Desegregating the Dollar: African American Consumerism in the Twentieth Century 9780814784914

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"Robert Weems' pathbreaking overvie w o f African Americans ' growing participa tion in thi s nation s consumer society stresse s both concret e achievement s an d last ing ambiguities. Deepening ou r appreciatio n o f consumption's complexities , Desegregating the Dollar is essential reading." —Philip Scranton

Kranzberg Professor o f History, Georgia Tech "Sophisticated an d straightforward . This i s a book scholar s an d student s hav e bee n waiting for! A masterful histor y o f African Americans a s consumers." —Fath Davis Ruffins

Historian, National Museu m o f American Histor y

Desegregating the Dolla r African American Consumerism in the Twentieth Century

Robert E.Weem s Jr.

NEW YOR K U N I V E R S I T Y PRES S New York and London

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New York and London Copyright © 199 8 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Weems, Robert E., 1951Desegregating the dollar : African American consumerism in the twentiet h century / Rober t E. Weems Jr. p. cm . Includes bibliographical references an d index. ISBN 0-8147-9290-1 (acid-fre e paper). — ISBN 0-8147-9327-4 (pbk. : acid-free paper ) 1. Afro-American consumers—History—20t h century . 2 . Racism— United States—History—20t h century . I.Title . HC110.C6W44 199 8 381.3'089'96073—dc21 97-3386 6 CIP New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper , and their binding materials are chosen fo r strength and durability. Manufactured i n the United State s of America 1098765432

Contents

List of Tables vh Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 1 Th

e Birth an d Development o f the Africa n American Consume r Market , 1900-1940 7

2 Ne

w World A-Coming: Black Consumers , 1941-1960 3

1

3 Africa

n American Consume r Activism befor e and durin g th e Civi l Rights Era 5

6

4 Th

e Revolutio n Will Be Marketed: American Corporations an d Black Consumer s during th e 1960 s 7

0

5 Blaxploitatio n an d Big Business: American Corporations an d Black Consumer s during the 1970 s 8 6A

0

Tale of Tw o Markets: African America n Consumers durin g the 1980 s 10

0

7 Epilogue : The Changin g Same : American Corporations an d Black Consumer s during th e 1990 s 11

7

Appendix: National Negr o Busines s League Black Consumer Questionnaire , 1931 13

3

Notes 137 Selected Bibliography 157 Index 185 About the Author 195 v

Tables

1.1 Citie

s That Experienced a 60-100 Percen t Increase in Their Black Populations , 1910-1920 1 1.2 Citie s That Experience d Mor e Than a 100 Percent Increas e in Their Black Populations, 1910-1920 1 1.3 Citie s That Experienced a 60-100 Percen t Increase in Their Black Populations , 1920-1930 1 1.4 Citie s That Experience d Mor e Than a 100 Percent Increas e in Their Blac k Populations, 1920-1930 1 1.5 Populatio n Growt h o f European Americans in Selecte d Cities , 1910-1930 1 1.6 Percentag e o f African America n Familie s Who Owne d Radios , Selected Cities , 1930 2 1.7 Blac k Ownershi p o f Insurance Policies , Nashville, Tennessee, 1929 2 1.8 Blac k Readership o f Black- an d WhiteOwned Newspapers , Birmingham, Atlanta, Richmond, and Nashville, 1929-1930 2 1.9 Estimate d Numbe r an d Percentage o f Blacks on "General Relief," Selected Cities , May 193 5 2 2.1 Ho w African Americans Spen t Their Incomes , Selected Characteristics , 1920,1943 3 2.2 Blac k Population , Aggregate an d Per Capit a Income, in Citie s with Major Leagu e Baseball Teams, 1943 3

1

2

2

3 3 2 4

4

7 4

9 vii

viii |

List of Tables

2.3 Product s Brands Preferred b y Urba n Blacks, Selected Cities , 1958 4 2.4 Produc t Brands Preferred b y Urban Blacks, Selected Cities , 1958 4 2.5 Produc t Brand s Preferred b y Urban Blacks, Selected Cities , 1958 4 4.1 Percen t o f Urban Populatio n b y Regio n and Race, 1940-1960 7 4.2 Percentag e o f African Americans Involve d in Souther n Agriculture, 1940-1960 7 4.3 Percentag e o f Black Men i n Selecte d Occupations, 1940-1960 7 4.4 Percentag e o f Black Women i n Selecte d Occupations, 1940-1960 7 4.5 Comparativ e Annual Median Incom e of Blacks and Whites, 1939,1947,1957 , 1960 7 4.6 Advertisin g Revenue, Ebony Magazine, 1962-1969 7 4.7 Africa n American Population , Selected Cities, 1960,1970 7 5.1 Advertisin g Revenue, Essence Magazine, 1974-1980 9 5.2 Rankin g o f the Top Six African America n Insurance Companie s withi n Best's Listing of the 50 0 Leading Insuranc e Companies i n Total Premium Income , 1970,1972,1974,1976,1978,1980 9 6.1 Consumptio n Pattern s o f Middle-Class Blacks in the 1980s , Selected Item s 10 6.2 Africa n American Alcohol Consumption , Selected Cities , 1981 10 7.1 Us e o f Black Models in Selecte d Magazin e Ads, 1988-1991 11

7 7 7 1 1 2 2

2 5 9 3

7 8 9 9

Acknowledgments

During the course of completing this book, I have been assiste d by a number o f individuals an d institutions. First, I offer a sincere thank s t o Niko Pfund , directo r o f New York Universit y Press , for hi s profound belie f in this project. I also want to express my gratitude t o the University o f Missouri-Columbia's Researc h Counci l an d th e M U Alumn i Associatio n fo r their financial support. Because the core sources of this study are various industry trad e journals, I ow e a special deb t t o th e staf f o f th e Universit y o f Missouri-Columbia's Elme r Elli s an d Walte r Williams Libraries , th e M U Freedom o f Information Center , as well as to library personnel a t the Uni versity of Chicago an d De Pau l University. A special thanks also goes out to Faith Davis Ruffins an d her helpful col leagues at the Smithsonian Institution's Archives Center at the National Mu seum o f American History . Likewise, I appreciat e th e assistanc e o f Archie Motley an d his staff at the Chicag o Historica l Society . Another grou p o f individual s wh o mad e a n importan t contributio n t o this study is past and present member s o f the Nationa l Association o f Market Developers. This associatio n o f African American marketin g an d publi c relations professionals has, since 1953, played a major role in influencing cor porate America's attitude s abou t blac k consumers . NAMD member s wh o were especiall y helpfu l t o m e includ e (i n alphabetica l order ) James Avery, Miriam Evans , Yvonne Pearson , Chuck Smith , James "Bud" Ward, Samue l "Sammy"Whiteman, and Ben Wright. Moreover, Mr. Whiteman, who die d unexpectedly i n Decembe r 1996 , was th e "griot" of the Nationa l Associa tion o f Marke t Developers , an d hi s presenc e an d friendshi p ar e dearl y missed. Since I first began conceptualizing a historical study of African America n consumerism in 1989 , a number of my colleagues in academe have given me both usefu l advic e an d appreciate d encouragement . Person s wh o wer e es pecially helpfu l includ e (i n alphabetica l order ) Talmadg e Anderson , Su e Porter Benson , Liz Cohen , Rober t L . Harris Jr., Robin D . G. Kelley, John

IX

xI

Acknowledgments

McClendon, Mary Neth , Lewis Randolph , Arvarh E . Strickland, Walter B. Weare, and Gail Baker Woods. A special thanks goes to Winston McDowell , who share d wit h m e material s o n th e Nationa l Negr o Busines s League h e gathered fro m th e Albon L . Holsey Papers at Tuskegee Institute . I also want to acknowledge the efforts o f Derek Gabriel and Jabulani Lef fall. Mr. Gabriel served a s my research assistan t durin g th e summe r o f 199 1 as par t o f th e Universit y o f Missouri-Columbia' s Advance d Opportunit y Program (AOP).The AOP, which unfortunately i s now defunct,brought un dergraduates from historically black colleges and universities to MU t o work directly wit h professors . Jabulani Leffall , a vetera n o f m y variou s histor y classes at the University o f Missouri-Columbia, is a truly special individual. When I experience d difficult y durin g th e summe r o f 199 6 securin g a research assistant, he stepped forward an d graciously volunteered hi s services. Last, but definitel y no t least , I'm appreciativ e o f th e ongoin g lov e an d support o f my parents, sisters, friends, and in-laws, and especially that o f my wife, Clenora, and daughter , Sharifa . Although onl y my nam e appear s o n th e cover , thi s boo k woul d no t have bee n possibl e withou t th e peopl e an d institution s cite d i n thi s publi c thank you .

Introduction

The histor y o f twentieth-centur y Africa n America n con sumerism illustrates the deeper meaning of the maxim "Be careful wha t you ask for, because you just might get it ."African American consumers' historic quest for "recognition" clearly has produced both positive and negative con sequences. Like other groups , African Americans have been directl y and profoundl y affected b y th e growt h an d entrenchmen t o f mas s consume r cultur e i n twentieth-century America. Yet, just a s the social , educational, and politica l experiences o f African an d European Americans hav e traditionally differed , historically, African an d European American consumeris m hav e had mutu ally exclusive characteristics . White consumer s hav e expecte d an d receive d courteou s servic e durin g commercial transactions . Moreover, advertisin g campaign s aime d a t whit e shoppers have traditionally conveyed the goodwill necessary to stimulate the purchase o f particular products o r services. Black consumers, on the other hand, have a history of being disrespected. During th e firs t decade s o f the twentiet h century , especially i n th e South , African American shoppers were regularly subjected t o "second-class" treatment i n retai l establishments . Moreover, durin g thi s sam e period , the U.S . advertising industr y graphicall y reflecte d th e callou s disrespec t tha t man y businesses ha d fo r blac k consumers , as is eviden t from th e proliferatio n o f products whos e trad e name s include d suc h derogator y term s a s "mammy," "pickaninny," "coon," and "nigger." From th e standpoin t o f earl y twentieth-centur y U.S . white enterprises , African Americans' overall socioeconomic statu s warranted th e widesprea d disrespect show n them . A t th e daw n o f th e twentiet h century , Africa n Americans wer e primaril y a rural , southern , an d relativel y impoverishe d segment o f th e nationa l population . Moreover , an y grou p desir e fo r up ward mobilit y appeare d t o b e thwarte d b y th e existenc e o f America n apartheid, popularly know n a s "Jim Crow. " Consequently, American busi 1

2|

Introduction

nesses believe d the y coul d ignor e an d disrespec t Africa n America n con sumers wit h impunity . Chapter 1 survey s the circumstances that contributed to the birth and development o f a viabl e Africa n America n consume r marke t i n th e fac e o f white oppression . I t als o reveal s earl y corporat e attempt s t o profi t fro m African Americans' improving socioeconomic status . Although earl y twentieth-century institutiona l racism circumscribed th e life choice s o f many African Americans , others refuse d t o permi t arbitrar y racial barriers to stifle their ambitions. For instance, such books as Booker T. Washington's The Negro in Business, published i n 1907 , and Monroe Work's The Negro Yearbook, which bega n publication i n 1912 , proudly documente d rising African America n hom e an d business ownership , despite th e obviou s obstacles to such achievements . In addition t o growing wealth an d gains in education , African America n migration an d urbanizatio n betwee n 190 0 an d 194 0 contribute d mightily to th e group' s enhance d statu s a s consumers . The approximatel y 500,00 0 rural souther n black s wh o move d t o urba n area s seekin g war-relate d job s during th e World War I "Great Migration, " as well a s those wh o followe d them, radically altered the demographic profile o f black America. As African Americans bega n t o proliferat e i n citie s (an d majo r markets ) acros s th e country, a once predominantly rura l people with limited disposable incom e were increasingly see n a s a potentially lucrativ e marke t (b y both blac k an d white businesses) . Among th e first corporations t o specificall y targe t urba n black consumer s wer e recordin g companie s an d th e purveyor s o f hair an d skin care products. Chapter 2 examine s th e impac t o f accelerated black migratio n an d ur banization, both durin g an d afte r World War II , on busines s perceptions o f the "Negro market. " As the numbe r o f African Americans increased in U.S. cities, the numbe r o f articles relating to th e (then ) expandin g "Negro mar ket" and ho w t o "reach" it increase d i n advertisin g trad e journals, and th e number o f businesses consultin g such material increased dramatically . Between 194 1 an d 1960 , white businesse s sough t t o ge t thei r "share" of the increasingly lucrative "Negro market " in a number o f ways. During thi s period, major corporation s significantly increase d their purchasing of advertising spac e i n black-owne d newspapers . Moreover , t o supplemen t thei r products' enhance d presenc e i n Africa n America n periodicals , larg e U.S . businesses heavil y markete d thei r good s o n "Negro-appeal " radio stations . Ironically, whil e thes e station s feature d musi c an d feature s o f interes t t o blacks, the vas t majorit y o f the m wer e owne d b y whit e entrepreneurs . To

Introduction | 3

further buttres s thei r visibilit y i n th e Africa n America n community , larg e companies hire d African American s t o serv e a s "Negro marke t specialists. " These individuals, who represente d thei r employers at such functions a s the annual conventions of the National Urban Leagu e and the National Association fo r th e Advancemen t o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP) , wer e th e tru e African American pioneer s in corporate America. African American entrepreneurs , too, were interested i n reaching the in creasingly urbanize d black consume r market . For instance, those associate d with th e embryoni c Gospe l musi c industr y establishe d a church-based , grassroots distributio n syste m t o marke t th e song s o f notable gospe l com posers. In fact, Thomas A. Dorsey, regarded a s the "Father o f African Amer ican Gospel Music," owned th e compan y tha t published an d distributed hi s songs. Perhaps th e period' s mos t dramati c busines s overtur e t o African Ameri can consumers was Branch Rickey' s signin g of Jackie Robinson t o play fo r the Brookly n Dodgers . The 194 7 basebal l season , Robinson's firs t ful l sea son in the major leagues , represented no t onl y a source of pride for Africa n Americans bu t a box-offic e bonanz a fo r Ricke y an d th e Dodgers . Th e Cleveland Indians ' signing o f th e legendar y pitche r Satche l Paig e i n 194 8 produced simila r profit s b y enhancin g blac k attendanc e a t Indian s games . The subsequent decline and disappearance of the Negro Baseball Leagues as black players and fan s bega n t o proliferat e i n major leagu e ballparks was an ominous foretast e o f th e impac t desegregatio n woul d hav e o n historicall y black community businesse s and institutions . Chapter 3 illuminate s th e par t th e searc h fo r consume r justic e playe d in th e celebrate d Civi l Right s Movement . African America n consumers , long befor e th e mid-1950s , ha d expresse d systemati c outrag e agains t dis criminatory treatmen t an d outrigh t racis t violence . This chapte r detail s the characteristic s o f th e resultin g economi c retributio n b y black con sumers. Historically, African American s hav e withdrawn thei r economi c suppor t of white-controlled enterprise s for a number o f reasons. First and foremost , African American s hav e stage d consume r boycott s t o respon d t o extrem e acts of white racis t violence. Similarly, blacks have constrained thei r spend ing with Europea n American enterprise s t o protest agains t humiliating dif ferential treatmen t base d o n race , white-owne d businesse s intereste d i n blacks solely as consumers (rathe r than as employees), and white companie s that used demeanin g image s o f blacks i n thei r advertising . Besides reactin g to whit e indifference , hostility , and violence , African American s hav e als o

4|

Introduction

withheld economi c suppor t o f European America n businesse s i n orde r t o better support African American entrepreneurs . Black gains associated with the Civil Rights Movement resulted from th e strategic us e o f increase d Africa n America n spendin g power , rathe r tha n from whit e "moral transformation. " Mor e tha n a generation later , the Texaco Corporation' s quic k Novembe r 199 6 public apolog y t o African Amer icans i n respons e t o a threatene d nationwid e blac k boycot t t o protes t th e company's mistreatment of its black personnel demonstrated th e continuin g potential and power o f organized African American consume r activism . Chapter 4 suggests a major reinterpretatio n o f African American histor y during the 1960s.Traditionally , the 1960 s have been viewed as a decade dur ing whic h Africa n America n activism , couple d wit h th e liberalis m o f th e Kennedy and Johnson administrations, resulted in both social and economi c gains for many African Americans.Yet, when th e 1960 s are viewed throug h the lens of black consumerism and white business, the decade featured prag matic white conservatis m rather than altruistic white liberalism. In respons e to the accelerate d urbanizatio n o f African Americans, corporations acceler ated thei r ques t t o reac h thes e increasingl y importan t consumers . This in cluded the expanded use, at the behest of organizations such as the Congres s of Racial Equality (CORE) , of African American model s in print an d tele vision advertising . CORE an d othe r civi l right s organization s haile d suc h innovations a s civil rights "victories." Nevertheless, corporations, followin g the advic e o f th e publishe r John H . Johnson, thei r chie f blac k consultant , tended t o view such concession s a s "enlightened self-interest. " The 1960 s also revealed the malleability o f American capitalism . Corporate marketer s bega n th e decad e b y developin g advertisin g campaign s tha t catered t o African Americans ' perceived desir e fo r racia l desegregation . By decade's end, as African Americans moved politically from "We Shal l Over come" to "Black Power, " U.S. corporation s promote d th e "Soul" market t o retain th e allegianc e o f black consumers . Chapter 5 chronicles Hollywood's successfu l campaig n durin g the 1970 s to reac h th e African America n consume r marke t throug h th e "blaxploita tion" film genre . Movies such a s Shaft, Superfly, and The Mack not onl y gar nered hug e profits fo r white s throughou t th e film industry bu t warped th e psyche o f a n entir e generatio n o f blac k yout h wit h thei r glorificatio n o f drug use, violence, and "street life. " The 1970 s also witnessed dramati c gain s by white-owned persona l car e product companies and insurance companies in garnering African American consumer support . White corporations ' expansion i n thes e importan t area s

Introduction | 5

came a t th e expens e o f th e black-owne d enterprise s tha t ha d historicall y provided persona l car e products an d insurance t o th e blac k community. By the en d o f th e decade , it becam e increasingl y clea r tha t whit e companies , and no t blac k ones , were derivin g most o f the profit s fro m African Ameri cans' ever increasing collective spending power . Chapter 6 survey s African America n consumptio n durin g th e Reaga n years. As black socia l an d economi c gain s associate d wit h th e Civi l Right s Movement stalle d durin g th e eigh t year s o f th e ultraconservativ e Reaga n administration, clas s distinction s withi n th e African America n communit y became much mor e pronounced. This market segmentatio n prompte d cor porate marketers to develop more class-specific advertisin g aimed at African Americans. Whereas "Buppies " (blac k "Yuppies, " o r Young , Urban .Professionals ) were activel y courte d b y th e producer s o f upscale consume r item s an d fi nancial services companies, the growing black "underclass" attracted th e in tense attentio n o f tobacco an d alcoholi c beverag e companies . Considerin g the economi c deprivatio n associate d wit h 1980 s urba n black enclaves , as well as the historical use of cigarette and alcohol consumption as short-term "escapes" from reality , it appeare d t o man y observer s tha t th e accelerate d marketing of tobacco and alcohol in urban black neighborhoods durin g th e 1980s represented a blatant attempt to profit fro m huma n misery. Moreover, a closer examinatio n o f the operatio n o f cigarette an d liquor companie s i n the Africa n America n communit y reveale d thei r excessiv e influenc e ove r black-owned periodicals , civil rights organizations, and black politicians. The Epilogu e examine s th e rol e o f Africa n America n consumer s i n todays U.S. economy. African Americans in the 1990 s are a far different peo ple than the y were at the dawn o f the century . Once perceived a s primarily a rural group with limited disposable income, blacks today are a free-spend ing, pronouncedly urban people. Still, advertising and marketing continue t o exhibit a n ongoing insensitivity towar d black consumers . Even when contemporary black consumers are duly recognized, the consequences ar e ofte n mixed . Fo r instance , th e reemergenc e o f th e "blax ploitation" movie genre, albeit in a different form , has captivated a new gen eration of African American moviegoers in the 1990s.This has been couple d with suc h recen t televisio n atrocitie s a s Homeboys in Outer Space, a poorl y written transplantatio n o f urban black cultur e int o th e cosmos . In addition , an accelerated interes t i n blac k consumer s b y whit e purveyor s o f persona l care products an d insuranc e ha s increased th e strai n o n black-owne d busi nesses in these areas.

6|

Introduction

As th e twentiet h centur y draw s t o a close , increased consumeris m ha s produced bot h positiv e an d negativ e consequence s fo r th e African Ameri can community . The typica l African America n famil y today , compared t o a similar family a mere generation ago , generally eat s a wider variety of food, wears higher qualit y clothing , drives a more prestigiou s mode l o f automo bile, an d listen s t o a mor e powerfu l stere o system . I n fact , th e collectiv e spending power of African Americans will likely exceed $500 billion befor e the year 2000. Still, if one were to take a stroll through most urban black en claves in America, one would be hard pressed to see where increased African American spendin g has improved th e infrastructur e an d ambianc e o f these neighborhoods. Thus, th e majo r challeng e facin g contemporar y Africa n American consumer s i s t o develo p spendin g strategie s tha t wil l stimulat e more constructiv e economi c activit y within th e black community . Desegregating the Dollar: African American Consumerism in the Twentieth Cen-

tury seeks t o establis h th e contour s o f black consume r activit y durin g thi s century a s well a s to provid e th e historica l perspectiv e lackin g i n existin g studies o f thi s phenomenon . This panorami c surve y o f twentieth-centur y African America n consumeris m shoul d prov e usefu l t o thos e involve d i n ongoing discours e regarding blacks' future rol e in capitalis t America.

1 The Birth an d Development o f the African American Consume r Market, 1900-194 0

The firs t decade s of the twentieth centur y witnessed a dramatic demographic transformatio n o f the nationa l African American community . Between 190 0 and 1940 , an estimated 1. 7 millio n southern blacks migrated to northern an d western cities. 1 This movement, coupled with a simultaneous increase i n th e numbe r o f blacks i n souther n cities, 2 resulted i n a dra matic decline in the number of rural African Americans. During this period the proportion o f blacks residing in rural areas dropped from 7 7 to 5 1 per cent.3 African Americans' ongoing urbanization, among other things, slowly attracted the attention of the U.S. business community. In earlier years, when blacks were generall y perceived to be rural, low-wage workers with limite d disposable income , white businesse s al l but ignore d blac k consumers . The proliferation o f contemporar y genera l advertisin g tha t caricature d an d de meaned Africa n American s graphicall y illustrate d man y whit e businesses * disregard fo r th e feeling s o f blacks. Yet as African Americans bega n t o con gregate in U.S. cities, spurred by the World War I "Great Migration" and its aftermath, businesses big and small, black an d white, began t o tak e the ide a of a "Negro market " more seriously . By 1940 , a growing number o f American corporation s bega n t o appreciat e th e potentia l profit s associate d wit h black consumers . At the dawn of the twentieth century, the plight of African Americans appeared especiall y desperate. Although slaver y officially ende d in 1865 , a significant numbe r o f blacks, in 1900 , were ensnare d a s peons an d sharecrop pers i n th e souther n agricultura l economy. 4 Moreover , by 1900 , the hop e and excitement generated by African American political activity during R econstruction ha d been transformed int o disillusionment by the evolving reality of "Jim Crow" and political disfranchisement. 5 7

8|

The

African American Consumer Market

Because o f blacks ' apparen t powerlessnes s i n th e realm s o f politic s an d economics, white Americans , and especiall y whit e businesses , believed the y could, with impunity , denigrate African Americans.Thi s help s t o explai n th e pervasiveness o f derogatory image s o f blacks i n turn-of-the-twentieth-cen tury American advertising . U.S. white business' s unabashe d contemp t fo r Africa n American s mani fested itsel f i n a variet y o f way s durin g thi s period . First , man y companie s regularly feature d black s wit h exaggerate d physica l feature s i n thei r adver tisements. Othe r advertiser s mad e widesprea d us e o f th e ter m "nigger " i n naming product s o r markete d product s tha t derisivel y portraye d Africa n American childre n a s "pickaninnies." Finally, turn-of-the-twentieth-centur y advertising ofte n associate d Africans wit h cannibalism. 6 T h e marketin g o f soap durin g thi s period wa s one manifestatio n o f whit e businesses' condescendin g attitude s towar d blacks . Soap companies , believ ing tha t blacks , if given a choice, would prefe r t o b e white , used ad s that im plied tha t regula r us e o f their product s coul d indee d tur n th e ski n o f African Americans white. 7 Similarly , white-owne d companie s tha t markete d hai r and ski n car e product s t o African America n w o m e n operate d from a belie f that the y wer e beneficentl y marketin g "whiteness" (ski n lightener s an d hai r straighteners) t o blac k femal e consumers. 8 Despite widesprea d economi c deprivation , politica l disfranchisement , and cultura l assaul t from th e U.S . advertising industry , no t everyon e i n th e early-twentieth-century Africa n America n communit y appeare d beate n down o r defeated . I n fact , contemporar y researc h studies , conducte d b y blacks, documented th e increasing accumulation o f wealth by African Amer icans, despite th e obviou s obstacles . Moreover, those black s w ho amasse d as sets, during wha t Rayfor d Loga n referre d t o a s th e "nadir " o f th e postslav ery African America n experience , formed th e cornerston e o f an observabl e black consume r market . Booker T . Washington s book, The Negro in Business, publishe d i n 1907 , provided a n importan t windo w t o observ e turn-of-the-twentieth-centur y African America n economi c development . Although mos t o f th e boo k cel ebrated th e accomplishment s o f individual blac k entrepreneur s an d extolle d the Nationa l Negr o Busines s Leagu e (whic h Washington founde d i n 1900) , The Negro in Business als o considere d th e broade r aspect s o f th e blac k com munity's economi c life . T he book' s discussio n o f African America n h o m e ownership wa s especiall y important . In 186 0 the percentage o f African Americans w h o owne d home s wa s m i croscopic. Yet, b y 1890 , Washington reporte d tha t 18. 7 percen t o f black s

The African American Consumer Market |

9

owned thei r ow n homes . Moreover , 88. 8 percen t o f thes e dwelling s wer e owned fre e o f an y encumbrances . B y comparison , onl y 71. 2 percen t o f homes owne d b y white s wer e mortgag e free. 9 Between 189 0 an d 190 0 th e percentag e o f Africa n America n familie s w h o wer e homeowner s increase d t o 21. 8 percent . O f these , 74. 2 percen t completely owne d thei r residences , compared t o 6 8 percen t o f white fami lies w h o owne d thei r home s free o f encumbrances. 1 0 Washington , wit h undisguised pride , assessed thi s p h e n o m e n o n a s follows : I a m unaware tha t histor y record s suc h a n exampl e o f substantial progres s i n civilization i n a time s o short . Here i s the uniqu e fac t tha t from a penniless population, jus t ou t o f slavery , tha t place d a premiu m o n thriftlessness , 372,414 owners of homes have emerged, and of these, 255,156 are known t o own thei r homes absolutel y free of encumbrance. 11 Perhaps th e mos t importan t documentatio n o f th e economi c progres s of early-twentieth-centur y blac k Americ a wa s The Negro Yearbook and Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro. Firs t publishe d i n 191 2 b y M o n r o e Work , Tuskegee Institut e s directo r o f research , thi s resource , unti l it s demis e i n the 1950s , provide d a n impressiv e overvie w o f th e Africa n America n ex perience. T h e 191 2 editio n o f The Negro Yearbook, amon g othe r things , informe d readers tha t th e estimate d tota l wealt h o f African American s i n 191 1 wa s $700 million . Significantly , despit e widesprea d notion s o f universa l blac k poverty i n th e South , asset s owne d b y rura l souther n black s represente d a sizable portio n o f African Americans ' collectiv e resources . Citing U.S . cen sus data , The Negro Yearbook reporte d that , betwee n 190 0 an d 191 0 th e value o f far m propert y owne d b y souther n black s increase d b y 17 7 per cent, from $177,404,68 8 t o $492,898,218. 1 2 I n addition , thi s publicatio n noted: It i s estimate d tha t th e Negroe s ar e addin g eac h yea r t o thei r wealt h from $20,000,000 t o $30,000,000 . They no w ow n abou t 20,000,00 0 acre s of land or 31,000 square miles, an area almost equal to that ofVermont, Ne w Hamp shire, Massachusetts, Connecticut an d Rhod e Island . . . . Negroes no w ow n and operat e 6 4 banks , 10 0 insuranc e companies , 300 dru g stores , and ove r 20,000 dr y goods an d grocery stores , and othe r industria l enterprises. 13 T h e 191 3 editio n o f The Negro Yearbook, besides reiteratin g muc h o f th e data containe d i n th e previou s issue , favorabl y compare d th e progres s o f emancipated slave s i n th e Unite d State s wit h tha t o f emancipate d serf s i n

10 I

The African American Consumer Market

Russia. After declarin g tha t "n o othe r emancipate d peopl e hav e mad e s o great a progress in so short a time/'14 The NegroYearbook bolstered it s claims of African American prowes s by asserting: The Russian serf s were emancipated i n 1861 . Fifty year s after i t was found that 14,000,00 0 o f the m ha d accumulate d abou t $500,000,00 0 wort h o f property o r about $36 per capita, an average of about $200 per family. Fifty years after thei r emancipatio n onl y abou t 3 0 percent o f the Russia n peasants were able to read and write. After fifty year s of freedom th e ten million Negroes in the United States have accumulated over $700,000,000 worth of property, or abou t $7 0 per capita , which i s an averag e o f $350 per family . After fift y year s o f freedo m 7 0 percen t o f the m hav e som e educatio n i n books.15 The 1916-1 7 an d 1918-1 9 edition s o f The NegroYearbook provided im portant insight s int o th e exten t o f collectiv e African America n consume r power durin g thi s period . In 186 5 African American s entrepreneur s wer e involved i n onl y twelv e kind s o f commercia l enterprises : bakeries, barbershops, blacksmithing , boo t an d sho e repairing , cabinetmaking , catering , dressmaking, fish an d oyster sales, hairdressing, sailmaking, shopkeeping, and vending. B y 191 5 black s conducte d seventy-on e differen t type s o f busi nesses. Two year s later , African America n businesspeopl e owne d an d oper ated two hundred differen t kind s of businesses.16 Given the widespread an d rigid policy o f racial segregation tha t prevailed i n th e Unite d State s durin g this period, the estimate d $ 1 billion i n sale s in 191 5 and th e $1. 2 billion i n sales in 191 7 achieved by black-owned businesse s were generated primaril y by sale s to blac k consumers. 17 (Thes e figure s d o no t tak e int o accoun t th e money spen t b y Africa n America n consumer s wit h white-owne d enter prises.) I n fact , the firs t availabl e estimat e relate d t o annua l black spendin g power, $3,055,000,000 i n 1920, 18 suggest s tha t black consumer s spen t ap proximately one third of their disposable income with African American en terprises durin g thi s period . The second decade of the twentieth century, besides witnessing the birth ofThe Negro Yearbook, featured th e dramatic geographic relocation of African Americans known as the "Great Migration." Between 191 5 and 1918 , coinciding with World War I , approximately 500,00 0 rura l souther n black s mi grated t o norther n urba n area s seeking employmen t i n war-relate d indus tries. This proliferatio n o f potential consumer s i n Americas majo r market s contributed t o America n business' s subsequen t interes t i n reachin g blac k shoppers.

