of the Torlonia relief (after Chevallier 1986, 5 (ill.))

in his right, and a sword in a sheath in his left hand, stands on top of the fourth floor. The ship is flanked by two statues. The left one is a woman dressed in a mantle, standing on the round plinth of a high pedestal, with a tiny lighthouse on her head, holding a cornucopia and a wreath; the male semi-nude man opposite her stands on a square pedestal holding a cornucopia and wreath too. The cornucopia refers to the idea of pro salute (“for wellbeing/health/prosperity”). To the right of the pharus stands a frontal, huge, almost nude Neptune holding a trident in his left hand. Short drapery covers his left shoulder. His right lower arm is lost. In the background stands, seen from its left side, an arch or gate carrying a male driver holding a sceptre terminating in a human head in his left hand and a thick palm branch in his right hand. His head has a wreath. He is standing in a chariot drawn by four elephants; three of them stand on a base and one walks along it. In front of

the ship on the right a symbolic eye with a double iris is gazing towards the viewer. In the right upper corner stands in fontal position Dionysus with a thyrsus in his left hand, emptying a cantharus with his right hand above a seated panther, standing on a plinth. Below him there are three semi-nude women, two of them emptying a liquid from a column krater. Below them a stevedore walks on the gangplank carrying an amphora to the quay. Small boats accompany the merchantmen; a nude oarsman rows the one on the left; the one on the right is empty. The merchantman on the left is on a higher water level than the one on the right. The frame of the relief showing a Lesbian cymatium is unique.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

173

DESIGNATING PLACE

10.3 SYNOPSIS Since the votive relief represents real and unreal elements (the three semi-nude women, the eagle holding a wreath, the symbolic eye, some nude men, and probably Neptune and Dionysus since they do not stand on high pedestals), it can be defined as a composite picture. Kähler (1960, 328) and Meiggs (1973, pl. XX, text) hesitate to draw topographical inferences. As we will see, the relief shows a synopsis of different spaces, realia, symbols, rituals and events. 10.4 DATE, DEDICANT AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Because the hairstyle of the woman with the arca looks like that of Julia Domna the relief is usually dated to the Severan period (AD 193-211). Ojeda (2017, 89-90) does not pay attention to this similarity and dates the relief to between c. AD 150 and 200. However, the terminus post quem is AD 185 in view of the date of the Temple of Liber, and AD 193 in view of Julia Domna’s hairdo. Kähler (1960, 330) holds that the sacrificing man on the left is the ship-owner, and Meigss (1973, pl. XXI, text) suggests that he is a wine merchant. In both cases he would be the dedicant of the relief.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

However, Henzen (1864, 19) already suggested that Septimius Severus and his wife Julia Domna are represented. Calza (1977, 47-48, no. 59, pl. 46) argues that the undivided, full beard of the male sacrificer does not faithfully reproduce the spirally split beards of portraits of Septimius Severus because of its miniscule dimension. Since the presence of a woman in an offering scene is unique, apart from Julia Domna in a similar scene on the Arcus Argentariorum in Rome (see below), she can be identified as the wife of Septimius Severus. Calza further holds that the relief was made for an exceptional occasion, probably in AD 204, when the imperial family returned from Africa, and the decennalia and ludi saeculares were celebrated. In a similar vein Chevallier (2001, 25) holds that the

relief is an official monument in honour of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna, dating from AD 204. Now, who was the dedicant of the relief: a shipowner, a wine merchant or Septimius Severus? In my view there is only circumstantial evidence that it might be Septimius Severus. The imperial family and the praetorian prefect returned from Africa after a visit to Carthage, Thugga, Utica, Lambaesis, and probably Lepcis Magna, in late 203, in early 204 (Birley 1988, 15, 154, 251 (chapter 14, n. 1)). Lichtenberger (2011, 105, n. 430) dates their presence in Africa to the first half of AD 203. The terminus post quem for the return of the expeditio felicissima is 10 June 203 (Birley 1988, 154). Romulus and Remus, the frontally flying eagle with a wreath and the Victoriae refer to Rome, in this case possibly to the emperor. These figures are present on imperial coins. The sacrifice reminds us of the relief of the east side of the Arcus Argentariorum (the Arch of the Money-Changers; Lichtenberger 2011, 78, Figs 50-54) in Rome showing Septimius Severus and his wife, both capite velato, sacrificing incense (see rituals, below). In addition, the Torlonia relief represents several Dionysian elements that may be explained by the fact that Dionysus was an ancestral deity of the emperor. The latter’s return from Africa was not celebrated as an adventus. Had it been he would have been depicted on a military galley, as may be gathered from imperial coins (Lichtenberger 2011, Fig. 228; Mattingly & Carson V, 1965, 189, pl. 31.8 (aureus of Septimius Severus, AD 200)). There remain problems. Who is the bearded man with the wine pitcher and patera? He cannot be the emperor’s beardless son Geta. And why does the emperor wear a simple tunica manicata? The reason may be that he is depicted as traveller. If Septimus Severus was not the dedicant of the relief, it may have been one of his high officials who acted as the ship’s captain or owner.

10.5 ICONOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS The lupa romana and the twins Dulière (1979, 252-3) holds that the images of the two she-wolves suckling Romulus and Remus

174

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

10 REALIA, RITUALS AND SYMBOLS OF THE TORLONIA RELIEF

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

reflect reality and should be interpreted as “signs of good luck”. She compares them with the Dioscuri who protected ships against the dangers of the sea. However, she does not pay attention to the eagle with the wreath and the Victoriae that are frequently present on imperial coins. Therefore, it seems likely that the she-wolves and twins refer to Rome, its mythical origin and the imperial house rather than to protection at sea. Personifications As for the two statues that symmetrically frame the ship on the left, Kunckel (1974, 59; 109 (C I 87)) presumes that both are Genii of Ostia. The left-hand statue, however, is female. As for the tiny lighthouse on her head, Kähler (1960, 328), Lehmann-Hartleben (1963, 195), Dulière (1979, 253) and Jentel (1981) presume it represents the Tyche of Alexandria. However, its form differs from the latter. In addition, Rome hardly imported wine from Egypt. The little pharus also differs from the large one in the centre of the relief. It has four instead of five storeys, and round openings instead of rectangular ones. It may represent the small lighthouse on a small mole at the entrance to the channel (Fig. 10.1, no. 5). The cornucopia and wreath of the statue on the left are attributes of Fortuna, probably the Fortuna of Portus Uterque (Both Harbours). She is not Fortuna Redux since she usually holds a rudder in her right hand. The statue opposite Fortuna is a Genius loci, most probably the Guardian Spirit of the harbour. According to Kähler (1960, 328) and Veyne (1997, 148) it represents Bonus Eventus, the personification of Good Outcome. This is incorrect since he never holds a wreath in his right hand (Arias 1986). In addition, inscriptions on denarii of Septimius Severus mention Bonus Eventus (a male personification) but depict him as Fides (the female personification of fidelity) holding a basket of fruits in her right and two wheat-ears in her left hand (Arias 1986, 125 no. 16). The lighthouse and its statue Most scholars (Kähler 1960, 328; Meiggs 1973, pl. XX, text; Giardina 2010, 102-104 (cf. Iuv. Sat. XII, 75-80)) have identified the huge lighthouse in the centre as the Claudian one in Portus Augusti. Although Suetonius (Claudius 20.3) states that it was an imitation of the Alexandrian Pharos, the two

Fig. 10.4 Mosaic in front of Tomb 43 in Isola Sacra (from G. Calza, La necropoli del Porto, 1940)

lighthouses were different since the latter had a very high first floor (Giardina 2010, 12-27, pls. 9-14). The Claudian pharus stood on an island between the two curved moles (Giardina 2010, pl. 75-76, Figs 148150a). Though there are many representations of it (see below), the Torlonia relief probably presents the most precise picture of it since it was made in Portus Traiani. The statue on the fourth storey of the lighthouse is difficult to identify. Ojeda (2017, 90) suggests that he represents a nude statue of Octavian like the one standing on a columna rostrata on a denarius of Octavianus, dating from 29-27 BC (Ojeda 2017, 88, Fig. 3), or more likely similar statues of Divus Traianus or Antoninus Pius “as symbols of security of Roman harbours”. However, since he is bearded, he is Antoninus Pius or another bearded emperor in a similar pose. His face looks like that of the emperor in the offering scene. Anyhow, the statue is not identical to that of Claudius “presenting himself as a new Jupiter or Zeus Soter” as Tuck (2008, 329) suggests, or Claudius or Nero holding a lance and a patera standing on top of the Claudian pharus on the reverses of the well-known sestertii of Nero, dating from AD 64-66 (Meiggs 1973, pl. XVIIIa; Giardina 2010, pl. 76, 150a). Due to artistic liberty the statue on the coins stands on top of the pharus. One would expect an open fire. In addition, the pharus has two instead of four storeys. Similar liberties are visible in mosaics at Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia, coins and reliefs showing a lighthouse with two, three or four storeys (Reddé 1979; Meiggs 1973, pl. XVIIIc). Not only in reality but also in funerary imagery the

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

175

DESIGNATING PLACE

lighthouse symbolises a lucky return as a mosaic in front of tomb 43 in Isola Sacra (Baldassare et al., 1996, 114-115; Lichtenberger 2016, 504, Fig. 10), dated to c. AD 200-250, illustrates (Fig. 10.4). Its Greek inscription reads: (h)oode pausilypos (“here/ this [is the place of] the end of sorrows”). Some sarcophagi from Isola Sacra and Ostia ((Descœudres 2001, 406, VI.2 and VI.3; Lichtenberger 2016, 505, Fig. 13) show a similar symbolism.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The arch According to Bianchi Bandinelli (1969, 33) the arch is the Porta Triumphalis on the Forum Boarium at Rome. This gate is known from five literary sources, from reliefs in the Arch of Titus and the Arch of Constantine. The reliefs show an elephant quadriga. A sestertius of Domitian, dated to AD 85 (De Maria 1988, 83, 289-290, pl. 70), represents a tetrapylon (arcus quadrifrons) with two elephant quadrigae. The arch on the Torlonia relief, however, shows a small side without an opening which makes Bianchi Bandinelli’s identification impossible. Although a slab with an inscription dating from AD 46 (CIL XIV, 85 (from Portus); Keay et al. 2005, 314, no. 1) may originate from a lost Claudian arch in Portus Augusti, it cannot be proved that this hypothetical building carried an elephant quadriga. In the light of an inscription, said to have been found in Portus (CIL XIV, 409), Fasciato (1947, 65-81) holds that the arch with the elephant quadriga gave access to the forum vinarium in Portus Traiani near the Fossa Traiana. However, no remains of an arch or forum for wine merchants have been found there. In addition, Cnaeus Sentius Felix to whom the inscription on his funerary altar is dedicated by his adopted son, had several political functions and was patron of several corpora and other associations of workers in Ostia between the end of the first and the beginning of the second centuries AD (Ciambelli 2016). De Maria (1988, 247) compares the arch in the Torlonia relief with the arch with elephant quadriga next to an arch with a quadriga of hippocampi or Tritons in the right half of the famous allegorical harbour sarcophagus in the Belvedere of the Vatican Museums (Andreae 1963, 153-158; LehmannHartleben 1963, 232-235; Lichtenberger 2016, 501-

504, Fig. 9), dating from c. AD 250 (Fig. 10.5). He relates these to two opposite, quadrangular bases on the moles of Portus Augusti. However, the four elephants on the sarcophagus are not on the same level as in the Torlonia relief that shows three elephants on a base and one walking along it. In addition, in view of the left short side the arch had a rectangular, not a square form. Therefore, it may refer to an arch or gate in Ostia. The quadriga mentioned in the words ad quadrigam fori vinari(i) (“at the quadriga of the wine merchants”) in the inscription CIL XIV, 409 was probably situated between the Baths of Buticosus and the left bank of the Tiber in a rectangular area that has not been excavated (Pellegrino & Licordari 2018, 265; cf. Coarelli 1996). M. Heinzelmann’s unpublished site plan, Forma Urbis Ostiae, based on the results of geophysical prospections and aerial photography, shows two courtyard buildings, one of which was partly swept away by the Tiber in 1557. According to Meiggs (1973, 158, pl. XX, text), the driver on the Torlonia relief is emperor Domitian as he holds a sceptre terminating in a human head, an attribute that also occurs on his aurei dating from AD 73 (Mattingly & Carson II, 1965, pl. 12.2). Apart from showing Domitian, the elephant quadriga may have reminded the ancient viewer of Dionysus’ triumphant return from India. Lehmann-Hartleben (1963, 236) presumes that the driver is Dionysus, however, without paying attention to the typical sceptre. The arch did not stand in Portus Traiani since this harbour was constructed after Domitian’s reign. As said, most likely it stood in Ostia, not damaged by a damnatio memoriae. Interestingly, Domitian’s name was not erased from the Fasti Ostienses. Nude men The boy in the rowing boat on the left and at least one man in the vessel on the right are nude. These nonrealistic figures may be explained by an iconographical tradition to render people of low status as nude as, for example, is illustrated by the relief on the western side of the tomb of Naevoleia Tyche in Pompeii which shows one standing man dressed in a short tunic and four climbing nude young men the captain/helmsman, and probably an altar (Rougé 1966, pl. I; CIL X, 1030), by a ship relief of Italian marble from Portus dedicated by a q(quin)qennalis) c(orporis) f(abrum) nav(alium), a president or all presidents of shipbuilders in Portus

176

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

10 REALIA, RITUALS AND SYMBOLS OF THE TORLONIA RELIEF

Fig. 10.5 The harbour sarcophagus, Belvedere, Vatican Museums (photo: D-DAI 31.1138)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

(Meiggs 1973, pl. XXIVa) and by sarcophagi from Isola Sacra and Ostia (Descœudres 2001, 406, VI.2 and VI.3). Dionysus Dionysus is standing on a low base, not on a high pedestal like Fortuna and the Genius loci. So his presence may be symbolic. According to Robert (1919, 75) and Meiggs (1973, pl. XX, text), Dionysus may refer to or substitute for the Temple of Liber. He is represented as the god of wine. He and Hercules were tutelary, ancestral deities (di patrii) of Septimius Severus and guardian deities of Leptis Magna (Birley1988, 15; 159; Lichtenberger 2011, 27-176, Fig. 22). They are represented in a relief of the Arch of Lepcis Magna, birthplace of the emperor, and on the north-west and south-west keystones of the Arch of Septimius Severus on the Forum Romanum at Rome. Both arches date from AD 203. They are also

present in the attic reliefs of the Arcus Argentariorum from AD 204. In addition, silver denarii of Septimius Severus illustrate Liber pater emptying a wine jug above a panther (Lichtenberger 2011, 17). 10.6 THE PROVENANCE OF WINE According to Martin (2008, 106-109, Figs 3, 7, 11 and 15), Rome did not import wine from North Africa. However, Panella and Rizzo (2014, 403) make clear that wine was transported from Tripolitania and Eastern Tunisia to Ostia. About 10 per cent of the amphorae in the Terme del Nuotatore at Ostia came from these regions. However, there are no inscriptions from there mentioning negotiantes vinarii or negotiatores vinarii. The mosaics in seven stationes of North African navicularii in Piazzale delle Corporazioni at Ostia do not show wine amphorae. Theoretically, Septimius Severus’

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

177

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 10.6 Roman sarcophagus, Munich, Glyptothek, inv. 240 (permission by the Staatliche Museen, Munich)

ships may have taken on board amphorae with high quality wine from Campania (for example from Capua, cf. Hartleben-Hartleben 1963, 236) or Latium in Puteoli or Minturnae. Wine was further imported from the Adriatic coast of Italy, Laeetania in Hispania Tarraconensis, Saguntum, Southern Gaul and the Eastern Mediterranean.

acclamations, crying out: “By you we live, by you we sail securely, by you enjoy our liberty and our fortunes.” The Greeks called this ritual apobaterion, by contrast with the epibaterion, a bloody sacrifice that took place on land before the departure of ships, as is shown by a bronze medallion of Commodus from AD 191(Meiggs 1973, pl. XVIIId).

10.7 RITUALS

The semi-nude women The three semi-nude women are held to be nymphs pouring out wine from a column krater. The composition, however, is partly similar to the bathing of baby Dionysus by the nymphs of Nysa as represented by a Roman sarcophagus of a child dating from c. AD 150, now in Munich, Glyptothek, inv. 240 (Fig. 10.6) representing three episodes in Dionysus’ life (Huskinson 1996, 30-31, 33 (3.14), 86, 1001, 111). That shows two semi-nude nymphs preparing the bath for the god. A sarcophagus from the Tomb of the Calpurnii Pisones at Rome, dating from c. AD 150, depicts a nymph preparing the bath while Silenus and another nymph nurse the baby (LIMC III, 2, Dionysos/Bacchus, no. 155). Similar bath scenes but with dressed nymphs are visible in podium reliefs of theatres in Nysa, Perge ((LIMC III, 2, Dionysos/Bacchus, no. 153), Side, and in a mosaic at Nea Paphos (Cyprus). The comparisons make clear that the nymphs in the Torlonia relief are pouring out not wine but bath-water, thus reminding the viewer of the wine god’s earliest childhood. We may not rule out that the act was ritually repeated in the Temple of Liber during celebrations of mysteries.

The sacrifice The sacrifice on board takes place in gratitude for the safe voyage. As said, the heads of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna or one of his high official and his wife are not covered. In the upper relief of the Arcus Argentarium, however, Septimius’ head is covered (capite velato). The difference may be explained by the fact that the offering on board was not followed by a bloody sacrifice, whilst the lower relief of the Arcus shows the sacrifice of a bull. This means that the incense offering in the upper relief was a praefatio, a preliminary offering. The sacrifice on board was destined for Neptune or Dionysus. In view of several Dionysian elements in the relief and the inscription V L the second option seems more likely (Wachsmuth 1967, 143-150). Sacrificing on arrival is also known from Suetonius (Augustus 96): happening to sail by the bay of Puteoli, the passengers and mariners aboard a ship of Alexandria just then arrived, clad all in white, with chaplets upon their heads, and offering incense, loaded him (the ill Augustus) with praises and joyful

178

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

10 REALIA, RITUALS AND SYMBOLS OF THE TORLONIA RELIEF

The symbolic eye Usually the symbolic eye is interpreted as apotropaic. Its ambiguous meanings (good or evil) have been studied by Deonna (1965, 143-158). According to Bianchi Bandinelli (1976, 334) it has “no formal relation with the rest of the relief but testifies to the magic-religious tendencies of that time”. According to Veyne (1997, 148), “the large eye on the right, a good-luck charm having no relation to the picture, countered the evil eye of the envious, who would have liked to cast a spell on the hero of the relief”. However, he does not mention a hero. In my opinion, the eye is not meant to avoid the gaze of viewers of the relief since it is not in a central position. It rather protects the probably secret act of the seminude women, and maybe the transport of wine amphorae. A painting from Caseggiato dell’Ercole in Ostia (IV ii 2-3), dating from c. AD 250, showing a judge seated on a high tribune trying to solve a dispute between two men about a broken amphora, illustrates the preciousness of the pot and its contents (Stöger 2011, 96, Fig. 53.9).

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

10.8 CONCLUSIONS The Torlonia relief dates from the second half of AD 203 or AD 204. It represents realia in Portus Uterque and Ostia: the lighthouse of Portus Augusti, the Temple of Liber Pater in Portus Traiani indicated by the presence of Dionysus, and probably the quadriga arch in Ostia city. It is a votive relief, showing synoptically realia, ritual and symbolic elements. Only circumstantial evidence suggests that Septimius Severus, his wife and an old assistant make a thanks offering to Liber for their safe return (reditus). In view of his simple dress, however, I do not rule out that the sacrificer and dedicant of the relief was not the emperor but one of his high officials. The lighthouse symbolises the safe haven. Triumph is expressed by two Victoriae, the wreaths of Fortuna and the Genius loci, who both hold a cornucopia, symbol of salus, the eagle holding a wreath, and the elephant quadriga of Domitian that may indirectly refer to Dionysus’ Indian Triumph. Neptune refers to the voyage at sea. The she-wolves suckling the twins, the Victoriae and the eagle holding a wreath give an official, imperial flavour to the relief. The seminude women are pouring out not wine but water,

reminding the viewer of baby Dionysus’ bath. The symbolic eye protects the bath ritual and probably the risky transport of wine against misfortunes. The themes pro reditu, pro salute and pro victoria (“for the return, well-being and victory”), Dionysus and wine transport are the main leitmotifs. Post scriptum This paper is written in memory of Dr. Hanna Stöger, an expert in Space Syntax. I will never forget our close cooperation in, among other places, the Domus Fulminata at Ostia in 2003. May her stimulating spatial enquiries into Ostia find a safe haven and resonance in the world of science and beyond. References Andreae, B. 1963. Studien zur römischen Grabkunst. Heidelberg: F.H. Kerle Verlag Arias, P.E. 1986. Bonus Eventus. In LIMC III.1, 123126 Basch, L.1987. Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique. Athènes: Institut hellénique pour la préservation de la tradition nautique Bianchi Bandinelli, R. 1969. Roma. L’arte romana nel centro del potere dalle origini alla fine del II secolo d. C. Roma: Rizzoli Birley, A.R. 1988. The African Emperor: Septimius Severus. London: B.T. Batsford Ltd. Baldassare, I., Bragantini, I., Morselli, C., & Taglietti, F. 1996. Necropoli di Porto. Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecco dello Stato Calza, R. 1977. Scavi di Ostia IX. I Ritratti II. Roma: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecco dello Stato Chevallier, R. 1986. Ostie, ville et port. Paris: Les Belles Lettres Chevallier, R. 2001. Les ports d’Ostie : pour une relecture des sources. In J.-P. Descœudres (ed.), Ostia. Port et porte de la Rome antique, 20-29. Genève: Georg Ciambelli, S. 2016. Cnaeus Sentius Felix: la straordinaria ascesa di un mercante forestiero a Ostia tra I e II secolo d.C. (CIL, 409). Storicamente,12, no. 28, 1-16 (http://dx.doi.org/10.12977/stor644) CIL: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin, 1863-

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

179

DESIGNATING PLACE

Coarelli, F. 1996. Il forum vinarium in Ostia: Un’ipotesi di localizzazione, in A. Gallina Zevi and A. Claridge (eds), Roman Ostia Revisited, 105-113. London: British School at Rome De Maria, S. 1988. Gli archi onorari di Roma e dell‘Italia romana. Roma: “L’ERMA” di Bretschneider

Descœudres, J.-P. (ed.) 2001. Ostia. Port et porte de la Rome antique. Genève: Georg

Lichtenberger, A., 2016. Glück und Gefahr. Ambivalente Meereserfahrung in der Bildwelt römischer Sarkophage. In A. Berner, J.-M. Henke, A. Lichtenberger, B. Morstad & A. Riedel (eds), Das Mittelmeer und der Tod. Mediterrane Mobilität und Sepulkralkultur, 495-509. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh

Dulière, C. 1979. Lupa Romana. Recherches d’iconographie et essai d’interprétation. Bruxèlles: Institut Historique Belge de Rome

LIMC: Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae. Zürich/München: Artemis Verlag, 1981-

Fasciato, M. 1947. Ad quadrigam fori vinarii, Autour du port de vin. MEFR 59, 65-81

Martin, A. 2008. Imports at Ostia in the Imperial Period and Late Antiquity: The Amphora Evidence from the DAI-AAR Excavations. In R.L. Hohlfelder (ed.), The Maritime World of Ancient Rome. MAAR Supplementary Volume 6, 105-118. Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan State University Press

Deonna, W. 1965. Le symbolism de l’œil. Paris: E. de Boccard

Giardina, B. 2010. Navigare necesse est. Lighthouses from antiquity to the Middle Ages. History, architecture, iconography and archaeological remains (BAR International Series 2096). Oxford: Archaeopress Henzen, G. 1864. Scavi di Porto, Bulletin de l’Institut de Correspondance archéologique 36, 12-20 Huskinson, J. 1996. Roman Children Sarcophagi. Their Decoration and its Social Significance. Oxford: Clarendon Press

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Lichtenberger, A. 2011. Severus Pius Augustus: Studien zur sakralen Repräsentation und Rezeption der Herrschaft des Septimius Severus und seiner Familie (193-211 n. Chr.). Impact of empire, 14. Leiden/Boston, MA: Brill

Mattingly, H. & Carson, R.A.G. 1965. Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum. London: British Museum Meiggs R. 19732. Roman Ostia. Oxford: Clarendon Press

Jentel, M.-O. 1981. Alexandria (Alexandreia). In LIMC I, 1, 1981, 493-494 no. 82

Ojeda, D. 2017. Rilievo Torlonia inv. n. 430: l’immagine sul faro. Bullettino della Commisione Archeologica Comunale di Roma 118, 85-92.

Kähler, H. 1960. Rom und seine Welt. Bilder zur Geschichte und Kultur. Erläuterungen. München: Bayerischer Schulbuch-Verlag

Panella, C. & Rizzo, G. 2014. Ostia VI. Le Terme del Nuotatore (Studi Miscellanei 38). Roma: Giorgio Bretschneider

Keay, S., Millett, M., Paroli, L. & Strutt, K. 2005. Portus (Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome, 15). London: The British School at Rome

Pellegrino, A. & Licordari, A. 2018. Il forum vinarium di Ostia. In C. De Ruyt, T. Morard, & F. Van Haeperen (eds). Ostia Antica. Nouvelles études et recherches sur les quartiers occidentaux de la cité. Actes du colloque international RomeOstia Antica, 22-24 septembre 2014, 261-272. Bruxelles: Institut Historique Belge de Rome

Kunckel, H. 1974. Der römische Genius (20. Ergänzungsheft Römische Mitteilungen). Heidelberg: F.H. Kerle Verlag Lehmann-Hartleben, K. 1963. (reprint of the 1923 edition). Die antiken Hafenanlagen des Mittelmeers. Beiträge zur Geschichte des Städtebaus im Altertum (Klio, Beiheft 14). Leipzig: Dieterich

Reddé, M. 1979. La représentation des phares à l’époque romaine. Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité 91.2, 845-872 Robert, C. 1919. Archäologische Hermeneutik. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung

180

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

10 REALIA, RITUALS AND SYMBOLS OF THE TORLONIA RELIEF

Ross Taylor, L. 1985 (unchanged reprint of the 1913 edition). The Cults of Ostia. Greek & Roman Gods – Imperial Cult-Oriental Gods. Chicago, IL: Ares Publishers Rougé, J. 1966. Recherches sur l’organisation du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous l’Empire romain. Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N. Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Testaguzza, O. 1970. Portus, Illustrazione dei Porti di Claudio e Traiano. Roma: Julia Editrice Tuck, S.L. 2008. The Expansion of Triumphal Imagery Beyond Rome: Imperial Monuments at the Harbors of Ostia and Lepcis Magna. In R.L. Hohlfelder (ed.), The Maritime World of Ancient Rome. MAAR Supplementary Volume 6, 325-34. Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan State University Press Veyne, P. 1997. The Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA & London: Harvard University Press

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Wachsmuth, J.C. 1967. Pompinos o Daimon. Πομπιμος ο Δαιμων. Untersuchung zu den Sakralhandlungen bei Seereise. Berlin: InauguralDissertation

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

181

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 Bodies and Buildings

Space, Decoration and Ritual in the Roman Domestic Bath Kristian Reinfjord

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The present paper investigates some aspects of interaction of rituals, space and decoration in Roman domestic bath suites found within the Late Republican domus, to show how private and public spheres engaged in the Roman world. Empirical evidence is chosen from the Vesuvian city of Pompeii. A study of archaeological remains and the rituals performed within them can broaden our knowledge of human use of space and the built environment. The door of the Roman domus was not a marker of private and public space. Being open to the street, the main entrance allowed citizens to gaze into the house and even let the uninvited cross the threshold and enter the atrium to consult the owner (WallaceHadrill 1994, 83). Of course the accessibility also depended on guards and other potential deterrents not seen in the archaeological record. In our modern world the perception of what is private and public is clearly marked. This is apparent through the way our world is organised, how we live our lives, do our daily tasks and adjust to other people. In Roman society the clear distinctions of what was perceived as private and public were vague, and in many instances non-existent. A consciousness of the distinction between private/ public existed in Roman society where it changed due to superior social structures and mechanisms (Cic. Verr. 2,5,35; Ov. Met. 2,35; Sen. Epist.3; Plaut. Capt.1,2.36). Just think of the use of latrines, where rows of toilets were lined up for all to use, and the mania for body care and its display. I believe that a study of one of the most intimate and private spheres in modern society, the bath, here understood as the domestic bathing complexes found within the domus, can serve as an interesting case study to illustrate differences between modern/Roman perceptions of private/public. The article discusses

the placement of domestic bath suites within the domus and their location in the public spheres of the house. The argument is reinforced by a discussion of the decorations found within domestic bath suites, showing “public” motives, which I interpret as being actively used by the Romans to evoke a public feeling. 11.1 THE COMMUNICATING ROMAN DOMUS Roman domestic baths are found within the sphere of the domus, the main private architecture used by aristocrats in the Roman republic. The domus was an expression of the owner’s social identity, and as such it was instrumental in both shaping and maintaining it. Bettina Bergman sees the domus as “an extension of the self” (Bergmann 1994, 225). The Roman house was partly public, and the owner would have been assessed on that basis. It was in the house that the paterfamilias, the house owner, received his guests and ran his business and his patron/client relationships. The house generated and communicated status on behalf of the owner, and discussions on the domus have proposed a public use for every room in the house (Allison 2004, 6-8; Anguissola 2010; Clarke 1991; Dickmann 1999; Grahame 1998; 2000; Hales 2003, 133; Laurence & Wallace-Hadrill 1997; Leach 2004, 1-54; WallaceHadrill 1994, 5, 47; 2007). A central question is how much personal involvement the homeowner had in the choice of rooms/layout, and whether design and subject matter were chosen randomly, in accordance with taste and fashion, or on the basis of conscious ideological perceptions. It is assumed that the Romans took an active role in designing their houses. The general statement by Anthony Giddens shows that “[h]uman actors are not only able to monitor

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

183

DESIGNATING PLACE

their activities and those of others in the regularity of day-to-day conduct; they are also able to ‘monitor the monitoring’, and that they understand what they do as they do it” (Giddens 1984, 29). This applies to the Roman world and signifies that the house owner was able to observe his own and others’ reactions to the architectural and decorative layout of the domus, and that he was able to put this observation into practice. There is also a close relationship between the architectural entity of the domus and the activity that went on within it (Wallace-Hadrill 1988, 45). Each room served as a part of the general use of the house as a grand reception area for guests.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

In the domus private areas are those into which there is no possible entrance except by invitation like, for instance, cubicula or triclinia. Public areas are those where uninvited members of the public may enter by right, that is, vestibules, some gardens or peristyles, and any rooms that may perform this sort of function. The architect Vitruvius writes in the age of Augustus that people of moderate income do not need magnificent rooms such as vestibules, atria or triclinia (VITR De. Arch. 6.5.1) because they perform their duties by visiting others, rather than having others making rounds visit them. Vitruvius explains how the domus was divided between public and private areas in Antiquity, making a starting point for modern scholars to investigate distinctions of private and public in Roman society. By Andrew Wallace-Hadrill (1998, 1994), among others, the division between private/public in the domus was put into a theoretical framework. Wallace-Hadrill’s framework is based on a crossaxis diagram (Fig. 11.1) in which the levels of social encounters could be established by separating the public spaces in the house from the private ones and the grandly decorated rooms from the humble ones. Wallace-Hadrill’s diagram illustrates the division of the house into two main spheres in accordance with grandeur and accessibility (Wallace-Hadrill 1994, 38). It also shows what kind of people engaged with the different spheres and has revealed a useful approach to understanding the social use of the Roman domus (e.g. Brandt 2004). It is therefore interesting to understand the placement of the bath suites within the houses. It is important to which

Fig. 11.1 Wallace-Hadrill’s cross-axis diagram shows the levels of social encounters established by separating the public spaces in the house from the private ones. The diagram also shows who frequent the different spheres (after WallaceHadrill 1994, 38)

types of rooms they are connected and in which sphere of the house baths are placed. In the Vesuvian city of Pompeii several houses are preserved which show wall paintings and mosaics actively being used by each house owner to promote certain functions and provoke reactions to each room. Each room of the domus was decorated and furnished to evoke certain feelings (Wallace-Hadrill 1994). Therefore, a study of decoration will also provide clues to the private and the public and contribute to the decision to place a room in the humble or grand part of the cross-axis diagram. 11.2 ARCHAEOLOGIES OF ROMAN DOMESTIC BATHING Bathing in the Roman world was a cultural occupation which integrated all layers of society; however, bathing for the Romans went far beyond the functional and hygienic necessities of washing (Brödner 1983; Delaine & Johnston 1999; Fagan 1999; Heinz 1983; Nielsen 1990; Pasquinucci 1993; Yegül 1992; 2010). It was a personal regeneration and a deeply rooted cultural and social habit. The fact that bathing was such an important cultural activity in Rome and her colonies makes baths a potential source of information about Roman social life and structures. Baths created an arena for social interactions, which were stimulated by architectonical devices, creating different experiences. Also, private houses had their own bath suites.

184

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 BODIES AND BUILDINGS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Roman baths should be interpreted as sociological structures of Roman society, and the rituals performed within them could relate to the material remains of the baths. Rituals of bathing and empirical sources of baths are viewed together as they form a duality, each a product of the other (e.g. Giddens 1984, 25). In this way, the architectural remains of the past are part of human action and human experience. Through architecture we understand both our own and other people’s place within a community. The buildings which form the archaeological material are implicated in the maintenance of their identity as the settings within which these performances are enacted (Goffman 1959, 32-34). Buildings within these frames are seen as being bound up in the ongoing maintenance of distinctions and connection between private and public spaces. Private baths within the domus interacted in some way between the private and public spaces. Sixteen private baths are found in private houses throughout the city of Pompeii.1 Also, two villas outside the city walls, the Villa dei Misteri and the Villa di Diomede, are equipped with domestic baths. I focus on a sample of five larger bath suites found in the domus of Pompeii, here understood as resembling public bath spaces. It is proposed that they also serve some of the same social functions as the public baths. The private bath suites are mainly dated to the Late Republic but were later often redecorated and changed. Dating is often seen in the four styles of wall decorations, where the second style dates to the Late Republic (40 – 25 BC). The third style is introduced in the age of Augustus. Even though domestic baths are briefly mentioned in the general literature on Roman baths and bathing, few in-depth studies have been done on the private baths of Pompeii (De Haan 1993; 1994; 1996; 2010; Fabricotti 1976; Mygind 1918; 1924; Parslow 1989). 1 An excellent catalogue of the Roman private baths is found in De Haan 2010, 143-293. Casa del Criptoportico (I, vi, 2), Casa di Paquius Proculus (I, vii, 1), Casa dell’Efebo (I, vii, 10), Casa del Menandro (I x, 4), Casa di Trebius Valens (III, ii, 1), Casa del Torello (V, i, 7), Casa delle Nozze d’Argento (V, ii, 1), Casa del Labirinto (VI, xi, 8-10), Casa del Fauno (VI, xii, 2), Casa del Bracciale d’oro (VI, xvii, 42-44), Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (VII, i, 40), Casa dei Cinque Scheletri (VI, x, 2), Casa del Marinaio (VII, xv, 1.2.15), Casa di Fabius Rufus (VII, xvi, 17.20-22), Casa del Centenario (IX, viii, 3-7), Casa di M. Obelius Firmus (IX, xiv, 2-4), Casa di Giuseppe II (VIII, ii, 39).

I have chosen the following baths by reason of their state of preservation, their different placement within the houses, and their wall and mosaic decorations. 11.3 DOMESTIC BATH SUITES IN POMPEII – A SAMPLE SURVEY The first house in my sample, the Casa delle Nozze d’Argento (5, ii, 1) (Fig. 11.2), is one of the larger and wealthier houses in Pompeii, and the bathrooms are like the house in that respect (Beyen 1960, 43-71; De Haan 2010, 189-196; De Vos & De Vos 1988, 211212; Di Capua 1940, 127; Ehrhart 2004; Fabbricotti 1976, 80-81; Mau 1893, 51-55; 1908, 322; Mygind 1924; Pernice 1938, 51; Pesano & Guidobaldi 2006, 155-158; Richardson 1988, 155-159; Sogliano 1896, 430). The house was owned by Albucius Celsus, and is found on a minor side street, the Vicolo delle Nozze Argento. The house was excavated in 1893, and dated to the late tufa period, the Late Republic, some years after 80 BC. But the house was later rebuilt and repainted to fulfil the demands of the Republican owner. It is suggested on the basis of the second style decorations (40 – 25 BC) that the bath was built during the house’s second period (Beyen 1960, 47). August Mau earlier suggested an older date, when he thought that the bath had already been built in the house’s first period and was redecorated in the second style (Mau 1893, 53). The bath suite was very important and well used by the Late Republican aristocrat who owned the house. The bath is placed on the western side of the peristyle and contains four rooms in a row: apodyterium, frigidarium, tepidarium and caldarium. It also has a pool (piscina) found in a separate room. The apodyterium relates to the luxurious triclinium where the pater familias of the house dined with his guests. A mosaic floor leads the guests to the bath suite (De Haan 2010, 190). The baths of the Casa delle Nozze d’Argento are reached through the peristyle’s south-eastern corner, where the first room is the apodyterium. On the northern wall are two doors, one leading into the tepidarium, the other to an outdoor garden room with a pool. The rooms are decorated in the second and the third style, where the second style is found closest to the entrance and the third style with its marble decorations is found further into the bath. The Casa di M. Caesius Blandus (7, i, 40) hails from the early periods of Pompeii, and the house is on the

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

185

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 11.2 In the Casa delle Nozze d’Argento the bath is placed on the western side of the peristyle (after Allison 2004, 217)

corner of Strada degli Augustali and Vico del Lupanare. The date when the house was built is debatable but is either in the late third century BC or in the eighties BC after the Roman annexation of the city. Mau and Pernice argue for dating the building to the tufa period (Mau 1882, 269; Pernice 1938, 53). Beyen suggests an earlier date (Beyen 1960, 235). More interesting here is the rebuilding of the house dated to the second style (40 – 25 BC) when the private bath suite was built, together with the peristyle (Beyen 1960, 238). The bath contains two rooms: an apodyterium-tepidarium and a caldarium, placed to the east of the tablinum (Beyen 1960, 234-238, 247-249; Clarke 1979, 61; De

Haan 2010, 206-211; De Vos & De Vos 1988, 206; Di Capua 1940, 128; Fabbricotti 1976, 52-53; Fiorelli 1875, 174; Mygind 1924, 34-38; Overbeck & Mau 1884, 282; Pernice 1938, 54; Pesano & Guidobaldi 2006). The bath is placed next to the tablinum in front of the peristyle’s outermost part and looks like a little house within the house, with its own little stair leading into the bath. The bath is reached from a room between the atrium and peristyle, which links these two. In the south-eastern corner of this room a masonry stair, supported by the peristyle wall, leads up into the vaulted entrance to the tepidarium. The room is decorated in the second style, showing figures

186

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 BODIES AND BUILDINGS

Fig. 11.3 Caldarium of Casa del Criptoportico (I.6.2), Pompeii. Looking north-east towards the caldarium near the rear entrance at I.6.16. Photo courtesy of Buzz Ferebee. ©Jackie and Bob Dunn www.pompeiiinpictures.com

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

and different animals (Fiorelli 1875, 175; Overbeck & Mau 1884, 284). The large Casa del Centenario (9, viii, 6) is found on the south side of Strada di Nola and is one of the largest houses in Pompeii (Blake 1936, 61; De Haan 2010, 223-228; De Vos & De Vos 1988, 213; Dickmann 1999, 258; Fabbricotti 1976, 73-74; Mau (1879, 150-151; 1882, 112-113; Mygind 1924, 4755; Overbeck & Mau 1884, 258; Pernice 1938, 44; Richardson 1988, 126-127; Riemenschneider 1986, 198-199, 298-299; Santoro 2007, 153-156; Sassi et al. 2005, 237-238; Pesano & Guidobaldi 2006, 237-240). It was excavated in 1879-1881 and bears witness to Republican splendor and greatness with its double atrium and a very large peristyle. It is suggested that the bath suite was built in the last century BC, making it a Republican bath, later being redecorated in the third style (De Vos & De Vos 1988, 127). The bath suite contains four rooms: frigidarium, apodyterium, tepidarium and caldarium (Fig. 11.3). The bath is placed east of the peristyle in the middle of a series of servants’ rooms and is reached through a long and narrow corridor, stretching from the peristyle with a westward slanted roof, and stretching above the eastern wall of a large open courtyard covering parts

of the room. The floor of the bath is raised above the previous room and must have been reached by a wooden stair. In the southern part of the large open court a large masonry pool is placed, decorated with the fourth style. The tepidarium is reached through a vaulted entrance. The other rooms are also decorated in the fourth style and show a polyp, fish, dolphins and leaves. The Casa del Criptoportico (1, vi, 2) is the only known house in Pompeii with two bath suites. Excavated in 1911-1929 the house shows five building phases, with the first phase dated to the end of the second century BC (Beyen 1960; De Vos & De Vos 1988). The criptoportico, a covered hall of columns, was built in the third period dated to the founding of the Roman colony around BC 80. The baths suites are dated by the second style painting and were built in the same period as the criptoportico (Beyen 1960, 8384). Baths were then also placed on the criptoportico and reached from it. The large bath suite is found in the eastern corner of the criptoportico, and consists of four rooms: apodyterium, frigidarium, tepidarium and caldarium (Beyen 1960, 87-119; Blake 1936, 139; De Haan 2010, 156-167; De Vos/De Vos 1988, 106-108; Di Capua 1940, 126; Dickmann 1999, 262-

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

187

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 11.4 The baths of the Casa del Menandro are connected to the servants’ and living part of the house, and are reached from the peristyle (after Allison 2004, 205)

264; Fabbricotti 1976, 89-92; Kastenmeier 2007, 117; La Rocca/De Vos & De Vos 1981, 199-204; Ling 1972, 11-57; Maiuri 1933, 252-271; Mielsch 1975, 109; Pernice 1938, 51-52; Richardson 1988, 167-169; Riemenschneider 1986, 26; Spinazzola 1953, 437542). The bath suite makes a separate unity and is an eye-catching structure within the house.