The African American Consumer Market | 1 1

Although Blac k inter-regiona l movemen t durin g th e Grea t Migratio n has dominated th e attentio n o f historians, a number o f southern black mi grants did not leave Dixie.While many rural black workers responded to the South s agricultural problems and ongoing virulent white racism by moving North, other s move d t o souther n cities . By 1930 , fifty-one o f th e eight y U.S. cities tha t ha d African America n population s o f at leas t te n thousan d were i n th e South . Moreover, th e numbe r o f blacks i n souther n citie s in creased by 32 percent between 191 0 and 192 0 and 41 percent between 192 0 andl930. 1 9 An examinatio n o f census data for American citie s that had black popu lations of at least ten thousan d by 193 0 reveals the exten t o f African Amer ican urba n resettlemen t durin g thi s period . Table 1. 1 list s th e eigh t citie s whose blac k populatio n gre w fro m 6 0 t o 10 0 percen t betwee n 191 0 an d 1920.Table 1. 2 list s the fifteen citie s whose black population gre w by mor e than 10 0 percent during the same decade.Tables 1. 3 and 1.4 reveal that black urbanization continue d unabate d durin g th e 1920s : Table 1. 3 enumerate s the thirtee n citie s that experience d a n increase in thei r black population o f from 6 0 to 10 0 percent between 192 0 and 1930 , and Table 1.4 identifie s th e fourteen urba n area s that experience d a black populatio n increas e o f mor e than 10 0 percent during the "roaring twenties."Table 1.5 , which surveys the dramatic increase of whites in selected urban areas between 191 0 and 1930 , indicates tha t th e thrus t towar d urbanizatio n transcende d racia l an d ethni c boundaries.

TABLE I . I

Cities That Experienced a 60-100 Percent Increase in Their Black Populations, 1910-1920*

N e w York, N ew York Bessemer, Alabama Norfolk,Virginia Columbus, Ohi o Newark, N e w Jerse y Dayton, O h i o Beaumont, Texas Newport News.Virgini a

Number o f Blacks in 191 0

Number o f Blacks in 192 0

Percentage Increase

91,709 6,210 25,039 12,739 9,475 4,842 6,896 7,259

152,467 10,561 43,392 22,181 16,977 9,025 13,210 14,077

66.3 70.1 73.3 74.1 79.2 86.4 91.6 93.9

*Other cities that experienced a t least a 50 percent increase in their black populations durin g this period were Cincinnati, Ohio (53.2) ; Kansas City, Kansas (55.1); St. Louis, Missouri (58.9); Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (58.9 ) and Indianapolis, Indiana (59.0) . SOURCE: Charles E. Hall, Negroes in the United States, 1920-1932 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1935), 55.

TABLE 1. 2

Cities That Experienced More Than a 100 Percent Increase in Their Black Populations, 1910-1920

Portsmouth, Virginia Omaha, Nebrask a Los Angeles, Californi a Winston-Salem, Nort h Carolin a Chicago, Illinoi s Buffalo, N e w York Port Arthur, Texas Toledo, O h i o Youngstown, O h i o Cleveland, Ohi o Miami, Florid a Tulsa, Oklahom a Detroit, Michiga n Akron, O h i o Gary, Indian a

Number o f Blacks in 191 0

Number o f Blacks in 192 0

Percentage Increase

11,617 5,143 7,599 9,087 44,103 1,773 1,493 1,877 1,936 8,448 2,258 1,959 5,741 657 383

23,245 10,315 15,579 20,735 109,458 4,511 3,910 5,691 6,662 34,451 9,270 8,878 40,838 5,580 5,299

100.1 100.6 105.0 128.2 148.2 154.4 161.9 203.2 244.1 307.8 310.5 353.2 611.3 749.3 1,283.6

SOURCE: Hall, Negroes in the U.S., 1920-1932,55.

TABLE 1. 3

Cities That Experienced a 60-100 Percent Increase in Their Black Populations, 1920-1930*

Dallas, Texas Philadelphia, Pennsylvani a Tulsa, Oklahom a Charlotte, North Carolin a Chattanooga, Tennessee Oklahoma City , Oklahom a Monroe, Louisian a Tampa, Florid a Houston, Texas Dayton, O h i o Jackson, Mississipp i Akron, Ohi o Asheville, N o r th Carolin a

Number of Blacks in 192 0

Number o f Blacks in 193 0

Percentage Increase

24,023 134,229 8,878 14,641 18,889 8,241 5,540 11,531 33,960 9,025 9,936 5,580 7,145

38,742 219,599 15,203 25,163 33,289 14,662 10,112 21,172 63,337 17,077 19,423 11,080 14,255

61.3 63.6 71.2 71.9 76.2 77.9 82.5 83.6 86.5 89.2 95.5 98.6 99.5

*Memphis; Cincinnati;Winston-Salem; Shreveport; Columbus, Georgia; Jersey City; and East St. Louis, Illinois, experienced a t least a 50 percent growth of their black populations between 192 0 and 1930 . SOURCE: Hall, Negroes in the U.S., 1920-1932,55.

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TABLE 1. 4

Cities That Experienced More Than a 100 Percent Increase in Their Black Populations, 1920-1930

Cleveland, Ohio Chicago, Illinois New York, New York Youngstown, Ohio Newark, New Jersey Toledo, Ohio Greensboro, North Carolin a Durham, North Carolin a Los Angeles, California Port Arthur, Texas Miami, Florida Detroit, Michigan Buffalo, New York Gary, Indiana

Number of Blacks in 1920

Number of Blacks in 1930

Percentage Increase

34,451 109,458 152,467 6,662 16,977 5,691 5,973 7,654 15,579 3,910 9,270 40,838 4,511 5,299

71,899 233,903 327,706 14,552 38,880 13,260 14,050 18,717 38,894 10,003 25,116 120,066 13,563 17,922

108.7 113.7 114.9 118.4 129.0 133.0 135.2 144.5 149.7 155.8 170.9 194.0 200.7 238.2

SOURCE: Hall, Negroes in the U.S.,1920-1932,55.

TABLE 1. 5

Population Growth of European Americans in Selected Cities, 1910-1930* Akron, Ohio Chicago, Illinois Detroit, Michigan Gary, Indiana Los Angeles, California Milwaukee, Wisconsin New York, New York Norfolk.Virginia Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

1910

1920

1930

68,404 2,139,057 459,952 16,403 305,307 372,809 4,669,162 42,353 508,008

202,718 2,589,169 952,065 50,044 546,864 454,824 5,459,463 72,226 550,261

249,744 3,117,731 1,440,141 78,992 1,073,584 568,807 6,587,225 85,514 614,317

*The Censu s Bureau definitio n o f European American s include d "Native " and "Foreign-born" whites . SOURCE: Statistical Abstract o f the United States , 1921,55-57; Statistical Abstract o f the United States , 1931,22-27 .

13

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African American Consumer Market

Increased Africa n America n urbanizatio n durin g thi s period , amon g other things , resulted i n a n improvemen t i n th e incom e o f both norther n and souther n blac k cit y dwellers . In 1910 , before African American s bega n to proliferat e noticeabl y i n U.S . urban areas , 76.4 percen t o f gainfully em ployed Africa n American s worke d i n eithe r agricultur e o r domesti c ser vice.20 The vast majority o f these workers were at the absolute bottom of the U.S. wage hierarchy , alongsid e self-employe d blac k far m owners . Conse quently, when th e domesti c labo r shortag e tha t aros e durin g World War I provided black s a n opportunit y t o ente r th e real m o f better-paying indus trial employment , th e economi c statur e o f bot h individua l black s an d th e collective African America n communit y receive d a boost. In Chicago, which attracted more than fifty thousand southern black migrants betwee n Januar y 1 , 1916 , an d Jun e 30 , 1917, 21 African America n newcomers foun d a n environmen t conduciv e t o economi c improvement . As one observe r noted : The mos t favorable aspec t of their condition i n thei r new home is the opportunity t o ear n money . Coming fro m th e South , where the y ar e accustomed to work for a few cents a day or a few dollars a week, to an industrial center where they can earn that much in an hour or a day, they have the feeling that this city is really the land overflowing wit h mil k and honey. In the occupations in which they are now employed, many of them are engaged in skilled labor, receiving the same and, in some cases, greater compensation than was paid white men in such position prior to the outbreak of the war.22 Other cities known for the relatively high wages they offered t o black migrants were Pittsburgh , Detroit, and Philadelphia , where som e blac k work ers were publicl y condemne d fo r misspendin g thei r new-foun d disposabl e income i n "saloons and dens of vice."23 Ironically, in many locales, southern blacks who di d not participate in the Great Migratio n als o sa w thei r standar d o f living improv e durin g th e war . The dispersal of black migrants reacting to a northern labor shortage quickly created a similar southern labor shortage.Thus, in the South, as in the North, prized black workers were able to command higher salaries. Even in the traditionally oppressiv e (fo r blacks) Mississippi, the wages of African America n living in urba n area s increased b y from 1 0 to 10 0 percent. 24 By 192 0 a growing numbe r o f African America n urbanites , in bot h th e North an d th e South , had mor e mone y t o spen d tha n eve r before. Among the first national companies t o aggressively target this embryonic consume r market were record companies .

The African American Consumer Market | 1 5

The music industry's keen interest in African American consumers sprang from blac k America' s enthusiasti c respons e t o th e blue s singe r Mami e Smith's August 192 0 recording of "Crazy Blues" on th e OKe h recor d label. "Crazy Blues" and its "B" side,"It's Right Her e for You (IfYou Don' t Ge t It, 'Taint N o Faul t o f Mine)," represented th e musi c industry' s firs t consciou s attempt t o vigorousl y wo o blac k consumers . Earlie r i n 1920 , Smit h ha d recorded two other songs for OKeh , "You Can' t Keep a Good Man Down " and "Thi s Thin g Calle d Love. " Yet, OKe h s employmen t o f a n all-whit e combo a s a backdrop fo r Smith' s Februar y 14,1920 , recording session suggests OKeh' s initia l trepidatio n abou t marketin g a clearl y black-oriente d product. Still , th e sale s generate d from Mami e Smith' s firs t recording s prompted OKe h Records ' musical directors, Milo Rega an d Fred Hager, to develop what cam e to be known a s the "race records" genre.25 Although African American recording artists had appeared on records before Mami e Smith , thei r effort s ha d bee n aime d primaril y a t whit e audi ences. Smith's "Crazy Blues" broke with this precedent by seeking to attrac t primarily African America n musi c consumers . To accentuat e it s appea l t o blacks, "Crazy Blues, " besides featurin g Mami e Smith' s spirite d voca l per formance, showcased a n all-black musical accompaniment grou p tha t cam e to be known as Smith's "Jazz Hounds."This strateg y ultimately proved to be extremely profitable . Within week s o f it s Novembe r 192 0 release , "Crazy Blues" had sold more than seventy-fiv e thousan d copies. 26 The OKeh record company, using the success of'Crazy Blues" as a springboard, launched its famous "race" series in 192 1 .After hiring the noted black musician Clarence Williams as the series' musical director, OKeh, whose ad vertising soon declared that it had "The World's Greatest Race Artists on the World's Greatest Race Records," employed the era's top blues and jazz artists. OKeh's "race "series, until its demise in 1935,also featured outstanding recording technology, and it remains a favorite o f collectors.27 Predictably, other record companies, after witnessing OKeh's success with "race" music, sought to employ their own African American artists . Columbia feature d perhap s th e era' s mos t noteworth y blue s singer , Bessie Smith . Paramount's cadr e o f black performers include d suc h luminaries a s Alberta Hunter an d "Blind" Lemon Jefferson. 28 Black Swa n records , th e firs t black-owne d recordin g compan y i n th e Unite States , represented anothe r important playe r in the earl y 1920 s music industry. Started i n 192 1 by a black entrepreneur , Harry H . Pace, its adver tisements attempted t o distinguish Black Swan from its competitors by stating that it was the:

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The

African American Consumer Market

[o]nly bonafide Racia l compan y makin g talkin g machine records . All stock holders ar e colored , al l artist s ar e colored , al l employee s ar e colored . Onl y company usin g Racial Artists in recording high clas s song records. This com pany made th e onl y Gran d Oper a record s eve r made by Negroes. 29 Black Swa n record s provide d blac k consumer s a wide variet y o f musica l genres. Besides th e blues , Black Swa n recorde d bariton e an d sopran o solos , vaudeville duos , violin solos , vocal groups , dance orchestras , and jazz bands . Still, despit e Pace' s attemp t t o cultivat e a gentee l imag e fo r hi s company , blues recordings represente d th e cornerston e o f Black Swan' s popularity an d profitability. I n fact , Ethe l Water s s 192 1 recordin g o f th e blue s single s " D o w n H o m e Blues " an d " O h , Daddy " wa s suc h a hi t tha t Pac e subse quently forme d th e travelin g "Blac k Swa n Troubadours, " featurin g Water s and th e musica l directo r Fletche r Henderson , t o promot e th e company. 30 Despite Blac k Swa n s auspicious beginning , increase d competitio n fro m OKeh, Columbia, and Paramoun t force d th e compan y ou t o f business in lat e 1923. During th e sprin g o f 1924 , Paramount purchase d th e catalo g o f Blac k Swan recordings , and i t late r reissue d th e mos t popula r ones. 31 T h e majo r vehicl e use d b y th e 1920 s recordin g industr y t o reac h blac k consumers wa s th e African America n press . In fact , an y busines s tha t sough t black patronag e viewe d Africa n America n newspaper s a s a vita l resource . Unfortunately, muc h o f th e o f advertisin g i n blac k newspaper s durin g thi s period suggest s tha t black s wer e viewe d a s dupes, willing t o tr y anythin g t o change thei r ski n color , hair texture , health, and luck . First an d foremost , ther e existe d a n overwhelmin g predominanc e o f ad s selling skin bleaches, hair straighteners , and othe r product s t o "assist" African Americans i n assumin g a mor e Europea n look. 32 T h e followin g examples , taken from blac k newspaper s o f th e period , exemplifie d thi s marketin g genre: LIGHTENS YOUR SKI N O R YOU R MONE Y BACK—Safe—Sure Quick—Bleacho. Be more popular. Earn more money. Safely and secretly you can no w remov e th e greates t obstacl e t o you r success . Bleacho i s guarantee d to lighten you r skin regardless of what i t is now. Wonderful Glan d Discovery Goes Straight to Root an d Grows BEAUTIFU L STRAIGHT HAIR . Full , Healthy , Abundant—Withou t Kink s . . . Ugly , kinky, scanty hair can be easily and quickly made to grow into lifeful, luxuri ant abundance . . . Scienc e ha s perfected a hair treatment tha t give s the Rac e beautiful, straight an d glorious hair .

The African American Consumer Market | 1 7

HOW TO OBTAI N BEAUTIFULL Y SHAPE D LIPS ! Mr.T—'s ne w lip shaper, together with its thick lip astringent lotion, will now reduce protruding, prominent, thick unshapely lips to normal and thus improve your facial appearance 10 0 per cent. 33 Advertisements for patent medicines also predominated in African American newspapers during this period. While similar ads also appeared in some white periodicals, there was a greater concentration o f such ads in black papers. For example, the May 4,1921 , issue of the black Ne w York Amsterdam News carrie d thirtee n advertisement s fo r paten t cure s an d "so-calle d spe cialists" on on e page! 34 "Clairvoyants'' an d religiou s charlatan s als o aggressivel y peddle d thei r wares i n blac k newspaper s durin g th e 1920s . One o f the mor e absur d ad vertisements of this type involved a publication entitled The Kingdom of God. Readers wer e tol d tha t purchasin g thi s material , for on e dollar , would en sure thei r bein g amon g God s "elect " on "Judgemen t Day " (whic h woul d occur no late r than June 30,1921). 35 Although advertisement s fo r beaut y preparations , patent medicines , and dubious religiou s publication s predominate d i n African America n newspa pers during this period, more reputabl e businesses did advertise their good s and service s i n thes e periodicals . They include d grocers , insurance compa nies, clothiers , real estat e brokers , and educationa l institutions . Moreover , these periodicals featured advertisement s fro m physician s and lawyers seek ing clients within th e black community. 36 Much o f the "respectable" advertising found i n African American newspapers in the 1920 s was generated by black-owned businesses . The 1920s , by most accounts, were a time of considerable interest in black business development. Black businessmen, both excited about African American urbanization associate d with th e Grea t Migration an d cognizant o f the white racism that restricted them to serving only black consumers, dreamed of establishing an independent economi c structure within U.S. cities.37 The Nationa l Negr o Busines s Leagu e (NNBL) , composed o f affiliate d chapters across the United States , assumed a n especially hig h profile durin g the mid - t o lat e 1920s . Hoping t o accentuat e blac k consume r suppor t o f black-owned businesses , the Nationa l Negr o Busines s League , through it s local chapters , employed a variety o f techniques tha t urge d blac k shopper s to "Buy Somethin g Fro m a Negro Merchant!" 38 One o f the Leagues most important program s during this period wa s its "National Negr o Trad e Week." Typically, "Negro Trad e Week" campaign s

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The

African American Consumer Market

began o n Sundays , w h en loca l minister s urge d thei r congregation s t o sup port black-owne d businesses . Fo r thei r part , black-owne d businesse s mad e themselves mor e attractiv e t o blac k consumer s durin g " N e g ro Trade Week " by conductin g specia l contest s featurin g cas h an d merchandis e prizes . I n sum "Negro Trade Week," which als o feature d cooperativ e advertisin g cam paigns by black-owned companies , benefited bot h busines s owner s an d con sumers. * Another noteworth y Nationa l Negr o Busines s Leagu e undertakin g dur ing th e mid - t o lat e 1920 s wa s it s nationa l surve y o f blac k busines s i n th e United States . C o m m e n c i ng i n 1928 , at th e behes t o f League Presiden t Dr . R o b e r t R . M o t o n , fou r investigator s examine d black-owne d businesse s i n thirty-three cities , both norther n an d southern. 4 0 Although thi s stud y generate d importan t quantitativ e informatio n abou t the status of black business in America, it also, to th e chagri n o f many Africa n American businessmen , pointe d ou t th e growin g numbe r o f white-owne d businesses tha t employe d blac k manager s an d salesperson s t o servic e blac k consumers. For instance , the surve y cite d a large, white-owned men' s cloth ing stor e i n Dalla s tha t opene d a branc h stor e i n th e blac k communit y an d staffed i t entirel y wit h blacks. 41 T h e Nationa l N e g r o Busines s League' s researc h als o reveale d tha t black owned grocer y store s i n bot h th e N o r t h an d th e Sout h face d extremel y stif f competition from larg e chai n stores . In th e N o r t h , companie s lik e A 8c P, to make blac k consumer s fee l welcom e an d comfortable , readil y hire d blac k employees fo r store s located i n blac k enclaves. 42 Moreover, in th e South , na tional chai n store s wer e associate d wit h equa l rights . As one observe r noted : The Negro buying group in the South feels a sense of obligation to the chains for havin g solve d on e phas e o f th e rac e problem . I t wa s traditiona l i n th e South, particularly in small cities, for Negr o customers, upon enterin g a store, to wai t unti l al l white peopl e wer e serve d befor e advancin g t o th e clerk s t o make know n thei r wants . The chain s cam e alon g with a standard servic e fo r all customers an d change d thi s condition overnight. 43 T h e pligh t o f black-owned grocer y store s ultimatel y resulte d i n th e N a tional Negr o Busines s League' s promotio n o f an organizatio n know n a s th e Colored Merchant s Association (CMA) . T h e Colore d Merchants'Associatio n bega n i n Montgomery , Alabama, i n August 1928 . Twelve loca l Africa n America n grocers , i n a maneuve r t o counteract th e nationa l chains ' growing influenc e amon g blac k consumers , decided t o poo l thei r merchandis e an d thei r advertisin g budgets.Th e doze n

The African American Consumer Market | 1 9

grocers, acting collectively, were able to buy commodities at bulk-rate prices and to shar e their saving s with black shoppers i n th e for m o f lower prices. Moreover, by pooling their advertising budgets, members o f the embryoni c CMA were able to advertise both in local newspapers and through handbill s that were distributed t o African American home s in Montgomery. 44 The success of the Montgomery Colore d Merchants'Association quickl y captured th e attentio n o f the Nationa l Negr o Busines s League. In Novem ber 192 8 Albon L . Holsey, th e NNBL' s secretary , visited Montgomer y t o confer wit h CM A member s an d t o inspect thei r stores . His glowing repor t to the League president, Robert R . Moton, prompted Moton t o decide that the National Negro Business League should spread the Colored Merchants ' Association concep t t o othe r cities. 45 By 1930 , according t o th e 1931-193 2 editio n o f th e Negro Year Book, there were branches of the CMA in major citie s across America.46 However , economic strain associated with the Great Depression ultimately put an end to thi s ambitious collectiv e black undertaking . Another NNB L undertakin g that , too, became a n apparen t casualt y o f the Depressio n wa s the League s propose d 193 1 nationa l surve y o f African American consumers.This undertaking, while conducted under the auspices of the National Negro Business League, had considerable input an d support from bot h th e U.S . government an d certai n majo r U;S . corporations. The planning committee , besides NNB L officials , include d whit e governmen t and business figures. Moreover, the surve y wa s to b e finance d b y a consor tium o f prominent companie s includin g Montgomer y Ward, Lever Broth ers, and Anheuser-Busch. 47 The Nationa l Associatio n o f Colore d Women (NACW ) playe d a vita l role in this proposed study . State and local branches o f the NACW wer e t o coordinate th e sending of fifteen thousan d surve y questionnaires t o Africa n American housewive s acros s the country. 48 The questionnaire itself, which consisted of nine sections, began with th e following messag e to surve y participants: The National Negro Business League is making a determined figh t fo r th e Negro to gain for him a more secure economic place in American life. The strongest argument we have is the power represented in the dollars we spend through stores of various kinds.49 The questionnaire went on to request such information a s the number o f persons i n th e responden t s family; the family' s yearl y income ; the amoun t of money spent each month for various items; whether the family owned an

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The

African American Consumer Market

automobile and/o r variou s househol d appliances ; factor s tha t influence d purchasing decisions; advertising media consulted to make purchasing decisions, and the extent t o which blac k consumer s patronized blac k businesses (see appendix). 50 The NNBL s pla n t o surve y blac k consumer s apparentl y neve r cam e t o fruition. Still, during the late 1920 s and early 1930s , other important studie s appeared that discussed both the nuances of and the potential profits associ ated with a n increasingly visible "Negro market. " H. A. Haring, a contributing edito r fo r th e advertisin g trade journal Advertising & Selling, emerged as one the notable researchers of black consumers during thi s period . Significantly , hi s tw o article s "Sellin g t o Harlem " an d "The Negr o a s Consumer," which appeare d i n th e Octobe r 31 , 1928, and September 3,1930 , issues of Advertising & Selling, respectively, were replet e with condescendin g remark s abou t Africa n Americans . Still , the y repre sented pioneering attempt s t o provide American corporation s wit h marke t research about black consumers . In "Selling to Harle m " Haring offere d th e following introductor y state ment: The Harlem of the night clubs and cabarets is rather well known, but first hand daytime information abou t the section is apt to be limited to the generalization that it is the home of a population of negroes. Harlem is that—and more. Occupying a territory o f approximately a square mile, it is a buying ground for about 125,000 people who form a concentrated market which so far has been studied by only a few manufacturers. 51 To Haring , th e mos t strikin g aspec t o f Harlem' s commercia l lif e wa s a proliferatio n o f drugstore s tha t sold , almos t exclusively , hai r straighten ers, ski n whiteners , an d laxatives . Othe r businesse s tha t predominate d i n Harlem wer e beaut y shops , whic h reflected , i n Haring s eyes , th e desir e of Harlemite s fo r "whiteness, " an d "por k shops, " whic h bot h satisfie d blacks' dietar y desire s an d ensure d a stead y volum e o f laxativ e sale s b y druggists.52 H. A. Haring's surve y o f Harlem business , which necessaril y focuse d o n drugstores, also discovered tha t few o f the various companie s tha t sol d hai r straighteners, skin whiteners , and laxative s t o African America n consumer s prepared special window displays to attract potential buyers. It was clear that most purveyors of these items believed they could sell their products with a minimum o f advertising expense. 53 Moreover, Harings examinatio n o f advertising an d merchandisin g i n Harle m drugstore s elicite d th e followin g startling observation :

The African American Consumer Market |

2 1

Speaking of displays brings to mind another peculiarity of drug store selling in Harlem. Everywhere there is a lack of the usual counter displays of candy, chewing gum, perfume, soaps, combs. Drug store counters, in Harlem, are bare!54 In hi s Septembe r 3 , 1930 , Advertising & Selling article , " T h e Negr o a s Consumer," Haring, clearly influenced b y the neglec t o f black consumer s h e observed i n Harlem , began b y askin g corporat e marketer s th e following : What o f the American Negr o a s a buyer an d user of goods? Is he worth tak ing seriously ? I s the traditiona l happy-go-luck y plantatio n lif e o f th e Sout h still a measure o f the race's standard o f living? O r i s it a marketing mistake t o picture th e Negr o baskin g unde r genia l skies , supremel y happ y i f h e ha s enough fo r th e nex t meal ; good-natured eve n whe n hungry , buying a pin k shirt and a pair of No. 10 shoes for his wedding day, but never buying anothe r new thin g to wear until the undertaker doe s the buying for him? 55 In th e res t o f " T he Negr o a s Consumer " Harin g provide d evidenc e tha t certain corporations , especiall y th e producer s o f musica l instruments , phonograph records , an d radi o sets , coul d profi t fro m takin g blac k con sumers seriously . By 193 0 Africa n America n interes t i n purchasin g phonograp h record s was widel y acknowledged . Yet, what wa s no t s o wel l known , accordin g t o Haring, was tha t ther e existe d a huge deman d amon g African American s fo r musical instruments. 56 Moreover , h e offere d a strikingly propheti c observa tion abou t a potential marke t fo r radio s amon g blac k consumers : "It woul d appear tha t a large marke t fo r radi o set s migh t her e b e develope d b y some one w h o think s ou t th e prope r appea l t o th e Negr o mind." 57 Significantly, 193 0 censu s data , althoug h unavailabl e a t th e tim e Harin g wrote " T h e Negr o a s Consumer, " corroborate d hi s assertion s abou t radi o s important rol e i n th e live s o f urba n blac k consumers . Table 1. 6 reveal s th e extent o f radio ownershi p i n blac k urba n household s durin g thi s period . Although " T h e Negr o a s Consumer" began b y questionin g stereotypica l notions abou t blac k people , it , ironically , conclude d b y reaffirmin g whit e racist notion s abou t th e menta l capacitie s o f blacks. After askin g th e rhetor ical questio n "I s th e Negr o susceptibl e t o advertising?, " Harin g answere d with th e following : Those concern s tha t merchandise t o the Negr o learn tha t displa y is king. He is short o n abstrac t thinking, so that a mere description fall s flat. He ca n visualize onl y wha t h e see s wit h th e eye . Better yet , what h e touche s wit h th e hand. Testimonial advertisin g ha s a great effec t o n hi s mind. He seem s t o b e vulnerable t o an y fiction o f wondrous result s from anyon e who ha s tried th e article "and live d to tel l the tale." 58

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The

African American Consumer Market TABLE 1. 6

Percentage of AfricanAmerican Families Who Owned Radios, Selected Cities, 1930

Boston, Massachusetts Chicago, Illinois Detroit, Michigan Jersey City, New Jersey Milwaukee, Wisconsin Minneapolis, Minnesota New York, New York Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Portland, Oregon Seattle, Washington Toledo, Ohio Washington, D.C.