The Casa del Menandro (1, x, 4) (Fig. 11.4) was excavated in 1926-1932 and dates to the late third century BC. The house has a long and complex building history with many phases. The publication by August Maiuri (1933, 22-25) describes the different rooms of the house and bath, a description which was later corrected by Roger Ling (1997,

188

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 BODIES AND BUILDINGS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

47-144). The house was enlarged during the Late Republic and the bath suite was added during this last building phase, dating the bath to between 40 and 25 BC. The house went through different changes in the Age of Augustus and after the earthquake of AD 62. The bath suite was restored and was then also decorated in the fourth style, showing that the bath was still in use in the later periods of Pompeii (De Haan 2010, 172). The Casa del Menandro was also inhabited in AD 79. The bath suite consists of tepidarium, caldarium, atrium, a small apodyterium and a laconicum, is placed in the south-western corner of the house, is connected to the service and living part of the house, and is reached from the peristyle (Clarke 1979; De Haan 2010, 172-183; De Vos & De Vos 1988, 90-97; Dickmann 1999, 260262; Fabricotti 1976, 87-89; Kastenmeier 2007, 130; Ling 1997, 61-67, 90-92, 132-137; 1983a; Ling 1983b; Ling & Ling 2005, 56-67, 98-99, 243-253; Maiuri 1933, 121-158; Mielsch 1975, 19, 109-110; Pernice 1938, 59-60; Pesando & Guidobaldi 2006, 113-122, 115, 117-118; Richardson 1988, 159-161). On the western side of the entrance is a large garden, contributing to the extravagant experience created by the bath. The placement of the chosen bath suites shows an interesting pattern. Three of the baths are placed on the peristyle, one is reached from a criptoportico, and one is reached through a palestra. These are all rooms with public connotations. The peristyle, a colonnaded open courtyard, is thought to be a public area within the domus, but a little more exclusive than the atrium (Dickmann 1997, 136; 1999, 313322; Grahame 1998, 140; Wallace-Hadrill 1997, 239). The theoretical organisation of the rooms reflects sociological structures, and it is thought that the baths served a semi-public function. In the Late Republic and Early Empire the functions of the rooms became more defined, when the atrium became used as a main entrance hall, and the peristyle connected to the reception and dining areas of the house. Peristyles functioned as reception areas for amici of the paterfamilias. To get into the bath suite guests had to be invited, but they were not just family. The tablinum and triclinium, used for the actual dinner, are also often placed on the peristyle. It is also worth noting that all bath suites in the sample

were built in the Late Republic when the symbolic value of the domus played its most important part in promoting rich Roman houseowners. One of these was Trimalchio, a new rich freedman, bragging and flashing his domus and bath suite. 11.4 BATHING IN TRIMALCHIO’S NEW MONEY In understanding the domestic baths, written sources should be related to the archaeological remains (Dickmann 1999; Laurence & WallaceHadrill 1997; Leach 1988, 1993, 2004; WallaceHadrill 1988, 48; 1994, 6; 1997; Zanker 1998, 10). One particular source concerning uses of Roman domestic bath suites is found as part of the Satyricon in the Dinner of Trimalchio by Petronius Arbiter.2 Written in the age of Nero, in the early sixties AD, the source describes a dinner ritual held by the rich freedman, Trimalchio, where the focus is placed on his conspicuous consumption to impress his guests.3 Petronius describes the bath, here in the translation by P.G. Welch: “the bath house was narrow, shaped like a cold water tank …”. According to their placement the baths are reached through a colonnade, indicating its placement next to a peristyle. The ritual took place within Trimalchio’s domus, in the text mentioned as “a novel labyrinth” (Pet. Sat. 72). It is therefore reasonable to link the setting in the text with the houses and bath suites we saw in Pompeii. As a part of Trimalchio’s dinner, bathing took place between courses to make room for more food and relieve drunkenness. Also, according to Vitruvius (De arch. V, 10, 4), bathing often took place from dinner time to the late evening. Bathing in Trimalchio’s dinners was done together with the house owner, who bragged about his ability to “take a bath without being jostled” (Pet. Sat. 73). The text on what took place in Trimalchio’s bath suite describes a laid-back 2 I have used the translation and introduction of the Satyricon of P.G. Walsh (1996). 3 Private baths are also mentioned by Seneca: “and the small bath, buried in darkness according to the old style, for our ancestors did not think that one could have a hot bath except in darkness”. Sen. Ep.86,4. Seneca is visiting Scipio Africanus’s country house in On Scipio’s Villa, and describes several architectonical features, such as the bath, where, “in this tiny recess the terror of Carthage to whom Rome should offer thanks because she was not captured more than once, used to bathe a body wearied with work in the fields!”.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

189

DESIGNATING PLACE

atmosphere in which the guests acted as if they were in a public bath. It is not a tense atmosphere, but a sphere in which guests relaxed as if they were in their own homes: “[w]hile Trimalchio was singing, the guests were chasing round the bath-tub, holding hands, tickling each other, and making a tremendous din; others with their hands tied behind them were trying to pick up rings from the floor, or were on their knees bending their necks backward and touching the tips of their toes. While they were amusing themselves, we got down into the tub which was kept at the right temperature for Trimalchio” (Pet. Sat. 73, after Walsh 1996, 61-62). After the bath ritual was finished the guests were conducted into a second dining-room. Trimalchio’s dinner gives a glimpse into the domestic dinner ritual and seems to coincide well with the archaeological sources on public spheres within the domus. The public atmosphere of the bath suite is further enhanced by the bath’s wall decorations and floor mosaics.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

11.5 DECORATIONS EVOKING PUBLIC FEELING IN THE DOMESTIC BATH As Wallace-Hadrill stated, the decorations of different rooms in the domus give clues to which rooms were thought of as high-status and which as meant for other, low status activities. Wall paintings and mosaic decoration therefore give clues to perceptions of private and public space within the house. By borrowing features from actual public spaces, the house owner evoked public feelings in the bath suites and created a grand atmosphere (Wallace-Hadrill 1988, 59). This strategy can also be applied to the private baths in the examples under consideration. The wall painting and mosaics seen in domestic baths could mainly be divided into three groups of motifs: water scenes, sports and athletics scenes, and scenes from the bath. Such scenes are all found in the public baths and thermae.4 However, 4 The practical function of the decoration of the private baths in Pompeii and Herculaneum is interpreted as a lighting device, physically used to bring light into the rooms (De Haan 1993, 34; Squassi 1954). The rooms of private bath facilities were dark and were therefore painted in very light colours to compensate for the darkness. Large windows would have dissipated heat. Therefore, the baths were built with small windows, letting only small glimpses of light into the rooms. We can also see that the wall decoration is painted in light colours, and that the mosaic floors are made of light tesserae. The stucco roof vaults are painted a light colour, or not at

Fig. 11.5 Tepidarium of the Casa di Centenario (IX.8.6), Pompeii, mosaic floor. ©Jackie and Bob Dunn www.pompeiiinpictures.com Su concessione del MiBAC - Parco Archeologico di Pompei

other themes may also occur, but these are found throughout the domus, and not just in the baths. The first bath theme contains people and animals in combination with water, naturally because water was a fundamental element of the bath. The standard repertoire of bath mosaics with scenes with references to the ocean and its fauna is also common in domestic bath suites (Fig. 11.5). An example is the water landscape in the Schola Labri in the Casa del Menandro (Ling & Ling 2005, 56). Of the animals depicted dolphins are the most common. They are also found in the public baths of Rome and Pompeii. In the private baths of the Vesuvian cities the dolphin is found in the Casa del Centenario, the Casa del Criptoportico and the Casa dell’Albergo in Herculaneum. Other examples from Boscoreale and Stabiae are also known. Fish in all shapes and sizes decorates the domestic baths, mainly the floor and stucco decorations, found for instance in the all. A device with another practical function, regularly found in the caldaria and in some tepidaria, was stucco grooves placed in the barrel vaults to prevent condensation in the vaults. Examples are found in the Casa del Menandro and the Casa di M. Caesius Blandus. In the major part of these baths the stucco decoration is poorly or not preserved. Broad stucco roofs prevented condensation on the wall paintings, a device also found in rooms not equipped with grooved barrel vaults.

190

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 BODIES AND BUILDINGS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Casa del Menandro and the Casa del Centenario. Large mussels made from stucco in the top of the schola labri are known from the baths in the Casa del Labirinto, in the Villa Diomede, and the Casa del Menandro. Examples of painted mussels are found in the Casa delle Nozze d’Argento, the Casa di Giuseppe II and the Casa del Centenario. A second group of scenes shows sports and athletes. Such scenes were widely used by Romans in the public baths and the large thermae of Rome (Newby 2005, 45-86). These scenes also showed Hellenistic influence, because Greek athletes played an important role in the Roman Empire (Newby 2005). One of the clearest examples is the athletes in the middle zone in the Casa del Menandro, where we see runners, a discus-thrower with a palm branch, and two wrestlers. These are scenes also common in the private baths in villas around Pompeii (De Haan 1993, 35). Such scenes are also mentioned by the writer Sidonius Apollinaris (Ep. 6.2) from Late Antiquity, who refers to such scenes in his private villa bath suites.5 A less obvious sports scene is found in a stucco decoration in the tepidarium in the Casa del Labirinto, where the east wall shows a vase, functioning as first prize for a victorious athlete in a sport contest. Another example of such a prize is found in the stucco decoration in the vault of the tepidarium of the Casa del Criptoportico, with a parallel in the Thermae Stabiae in Pompeii. In the tepidarium of the Casa delle Nozze d’Argento, on the middle zone of the east wall we can see a cylinder used by athletes in the palestrae, during ring fights. A parallel is found in the Thermae Stabiae in Pompeii. Here scenes represent links between bathing and physical exercise, and it is suggested that athletic scenes were used to create fantasies for the bathers, seeing themselves as victorious figures (Newby 2005, 55). Such fantasies might have reflected upon the house owner, who wanted to evoke the world of public spectacle within the context of domestic bathing. Motifs directly associated with the practice of bathing are the third group found in domestic 5 Sidonius Apollinaris, Ep. 2, 6 Non hic per nudam pictorum corporum pulchritudinem turpis prostat historia, […]. [...] Absunt lubrici tortousique pugilatu et nexibus palaestrirae, [...].

bath suites. Here, public architectural features are integrated (Fig. 11.6). Both in floor and wall decoration strigiles (oil scrapers) are seen. Also, the black slave at the entrance to the caldarium of the Casa del Menandro holds two small bottles of either perfume or oil to use in the bath. Attention should be given to a small lady washing herself, painted on the schola labri in the Casa del Menandro. In the Villa di Diomede, by the entrance to the caldarium, two sandals used in the bath are depicted, with the inscription: Caution! Don’t forget your sandals! On the floor of the tepidarium of the Casa di M. Caesius Blandus there is also a bath sandal, parallels of which are found in public baths in North Africa. The apses of the caldarium of Casa del Menandro show female bathers. In three of the baths under discussion an interesting scene is depicted in caldaria floor mosaics. These are the black swimmers and bath attendants found in the Casa del Menandro, Casa di M. Caesius Blandus and Casa del Criptoportico. Such scenes are rarely found in any other context and deserve closer attention in connection with the use of private space. These scenes are made in black/white mosaic with colour details and date to the second style (40 – 25 BC). I believe that these scenes can contribute to a broader understanding of the public function of the Roman private bath. In the Casa del Menandro the caldarium mosaic consists of four borders surrounding the iconographic programme in the middle (Ling & Ling 2005, 60-63). The borders are made using black tesserae on a white background and are closest to the wall made of small waves, with a meandering border on the inside, followed by another border of waves. Closest to the picture programme there is a plain rectangular border. Most interesting are the two representations of the black ithyphallic man, here shown as s swimmer in the north-west corner of the mosaic and a fisherman spearing a mythical sea-dragon with a trident in the opposite corner. Other sea animals and fish are randomly spread throughout the mosaic around the circular centre emblem. These seem to be another sea-dragon, an eel, a dolphin, a crab and two fish. The centre area is made up of red tesserae and shows seaweeds in strong colours.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

191

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 11.6 Frigidarium of the Casa del Criptoportico (I.6.2), Pompeii. Frigidarium of the baths’ area. Looking down on the west wall and the circular window through into the corridor in the east wing of the cryptoporticus. Photo courtesy of Buzz Ferebee. ©Jackie and Bob Dunn www.pompeiiinpictures.com

A small entrance room leading into the caldarium is also paved with black and white mosaics showing a black macrophallic bath attendant holding a brown ointment jar in each hand and wearing a laurel wreath on his head. He is wearing some kind of short kilt that rides above his enormous penis. The composition is framed by a black rectangular border running round the walls and marking the edge of the room at each end of the entrance. Under the bath attendant are four heraldic strigilis, so that these were the first items visitors saw when they entered this room from the apodyterium. The mosaic floor of the Casa di M. Caesius Blandus portrays two pairs of black male figures with huge penises doing

gymnastic exercises. Each pair of swimmers flanks representations of bathing equipment, the men facing outwards with their backs to each other and to the object between them. On one side this object (today poorly preserved) is a ring with two strigilis or scrapers and an ointment jar hanging from it; on the other side the swimmers flank an ointment jar. The central motif shows a round rosette with jagged edges. Above this iconographic programme, further into the room, a wide meandering border runs the length of the room. In the Casa del Criptoportico caldarium the floor is paved with black and white mosaics, well preserved and covering the whole floor. The most eye-catching scene is of two black

192

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 BODIES AND BUILDINGS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 11.7 Caldarium of the Casa del Criptoportico (I.6.2), Pompeii. Black and white mosaic floor with some coloured tesserae, in the caldarium near the rear entrance at I.6.16. Photo courtesy of Buzz Ferebee. ©Jackie and Bob Dunn www.pompeiiinpictures.com

figures swimming towards a broken amphora (Fig. 11.7). These are men with curly hair, both having huge erections, and are holding a loose string on each side tied to the amphora. A line curving downwards to the right from the beak stand for the content flowing out. A second line that curves upwards from near the left-hand figure’s knee, through his left hand, through the handles of the amphora, and through the left hand of a man identified as an Ethiopian must be a cord attached to the amphora’s two handles. This amphora is most likely one of those used for the transport and storage of wine. The amphora itself implies a story of “just” being broken. Beneath the two swimmers, there is a large rosette in the centre of the room, with symmetrical ornaments, framed by a black circle and a quadrate.

In the Late Republic presentation and promotion of the self, especially among aristocrats, were widespread. References from Greek art and literature were often used to enhance the patron, and luxuria became a great part of the aristocratic sphere. In the Casa del Criptoportico scenes from the Iliad are found throughout the house’s wall decoration. The triclinium of Trimalchio, a freedman described by the author Petronius, was decorated with Homeric scenes (Pet. Sat. 29). The black swimmers and bath attendants are interpreted as an example of Hellenistic influence and as a sign of luxuria, and were popular throughout the Empire (Ling & Ling 2005, 59). Examples of black swimmers are found in Este, North Italy and Cirta dating to the Late Republic, but the motif can be traced as far back as Sicyonian pebble mosaics of the fourth century

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

193

DESIGNATING PLACE

BC (Donderer 1936, 148-150). The motif was also used in Late Antiquity, as seen in Ostia dated to the second century AD and in North African mosaics from the third century AD (Becatti 1961). Who were these well-endowed men and what could they mean in a domestic bathing context?

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Male genitalia as an iconographic feature could for the Romans be used as a warning against the evil eye. They are also found in the public bronze tintinnabula. These were devices sculpted as erect penises hung with bells, used as fertility amulets, found in the cityscapes of Pompeii and Herculaneum, with a combination of sound and visibility making a potent force against the evil eye (Clarke 2003, 97; Johns 1982, 68). Noise and sound were to the Romans a counter to evil, and babies often had bells around their necks. Male penises are also seen in the streets of Pompeii, cut into stone, placed at potentially dangerous crossroads, such as in the Via dell’Abbondanza. A ceramic phallus is also seen in a bakery with the inscription: hic habitat felicitas. The bath, being an area of business meetings and a room where a house owner expressed wealth, the suspicious Roman owner needed to take precautions against evil forces. Black swimmers and bath attendants fitted this picture well, functioning in a private sphere which had public functions. These scenes found at the entrance to three of the baths under consideration help to answer a hypothesis of public ritual in a private context. Roman private baths were decorated to give an atmosphere of luxury as seen in the more public rooms of the domus. At the same time, iconographic elements such as sea creatures, sports and water scenes, as found in public baths, were borrowed and used in the private baths of the domus. It could be suggested that these motifs were used to give a more public feeling. Functioning together with architectural devices, the wall paintings of private baths created a grander and more public atmosphere. 11.7 PUBLIC RITUALS IN DOMESTIC CONTEXTS - CONCLUDING REMARKS This article’s focus has been a sample of the larger bath suites found in the Pompeian domus resembling

public baths. It is suggested that they also have some of the same functions as public baths. Most of the bath suites are found in connection with the peristyle or other public spheres of the house, as shown in the above examples. At the same time some of the baths are found in connection with more private spheres of the house, as for instance with the Casa del Labirinto, where the bath is placed next to the kitchen. The smaller private baths found in Pompeii, such as the baths in the Casa di Obelius Firmus, the Casa di Fabius Rufus, the Casa dei Cinque Scheletri and the Casa del Fauno, are placed in different areas of the house, and seem to have served a more private purpose for the house’s owner. The baths of the villas near Pompeii, the Villa dei Misteri and the Villa di Diomede, also have very small bath suites. Villas also had different social functions from the domus, and it is suggested that the large baths of the domus were used to enhance the role of the house as a sign of status. Wall decorations in the rooms surrounding the peristyle also suggest public space (Allison 2004, 90-99; Wallace-Hadrill 1997, 238; Zanker 1998, 13). The baths were decorated in a grand style, inspired by scenes from the public thermae. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the domestic bath suites placed on the peristyle, decorated to evoke perceptions of public baths were seen and used as semi-private spheres as part of the Roman dinner ritual, and to entertain guests and gain status for the Late Republican aristocrat. References Antique sources are cited according to Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd edition Allison, P. 2004. Pompeian Households: An analysis of material Culture. Los Angeles, CA: The Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Anguissola, A. 2010. Intimitá a Pompei. Riservatezza, condivisione e prestigio negli abienti ad alcove di Pompei. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter Becatti, G. 1961. Mosaici e pavimenti marmorei. Scavi di Ostia 4. Roma: Libreria dello Stato Bergman, B. 1994. The Roman House as Memory Theater: The House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii. The Art Bulletin 26, 225-256

194

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 BODIES AND BUILDINGS

Beyen, H.G. 1960. Die pompejanische Wanddekoration vom zweiten bis zum vierten Stil. `s Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff Blake, M.E. 1936. Roman Mosaics of the Second Century in Italy. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 13, 67-214 Brandt, J.R. 2004. Movements and Views. Some Observations on the Organisation of Space in Roman Domestic Architecture from the Late Republic to Early Medieval Times. Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 18, 11-53 Brödner, E. 1983. Die römischen Thermen und das antike Badewesen: Eine kulturhistorische Betrachtung. Berlin: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft Clarke, J.R. 1979. Roman Black-and-White Figural Mosaics. New York: College Art Association Clarke, J.R. 1991. The Houses of Roman Italy 100 BC – AD 250: Ritual, Space and Decoration. Berkley, CA: University of California Press Clarke, J.R. 2003. Roman Sex 100 BC – AD 250. New York: Harry Abrams De Haan, N. 1993. Dekoration und Funktion in den Privatbädern von Pompeji und Herculaneum. In E.M. Moorman (ed.). Functional and Spatial Analysis of Wall painting, Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Ancient Wall Painting, Amsterdam, 8-12 September 1992. BABesch Supp. III. Leuven: Peeters

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

De Haan, N. 1994. Roman Private Baths. Balnearia 2, 8-9 De Haan, N. 1996. Die Wasserversorgung der Privatbäder in Pompeji. In N. de Haan & G.C.M. Jansen (eds). Cura Aquarum in Campania, Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress on the History of Water Management and Hydraulic Engineering in the Mediterranean Region, Pompeii 1-8 October 1994. BABesch Supp. 4. Leuven: Peeters De Haan, N. 2010. Römische Privatbäder. Entwicklung, Verbreitung, Struktur und sozialer Status. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang Verlag der Wissenschaften

DeLaine, J. & Johnston, D.E. (eds) 1999. Roman Baths and Bathing – proceedings of the first international conference on Roman baths held at Bath, England, 30 March – 4 April 1992. Portsmouth, RI De Vos, M. & De Vos, A. 1988. Pompei, Ercolano, Stabia. Guide archeologiche Laterza 11. Roma: Bari Di Capua, F. 1940: Appunti sull’origine e lo sviluppo delle terme romane. Rendiconti della Accademia di archeologia, lettere e belle arti 20, 83-155 Dickmann, J-A. 1999. Domus frequentata: Anspruchsvolles Wohnen im pompejanischen Stadthaus. München: Verlag Dr. Friedrich Pfeil Donderer, M. 1986. Die Chronologie der römischen Mosaiken in Venetien und Istrien bis zur Zeit der Antonine. Berlin: Gebr. Mann Ehrhardt, W. 2004. Casa delle Nozze d’Argento (V, 2, i). Häuser in Pompeji 12. München: Hirmer Fabbricotti, E. 1976. I bagni nelle prime ville romane. Cronache Pompeiane II, 29-111. Napoli: G. Macchiaroli Fagan, G. 1999. Bathing in public in the Roman World. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press Fiorelli, G. 1875. Descrizione di Pompei. Napoli Giddens, A. 1984. The Constitution of Society. Outline of the Theory of Structuration. Cambridge: Polity Goffman, E. 1959. The Presentation of the Self in Everyday Life. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Social Sciences Research Centre Monograph 2 Grahame, M. 1998. Material Culture and Roman Identity: The Spatial Layout of Pompeian Houses and the Problem of Ethnicity. In R. Laurence & J. Berry (eds). Cultural Identity in the Roman Empire. London and New York: Routledge Grahame, M. 2000. Reading space: Social Interaction and Identity in the Houses of Roman Pompeii: A Syntactical Approach to the Analysis and Interpretation of Built Space. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 886. Oxford: Archaeopress

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

195

DESIGNATING PLACE

Hales, S. 2003 The Roman House and Social Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Maiuri, A. 1933. La Casa del Menandro e il suo Tesoro di argenteria. Roma: Libreria dello Stato

Heinz, W. 1983. Römische Thermen. Badewesen und Badeluxus im Römischen Reich. München: Hirmer

Mau, A. 1879. Pompejanische Beiträge. Berlin: Reimer

Johns, C. 1982. Sex or Symbol – Erotic images of Greece and Rome. New York Taylor and Francis

Mau, A. 1882. Geschichte der decorativen Wandmalerei in Pompeji. Berlin: Reimer

Kastenheimer, P. 2007. I luoghi del lavoro domestico nella casa pompeiana. Roma: Studi della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Pompei 23

Mau, A. 1893. Führer durch Pompeji. Napoli: Furchheim

La Rocca, E., de Vos, M. & de Vos, A. 1981. Guida archeologica di Pompei. Second ed. Milano: Arnoldo Mondadori Editore Laurence, R. & Wallace-Hadrill, A. (eds) 1997. Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond, Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplement 22. Portsmouth, RI Leach, E.W. 1988. The Rhetoric of Space: Literary and Artistic Representations of Landscapes in Republican and Augustan Rome. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press Leach, E.W. 1993. The Entrance room in the house of Iulius Polybius and the nature of Roman vestibulum. In E.M. Moormann (ed.), Functional and Spatial Analysis of Wall Painting: Proceedings of the fifth International Congress on Ancient Wall Painting, Amsterdam, 8-12 September 1992. BABesch Supp. III. Leuven: Peeters Leach, E.W. 2004. The Social Life of Painting in Ancient Rome and on the Bay of Naples. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Ling, R. 1972. Stucco decoration in pre-Augustan Italy. Papers of the British School at Rome 40, 11-57 Ling, R. 1983a. The Insula of Menander at Pompeii: interim Report. The Antiquaries Journal 63, 34-57 Ling, R. 1983b. The Baths of the Casa del Menandro at Pompeii. Pompeii, Herculaneum, Stabiae. Bollettino. Associazione internazionale Amici di Pompei 1, 49-59 Ling, R. 1997. The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii. Volume I: The Structures. Oxford: Clarendon Press Ling, R. & Ling, L. 2005. The Insula of the Menander at Pompeii. Volume II: The Decorations. Oxford: Clarendon Press