Percentage of African American Familie s Who Owne d Radio s

Percent of All Families Who Owned Radio s

34.7 42.6 29.6 39.5 32.8 39.6 40.1 23.3 48.4 33.8 29.7 25.2

56.2 63.2 58.0 63.2 62.8 59.5 59.2 56.3 57.7 52.3 61.3 53.9

SOURCE: Hall, Negroes in the U.S., 1920-1932,286.

Unlike H. A. Haring, whose conclusions regarding black consumers were based primaril y o n anecdota l evidenc e tinge d wit h condescensio n towar d blacks, Paul K . Edwards wa s a much mor e thoroug h an d objectiv e studen t of African American consumption . In fact, Edwards's 193 2 book, The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer, and hi s unpublishe d 193 6 Harvar d Univer sity dissertation , "Distinctiv e Characteristic s o f Urba n Negr o Consump tion," represented the first truly systematic studies of African American con sumers. Edwards , a whit e professo r o f economic s a t Fis k Universit y i n Nashville, Tennessee, received both encouragemen t an d methodological in sight from Charle s S.Johnson, the fame d blac k sociologist who chaire d th e social science departmen t a t Fisk during thi s period. 59 Early o n i n The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer, Edward s sough t t o

establish th e collectiv e spending power o f African Americans i n the Sout h s seventeen larges t cities . A 192 9 stud y o f Nashvill e black s determine d tha t their aggregate annual income was approximately $14.6 million, or $347 per capita fo r th e city' s forty-two thousan d blacks . Using Nashville' s blac k pe r capita income figure , Edwards calculate d tha t th e aggregat e annua l incom e of the 890,00 0 black s residin g i n th e regio n s seventeen larges t citie s stoo d at $308 million in 1929. 60 Moreover, he noted, "this figure give s no evalua tion t o th e incom e o f more tha n a million rura l Negroe s livin g outsid e o f these 1 7 cities, but within thei r tradin g areas." 61 After usin g th e Nashvill e dat a t o generat e aggregat e blac k spendin g power figure s fo r th e entir e region , Edwards returned t o th e Nashville sur -

The African American Consumer Market \ 2 3

vey to make informed assumption s abou t ho w urba n souther n black s spent their $308 million in 1929 . In Nashville, the average black family spent 27.2 percent o f its income fo r food ; 14. 9 percen t fo r clothing ; 12. 4 percent fo r rent; 4.7 percent fo r fue l an d light; 1.4 percen t fo r furnitur e an d househol d furnishings; an d 31. 9 percen t fo r miscellaneou s item s no t accounte d for ; it also save d 7. 5 percen t o f its income . Edwards note d tha t blac k saving s in cluded a significant investmen t i n insurance. 62 Generalizing fro m thes e Nashvill e dat a t o th e entir e region , Edward s calculated tha t urba n souther n black s spen t thei r $30 8 millio n i n th e fol lowing fashion : $83,776,00 0 fo r food ; $45,892,00 0 fo r clothing ; $38,192,000 fo r rent ; $14,476,000 fo r fue l an d light; $4,476,000 fo r furni ture an d househol d furnishings ; an d $23,100,00 0 fo r saving s an d insur ance.63 I t i s significant tha t Edward s faile d t o calculat e ho w muc h money , generalizing fro m th e Nashvill e data , southern urba n black s spen t o n mis cellaneous items . If h e ha d (an d i t i s saf e t o sa y tha t som e contemporar y southern businesspeopl e probabl y did) , h e woul d hav e discovere d tha t urban souther n black s spen t approximatel y $9 9 millio n o n miscellaneou s items i n 1929 . In his examination o f both ho w an d where souther n urba n black s spent their money, Edwards relied on dat a generated from extensiv e field research in Nashville , Birmingham, Atlanta, an d Richmond . Overall , blacks, while clustered a t the low en d o f the occupationa l an d wage scales in thes e cities, tended t o bu y good-qualit y foo d an d clothing . Moreover, black customer s appeared to be welcome a t most retail establishments in these cities. Among other things, African American shoppers were viewed as being easier to handle tha n whit e customers. 64 As one whit e stor e manager tol d Edwards: "I'd rather hav e Negro tha n whit e customers , they ar e so much easie r satisfied . But if one of them ever gets fresh with me, I'll crack him over the head with a chair." 65 Southern blacks , because o f thei r overal l subjugate d positio n i n th e re gion, were no t abl e to pursue thei r interests a s consumers a s aggressively as whites did. Still, black shoppers did not accep t docilely whatever indignitie s came their way. A generation befor e th e Civi l Rights Movement, which, itself, represented a consume r justice campaig n (se e chapte r 3) , black con sumers, when pushed too far, used their spending power to elicit respect. For example, Edwards cite d a large departmen t stor e tha t installe d a drinkin g fountain an d placed above it a "For White Patron s Only " sign. The resultin g unofficial, yet effective , blac k boycot t o f the stor e le d t o th e quic k remova l of the offensiv e sign. 66

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The

African American Consumer Market TABLE 1. 7

Black Ownership of Insurance Policies, Nashville, Tennessee, 1929 Class Designation fro

Percentage with Policies Percentag e with Policies m White Companies fro m Black Companies

C o m m o n an d semiskille d laborers 77. Skilled laborer s 96. Businesspeople/Professionals 72.

7 11. 5 15. 2 31.

7 8 6

SOURCE: Paul K. Edwards, The Urban Southern Negro As a Consumer (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1932), 136-137. TABLE 1. 8

Black Readership of Black- and White-Owned Newspapers, Birmingham, Atlanta, Richmond, and Nashville, 1929-1930* Percentage of Black Percentag e of Black Respondents Who Respondent s Who Regularly Read Regularl y Read Black Newspapers Whit e Newspapers Birmingham 21. Atlanta 61. Richmond 48. Nashville 30.

5 87. 9 88. 1 87. 8 91.

9 2 1 3

*In Edwards s Table 38, from which my Table 1.8 is derived, he distinguished among black common and semiskilled laborers, skilled workers, and businessmen/professionals. I collapsed these three categories into one. SOURCE: Edwards, The Southern Urban Negro As a Consumer, 172-173 .

Considering th e problem s tha t som e blac k consumer s ha d wit h white owned businesses , black-owned businesses , ironically, attracted relativel y lit tle of southern urba n blacks ' aggregate spending.Th e primar y reaso n fo r thi s was th e predominanc e o f undercapitalize d singl e proprietorship s owne d b y blacks wit h littl e o r n o busines s backgroun d o r training. 67 Dat a fro m Nashville, presented i n Table 1.7 , indicat e tha t eve n black-owne d insuranc e companies ha d a difficul t tim e competin g wit h thei r whit e counterparts . The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer did , however, cite th e succes s o f several black-owned drugstores ; these were owne d primaril y b y college-traine d pharmacists. 68 Local black-owne d weekl y newspapers , according t o Edwards' s research , also ha d a difficul t tim e competin g fo r blac k reader s wit h thei r white owned counterparts . Tabl e 1. 8 provide s a n overvie w o f blac k newspape r readership i n Birmingham , Atlanta, R i c h m o n d , an d Nashvill e i n 192 9 an d 1930. Because souther n urba n blac k consumer s regularl y rea d whit e newspa pers, they were ofte n expose d t o advertisin g tha t caricature d an d stereotype d

The African American Consumer Market | 2 5 African Americans . One o f the mor e interestin g segment s o f The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer dealt with black consumer attitudes about adver tisements that featured blacks in subservient or demeaning situations. For instance, when blacks , of all classes , in Birmingham , Atlanta, Richmond, an d Nashville were asked to react to ads for "Aunt Jemima Pancake Flour," their responses included : Appearance of Aunt Jemima and log cabin sufficient t o keep me from buying flour. Wouldn't read it. Hate it. Not interested in picture of black mammy. Illustration of Aunt Jemima utterly disgusts me. Don't like exploitation of colored people. Whenever I see a picture such as this I am prejudiced against product.69 Edwards conclude d The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer by assertin g that i f white-owned businesse s wante d t o trul y reac h th e increasingl y im portant "Negr o market, " they woul d hav e t o respec t th e feeling s o f blac k consumers. This meant , among othe r things , discarding advertisements tha t offended blac k consumers. 70 Edwards's advice, which attracted an increasing number o f adherent s i n succeedin g years , was base d o n th e premis e tha t white companie s tha t disavowe d over t racia l prejudic e t o generat e mor e profits fro m black s were simply practicing "good business. " Edwards's 193 6 Ph.D . dissertation, "Distinctive Characteristic s o f Urba n Negro Consumption, " no t onl y elaborate d o n hi s earlie r boo k bu t intro duced comparativ e dat a related t o norther n urba n blac k consumers . It also surveyed th e impac t o f the Grea t Depressio n o n blac k urba n consumer s i n both th e North an d the South . By 1935 , a significan t numbe r o f bot h norther n an d souther n Africa n American cit y dweller s were o n genera l relief . Table 1.9 , derive d fro m Ed wards's research , provides a barometer o f the economi c hardship s face d b y many urba n black s durin g thi s period . Still , Edwards foun d tha t "afte r si x years of depression, from fair t o good qualitie s of foods ar e still the rule an d not th e exceptio n i n the purchases o f the urban Negr o commo n an d semiskilled labor family." 71 Edwards's discussio n o f th e food-purchasin g habit s o f urba n black s in cluded thos e Africa n American s wh o cooke d a t th e home s o f wealth y whites. He noted that black cooks were generally given considerable leeway in selecting foods fo r preparation 72 an d added thi s observation :

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The

African American Consumer Market

Certain aler t manufacturer s o f brande d foo d product s hav e learne d tha t i n house-to-house canvassin g i n th e bette r whit e residentia l communitie s th e Negro coo k i s the proper person t o see. She is often th e onl y member o f the household wit h who m contac t i s made. The larg e numbe r o f Negr o cook s and chef s i n whit e home s an d institution s give s an adde d importanc e t o th e Negro i n sale s promotion plans. 73 In additio n t o targetin g Africa n America n cook s an d chefs , som e foo d companies sough t t o reac h a broade r constituenc y i n th e nationa l blac k community. Fo r example , th e Kellog g Company' s aggressiv e mid-1930 s campaign t o attrac t blac k consumer s elicite d specia l mention fro m Edwards . To promot e Kellog g s C o r n Flake s i n th e blac k community , th e compan y advertised thi s produc t widel y i n th e blac k press . Moreover, Edwards ' c o m parative surve y o f grocery store s in Atlanta, R i c h m o n d, an d Detroi t reveale d that Kellogg's ad campaign had , indeed, generated increase d sales of Kellogg s C o r n Flake s to blacks. 74 This episode , among othe r things , revealed the profi t potential associate d wit h a nonderogatory marketin g campaig n aime d a t a n attention-starved consume r market . Although Kellogg' s was on e o f the firs t majo r U.S . food companie s t o ac tively solicit African American consume r support , Edwards discovere d a p r onounced tendenc y amon g blac k femal e consumers , in bot h th e N o r t h an d the South , t o bu y major-bran d foo d products , regardles s o f whethe r thes e companies devise d specia l marketin g campaign s fo r blacks : One explanatio n fo r thi s apparen t importanc e o f brand name s t o th e Negr o housewife ma y li e i n he r suspicion , often justified, o f those wit h who m sh e has t o d o business . In purchasin g food s i n bul k sh e ofte n no t onl y suspect s short weight , but ha s no wa y to assur e herself as to quality . North an d Sout h the Negr o al l to o ofte n ha s bee n victimize d b y unscrupulou s merchants . Brands have come t o be relied o n t o provide protection i n buying. 75 Edwards's discussio n o f urba n Africa n Americans ' clothin g purchases , which critique d popula r stereotypica l notion s abou t blac k dress , has endur ing relevance . To th e man y white s w h o viewe d th e clothin g w o r n b y som e blacks a s "loud" and flashy , Edwards offere d th e followin g insightfu l rebuttal : As a rule color s and styles are selected by the urban Negr o whic h harmoniz e with the many varying shades of skin complexion o f the group. Often certai n colors o f clothin g worn , such a s orange an d purple , are condemne d a s loud when a s a matter of fact the y harmonize well with th e color of the skin. Such shades might ver y well be condemne d i f worn b y th e averag e white ma n o r woman becaus e o f skin color. 76

The African American Consumer Market |

2 7

TABLE I. Q

Estimated Number and Percentage of Blacks on "General Relief" Selected Cities, May 1935 City

Black Population 1930

On General Relief May 1935

Percentage

Dallas, Texas Kansas City, Missouri Chicago, Illinois New York, New York Atlanta, Georgia St. Louis, Missouri Los Angeles, California Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Newark, New Jersey Cincinnati, Ohio Camden, New Jersey

38,742 38,574 233,903 327,706 90,075 93,580 38,894 219,599 38,880 47,818 11,304

10,000 12,000 89,000 140,000 42,000 47,000 20,000 123,000 23,000 34,000 9,000

25.7 31.1 38.0 42.7 46.6 50.2 51.4 56.0 59.1 71.1 79.3

SOURCE: Paul K. Edwards, "Distinctive Characteristic s o f Urban Negr o Consumption, " unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University, 1936, 51-52.

Perhaps th e mos t importan t aspec t o f Edwards's 193 6 stud y wa s hi s plac ing o f urban blac k consumptio n pattern s withi n a broader socia l context. All consumers, blac k an d white , hav e traditionall y bee n motivate d b y suc h "needs" as th e nee d fo r belongin g an d th e nee d fo r status. 77 Yet, because o f African Americans ' uniqu e historica l experience , thei r consumptio n pat terns too k o n a greater urgenc y an d significance Constant and humiliating subordination has done something to the Negro. It has ha d a profound psychologica l effec t upo n him . I t ha s affecte d hi s con sumption characteristics—i n fac t hi s whol e mod e o f living. The tu g o f th e Negro i s to extricat e himsel f from th e cast e syste m int o whic h h e ha s bee n placed Th e seriou s interest we have noted hi m giving to personal appear ance bears evidence o f this truth. 78 Significantly, a s late r chapter s demonstrate , African America n consump tion pattern s continu e t o b e base d o n a n attemp t t o "buy " respect an d dig nity. Moreover , increasingl y sophisticate d marke t researc h an d advertisin g campaigns hav e helpe d America n corporation s t o continuall y profi t from blacks' lingering socia l an d psychologica l hangups . Even befor e Pau l K . Edwards' s semina l researc h o n urba n blac k con sumption, Africa n American s wer e becomin g increasingl y awar e o f thei r power an d influence a s consumers.The "Don't Bu y W h e re You Can' t Work" campaigns o f th e earl y 1930 s graphicall y illustrate d thi s p h e n o m e n o n (se e chapter 3) . Moreover, variou s Africa n America n writers , durin g th e 1930s , expounded o n th e variou s aspect s o f th e "Negr o market. "

28 |

The

African American Consumer Market

T h e Octobe r 193 2 issu e o f Opportunity, th e journa l o f th e Nationa l Urban League , featured a n articl e b y T.Arnold Hill , the League' s directo r o f industrial relations , titled " T h e N e g r o Market. " This essa y provide d a strik ing (an d littl e appreciated ) assessmen t o f blac k consume r preferences . Hil l declared: If whites objec t t o being served by Negroes in hotels , department stores , and offices, have not Negroe s th e same right t o objec t t o whites serving them? I f Negroes are objectionable a s messengers to deliver electric lights and gas bills to home s o f whites o r to rea d their meters , why canno t Negroe s delive r bills to thei r ow n home s an d read gas meters in thei r ow n basements? 79 This articl e note d tha t increased blac k consume r suppor t o f black-owne d enterprises woul d bette r serv e th e interest s o f th e large r African America n community. 8 0 Another Nationa l Urba n Leagu e officia l wit h a n interes t i n blac k con sumers wa s Eugen e Kinckl e Jones , th e organizatio n s executiv e secretary . During th e 1930s , Jones als o heade d th e U.S . Department o f C o m m e r c e s Division o f Negr o Affairs. 81 I t wa s i n thi s capacit y tha t h e publishe d a brie f report i n th e January 10,193 5 issu e o f Domestic Commerce, a publicatio n o f the U.S . Department o f Commerce, entitle d "Purchasing Powe r o f Negroe s in th e U.S . Estimated a t Two Billio n Dollars. " Citing Pau l K. Edward s s The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer , Jones offered th e followin g messag e t o American corporations : Enterprising busines s along many line s might d o well to explor e th e American Negr o marke t fo r expansion . The annua l purchasin g powe r o f approxi mately 890,00 0 Negroe s in the South' s 1 7 largest cities has been estimate d at $308,000,000.This i s most significant whe n compare d with the nation s 1929 export trad e o f $224,619,48 6 wit h Mexic o an d al l Centra l America , $208,969,847 with the West Indies and the Bermudas, and $374,851,619 wit h Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. 82 Noting th e growin g bod y o f researc h examinin g th e consumptio n pat terns o f urba n blac k consumers , Jones informe d hi s reader s tha t th e con sumption pattern s o f rura l Africa n American s shoul d no t b e totall y dis missed: The Southern Negro farmer last year produced crops valued at $664,000,000, of whic h $119,000,00 0 represent s valu e o f crop s produce d b y Negr o far m owners whos e far m implement s an d machiner y wer e valued , i n 1930 , a t

The African American Consumer Market \ 2 9

$19,784,411. Here is a market in itself for farm implements, seed and fertilizer large r tha n thi s figur e suggest s fo r ther e ar e 305,94 2 colore d farmer s other than croppers.These cash and share tenant farmers make their purchases direct, not depending upon their landlords for materials.83 In retrospect, Jones's essay appears to represent a significant turnin g point in African American writing about black consumers. Previously, as exemplified by T.Arnold Hil l in his 1932 Opportunity essay, black writers had tende d to discus s th e "Negro market " in th e contex t o f using black dollar s t o en hance the black business community. Jones, however, ignored black business and instea d focuse d o n convincin g whit e companie s t o recogniz e th e po tential profit s associate d wit h African America n consumers . In succeedin g decades, Jones's worldview woul d com e t o dominat e publishe d blac k writ ing abou t th e blac k consume r market . Although thi s involve s a very com plex question o f motivation, it appears plausible tha t Jones an d his ideological descendant s believe d tha t i f U.S . corporations coul d b e mad e t o vie w the African America n consume r marke t a s a proverbial "gold mine " of potential profits , i t woul d enhanc e blacks ' ques t fo r full-fledge d citizenship . Ironically, many African Americans have, in recent years, looked increasingl y askance at the resulting overwhelming presence of U.S. corporations in their lives—especially sinc e i t ha s com e a t th e expens e o f black-owne d enter prises (se e chapter 5 and Epilogue). By the late 1930s , many white businesses, despite the efforts o f Jones, Edwards, and Haring, remained relativel y unaware o f the potential benefits as sociated with courting black consumers. Still, the collective spending power or wage s o f urba n black s i n th e 1930 s di d receiv e extensiv e coverag e i n a two-volume U.S . government publication , The Urban Negro Worker in the United States, 1925-193 (5, released in 1938 and 1939 . Although this study focused on skilled and white-collar black workers, rather than being all-inclusive, it provide d a mean s t o gauge , a t leas t approximately , nationa l blac k spending powe r durin g a n importan t eleven-yea r period . The tea m o f re searchers responsibl e fo r thi s stud y include d suc h African America n lumi naries as Robert C.Weaver , Charles S.Johnson, an d Ir a De A. Reid. 84 In 192 5 th e collectiv e wage s o f 171,64 4 blac k skille d an d white-colla r workers, in th e seventy-fou r U.S . cities with African America n population s of a t leas t te n thousand , stoo d a t $190,377,018 . I n 1930 , 164,13 5 blac k skilled and white-collar worker s collecte d $187,618,262 i n wages. Six years later, as a result o f the Depression, the earning s o f 167,166 black skilled an d white-collar urba n workers dipped t o $133,982,368. In each year studied, a

30 | The African American Consumer Market significant proportio n o f African America n worker s i n thes e categorie s di d not suppl y earning s information t o researchers.Thus, in 1925 , the wages o f 42,319 skille d o r white-collar urba n blac k worker s wer e no t included . For the year s 193 0 an d 1936 , these figure s wer e 49,84 8 an d 46,817 , respec tively.85 Although The Urban Negro Worker in the United States, 1925-1936, pro vided onl y partia l informatio n o n skille d an d white-colla r urba n blac k workers and totally excluded th e wages earned by the unskilled blac k labor force, a majorit y o f th e blac k population , thi s repor t clearl y reveale d tha t urban African Americans were a n economi c forc e t o be take n seriously . By the en d o f th e 1930s , an increasingl y urba n African America n populatio n had established itself as an economic consume r force tha t merited increase d scrutiny from both the U.S. government and mainstream American business. Still, while companies in some specific industries, such as record companies , actively sought black consumer support, other corporations continued to ignore th e "Negr o market. " Events i n succeedin g decades , however, woul d dramatically disrup t lingering dismissiv e perceptions o f black consumers .

2 New World A-Comin g I Black Consumers, 1941-1960

In 194 3 th e Africa n America n journalis t Ro i Ottle y wrot e a well-received overvie w o f African America n lif e wit h th e markedl y upbea t and prophetic title , New World A-Coming. For African American consumers , the years 1941-1960 , did, indeed, usher in a period o f recognition an d con sideration tha t woul d hav e seeme d unimaginabl e i n previou s decades . The urbanization o f African Americans, which prompted initia l business interest in blac k consumers , reache d dizzyin g height s durin g th e fift h an d sixt h decades of the twentieth century . As African Americans began t o proliferat e in even greater numbers in American cities , an increasing number o f American businesses , from majo r leagu e basebal l team s t o radi o stations , decided it was in their best interest to actively seek the patronage of black consumers. As the disappearance o f the Negro Baseball Leagues during this period sug gested, however, black consumers' increased "recognition" by white compa nies would no t com e withou t cost . The perio d fro m 194 1 t o 196 0 witnessed wha t ha s been calle d "the re location o f black America." 1 The massiv e souther n blac k migratio n associ ated wit h World War I I and it s aftermath possesse d nearl y th e sam e "push" and "pull" characteristics a s the World War I Great Migration . In both eras , southern agricultura l condition s resulte d i n th e displacemen t o f numerou s black sharecroppers . Also, the South s virulen t whit e racis m betwee n 194 1 and 196 0 was as intense as it had been in 1915 . Finally, the availability of relatively good-paying jobs in northern an d western citie s further predispose d southern black s to chang e thei r places of residence. An earl y stimulu s fo r World War II—er a black migratio n wa s Presiden t Franklin D . Roosevelt' s issuanc e o f Executiv e Orde r 880 2 o n Jun e 25 , 1941. This edict , delivere d t o aver t a planne d Africa n America n protes t march i n th e natio n s capital, stated: "There shal l b e n o discriminatio n i n the employmen t o f worker s i n defens e industrie s o r governmen t becaus e of race, color, or nationa l origin." 2 Mor e important , Executive Orde r 880 2 31

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New World A-Coming

established a Fai r Employmen t Practice s Committe e (F.E.P.C. ) t o coordi nate th e implementatio n o f 8802 . Durin g Worl d Wa r I , th e vas t majorit y of transplante d souther n blac k worker s ende d u p i n unskille d positions ; i n contrast, i n Worl d Wa r II , th e F.E.P.C , throug h it s battle s wit h unions , helped a significan t numbe r o f blac k migrant s gai n entr y int o skille d in dustrial positions. 3 Responding t o th e economi c opportunit y embodie d i n Executiv e Orde r 8802 an d th e Fai r Employmen t Practice s Committee , rural souther n black s streamed int o northern , western , an d souther n cities . By 1942 , there wer e nearly on e millio n ne w Africa n America n urba n resident s acros s th e coun try. Black populatio n gain s i n suc h coasta l shipbuildin g center s a s San Fran cisco, California ; Portland , Oregon ; Mobile , Alabama ; Charleston , Sout h Carolina; and Savannah , Georgia , were especiall y significant. 4 As th e numbe r o f black s dramaticall y increase d i n U.S . cities durin g th e war years , white businesse s differe d i n thei r reaction . Som e whit e business men, because o f racism, refused t o mak e specia l appeal s t o blac k consumers . Others, w h o sense d th e growin g practicalit y an d profitabilit y o f wooin g African America n shoppers , sought insight s into reachin g thi s heretofore lit tle-known segmen t o f th e America n buyin g public . To assis t thos e whit e businesses interested i n courtin g blacks , business periodicals bega n t o featur e an increasin g numbe r o f article s relate d t o th e " N e g r o market. " David J. Sullivan, an African America n pionee r i n th e fiel d o f marke t re search, emerged a s the country' s leadin g exper t o n blac k consume r activit y during World War II . D u r i ng thi s period h e published severa l widely read ar ticles an d demographic/statistica l profile s o f black consumers . O n e o f Sullivan's mos t importan t essays , "Don't D o This—IfYouWant t o Sell Your Product s t o Negroes!, " which appeare d i n th e Marc h 1,194 3 issu e of Sales Management, provide d th e followin g marketin g advic e t o corpora tions seekin g blac k consume r support : 1. Don' t exaggerat e Negr o characters , with flat noses , thick lips , kinky hair , and ow l eyes . They don' t exis t any more a s a matter o f fact . 2. Avoi d Negro minstrels. Avoid even the use of white people with blackfac e and a kinky wig for hair to depict a Negro. We know, as well as you might , that the y are phonies—minstrelsy i s a dead issue. 3. Don' t constantl y name the Negro porter o r waiter "George." He coul d be John, James, or Aloysius, for tha t matter . Nothing makes Negroe s angrie r than t o b e calle d "George." 4. Avoi d incorrec t Englis h usage , grammar, and dialect . In othe r words , get away from "Ya s suh, sho, dese, dem, dat, or da t 'ere , gwine, you all. " (This

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last white Southerner s us e more ofte n tha n Negroes. ) Avoid also,'Tse, dis yere, wif," an d other s in simila r vein. 5. Don' t pictur e colore d wome n a s buxom, broad-faced, grinning mammie s and Aunt Jemimas. Negroes hav e n o monopol y o n size . Neither ar e the y all laundresses , cooks , an d domesti c servants . By n o mean s colo r the m black. Use brown-skinned girl s for illustrations ; then yo u satisf y all . Don't refer t o Negr o wome n a s "Negresses." 6. Don' t overd o comed y situations , gag lines, or illustrations . Avoid, even b y suggestion, "There's a nigge r i n th e woodpile, " o r "coon, " "shine," an d "darky." 7. Don' t illustrate an outdoor poster, car card, advertisement, or any other advertising piece showin g a Negro eatin g watermelon, chasing chickens, or crap shooting. No rac e has a monopoly o n thes e traits. 8. Don' t pictur e th e "Uncl e Mose " type—th e typ e who m Octavu s Ro y Cohen employs in his stories in Collier's and elsewhere. He is characterized by kinky hair and as a stooped, tall, lean and grayed sharecropper, always in rags. The U.S . Chamber o f Commerce says , and fact s prove , that Negroe s spend mor e mone y fo r clothe s pe r capit a tha n d o whit e peopl e i n Ne w York Cit y an d othe r large cities. 9. Alway s avoid the word "Pickaninny," or lampooning illustrations of Negro children. They ar e a s dear t o thei r parent s a s are othe r children , irrespective of race. 10. Don' t insul t th e clergy . The da y of the itineran t Negr o preache r ha s gon e long since. 5 Sullivan's advic e t o corporat e marketer s wa s importan t fo r tw o distinc t reasons. First, it set the stag e for th e ongoing , continually modifie d "ho w t o " genre i n advertisin g trad e journals relate d t o reachin g blac k consumers . Second, hi s observations , couple d wit h increase d blac k consume r disconten t with bein g caricature d b y advertiser s (se e chapte r 3) , led t o th e eventua l dis appearance o f "mammies," pickaninnies, " "coons," an d "niggers " from U.S . advertising. Sullivan's Jul y 2 1 , 1944 , articl e i n Printer's Ink, title d " T h e Anierica n Negro—An 'Export ' Marke t a t Home, " provide d significan t demographi c information abou t th e blac k consume r market . Beside s providin g figure s related t o blacks ' rising aggregat e nationa l incom e i n th e year s 1942—1944 , Sullivan disclose d th e buyin g pattern s o f Africa n America n shopper s fo r such item s a s over-the-counte r dru g remedie s an d cosmetic s an d toi letries. To dispe l th e notio n tha t th e blac k consume r marke t wa s periphera l an d irrelevant, Sulliva n asserted :

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New World A-Coming

Today's Negr o marke t o f over 13,000,00 0 consumer s ha d a gross income i n 1942 of $7,000,000,000 of which 62% was spent in consumers goods and services. The effectiv e buyin g incom e o f th e Negr o marke t i n 194 2 exceede d nearly two an d one-half times the total American export s t o Sout h America. . . . It s 194 3 gros s Nationa l incom e reache d a n all-tim e hig h o f $10,290,000,000, far greater tha n Canada' s 194 3 total of $8,800,000,000. 6 Sullivan wen t o n t o explai n tha t black pe r capit a expenditure s fo r certai n items exceede d thos e o f whites. For instance , blacks tende d t o spen d tw o t o four time s mor e mone y tha n white s fo r over-th e counte r remedies . Like wise, on a per capit a basis , African American s wer e th e larges t buyer s o f cos metics an d toiletries. 7 To furthe r convinc e U.S . corporation s o f th e efficac y o f wooin g blac k consumers, Sulliva n projecte d tha t aggregat e Africa n America n incom e would ris e t o $10,500,000,00 0 i n 1944 . Moreover, h e declared : it is expected that Negroes will maintain substantially a large part of the gains they have made in employment, due to the war, and their increasing number s in the labor unions... sales are waiting for th e manufacturer wh o wil l investigate the Negro market, and plan sales and advertising campaigns to reach this expanding market of 13,000,000 Americans who yearly are increasing in both population an d buying power. 8 Besides writin g articles , Sullivan produce d importan t statistica l table s re lated t o th e "Negr o market. " Perhap s hi s mos t detaile d an d usefu l creatio n appeared in th e June 15 , 1945 , issue of Sales Management unde r th e titl e o f " H o w Negroe s Spen t Their Incomes , 1920-1943."Table 2. 1 provide s a sam pling o f thi s importan t researc h compilation . TABLE 2. 1

How African Americans Spent Their Incomes, Selected Characteristics, 1920, 1943 1920 194

TOTAL BLACK INCOME $3,055,000,00 Housing 647,744,80 Food 702,742,00 Clothing 336,094,00 Drugs, Proprietaries 119,160,60 Automobile 30,554,00 Tobacco 15,277,00 Education 3,055,00 Savings 128,326,80

3

0 $10,290,000,00 0 1,718,430,00 0 1,862,409,00 0 1,121,610,00 0 318,990,00 0 144,060,00 0 102,900,00 0 154,350,00 0 812,910,00

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

SOURCE: David J. Sullivan, "How Negroes Spent Their Incomes, 1920-1943," Sales Management 54 (June 15,1945): 106. Sullivan's original table examined the years 1920,1929,1935,1941, and 1943. He also provided thes e additiona l categorie s o f black spending: Household Furnishings , Fuel, Alcoholic Beverages, Medical, Transport, Personal Care, Recreation, Reading, Miscellaneous, Gifts/Contributions, and Taxes.

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As more corporations , inspired b y Sullivan' s urging , began t o tak e blac k consumers seriously , blac k newspapers , a n effectiv e mean s t o reac h thes e shoppers, likewise increased in stature. Before th e 1940s , whit e companies , excludin g th e purveyor s o f ski n whiteners, hai r straighteners , an d paten t medicines , al l bu t ignore d blac k newspapers as an advertising venue. In fact, the few large companies that did advertise in African American periodicals, such as Camel cigarettes, Lifebuoy soap, and Chevrole t automobiles , did s o through a white intermediary , th e W. B. Ziff Company of Chicago. In fact,W. B. Ziff carved out a special niche for itself by representing the "Negro market " and the "Negro press " to cor porate America. 9 Black newspaper s wer e force d t o rel y o n Zif f becaus e thei r ow n effort s were ofte n ignore d an d rebuffed . Fo r instance, in 1933 , Claude A. Barnett, the founde r o f the Associated Negr o Press , the era' s most influentia l blac k news service, sought corporat e suppor t for an extensive survey of Chicago's "Negro market. " Barnett, who ha d bee n i n contac t wit h Pau l K . Edwards, hoped t o use Edwards' study of southern urba n black consumers as a model for hi s (Barnett's) propose d stud y of black Chicago' s consumption patterns . Nevertheless, lack o f cooperation fro m corporation s (who , ironically, stood to profit fro m th e data generated from Barnett s proposed survey) ultimatel y forced hi m t o abando n it. 10 A milestone in the history of black newspapers' relationship with corpo rate America wa s th e foundin g o f Interstat e Unite d Newspapers , Inc. , in 1940. Interstate, a consortium o f African American newspapers , represented the brainchild of Robert Vann, editor of the Pittsburgh Courier. Significantly, it filled th e void left b y W. B. Ziff's recen t withdrawal from its role as the in termediary between black newspapers and potential corporate advertisers. 11 Ziff's abandonmen t o f black newspapers , because o f the difficult y o f securing a significant numbe r o f corporate advertiser s othe r tha n thos e pro moting "beauty" products, turned ou t t o b e a bad business decision . As the African American population expanded in U.S. cities during the early 1940s, and as David J. Sullivan's research reache d a n eve r widening audience , large companies becam e muc h mor e receptiv e t o th e ide a o f enhancin g thei r presence i n th e black community . Consequently , Ziff' s short-sightednes s proved to be Interstat e United Newspapers ' gain. The ascendanc y o f William G . Black t o th e positio n o f Interstate' s sale s manager i n 194 2 represente d anothe r watershe d even t i n th e relationshi p between black newspapers and corporate America. Black, a master salesman who possesse d a n in-dept h knowledg e o f th e "Negr o market, " helped t o

36 | New World A-Coming dramatically increase the number of major U.S . corporations who advertise d in African America n newspapers . Within a couple years , Black an d hi s staf f had secured the patronage of such firms as Seagrams, Pabst, Coca Cola, Pepsi Cola, the Neh i Corporation , Ford , Buick, Chrysler , Best Foods , American Sugar Refineries, and Safeway. 12 To maximize th e effectivenes s o f corporate advertisin g in blac k newspa pers, Black and Interstate utilized testimonia l statements by noted black en tertainers. For instance, black newspape r advertisement s fo r th e Neh i Cor poration s Royal Crow n Col a featured th e endorsemen t o f such celebritie s as "Peg Leg" Bates and Erskine Hawkins. 13 William Black s succes s i n attractin g mor e corporat e advertisin g fo r black newspaper s was based o n hi s skill in convincin g large companies tha t black newspaper s wer e indispensabl e i f the companie s wishe d t o reac h th e black consume r market . On e o f th e tool s tha t Blac k an d hi s staf f ha d a t their disposa l was a 1944 Interstate-produce d pamphle t title d America's Negroes Live as a "Country within a Country" in Many Places as a "City within a City" This booklet, whose targe t audienc e wa s potential corporat e advertisers , began b y presenting demographi c informatio n abou t blac k consumer s de rived fro m Davi d A. Sullivan's research. It the n wen t o n t o discus s the "in visibility" of African American s i n mainstrea m newspapers . To driv e hom e this point, the Interstat e publication aske d its white reader s if they had eve r seen "a picture o f a NEGRO WEDDING i n your paper?" 14 In closing , Americays Negroes Live As a "Country Within a Country" left it s readers with thi s powerful message : Where d o YOU thin k you r a d will win th e Negr o Market' s Warmest Re sponse? ON HOSTILE GROUND: the White Press, inadequate, indifferent, or worse! OR AT "HOME" ?The Negro Press: Negro news, interests, welfare, achievements.15 Interstate Unite d Newspapers ' early success in increasing the numbe r o f national advertisers in African American newspapers prompted the compan y to tak e a n histori c ste p i n 1946 . In August, Interstat e contracte d wit h th e New York-based Researc h Compan y o f America t o conduc t a nationwid e survey of African American purchases and brand preferences in which a total of five thousand famiUes in twenty-seven citie s from coas t to coast would be asked to fill out a four-page questionnair e consistin g of one hundre d ques tions. Significantly, corporat e sponsors , besides Interstat e Unite d Newspa pers Inc., provided 7 5 percent o f the funding fo r thi s project. 16

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T h e surve y investigate d blac k consume r preference s i n suc h majo r mar kets as Atlanta; Birmingham; Chicago; Columbus, Ohio; Detroit; Indianapo lis; Kansas City , Missouri; Los Angeles; Memphis; Nashville ; N e w Orleans ; N e w York City ; Newark; and St . Louis. T he result s indicate d definit e prefer ences fo r certai n items . For instance , Camel cigarettes , Gillette razo r blades , and Maxwel l Hous e coffe e wer e amon g blac k consumers ' clear favorites. 17 Besides revealin g African America n preference s fo r specifi c bran d names , Interstate s nationa l surve y provide d importan t insight s abou t h o w black s spent thei r estimate d $1 0 billio n aggregat e incom e i n 1946 . O ut o f th e $ 7 billion tha t coul d b e describe d a s African Americans ' "disposable" income , more tha n $2. 5 billio n wen t fo r foo d purchases , an d mor e tha n $ 2 billio n went fo r clothin g purchases . Other expenditure s documente d b y th e stud y included $75 0 millio n fo r housing ; $350 millio n fo r h o m e furnishings ; $50 0 million fo r beverage s (har d an d soft) ; $350 millio n fo r toiletrie s an d persona l care products ; $400 millio n fo r drug s an d medica l remedies ; between $15 0 and $20 0 millio n fo r tobacco ; an d betwee n $15 0 an d $20 0 millio n fo r au tomobiles an d relate d accessories. 18 Although thi s stud y focuse d o n th e spendin g habit s o f black consumers , it als o compile d othe r demographi c dat a relate d t o urba n blacks . T he sur vey's four-pag e questionnair e include d question s abou t h o m e ownership , family composition , employmen t status , and whethe r th e respondin g famil y had a ban k account. 19 Moreover , a s William Blac k emphasize d i n a Marc h 24,1947, Advertising Age articl e abou t th e survey' s findings , non e o f the fiv e thousand blac k familie s interviewe d wer e pai d fo r thei r tim e an d coopera tion. After th e approximatel y one-hou r interview , respondents wer e thanke d and give n card s tha t stated : You hav e answere d question s whic h wil l hel p manufacturer s t o kno w mor e about th e buying an d shopping habit s of the American Negro . American in dustry is recognizing more eac h day the necessity of first-hand knowledg e o f the American people.The study, when complete d and tabulated, will do much to clarif y manufacturers ' thinking B y answering these questions you hav e been mos t helpfu l an d enlightenin g an d hav e contribute d i n n o smal l mea sure to a better inter-racial understanding. 20 Interstate Unite d Newspapers ' successfu l sponsorshi p o f th e firs t nationa l survey of African American consume r preferences , whose finding s wer e sub sequently summarize d i n a publicatio n title d The National Negro Market, 21 further validate d Interstate' s statur e a s an invaluabl e all y t o thos e companie s seeking th e patronag e an d goodwil l o f black consumers .

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Because o f Interstate' s an d William Black' s dramati c succes s in securin g more corporat e advertiser s fo r consortiu m newspapers , African America n newspapers unaligne d wit h Interstat e forme d thei r ow n group , Associated Publishers, Inc., in 1944 . Between 194 4 an d 1948 , the numbe r o f newspa pers associate d wit h Associate d Publisher s gre w from te n t o twenty-four . These figures paled in comparison to the 135 black newspapers aligned with Interstate Unite d Newspaper s b y 1948 . Nevertheless, Associated Publisher s did carve ou t a comfortable nich e fo r itsel f as a gateway t o th e increasingl y important "Negro market. " Moreover, Interstate apparently got its idea for a national surve y o f blac k consume r preference s from a earlie r stud y spon sored by Associated Publishers (als o coordinated by the Research Compan y of America) o f black shoppers in Washington, D.C., Philadelphia, and Baltimore.22 Notwithstanding th e increase d appreciatio n durin g th e 1940 s o f blac k consumers b y th e purveyor s o f foo d products , clothing, over-the-counte r drugs, and cosmetics and toiletries, the decade's most spectacular recognition of African American consumers took place in major league baseball. The in creased urbanization and the relative wealth of black workers during this period influence d th e desegregatio n o f the "national pastime." By th e mid-1940s , the nationa l per capit a income o f African American s stood at $779, compared to $1,140 for whites. 23 However, the per capita income of blacks residing in cities with major league baseball teams compared very favorabl y wit h nationa l white pe r capit a earnings . In fact , in som e lo cales, urban black s possessed a per capit a incom e highe r tha n th e nationa l white average . Consequently , i n mos t majo r leagu e citie s a t th e tim e o f Jackie Robinson' s histori c 194 7 appearanc e wit h th e Brookly n Dodgers , there existe d a significant black population wit h mone y t o spend . Table 2. 2 presents income dat a for selecte d cities. One o f the most debated questions in American sports history is what really motivated Brooklyn Dodger General Manager Branch Rickey to desegregate major league baseball? Some have argued that Rickey's propensity fo r racial fairnes s prompte d hi s momentou s decision . Advocates o f thi s belie f often refer to the "Charlie Thomas story," an incident that occurred on a road trip when Rickey serve d as Ohio Wesleyan University's baseball coach dur ing the early twentieth century. Reacting to a South Bend, Indiana, hotel's refusal t o provide Thomas th e same accommodations a s his white teammates , as well as to Thomas's emotional reaction to this racial insult, Rickey allegedly vowed t o "always do whateve r I could t o se e that othe r Americans di d no t face the bitter humiliation that was heaped upon Charlie Thomas."24

New World A-Coming | 3 9 TABLE 2.2

Black Population, Aggregate and Per Capita Income, in Cities with Major League Baseball Teams, 1943* City

Black Populatio n

N e w York, N ew York Philadelphia, Pennsylvani a Chicago, Illinoi s Washington, D.C . Detroit, Michiga n St. Louis, Missouri Cleveland, Ohi o Pittsburgh, Pennsylvani a Cincinnati, Ohi o

458,444 280,986 349,941 224,916 185,057 108,765 84,504 62,216 55,593

1943 Aggregate Buying Income $448,363,000 210,248,000 378,286,000 259,548,000 190,239,000 119,642,000 96,504,000 60,221,000 66,712,000

Per Capita $949 758 1,081 1,154 1,028 1,100 1,142 984 1,200

*Sullivan's list did not includ e Boston, which ha d two teams , the Red So x and Braves. Also see Joseph L . Reichler, ed.,The Baseball Encyclopedia, 6th ed. (NewYork: Macmillan, 1985), 382-85. SOURCE: David J. Sullivan, "Negro Incomes and How They Are Spent,"Sales Management 54 Qune 15,1945): 106.

T h e Charli e Thomas incident , whil e a n interestin g anecdote , tell s u s lit tle abou t Rickey' s late r feeling s regardin g racia l justice. W h en h e serve d i n the St . Louis Cardina l fron t office , befor e joining th e Dodgers , he remaine d silent abou t racia l bias in th e majo r leagues ' then southernmos t city. 25 M o r e over, afte r joinin g th e Dodgers , Rickey' s plan s t o emplo y Robinso n an d other blac k player s ha d littl e t o d o wit h Charli e Thomas. As Rickey report edly tol d hi s family : The greates t untappe d reservoi r o f raw material in the history o f the game is the black race! The Negroe s wil l make us winners for years to come… . An d for that I will happily bear being called a bleeding heart and a do-gooder an d all that humanitaria n rot. 26 If Branch Ricke y viewe d blac k player s a s a n "untappe d reservoir, " it ap pears plausibl e t o assum e tha t h e viewe d blac k consumer s similarly . Sinc e baseball's (o r an y professiona l sport s team's ) profit s ar e closel y linke d t o fa n attendance a t games , Ricke y clearl y hope d tha t Africa n American s fans , coming ou t t o see African American players , would mak e hi m a winner bot h on th e fiel d an d i n th e bo x office . I n fact , a s Ken Burn s s magisterial docu mentary Baseball revealed, on April 15,1947 , Jackie R o b i n s o ns officia l entr y into th e majo r leagues , blacks mad e u p mor e tha n hal f of Ebbetts Field' s ca pacity crowd. 27 Robinson' s presenc e als o enhance d attendanc e a t Brookly n Dodger roa d games. As one baseball historian ha s described th e 194 7 Brook lyn Dodgers ' first majo r roa d trip : On Sunday , May 11 , the Dodgers faced th e Phillies in a doubleheader befor e the larges t crow d i n Philadelphi a basebal l history . Scalpers sol d $2 tickets fo r $6, "just lik e th e Worl d Series. " Two day s late r i n Cincinnat i 27,16 4 fan s

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turned out despite an all-day rain "to size up Jackie Robinson." Bad weather diminished th e crowd s fo r tw o game s i n Pittsburgh , but whe n th e skie s cleared, 34,814 fans appeared at Forbes Field for the May 18 series finale.The following day the Dodgers met the Cubs in Chicago. Two hours before game time Wrigley Field had almost filled. A total of 46,572 fans crammed into the ball park, the largest attendance in stadium history. The tour concluded in St. Louis where the Dodgers and Cardinals played before th e biggest weekday crowd of the National League season.28 Besides Jackie Robinson, the great pitcher Satchel Paige, who joined th e Cleveland Indian s in 1948 , was a box-office dra w of major proportions . Although Paige was not the Indians' first black player—Larry Doby had joined in the team in July 1947—hi s presence immediately increased India n atten dance both a t home an d away. Paige's first appearance fo r Cleveland , after h e was signed in July 194 8 to buttress the Indians'pitching staff for the remainder of the season, was a July 14,1948 exhibitio n gam e against the Brooklyn Dodgers . Out o f the nearl y 65,000 fans who crowded into Cleveland's Municipal Stadium to see Paige's major leagu e debut , an estimated 4 0 percent wer e black. 29 Paige, whose ag e ha d bee n estimate d fro m thirty-eigh t t o forty-eigh t years when h e joined th e Indians , was a master showman wh o delighte d i n entertaining crowd s with hi s unique pitchin g motion . When h e joined th e Indians' starting rotation i n August 1948 , his presence dre w unprecedente d audiences. In an August 3,1948, night game against the Washington Senators, 72,000 Cleveland fans watched Paige and the Indians beat the Senators. This represented the largest night crowd in baseball history. Ten days later, in Chicago , more tha n 51,00 0 fans, a new recor d for nigh t baseball in tha t city , jammed into Comiskey Park to watch Paige shut out the White Sox , 5-0. On August 20,1948, more tha n 78,00 0 fan s cramme d int o Cleveland' s Municipal Sta dium, shattering the record fo r fan s a t a night gam e set only seventeen day s earlier, to watch Paig e and th e Indian s again beat th e White Sox , 5-1. 30 Although Paige's fortunes waned as the season progressed, fan support fo r Paige, both hom e an d away, remained high. 31 Moreover, his presence, along with that of Jackie Robinson, Larry Doby, Roy Campanella , and other black pioneers in major leagu e baseball, set the stag e for a n eve n greater prolifer ation o f blacks on th e field and in th e stands. Almost lost in the hoopla surroundin g Robinson s and other black players' appearance i n th e majo r league s was the simultaneou s declin e an d dis appearance o f the Negro Baseball Leagues. For decades, when majo r leagu e

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teams prohibite d black s fro m thei r rosters , Negro Leagu e team s ha d pro vided skille d African America n basebal l player s a n opportunit y t o mak e a living, and ther e existe d a special bond betwee n Negr o Leagu e player s an d the cities they represented. 32Yet, after 1947 , not only the players but the fans quickly abandoned this important community institution.The dissolutio n of the Negr o Basebal l League s serve d a s a preceden t fo r th e futur e (albei t slower) dissolutio n o f other histori c African America n institutions , such a s black-owned insuranc e companie s (se e chapter 5 and Epilogue). At th e sam e tim e tha t th e Negr o Basebal l League s bega n t o disappea r from th e American landscape , black-oriented radi o stations began t o proliferate acros s the Unite d States . Yet, well before th e lat e 1940s , radio ha d es tablished a n important presenc e in African American homes . The origi n o f the black radio industry ca n be trace d t o "The All Negr o Hour," which first aire d in Chicago in November 1929.Thi s program and a 1931 derivative , "The All Negro Children' s Hour, " were variet y show s de veloped b y th e vetera n blac k entertaine r Jack Lero y Coope r t o counterac t mainstream radio' s stereotypical depiction s o f African American life. 33 Besides serving as a cultural oasis for black radio listeners, black-oriented radio programs , from th e beginning , wer e use d b y companie s seekin g t o reach black consumers . As one writer ha s asserted: Sponsors, starting in the 1930s, bought blocks of air time, day or night, to promote pork chops , chitlins, secondhand furniture , patent medicine , and anything else thought to appeal to blacks. A representative example is the "King Biscuit Time" broadcast in the early 1940s from the teeming little metropolis of Helena, Mississippi, deep in the heavily black Delta region. At noon, singerharmonica player Rice (Sonn y Boy Williamson) Miller and guitarist Robert Lockwood brought listeners fifteen minute s of blues and greetings from th e makers of King Biscuit flour. At one point the broadcast became so popular that a line of Sonny Boy cornmeal was introduced.34 Still, as late a s 1949 , Sponsor, the advertisin g trad e journal o f the broadcast ing industry, referred t o black consumer s a s "The Forgotte n 15,000,00 0 "35 Although man y corporation s bega n t o tak e black consumer s mor e seri ously during the 1940s , many others remained reluctant to actively court th e "Negro market. " Data fro m th e 195 0 census , however, helped t o decreas e this lingering reluctance . Between 194 0 an d 1950 , the numbe r o f African America n cit y dweller s increased from 6,253,58 8 t o 9,120,000 , a 46 percen t increase . At th e sam e time, the blac k populatio n gre w fro m 12,53,58 8 t o 14,894,000 . This 15. 8

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percent increas e compare d t o a 14. 4 percent increas e i n th e U.S . white p o p ulation durin g th e sam e decade. 36 Thus , b y th e earl y 1950s , th e nationa l African America n communit y appeare d t o b e increasin g bot h i n siz e an d i n urban concentration . This dramati c demographi c p h e n o m e n o n woul d hav e far-reaching consequences , especially fo r th e radi o industry . Sponsor, in a July 2 8 , 1 9 5 2 , follow-up t o it s 194 9 article s relatin g t o "th e forgotten 15,000,000, " featured a n extensiv e sectio n title d " T h e Forgotte n 15,000,000 . . .ThreeYear s Later. " Firs t an d foremost , i t seeme d clea r tha t black consumer s wer e fa r les s forgotten (o r ignored).Wherea s onl y a hand ful o f U.S. radio station s feature d "Negro-appeal " programming i n 1949 , by 1952 ther e wer e mor e tha n tw o hundre d station s tha t feature d thi s forma t on a full- o r part-tim e basis . Moreover, thes e station s wer e attractin g a n in creasing amoun t o f corporat e advertising. 37 To assis t corporate marketer s contemplatin g usin g "Negro-appeal" radio , the July 28 , 1952 , Sponsor containe d tw o article s tha t feature d a question and-answer format . " T h e Negr o Market : $15,000,000,00 0 t o Spend " an d "Negro Radio : 200-Plu s Specialis t Stations—Mor e C o m i n g " provide d white businesse s wit h a cras h cours e o n bot h th e " N e g r o market " an d h o w it coul d b e reache d throug h radi o advertising . O n e especiall y illuminatin g aspec t o f thi s prime r fo r prospectiv e buyer s of advertising o n black-oriente d radi o was Sponsors respons e t o th e questio n "Does th e Negr o hav e a standard o f living (an d a product consumption ) tha t compares wit h th e standar d o f livin g o f U.S . whites?" T he journal , quotin g an "expert o n Negr o media, " stated : Negroes are denied many recreations in many parts of the country that whites take fo r granted . I mea n acces s t o theaters , restaurants, night-clubs, beaches, vacation resorts, travel facilities an d the like….As a result, Southern Negroe s can b e considere d largel y a s having as much mone y t o spen d o n non-recre ation items . Even i n Northern , Midwestern, and Pacifi c area s where th e dis crimination i s much les s than in th e South, this is true t o quite an extent… . The Negr o therefor e wil l spend much mor e money o n food, clothing, appliances, automobiles, and other items…Negro standard s of living, in many categories o f goods, are a match fo r white standards. 38 Another important insight provided to prospective advertisers on " N e g r o appeal" radio wa s Sponsor's response t o th e questio n "From th e standpoin t o f the spo t advertise r w h o ma y thinkin g o f buildin g a serie s o f Negro-appea l programs, either liv e o r custo m transcribed , what ar e th e mai n Negr o talen t and program preferences? " Its multipart answe r include d thes e points :

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1. Negr o listeners tune to a particular station primarily for the entertainmen t they fee l i s slanted a t them . Fo r th e mos t part , this wil l consis t o f a disk jockey wit h a strong sense o f showmanship, and a loyal Negro following , who spin s platters tha t featur e Negr o artist s mos t o f the time , and whit e artists some o f the time . This may be 50 % or more o f the total Negro-ap peal programming . 2. A deeply religiou s race , Negroes loo k t o radi o station s for broadcast s o f a spiritual nature . Most ofte n thes e consist o f live pickups from churche s o r special programs (liv e or transcribed ) o f religious music. 3. Sinc e fe w station s wit h a "general" program formul a g o ou t o f their wa y to ai r news o f special interest t o Negroes , much o f the succes s of Negroappeal stations is their coverage of community events , sports events... and so forth tha t concer n th e Negr o community. 39 Sponsor relied o n dat a generate d b y Memphi s radi o statio n W D IA t o an swer the questio n " H ow doe s th e amoun t o f radio listening don e i n a Negr o family compar e wit h th e amoun t don e o n a n over-al l basis?"Th e broadcas t advertising trad e journal note d tha t Memphi s blacks , because man y avenue s of entertainmen t wer e close d t o them , tende d t o vie w thei r home s a s pri mary recreationa l venues . Moreover , radi o playe d a centra l rol e i n blac k Memphians' at-hom e activities . Loca l Africa n American s spen t twic e a s much tim e listenin g t o radi o a s whites . I n addition , 9 3 percen t o f blac k Memphis home s possesse d a t leas t on e radio. 40 Evidence from othe r citie s furthe r demonstrate d radio' s centra l rol e i n the live s o f blacks . T he July 28,1952 , Sponsor, citing a surve y o f blac k radi o ownership i n N e w Yor k City , Washington, D.C. , Philadelphia , Charleston , Louisville, Atlanta, an d N e w Orleans , note d tha t th e vas t majorit y (75-9 0 percent) o f black home s i n thes e area s owne d a t leas t on e radio. 41 Finally, to convinc e eve n th e mos t skeptica l potential advertise r o f the ef ficacy o f "Negro-appeal" radio , the July 2 8 , 1 9 5 2 , Sponsor provided reader s with cas e studie s t o graphicall y demonstrat e thi s format s sellin g power . A m o n g th e "Negro-appeal" stations tha t share d thei r marketin g succes s sto ries wit h Sponsor were: • WERD , Atlanta, Georgi a Margarine—Quickly notin g tha t Nuco a margarin e ha d starte d a n an nouncement campaig n over WERD, Danneman's Supermarket decided to tie in with a n announcement o f their own , offering th e product a t a bargain price . On th e followin g day , after on e announcement , th e stor e re ported sale s of over three thousan d pounds o f margarine.