Mau, A. 1908. Pompeji in Leben und Kunst. Leipzig: Mielsch, H. 1975. Römische Stuckreliefs. Heidelberg: Kerle-Verlag Mygind, H. 1918. Hygiejniske Forhold i Oldtidens Pompeji, København: Henrik Koppels Forlag Mygind, H. 1924. Badene i de pompejanske privathuse. Studier fra sprog- og oldtidsforskning, Det filologisk-historiske samfund nr. 132. København: Povl Branner Newby, Z. 2005. Greek Athletics in the Roman Word. Oxford: Oxford University Press Nielsen, I. 1990. Thermae et Balnea. The Architecture and Cultural History of Roman Public Baths. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press Overbeck, J. & Mau, A. 1884. Pompeji in seinen Gebäuden, Alterthürmen unf Kunstwerken. Leipzig: Parslow, C.C. 1989. The Praedia Iuliae Felicis in Pompeii. PhD thesis, Duke University Pasquinucci, M. 1987. Terme romane e vita quotidiana. Modena: Panini Franco Cosimo Pernice, E. 1938. Pavimente und figürliche Mosaiken. Die Hellenistische Kunst in Pompeji 6. Berlin: W. de Gruyter & Co Pesano, F. & Guidobaldi, M.P. 2006. Pompei Oplontis Ercolano Stabiae. Guide Archeologiche Laterza. Roma: Bari Richardson, L., jr. 1988. Pompeii. An Architectural History. Baltimore, MD, and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press Riemenschneider, U. 1986. Pompejanische Stuckgesimse des Dritten und Vierten Stils. Frankfurt am Main: Lang

196

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

11 BODIES AND BUILDINGS

Sassi, B., Ciarlantini, C., Scagliarini, D., Vitali, E., Bigliardi, G., Guiducci, G., Cattani, L. Saracino, L.M., Carra, M. Sciarratta, M.L., Morsiani, S. & Santoro, S. 2005. Progetto Insula del Centenario (IX, 8). Saggi di Scavo 1999-2004, Rivista di Studi Pompeiani 16, 211-256 Santoro, S. (ed). 2007. Progetto Insula del Centenario (IX, 8). In Indagini diagnostiche geofisiche e analisi archeometriche. Bologna: Sogliano, A. 1896. Boscoreale – Scoperta di una villa rustica. Notizie degli scavi di antichità 1895, 207214 Spinazzola, V. 1953. Pompei alla luce degli scavi nuovi di Via dell’Abbondanza (anni 1910-1923). Roma: La Libera della Stato Squassi, F. 1954. L’arte idro-sanitaria degli antichi. Epoche preromana e romana, Tolentino: Tipografia Filelfo Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1988. The Social Structure of the Roman House. Papers of the British School at Rome 56, 43-97 Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1994. Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum. Princeton, NJ, and New York: Princeton University Press Wallace-Hadrill, A. 1997. Rethinking the Roman Atrium House. In R. Laurence & A. Wallace-Hadrill (eds). Domestic Space in the Roman World: Pompeii and Beyond. Portsmouth, RI

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Wallace-Hadrill, A. 2007. Development in the Campanian House. In J.J. Dobbins & P.W. Foss (eds). The World of Pompeii. New York: Routledge Walsh, P.G. 1996. Petronius. The Satyricon. Translated with Introduction and Explanatory Notes by P.G. Walsh. Oxford: Clarendon Press Yegül, F. 1992. Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity. Cambridge, MA, and London: The MIT Press Yegül, F. 2010. Bathing in the Roman World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Zanker, P. 1998. Pompeii, Public and Private Life. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

197

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

PART 4 Epigraphic Analysis

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 Verba Volant, Scripta Manent

Reconstructing the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia Antica Fenno F.J.M. Noij

This paper aims to study the value of applying the concept of Linguistic Landscape Studies to past landscapes. The concept, which is derived from Sociolinguistics, has been applied to a case-study of the reconstruction of the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia. The results of this case-study as well as the theoretical considerations about the concept are presented here. The paper shows that by formulating a specific methodology to apply the concept of Linguistic Landscapes to archaeological data, it is possible to recognise a variety of patterns that show the relationship between texts and their spatial location. These patterns show that the population of Ostia continuously modified the Linguistic Landscape to suit their needs, recognising various diachronous patterns. The research also indicates various limitations that exist in the application of Linguistic Landscapes and the paper sets out various goals for future research further to overcome these, as well as to broaden our knowledge of past Linguistic Landscapes and the role of written texts as material culture.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

12.1 INTRODUCTION This paper discusses the value of understanding the role of written texts in its original spatial location in archaeological research. To do this, the methodological and theoretical framework of “Linguistic Landscape Studies” is used in exploratory research into this topic, focusing on its application in a case-study of the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia. The goal of the paper is to show that this relatively unexplored avenue of research yields valuable information on the role of texts as material culture,

which allows for new insights into the way that they were related to the landscape and influenced its perception. The paper first introduces the theoretical framework used in the case-study. The bulk of the paper then concerns the case-study itself, which is first introduced through the methodology that was created for it. The analyses and interpretations are then presented, showing the various new insights that are gained by studying written texts as a form of material culture. The limitations are discussed next, followed by a conclusion about the case-study specific and the potential for Linguistic Landscape Studies in archaeology in general. Finally, future directions for research are laid out. 12.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The theoretical framework used in this research is based on the concept of Linguistic Landscape Studies, which is integrated into a new methodology that also includes existing views on the interpretation of epigraphy in an archaeological context. The notion of a “Linguistic Landscape” is derived from Sociolinguistics, where it was introduced by Landry and Bourhis (1997). Their original and oftquoted definition describes a Linguistic Landscape as follows: The language of public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place names, commercial shop signs and public signs on government buildings combines to form the linguistic landscape of a territory, region or urban agglomeration (Landry & Bourhis 1997, 25).

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

201

DESIGNATING PLACE

The definition has since been modified to better fit the specific framework in which the concept was applied (Coulmas 2009, 15), but the essential idea of relating the function of a written text to its spatial context has remained unchanged.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

To explain what a Linguistic Landscape entails and how it can be used to study this relationship, it is easiest to give a contemporary example: when one walks through a modern city it is easy to recognise the relationship between written texts and their location. A street filled with shops will, for instance, contain many advertisements. These will be largely absent in a residential area, where most texts will denote the names of streets or those of the residents of a house. One is also more likely to find different languages in different locations: a religious area, like a churchyard, is more likely to contain Latin inscriptions (in Western countries), and major tourist attractions will have multilingual inscriptions to accommodate non-native visitors. The totality of all these texts within a specific area constitutes the Linguistic Landscape. The text and the area are therefore interrelated and influence each other’s perception. This principle has been extensively studied in contemporary landscapes, often with a focus on multilingual landscapes with the purpose of gaining additional understanding of the sociolinguistic structure of society. To do this larger cityscapes are studied to gain a holistic perspective of the various functions of texts in a wider area. Its application in past landscapes, however, is underrepresented. The first reason is that archaeology has often disregarded texts as a type of material culture, instead passing them on to historians. Recent research has started to bridge this gap, however, and the past decades have seen extensive studies into the function of epigraphy (e.g. the publications of Baird and Taylor (2012) and Sears et al. (2015)). These recent developments have been taken into consideration in this study and have influenced the methodology that is presented later. None of these, however, have used a section of a city as the base unit for their research, but rather a smaller location or a specific subgroup of texts. Using a city allows for a holistic study in which all texts within a spatial location are taken into consideration.

The second reason past Linguistic Landscapes have not been studied is related to the simple problem that very few of them have survived. This is especially true for ancient cities, which are hardly ever in pristine conditions. As such, the study of a past Linguistic Landscape necessitates its reconstruction on the basis of archaeological data. Even if this is possible, the reconstruction is fragmentary and will never represent a “complete” landscape. Nevertheless, the available data can link specific texts to specific locations, making it possible to study the relationship and thereby holistically study the way that both influenced the perception of the city as a whole. The following section of this paper presents a case-study in which this value is shown. 12.3 THE LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE OF OSTIA - METHODOLOGY The combination of the concept of the Linguistic Landscape and the recent advances made in studying the relationship between epigraphical texts and their (spatial) function have been used to create a methodology to study the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia. 12.3.1 RESEARCH AREA Before the methodology of gathering the data can be discussed, it is worthwhile to present the research area used in the case-study. Since reconstructing the Linguistic Landscape of the entire city was unfeasible within the timespan of this research, a section of the city that was hypothesised to give a variety of data was chosen. This area is demarcated in Figure 12.1. It contains two major streets, the Cardo Maximus (discussed in more detail by Flohr in this volume) and the combined Via dei Cippi and Via dei Molini, as well as all the insulae that surround it. These streets run from the walls to the Tiber, passing through areas with various functions. The area has also been studied extensively and preliminary research indicated that there were several areas where texts had been well attested to. This would therefore allow for a study of a “transect” that would allow for a proper insight into the value of Linguistic Landscape Studies in archaeological research.

202

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

Fig. 12.1 Detailed map of the excavated areas of Ostia. The research area is outlined in red (after Calza et al. 1953)

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

203

DESIGNATING PLACE

12.3.2 DELINEATING THE DATASET After the research area was decided upon, the corpus of texts that was at one point in time present in this research area could be formed. To do this various corpora were studied. Major sources used were the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL) and its supplement (Dessau 1887; Wickert 1930) and the Epigraphik Datenbank Clauss-Slaby (db.edcs.eu). An online database of graffiti found in Ostia, compiled by Bakker and Taylor (www.ostia-antica.org), was also consulted. To complement these sources, several studies into the epigraphy of Ostia were used. The works of Cébeillac-Gervasoni et al. (2010) and van der Meer (2012) were of major importance. Specific publications about the site were also included, such as several editions of the Scavi di Ostia series (Becatti 1954; Cicerchia & Marunicci 1992) and the publication on the Domus del Protiro (Wynia 1985). Field research was also carried out further to understand the nature of the research area and to find additional texts that had not been found in the initial literary study. This led to the inclusion of several texts, some of which were also subsequently found in literary sources.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Texts were included in the corpus only when their original location was relatively specific and could be ascertained with a decent degree of certainty. It was also decided to incorporate symbols into the corpus, since they commonly convey a specific meaning, even though they are not truly “texts”.1 Only symbols that could be clearly recognised as such were included. It was decided not to include pictorial material: while these also convey a message, it is much more ambiguous and reconstructing its meaning would go beyond the scope of this research. In total, there were 169 texts of which it could accurately be said that they had an in situ location within the research area. They date from various periods of Antiquity and a substantial number of them were re-used. The consequences of these limitations are discussed later in this paper. All the texts that were included were described on 1 Although it could be argued that a symbol is nothing but a word or phrase expressed in a shape rather than through letters.

the basis of a variety of characteristics. The analyses and interpretations presented in this paper are based on the following characteristics (although they are not the only ones included in the corpus): - - The language used (e.g. Latin or Greek) - The type of text (or medium, e.g. an inscription, graffito or symbol) - The genre (e.g. funerary, dedicatory or commercial texts) - The functional designation commonly given to the in situ area (e.g. religious, residential, commercial or public) - The estimated century of placement It goes beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the delineations used in these categorisations. These can be found in the appendices to Noij (2017). The detailed method of the process of categorisation will also be reflected upon in future publications on this topic. 12.4 ANALYSIS The following section of this paper discusses various analyses that are based on the corpus and the various characteristics described above. Before this is done, the issue of re-use needs to be raised briefly to make the analysis clearer. When this is done, the spatial distribution of the texts is presented, and several clusters are briefly analysed on a qualitative level. The bulk of the analysis then concerns the quantitative analysis of various characteristics by themselves and then in relation to one another. 12.4.1 RE-USE Research showed that a lot of the texts that could be reconstructed in the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia were in fact in a re-used (i.e. in situ, but not primary) context. Out of the 169 texts in the research area, 62 were not in a primary context, and of a further nine this could not be ascertained with certainty. Re-use is a specific practice that has a major impact on the analyses and interpretations presented in this paper. It is especially important because the relationship between the text and its location has been

204

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

re-negotiated through this process, and including such texts without considering this might lead to erroneous conclusions. The impending analyses therefore separately discuss the influence of re-used texts within the pattern. 12.4.2 SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION To gain a better perspective on the spatial nature of the data, the database of texts was linked to a Geographical Information System (GIS), so that the distributions of various characteristics could be represented visually. The distribution of the 169 texts can be seen in Figure 12.2. It should be noted that in most cases these locations are estimations, since the exact location was not known. Only texts of which the estimation was accurate enough to use in this study have been incorporated in the corpus.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The spatial distribution of texts is heavily influenced both by post-depositional processes and excavation methods applied to Ostia since Antiquity. Many sections of the city have been poorly preserved, disturbed in later periods, or lacked registration during early excavations. The context of many texts, as well as many texts themselves, has been lost because of this. The conspicuous absence of texts in several major areas such as the Forum can best be understood in this light. This means that no conclusions can be drawn from the absence of texts, and this research will therefore focus only on patterns that have been preserved. The distribution map shows that there are several clusters present in the research area. Four of these are especially notable, namely those (1) at the Forum Baths, (2) at the Campo della Magna Mater, (3) at the Domus di Giove e Ganimede, and (4) at the Caseggiato dei Doli. These four clusters are briefly discussed here: The Forum Baths The most prominent cluster in the research area is in the Forum Baths. This cluster contains 52 texts, almost a third of the entire corpus for this study. However, only two of these are in their primary context, with 44 certainly having been re-used and another six for which this is uncertain. The re-used

texts mostly come from the floors of the baths, where they were probably installed during a renovation effort in the late fourth c. AD, probably under the supervision of Ragonius Vincentius Celsus, who was the praefectus annonae of Ostia between AD 385 and 389 (Cicerchia & Marinucci 1992, 165-166; van der Meer 2012, 61). These texts were often broken into pieces to make the marble fit into the spaces available. It is also certain that some, if not most, texts were visible in the floor: some blocks had texts on either side, and those that were inscribed on only one side were usually cut very coarse on the other (which is unlikely to have been used as part of the floor). It was therefore very obvious that these texts had been reused. The two texts in primary context both come from the fourth c. AD and originally faced towards the street. Both are dedicatory texts indicating the benefactor who paid for the renovations. One is a Greek text that might refer to a renovation in the first half of that century, while the second probably also dates to the renovations under Celsus (Cicerchia & Marinucci 1992, 219-220; van der Meer 2012, 59-60). The Forum Baths therefore saw the re-use of texts happen at the same time as the erection of new texts. The Campo della Magna Mater The cluster in the Campo della Magna Mater, located to the south of the city, contains 36 texts. The area was excavated relatively recently, and it appears that it was not heavily influenced by post-depositional processes, allowing this cluster to survive. Almost all texts are still in their primary context (that is not clear for two of them). The roughly triangular religious area was devoted to various cults, for which temples were built in this area. The texts fit into this function, and many texts are dedicatory inscriptions naming the gods who are honoured as well as the individual benefactor. There are also several religious texts commemorating major rituals. Finally, there are two official texts, each indicating the approval of the Pontifex Vulcani for the erection of a statue in the Campo. These texts are found

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

205

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 12.2 Map of the research area denoting where the 169 texts included in the corpus are located (after Calza et al. 1953)

on the side of their statues’ bases, while the fronts are decorated with a dedicatory inscription. The dedicatory texts are on the front and easily visible, while the (smaller) official texts are visible only when one is standing beside the statue. The former text was therefore more prominent and was probably deemed more important.

The Campo shows that a wide variety of texts can occur within a religious area, but it should not be assumed that all religious areas were identical or that they could not contain other elements. It is, for instance, known from the Sacello del Silvano and various Mithraea that graffiti could also occur in the religious sphere.

206

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

The Domus di Giove e Ganimede The third cluster concerns the graffiti in the Domus di Giove e Ganimede, which all come from a stuccoed wall upon which these texts (as well as various pictorial graffiti) were placed. Many of them are personal messages, often vulgar, and one of them labels a drawn figure nearby. These graffiti are not independent texts, but belong to a wider discourse between various inhabitants of the city. The graffiti effectively influenced the way the area was used and, in turn, perceived by those within the building.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

As with the Campo, the preservation of the cluster is related to the post-depositional processes. It should not be considered a “unique” instance of the use of graffiti simply because it is the only one attested to in this research. There are dozens of other graffiti known throughout Ostia (www.ostia-antica. org) and it has been proven that graffiti were quite commonplace in residential areas (Baldwin et al. 2015; Benefiel 2012). It might therefore represent a situation that was far more common in Ostia’s Linguistic Landscape, which has not been preserved into the modern day. The Caseggiato dei Doli This cluster concerns a variety of “miscellaneous” numeric sequences found on the dolia in the Caseggiato dei Doli. Many of the vessels (though not all) have a set of signs on either the rim or the shoulder. They have often been weathered and it is possible that some of them have been lost due to post-depositional processes. The marks probably served as unique identifiers of the vessels, making it possible to determine which vessel contained what without needing to open it. In addition to these texts, one of the dolia has a stamp. This was placed on it before the vessel was fired and is likely to be a maker’s mark. 12.4.3 QUANTITATIVE ANALYSES The following section analyses the characteristics described in the section on methodology to determine quantifiable patterns in their occurrence. The clusters are mentioned when they are visible here, but they are not discussed at length.

Text Type

All

Primary context

Inscriptions

140

74

Graffiti

25

20

Mosaics

2

2

Stamps

2

2

Table 12.1 The different types of text found in the research area

Text Type As Table 12.1 shows, 140 out of the 169 texts are inscriptions. 74 of these are still in their primary context. While this is a substantial majority, it should be realised that graffiti have not been as well preserved in Ostia as they were in Pompeii (Cooley & Cooley 2014). The ratio of inscriptions to graffiti can therefore not be seen as representative for the situation in Antiquity. Figure 12.3 shows the spatial distribution of the various text types. Inscriptions are widespread, occurring throughout the city. Graffiti, however, have been attested to in rather specific locations. Most come from the cluster in the Domus di Giove e Ganimede, while several others come from the Sacello del Silvano. There are also five graffiti in the Forum Baths, of which it is uncertain whether or not they are in primary context. Again, the poor preservation of graffiti makes ascribing a pattern to this difficult. Stamps and mosaics are not discussed specifically in this paper due to their rarity, but are still valuable indicators that more types of texts can exist in the Linguistic Landscape and did influence its perception. Language The texts are almost exclusively written in Latin, as indicated in Table 12.2. There are only four Greek texts and one bilingual text. Additionally, there are four symbols which do not fit into any language per se. It is worthwhile to note that the bilingual and two of the Greek texts are graffiti in the Domus di Giove e Ganimede, which means that the individuals living in Ostia appear to have had knowledge of Greek, and that its occurrence in the private discourse might have been higher.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

207

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fig. 12.3 Map showing the spatial distribution of various text types. It includes the re-used texts (after Calza et al. 1953) Language

All

Primary context

Latin

160

94

Greek

4

3

Bilingual

1

1

Symbols

4

0

Table 12.2 The different languages of the texts

Genre The most varied characteristic in the corpus is that of the genre of the texts. As Table 12.3 shows, there are nine different genres, most of which can be subdivided into other categories (although the scope of this paper means that this is not discussed here). Their distribution can be seen in Figure 12.4. The most common genre is that of the dedicatory text (in which a person is either mentioned as the benefactor of or the one honoured

208

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

Text Genres Dedicatory (73) Funerary (20) Official (17) Personal Messages (15) Religious (11) Signage (5) Object-related (3) Labelling (2)

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Miscellanea (23)

Fig. 12.4 Map showing the spatial distribution of various genres. It includes the re-used texts (after Calza et al. 1953)

with the erection of a statue or building).2 Personal messages and religious and funerary texts all occur in about the same ratio, although the last category is exclusively found in a re-used context. 2 This category is somewhat similar to religious texts, and gods are also occasionally named as the honorandus in a text. Dedicatory texts are very formulaic, however, and the goal of the genre categorisation was to focus on what the purpose of the text was (i.e. to dedicate) rather than to divide the same genre based on the nature of the benefactor or honorandus.

The “miscellaneous” genre concerns two groups of texts of which the function was at first poorly understood. The first is the numeric sequences in the Caseggiato dei Doli, of which the precise genre is unclear, but which were probably “unique identifiers” of the vessels. The second group is similar and concerns several inscriptions on the mills found in several places in the city. These are poorly legible

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

209

DESIGNATING PLACE

Genre

All

Primary context

Area Type

All

Primary context

Dedicatory

73

39

Street

21

15

Funerary

20

0

Public

51

0

Official

17

7

Religious

45

42

Personal Messages

15

14

Commercial

31

28

Religious

11

7

Residential

17

12

Signage

5

5

Guildhouse

2

2

Object-related

3

2

Unknown

2

0

Labelling

2

2

Miscellanea

23

23

Table 12.3 The different genres of texts found in the research area

but appear to represent individual letter groups. They might also be “unique identifiers”, but in order fully to understand them additional research is necessary.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Area Type The division of area types is based on the most commonly described function of the buildings in the research area. These have been grouped together into seven different categories. In this division streets are seen as a separate area for which it was not necessary to pass any threshold to observe the text. As can be seen in Table 12.4, the texts are relatively evenly distributed over various area types, without any preference being clearly apparent. This pattern changes when only the primary context is considered: the formerly largest category of the public areas is reduced to zero. This is because almost all these texts (with one exception) come from the inside of the Forum Baths. It should also be noted, however, that almost all public building in the research area has been heavily influenced by post-depositional processes and it is very probable that texts were present there in a primary context in Antiquity. The other areas are also often related to the clusters described earlier, although two more places are worth mentioning. The first is the Domus del Protiro, a residential area where several texts were re-used. The second is the Sacello del Silvano, a small religious shrine where several graffiti were found. In fact, the only area type that has an even distribution is that of the street, which is found throughout Ostia.

Table 12.4 The different area types found in the research area with the number of texts found therein

Period

All

Primary context

1 c. BC

2

2

1st c. BC – 1st c. AD

2

2

st

2

nd

c. AD

2nd c. AD – 3rd c. AD

28

27

2

2

3rd c. AD

12

11

3rd c. AD – 4th c. AD

7

1

4th c. AD

7

7

4th c. AD – 5th c. AD

45

1

5 c. AD

1

0

Unknown

63

46

th

Table 12.5 The periods to which the texts from the research area can be securely dated

Date Whenever it was possible, the date when a text was placed was also determined. The results of this are shown in Table 12.5. It indicates that there are two peaks of text placement, namely in the second century, and in the fourth and fifth centuries AD. The second peak concerns almost entirely re-used texts. The creation of the Linguistic Landscape therefore follows the following patterns over the centuries: a large number of texts is placed in the city during the second century AD. This wanes during the second half of the third century. A new period of the use of texts starts in the second half of the fourth century AD, when many older texts are re-used.

210

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

Inscriptions Dedicatory

73

Funerary

20

Official

15

Personal Messages

Graffiti

Mosaics

Stamps

15

Religious

4

Signage

5

Object-related

1

Labelling

6

1 2

1

1

Table 12.6 The text types set out against their genre Inscriptions

Graffiti

Street

19 (13)

1 (1)

Public

46 (0)

5 (0)

Religious

40 (37)

5 (5)

Commercial

25 (22)

3 (3)

Residential

6 (0)

11 (11)

Guild-house

2 (2)

Unknown

2 (0)

Mosaics

Stamps 1 (1)

2 (2)

1 (1)

Table 12.7 The text types set out against the area where they were found. The number of texts found in primary context is given in bracke

12.4.4 COMPLEX QUANTITATIVE ANALYSES

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The characteristics described above can also be compared against each other, which yields additional patterns valuable for interpretation. Text Type set against Genre Table 12.6 shows the relationship between text types and genres, and it shows that there is a clear preference in the choice of type when it comes to the genre. Most genres are almost exclusively found in inscriptions, but personal messages are almost exclusively found in graffiti. There is only one genre that has both types of text included. These are the religious texts, which occur in both inscriptions (where they often commemorate ritual events) and graffiti (many of which are religious symbols). There is even an apotropaic text present in a mosaic. Religious texts can therefore occur in various mediums.

Text Type set against Area Type The relationship between the text type and the area type is shown in Table 12.7. The most valuable patterns can be seen when only the texts in primary context are considered: here it is obvious that once again inscriptions are found in many different area types, but that residential areas contain only graffiti. It might still be true, however, that the postdepositional processes have influenced this pattern, and should not be taken at face-value. Commercial zones are the most varied when it comes to the types of text present. While this again does not mean that this might not have been true for other locations, it does show that the population of Ostia encountered texts in a variety of forms in its city. Genre set against Area Type The way that genres and area types are related are shown in Table 12.8 and this again shows several

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

211

DESIGNATING PLACE

Dedicatory

Street

Public

Religious

Residential

Commercial

Guildhouse

Unknown

14 (8)

21 (0)

31 (29)

1 (0)

3 (0)

1 (1)

2 (0)

2 (2)

1 (1)

Funerary

15 (0)

5 (0)

Official

9 (0)

5 (4)

Personal Messages

1 (0)

4 (4)

4 (0)

5 (5)

Religious

1 (1)

Signage

5 (5)

Object-related

1 (1)

10 (10) 1 (1)

1 (0)

Labelling Miscellanea

1 (1) 1 (1)

1 (1) 23 (23)

Table 12.8 The genres of texts set out against the area type in which they are located. The number of texts found in primary context is given in brackets

patterns. First, the texts that were visible from the streets are mostly dedicatory texts and signage, the latter of which is (rather unsurprisingly) exclusively found in the street. Religious areas primarily contain dedicatory texts, but there are also official texts, personal messages and (again rather unsurprisingly) religious texts present, all of which occur in a primary context. Residential areas are dominated by personal messages, although there are also several re-used funerary texts attested to. Commercial areas are again the most diverse, although they are the only locations where the previously described “miscellaneous” genre is found.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Public areas are a rather unusual category: while six different genres have been attested to, they all occur in a re-used state. This indicates that many texts (especially in the Forum Baths) were re-used without considering their genre: any type of text would do. 12.5 INTERPRETATION The interpretation of the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia is done on three levels. First, the formation of the Linguistic Landscape and the agents that participated therein are discussed. Second, the frequently mentioned occurrence of re-use, which is the main form of diachronic modification of the Linguistic Landscape present in Ostia, is considered. Finally, the reconstruction is used to re-evaluate contemporary notions about literacy in Antiquity.

12.5.1 THE FORMATION OF THE LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE The analyses in the previous section of this paper show that the various characteristics of a text are interrelated. The function of the text is linked to this, and the patterns can be used further to understand this. These choices were made by the agents who organised the placement of these texts. These agents and their motivations are vital to understanding the formation of the Linguistic Landscape. First, it is important to recognise that there are three main types of agents to consider. First, there is the group that placed texts that had been approved by “formal” institutions. In most areas it was necessary to have this official approval (Horster 2015), and an explicit example of such an approval can be seen in the official texts in the Campo della Magna Mater. These agents, whether they are individuals or institutions (such as guilds), can be considered as a “top-down” force that form the Linguistic Landscape in a regulated way.3 The second type of agent is the one that places texts without this express authorisation. These “bottomup” working agents modify the Linguistic Landscape in a largely unregulated way. Most of these texts are graffiti. Many of those found in Ostia are placed in residential (and somewhat more “private”) areas, but 3 The fact that these regulations exist is already a strong indicator that the Romans were aware of the importance of controlling the Linguistic Landscape.

212

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

they have also been found in religious areas. It is also likely that they occurred in other areas, although they have not been attested to in Ostia. Despite the fact that they were not officially approved, it would be wrong to think that these graffiti were automatically considered subversive and “illegal”: those found in the Sacello del Silvano appear to have named the individual who worshipped there and were therefore probably part of a religious rite. These “bottom-up” created texts might therefore have been an accepted or at least tolerated form of modifying the Linguistic Landscape. The third category of agents falls between the previous two: many different texts were unlikely to have been “officially” approved, but the individual who made them probably had the authority to do so. A major example of this is the numeric sequences on the dolia. Similarly, the text above the entrance of the Domus del Protiro was visible in the public sphere but it is likely that the owner of the house did not have “official” approval.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

It is therefore important to understand that the Linguistic Landscape was continuously developed and renegotiated by agents with varying degrees of authority. The different agents acted with different goals in mind as well, as can be seen in the way that they placed texts in the city. Some of these patterns fit what can be observed in contemporary (Western) Linguistic Landscapes: signage, for instance, occurs in the street with the goal of informing its readers what can be found in this location. There are also a few notable exceptions that merit interpretation. The first pattern that is not immediately recognisable is the presence of graffiti in residential and religious areas. Modern-day graffiti are mostly found in open areas or streets with the purpose of “leaving one’s name” there through tags (Waclawek 2011, 11-49). This practice has also been attested to in Antiquity (e.g. the examples from Dura Europos as given by Stern (2012)) and can also be recognised in Ostia to a degree. The graffiti in the Sacello del Silvano, for example, might have served a similar purpose. However, the graffiti in Ostia are more diverse in nature. The graffiti in the Sacello might also have

been placed there as an act of worship (as were the examples in Dura Europos). Furthermore, those found in the Domus di Giove e Ganimede are part of a dialogue between individuals, referring to each other and occasionally responding to each other. Graffiti in Ostia are therefore more communicative, a fact which fits with other interpretations of graffiti in Antiquity (e.g. Baldwin et al. 2015; Mairs 2012). The second pattern that is noticeably different in Ostia when compared to the twenty-first century is the presence of dedicatory texts. Monuments naming individuals (especially as benefactors) are rare in modern cities, but they occur all over Ostia. It is too simple to consider these texts as propaganda, however: they were left in the public sphere long after the individual mentioned had died. In fact, it was expressly forbidden to remove these monuments (Horster 2015, 529) and their removal could occur only as a punishment nowadays known as damnatio memoriae (Carrol 2011, 68-73) in which one’s memory was actively destroyed. The importance of these texts must also be recognised by considering the importance of memoria within the Roman religious world. It was believed that the deceased maintained their individuality in the afterlife as long as their name was remembered. When it passed from living memory they would become part of the Di Manes, a generic group of ancestors (Davies 1999, 141-146). The dedicatory inscriptions naming individuals (and occasionally their accomplishments) allowed for the continuation of their memory after they and their direct descendants had died. The texts solidified the memoria, securing the memories of those who had achieved enough to be granted this honour. The erection of these texts can therefore best be understood as the monumentalisation of the city, creating places and spaces in which to remember the past and maintain it in the present. 12.5.2 DIACHRONIC MODIFICATIONS TO THE LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE - RE-USE There is one clear form of diachronic modification that can be recognised in Ostia, namely the practice of re-using the texts. In the earliest phases that are present in the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia texts

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

213

DESIGNATING PLACE

were hardly ever re-used. It would appear that many texts from the first and second centuries AD were left in their original location. They remained standing even when there was a sharp reduction in newly produced texts in the second half of the third century AD. The reason for this decrease is not certain. It might be related to the fact that marble became less accessible in this period (Claridge 1988, 152; Meiggs 1973, 83-85) or it might be due to the fact that Ostia lost its political autonomy in this period, making public offices less easily accessible (Stöger 2011, iv). The re-use of texts intensified during the latter half of the fourth century AD, when texts were re-used indiscriminately and occasionally even modified or broken up to fit their new location. Their function as a medium for communication was therefore lost, but their relocation moreover also breaks with the earlier laws forbidding the removal of texts.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

This practice can best be understood by relating it to the notion of memoria as described above. One of the major developments during the fourth century AD is the rise of Christianity as the dominant religion in the Roman Empire. Christians did not consider the retention of memoria a necessity for a continued existence in the afterlife, and because of this, the texts no longer served the function they once had. When they lost their primary function, the marble upon which they were inscribed became a commodity that was available to use. It might be the case that the “defacement” of the texts was a purposeful action of Christians against the old “pagan” religion. This practice has been attested to in at least two other instances in the research area, namely a Lares altar (van der Meer 2012, 51-2) and a statue found in the Campo (Bloch 1953, 272-3). It goes too far to liken these destructive actions to the practice of re-use, and it would appear that in many cases (like that of the Forum Baths) the choice of reusing texts was a practical one. It should also be noted that not all texts dating to this period were re-used: new ones were also placed, including at least one new dedicatory text for Celsus, the individual who also renovated the Forum Baths. These focus less on the personal achievement of the individual however, and it might be that they were

meant either to invoke older traditions or to serve as a form of propaganda. In short, the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia saw a major shift in Late Antiquity, when the memoria were removed and the city lost its character as a place of memorialisation. The texts remained visible however, and must have been a (unintentional) reminder of a past that was different from the present, rather than a past that was still a part of it. 12.5.3 LITERACY IN OSTIA AND THE ROMAN WORLD The last interpretation that should briefly be discussed concerns long-standing ideas on literacy in Antiquity. One source often quoted on this topic is Harris (1989), who argued that it was substantially lower than that of “most educated countries of the last 200 years” (Harris 1989, 331). This idea has been attacked several times4 and the data from the Linguistic Landscape of Ostia also indicate that literacy in the ancient world is not as clear-cut as Harris depicts it. The main issue of Harris’ statement is that it is based on the modern idea of literacy, which is defined by UNESCO as the capability of reading and writing “a short statement describing [one’s] every life” (UNESCO 2016, 494). This overlooks the fact that literacy is multi-faceted and concerns several forms of understanding written texts as well as writing itself. There is, for instance, a clear difference between understanding formulaic texts and reading literary works. The Linguistic Landscape of Ostia shows that texts were omnipresent for all people in the city, where they were actively used to influence the way people perceived and used their environment. For this to be possible it was necessary that most of the people in the city were able to understand at least part of the text. An example of this is that dedicatory texts served their purpose as conveyors of memories only if the observer was able to read the name and perhaps 4 The book Literacy in the Roman World, edited by Humphrey (1991), is a good example of a series of essays showing the limitations of Harris’ analysis.

214

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

the titles. Furthermore, the fact that people actively modified the Linguistic Landscape by adding graffiti to it, which could be done only by someone who was literate to some degree. In short, the sheer number of texts, the diversity of agents who were involved in creating, maintaining and perceiving the Linguistic Landscape, and the functions of the texts themselves show that literacy cannot have been a rare occurrence in Ostia.

A third limitation derives from the fact that the methodology used is still relatively new and needs to be expanded upon. There are several classification systems for epigraphy in existence (such as those of Cooley (2012) and Beltrán Lloris (2015)), but these often conflate certain characteristics. They also focus on the texts and their contents without considering their function in a spatial context. The new classification system used in this research worked around this, but it needs to be expanded upon for future research.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

12.6 DISCUSSION AND LIMITATIONS The analyses and interpretations presented in this paper show that a holistic perspective of the presence of texts in an urban landscape is a useful tool for gaining additional insight into the role that epigraphy played in a spatial environment in past societies. It allows for the recognition of large-scale patterns enacted by various agents that formed the Linguistic Landscape in a fluid cooperation. It not only elucidates these practices themselves, but also provides information on social structures and the notion of literacy. The field is therefore worth exploring further to gain new insights. This does not mean, however, that there are not several major limitations that should be considered when further developing this field. The most important of these relates to the fragmentary nature of the dataset. There are few sites that have been preserved well enough to ensure that the majority of the texts have been preserved: post-depositional processes might have destroyed ephemeral texts (such as those on wood or stucco), the Landscape might have been modified over time, or older excavation methods might have destroyed the information about the original location. As such, it should always be recognised that a reconstructed landscape is never “complete”. Secondly, it must be recognised that a reconstructed Linguistic Landscape is almost always more diachronous than those found in contemporary studies. Texts cannot always be securely dated, making it difficult to make exact statements about what a landscape looked like at any given time. Removal and re-use of texts further limit this knowledge.

Despite these limitations, the study presented here shows that the application of the notion of Linguistic Landscape Studies in a historical context is a worthwhile method to apply to archaeological data. It illuminates patterns in the use and perception of texts as material culture that would go unnoticed if its relationship to a physical space is ignored. The diachronous nature, while also limiting research, also allows for insights into the development of the role of texts over time. 12.7 CONCLUSION AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH The goal of this paper was to show that the use of the theoretical and methodological framework of Linguistic Landscape studies, derived from Sociolinguistics, can be applied to archaeological data to study the interrelationship between texts and space in past societies. The case-study of Ostia shows that, when proper steps are taken during the reconstruction and when the limitations posed by archaeological data are taken into account, this kind of study is worthwhile since it allows for the recognition of patterns between the characteristics of the texts and their spatial location. This way, the role of texts as material culture is made more apparent and can be studied holistically, since it considers a city as a basis for its study rather than a small location or a specific subgroup of texts. The conclusions of the case-study in Ostia show that the Linguistic Landscape is created and modified by various agents with specific goals in mind. Some of these practices are similar to those that are still seen today, but several ideas about the relationship

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

215

DESIGNATING PLACE

between a text’s function and its spatial location have changed. Graffiti had a much more diverse role in Ostia, allowing for a dialogue between various individuals5 or communication with a supernatural being. Furthermore, the landscape was used extensively to commemorate the names of important individuals, many of whom were deceased, creating a landscape of memoria. This practice stopped in the late fourth century AD, a fact which was also seen in the Linguistic Landscape. Texts that had lost their function were now used in renovation efforts, ignoring the message that they once conveyed. Finally, all these types of interaction between people and the written word in the Linguistic Landscape show that it is highly unlikely that the vast majority of the population was illiterate, as had long been argued.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Despite the value of these conclusions about the concept of past Linguistic Landscapes in general and that of Ostia specifically, it is worthwhile doing further research into both. Most areas of Ostia have not yet been studied in this way and adding areas with other texts could broaden our insight into the patterns described in this paper. It might also allow for a better understanding of some of the more unique texts found in this research that have not been discussed here. By doing this, more insight could be gained into the way that Ostia was used by its population and what these patterns can mean for the role of written texts in the wider Roman world. Developing the methodological and theoretical framework of Linguistic Landscape Studies in past environments is a necessity for making additional research possible. Further insights need to be developed regarding the epistemological considerations relevant to this study, and additional tools of analysis should be considered. Future research should also consider additional applications of GIS software, providing that the data available yield enough results. Finally, the framework should be expanded upon in such a way that it can be applied to different types of data from across the world. The Romans were far from the 5 One might argue that this function has nowadays passed onto social media, where people can place similar (if less vulgar) comments on each other’s virtual “walls”.

only ones to make extensive use of written texts in the landscape, and Linguistic Landscape Studies would be a welcome addition to cross-regional studies. Acknowledgements This paper is based on research done for my Master’s dissertation under the supervision of Dr. Hanna Stöger and Prof. Dr. Miguel John Versluys. I would like to thank them for their advice throughout this process. It has been written as part of my PhD research supervised by Prof. Dr. Miguel John Versluys and Prof. Dr. Jan Kolen, and I want to thank them for their insightful comments as well. This research was also made possible by the Dutch Royal Institute in Rome (KNIR) and by the permission of the Parco Archeologico di Ostia Antica to study the site. Finally, I would also like to thank Dr. Bouke van der Meer for the various discussions we have had about my research and his critical questions. Bibliography Websites db.edcs.eu (Epigraphik Datenbank Clauss-Slaby, accessed on 18-08-2019) www.ostia-antica.org (accessed on 18-08-2019) www.ostia-antica.org/inter/graffiti.html (accessed on 18-08-2019) www.ostia-antica.org/map/plan4.htm (accessed on 18-08-2019) References Baird, J.A. & Taylor, C. (eds) 2012a. Ancient Graffiti in Context. New York: Routledge Baird, J.A. & Taylor, C. 2012b. Ancient Graffiti in Context: Introduction. In J.A. Baird & C. Taylor (eds), Ancient Graffiti in Context, 1-19. New York: Routledge Baldwin, E., Moulden, H. & Laurence, R. 2015. Slaves and Children in a Roman Villa: Writing and Space in the Villa San Marco at Stabiae. In G. Sears, P. Keegan & R. Laurence (eds), Written Spaces in the Latin West, 200 BC to AD 300, 153-168. New York: Bloomsbury

216

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

12 VERBA VOLANT, SCRIPTA MANENT

Becatti, G., 1954. Scavi di Ostia II: I Mitrei. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato

Gorter (eds), Linguistic Landscape: Expanding the Scenery, 13-24. New York: Routledge

Beltrán Lloris, F. 2015. Latin Epigraphy: The Main Types of Inscriptions. In C. Bruun & J. Edmondson (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 89-110. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Davies, J. 1999. Death, Burial and Rebirth in the Religions of Antiquity. London: Routledge

Benefiel, R.R. 2012. Dialogues of Graffiti in the House of the Four Styles at Pompeii (Casa dei Quattro Stili, I.8.17, 11). In J. Baird & C. Taylor (eds), Ancient Graffiti in Context, 20-48. New York: Routledge Bloch, H. 1953. Ostia – Iscrizioni Rinvenute tra il 1930 e il 1939. Notizie degli Scavi 1953(6), 239-306 Calza, G., Becatti, G., Gismondi, I., De Angelis D’Ossat, G. & Bloch, H. 1953. Scavi di Ostia I: Topografia Generale. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato Carroll, M. 2011. Memoria and Damnatio Memoriae – Preserving Identity in Roman Funerary Commemoration. In M. Carroll & J. Rempel (eds), Living through the Dead: Burial and Commemoration in the Classical World, 65-90. Oxford: Oxbow Books Cébeillac-Gervasoni, M., Caldelli, M.L. & Zevi, F. 2010. Epigrafia Latina. Ostia: Cento Inscrizioni in Contesto. Rome: Edizioni Quasar

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Cicerchia, P. & Marinucci, A. 1992. Scavi di Ostia XI: Le Terme del Foro di Gavio Massimo. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato Claridge, A. 1988. Roman Statuary and the Supply of Statuary Marble. In J. Clayton Fant (ed), Ancient Marble Quarrying and Trade: Papers from a Colloquium held at the Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, San Antonio, Texas, December 1986. British Archaeological Reports, 139-152. Oxford Cooley, A.E. 2012. The Cambridge Manual of Latin Epigraphy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cooley, A.E. & Cooley, M.G.L. 2014. Pompeii and Herculaneum: A Sourcebook (Second Edition). London: Routledge Coulmas, F. 2009. Linguistic Landscaping and the Seed of the Public Sphere. In E. Shohamy & D.