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Auto tires —After Prior Tire Compan y starte d a saturation announcemen t schedule, on e o f it s salesme n reporte d tha t hi s sale s alon e wer e u p b y $5,000 o r more per week . • WLOU , Louisville, Kentucky Beer—Oertels beer started a campaign the day this station went on th e air. They repor t tha t thei r sale s hav e steadil y increase d unti l the y no w hav e 65% of the Negro marke t i n the area despite competition fro m tw o othe r prominent loca l beers. Men's clothing—Moskins Clothiers give s complete credi t t o the station fo r a 40% sales increase. • WSOK , Nashville, Tennessee Refrigerators—An appliance deale r reports selling 42 used electric refriger ators in on e da y as a result o f nine half-minut e announcements . • WEDR , Birmingham, Alabama Electrical appliances —A Birmingha m deale r phone d th e statio n t o sa y h e traced ove r $5,000 in appliance sales during one weekend t o WEDR spo t campaign. Piano course—In spite of a four-week stee l strike which ha d a telling effec t on th e community' s buyin g power, a disk jockey o n thi s station too k or ders for piano course s from 25 0 customers . • WWCA , Gary , Indiana Home equipment—Local concern report s 50 0 direc t lead s per wee k a s af termath o f two quarter-hou r session s daily o n thi s station. • KOWL , Santa Monica , Californi a Beer—Maier Brew moved from sevent h place in bee r sales in th e Los Angeles are a t o firs t wit h Negroe s withi n a perio d o f 1 8 month s durin g which the y used the Joe Adams show o n KOWL . Talent contest —Station received reassuranc e o f hig h listenershi p durin g a recent talen t contest . Over 7,00 0 telephon e call s voting for talen t contes tants were registered i n on e afternoon. 42 While Sponsors Jul y 27 , 1952 , specia l sectio n o n "Negro-appeal " radi o provided a n extensiv e overvie w o f this growin g busines s an d entertainmen t industry, it gav e limite d coverag e t o dis k jockeys, the centra l an d mos t visi ble figure s associate d wit h thi s phenomenon . Sponsors subsequen t coverag e of black-oriented radi o remedie d thi s deficiency . By 1955 , th e numbe r o f "Negro-appeal " radi o station s i n th e Unite d States ha d grow n t o si x hundred. 4 3 A majo r reaso n fo r thi s proliferatio n wa s the growin g statur e o f dis k jockeys . These individuals , w h o cam e t o b e known fo r thei r showmanshi p an d salesmanship , represented th e backbon e of th e black-oriente d radi o industry .

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Before th e b o o m i n "Negro-appeal " radi o tha t commence d i n th e earl y 1950s, few black s earne d a living a s disk jockeys. As lat e a s 1947 , there wer e only sixtee n blac k deejay s i n th e Unite d States . Moreover, this group , whic h included nin e colleg e graduates , tended t o projec t a conservative , nonracia l persona ove r th e ai r waves. 44 O f th e sixtee n blac k disk-jockey s employe d i n 1947 , A l Benso n o f Chicago, whose styl e deviate d fro m tha t o f most o f his peers, would becom e one o f th e mos t influentia l blac k radi o personalitie s o f al l time . Benson , a mainstay a t radi o statio n W G E S , wa s no t a colleg e graduate . I n fact , man y derided Benso n fo r hi s "distressin g grapplin g wit h word s ove r tw o sylla bles." 45 Nevertheless , Benson's down-to-eart h radi o personalit y struc k a re sponsive chor d amon g hi s listener s an d gaine d th e attentio n o f advertisers . As on e o f hi s admirer s noted : Benson kille d th e King's English an d I don't kno w i f he di d it on purpose o r not. Everybody ha d t o se e Al i f the y wante d t o sel l t o th e blac k marke t i n Chicago, whether i t wa s beer o r rug s o r N u Nil e hai r cream . . . . He wasn' t pretending t o be white. He sounde d black. 46 Moreover, a s an authorit y o n blac k dis k jockeys ha s asserted : The lesson s Benso n taugh t abou t th e appea l an d profitabilit y o f hi s "blac k everyman" style were adopted al l over the country , ushering in the er a of the "personality deejays. " . .. B y 1955 , there wer e ove r five hundre d o f Benson's children floating across the country o n transistorized clouds , hawking records from farawa y stores , alon g wit h th e stuf f t o mak e you r wif e tw o o r thre e shades lighter, even if she looked good to you already. The ads never distracted listeners from th e musi c bu t coul d soun d a s wild an d greasy , and coo l a s the platters played alongside. 47 By th e mid-1950s , it appeare d clea r tha t th e increasin g numbe r o f blac k "personality deejays, " with thei r abilit y t o flawlessly mel d regula r program ming wit h advertisements , were becomin g increasingl y indispensabl e t o sta tion owner s an d advertisers . T he researc h o f R o b e r t P . Leatherwood , a n African America n w h o emerge d a s a n exper t o n blac k dis k jockey sellin g techniques, provided additiona l insight s o n thi s importan t phenomenon . I n Sponsor's Septembe r 28 , 1957 , specia l issu e o n "Negro-appeal " radio , Leatherwood responde d t o th e questio n " H o w doe s th e dis k jockey sell?" : Rhythm an d excitemen t ar e th e mos t importan t tool s the y u s e . . . . This en thusiasm is important becaus e the y perform fo r a highly critica l group o f listeners. . . . Negro dis k jockeys ar e wel l awar e tha t listener s deman d feveris h

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excitement; they fulfill thi s through dynamic delivery and spirited record selection. The feve r i s heightened b y th e rhythmi c styl e i n whic h the y talk . Commercials are read in a driving fashion tha t resembles an explosive drum solo. The sponsor's written appeal is supplemented with convincing ad lib remarks delivered in unique and descriptive terms that honor the Negro gift of creating unusual phrases with unusual meanings.48 Black deejays , during the 1950 s (an d afterward), were given considerabl e leeway and visibility in terms of station operations, perhaps to deflect atten tion fro m th e fac t tha t "Negro-appeal " station s wer e primaril y whit e owned.49 While blac k radio listeners were entertaine d b y such character s as New Orlean s s "Okey Dokey, " described b y radio statio n WBOKs promo tional materia l a s "a franti c rac e showma n tha t sell s and sells," 50 the white s who owne d thes e radio stations, along with th e white businesses that spon sored "Negro-appeal" programming, profited handsomel y from the antics of "Okey Dokey " and others . Station owners, hoping to maximize their advertising revenues, voluntarily formed severa l "radio groups" within the growing 1950s "Negro-appeal" radio industry . The larges t groupin g o f "Negro-appeal" stations was withi n the mainstrea m Keyston e Broadcastin g System , based i n Chicago . In 1955 , 278 o f Keystone' s 85 6 affiliate d station s wer e "Negro-appeal. " Two year s later, 34 7 o f on e thousan d Keyston e station s carrie d black-oriente d pro gramming. Most of the black Keystone stations were in the South. Prospective advertiser s wer e encourage d t o ru n ad s simultaneously o n al l o f Key stone s "Negro-appeal" stations.51 Rollins Broadcasting, Inc., ofWilmington,Delaware, coordinate d a much smaller bu t mor e geographicall y disperse d consortiu m o f black-oriente d radio stations . It s member s wer e WNJ R (Ne w Yor k Cit y area) ; WBEE (Chicago area);KAT Z (St . Louis) ;WGEE (Indianapohs) ; and WRAP (Nor folk). 5 2 ^ maximiz e it s appeal to prospective corporat e advertisers , Rollins in 195 8 conducted an extensive survey of black consumer preferences i n the cities wher e Rollin s affiliate s operated . Tables 2.3 , 2.4, an d 2. 5 provid e a sample o f the dat a generated b y Rollins. Another importan t "Negro-appeal " radi o grou p wa s th e Rounsavill e "Big 5," which consiste d ofWCI N (Cincinnati);WMB M (Miami);WLO U (Louisville);WQOK (Greenville , South Carolina) ; and WWOK (Charlotte , North Carolina). 53 After assertin g that it owned "A Million Ears," a Roun saville advertisement that appeared in the September 19,1955 , issue of Sponsor informed prospectiv e advertisers that "Individually o r as a prize package,

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TABLE 2 . 3 Product Brands Preferred by Urban Blacks, Selected Cities, 1958

N e w York Chicago St. Louis Norfolk Indianapolis

Aspirin

Beer

Toothpaste

Bayer Bayer Anacin/Bufferin Bayer Bufferin

Ballentine Budweiser Stag Budweiser Wiedemann's

Colgate Colgate Colgate Colgate Colgate

SOURCE: Sponsor (Negro Issue) 12 (September 20,1958): 29. TABLE 2 . 4 Product Brands Preferred by Urban Blacks, Selected Cities, 1958

N e w York Chicago St. Louis Norfolk Indianapolis

Cigarettes (Men)

Cigarettes (Women )

Tea

Camels Pall Mal l Pall Mal l Camels Camels/Pall Mal l

Viceroy/Winston Viceroy Pall Mal l Viceroy Pall Mal l

Lipton Lipton Lipton Lipton Lipton

SOURCE: Sponsor (Negro Issue ) 1 2 (September 20,1958): 29. TABLE 2 . 5 Product Brands Preferred by Urban Blacks, Selected Cities, 1958

N e w York Chicago St. Louis Norfolk Indianapolis

Soft Drink s

Tonics and Proprietarie s

Laundry Soap

Coca Col a Pepsi Col a Coca Col a Coca Col a Coca Col a

Black Draugh t Scotts' Emulsio n Black Draugh t Black Draugh t Father John's

Tide Tide Tide Fab Tide

SOURCE: Sponsor (Negro Issue) 12 (September 20,1958): 29.

these Rounsavill e station s wil l delive r to p audience s fo r you r advertisin g dollar."54 Still, anothe r significan t "Negro-appear * broadcas t consortiu m wa s th e "OK" group . Commencin g i n th e mid-1950s , membe r stations , al l locate d in th e Gul f Coas t region , share d "OK " i n thei r cal l letters . The y wer e W B O K ( N e w Orleans) ; W X OK (Bato n Rouge) ; KAO K (Lak e Charles) ; and KYO K (Houston).

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Besides th e ascendanc y o f "personalit y deejays " an d th e appearanc e o f radio groups , th e appearanc e o f th e Nationa l Negr o Network , Inc. , ( N N N ) i n 195 4 represente d a mileston e i n th e histor y o f black-oriente d radio. The N N N wa s a nationwid e consortiu m o f forty-tw o "Negro-ap peal" radi o station s forme d t o attrac t blue-chi p corporat e advertising . T o

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assist thi s campaign , N N N member s produce d a daytim e seria l title d "Ruby Valentine " tha t aire d o n th e network s affiliates. 56 I n promotin g "Ruby Valentine " t o potentia l corporat e advertisers , th e N N N s promo tional materia l declared : Now for the firsttime in advertising history ... a single coordinated program can take you t o the hear t o f the 1 6 billion dolla r American Negr o market . This new selling concept offers an advertiser a rich sales frontiervirtually uncultivated by national advertising. 57 "Ruby Valentine" s subsequent success with both black radio listeners and corporate advertiser s prompted th e National Negr o Networ k t o expan d its programming. Later N NN production s featured such noteworthy black performers a s Cab Calloway and Ethel Waters. Moreover, by 1956, NNN's public affairs departmen t fed live special-event broadcasts to member stations. 58 Although rhyth m an d blues dominated th e air-waves of "Negro-appear' radio during the years following World War II, gospel music, another favorit e of mid-twentiet h centur y urba n blac k consumers , also cam e int o it s ow n during this period. In fact, the years 1945-1955 have been called the first te n years of the "Golden Age of Gospel." 59 While the overwhelmingly white owner s of "Negro-appeal" stations derived profit s fro m it s gospe l musi c prograrnrning, 60 blac k entrepreneur s within th e gospe l community , using alternativ e mean s t o reac h blac k con sumers, also benefited . Chicago s Thomas A. Dorsey, recognized as the "Father o f African Amer ican Gospel Music," early on realized the merit o f direct marketing to reach black consumers. In 1932 , Dorsey establishe d the first publishin g house tha t exclusively sol d gospe l musi c create d b y African America n composer s (in cluding himself) . To ensur e a n immediat e marke t fo r hi s publishin g com pany's offerings, Dorsey, along with other gospel pioneers such as Sallie Martin, Magnolia Lewi s Butts , Theodore R . Frye , and Beatric e Brown , started the Nationa l Conventio n o f Gospe l Choir s an d Choruse s (NCGCC ) i n 1933. This organization's membership, comprising black Baptist choirs fro m across America, eagerly bought the myriad songs that were available for pur chase at the NCGCC' s annua l conventions. 61 By the 1940s , other business-minded blac k gospel aficionados, seeking to emulate Thomas Dorsey, had established gospel publishing houses across the country. One o f the most important wa s the Martin an d Morris Publishin g Company, established i n Chicag o i n 1940 . Martin an d Morris , name d afte r Salli e Marti n an d Kennet h Morris ,

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found a special niche in th e evolvin g gospel music industry. Instead o f limiting th e numbe r o f composer s the y published , Martin an d Morri s sough t to become a gospel music clearinghous e tha t feature d bot h establishe d an d new talent. 62 The business of Martin and Morris meshed the partners' talents perfectly. Sallie Martin , regarde d a s on e o f th e mos t evocativ e gospe l singer s o f al l time, spent considerabl e tim e o n th e road with he r "Sallie Martin Singers, " advertising th e song s publishe d b y Marti n an d Morris . Kennet h Morris , skilled in musical arrangement, composition, and notation, spent his time in Chicago workin g with th e company' s clients. 63 Besides the sheet music sold at Martin an d Morris's Chicag o office s an d at Salli e Marti n Singer s concerts , th e compan y ha d a wide-rangin g mai l order business. Black consumers , nationwide, continually sen t in money fo r Martin an d Morris' s wid e rang e o f gospe l music . The compan y als o em ployed agent s acros s the countr y wh o receive d commission s fo r marketin g Martin an d Morris's gospel sheet musi c in thei r respective locales. 64 Black gospel entrepreneurs, at mid-century, did not have the financial re sources that white-owned businesses seeking to attract black consumers had at thei r disposal . Nevertheless, Thomas Dorsey , Sallie Martin, and Kennet h Morris possesse d somethin g tha t th e advertisin g budget s o f America's to p corporations couldn' t purchase . These Africa n America n artists/business people wer e directl y linked t o blac k America's mos t potent socia l and eco nomic network , the church . One o f th e way s tha t whit e companie s attempte d t o lesse n thei r socia l distance from blac k consumers durin g this period wa s their employment o f "Negro market " specialist s t o activel y promot e thei r corporation s i n th e black community . Perhaps th e mos t famous o f the earl y African America n pioneers in corporat e America wa s James A. ("Billboard") Jackson. Jackson, a n extremel y outgoin g an d congenia l individual , joined Ess o Standard Oi l i n 193 7 a s a specia l representativ e t o th e blac k community . Jackson quickly made his mark both within the company and within the national marketin g community . B y th e mid-1940s , "Billboard" wa s th e firs t and only black member of the American Marketing Society. 65 Also, as interest in the "Negro market " grew during this period, Jackson's work attracte d much mor e attention . For instance, the March 7,1947 , issue of the market ing periodical Tide gave ample coverag e t o Jackson in an article titled "Th e Negro Market : An Appraisal." In a section tha t summarize d Jackson's activ ities as "A Stand-ou t Job," Tide provided th e following descriptio n o f "Billboard" s duties for Standar d Oil :

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Each year "the Esso man" swings around the circuit, cementing relations with the company' s Negro dealers , their customers an d Jackson's own 40,000-od d friends. Though i t would b e difficul t t o asses s it in dollar s and cents , the pol icy has paid of f handsomely. 66 T h e Peps i Cola Compan y wa s another majo r corporatio n that , beginnin g in th e 1940s , too k a n activ e interes t i n courtin g Africa n America n con sumers. In fact , Pepsi , by th e lat e 1940s , had establishe d a Negr o Sale s D e partment, heade d b y a n African American , Edwar d J. Boyd, t o enhanc e th e company's presenc e i n th e blac k community. 6 7 A m o n g Boyd' s accomplishment s wa s hi s 194 9 "Leader s I n H i s / H e r Field" advertising campaign , which sough t t o link prominent African Amer icans with Peps i Cola.Th e Septembe r 9,1949 , issue of Printer's Ink describe d this strateg y a s follows : What Pepsi-Col a di d i n thes e advertisement s wa s t o tak e som e prominen t members o f th e Negr o race , compile concis e summarie s o f thei r mos t im portant achievements , labe l the m a s leader s i n thei r field an d the n explai n that Pepsi-Cola als o is the leader of its field Th e mai n illustration i n thes e advertisements was intended t o serv e as an inspiration fo r th e averag e reader . . . . Secondly, the physica l proximit y o f the pictur e o f the prominen t Negr o to th e pictur e o f the produc t suggeste d tha t h e wa s a user o f the product. 68 Despite Boyd' s creativity , Pepsi relieve d hi m o f his dutie s i n 1952 , replacing him wit h Harve y C . Russell. Russell, w ho joined Peps i in 1950 , went o n to becom e Pepsi' s vice presiden t o f special market s i n 1961 , making hi m th e first Africa n America n t o b e name d vic e presiden t o f a multinationa l cor poration. 6 9 O n e o f th e highlight s o f Russell' s ascensio n t o upper-leve l managemen t was hi s coordinatio n o f th e company' s extremel y successfu l effort s t o in crease th e numbe r o f black Peps i drinker s i n N e w Orlean s durin g th e earl y 1950s. Pepsi' s subsequen t entrenchmen t amon g N e w Orlean s black s re vealed, amon g othe r things , ho w thoroug h marke t researc h ca n generat e huge corporat e profits . Before Peps i commence d it s 195 3 N e w Orlean s campaign , Russell con ducted a surve y o f th e Crescen t City' s Africa n America n community . A m o n g hi s findings, a s reporte d i n th e September , 195 4 issu e o f The Pepsi Cola World, were thes e observations : (1) Negroes , representing 3 5 percent o f New Orleans ' metropolitan popula tion, were responsible fo r a n estimated 5 0 percent o f all soft drin k consump -

New World A- Coming | 5 1 tion; (2) motion picture s comprise d th e primar y recreationa l facilitie s o f th e Negro population ; (3) Negro school s were badly in nee d o f various kind s o f equipment; and (4 ) the attitude o f local Negroes toward Pepsi-Cola bordere d on apathy. 70 After gatherin g thi s information , Russel l develope d a serie s o f promotion s designed t o strengthe n Pepsi' s statu s amon g N e w Orlean s blac k consumers , especially the young.T o attrac t young potentia l Peps i drinkers , local bottlers , on Russell' s recommendation , sponsore d Saturda y children' s matinee s a t local theater s patronize d b y blacks . T he admissio n pric e t o thes e show s wa s three Peps i bottl e tops ; young moviegoer s wer e als o treate d t o free Pepsi. 71 Within a short perio d o f time, as the Septembe r 195 4 issue o f The Pepsi Cola World proudly noted : The demand for Pepsi crowns became so great that the cap surplus which ha d once existed was almost immediately exhausted and the only way for childre n to ge t the m wa s to bu y th e product, which the y di d in increasin g quantities . Sales, in those areas where th e promotion ha d take n place, rose 62 percent i n four week s and finally levele d of f at a 40 percent permanen t gain . One rout e increased it s weekl y sale s b y 60 0 i n thre e months . Yet, the tota l cos t o f th e matinee promotions wa s only $100 per week. 72 Encouraged b y th e succes s o f thei r Saturda y matine e promotion , loca l Pepsi bottlers , again usin g Harve y Russell' s researc h an d recommendations , instituted a bottle-cap campaig n fo r N e w Orleans' s blac k schools . For accu mulating from te n thousan d t o twent y thousan d Peps i crowns , schools wer e to receiv e a variet y o f prizes . Between Februar y 195 3 an d Februar y 1954 , "128,000 Peps i bottl e cap s wer e returne d from th e school s a t a cost , i n prizes, of onl y $400," 73 Another profitabl e Peps i campaig n aime d a t N e w Orleans' s blac k yout h was it s summertim e "Peps i Da y a t th e Beach " promotion . Peps i arrange d with a local amusemen t par k fo r blac k N e w Orlean s yout h t o b e admitte d and provide d acces s t o ride s i n exchang e fo r Peps i bottl e caps . T he 195 4 "Pepsi Da y a t th e Beach " attracted on e thousan d childre n w h o "paid " thei r way wit h 125,00 0 bottl e caps. 74 By th e earl y 1950s , th e numbe r o f companie s seekin g t o emulat e th e success o f companie s lik e Pepsi-Col a an d Ess o Standar d Oi l i n reachin g black consumer s increase d dramatically , leadin g t o a n eve n greate r prolif eration o f "Negro market " specialists throughou t corporat e America. These black trailblazer s i n U.S . corporation s soo n coalesce d i n a mutua l suppor t

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organization know n a s th e Nationa l Associatio n o f Marke t Developer s (NAMD). T h e Nationa l Associatio n o f Marke t Developer s gre w ou t th e need s o f "Negro market " specialists fo r professiona l trainin g an d association . Durin g the earl y 1950s , the blac k pioneer s i n corporat e America tende d t o operat e at th e margin s o f their respectiv e companies . As on e earl y N A M D membe r has asserted : You weren't a part o f anything rea l within th e compan y marketin g progra m or organization.You didn' t participate in the meetings where the y would discuss what's going on and what the new strategies were… . I don't think man y of these company managers really gave a damn about anything more than th e fact tha t the y wer e goin g t o hav e somebod y ou t ther e identifie d wit h th e Negro market. 75 Besides bein g professionall y isolate d i n th e companie s the y represented , "Negro market " specialists were sociall y isolated fro m thei r white colleague s as well. Nevertheless, the African America n trailblazer s i n corporat e Amer ica circumvente d thi s obstacl e b y establishin g thei r ow n informa l socia l net work. Fo r example , these individuals , while representin g thei r companie s a t the annua l meeting s o f such nationa l African America n organization s a s th e N A A C P an d th e Nationa l Urba n League , regularly share d idea s an d offere d encouragement t o eac h other. 76 W h e n th e Nationa l Associatio n o f Marke t Developer s officiall y bega n in Ma y 1953 , it provide d a n institutiona l solutio n t o th e socia l an d profes sional concern s o f "Negr o market " specialists . T h e organization' s subse quent annua l convention s provide d a venu e no t onl y fo r socializin g but , more important , fo r receivin g additiona l professiona l training . I n fact , unti l the lat e 1960s , w h en U.S . corporations bega n t o substantivel y accor d thei r black personne l th e sam e respec t an d trainin g a s thei r whit e personnel , N A M D convention s represente d perhap s th e onl y plac e wher e Africa n Americans coul d receiv e up-to-dat e informatio n abou t sale s an d market ing. 77 Because o f N A MD s central rol e i n th e evolutio n o f corporate America s interest i n Africa n America n consumers , th e organizatio n s earl y member ship represente d a virtual "Who's W h o" o f blacks i n U.S . business. Ironically, the firs t presiden t o f th e organization , Mos s H . Kendrix , wa s no t a n em ployee o f a majo r corporatio n bu t heade d hi s ow n firm , th e Mos s H . Kendrix Publi c Relation s Company . Hi s primar y clien t durin g th e 1950 s was th e Coc a Col a Company. 7 8

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Samuel Whitema n wa s anothe r independen t entrepreneu r associate d with the early NAMD. Whiteman, one of the organization s founders, began his career with th e white-owned Mar s Contrac t Company , a distributor o f hotel an d mote l furniture . However , i n 1958 , Whiteman forme d hi s ow n company, Samuel Whiteman an d Associates, which specialize d i n providin g furniture t o college s and universities. 79 Besides "Billboard " Jackso n an d Harve y Russell , othe r prominen t NAMD member s who bega n their careers as "Negro market " specialists for major companie s include d Herber t H . Wright, wh o worke d fo r Philli p Morris; Wendell P.Alston an d James Avery, who worke d with "Billboard" at Esso Standar d Oil ; Chuck Smith , who worke d fo r th e Roya l Crow n Bot tling Company ; Joe Black , who worke d fo r th e Greyhoun d Corporation ; Bill Porter , wh o worke d fo r Anheuser-Busch ; Jame s "Bud " Ward , wh o worked fo r th e Marriot Corporation ; and Louise Prothro o f Pet Milk. 80 Another importan t figur e associate d with NAM D s formative years , one who was neither an independent entrepreneu r no r an employee of a whitecontrolled corporation , was LeRoy Jeffries. Jeffries, who serve d as the orga nizations president from 195 9 to 1960 , was vice president an d midwest ad vertising directo r o f th e black-owne d Johnso n Publications , publishe r o f Ebony and Jet magazines. 81 Jeffries s interest i n th e blac k consume r marke t mirrored tha t o f his boss, John H.Johnson , who, during the 1960s , emerged as the major intermediar y between corporat e America and black consumer s (see chapter 4). Two othe r individual s wh o mad e invaluabl e contribution s t o th e Na tional Association o f Market Developers ' formation an d developmen t wer e Dr. Walter A. Davis, president ofTennessee A & I (now Tennessee State) University, wher e th e Nationa l Associatio n o f Marke t Developer s officiall y began i n Ma y 1953 , and Dr . H . Naylo r Fitzhugh , whos e caree r include d stints as a Howard Universit y marketin g professor , a vice presiden t a t Pepsi Cola, and president o f NAMD. 82 Another significant 1950 s milestone related to the evolving "Negro mar ket" was Clarence L . Hoke's joining th e major advertisin g firm BBD& O as a Negr o marke t consultan t i n June 1952 . Holte, described b y th e July 25 , 1952, issue o f Tide as "the Jackie Robinso n o f advertising's bi g leagues," 83 served BBD&O client s wh o desire d hi s special expertise . His success , soon led other major advertisin g agencies to emplo y thei r ow n in-house "Negr o market" specialists. Clarence L . Hoke's ascensio n a t BBD&O , the birt h an d growt h o f th e National Associatio n o f Marke t Developers , an d th e rapi d expansio n o f

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"Negro-appeal" radi o contribute d t o a dramati c increas e i n th e numbe r o f publications abou t blac k consumers . O n e clea r manifestatio n o f th e U.S . media's enhance d recognitio n o f blac k consumer s wa s th e firs t appearanc e of the categor y "Negr o Market " i n volum e 1 9 o f th e Readers Guide to Periodical Literature (Apri l 1953-Februar y 1955). 84 A numbe r o f importan t book-lengt h studie s relatin g t o Africa n Ameri can consumer s als o appeare d durin g th e Eisenhowe r era . They include d Joseph T.Johnson' s The Potential Negro Market (1952) ; Henr y A . Bullock' s Pathway to the Houston Negro Market (1957) ; William K. Bell's 15 Million Negroes and 15 Billion Dollars (1958) ; and Marcu s Alexis' s 195 9 Ph.D . disserta tion a t th e Universit y o f Minnesota , "Racia l Difference s i n Consumptio n and Automobile Ownership. " Like Paul K. Edwards's pioneering 1930 s stud ies, the work s b y Johnson, Bullock , an d Alexis provide d usefu l informatio n to whit e businesse s seekin g t o ge t thei r shar e o f the " N e g ro market. " On th e other hand , corporat e marketer s w h o peruse d Bell' s 15 Million Negroes and 15 Billion Dollars would hav e receive d a real eye-opener . Bell, writing fo r a n African American audience , decried whit e businesses ' increased prominenc e i n th e economi c live s o f blac k consumers . After sur veying th e increasin g whit e busines s interes t i n gainin g th e patronag e o f African America n consumers , he declared : Why shoul d not 1 5 MILLION NEGROE S becom e more consciou s of their condition b y developing their own market for the advancement o f their ow n lives? There i s no recor d i n histor y t o sho w tha t an y rac e o n th e fac e o f this earth ha s eve r becom e grea t tha t di d no t develo p itsel f economically.... 1 5 MILLION NEGROE S canno t be kept from gainin g economic power if they determine t o kee p withi n th e rac e a certai n portio n o f tha t 1 5 BILLIO N DOLLARS tha t i s running dail y throug h thei r fingers , as water doe s ove r a dam... .Ther e i s GREAT POWE R i n 1 5 BILLION DOLLARS! 85 Bell's assertion s abou t th e potentia l powe r associate d wit h blac k con sumer spendin g were dramaticall y legitimize d b y the period' s evolvin g Civi l Rights Movement . I n fact , th e Montgomer y Bu s Boycot t o f 1955-195 6 clearly demonstrate d th e powe r o f disciplined blac k consume r activis m (se e chapter 3) . By th e lat e 1950s , the "Negr o market " ha d becom e a n increasingl y im portant par t o f the U.S . economy. Yet, in many part s o f the country , especiall y in th e South , African America n consumer s stil l were no t treate d wit h th e re spect tha t thei r collectiv e dollar s merited . Thi s unacceptabl e situatio n

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sparked the civil rights protests of the mid-twentieth century . Moreover, the subsequent campaign s o f blac k consume r economi c retributio n wer e no t isolated, spontaneou s occurrences . Event s suc h a s th e Montgomer y Bu s Boycott and the "sit-in" phenomenon wer e part of a historic African Amer ican protest tradition .

3 African American Consume r Activism before an d durin g th e I Civi l Rights Er a

The Civi l Right s Movement , in th e mind s o f many, is synonymous with the public career of Dr. Martin Luthe r King Jr. His eloquent or atory, coupled with th e media's near constant coverag e of his activities fro m Montgomery t o Memphis , ha s mad e hi m a n America n icon . Yet, whil e King's place in history has been deservedl y illuminated, consumer activism , the most potent nonviolent strategy employed by African Americans durin g this period o f civil rights activity , has not bee n similarl y spotlighted . Minimizing th e centra l rol e o f African America n economi c retributio n erro neously suggest s tha t civi l right s legislatio n resulte d fro m whit e "mora l transformation,,, rathe r tha n fro m th e skillfu l us e o f Africa n Americans ' growing economi c clout . Moreover, th e sentimen t o f Civi l Right s Move ment—era blac k consumer s t o "hit 'e m wher e i t hurts " had clea r historica l precedents. Decades befor e th e commencemen t o f th e modern-da y Civi l Right s Movement, African Americans sought to use their collective spending power to affect positiv e social change. For example, Ida B.Wells, best known for her efforts t o eradicate the bestial crime of lynching, stood as a pioneer advocat e of Africa n America n economi c retribution . Wells, afte r th e bruta l 189 2 lynching of three African American businessme n in Memphis, used her position a s editor o f the Memphi s Free Speech t o urg e fello w black s t o eithe r leave th e cit y o r boycot t Memphi s s newly opene d streetca r line . Signifi cantly, her plea resulted in approximately two thousand blacks leaving Memphis and the nea r bankruptcy o f the city' s streetcar line. 1 A few year s later, at the tur n o f twentieth century , African American s i n more than twenty-five souther n citie s conducted systemati c consumer boycotts to protest "Jim Crow" streetcars.2 A June 9,1906, editorial in the blackowned Lynchbur g (Virginia ) News summed u p th e goa l o f this movemen t 56

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when it stated: "Let us touch to the quick the white man's pocket. 'Tis there his conscience ofte n lies." 3 Although th e force s o f souther n whit e racis m ultimatel y crushe d th e 1900-1906 boycot t movemen t agains t "Ji m Crow " streetcars, 4 thi s earl y manifestation o f African American economic self-determination plante d the seeds for later, more successful demonstration s o f enlightened consume r activity. Long before th e celebrated Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-1956, the various "Don't Bu y Where You Can' t Work" campaigns o f the 1930 s fire d the imaginatio n an d th e initiativ e o f th e nationa l African America n com munity. After beginnin g i n Chicago , at the behest o f Joseph D . Bibb an d A. C. MacNeal, editors o f the militan t Chicag o Whip, this movement quickl y spread to othe r cities . African Americans, whether the y reside d in Chicago , New York City, Cleveland, or Richmond, suffered th e same overt economi c exploitation; white-owned busines s establishments , which al l but monopo lized th e commercia l lif e o f black enclaves , often refuse d t o hir e neighbor hood residents. 5 While th e "Don' t Bu y Wher e Yo u Can' t Work " campaign s primaril y sought t o increase the number o f jobs available to blacks, they also educate d the African America n communit y a s to th e powe r an d th e potentia l o f its collective economi c strength . Fo r example , in a July, 1931 , Crisis editorial that supported th e growin g consumer boycot t movement , W E . B. Du Boi s asserted: If we once make a religion of our determination to spend our meagre income so far as possible only in such ways as will bring us employment considera tion an d opportunity , the possibilities before u s are enormous . . . a nation twice as large as Portugal, Holland, or Sweden is not powerless—is not merely a supplicant beggar for crumbs—it is a mighty economic power when it gets vision enough to use its strength.6 Predictably, white ghett o merchant s attempte d t o counterac t organize d black consume r retribution . I n Ne w Yor k City , Cleveland , Baltimore , Newark, and Washington, D C, thes e businesses obtaine d cour t injunction s that prohibite d African America n protestor s fro m picketin g establishment s that practice d racia l discrimination . Then, o n Marc h 28 , 1938 , th e U.S . Supreme Court , reversin g a lower cour t decision , guaranteed th e righ t t o picket establishment s tha t practiced suc h discrimination. 7 Besides merely seeking to increase African American employment oppor tunities at white-owned businesses , some black consumers, during the Grea t

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Depression, used their dollars to enhanc e African American busines s devel opment.The Housewives'Leagu e o f Detroit epitomized this phenomenon. Convened in June 193 0 by Fannie B. Peck, by 1935 the organization ha d grown from fift y t o te n thousan d members . To join th e League , Africa n American women pledge d to support black businesses, buy black-produce d products, and patronize black professionals. Realizing that African America n women generall y coordinate d thei r families ' spending patterns, the Leagu e sought t o mobiliz e thi s power i n support o f community development . The Housewives' League of Detroit, along with similar organizations in Chicago, Baltimore, Washington, D.C., Cleveland, an d Ne w York City , were indee d powerful force s i n their respective communities. 8 Besides the variou s "Don't Bu y Where You Can' t Work" campaigns an d the activities of local African American Housewives ' Leagues, the 1930 s featured growin g interest i n consume r cooperative s within th e black commu nity. Cooperative enterprises , characterized b y a communal distributio n o f profits, had a special appeal to African American consumer s durin g this period. Traditionally, individual black entrepreneurs have tried to convince black consumers tha t supportin g black-owne d businesse s allowe d thei r dollar s t o do "double duty" (simultaneously purchasing a product and building African Americans' collectiv e strength) . Still , a significan t numbe r o f blac k con sumers hav e viewed—and continu e t o view—blac k businessmen' s promo tion o f th e "double-dut y dollar " as self-serving. I n response , an increasin g number o f blacks cam e t o believ e tha t th e bes t wa y fo r blac k businessme n to gai n mor e blac k consume r suppor t wa s for the m t o transfor m thei r en terprises into consumer cooperatives. As St. Clair Drake, a well-known con temporary proponen t o f cooperative ventures , asserted: While the plea to make the dollar do "Double Duty" often falls on deaf ears, a dollar that will do "Triple Duty" might awaken some response, and a dollar spent with a co-operative (1) secures the desired goods, (2) helps to support a fellow Negro , and (3) brings a dividend on purchase at the end of the fiscal year.9 Supporters o f consume r cooperative s als o contende d tha t thei r wide spread implementatio n an d coordinatio n withi n th e blac k communit y would substantiall y enhanc e th e group' s collectiv e economi c an d politica l bargaining power. 10 Perhaps th e decade' s mos t noteworth y blac k consume r cooperativ e wa s the Consumers ' Cooperativ e Tradin g Compan y (CCTC) , organize d i n

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Gary, Indiana in 1932.The CCTC, the brainchild of Jacob L. Reddix, a local black teacher, sought t o ameliorat e th e advers e effects o f the Grea t Depres sion on Gary' s black community . In 1932 , a reported 5 0 percent o f Gary's twenty thousand African Amer icans were on public relief. In this setting of despair and frustration, Reddix , after familiarizing himsel f with th e principles o f organized cooperatio n an d with initia l workin g capita l o f $24 , starte d th e Consumers ' Cooperativ e Trading Company a s a buying club for fiftee n families. 11 A major mileston e in th e evolution o f the CCT C occurre d i n fall 1933 , when Reddi x bega n teachin g nigh t classe s o n cooperativ e economic s a t Gary's Roosevelt Hig h School. A contemporary article , describing what th e author calle d th e "Miracle in Gary, " elaborated o n th e significance o f these classes: With this move the negroes of Gary really launched their co-operative venture.The women members of the class, beginning to understand the true meaning of co-operation, formed a guild and began to organize buying power and co-operative sentiment. The class continued throug h the winter of 1934-35 with the largest attendance of any academic class at the evening schools, adding new and intelligent members to Gary's co-operative movement. 12 By 1935, mainly through the efforts o f Reddix and his disciples, the Con sumers' Cooperative Trading Compan y ha d grow n t o fou r hundre d mem ber families . Moreover , th e organizatio n no w coordinate d myria d enter prises, including a cooperative grocer y stor e with annua l sales of $35,000, a community credi t union , and a cooperative ic e crea m an d cand y shop ru n entirely by children. Although th e CCT C me t a n untimely demis e in 194 0 for undetermine d reasons , its earlier succes s inspired simila r project s acros s the country. 13 At the same time th e Consumers ' Cooperative Trading Company , albeit on a small scale, was demonstrating th e potentia l o f black economi c coop eration, the venerabl e W. E. B. Du Boi s sough t t o focu s th e nationa l black community's attentio n o n a collective economic project o f massive propor tions. Significantly, Du Bois's controversial June 193 5 Current History article, "A Negro Natio n withi n th e Nation," all but repudiated hi s previous association wit h th e integrationist-oriente d Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Ad vancement o f Colored Peopl e (NAACP) . After citin g variou s manifestation s o f ongoin g whit e racia l bia s an d in voking th e political , consumer , an d intellectua l potentia l o f th e Africa n American community , Du Boi s concluded :

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There exists today a chance for the Negroes to organize a cooperative State within thei r own group. By letting Negro farmers fee d Negr o artisans , and Negro technician guide Negro home industries, and Negro thinkers plan this integration o f cooperation, while Negr o artist s dramatiz e an d beautify th e struggle, economic independence can be achieved. To doubt that this is possible is to doubt the essential humanity and the quality of brains of the American Negro.14 Ironically, Du Boi s s proposed blueprin t fo r th e futur e o f black America appeared markedl y reminiscen t o f the agend a o f his former ideologica l ad versary, Marcus Garvey . Although Africa n American s di d no t subsequentl y embrac e D u Bois' s panoramic visio n o f racia l self-sufficiency , hi s proposal , alon g wit h othe r consumer empowerment effort s o f the 1930s , contributed t o African Amer icans' growin g assertivenes s regardin g thei r rol e a s consumers . Moreover , black consumers ' enhance d sens e o f self-determinatio n increase d durin g World War II. The consume r militanc y o f African American s durin g th e World War I I years was linked t o th e era' s "Double V" concept. Popularized b y the Pitts burgh Courier, black s sough t victor y i n thei r figh t agains t fascis m bot h abroad an d a t home. 15 Consequently , black consumer s wer e disincline d t o passively ignore cultura l assaults by U.S. advertisers. During the early 1940s, several corporations incurred the wrath of American blacks. African American smoker s boycotted American Tobacco Com pany products for it s marketing of "Nigger Hair " tobacco. Black consumer s also punished the Whitman Candy Company for its "Pickaninny Chocolate " product line. Similarly, African American automobile owners eschewed Shell Oil Company products because of the company's advertisements featuring a black man eating watermelon.These companies'subsequent public apologies to black consumer s and their removal o f offensive ad s and products graphi cally demonstrated th e potential power of black consumer activism. 16 This overview of enlightened African American consumer activity befor e the modern civi l rights era reveals the most prominent historica l reasons for black economi c retribution . Firs t an d foremost , Africa n American s hav e staged consume r boycott s t o respon d t o extrem e act s o f white racis t vio lence. Similarly , black s hav e constraine d thei r spendin g wit h Europea n American enterprises to protest against humiliating treatment based on race; white-owned businesses solely interested in blacks as consumers (rather than as employees); and white companie s tha t used demeanin g image s o f blacks in their advertising. Moreover, African Americans have proactively withhel d

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economic suppor t o f European American businesse s in orde r t o more full y support African American economi c development . These characteristic s o f African America n consume r activis m were , and remain, the primary motivations for black economic retribution and self-determination. An examination of the years 1955-1964 further clarifie s this assertion. The Montgomer y Bu s Boycot t o f 1955-195 6 remain s th e mode l in stance o f organized blac k consume r retributio n an d self-determination. Although th e actions of certain individuals have, over time, been magnifie d t o almost mythical proportions, one cannot overemphasize the resolve demon strated by Montgomery s black communit y durin g this action . The internal unity associated with the Montgomery Bus Boycott appears all the mor e significan t whe n Montgomery' s preboycot t African America n community i s examined. In Stride toward Freedom, a. firsthand accoun t o f the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Martin Luther King Jr. described a sorry state of affairs i n preboycot t Montgomery . Factionalism ha d retarde d th e effective ness of the leadership class . The middl e clas s appeared self-absorbed an d apathetic; the workin g clas s seemed passiv e an d resigne d t o second-clas s citi zenship.17 In attemptin g t o explai n ho w a previousl y disorganize d communit y could achiev e th e unit y necessar y t o undertak e a successful boycot t o f city buses, Kin g mulle d ove r a numbe r o f possibilities . H e note d ho w th e Supreme Courts May 17,1954 , Brown vs. Board of Education decision seemed to inspir e black s throughou t th e country . He als o observe d ho w th e Ros a Parks incident touche d a nerve tha t eve n a fractured, apathetic , and passiv e community coul d feel . Yet, King, the theologian , concluded tha t "God ha d decided to use Montgomery a s the proving ground for th e struggle and triumph o f freedom an d justice in America." 18 Notwithstanding King' s assertion s regardin g divin e intervention , th e Montgomery Bus Boycott was motivated by several of the historical reasons for African American economi c retributio n agains t white-controlled enter prises. While ther e wer e n o extrem e act s of white racis t violenc e perpetu ated agains t Montgomery black s immediately prio r t o th e boycott , African Americans suffere d fro m humiliatin g differentia l treatmen t o n cit y buses . Moreover, while black bus riders accounted fo r nearly 70 percent o f Montgomery Bu s Lines ' receipts, the compan y employe d n o African America n drivers. Finally , a s th e boycot t evolved , Montgomery' s Africa n America n community sough t t o us e its decreased spendin g with whit e enterprise s t o stimulate black economic development .

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African

American Consumer Activism

Historians, as well a s participants i n th e Montgomer y Bu s Boycott , hav e focused considerabl e attentio n o n th e deplorabl e situatio n face d b y Africa n American bu s rider s befor e th e boycott. 19 Moreover , th e Montgomer y Bu s Boycott ha s bee n place d i n th e contex t o f th e Civi l Right s Movemen t s quest fo r racia l integration . U n d e r thes e circumstances , i t i s no t surprisin g that relativel y little coverag e ha s been give n t o th e way s Montgomery black s attempted t o us e th e boycot t t o enhanc e communit y economi c develop ment. For example , by th e sprin g o f 1956 , King repeatedl y tol d hi s listener s a t public meeting s tha t th e Montgomer y Improvemen t Association (MIA ) ha d to mov e beyon d simpl y fighting bu s segregation . A t on e M I A gathering , King declare d t o hi s audience , "Unti l w e a s a rac e lear n t o develo p ou r power, we wil l ge t nowhere . We've go t t o ge t politica l an d economi c powe r for ou r race. " He followe d u p hi s publi c exhortation s b y recommendin g t o the M I A executiv e boar d tha t " a stron g emphasi s . . . b e place d o n increas ing ou r politica l powe r throug h votin g an d increasin g ou r economi c powe r through th e establishmen t o f a bank. " Shortl y thereafter , th e M I A board , among othe r things , established a banking committe e t o see k a federal char ter fo r a building an d loa n association. 20 King's increasin g focu s o n economi c empowerment , especiall y a c o m munity-based bank , reflecte d a growin g interes t i n busines s developmen t among Montgomer y blacks . A contemporar y examinatio n o f th e M o n t gomery Bu s Boycot t tha t appeare d i n th e Octobe r an d Novembe r 195 6 is sues o f Negro History Bulletin clearl y indicate d a strengthenin g o f M o n t gomery's blac k busines s communit y i n th e wak e o f the boycott : It was common knowledge that many Negroes found it difficult t o get downtown an d foun d i t easie r t o sho p a t neighborhood stores , particularly i f they were owne d b y Negroes… . Thu s th e neighborhood business , be it a gas station or grocery store, got a new front or was able to buy fresher vegetables and meats because o f the quic k turnover . Moreover, the thousand s o f dollars pe r week tha t left th e Negroes' hands and perhaps went t o th e bus company was now bein g spen t amon g Negroes . The clubs , the stores , the cleaner s an d al most every Negro business shared directly or indirectly in the new income. 21 Ironically, the unit y tha t sustaine d Montgomery' s blac k communit y dur ing th e bu s boycott slowl y evaporate d afte r it s successful conclusion . A m o ng other things , th e pett y jealousie s an d factionalis m tha t existe d befor e th e boycott resurfaced . Some M IA member s becam e increasingl y upse t with th e widespread attentio n an d prais e tha t Kin g receive d fo r hi s role i n th e move -

African American Consumer Activism | 6 3

ment; at th e sam e time , some o f King's supporter s sough t t o downpla y th e role o f othe r black s associate d wit h th e boycott . On e Kin g partisa n eve n publicly referre d t o Ros a Park s a s simpl y "a n adornmen t t o th e move ment."22 Still , while th e spiri t o f Montgomer y Bu s Boycot t dissipate d i n Montgomery, i t spread , through th e Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Con ference (founde d i n January 1957) , to suc h place s a s Atlanta, Birmingham, and Tallahassee.23 While black s in Montgomery wer e conductin g a n organized, systematic bus boycott to protest racial discrimination, their brethren in the Mississippi Delta wer e engage d i n a less structured, but equall y successful, campaig n o f economic retribution . The bruta l 195 5 lynching o f Emmett Loui s Till rep resented th e spark for thi s boycott. After Till s accuse d murderers , th e half-brother s Ro y Bryan t an d J. W. Milam, were acquitte d b y a n all-white Mississipp i jury, they openl y admit ted their guilt in a January 24,1956, article in Look magazine.24 However, in a follow-up repor t tha t appeared in the January 22,1957,issue o f Look, both men appeared down on their luck. Before Roy and J.Ws slaying ofTill, their family, th e Milam-Bryan t clan , ha d operate d a numbe r o f smal l countr y stores i n th e Mississipp i Delt a tha t largel y depende d o n African America n patronage. I n th e wak e o f th e brothers ' public "confession " t o murderin g Emmett Till, local blacks, without th e benefit an d direction o f a charismatic leader suc h a s King, quietly yet resolutel y stoppe d doin g business wit h th e Milam-Bryant stores . Consequently , b y earl y 1957 , th e family' s lucrativ e business ha d bee n al l but destroyed. 25 Thus, while th e lega l system permit ted Roy Bryant and J.W. Milam to literally get away with murder, black Mississippians ultimatel y mete d ou t punishmen t i n th e "court " o f consume r choices. Traditionally, when the evolution of the modern-day Civi l Rights Movement i s presented, the scen e jumps fro m th e Montgomer y Bu s Boycott t o the 196 0 Greensboro, North Carolina , sit-ins. Although ne w evidenc e sug gests that th e sit-i n movement actuall y began in Wichita, Kansas, in 1958, 26 its birthplace is, perhaps, less important tha n its overall impact on the African American community . Regardles s o f wher e th e sit-i n movemen t actuall y started, thi s disruptio n o f whit e busines s operation s quickl y capture d th e imagination o f the black community , especially the youth . Whether an African American resided in Wichita, Oklahoma Cit y (site of another pre-196 0 sit-i n campaign) , Greensboro, Nashville, or Atlanta, local custom provide d black s wit h onl y take-ou t servic e a t downtow n lunc h counters. This disrespec t wa s mor e marke d give n th e fac t tha t blac k con -

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sumers, although prohibited from eatin g at lunch counters, were encourage d to freely spen d their money in other sections of white-owned businesses. An examination o f Business Week for th e year s 1960-196 2 provide s specia l in sight into th e campaig n t o force souther n retailer s to treat black consumer s respectfully. An articl e titled "Negro Group s Put th e Economic Pressur e On, " which appeared i n th e Februar y 27 , 1960, issue of Business Week, declared: "More directly than earlier legalistic efforts a t Negro equality , this movement affect s businessmen. It hit s straight a t th e pocketbook." 27 Business Week's bluntnes s appeared ironic in that many in the white business community initiall y dismissed the black-student-instigated sit-in s as "college hi-jinks." 28 Yet, as this strategy fo r blac k consume r empowermen t rapidl y sprea d throughou t th e South, the "hi-jinks" theory seeme d t o reflec t mor e wishfu l thinkin g tha n reality. Predictably, as southern white s bega n t o realiz e tha t th e "sit-in " movement represente d th e first stag e o f a concerted African America n campaig n for huma n dignity , they sough t t o suppres s the movement . Throughout th e South, tough enforcemen t o f trespassing laws came to be seen as a means to dissipate the embryonic sit-in movement. Yet, strict enforcement o f trespassing laws could hav e had dir e consequence s fo r store s tha t relied heavil y o n African America n patronage . As an anonymou s souther n retaile r tol d Business Week,"lt's difficult t o sell a Negro a ribbon at the notions counter, while you re havin g hi s frien d arreste d a t th e lunc h counter." 29 I n fact , i n mos t southern citie s b y 1960 , African America n consume r suppor t determine d whether a particular product reache d th e to p spo t in sales. 30 These economi c realities , and their implications, received more coverag e in an article titled "Negro Busines s Pressure Grows, " which appeare d in th e April 23,1960, issue of Business Week. Among othe r things , the business periodical informed it s readers that the relatively spontaneous sit-in movemen t appeared t o b e evolvin g int o a well-organize d boycot t o f discriminator y stores throughout th e South. 31 Nashville, Tennessee, accordin g t o Business Week, seemed especiall y af fected b y blacks ' growing recognitio n o f thei r economi c clout . As on e o f Nashville's leading white retail executives described this phenomenon:"This thing has frightening ramifications . It is more seriou s than many people re alize. It ha s no w becom e a n economi c situatio n affectin g th e entir e com munity, the whole city , the whole country." 32 A study conducted by Vivian Henderson, a professor of economics at Fisk University i n Nashville , verified thes e observations . Henderson discovere d

African American Consumer Activism | 6 5

that African America n expenditure s i n shop s i n downtow n Nashvill e ac counted fo r approximatel y 2 0 percent o f these stores ' sales. Moreover, dur ing a recen t black boycot t o f downtow n Nashville , thes e store s ha d wit nessed a 90 percent declin e in revenue from African American customers. 33 In Nashville , a s i n othe r souther n cities , blac k consume r boycott s spawned a similar, retaliatory movemen t b y whites. Whereas African Amer icans boycotted store s that discriminated agains t them as consumers, whites threatened t o boycott thos e stores that cease d to treat blacks as second-class customers. As one exasperate d merchan t tol d Business Week, "We're damne d if we do integrate ou r eatin g facilities an d damne d i f we don't." 34 Some Nashvill e whites , citing a n increas e i n loca l racia l tension , ques tioned th e wisdo m o f black economi c retribution. 35 I n response , Vivian Henderson, speaking for th e African American community , forthrightly as serted: "I believ e th e withdrawals ar e the mos t effectiv e weapo n th e Negr o has I t is simple—stores wit h th e best service get the Negr o dollar." 36 As it becam e increasingl y clea r tha t blac k consumer s i n th e Sout h wer e prepared to employ economic retribution, regardless of the short-term con sequences, the region's business community became increasingly concerned . As the president-elect o f Atlanta's Chamber of Commerce declare d in a December 17 , 1960, Business Week interview , "Business just doesn' t lik e chao s and confusion." 37 Although souther n whit e businessme n foun d themselve s i n a n increas ingly uncomfortable situation , economic imperatives necessitated their find ing a solution.The August 5,1961 , issue of Business Week, which feature d a n article title d "New Busines s Ways in th e South, " revealed tha t man y south ern merchant s wer e solvin g thei r predicamen t b y full y desegregatin g thei r eating facilities (an d taking their chances with white consumers).Thi s gam ble, for th e most part, proved successful. 38 Despite a conscious decisio n t o placat e thei r blac k customers , southern white retailers , in th e wak e o f th e sit-ins , realized tha t African American s would intensify , rathe r tha n diminish , thei r deman d fo r respect. 39 A s on e southern departmen t stor e manage r tol d Business Week i n 1961 : "After thi s eating thing has settled down , we're goin g to hav e more upheaval . It's a social revolution, and we can' t hav e it painlessly." 40 No souther n cit y experience d mor e pai n an d upheava l durin g th e earl y 1960s tha n Birmingham , Alabama . The Africa n America n populatio n o f Birmingham, lik e tha t o f othe r cities , was determine d t o b e respecte d a s consumers. The Ma y 12,1962 , issue of Business Week included coverag e o f black Birmingham residents ' boycott o f discriminatory retailer s durin g th e