Dessau, H. 1887. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum XIV: Inscriptiones Latii veteris Latinae. Berlin: George Reimer Harris, W.V. 1989. Ancient Literacy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press Horster, M. 2015. Urban Infrastructure and Euergetism outside the city of Rome. In C. Bruun & J. Edmondson (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 515-536. Oxford: Oxford University Press Humphrey, J.H. (ed.) 1991. Literacy in the Roman World. Journal of Roman Archaeology. Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 3. Ann Arbor, MI Landry, R. & Bourhis, R.Y. 1997. Linguistic Landscape and Ethnolinguistic Vitality: An Empirical Study. Journal of Language and Social Psychology 16, 23-49 Mairs, R. 2012. Egyptian “Inscriptions” and Greek “Graffiti” at El Kanais in the Egyptian Eastern Desert. In J. Baird & C. Taylor (eds), Ancient Graffiti in Context, 153-164. New York: Routledge Meiggs R. 19732. Roman Ostia. Oxford: Clarendon Press Noij, F.F.J.M. 2017. Verba Volant, Scripta Manent: Reconstructing the Linguistic Landscape of Roman Ostia. Leiden (unpublished RMA thesis, Leiden University) https://openaccess.leidenuniv. nl/handle/1887/61153 Sears, G., Keegan, P. & Lawrence, R. (eds). 2015. Written Space in the Latin West, 200 BC to AD 300. New York: Bloomsbury Stern, K.B. 2012. Tagging sacred space in the Dura-Europos synagogue. Journal of Roman Archaeology 25, 171-194. Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

217

DESIGNATING PLACE

UNESCO 2016. Global Education Monitoring Report 2016 – Education for People and Planet: Creating Sustainable Futures for all. (http://unesdoc.unesco. org/images/0024/002457/245752e.pdf, accessed on 10-05-2017) van der Meer, L.B. 2012. Ostia Speaks: Inscriptions, Buildings and Spaces in Rome’s Main Port. Leuven: Peeters Wickert, L. (ed.) 1930. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum XIV: Inscriptiones Latii veteris Latinae – Supplementum Ostiense. Berlin: de Gruyter Waclawek, A. 2011. Graffiti and Street Art. New York: Thames and Hudson

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Wynia, S.L. 1985. Appendix F: Inscriptions. In J.S. Boersma, Amoenissima Civitas, Block V,ii a Ostia: Description and Analysis of its Visible Remains, 291-293. Assen: van Gorcum

218

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

On the Manifestation of Collective Memory in Fifteen Inscriptions from the Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia Kaylee M. Branse

In this article the 15 dedicatory inscriptions from the Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia are analysed with regard to their memory practices. The square, located behind Ostia’s theatre, was once frequented by members of collegia that were connected to trade, and shippers and merchants from either in or out of town who rented a statio on the piazzale or visited the square. The theory of collective memory, with the notions that memory is a construct and it is always a group that remembers, is used to analyse how the dedicators of the inscriptions were able to have the memory of their honouree and themselves last through time. The analysis follows three established elements in a dedicatory inscription: the name of the honouree – with a focus on cognomina – his cursus honorum and the name(s) of the dedicators. I argue that the dedicators of an inscription were actively creating a memory through highlighting different elements within an inscription, while being aware of the epigraphical landscape. This highlighting could be done by differentiating between letter sizes, using spacing and centralisation of letters and words, and/ or setting a specific order to the different elements of an inscription.

the second century AD, come to life. The piazzale was one of at least three public places in Ostia where statues with accompanying inscriptions were erected “to commemorate men with special merita” (Van der Meer 2009, 168; Wickert 1930). Here inscriptions were set up for men who were connected to an aspect of trade or to the community of traders who visited the square. In total 22 statue bases have been found which once stood on the piazzale.1 Fifteen of these bear, at least, a dedicatory inscription on the front of their bases,2 two (only) have a surviving inscription on one of the sides,3 and five statue bases have no surviving inscription at all.4 This article examines how inscriptions are able to bear memoria; more explicitly, how collective memory manifests itself in the 15 Latin dedicatory inscriptions from the second and third centuries AD which once stood on the Piazzale delle Corporazioni. Memory studies have been gaining traction in ancient history in recent decades (e.g. Croxford et al. 2004; Galinsky 2014; Bommas 2011), but nothing like a comprehensive study on this subject exists for the piazzale. The 15 inscriptions have never before been researched as a group, and only some have an

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

13.1 INTRODUCTION* 13.1.1 CORPUS One of the best known and most visited monuments of Ostia is the Piazzale delle Corporazioni (Fig. 13.1). After the excavation of this building, Calza (1915, 178) referred to the piazzale as “il primo monumento ostiense, tra quelli fino ad oggi esplorati, che documenta in forma semplice e chiara la funzione commerciale di Ostia in rapporto a Roma”. It is on this square that the overseas trade connections and the collegia, the backbone of Ostia’s social life in

* This article is written on the basis of my master’s dissertation: Branse, K.M. 2018. Cuius memoria vivit. On the manifestation of collective memory in fifteen inscriptions from the Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia. Leiden. 1 Van der Meer (2009) and Pensabene (2007) both mention 21 statue bases. Pensabene does not list CIL XIV 4621, but he reports an inscription (Pensabene 2007, 422 n.1) without a lemma, which was only once published by Seston (1971). 2 CIL XIV 154, 161, 172, 370, 374, 390, 391, 4140, 4142, 4143, 4144, 4452, 4620, 4621 and 4664. Pensabene (2007) wrongly mentions CIL XIV 4664 as CIL XIV 4464. 3 CIL XIV 4148 and Pensabene 2007, 422 n.1. Four bases have inscriptions on the front and on the side: CIL XIV 172, 4142, 4144 and 4452. Side inscriptions give a date to the dedication and are not included in this paper. 4 Pensabene 2007, 426 n.17-21.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

219

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 13.1 The Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia (photograph by Author)

extensive edition.5 They were all set up between AD 146 and 249, dates that coincide with the period during which the Roman epigraphic habit flourished. All texts are dedicatory inscriptions and were meant to commemorate men for their benefactory work. It should be noted that the inscriptions themselves were not the honour that was given to the honorand, but were “only the explanatory texts set up alongside the real honour of a statue” (Cooley 2012, 145). Nevertheless, the inscriptions make the memorials distinguishable and in them we find the information 5 See Van der Meer (2012, 37) for CIL XIV 391, Bruun (2016) for CIL XIV 4142 and Tran (2014) for CIL XIV 4144. Minuscules and background information on CIL XIV 154, 161, 4452 and 4620 are included Cébeillac-Gervasoni et al. (2010).

on how and why the dedicants wanted their honouree to be remembered. The placing of the statues with accompanying inscriptions was regulated by the authorities; in Ostia we find this authority to be the local city council (Beltrán Lloris 2015a, 92). The dedicators drafted the text of the inscription: they decided what should be remembered and how it should be remembered. For collective memory it is essential to know which people were constructing a memory and for whom, in order to say something about their memory practices. Since we know a lot about the inhabitants of the city, the buildings they lived in and the places they visited, Ostia makes an interesting case study for this research.

220

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

13.1.2 METHOD In ancient Rome inscriptions were put up to help people remember and eventually to make history. Pliny the Elder comments upon this in his second book of the Naturalis Historia (Plin. NH 2.154): Sequitur terra, […] etiam monimenta ac titulos gerens nomenque prorogans nostrum et memoriam extendens contra brevitatem aevi, […]. Earth follows, […] now too bearing monuments and inscriptions and continuing our names and extending memory against the brevity of our age.6 In these lines Pliny makes a direct link between monuments, inscriptions and their ability to preserve memoria for eternity. Later, Pliny elaborates on the custom of Roman citizens to set up inscriptions around the empire (Plin. NH 34.17):

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

excepta deinde res est a toto orbe terrarum humanissima ambitione, et in omnium municipiorum foris statuae ornamentum esse coepere propagarique memoria hominum et honores legendi aevo basibus inscribi, ne in sepulcris tantum legerentur. This practice was, thereafter, adopted by the whole world out of a most civilised sense of rivalry, and statues began to decorate the public squares of every municipality, the memory of men started to be perpetuated, and their honours started to be inscribed in the statue bases to be read for eternity, so that they were not only read in tombs.

By using the words propagarique memoria hominum Pliny connects yet again the making of monuments with the preserving of memory. He presents this as a result of humanissima ambitione. This drive-force, as Beltrán Lloris (2015b, 132) calls it, “spurred the elite, […], to leave behind a permanent record of their own special prominence, so that not only their contemporaries but posterity as well might continue to remember them”. To achieve their goal of remembrance, statues with accompanying inscriptions were put up in a public place, with “the means for inserting themselves into the collective memory of their community” (Cooley 2012, 146). I will use the theory of collective memory to research the inscriptions. Collective memory is based on two notions: 1) memory is a construct, and 2) memories are always carried out by a group. The first notion can be related to the apparent connection between historia and memoria in antiquity (cf. Gowing 2005 for this discussion). Romans had ideas about what should be remembered and how it should be remembered, and were aware that memory, or history, is a construct. When writing about the past it is always necessary to relate this to the present, therefore past and present should always interact. Memory is consequently always a process of reconstruction, as Luiselli (2011, 11) puts it, “the past does not remain the same, on the contrary, it is shaped and reorganized by the present”. The second notion concerns the idea that it is always a group that remembers, never an individual. Groups can vary from families to social classes to religious communities and even to nations. This harks back to Halbwachs’s Les cadres de sociaux de la mémoire (1925). Therein he coined the term mémoire collective and mentioned that individuals can only remember fragments and that complete recollections exist only through collective representations (Marcel & Mucchielli 2010, 142). 13.1.3 THE GROUP THAT REMEMBERS When the monumental northern entrance of the piazzale was blocked off during the reign of Domitian (Terpstra 2014, 4), access to the piazzale became possible only through the passageways in the south-east and south-west corners. Despite this limited access, the piazzale was not privately owned,

6 All translations in this article are my own.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

221

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

nor was it a sacred space because of its temple (Van der Meer 2009, 163). Instead, it was the city council that controlled the square; ten of the 15 inscriptions bear the abbreviation L·D·D·D·P, which stands for l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice). It demonstrates that the piazzale was and remained a public space.7 Another architectural change was made when the porticus was divided into 61 small rooms, stationes. It is believed that the city council rented these out to guilds, (foreign) shippers and merchants for the purpose of trade.8 Inside and in front of the rooms we find blackand-white floor mosaics, which refer to the groups they were assigned to.9 The piazzale did not serve as a market square nor were the individual rooms used for retail, as Terpstra (2013, 5) argues. In fact, the square served as a place “where the process of information-sharing and establishing intercommunity trust took place” (Terpstra 2014, 5). The “inter-community trust” refers to the idea that traders from a community overseas would move for the purpose of trade. They would settle in a city, become part of the local community, and could rent a statio. Travelling foreign traders could visit their compatriots and trading with Ostian merchants would be easier because their fellow countrymen had already established trust with the community.10 The mosaics and the dedicatory inscriptions provide us with an idea of the group of people who frequented the piazzale. As the second notion of collective memory is based on the fact that memories are always carried out by a group, it is important to know who the implied readers of these texts were before analysing the inscriptions. These implied readers correspond to the “group that remembers”. I suppose that all members of a guild who dedicated a statue on the piazzale are in this group. The guilds that dedicated an inscription on 7 A lead pipe found in the garden also confirms the public character of the piazzale, bearing the inscription: coloniae colonor(um) ost(iensium), cf. Terpstra (2014, 5). 8 An inscription from Puteoli shows a group of Tyrians who paid a monthly fee to rent a statio (IGGR I, 421). We assume the same happened in Ostia. 9 CIL XIV 4549 and corresponding numbers, and Becatti (1961) nr. 83-136. Almost all the mosaics date to AD 190-200 (Becatti 1961). A few older ones are still visible; they are contemporary with the construction of the temple: see Van der Meer (2009, 169n2). 10 Terpstra (2014, 5). Based on Terpstra (2013).

the piazzale were the me(n)sores frumentariorum (3x), mercatores frumentariorum (2x), fabri tinguarii (2x) and navigatores corporum quinque (1x).11 Additionally, one inscription is dedicated by the African and Sardinian shipmasters. Some inscriptions are dedicated by private individuals. Unless they were connected to a guild, I do not suppose that they visited the square. The mosaics provide additional information on this supposed group. Twenty-seven inscriptions appear in the CIL, but only 22 can be used for the identification of a group.12 Five inscriptions mention collegia which are connected to some aspect of trade.13 The other inscriptions mention navicularii (shippers) and/or negotiantes (traders).14 Fourteen of them explicitly refer to foreign cities in Africa (9x), Sardinia (2x), Egypt (1x), Spain (1x) and Gaul (1x).15 The images on the mosaics mainly display grain measures, ships, dolphins and lighthouses, which correspond to the content of the surviving inscriptions. From the dedicatory inscriptions and the mosaics we can outline a “group that remembers”. This group consisted of members of collegia that were connected to an aspect of trade, and shippers and merchants from either in or out of town who rented a statio on the piazzale or visited the piazzale for the purpose of trade. All inscriptions on the piazzale were aimed at this defined group, which is ostensibly of a diverse origin. Although the inscriptions were erected with the goal of memorialising esteemed men in the Ostian community, we can also assume that the inscriptions were seen as an encouragement to their reader to emulate the honourees.

11 There is also evidence of five other guilds, which are only part of the cursus honorum of honourees: the pistores, curatores navium mariarum, lenuncularii, codicarii and urinatores. About 60 different guilds have been identified for Ostia through the inscriptions of the city: see Stöger (2011, 229). 12 CIL XIV 4945.20, 24, 37, 42 and 55 either consist of incomprehensible abbreviations or have only a few surviving words that cannot be put into context. 13 CIL XIV 4549.1, 2, 38, 43, 58. 14 CIL XIV 4549.15 and CIL XIV 4549.16 carry only the inscription “naviculari et negotian(tes) de suo” and CIL XIV 4549.3 mentions the “naviculari lignariorum” without a city or allegiance. 15 CIL XIV 4549.4, 10, 11, 12, 14, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 32, 34, 48.

222

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

13.2 ANALYSIS OF THE DEDICATORY INSCRIPTIONS Dedicatory inscriptions all have three established elements: they start with the name of the honouree, continue with the cursus honorum of the same man, and end with the name(s) of the dedicant(s).16 The analysis of the 15 dedicatory inscriptions follows these fixed elements. Due to the scope of this paper, I will discuss only a selection of the inscriptions. My aim is to show patterns which, mutatis mutandis, can also be applied to the other inscriptions on the piazzale. 13.2.1 NAME OF THE HONOUREE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The first standard element of a dedicatory inscription, the name of the honouree, can be seen as the most prominent feature, since the dedicants tended to emphasise its visibility the most. In this part of the analysis the focus lies on this visibility and how it plays a role in the competition for memory. Competition and rivalry have been seen as imperative to the Roman elite from the Republican period onwards and the idea of humanissima ambitione resonates with this (Hölkeskamp 1993). As more inscriptions were erected on the piazzale, the aim of the dedicants must have been to have their inscription stand out from the crowd. The inscription dedicated to Publius Flavius Priscus (Fig. 13.2) forms the start of the discussion:17 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

P·FLAVIO· P· FIL·PAL PRISCOE·V E Q V E S T R I S · ORDINIS RELIGIOSA · DISCIPLINA ADCENTENA·PROVECTO PONTICI ·ET· DICTATORI ALBANO· PRIMO ·ANNOS VIGINTIOCTO · AGENTI QQ·C·P·PARTCOLON·OST

16 Non-compulsory elements which can be found in the discussed inscriptions are: honorary titles between the name of the honouree and his cursus honorum, reasons for the dedication and the beforementioned abbreviation L∙D∙D∙D∙P. 17 CIL XIV 4452. Transcription based on Cébeillac-Gervasoni et al. (2010, 237). Letter sizes front: 1 = 5 cm, 2 = 9 cm, 3-11 = 3,9 cm, 12-13 = 4,2 cm. I was able to visit Ostia and to carry out an autopsy on most of the inscriptions myself; thus the majuscules and measurements are my own. Sometimes an inscription was weathered or nowhere to be found. For those inscriptions I sought aid in the transcriptions of the CIL.

10 11 12 13

SACERD · GENI · COLON PATR · CORP · PISTORVM CORP·MESORVM FRVM · OST · PATRON P(ublio)  Flavio P(ublii) fil(io) Pal(atina) /Prisco, e(gregio) v(iro) / equestris ordinis,/ religiosa disciplina / ad centena (scil. milia nummum annua) provecto, / pontifici et dictatori / Albano primo annos / viginti octo agenti, /q(uin)q(uennali) c(ensoria) p(otestate), patr(ono) colon(iae) Ost(iensis),/ sacerd(oti) Geni colon(iae), /patr(ono) corp(oris) pistorum/corp(us) mesorum frum(entariorum) Ost(iensium) patron(o). For Publius Flavius Priscus, son of Publius, enrolled in the Palatina voting tribe, who bears the title egregrius vir and belongs to the equestrian order, annually he carries forward a sum of 1000 (coins) with regard to religious teaching. He was, first, priest and municipal officer in Alba Longa for 28 years, he became chief officer with censorial authority and patron of the colony of Ostia. He is priest of the genius of the colony and patron of the guild of the bakers. The guild of the grain measurers of Ostia for their patron.

This statue base bears two inscriptions, a dedicatory text on the front and a date, 1 March 249, on its side. The dedicatory inscription consists of 13 lines, nine of which are concerned with Priscus’ cursus honorum. Although they form the main part of the inscription, the first and last two lines will attract the attention of the reader first, because they are written in the largest lettering. Edmondson (2015, 127) mentions that spacing and larger lettering aid the legibility and visibility of an inscription and

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

223

DESIGNATING PLACE

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Fig. 13.2 The inscription CIL XIV 4452 is dedicated to Publius Flavius Priscus (photograph by Author)

make certain elements stand out.18 Moreover, Reitz (2013, 16-17) adds that letter sizes guide the reader to the most important element of an inscription. Although she specifically talks about building inscriptions, the same applies to dedicatory inscriptions. The first two lines of the inscription contain Priscus’ complete Roman name, consisting of five parts.19 First his praenomen, P(ublius), is mentioned. The gentilicium, or family name, Flavius, follows. 18 Visibility and legibility could also be added to an inscription through punctuation and the application of a red paint, cinnabar. These additions, however, do not emphasise critical elements in an inscription in the same way that spacing and larger lettering do. 19 See Salway (1994) for the theory on Roman name practices and Kajanto (1965) for an extensive study on Latin cognomina.

Hereafter we find the filiation, or patronym, P(ubli), F(ilius) and the affiliation to a voting tribe, Pal(atina) (Salomies 2001, 84). Last listed is the cognomen, Priscus. Apart from his cognomen, Priscus’ name can be found on the first line in the second largest lettering of the whole text. His cognomen is mentioned together with his highest honorary title, egregrius vir, in the second line. The lettering in this line is almost twice as large as the lettering in the first line, nine centimetres versus five. It is said that the cognomen is not included in the first line because it “was never accepted as a central part of a Roman’s official nomenclature” (Salway 1994, 130). However, as it was certainly used as the

224

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

individual signifier of a person (Salway 1994, 127130), it also needed a distinctive position within the inscription. The dedicators made sure that Priscus’ cognomen was emphasised by using larger letters which aid its visibility. Thus, his cognomen would be the easiest to be recognised by a reader. In six of the 14 inscriptions that bear a name the honouree is presented with the exact same elements.20 In three of those, CIL XIV 154, 4142 and 4143, the cognomen is likewise carved out in the largest lettering of the whole text; however, in the other the cognomen is centralised. Centralisation is caused by a certain spacing of the text and serves the same purpose as larger lettering: it ensures that the reader focuses on the element the dedicator wants to point out. Seven inscriptions are left to discuss, since the names of the honourees in them do not align with Priscus’. Three times, only are the tria nomina mentioned to denote an honouree.21 It is noteworthy that these inscriptions are dedicated to freedmen: CIL XIV 374 is dedicated to Marcus Licinius Privatus, whose cognomen indicates that he was born a slave (Meiggs 1960, 210). The honouree of CIL XIV 4140 bears the Greek cognomen Antiochus and is said to be a sevir Augustalis, an office that can be seen as the “pinnacle of a freedman’s career” (Van Nijf 2017, 309). CIL XIV 370, the inscription for Gaius Iulius Tyrannus, lists only the office of magister quinquennalis of the guild of the builders, as does his funerary inscription.22 The latter includes the name of his wife, Aegrilia Moscis, whose cognomen indicates that she also has a background as a freedwomen (Tran 2006, 120). Their status could explain the use of the tria nomina instead of the full Roman name. Nonetheless, in all cases the praenomen and gentilicium take up the first line and the cognomen is centralised in the second. Concerning the lettering sizes, both in CIL XIV 374 and CIL XIV 4140 the cognomen is written in the largest lettering by far. In CIL XIV 370 the praenomen and gentilicium are written in larger letters than the cognomen: 8.8 versus 7.4 centimetres. However, since the cognomen is centralised and is still written in fairly large lettering – the third largest lettering in the inscription is five centimetres high – it will gain the same attention as the other cognomina. 20 CIL XIV 154, 161, 4142, 4143, 4620 and 4621. 21 CIL XIV 370, 374 and 4140. 22 CIL XIV 4654.