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1962 Easte r season . As a result , som e downtow n Birmingha m store s wit nessed a 90 percent declin e in African American patronage. 41 Besides a resolute black consumer community, Birmingham also feature d a whit e busines s communit y that , ou t o f self-interest , sough t t o mitigat e racial tension. Determined t o emulate the partially successful effort s o f their counterparts i n othe r souther n cities , Birmingham businessme n attempte d to establis h biracia l meeting s amon g themselves , representative s o f th e African America n community , and political omcials.Yet , as the president o f a large loca l corporatio n tol d Business Week: "With a belligerently antago nistic governing body, little ca n be done." 42 The most "belligerently antagonistic" public official i n Birmingham dur ing this period wa s the infamou s Eugen e ("Bull" ) Connor , who lef t a n in delible mar k o n histor y durin g th e celebrate d Birmingha m campaig n o f 1963. Connors reactio n t o 196 2 African America n consume r boycott s sig naled hi s sadistic nature. Besides the Easter boycott o f 1962, black students from local Miles Col lege coordinate d a protracte d boycot t agains t discriminator y downtow n Birmingham stores . Among othe r things , this campaig n o f economic retri bution demande d th e desegregatio n o f lunch counter s an d th e remova l o f racial designation sign s on drinkin g fountains an d restrooms. 43 Birmingham's three-ma n Cit y Commission , dominated b y Public Safet y Commissioner Connor , ignored pleas for moderatio n fro m th e white busi ness community and struck back hard. It suspended the city's significant sub sidy of the county surplus food program. Since 90 percent of this fund wen t to need y African Americans , this action ha d a n immediate negativ e impac t upon Birmingham's black community. Yet, as Mayor Arthur J. Haynes rationalized this decision to Business Week, "We've got to do something to nip this boycott i n the bud." 44 Despite th e Cit y Commission' s pervers e us e of economic retributio n t o quell black consumer discontent , Birmingham's African American commu nity remaine d steadfas t i n it s ques t fo r self-respect . I n fact , th e Reveren d Fred Shuttlesworth, a prominent Birmingham minister and activist and on e of the founders o f the Southern Christia n Leadership Conference , arranged for SCLC' s 196 2 annua l conventio n t o b e hel d i n Birmingha m an d an nounced tha t th e Septembe r conventio n woul d featur e well-publicize d demonstrations agains t loca l merchant s wh o discriminate d agains t Africa n Americans. Mass demonstration s durin g th e SCL C meetin g wer e averte d only afte r downtow n store s agreed t o remov e racia l designation sign s from restrooms an d water fountains. 45

African American Consumer Activism | 6 7

This victory , however , prove d t o b e short-lived . Soo n afte r th e SCL C convention ended , th e segregationis t restroo m an d wate r fountai n sign s reappeared. An understandabl y irat e Fred Shuttleswort h ha d little difficult y in persuadin g SCL C leadershi p t o retur n t o Birmingha m fo r a protracte d battle agains t local racial discrimination . Significantly, Martin Luther King Jr. and the SCLC used their recent un successful experience s i n Albany, Georgia, t o devis e a winning strateg y i n Birmingham. I n Albany , blac k activist s focuse d o n pressurin g politician s through mas s marche s t o cit y hall . Yet, because African America n politica l strength was then nonexistent , the Albany movemen t fizzled . On th e othe r hand, during th e 196 3 Birmingham campaign , white businessme n fel t th e heat from mas s demonstrations of disgruntled African American consumers . While southern black s may not hav e wielded political power, they did possess noteworthy spendin g power . In fact , Kin g himself , after Birmingham , concluded tha t organize d blac k economi c retributio n represente d th e bes t strategy for achievin g civil and human rights. 46 Although blac k consumer s achieve d a stunning victor y i n Birmingha m during th e sprin g o f 1963 , the nationa l spotligh t tragicall y returne d t o tha t city a few month s later. On Septembe r 15 , a powerful dynamit e blas t dam aged the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, killing four young black girls who were attending Sunday School. In addition, two black men were killed dur ing disturbance s followin g th e bombing. 47 Thes e incidents , amon g othe r things, led to a call for a national black boycott during the Christmas season in late 1963. The propose d Christma s boycot t wa s the brainchil d o f an a d hoc orga nization know n a s "Actors an d Writers fo r Justice." The member s o f thi s group include d th e autho r James Baldwin, the journalist Loui s Lomax, and the husband-and-wif e actin g tea m o f Ossi e Davi s an d Rub y Dee. 48 Bald win, the apparen t organize r o f Actors and Writers fo r Justice, told on e pub He rally that what occurre d i n Birmingham "cost this nation th e right to b e called Christian. " Moreover, he declared : "We hav e got t o bring th e cat ou t of hiding, and where h e is hiding is in the bank." 49 From th e standpoin t o f American businesses , the cal l by th e Actors an d Writers fo r Justice for a national black boycott durin g Christma s coul d no t have com e a t a wors e time . Ten day s afte r th e Birmingha m murders , th e Center fo r Researc h i n Marketin g release d th e finding s o f a stud y that , among other things, examined African American attitude s concerning con sumer boycotts.When asked the question "If a prominent Negro were to tell you to boycott against a store or brand, what would you likely do?," 89 per-

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cent o f th e black s interviewe d replie d tha t the y woul d follo w th e sugges tion.50 Armed wit h th e dat a from th e Cente r fo r Researc h i n Marketing, along with a fervent belie f in the righteousness of their proposal, Actors and Writers for Justice sough t th e suppor t o f other black leaders for a national boy cott durin g th e Christma s shoppin g season . To thei r disappointment , the y received a lukewarm response . Of th e si x majo r civi l right s organizations , only SCLC endorse d the proposed boycott.The othe r groups, most notabl y the NAACP , expressed doub t a s to whethe r black s coul d indee d carr y ou t such a dramatic demonstratio n o f economic retribution. 51 The Octobe r 17,1963 , edition of Jet magazine provided insigh t into th e intracommunity debat e concerning the feasibility o f the Christmas boycott . An articl e tha t aske d th e questio n "Should Negroe s boycot t Sant a Claus? " started by acknowledging the concerns o f Roy Wilkins of the NAACP an d other critics. 52 Yet, after surveyin g recen t development s regardin g th e be havior and growing power o f black consumers , the essay' s author asserted : Bluntly put, available research, even that from whit e sources , scream loudly that Negroes, just like Congressman Adam Clayton Powell urges, are ready at a moment s notice to "withhold the dollar to make the white man holler."53 Ironically, while the October 17,1963 , issue of Jetappeared to subtly support th e propose d Christma s boycott , th e magazin e s publisher , John H . Johnson, staunchly oppose d suc h a n action . In a n Octobe r 16,1963 , interview with Advertising Age, Johnson blaste d th e proposed boycot t a s a senseless endeavor proposed b y a minuscule segmen t o f the Civi l Rights Move ment. Moreover, he stated, children shoul d not be denied th e right to enjo y Christmas.54 Johnson's aversio n t o th e Christma s boycot t ma y hav e bee n base d o n more than a concern abou t children . By 196 3 corporate marketer s increasingly viewed advertising in Ebony and Jetas an ideal means to reach the black consumer market . Thus, Johnson, pleased wit h risin g advertisin g revenues , had a veste d interes t i n promotin g Africa n America n consumptio n (se e chapter 4). 55 Because o f th e strengt h an d influenc e o f its opponents , the 196 3 blac k consumer boycot t o f Christma s shoppin g neve r cam e about . Still, just th e threat o f thi s actio n ha d a profound effec t o n whit e American business . As study after study revealed the growing importance of African American con sumers t o th e U.S . economy, U.S . companies activel y sough t t o befriend , rather tha n antagonize , black shoppers. 56 I n fact , as the June 20,1964 , issue

African American Consumer Activism |

6 9

of Business Week noted , businessme n playe d a n importan t rol e i n smoothin g the passag e an d th e acceptanc e b y white s o f th e monumenta l Civi l Right s Act o f 1964. 57 Still , white busines s suppor t o f thi s watershe d legislatio n ap peared t o hav e muc h mor e t o d o wit h potentia l profit s tha n wit h altruism . Title II , Section 201 , of th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 196 4 focuse d o n issue s related t o blac k consumerism : All persons shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment o f the goods, services, facilities, privileges , advantages , an d accommodation s o f an y plac e o f public accommodation , as defined i n thi s section , without discriminatio n o r segregation o n th e groun d o f race, color, religion, or national origin. 58 It went o n t o enumerat e th e establishment s tha t woul d b e covere d b y th e new law . These included : 1. an y inn , hotel, motel, o r othe r establishmen t whic h provide s lodgin g t o transient guest s 2. an y restaurant, cafeteria, lunchroom, lunch counter, soda fountain, or othe r facility principall y engage d i n sellin g foo d fo r consumptio n o n th e premises 3. an y motio n pictur e house , theater, concer t hall , sports arena , stadium, o r other plac e o f exhibition o r entertainment. 59 O n th e surface , th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 1964 , in larg e part , appeare d t o b e the culminatio n o f years o f sustained blac k consume r economi c retribution . African American s consumers , by legislativ e mandate , now ha d t o b e treate d with respec t whereve r the y spen t thei r money . Nevertheless , succeedin g decades woul d clearl y sugges t tha t white-owne d businesses , rather tha n u n fettered blac k consumers , were th e primar y beneficiarie s o f the Civi l Right s Act o f 1964 .

4 The Revolutio n Will Be Markete d American Corporations and Black Consumers during the 1960s

The 1960 s ar e generall y viewe d a s a decad e i n whic h Africa n American activism , supported b y th e liberalis m o f the Kenned y an d Johnson administrations , resulte d i n bot h socia l an d economi c gain s fo r man y blacks. Yet, when w e conside r th e impac t o f black consumeris m o n whit e business, we see that any changes in business practices among white-owne d companies resulted from pragmatic white conservatism, rather than from altruistic white liberalism . White-owned corporations , in respons e t o th e ac celerated urbanization o f African Americans, accelerated their quest to reach these increasingl y importan t consumers ; aide d b y blac k consultants , mos t notably John H.Johnson , the y were abl e to maximiz e thei r profit s an d ap pear "socially responsible " at the sam e time . In addition , the 1960 s graphi cally demonstrate d th e elasticit y o f American capitalism . Corporat e mar keters bega n th e decad e b y developin g advertisement s tha t catere d t o African Americans ' perceived interes t i n racia l desegregation . B y decade' s end, as African Americans move d politicall y fro m a more passiv e to a more confrontational stance , U.S . corporation s promote d th e "soul " market , which extolle d blac k cultur e an d customs , to retai n th e allegianc e o f black consumers. Although th e African America n experienc e i n th e 1960 s ofte n conjure s up image s o f sit-ins, freedom rides , massive protest marches , clenched fists , and huge Afros, perhaps, the most striking characteristic of the national black community durin g this period was its overwhelmingly urba n character . Between 194 0 an d 1960 , the percentag e o f African American s wh o live d i n cities had grown from 48. 6 to 73.2. * By 1960 , for th e first tim e in U.S. history, the percentag e o f blacks wh o live d i n citie s exceede d tha t o f white s (65.5). Table 4. 1 provide s a mor e detaile d examinatio n o f th e exten t o f African American migratio n an d urbanization b y 1960 . 70

The Revolution Will Be Marketed |

7 1

TABLE 4. 1

Percent of Urban Population by Region and Race, 1940-1960 1940 195

0 196

0

United States Black 48. White 57.

6 62. 4 64.

4 73. 3 65.

2 5

Northeast Black 90. White 76.

1 94. 1 78.

0 95. 7 79.

6 1

North Central Black 88. White 57.

8 93. 3 62.

8 95. 6 66.

7 8

West Black 83. White 58.

1 90. 8 69.

3 92. 7 77.

7 6

South Black 36. White 36.

5 47. 8 48.

7 58. 9 58.

5 6

SOURCE: Daniel M.Johnson and Rex R. Campbell, Black Migration in America Purham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1981), 132. TABLE 4 . 2

Percentage of AfricanAmericans Involved in Southern Agriculture, 1940-1960 (Male/Female)

Farmers an d far m manager s Farm laborer s an d foreme n TOTAL

1940

1950

1960

25.9/3.8 23.8/16.6 49.7/20.4

19.3/2.5 14.5/11.4 33.8/13.9

7.1/1.0 11.7/4.8 18.5/5.8

SOURCE: Daniel O. Price, Changing Characteristics of the Negro Population: A 1960 Census Monograph (Washington , D.C.: US. Bureau of the Census, 1969), 119.

Massive African American migration t o cities across the countr y resulte d not onl y i n a change o f addres s fo r th e migrant s bu t als o i n a distinct im provement i n thei r occupationa l status . As Table 4. 2 reveals , the percentag e of African Americans in relatively low-paying southern agriculture work declined dramatically between 194 0 and 1960. Moreover, as Tables 4.3,4.4, and 4.5 demonstrate , both Africa n America n me n an d women , by 1960 , were moving into mor e prestigious an d better paying occupations. These signifi cant demographic development s contribute d mightil y to increasing the no tice taken by U.S. corporations in the 1960 s of the lucrative black consume r market. To accommodat e companie s tha t ha d bee n slo w t o appreciat e th e im portance o f African American consumers , the 1960 s witnessed a virtual ex -

72 I The Revolution Will Be Marketed TABLE 4. 3

Percentage of Black Men in Selected Occupations, 1940-1960 Professional, technical workers Proprietors, managers Clerks, sales workers Skilled workers, foremen Semiskilled operatives Unskilled laborers Service workers

1940

1950

1960

1.7 1.4 2.6 4.4 11.7 22.9 13.7

2.2 2.1 4.3 7.7 21.0 23.3 14.4

3.9 2.3 6.5 10.2 23.5 19.4 14.4

SOURCE: Marion Hayes,"A Century of Change: Negroes in the U.S. Economy , 1860-1960," Monthly Labor Review (December 1962) , 1364.

TABLE 4 . 4

Percentage of Black Women in Selected Occupations, 1940-1960 Professional, technical workers Proprietors, managers Clerks, sales workers Skilled workers, foremen Semiskilled operative s Unskilled laborers Service workers

1940

1950

1960

4.2 .7 1.4 .1 13.5 .8 63.4

5.4 1.1 5.4 .6 14.6 1.5 60.7

7.5 1.2 10.2 .7 12.8 1.0 55.0

SOURCE: Hayes, "A Century o f Change," 1364. TABLE 4. 5

Comparative Annual Median Income of Blacks and Whites, 1939, 1947, 1957, 1960

Males Black White Females Black White

1939

1947

1957

1960

Percentage Increas e 1939-1960

$460 $1,112

$1,279 $2,347

$2,436 $4,396

$3,075 $5,137

568.5 362.0

$246 $676

$432 $1,269

$1,019 $2,240

$1,276 $2,537

418.7 275.3

SOURCE: Hayes,"A Century o f Change," 1364.

plosion o f " h o w - t o" articles in various advertising trad e journals offerin g ad vice o n sellin g t o African Americans. 2 An Octobe r 9 , 1 9 6 1 , article i n Sponsor title d " K n o w - H ow I s Key to Sellin g Negro Today/' epitomized thi s trend . Sponsor advised it s readers tha t th e ke y t o succes s i n marketin g t o Africa n Americans coul d b e summe d u p i n thre e words : recognition, identification , and invitation :

The Revolution Will Be Marketed | 7 3 The Negr o need s t o b e recognize d a s a person. The ver y fac t tha t a n adver tiser will undertake a special campaign [for ] the Negro is interpreted a s a form of recognition t o th e Negro . And tha t advertise r immediatel y stand s t o gai n an importan t competitiv e edg e ove r th e advertiser s wh o hav e no t take n thi s step . . . identification i s equally important. Can the Negro identif y wit h you r product? Ca n th e Negr o identif y wit h th e a d tha t promise s "lovelier, whiter hands wit h AB C soap" ? Becaus e o f th e Negro' s histor y o f suppressio n hi s need t o b e "invited " t o tr y th e produc t appear s t o b e a strong on e indeed . True, he ma y us e i t without invitation , but thi s power o f a special invitatio n to him, alone, can be considerable. 3 Some corporations , beside s relyin g o n trad e journal article s fo r insight s about blac k consumers , employe d Africa n America n consultant s t o obtai n additional informatio n abou t th e African America n consume r market . Per haps th e tw o mos t influentia l blac k consultant s t o corporat e Americ a dur ing th e 1960 s wer e John H.Johnson , th e publishe r of Ebony magazine , an d D. Parke Gibson , th e presiden t o f D. Parke Gibso n Associates, Inc. Johnson ha d lon g bee n intereste d i n makin g U.S . corporations awar e o f the potential profit s associate d wit h blac k consumers . As early as 1947 , Ebony asserted tha t majo r corporation s wer e missin g lucrative opportunitie s b y ig noring th e African America n market . Johnsons observation s appea r t o hav e been base d upo n self-interest ; i n th e year s immediatel y followin g it s 194 5 founding, Ebony ha d experience d difficult y i n attractin g advertisin g fro m large corporations. 4 Nevertheless, b y th e earl y 1960s , Ebony ha d establishe d itsel f a s a majo r American magazine , and John H.Johnso n stoo d a s one o f the country' s to p executives. Johnson's succes s a s a publisher appeare d t o hav e bee n base d o n his abilit y t o gaug e th e m o o d an d th e interest s o f his readers. 5 Therefore, t o white corporat e leader s seekin g insight s abou t blac k consumers , Johnso n appeared t o b e a n idea l ally . In hi s autobiography, Succeeding Against the Odds, Johnson describe d hi s consultin g rol e t o corporat e America : In the decad e o f the long hot summers , I held th e unofficia l positio n o f special ambassador to American Whites…. Enlightened self-interest: that was my theme. I asked corporate leader s to act not fo r Blacks, not fo r civi l rights, but for thei r corporation s an d themselves . For i t was true the n an d it' s true no w that if you increase the income of Blacks and Hispanics and poor Whites, you increase th e profits o f corporate America. And i f you decrease th e incom e o f the disadvantaged , you decreas e incom e an d potentia l incom e o f American corporations... .Wha t i t al l boiled dow n t o wa s that equa l opportunit y wa s good business. 6

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Johnson's advice to major U.S . corporations deserves closer examination . His theme o f "enlightened self-interest " suggests a major reinterpretatio n o f the 1960s . If corporate leaders took Johnson's message to heart, it can plausibly b e argue d tha t som e o f th e gain s associate d wit h th e Civi l Right s Movement were based on "conservative," rather than "liberal," impulses. For example, during the 1960s , the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE ) stoo d in th e forefron t o f the movemen t t o forc e U.S . corporations t o us e African American model s i n thei r prin t an d televisio n advertising . To COR E an d other civil rights organizations, this was a "civil rights" issue. However, when U.S. businesses realized that using black models increased black purchases of their products without alienatin g white consumers , corporations gladly utilized black models in print medi a an d television. 7 John H . Johnson's concer n abou t th e "enlightene d self-interest " (i.e. , profits) o f large white corporation s appeare d intimately connecte d wit h hi s concern abou t Ebony's financia l well-being . Once h e convince d corporat e leaders tha t i t was good busines s to reac h mor e black consumer s i n a tasteful manner, these same corporations had to find a vehicle to do just that. Although Johnson's autobiograph y assert s tha t h e di d no t directl y approac h white corporat e leader s abou t advertisin g i n Ebony during th e 1960s , the magazine's advertisin g revenu e nearl y triple d betwee n 196 2 an d 196 9 (se e Table 4.6). 8 Another manifestatio n o f Johnson's servic e t o America n corporation s during the 1960 s was the Johnson Publishin g Company's 196 6 publication , The Negro Handbook. This book , on th e surface , appeared t o b e a referenc e book aime d a t a general audience . Considering Johnson's interes t i n assist ing corporat e America, however, as well a s U S. companies' growing desir e for an y and al l information abou t blacks , The Negro Handbook may, in actu ality, have represented a guide t o black America fo r white corporations . Regardless o f the motivation behind th e production o f The Negro Handbook, this book conveye d a distinct bias against black-owned businesses : As the barriers of race are hurdled, the Negro consume r who was once the private property of the Negro owner and operator of hotels, restaurants, night clubs, and beauty and barber shops has turned with increasing alacrity to white establishments which offer, in many cases, extra services, luxury atmosphere, and a degree of glamour for the same dollar. Even the long held monopoly of burying the dead is no longer an exclusive function o f the Negro mortician, increasingly white undertakers have learned that Negroes spend vast sums of money annually in "putting their people away right," and are wisely seeking this lucrative market. 9 (emphasis added)

The Revolution Will Be Marketed | 7 5 TABLE 4 . 6

Advertising Revenue, Ebony Magazine, 1962-1969 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969

$3,630,80 5,129,92 5,641,89 5,495,53 7,020,27 6,895,37 8,551,46 9,965,89

4 1 5 7 9 9 3 8

SOURCE: "Records o f Ebony magazine, " Publishers Informatio n Bu reau/Magazine Publishers of America, New York, New York.

This excerpt suggest s that African American consumer s hav e historicall y been il l treate d b y African America n businesspeople . Moreover, i t implie s that this situation existe d because black businesses did not hav e to compet e with whit e businesse s for black custome r support . Besides denigrating the historica l relationshi p betwee n blac k consumer s and businesses , The Negro Handbook implied tha t whit e businesse s wh o sought black customers were not onl y increasing their profits but were freeing thankful black s from the stranglehold o f unscrupulous black-owned en terprises. Thus, The Negro Handbook subtly assure d U.S . corporations tha t seeking more blac k customer s wa s both profitabl e an d sociall y responsible. Considering thi s publicatio n an d Johnson's othe r activities , it seem s clea r why h e wa s the leadin g black consultan t t o corporat e America durin g th e 1960s. While Johnson urge d large, white-owned businesse s to take a greater in terest i n sellin g t o African America n consumers , D. Parke Gibso n advise d corporate America o n ho w t o mos t effectivel y reac h thi s increasingl y im portant market . D. Parke Gibso n Associates, Inc., established i n 1960 , specialized i n marke t researc h an d publi c relation s consulting . The compan y provided it s services t o myria d companies , including Avon Products , Coca Cola USA, Columbia Pictures , Greyhound, and the R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company.10 Gibson also wrote two books about the African American con sumer market, The $30 Billion Dollar Negro (1969) and $70 Billion in the Black (1978). An example of the advice Gibson's company gave its corporate clients appeared i n th e July 25 , 1966 , issue o f Sponsor. Elsi e Archer, directo r o f th e company's Women's Interest Bureau, published a brief article titled "How t o Sell Today's Negro Woman." Archer offered th e following insights about th e black female consumer :

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She wants advertising and marketing people to understand that her needs and desires are often different . For example, she does not want a blue-eyed suburban housewife tellin g her to use a particular product when she is faced with urban living . Particularly i n th e are a o f personal car e products , advertisers should us e extrem e cautio n t o avoi d prickin g th e hig h sensitivit y o f th e Negro woman . . . . One las t word—never, never, under an y circumstance s refer to the Negro woman as "Negress" or "Negresses,'' a phrase guaranteed to produce an unfavorable reaction. 11 About th e same time Archer was instructing corporat e America o n ho w to bes t reac h Africa n America n femal e consumers , th e black communit y was i n th e throe s o f a dramati c shif t i n politica l orientation . Despite cor porate America s increasing recognitio n o f black consumers , as well a s th e passage of the Civi l Rights Act o f 196 4 and the Voting Rights Act o f 1965, a significan t proportio n o f Africa n American s remaine d frustrate d an d angry abou t continuin g racia l injustice i n th e Unite d States . The Watts re bellion o f 1965 , along wit h th e immediat e popularit y o f th e ter m "Blac k Power" i n 1966 , reflecte d a growin g militanc y toward , an d distrust of , white society . The appearanc e o f over t blac k nationalis t sentimen t durin g th e mid 1960s initially confused corporat e executives. Earlier in the decade, they had been led to believe that African Americans were preoccupied with trying to assimilate int o mainstrea m U.S . society. For example , the Octobe r 4 , 1963, issue o f Sales Management feature d a n articl e title d "Th e Negr o Market : Growing, Changing, Challenging," which no t onl y surveye d basi c charac teristics o f black consumer s bu t projecte d thei r activitie s int o th e immedi ate future. Considerin g what actually happened, the predictio n i t containe d turned ou t t o b e wa y of f the mark : "Negroes wil l de-emphasiz e rac e con sciousness an d differences , an d focu s attentio n o n socia l an d cultura l simi larities compatible with the concept and practice of an integrated society." 12 Despite their initial confusion, corporate marketers quickly adjusted thei r marketing campaign s aimed a t African American consumers . Ad campaign s in th e earl y 1960 s tha t sough t t o promot e th e imag e o f a racially desegre gated society 13 were replaced with attempts to exploit blacks' growing sense of racial pride.The developmen t o f the "soul market" exemplified corporat e America s attempt t o adap t t o Africa n America n consumers ' politica l an d cultural reorientation . Corporat e marketer s co-opte d growin g blac k prid e by extolling the virtues of African American life and culture. Moreover, such things a s "soul music " and "soul food " were promote d fo r bot h black an d white consumption. 14

The Revolution Will Be Marketed | 7 7 From a business point o f view, the "soul market" appeared t o be especiall y profitable. U.S . corporation s woul d reac h no t onl y Africa n American s bu t also faddis h white s wantin g t o b e viewe d a s "hip." Nonetheless, a s thi s ex cerpt fro m a June 196 9 articl e i n Sales Management suggests , corporation s seeking t o exploi t th e "soul market" had t o demonstrat e som e knowledg e o f African America n consumer s an d thei r cultura l world : A fe w week s ago , 800 peopl e sa t dow n t o a $100-a-plat e "authenti c Sou l Food ,, supper in th e Gran d Ballroom o f New York City' s stately Waldorf-Astoria Hotel . After samplin g the frie d chicken , corn bread , collard greens , and sweet potat o pie , TV sta r Bil l Cosby , th e charit y affair' s co-chairman , an nounced ove r th e publi c addres s syste m tha t hi s mea l ha d lef t a n authenti c grease rin g aroun d hi s mouth al l right, but, he complained , "this i s not ho w real Sou l Foo d tastes. " The Waldorf's flop wit h Sou l i s par fo r th e cours e i n the long, sad history o f white encounter s with virtuall y everything Negro Now unles s they ar e plugging into today' s Soul scene, many a marketer risk s yet anothe r blunde r wit h th e nation' s 2 3 million blacks—an d a sizable num ber o f whites too. 15 To hel p themselve s "plug " into th e "soul " scene, U.S. corporations onc e again relie d o n th e expertis e o f blac k consultants . T he black-owne d Vinc e Cullers Advertising Agency o f Chicago surface d a s the leading consultan t t o companies seekin g t o mak e thei r advertisement s conve y "soul. " Perhap s Cullers s mos t noteworth y creatio n wa s a prin t advertisemen t use d b y th e Lorillard Corporatio n t o promot e it s N e w p o r t cigarett e brand . A youn g bearded blac k man , wearin g a dashiki , stood nex t t o a hug e pac k o f N e w port cigarettes . T he cop y read " "Bold Col d N e w p o r t . . . a whol e ne w ba g of menthol smoking." 16 For white-owne d companie s tha t desire d t o construc t thei r ow n cam paigns t o reac h "sou l brother s an d sisters, " the Jun e 1 , 1969 , issu e o f Sales Management offere d a "primer," titled "Communicating Sou l Style. " Readers were assure d tha t th e followin g definition s wer e par t o f "th e vocabular y Soul Brother s cherish" : Boss—The ultimat e i n compliments . Burn—To improvise superlatively, in music or in life. "Burn baby" was shouted at singers years before th e first ghett o riot . Dap—impeccably dressed . Down—If something is so good it's out of sight, or is the best ever, it's "down." Fox—A beautiful woman .