In three inscriptions we find a second cognomen, known as an agnomen. Agnomina either are acquired by an individual on account of a special quality or exploit (Salway 1994, 127), as is the case with Publius Veturius Testius Amandus in CIL XIV 4144, or were added because someone was born from two eminent families23 and wanted to show the lineage of both, as is the case with Publius Nonius Livius Anterotianus in CIL XIV 390 and 391. Regarding the letter sizes, Amandus’ agnomen is written in the largest. In the case of Anterotianus, his cognomen, Livius, is written larger, but his agnomen is more centralised. Amandus’ name, despite consisting of an agnomen and four of the standard parts of a full name, does not have a tribal affiliation. This affiliation is also missing in CIL XIV 172. The inscription does conform to Priscus’ inscription in the case of its cognomen, since it is written in the largest lettering. As I have shown, through larger letters and/or centralisation dedicants drew the attention of a reader chiefly to the cognomen of their honouree. We can also assume that they tried to have their honouree’s cognomen stand out in a field full of inscriptions as a form of competition for memory. The 14 inscriptions can be divided into two groups that depend either on lettering or on centralisation to highlight the cognomina. The first group consists of six inscriptions which rely on centralisation. These can be dated to 146, after 146, 165-169 and 161-180 (3x).24 The second group contains eight inscriptions which rely on larger lettering and can be dated to 147, 161-180, 173, 184, 171-200, 198-200, 200 and 249.25 Most of the inscriptions in the second group can be dated to as late as the latest example of group one or even later. Only CIL XIV 4144 deviates from this, as it can be dated to 147 through its side inscription.26 An explanation for this cannot be given and we need to attribute this variation to the scarcity of the material. In four inscriptions we can also detect another way to deal with the urge for competition. Therein the name of the honouree takes up three lines instead of the usual two.27 The dedicators did this to make the name more 23 Tran (2006), 444-5. Cf. AE 1989, 00124. 24 CIL XIV 161, 370, 390, 391, 4620, 4621. 25 CIL XIV 154, 172, 374, 4140, 4142, 4143, 4144, 4452. 26 The side inscription was published earlier and apart from the front inscription as CIL XIV 458. 27 CIL XIV 390, 391, 4143, 4621.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

225

DESIGNATING PLACE

conspicuous on the piazzale. All these inscriptions can be dated to the second century, with 161-180 as the latest date. Cognomina seem to be the most important element in every dedicatory inscription and through centralisation or large lettering the visibility of those names is enhanced. Nonetheless, I would argue that the inscriptions indicate a conspicuous trend in the way dedicants dealt with the cognomina: as the piazzale was filled with inscriptions, dedicants wanted their inscription to be the most visible. In the end, larger lettering became the standard. 13.2.2 CURSUS HONORUM

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The second standard element of a dedicatory inscription, which was a far less prominent feature on the stone than the name but usually does form the main part of the text, is the listing of certain offices, commonly referred to as the cursus honorum. By adding this to an inscription dedicants were able to promote the public image of their honouree (Bruun 2015, 214). The offices in the list could be arranged in three ways: 1) in ascending order, with the earliest offices first, 2) in descending order, starting with the most important offices, or 3) in a mixed order, for which there is sometimes no logical explanation.28 Dedicatory inscriptions were never intended to list a complete cursus; most were written mid-career and other omissions are also to be reckoned with; lower offices could not be deemed crucial enough or were simply irrelevant (Bruun 2015, 214-215). The aim in this part of the analysis is to show how the dedicants used a cursus honorum to construct an image of their honouree which would be deemed favourable by the intended audience and would create a certain memory. CIL XIV 154, dedicated to Quintus Acilius Fuscus, serves as an illustration for the inscriptions in which dedicants highlighted local offices instead of offices outside Ostia:29 28 Bruun (2015, 209-210). Although Bruun explains here how senatorial inscriptions could be ordered, the same applies to equestrian inscriptions. 29 Letter sizes: 1 = 5.8 cm, 2 = 9 cm, 3-12 = 4.1 cm, 13 = 3.9 cm. The square brackets around Augg[[g]. «nn[[n]] indicate a damnatio memoriae.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Q · ACILIO · C · FIL · PAP FVSCO· V·E P R O C V R A T · A N N ON A V G G N P C O S T·P R O C VR OPERISTHEATR·POM P E I AN FISCIADVOCAT · C O D I C I LL S T A T I O N I S H E R EDIT[AT] E T C O H A E R E N T SAC[ERD] LAV R E N T · LAV I NAT C O R P V S M E S O R VM F R V M E N T·A D I V T O R VM E TAC C E PT O R V M O S T E R G A S E B E N I G N I S S I MO Q(uinto) Acilio C(aii) fil(io) Pap(iria) / Fusco, v(iro) e(gregio), / procurat(ori) annon(ae) / Augg[[g]. «nn[[n]]., p(atrono) c(oloniae)» Ost(iensis), procur(atori) / operis theatr(i) Pompeian(i), / fisci advocat(o) codicill(ari) / stationis hereditat(ium) / et cohaerent(ium), sacerd(oti) / Laurent(ium) Lavinat(ium), / corpus mesorum / frument(ariorum) adiutorum / et acceptorum Ost(iensium) / erga se benignissimo. For Quintus Acilius Fuscus, son of Gaius, enrolled in the Papiria voting tribe, who bears the title egregrius vir. He is procurator of the food supply to Rome of our emperors for three times and patron of the colony of Ostia, he was procurator of the works on the Pompeian theatre appointed by the emperor, councillor of the treasure with a position regarding heirship and adjoining, and priest of Laurentium Lavinatium. The guilds of the assistants and receivers of the grain measurers of Ostia , in consideration of him, most benevolent.

This inscription consists of 13 lines, six of which are used to denote the name of the honouree,

226

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

the names of the dedicants and the reason for the dedication. The remaining seven form the cursus honorum of the honouree. The first two offices listed are both based in Ostia. As procurator annonae, Fuscus was in charge of the finance for the food supply to Rome,30 and as patron of the colony of Ostia he must have been a prominent man in the community. Cébeillac-Gervasoni et al. (2010, 235) mention that the inscription was dedicated while Fuscus held the office of procurator, which would explain why it is listed prior to his patronage. Yet I would argue that this office is also mentioned first because it was deemed the most relevant office for the dedicants. As part of the guild of the grain measures, the dedicants would have been in close contact with Fuscus (Cébeillac-Gervasoni et al. (2010, 235)). Since the inscription and the memory of the honouree are both aimed at a specific group, the office of procurator annonae would have been of interest to them all equally. Afterwards, the inscription zooms in on offices outside Ostia. Since these are included, we must consider that they were important to the dedicants, albeit less so than the first listed local offices. The offices outside Ostia indicate his status and show the reader that one could hold offices in Ostia, even though he held offices in other cities first, which could encourage them to do the same. The focus on local offices shows that the cursus honorum is made up in a descending order.31 We can observe a similar focus on local offices in the inscription for Publius Aufidius Fortis:32

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

1 2 3

[P·AVFI]ḌIO · P · F·QVIRINA FORTI [---] ṚIONI·ADLECTO· I̅ I̅ VIRO

30 The office of procurator belonged to the three lower grades of the equestrian order (cf. Meiggs 1960, 300). 31 Both CIL XIV 172, dedicated to Quintus Petronius Melior, and CIL XIV 161, dedicated to Quintus Calpurnicus Modestus, are similar to Fuscus’ inscription. They mention the office of procurator annonae in the first and second lines of their curus honorum respectively and show a descending order in which the inscription is made up. 32 CIL XIV 4620. In this inscription the term decurio is used for members of the senate of the municipia or colonies. This transcription was made on the basis of Cébeillac-Gervasoni et al. (2010, 270). Letter sizes: 1 = 5.2 cm, 2 = 4.7 cm, 3-6 = 3.2 cm, 7-10 = 2.9 cm, 1112 = 4.1, 13 = 2.5 cm. This statue base was found in three parts (A-C); only parts B and C are on display in Ostia. A + C were first published under CIL XIV 303 before B was found.

4 [---] ṚI·AERARI·OSTIENSIVM·I̅ I̅ I̅ I̅ 5 [---] C̣TO·FABRVM 6 [---] OSTIS·PATRONo 7 CORPORVM · MENSORVM 8 FRVMENTARIORVM 9 ET·VRINATORVM·DECVRIONI· ADLECTo 10 AFRICAE · HIPPONE · REGIO 11 C O R PV S · M E R CAT O R V M 12 F R V M E N T A R I O R V M 13 ··PERPETVO P(ublio) Aufidio P(ublii) f(ilio) Quirina / Forti / [decreto decurionum decu]rioni adlecto, Iiviro, / [quaesto] ri aerari(i) Ostiensium IIII,/ [praefe] cto fabrum / [tignuariorum] Ostis, patrono / corporum mensorum / frumentariorum / et urinatorum, decurioni adlecto / Africae Hippone Regio, / corpus mercatorum / frumentariorum / q(uin)q(uennali) perpetuo. For Publius Aufidius Fortis, son of Publius, enrolled in the Quirina voting tribe. He was appointed councillor by decree of the city council. He has been duumvir and quaestor of the treasurers of Ostia four times. He is prefect of the guild of the builders, patron of the guilds of the grain measurers and the divers, he has been appointed councillor of Hippo Regius in Africa. By the guild of the grain merchants for their magister for life. Fortis’ inscription is made up in a descending order. It starts with the listing of three municipal offices in Ostia, where he had been decurio, duumvir and quaestor. Subsequently, his collegiate offices are mentioned. Last listed is his municipal office as decurio in Hippo Regius, an office which had higher status than his collegiate offices, but was of less importance to the dedicants, since their audience would have been more interested in

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

227

DESIGNATING PLACE

Fortis’ offices that were concerned with the city and the collegia. The descending order in Fortis’ inscription is emphasised by the use of two different letter sizes; the letters in the first four lines have a height of 3.2 centimetres, while the letters in the last four lines have a height of 2.9 centimetres.33

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Interestingly, CIL XIV 4621 is dedicated to the same man. The inscription, dedicated by freedmen of Fortis, does not provide the same list of offices as CIL XIV 4620. It does mention his municipal offices as duumvir and quaestor – for the fifth time instead of the fourth, so that the inscription can be dated later than CIL XIV 4621 – but it omits his office as decurio and includes his patronage of the colony of Ostia. It is plausible that the freedmen did not include the same cursus since the older inscription already existed. The addition of this inscription with Fortis’ new honores was an opportunity to promote Fortis’ image. More inscriptions equal more attraction, which in itself equals a higher chance of being remembered. The municipal office of decurio in Ostia is also included in two inscriptions dedicated to Anterotianus.34 In contrast to the inscriptions for Fortis, the cursus honorum they show is equal with some small differences in letter sizes. The cursus is made up in a descending order, starting with two local offices in Ostia. First the municipal office of decurio is listed and second a priesthood: flamen of the deified Hadrian. The other two mentioned offices, also priesthoods, were held outside Ostia. Van der Meer (2009, esp.168) argues that the temple in the garden was devoted to the imperial cult; he uses the inscriptions that mention flamines as evidence. Terpstra (2014, 9) adds that the imperial cult must have been the one thing with regard to religion which connected all visitors to the piazzale. Following Van der Meer and Terpstra, we can assume that Anterotianus served the imperial cult in the temple in the middle of the square. Therefore, even though his inscription does not mention any alliance to collegia, there would still be a reason for a dedication on the piazzale. 33 Compare CIL XIV 4142, dedicated to Marcus Iunius Faustus. This inscription uses four different letter sizes – differing from 4.2 to 2.9 centimetres – to indicate which offices were the most important. 34 CIL XIV 390 and 391.

We also possess two inscriptions in which only one office is listed; in CIL XIV 370 Tyrannus is mentioned as the magister quinquennalis of the guild of the builders, and in CIL XIV 4144 Amandus is solely represented as the patron and defender of the five guilds of Ostian ferrymen. It is possible that these were the only offices they held in their lifetimes (or until the year in which the inscription was placed on the piazzale). Nevertheless, the dedicants wanted to remember and honour them for their involvement in the guilds. This is emphasised in the rest of both inscriptions; in Tyrannus’ inscription the dedicants make it clear that Tyrannus was the first for whom they had dedicated a statue, huic primum omnium universi honorati statuam ponendam. Moreover, in Amandus’ inscription multiple references are made to his virtues: his diligence is mentioned to be insignis and eximius and he himself is abstinentissimus and splendissimus. Although references to someone’s virtues are frequently made, this is the only time in which an honouree is afforded this much praise. Perhaps both Tyrannus and Amandus had not held any offices other than the ones mentioned, but by emphasising their virtues the dedicants were able to distinguish their honourees from the others and could emphasise their specific position within the competition for memory on the piazzale. I have argued that in all of the previously mentioned inscriptions the dedicants made up their inscription in a descending order. The importance of an office is measured by the audience that was intended to read the inscriptions. The dedicants highlighted local offices rather than foreign ones, which would have appealed to the audience of the inscriptions. When offices within Ostia only were listed, dedicants could still indicate which offices were of greater importance to them through the use of different letter sizes. However, two inscriptions differ from the main body of inscriptions since they are not made up in a descending order, but in a mixed one. CIL XIV 4452 is dedicated to Priscus and CIL XIV 374 dedicated is to Marcus Licinius Privatus. They both start with a statement about the wealth of their honouree, after which local offices and offices outside Ostia are mentioned, but no order can really be deduced. In the inscription of Priscus we read that he was a generous

228

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

benefactor who gifted an enormous amount of money to the town for religious teaching. The fact that he was a benefactor is also reflected in the ninth, eleventh and thirteenth lines. In the inscription dedicated to Privatus, the first three lines mention how he gained the rank of biselliarius, for which he had paid a sum of 50,000 sesterces. Privatus’ status as a freedman in combination with the emphasis on his wealth and the fact that his inscription is also one of the largest stones found on the Piazzale is intriguing. The mention of the wealth of the honouree can be seen as conspicuous consumption: the spending of money to demonstrate publicly that a person is prosperous. Conspicuous consumption coincides with the general picture of an urge for competition. The wealth of these honourees is, in the end, more important than any of their offices. 13.2.3 REPRESENTATION OF THE DEDICANTS

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The names of the dedicants were included in an inscription because it “allowed [the dedicant(s)] to be associated with the commemorative act” (Béltran Lloris 2015a, 92). Furthermore, as Van Nijf (2000, 33) argues, “The fact that honorific inscriptions usually preserved the names of the dedicants rendered them a suitable vehicle for their self-representation as well”. Ancient authors already noticed this, as a letter from Pliny the Younger to Cornelius Titianus affirms (Plin. Ep. 1.17): Titinius Capito ab imperatore nostro impetravit, ut sibi liceret statuam L. Silani in foro ponere. […] Redditus est Silano debitus honor, cuius immortalitati Capito prospexit pariter et suae. Neque enim magis decorum et insigne est statuam in foro populi Romani habere quam ponere. Titinius Capito obtained permission from our emperor by request to place a statue for Lucius Silanus on the Forum. By bestowing the due honour upon Silanus, Capito provided for his immortality and as well as his own. For it is not more honourable and

distinguished to have a statue on the Forum of the Roman people than to place [one] there. I want to show how dedicants engaged in this selfrepresentation. I shall argue that letter sizes, spacing and/or the use of one or more lines on an inscription play an important role, and that differences between dedications by guilds and private persons are to be reckoned with and must each be seen in a different light. It is imperative that the self-representation of dedicants is connected to an urge for competition. 13.2.3.1 GUILDS Let us first return to the inscription dedicated to Priscus. His inscription ends with two lines in which the names of the dedicants, the entire guild of the grain measures, and the reason for the dedication are stated. It is apparent that these last two lines are written in larger lettering than the cursus honorum – 4.2 versus 3.9 centimetres – but that the letters do not match the height of the letters in the first two lines. The guild’s name, thus, becomes the second most important element in the inscription. The inscriptions for Fortis and Melior, respectively CIL XIV 4620 and CIL XIV 172, are comparable to Priscus’ inscription in this matter. Both are dedicated by an entire guild – the grain merchants dedicated the inscription for Melior and the grain measurers for Fortis – and the names of those guilds are written in larger lettering than the cursus, yet not as large as the name of the honouree. The different letter sizes in these inscriptions are more emphasized, since here we find 4/3.5 centimetres versus 2.5 and 4.1 centimetres versus 2.9 respectively. Five inscriptions on the piazzale were dedicated not by an entire guild, but by a subdivision within a guild.35 Only minor differences regarding the subdivisions can be noted. In four of the five inscriptions, three lines instead of one or two are used to depict the name of the dedicants.36 However, the names of a subdivision tend to be longer than the name of an entire guild. The letters used to indicate 35 CIL XIV 154, 370, 374, 4142, 4144. 36 CIL XIV 4144 deviates from this. Here the dedicants used two lines to present themselves.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

229

DESIGNATING PLACE

the names are, most of the time, written in smaller lettering than the ones in the cursus honorum.37 Although the reader was not immediately drawn to the name of the subdivision, the names were still an important part of the inscription since they take up a good number of lines on the stone. The inscription for Quintus Calpurnicus Modestus shows both similarities with and differences from the discussed inscriptions:38 1 Q · CALPURNIO · C · F 2 QVIR·MODESTO 3 PROC · ALPIVM · PROC · OSTIAE 4 ADANNON · P R O C · LVCAŃAE 5 C O R PV S M E R CAT O R V M 6 F R V M E N TAR I O R V M · PE R 7 M ·AE M I LI V M · SATV R V M 8 E T · P · A V F I D I V M ·FAVSTIAN 9 · · E X · D E C R E T O CORPORAT 10 ·M·LICINIOVICTORE ET 11 P ·A V F I D I O EPICTETO 12 L·D·D·D·P

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Q(uinto) Calpurnio C(aii) f(ilio) / Quir(ina) Modesto, / proc(uratori) Alpium, proc(uratori) Ostiae / ad annon(am), proc(uratori) Lucaniae, / corpus mercatorum/ frumentariorum per / M(arcum) Aemilium Saturum / et P(ublium) Aufidium Faustian(um), / q(uin)q(uennales), ex decreto corporat(orum), / q(uaestoribus) M(arco) Licinio Victore et / P(ublio) Aufidio Epicteto. / L(ocus) d(atus) d(ecurionum) d(ecreto) p(ublice). For Quintus Calpurnius Modestus, son of Gaius, enrolled in the Quirina voting tribe. He is procurator of the Alps and was both procurator annonae and procurator of Lucania. 37 The only inscription that does not conform to this is the inscription for Privatus, CIL XIV 374. 38 CIL XIV 161. Transcription made on the basis of CébeillacGervasoni et al. (2010, 233-4). Letter sizes: 1 = 5.5 cm, 2 = 5.1 cm, 3 = 4 cm, 4 = 3.5 cm, 5 = 3.7 cm, 6-8 = 3.5 cm, 9 = 3.2 cm, 10-12 = 2.5 cm.

The guild of the grain merchants , during the period of the chief officers Marcus Aemilius Saturnus and Publius Aufidius Faustianus, by decree of all members, the treasurers Marcus Licinius Victor and Publius Aufidius Epictetus . The place was given by the city council at public expense. What is different in this inscription dedicated to Modestus is that the reader is given specific information about people within the guild. We can read the names of the quinquennales and the quaestores and read that it was a unanimous decision of the guild to erect a statue for Modestus. In the end, seven of the 12 lines of Modestus’ inscription are about the dedicators, not about him. Therefore, the grain merchants were not only constructing a memory of their honouree when they presented his name and offices, but were also – and perhaps even primarily – making a memorial for their high officials. The guild is, eventually, remembered not only as generous because it erected a statue for a beloved member, but also for its high officials. I would argue that the Modestus’ inscription shows us the self-representation of a guild at best. 13.2.3.2 PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS To demonstrate the dedicatory practices of private individuals I will examine CIL XIV 4664, a fragmentary inscription since the names of the honouree and most of his cursus honorum have not survived. Only the last five lines of the inscription remain, as do two fragmentary lines above.39 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

[---] CTO [---] ILI DESIGNATO Q · ALIMENTORVM FLAMINIDIVI · VESP T·RVBRIVS·EVPATOR FILIO·PIISSIMO L·D·D·D·P

39 CIL XIV 4664. Letter sizes front: 1 = unknown , 2-4 = 4 cm, 5 = 3.5 cm, 6 = 3 cm, 7 = 2 cm.

230

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

decurioni adl]ecto, / [aed]ili designato, / q(uaestori) alimentorum, / flamini divi Vesp(asiani), / T(itus) Rubrius Eupator / filio piissimo / l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ublice) // ]tori[. [---] he was appointed as councillor, elected as aedile, treasurer of the provisions and priest of the godlike Vespasian. Titus Rubrius Eupator, for his most faithful son. The place was given by the city council at public expense.

emphasises the close connection between dedicant and honouree.43 Through dedicating the inscriptions, private individuals seem to be merging their family memories with the public and collective memory of the piazzale. The five inscriptions dedicated by private individuals show the most variation in the representation of the dedicants. Due to the scarcity of the material, it is impossible to harmonise them. It should, however, be noted that the depiction of the relationship between dedicant and honouree always has an important place on the stone, even if it is appears in only one line or is written slightly smaller than the name of the dedicant. 13.3 CONCLUSION

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The inscription was dedicated by a father to a son, as the words filio piissimo show us. The name of the son is unknown, but because of the family connection the secondary literature tends to name the honouree ‘Rubrius’. There are two notable elements in this inscription: the name of the dedicant and the way in which the relationship between the dedicant and the honouree is depicted. The name of the dedicant, Titus Rubrius Eupator, is written on one line in a smaller letter size than the letters of the remaining lines of the cursus honorum: 3.5 centimetres versus 4. Compared to the entire guilds and the subdivisions, we can assume that Eupator would attract the least attention of them all.40 In the sixth line we find the depiction of the relationship between the dedicant and the honouree. This depiction consists of two elements, which are centralised on the inscription: a noun and an adjective (in the superlative).41 The adjective is used to describe the character of the honouree. Collegia do not use superlatives to praise their honourees. In fact, they tend to give a reason for dedication only by using ob often paired with merita, and erga. The practice of dedications by private individuals is, therefore, more akin to funerary inscriptions.42 This

From AD 146 to 249 statues with accompanying inscriptions were placed on the Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia. This square, frequented by members of Ostian collegia and (foreign) merchants and shippers, served as the heart of Ostia’s overseas trade connections, and the dedicatory inscriptions that were erected there commemorated prominent men from the community. In the analysis I have shown on the basis of two notions – memory is a construct and it is always a group that remembers – that the dedicants of the inscriptions were actively creating a memory of their honourees and themselves. They highlighted elements in the inscriptions that they deemed to be the most important and that they wanted the intended reader to remember. This highlighting could be done by differentiating between letter sizes, using spacing and centralisation of words, and/or setting a specific order to the different elements of an inscription. Although the inscriptions were set up with the main goal of memorialising honourees, my analysis showed elements that suggest that the inscriptions could have had yet another aim. Van Nijf (2000, 24-27) has already suggested that dedicatory inscriptions were used to encourage honourees to

40 Compare CIL XIV 4144 and 4621. In CIL XIV 390 and 391, both dedicated to Anterotianus, the dedicants used two lines to display their names in almost the same letter sizes as the name of their honouree. 41 Other superlatives found in these inscriptions are: dulcissmo (CIL XIV 390), carissimo and pientissimo (CIL XIV 391), and indulgentissimo (CIL XIV 4621). 42 Compare, for instance, two funerary inscriptions from Ostia: CIL XIV 5390: V]ita/[li anni]s VIIII / [m]ensibus X diebus VI / Arduelius

Vitalis fi/lio piissimo fe[cit], and CIL XIV 1475: D(is) M(anibus) / Q(uinto) Plotio Euzelo / q(ui) v(ixit) a(nnos) III m(enses) VIII / d(ies) XVIIII h(oras) VIIII / L(ucius) Titius Euzelus fecit / nepoti dulcissimo. 43 CIL XIV 4621 and 390 are similar. In CIL XIV 391 the dedicant does not provide a noun to describe the relationship, but does use two superlatives instead of one. In CIL XIV 4144 Anina Anthis gives her position as regards her husband, coniunx, instead of the position of her husband to her.

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

231

DESIGNATING PLACE

continue their benefactory work. This could also be related to the readers of the inscriptions. The defined “group that remembers” must for this purpose be split into two groups: Ostian citizens and foreigners.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

The dedicants tried to make the cognomens of their honouree stand out in a field full of inscriptions. Ostian citizens connected to trade were able to recognise the names of friends, colleagues and/or members of the same collegium. This could instil in them a sense of pride in their community and the people they knew, but it could also incite them to emulate the honourees. Competition for memory has turned out to be a meaningful factor in the inscriptions of the piazzale. Regarding foreigners we can look at tribal affiliations that are included in the name. Some affiliations show people who were not originally from Ostia but did have a dedication on the piazzale. The inscriptions can in this respect be seen as an encouragement to foreigners to come to Ostia, settle in the town and become successful. If others had done it, why could not they?

The inscriptions dedicated by groups illustrate the importance of a collective. A group could also be remembered as generous in erecting inscriptions for their high officials. These inscriptions could encourage both citizens and foreigners to become members of a guild and a part of its memory. The inscriptions dedicated by private individuals demonstrate that one did not need to become a high official to be taken up in the collective memory of the piazzale. However, one had to invest money in the memorial of a friend or family member. The inscriptions on the piazzale demonstrated the prosperity of the city and showed the importance of the harbour with regard to Roman trade. The piazzale could be seen as a podium of honours. For the foreign merchants and traders the inscriptions were an incitement to them to integrate into the city and could encourage them to invest in a flourishing town. For the citizens of Ostia the piazzale can be seen as a place where they could exhibit prominent men from their community, become encouraged to do the same for their community, and demonstrate how proud they were to be part of an important town.

Taking the cursus honorum into consideration, we can elaborate on these ideas. It was demonstrated that in most inscriptions the focus was placed on local offices. This showed Ostians the kind of benefactory work their fellow citizens had done and/ or what offices they had held in the town. Besides that, in the cursus honorum, through the offices held by honourees, we can observe the connections between the piazzale and Ostian trade. The inscriptions trumpeted the importance of Ostia as a harbour town. Citizens viewing these inscriptions could take pride in living in the city. Although the focus was often laid on local offices, offices held outside the city were frequently included in the inscriptions as well. As with the tribal affiliations, these offices showed foreigners that someone did not need to be from Ostia to become a high official in the Ostian collegia or even in the town itself.

References Primary sources Della Corte, M. (ed.) 1952. Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, vol. IV: supplementum 3-2. Berlin: Reimer, De Gruyter

Lastly the representation of the dedicants can highlight another aspect. The names of dedicants were included in the inscription because it allowed them to be connected to the memory of the honouree and to construct a favourable image of themselves.

Mynors, R.A.B. (ed.). 1963. C. Plini Caecili Secundi: epistularum libri decem. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Dessau, H. (ed.) 1887. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Vol. XIV: Inscriptiones Latii veteris Latinae. Berlin: Reimer, De Gruyter Mayhoff, C. (ed.). 1967. C. Plini Secundi: naturalis historiae. Vol. I, libri I-VI. Stuttgart: Teubner Mayhoff, C. (ed.). 1967. C. Plini Secundi: naturalis historiae. Vol. V, libri XXXI-XXXVII. Stuttgart: Teubner Mommsen, T. (ed.). 1881. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. VIII: inscriptions Africae Latinae. Pars I: Inscriptiones Africae proconsularis et Numidiae. Berlin: Reimer, De Gruyter

232

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

13 CUIUS MEMORIA VIVIT

Secondary sources Becatti, G. 1961. Mosaici e pavimenti marmorei (Scavi di Ostia; vol 4). Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, Libraria dello Stato Beltrán Lloris, F. 2015a. Latin epigraphy: the main types of inscriptions. In C. Bruun & J. Edmonson (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 89-110. Oxford: Oxford University Press Beltrán Lloris, F. 2015b. The “epigraphic habit” in the Roman world. In C. Bruun & J. Edmonson (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 131148. Oxford: Oxford University Press Bommas, M. (ed.). 2011. Cultural memory and identity in Ancient societies. Cultural Memory and History in Antiquity 1. London: Continuum Bruun, C. 2015. Senators and equites: prosopography. In C. Bruun & J. Edmonson (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, 202-226. Oxford: Oxford University Press Bruun, C. 2016. A dedication in 173 CE at Roman Ostia, carried out on the emperor Antoninus Pius’ dies natalis. Tyche: Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte. Papyrologie und Epgraphik 31, 47-50 Cagnat, R., Toutain, J. & Jouguet, P. (eds). 1911. Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes: tomus primus. Paris: Ernest Leroux Calza, G. 1915. Il piazzale delle corporazioni e la funzione commerciale di Ostia. Bullettino della commissione archeologica comunale di Roma 43, 178-206

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Cébeillac-Gervasoni, M., Caldelli, M.L. & Zevi, F. 2010. Epigrafia Latina. Ostia: cento inscrizioni in contesto. Rome: Quasar

Epigraphy, 111-113. Oxford: Oxford University Press Galinsky, G.K. (ed.). 2014. Memoria Romana: memory in Rome and Rome in memory. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press for The American Academy in Rome Gowing, A.M. 2015. Empire and memory: the representation of the Roman Republic in imperial culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Halbwachs, M. 1925. Les cadres des sociaux de la mémoire. Paris: Librairie Félix Alcan Hölkeskamp, K.-J. 1993. Conquest, competition and consensus: Roman expansion in Italy and the rise of the “Nobilitas” Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 42, 12-39 Kajanto, I. 1965. The Latin cognomina. Helsinki: Societas Scientiarum Fennica Luiselli, M.M. 2011. The ancient Egyptian scene of “Pharaoh smiting his enemies”: an attempt to visualize cultural memory? In M. Bommas (ed.), Cultural memory and identity in Ancient societies. Cultural Memory and History in Antiquity 1, 10-25. London: Continuum Marcel, J.C. & Mucchielli, L. 2010. Maurice Halbwachs’s collective memory. In A. Errl & A. Nünning (eds), A companion to collective memory studies, 141-150. Berlin: De Gruyter Meiggs, R. 1960. Roman Ostia. Oxford: Clarendon Press Pensabene, P. 2007. Ostiensium marmorum decus et decor: Studi architettonici, decorativi e archeometrici. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider

Cooley, A. 2012. The Cambridge manual of Latin epigraphy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Reitz, B. 2013. Building in words: representations of the process of construction in Latin literature. PhD thesis, Leiden: s.n.

Croxford, B., Eckhardt, H., Meade, J. & Weekes, J. (eds) 2004. TRAC 2003: Proceedings of the thirteenth Annual theoretical Roman archaeology conference which took place at the University of Leicester 3-6 April 2003. Oxford: Oxbow Books

Salomies, O. 2001. Names and identities: onomastics and prosopography. In J. Bodel (ed.), Epigraphic evidence: ancient history from inscriptions, 73-94. London: Routledge

Edmonson, J. 2015. Inscribing Roman texts: officinae, layout, and carving techniques. In C. Bruun & J. Edmonson (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Roman

Salway, B. 1994. What’s in a name? A survey of Roman onomastic practice from c. 700 BC to AD 700. The journal of Roman studies 84, 124-145

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

233

DESIGNATING PLACE

Seston, W. 1971. Remarques prosopographiques autour de la Tabula Banasitana. Bulletin archéologique du comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques 7, 323-331 Stöger, H. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial PortTown. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Terpstra, T.T. 2013. Trading communities in the Roman world: a micro-economic and institutional perspective. Leiden: Brill Terpstra, T.T. 2014. The Piazzale delle Corporazioni reconsidered: the architectural context of its change in use. Mélanges de l’école française de Rome: antiquité 126.1, https://journals. openedition.org/mefra/2042 Tran, N. 2006. Les membres des associations romaines: le rang social des collegiati en Italie et en Gaules sous le haut-empire (Collection de l’école française de Rome; 367). Rome: École française de Rome Tran, N. 2014. C. Veturius Testius Amandus, les cinq corps de lénunculaires d’Ostie et la batellerie tibérine au début du IIIe siècle. Mélanges de l’école française de Rome: antiquité 126.1, http://journals.openedition.org/mefra/2043 van der Meer, L.B. 2009. The temple on the Piazzale delle Corporazioni in Ostia Antica. Bulletin antieke beschaving 84, 163-170

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

van der Meer, L.B. 2012, Ostia speaks: inscriptions, buildings and spaces in Rome’s main port. Leuven: Peeters van Nijf, O.M. 2000. Inscriptions and civic memory in the Roman east. In A. Cooley (ed.), The afterlife of inscriptions, 21-36. London: Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London van Nijf, O.M. 2017. Collegia and civic guards: two chapters in the history of sociobility. In W. Jongman & M. Kleijwegt (eds), After the past: essays in ancient history in honour of H.W. Pleket, 305-339. Leiden: Brill Wickert, L. (ed.) 1930. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. XIV: supplementum Ostiense. Berlin: Reimer, De Gruyter

234

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

PART 5 Hanna StÖger

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

14 A Hommage to Hanna Stöger John Bintliff

In a short afterword to this Festschrift for our dear, sadly prematurely-departed friend and colleague Hanna, it is difficult to do justice to her talents and personality, but I shall try to convey the spirit of her rich contribution to the lives of all of us who knew her professionally or socially.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Firstly let me speak about her archaeological accomplishments. Reviewing the bibliography printed at the end of this volume we discover things most people, even many of her colleagues, were unaware of. She first studied at the University of Malta, and was soon active on excavations by leading local fieldworkers – in fact she never lost touch with these friends and returned occasionally to write one or two pieces on the island’s archaeology or take renewed part in their activities. Many of us have had the pleasure of being entertained by, or even staying with, Hanna, Mario and Mario’s mother at their seaside villa on the island. Once into a research field, Hanna was always enthusiastic about getting involved with it again when chance arose. I saw this at first hand when Hanna accompanied me and my Maltese doctoral student, George Said-Zammit, as we visited historic houses for his pioneering PhD on the history of domestic architecture on Malta. Moving to Leiden for her MA in Classical Archaeology, Hanna was taken up by Bouke van der Meer to assist him in mapping and interpreting the Domus Fulminata in Ostia. Here she found her lifetime focus, beginning with a small-scale study of the house entrances in this city, the main port of Rome for her dissertation. As convenor of the course I noticed quickly that Hanna, as a mature student and experienced archaeologist, soon became the natural focus of the MA year she belonged to, but for us lecturers her wide knowledge and confident questioning revealed a talent we should,

and indeed did, encourage. I had become aware some time earlier of the emerging field of interpreting the built environment called Space Syntax, founded by Professor Bill Hillier at University College, London, and suggested to Hanna that she might find this an exciting approach to develop her research into ancient towns and homes in a new and innovative direction. She soon left all of us behind, when she embarked on her PhD under my, Hans Kamermans’ and Bouke’s supervision on the Space Syntax analysis of Ostia’s urban plan, and in particular of the apartment block or insula IV:ii. Spin-offs included papers on the clubs and lounges, the street network and the “movement economy” of the ancient town. But this was not just a computer game based on published plans by other scholars, (although the tools of the Space Syntax programme give both insights and amusement, such as the “peopling of the city”, when avatars can be launched from a city gate to walk the town under various movement limitations). Hanna had begun as a field archaeologist and was aware that not just the plans of Ostia, but also the standing remains of the town, could not be relied on without exhaustive archival research into the original excavation notes and photographs and inspection of every brick, in each wall, under study. I can well remember her taking me through such a deconstruction of several visible buildings today, highlighting how the appearance of so many buildings standing now did not represent the original structures as a result of faulty reconstructions. Becoming involved with the Space Syntax movement brought her into contact with many other practitioners, and to presenting her work at the major conferences bringing its followers together. It also led to our inviting Bill Hiller to Leiden to lecture and provide a wonderful workshop for our postgraduates. Hanna’s

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

237

DESIGNATING PLACE

published thesis is a landmark in our understanding of the articulation of a Roman town and has been hugely influential in Roman urban studies. But having the highest ability in urban analysis and urban fieldwork meant that Hanna was not going to stop there: she began the study of a second Ostia insula, which appeared to show an intriguingly different historical trajectory from her previous case-study. She also became involved with creating the previously lacking, accurate location of the Ostia urban grid, on fieldwork with Hans, and with other colleagues the use of subsurface radar to detect new elements of the city plan lying unexcavated.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

And here we need to move into a different facet of Hanna’s work in archaeology: a selfless wish to assist other people’s research, even if it did not necessarily lead to major publications for herself. We find her assisting our Leiden colleague, Natascha Sojc, in mapping the ancient Sicilian city of Akragas, helping another colleague, Tesse Stek, with his fieldwork in the Samnite region of mainland Italy, working with yet another Leiden colleague, Ann Brysbaert, on the Late Bronze Age monuments of Southern Greece, and helping me to publish a conference on the Medieval and Post-Medieval archaeology of Greece. Hanna, Hans and I were able to become part of a European project co-ordinated by Axel Posluschny (ArcLand) on remote sensing, and as part of this Hanna and I worked together in Central Greece recording Crusader towers. Yet we must not forget that Hanna, for all her intelligence and skills, and her thoughtfulness for others, also had a sense of humour – in fact a wicked sense of humour. Once when handing out degrees to postgraduates, she was amused by one girl graduand, who walked towards the stage in high boots and very large leather gloves. Hanna could not resist announcing to the assembled audience: “ Ah hah! Fresh from the Shire!” (a joke for fans of The Hobbit in the congregation). On another occasion when I was on fieldwork with our students in Greece, she sent a spurious e-mail round the Archaeology Faculty, informing everyone that I was selling my library of archaeology books and they could come and earmark those they wanted. Only when piles of books had accumulated for each purchaser did she reveal that it was all a joke.

I have mentioned that Hanna was the most generous and thoughtful of people, probably more so than anyone I have ever met. She brought presents for many staff members when she returned from conferences or field trips abroad. She did not have an easy career path, despite her abilities and achievements. She taught and mentored and, as we have seen, was always volunteering to participate selflessly in other people’s projects, but was blocked from promotion to a lectureship in the Netherlands. Her talents, both academic and personal, were however immediately recognised by Natascha Sojc when she was Professor in Leiden, who, returning to Germany to take up a Chair in Augsburg, was able to take Hanna on to her teaching staff and give her the official recognition she had so long deserved. Hanna did not abandon Leiden however, and continued to assist part-time without a title in Classical Archaeology, and when I retired in 2014 took on almost single-handedly the personal care of the students in that department. It was during her teaching period in Augsburg that I accepted an invitation from Natascha and Hanna to visit that university with my wife Elizabeth for a couple of guest lectures. We were so delighted to see her flourishing in her new official teaching role there. Hanna also insisted that, like Bouke and so many other friends and colleagues before us, we take a few days off to visit her family in the heart of Bavaria, beside the Chiemsee. I knew that people outside the great southern cities spoke the local Bayerisch dialect, but still did not manage to have a successful conversation with Hanna’s brother using my somewhat rusty Hochdeutsch, his dialect being quite impenetrable. (I should have remembered this, hearing Hanna in Leiden chatting to her daughter Samira on the phone in a German which seemed to have lost most consonants and at least half the vowels too!) One of the excursions Hanna took us on, during our stay on her family’s farm, was via a cable-car high up into the pre-Alps, with a view over Germany, Austria and Italy. I attach here a picture I took then of Hanna and my wife Elizabeth, a fond memory of her kindness, which beams out of this photograph. Lost, missed but never forgotten……

238

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

14 A HOMMAGE TO HANNA STÖGER

Fig. 14.1 Hanna Stöger (right) and Elizabeth Bintliff

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

239

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

15 Publications by Hanna Stöger

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Ghose, R., Liu, J. Draganov, D., Ngan-Tillard, D., Warnaar, M., Brackenhoff, J., Berg, J. van den & Stöger, H. 2020. Ultra-shallow shear-wave reflections locating nearsurface buried structures in the unexcavated southern fringe of the ancient Ostia, Rome. In H. Kamermans & L.B. van der Meer (eds), Designating place: archaeological perspectives on built environments in Ostia and Pompeii. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 50. Leiden: Leiden University Press Ngan-Tillard, D., Draganov, D., Warnaar, M., Liu, J., Brackenhoff, J., Berg, J. van den, Veltmeijer, A. & Stöger, H. 2020. Exploring with GPR the frigidarium of the Byzantine baths in Ostia Antica after excavation, backfilling and floor re-tiling. In H. Kamermans & L.B. van der Meer (eds), Designating place: archaeological perspectives on built environments in Ostia and Pompeii. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 50. Leiden: Leiden University Press Brysbaert, A., Klinkenberg, V., Boswinkel, Y., Turner, D., Timonen, R., Stöger, H. & Sioumpara, E.P. 2018. SETinSTONE? A retrospective impact assessment of human and environmental resource usage in Late Bronze Age Mycenaean monumental architecture, Greece, Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie 58, 21-29

Stöger, H. 2017. The S. Anna Mapping Project by the Leiden ArcLand Field School. In N. Sojc. Akragas : current issues in the archaeology of a Sicilian polis, Archaeological Studies Leiden University 38, 151-157. Leiden: Leiden University Press Sonnemann, T.F., Stöger, J.J., Ngan-Tillard, D. 2015. Using Technical Expertise at Ostia Antica (Leiden University & TU Delft). ISAP News 44, 10-12 Stöger, J.J. 2015. Roman neighbourhoods by the numbers: A space syntax view on ancient city quarters and their social life. The Journal of Space Syntax 6(1), 61-80 Stöger, H. & Brandimarte, E. 2015. Due antichi quartieri romani sotto la lente di ingrandimento: un’analisi space syntax dei quartieri delle città antiche e della loro vita sociale. Arqueología de la Arquitectura, 12/30/2015, Vol.0(12), e033 Stöger, H. & Kamermans, H. 2015. Making ancient Mediterranean landscapes accessible. In A.G. Posluschny (ed.),  Contributions from the ArcLand Conference on Remote Sensing for Archaeology, 114-116. Bonn: Habelt-Verlag Stöger, H. 2014. What to do with a physical geographer in an ancient Roman city? In C. Bakels, K. Fennema, J. Porck & M. Wansleeben (eds), We discovered that..

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

241

DESIGNATING PLACE

Times are a-changin and much stays the same. Leiden: Faculty of Archaeology Stöger, J.J. 2014. The spatial signature of an Insula neighbourhood of Roman Ostia. In Elefteria Paliou, Undine Lieberwirth & Silvia Polla (eds),  Spatial analysis and social spaces: Interdisciplinary Approaches to the Interpretation of Prehistoric and Historic Built Environments 18, 297-316 Berlin and Boston, MA: De Gruyter Stöger, J.J. & Di Cola, V. 2014. Quarteri urbani ostiensi, Forma Urbis 9, 30-34 Stöger, J.J. 2011. Rethinking Ostia: A Spatial Enquiry into the Urban Society of Rome’s Imperial Port-Town. Archaeological Studies Leiden University 24. Leiden: Leiden University Press Stöger, J.J. 2011. Roman Ostia: a scaled space syntax approach to past built and non-built environments. In K. Savvopoulos (ed.), Second Hellenistic Studies Workshop, 4-11 July 2010, Proceedings, Bibliotheca Alexandrina. Alexandria: Bibliotheca Alexandrina

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Stöger, J.J. 2011. The Spatial Organisation of the Movement Economy: The Analysis of Ostia’s Scholae. In R. Laurence & D.J. Newsome (eds),  Rome, Ostia, Pompeii: Movement and Space, 215-242. Oxford: Oxford University Press Stöger, J.J. 2011. Ostia’s Insula IV ii: the nexus between built form and social organisation,  Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie 46, 42-49 Stöger J.J. 2011. [Translation from Dutch into German] Sagalassos: Eine Römische Stadt in der Südwesttürkei, Patrick De Rynck (ed.). Köln: Wienand Verlag

Stöger, J.J. 2010. Space Syntax and Archaeology, The European Archaeologist (34), 55-58 Stöger, J.J. 2010. Albert Mayr (1686-1924). In J. F. Grima (ed.), 60th anniversary of the Malta Historical Society: A Commemoration, 1718. Valetta: The Malta Historical Society Stöger, J.J. 2010. On the history of the older Christian Church of Malta (translated from the German original “Zur Geschichte der älteren chirstlichen kirche von Malta” (Historisches Jahrubuch 1896, 17, 475496)). In J. F. Grima (ed.), 60th anniversary of the Malta Historical Society: A Commemoration, 23-40. Valetta: The Malta Historical Society Bintliff, J. & Stöger, H. (eds). 2009. Medieval and Post-Medieval Greece. The Corfù Papers. BAR International Series 2023. Oxford: Archaeopress Stöger, J.J. 2009. Clubs and Lounges at Roman Ostia: The Spatial Organisation of a Boomtown Phenomenon. Space Syntax Applied to the Study of Second Century AD “Guild Buildings” at a Roman Port Town. In D. Koch, L. Marcus & J. Steen (eds),  Proceedings of the 7th International Space Syntax Symposium. Stockholm: KTH. 108.1-108.12 Stöger, J.J. 2009. Review of: Goodman P.J. (2007) P.J. Goodman, The Roman City and its Periphery. From Rome to Gaul. (2007), BABesch Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 84, 245-246 Stöger, J.J. 2008. Roman Ostia: Space Syntax and the Domestication of Space. In A. Posluschny, K. Lambers & I. Herzog (eds),  Layers of Perception, Proceedings of the 35th CAA, 2007, 322-327. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt

242

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

15 PUBLICATIONS BY HANNA STÖGER

Stöger, J.J. 2007. Monumental Entrances of Roman Ostia: Architecture with Public Associations and Spatial Meaning, BABesch Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 82, 49-65 van der Meer, L.B., Stevens, N.L.C. & Stöger, J.J. 2005. Domus Fulminata: The House of the Thunderbolt at Ostia (III, vii, 3-5), BABesch Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 80, 91-111 Bonanno, A., Frendo, A.J., Vella, N.C., Mason, S., Sagona, C., Farrugia, R., Borda, K., Zammit, M.E., Stöger, H., Galea, M., Schembri, P.J., Falzon, A., Fenech, K., Sant, M.J., Corrado A. & Hunt, C.O. 2000. Excavations at Tas-Silġ, Malta: a preliminary report on the 1996–1998 campaigns conducted by the Department of Classics and Archaeology of the University of Malta, Mediterranean Archaeology 13, 67-114 Stöger, H. 2000. Albert Mayr (1868-1924), Malta Archaeological Review 4, 3-9

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.

Vella N.C., Borda, K., Briffa, J.M., Fenech, K., Grinde, K., Scerri, E., Sisk, M., Stöger H. & Zammit, M.E. 2000. Għajn Klieb, Rabat (Malta), Malta Archaeological Review 4, 10-16

Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.

243

Copyright © 2020. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved. Designating Place : Archaeological Perspectives on Built Environments in Ostia and Pompeii, edited by Hans Kamermans, and der Meer, Bouke van, Amsterdam University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/wisc/detail.action?docID=6456171. Created from wisc on 2024-03-01 20:31:56.