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Gig—A job. Synonyms ar e "slave" and "hustle." Hog—A very large automobile . Jive—A persuasive talker but on e prone t o lies or excuses . Pig—A sadistic, sometimes als o corrup t person , usuall y a policeman. Black s rarely qualify . Whale—To run ver y fast, think very clearly, or be the top man in your field. 17 Despite suc h ludicrou s discourse , whic h caricature d Africa n America n consumers o f th e lat e 1960s , some advertisin g professional s di d indee d tak e black shoppers—an d thei r concerns—seriously . Zebr a Associates , a raciall y integrated advertisin g agenc y heade d b y a n African American , R a y m o nd A . League, represented on e suc h instance . T h e N e w York City-base d Zebr a Associates, established i n 1969 , viewe d African America n consumer s a s par t o f a large r inner-cit y consume r mar ket. In a promotional documen t title d Zebra Associates: Why We Are . . . What We Are . .. Who We Are, th e fir m portraye d itsel f as the onl y advertisin g fir m with bot h th e sociologica l knowledg e an d th e marketin g expertis e neces sary t o reac h inner-cit y consumers. 1 8 To buil d o n it s self-state d strength s regardin g th e inner-cit y consume r market, Zebr a Associate s earl y o n establishe d a trainin g progra m t o brin g more African American s int o th e advertisin g industry. 19 To furthe r accentu ate it s standin g a s a community-minde d enterprise , Zebr a Associate s insti tuted a progra m t o hav e it s professiona l staf f assis t smal l African America n and Latin o businesses , especiall y thos e operatin g i n "hard-core " inner-cit y areas. As a June 19,1969 , Zebra pres s release , quoting League , described th e program: Our firs t suc h account i s Le Mans, a mens clothin g store located a t 715 Amsterdam Avenue, New York City . We recently complete d a Fathers Da y pro motion fo r th e stor e an d th e result s wer e highl y successful . Frankly , we ex pected it . Ou r ke y peopl e i n publicity , promotion, an d advertisin g worke d on th e promotion . Righ t no w thes e sam e peopl e ar e puttin g togethe r a complete advertisin g campaig n fo r L e Mans. Not onl y d o we fee l thi s is part of ou r responsibilit y t o th e community , but w e believ e tha t ou r staf f bene fits greatl y fro m continuou s first-han d experienc e i n th e hear t o f minorit y markets.20 As Zebr a Associate s sough t t o becom e a trul y sociall y responsibl e c o m pany; urba n blac k consumers , Zebra' s primar y interest , ha d becom e eve n more o f an economi c forc e i n America's majo r markets . As Table 4. 7 reveals ,

The Revolution Will Be Marketed | 7 9 TABLE 4 . 7

African American Population, Selected Cities, I960, 1970

New York, New York Chicago, Illinois Detroit, Michigan Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Washington, D.C. Baltimore, Maryland Cleveland, Ohio New Orleans , Louisiana Atlanta, Georgia St. Louis, Missouri Memphis, Tennessee Newark, New Jersey Oakland, California

1960

1970

Percentage of Total Population 197 0

1,087,931 812,637 482,223 529,240 411,737 325,589 250,818 233,514 186,464 214,377 184,320 138,035 83,618

1,666,636 1,102,620 660,428 653,791 537,712 420,210 287,841 267,308 255,051 254,191 242,513 207,458 124,710

21.2 32.7 43.7 33.6 71.1 46.4 38.3 45.0 51.3 40.9 38.9 54.2 34.5

SOURCE: Harry A. Ploski and Warren Marr II, eds., The Negro Almanac: A Reference Work on the Afro-American (New York: Bellwether Company, 1976), 379.

the increasing number o f African Americans living in U.S. cities by 197 0 removed al l doubt s abou t th e wort h o f courtin g blac k shoppers . Conse quently, the next decade would witness even more aggressive attempts to influence th e consumption patterns of African American urbanites. Moreover, it would become increasingly clear that, while many in the 1960 s associated African American s wit h th e wor d "revolution/' it wa s corporat e marketer s who ha d actually conducte d a successful coup .

5 Blaxploitation an d Big Business American Corporations and Black Consumers during the 1970s

It's something kind of funny, How the man take your money, He's shrewd as he can be, In such a way you'll never see1

These lyrics, taken from th e soundtrack to the enormously pop ular 197 1 "blaxploitation" film Superfly, exemplify th e relationship betwee n U.S. corporations an d blac k consumer s durin g th e 1970s . This chapte r fo cuses on thre e majo r marketin g trend s involving African Americans durin g this period: Hollywood's successfu l attemp t t o reac h th e African America n consumer market through the blaxploitation film genre; the increased inter est within white-owned companies in producing African American personal care products (especiall y for blac k women); and th e mov e by white-owne d insurance companies to secure black policyholders. In addition, we examin e the debat e tha t wen t o n throughou t th e 1970 s ove r whether black-owne d magazines, newspapers, and advertisin g agencie s wer e th e mos t cost-effec tive means for corporat e America t o reach th e African American consume r market. By 197 0 African Americans wer e a n overwhelmingl y urba n population . The 197 0 census revealed that 8 1 percent o f the national African America n community reside d in urban areas , compared t o 72 percent o f whites.2 This represented a continuatio n o f post-Worl d War I I urbanizatio n trends . Socalled white fligh t t o th e suburbs , during th e 1950 s and 1960s , contributed to thi s demographic disparity. 3 At th e sam e tim e centra l citie s acros s America wer e becomin g increas ingly black, Hollywood producer s were desperat e for ways to resuscitate a n ailing motion picture industry.Television's birth and growth had contribute d 80

Blaxploitation and Big Business | 8 1

to a dramatic decline in U.S. movie attendance. For example, between 194 6 and 1970 the average weekly attendance at U.S. theaters dropped from 9 0 to 17.7 millio n moviegoers. 4 Moreover , white flight t o th e suburb s include d the abandonmen t o f larg e downtow n movi e theaters. 5 Consequently , i n what on e contemporar y observe r calle d "one o f the greates t ironie s o f ou r time,"6 Hollywood turne d t o urba n blac k consumer s t o help it avert finan cial ruin. Although the African American consume r market became a prime targe t of Hollywood mogul s durin g th e earl y 1970s , the fil m industry , similar t o other sectors of the American economy , had begun to take black consumer s more seriousl y i n th e 1960s . The socioeconomi c ramification s o f the Civi l Rights Movement , alon g wit h increasin g African America n urbanization , contributed t o thi s reassessment. 7 American movies at any given time tend to reflect contemporary social realities. During the early to mid-1960s, as the United States grappled with the implications of the Civil Rights Movement, Sidney Poitier emerged as a superstar black actor. Poitier s carefully crafte d "respectable Negro " image had enormous economic implications. Both white and black moviegoers flocked to his movies, but fo r differen t reasons . For whites, Poitiers nonthreatenin g screen persona reassured them about the implications of racial desegregation. For blacks, Poitier s roles, while contrived, represented a welcome relief from earlier, overtly offensive, African American screen depictions. 8 Just a s existing social realitie s contribute d t o Poitie r s preeminence dur ing the earl y 1960s , a changed socia l reality contribute d t o hi s decline late r in th e decade . A n increasingl y militan t an d blac k nationalist-oriente d African American population ha d grown tire d o f what on e criti c describe d as the "Sidney Poitie r syndrome, " which consiste d o f "a goo d bo y i n a totally white world , with n o wife , no sweetheart , no woma n t o lov e o r kiss, helping the white ma n solv e the white man' s problem." 9 The former footbal l sta r Jim Brown's rise in box office appea l during th e late 1960 s reflected a change i n th e tast e o f African America n moviegoers . Brown, described a s the "Black Buck Her o o f a Separatist Age," seemed th e antithesis o f Poitier' s scree n persona . Unlike th e nonthreatening , neutere d Poitier, Brown virtually radiated unabashe d physical prowess, including sexuality.10 When marke t researc h i n th e lat e 1960 s indicate d tha t blacks , although approximatel y 1 5 percent o f the U.S. population, represented nearl y 30 percent of the moviegoing audience in American cities (where the largest theaters were located), Hollywood feature d Brow n i n eleve n films between 1967 and 1970. 11

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Jim Brown's popularity in urban black America set the stage for MelvinVan Peebles's pivotal 1971 film, Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song. Shot in nineteen days, with a budget of $500,000, Sweet Sweetback, which chronicled the radicalization o f a black stud , grossed mor e tha n $1 0 millio n withi n a coupl e months.This feat appeared all the more remarkable in that no major distrib utor would touch Van Peebles's film. Because ofSweet Sweetback's overt sexual content,Van Peeble s had to rely on Cinematio n Industries , a small distribu tion house that handled only pornographic films, to distribute Sweetback. Although this film debuted in only two theaters, one in Detroit and one in Atlanta, it quickly broke box office record s in both locales. Moreover, through word of mouth, Sweet Sweetback soon became a nationwide box office smash. 12 Sweet Sweetback's financial succes s quickly capture d th e attention an d th e imagination o f Hollywood studios . By 197 1 most studios were reeling from a variety o f financial woes . Besides facing a shrinking moviegoing audienc e (because of television) an d the failure o f most expensiv e "blockbuster" films to turn a profit, the American movi e industry had t o share the U.S. domestic marke t wit h a n increasin g numbe r o f foreign films . Studios, attempting to cove r their losses, increased th e amount o f money the y charged th e tele vision network s (Hollywood' s mos t importan t secondar y market ) t o leas e motion picture s fo r re-exhibition . Yet, by th e lat e 1960s , as the cos t o f th e average fil m leas e increase d from $150,00 0 t o $800,000 , television execu tives, i n apparen t revolt , dramaticall y reduce d th e numbe r o f films the y leased fro m Hollywood . Consequently , Hollywoo d wa s totterin g o n th e edge of bankruptcy 13 If some fil m moguls , despite thei r problem s an d Sweet Sweetback's over whelming financia l success , remained apprehensiv e abou t activel y courtin g the black consume r market , Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer's succes s with anothe r 1971 film, Shaft, removed al l doubt s abou t th e potentia l profit s associate d with black-oriente d films. Shaft, described a s a black James Bon d movie , proved t o b e a n economi c godsen d t o MG M (whic h ha d poste d losse s o f $43 million fo r th e previou s tw o years) . Costing onl y $1. 8 millio n t o pro duce, within a year Shaft had reportedl y grosse d mor e tha n $1 7 million. 14 Predictably, MGM's succes s with Shaft reverberated throughou t th e motio n picture industry. In fact, by late 1972 , nearly 25 percent of Hollywood's tota l planned production were black-oriented movies. By contrast, only 3 percent of Hollywood' s 197 0 release s wer e films primaril y intende d fo r Africa n American audiences. 15 Although Hollywoo d b y 197 2 had committe d itsel f to activel y woo th e African America n filmgoing public , the emphasi s appeare d t o b e o n quan -

Blaxploitation and Big Business | 8 3

tity, not quality . In fact , the overwhelmin g commercia l succes s o f the low budgeted Sweet Sweetback an d Shaft apparently convince d Hollywoo d pro ducers tha t movie s mad e fo r Africa n America n consumer s di d no t nee d large budget s t o b e successful . Moreover, in th e majorit y o f the black-ori ented movie s o f th e 1970s , African America n audience s wer e give n extr a heavy dose s o f th e fil m industry' s unhol y trinit y o f sex , violence , an d crime.16 Thus, the ter m "blaxploitation, " while no t grammaticall y correct , does accurately convey the fleecing of African American moviegoers durin g this period. Historical an d psychological insigh t help s explai n wh y black consumer s were s o easil y manipulated b y th e fil m industr y durin g th e earl y 1970s . As one contemporar y pundi t noted : Right now, there is no question that the black audience, starved for years for films that see the world fromablack point of view, is eating up just about anything that is slickly served. It is no acciden t tha t the most successful o f the black films—both goo d and bad—invariably serve up heroes who "stick it to the Man/The intent of the new black films is not art but the commercial exploitation of the repressed anger of a relatively powerless community. 17 In fact , man y o f th e advertisement s fo r blaxploitatio n films , wit h thei r stress on "getting Whitey," conveyed th e message that African Americans, in film i f not i n reality, were "winning" in their effort s fo r ful l equality. 18 Perhaps, the most profitable subgenr e o f blaxploitation film s wa s the ex altation of the black male, or "Buckmania." Between 197 2 and 1974 , Hollywood, seeking to mimic th e earlie r success of the Jim Brown movies , Sweet Sweetback, an d Shaft, churned ou t a numbe r o f blac k mal e "superhero " movies includin g Trouble Man (1972) , Black Gunn (1972) , Slaughter (1972 ) Black Caesar (1973), and Hit Man (1974) . In these films, the African Ameri can mal e scree n imag e underwen t a dramati c transformation . The servil e Stepin Fetchi t an d th e polite Sidney Poitie r wer e replaced b y brash, superstuds who "put Whitey in his place."These film s ha d special appeal to black audiences i n tha t othe r well-recognize d forme r athletes , notabl y Fre d Williamson an d Berni e Casey , joined Ji m Brow n i n starrin g i n man y o f these films. 19 Although mos t o f the films associated with "Buckmania" were relativel y harmless fantasies , two film s withi n thi s subgenre , Superfly (1972) an d The Mack (1973), projected trul y troublin g image s o f black mal e achievement . Superfly sympathetically surveye d th e activitie s o f a Harlem cocain e dealer ; The Mack sympathetically surveye d th e activities o f a Los Angeles pimp.

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Significantly, Superfty, whic h feature d a perniciou s glorificatio n o f co caine use , represented th e brainchil d o f a consortiu m o f blac k Ne w York professionals, including the screenwriter Phillip Fenty and the director Gor don Parks Jr. Having produced Superfty independently o n a shoestring bud get of $350,000, the film's African American investor s subsequently entere d into a mutually lucrativ e distributio n agreemen t wit h Warner Brothers. By 1974 Superfty had grossed more than $12 million. Moreover, the stylish fash ions worn b y th e mai n character , Priest, were reproduce d an d markete d t o urban blac k males seeking to emulat e th e character's on-scree n persona. 20 The Mack, which featured a gaudily dressed pimp named Goldie , also became a financia l success . Grossing a reporte d $2. 5 millio n i n it s firs t fe w weeks,21 The Mack exploited th e fantasies o f some young black males about pimping mor e skillfull y tha n Goldi e handle d hi s femal e charge s i n th e movie. Although al l o f th e "Buckmania " film s tende d t o characteriz e wome n (black an d white ) a s little mor e tha n sexua l playthings, The Mack appeared to b e especiall y demeanin g t o women . In a paper rea d a t th e 197 4 annua l meeting of the National Medical Association, a black psychiatrist, discussing the blac k film boom , asserted tha t African America n wome n i n The Mack "came across as being so stupid and naive that the question of retardation has to be raised." 22 Ironically, while African America n wome n wer e devalue d i n "Buckma nia" films, they were simultaneously exalted in the "Superbadd Supermama " movies. Films suc h a s Cleopatra Jones (1973), Cqffy (1973), and Foxy Brown (1974) featured blac k women wh o wer e the match o f "Buckmania" stars in terms o f wreakin g violenc e an d mayhem . I n fact , Pa m Grier , feature d i n Cqffy and Foxy Brown, emerged a s a major bo x offic e draw . Yet, in keepin g with th e "bottom line" mentality o f blaxploitation movi e producers, Grier s ample cleavag e an d athleti c body , rather tha n he r actin g ability , were spot lighted.23 Despite Hollywood's apparent preoccupation wit h African American su perstuds an d Amazons i n th e 1970s , there wer e som e black-oriente d film s that wer e bot h "respectable " and profitable . Sounder (1972), Lady Sings the Blues (1972), and Uptown Saturday Night (1974 ) epitomize d suc h movies. Sounder, whic h examine d th e pligh t o f a famil y o f African America n sharecroppers durin g the 1930s , represented a welcome deviatio n fro m Superfty, The Mack, and other grossly sensationalist depictions of African American life. Unlike mos t blaxploitatio n films' fixation wit h "street life, " where family relations were peripheral or nonexistent, Sounder squarely focused o n

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the Africa n America n famil y an d it s resiliency . Moreover , Sounder's overwhelming financial succes s ($700,00 0 production cost ; $13 million bo x of fice gros s in th e first year) clearl y indicated tha t ther e was, indeed, a market for quality , family-oriented blac k films. 24 Motown s Lady Sings the Blues, like Sounder, provided African America n consumers wit h a qualit y alternativ e t o standar d blaxploitatio n fare . The film, an inaccurate yet entertainin g biograph y o f the singe r Billie Holliday , cost a then unheard of (for black-oriented films) $3 to $4 million. Moreover, unlike most blaxploitation films, which provided heavy doses of loveless sexual activity, Lady Sings the Blues offered Africa n America n filmgoer s a genuine romanti c melodrama . I n addition , th e gros s bo x offic e receipt s ($8. 3 million in the first year) earned by Lady Sings the Blues were another demon stration o f the profit potentia l o f meaningful black-oriente d films. 25 The Sidne y Poitier-produce d Uptown Saturday Night, whic h feature d Poitier an d a n all-sta r cas t including Bil l Cosby , Harry Belafonte , Flip Wilson, and PJchar d Pryor , represented a conscious attemp t t o counterac t th e negative images foisted o n African American moviegoer s by the blaxploita tion genre.Trumpeted a s a family film with "no foul language whatsoever," 26 it emerge d a s th e to p grossin g black-oriente d fil m durin g th e summe r o f 1974, earning $5.3 million betwee n June an d October. 27 Despite th e appeal o f films suc h a s Sounder, Lady Sings the Blues, and Uptown Saturday Night, most nonblaxploitatio n Africa n America n film s wer e box offic e disaster s durin g thi s period . To man y African Americans , espe cially the young, "Buckmania" and"Superbadd Supermama " films provide d a communa l catharti c releas e fro m everyda y problem s associate d wit h racism.28 Although a significant numbe r o f African America n consumer s eagerl y paid t o vie w fictiona l racia l retribution , a n increasin g numbe r o f black s began to criticiz e what on e scholar called the emotiona l an d economic ex ploitation of African American moviegoers. 29 The Beverly Hills/Hollywoo d branch o f th e NAACP , appropriately, emerge d a s a foca l poin t o f Africa n American disconten t wit h blaxploitation films . At its August 9,1972 , meeting, which include d representative s fro m th e Congres s o f Racia l Equalit y (CORE), People United to Save Humanity (PUSH) , the Urban League, the Southern Christia n Leadershi p Conferenc e (SCLC) , and the Black Panthe r Party, the branc h president , Junius Griffin , vociferousl y lashe d ou t agains t the genre . Griffin describe d blaxploitatio n movie s as a cancer tha t at e away at th e mora l fiber o f th e black community . Moreover, he tol d a standing room-only audience :

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These films continue taking our money, while feeding black people a forced diet of violence, murder, drugs, and rape.Yet, we go on paying millions of dollars for ou r ow n cultura l genocide a t the box offices o f white folks ' movie houses.30 Griffin close d hi s comment s b y callin g fo r a coalitio n o f th e variou s groups presen t t o challeng e Hollywood . H e adde d tha t th e ensuin g con frontation "shoul d no t exclud e stree t demonstration s o r an y othe r mean s necessary."31 Griffin s appeal resulte d i n th e establishmen t o f the Committe e Agains t Blaxploitation (CAB).Thi s grou p primaril y sough t t o rais e th e conscious ness of both black consumers and the motion picture industry regarding film depictions o f African Americans . CAB, among othe r things , demanded th e right t o preview script s o f future blac k films an d urge d Hollywoo d t o hir e more African Americans throughou t th e film industry. 32 Hollywood producers , predictably, balked a t approvin g CA B s proposed "watchdog*' role. Unfortunately fo r CAB , two interna l problem s kep t th e coalition fro m formulatin g a n effective reactiv e strategy. First, because ther e were divers e groups within CAB , disagreements aros e as to what tactic s th e group shoul d use to make its point t o th e movie industry. Some individual s within CAB , perhaps reacting to Griffi n s strident rhetoric , espoused physi cal retribution agains t Hollywood moguls . This segment o f the Committe e Against Blaxploitation reportedly bombed the automobiles of several studio heads.33 Another philosophical and tactical disagreement withi n th e organizatio n dealt with whethe r CA B should giv e top priority t o promoting affirmativ e action in Hollywood or to pressuring producers to immediately change fil m depictions o f blacks . The fac t tha t som e CA B member s wer e employe d within th e motio n pictur e industr y intensifie d thi s dilemma . Thi s blo c within CA B apparentl y feare d tha t Hollywoo d mogul s woul d negativel y react t o pressur e regardin g African America n fil m depiction s b y ceasin g t o make black-oriente d movie s altogethe r an d eliminatin g African American s from th e film industry. 34 Besides interna l problems , the Committe e Agains t Blaxploitatio n cam e under attack from white studio executive s and some of the black actors and actresses associated with th e blaxploitation genre . Samuel Z. Arkoff, head o f American Internationa l Pictures , reacted t o CA B b y asserting , "I rathe r re sent and I think blacks resent the implication o f this organization tha t black audiences ar e someho w no t abl e t o recogniz e somethin g tha t i s degradin g

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to themselves." 35 Similarly , R o n O'Neal , th e sta r o f th e controversia l fil m Superfly, declared : They're sayin g that the y kno w bette r tha n th e blac k people themselve s wha t they should look at, that they're going to be the moral interpreters for the destiny of black people. I'm s o tired of handkerchief-headed Negroe s moralizin g on th e poor blac k man. 36 Many African America n actors , actresses, and screenwriters , R on O'Nea l notwithstanding, wer e sensitiv e t o issue s relate d t o blac k scree n depictions . O n Jul y 2 3 , 1 9 7 2 , Lonni e Elde r III , the screenwrite r o f th e acclaime d film Sounder, organize d a pane l discussio n i n Lo s Angele s centere d aroun d th e theme, " T he Curren t Ras h o f N ew Blac k Films : A Blessing or a Curse?"Th e audience a t th e well-attende d meeting , mad e u p primaril y o f black s i n th e motion pictur e industry , resulte d i n a publi c repudiatio n o f th e film s tha t many o n th e pane l an d i n th e audienc e ha d bee n involve d in . Shortly there after, thes e individuals , amon g the m suc h notable s a s Ossi e Davis , Cicel y Tyson, and Denis e Nichols , established a n organizatio n know n a s the Blac k Artists Alliance (BAA). 37 I n a n ope n lette r tha t appeare d i n th e August 18 , 1972, issue o f Variety, the grou p declared : We will no longer tolerate th e chea p movies about us . Cheap i n terms o f the range o f human emotion s expressed , and chea p in thei r one-dimensiona l in vestigations o f human problems . We will no longer tolerat e th e visual images of Black people tha t are paraded acros s the screen a s little more tha n reincar nations o f racist stereotype s whic h demea n ou r wome n an d mak e ludicrou s caricatures o f our men. 38 Along wit h suc h organization s a s th e Committe e Agains t Blaxploitatio n and th e Blac k Artist s Alliance, th e blac k psychologis t Dr . Alvin J. Poussain t emerged a s a leading criti c o f th e blaxploitatio n movi e genre . In hi s widel y discussed Februar y 197 4 Psychology Today articl e title d "Blaxploitatio n Movies: Cheap Thrills That Degrad e Blacks, " Poussaint assesse d th e psycho logical impac t o f blaxploitation films o n th e African America n community . H e sadl y noted : Black youth i n Brooklyn dramaticall y increase d thei r use of cocaine afte r th e movie Superfl y glamorize d th e narcotic. . . . On th e othe r sid e o f the conti nent, practically th e entir e studen t bod y o f a high schoo l i n Lo s Angeles i s wearing th e gol d "coke" spoon necklac e afte r a showing o f the sam e movie . .. .The fluffed natural hairdo has undergone a dramatic change into th e slick,

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conk, style, as urban youth cop y the hair styles of film characters . They mimi c the stars' hip, violent personalities tha t suggest that success comes with a cool "rap," flashy clothes, big expensive cars , and a gun. 39 Poussaint conclude d hi s essa y b y callin g fo r a nationwide Africa n Amer ican boycott o f movies to forc e Hollywoo d t o "produce mor e positiv e form s of entertainment." 4 0 In additio n t o objectin g t o blaxploitatio n movies ' psychological manip ulation o f African America n consumers , critics o f this genr e als o decrie d th e profits thes e film s generated , primarily fo r whit e businessmen.Whit e theate r owners, especially, benefited fro m th e blac k film s o f the earl y 1970s . O ut o f the approximatel y fourtee n thousan d motio n pictur e theater s i n th e Unite d States durin g thi s period , fewe r tha n twent y wer e owne d an d operate d b y African Americans. 41 A 197 4 study o f theaters i n Chicago' s Loo p clearl y revealed th e profits as sociated wit h appealin g t o blac k consumers . T he eigh t theater s i n d o w n town Chicag o feature d black-oriente d film s (b y themselves) fifty-fiv e times . These engagement s o f a wee k o r longe r generate d bo x offic e receipt s o f $7,716,534, o r a n averag e o f $140,30 0 pe r engagement . B y contrast , th e eight Loo p theater s feature d white-oriente d films (b y themselves ) ninety four times.Thes e movie s generate d bo x offic e receipt s o f $8,667,900, or a n average o f $92,21 2 pe r engagement . T he sam e downtow n Chicag o movi e houses feature d Orienta l martia l art s film s (b y themselves ) thirty-on e times . This genre , also very popular amon g urba n blac k moviegoers, generated bo x office receipt s o f $2,778,329 , o r a n averag e o f $89,62 4 pe r engagement . Combined, black-oriente d an d Orienta l martia l art s movie s clearl y gener ated th e majorit y o f box offic e receipt s fo r Chicag o Loo p theate r owners. 4 2 Furthermore, thi s scenari o wa s repeate d acros s America. 4 3 T h e mostl y whit e producer s o f blaxploitatio n movie s als o receive d sig nificant return s fo r minima l investment . A widesprea d techniqu e use d t o minimize "above-the-line " cost s (suc h a s salar y fo r cas t an d directors ) wa s the utilizatio n o f u n k n o w n talen t fo r lo w wages. 44 T h e cas e o f Richar d Roundtree, the sta r o f M G M 's megahi t Shaft, epitomize d thi s phenomenon . Although Shaft reportedl y grosse d mor e tha n $1 7 millio n from a $1. 8 million investment , R o u n d t r e e receive d compensatio n o f onl y $12,500 . Had i t not bee n fo r th e vehemen t protestatio n o f Shaft's blac k director , Gor don Park s Sr. , M GM woul d hav e pai d R o u n d t r e e a salar y o f onl y $25,00 0 for Shaft's 197 2 sequel , Shaft's Big Score* 5 R o u n d t r e e did , afte r intens e n e gotiations, ultimatel y receiv e $50,00 0 fo r thi s repris e role . Yet, hi s experi -

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ences demonstrated tha t th e ter m "blaxploitation" referred t o th e exploita tion o f black actors and actresses as well as black consumers . A survey of the fil m credit s o f fifty-three black-oriente d film s mad e be tween January 197 3 an d August 197 4 furthe r document s whit e contro l o f the production (an d profits) o f blaxploitation films . Only six, or 1 1 percent, of these films wer e produced b y African Americans. 46 While white s apparentl y receive d a lion's shar e o f the profit s associate d with th e black-oriente d movie s o f the 1970s , some African American s di d materially benefi t fro m thi s phenomenon . Beside s Melvi n Va n Peeble s s stunning success with Sweet Sweetbacks Baadasssss Song, two African Ameri can musician-songwriters , Isaa c Haye s an d Curti s Mayfield , achieve d far reaching success during this period . Part o f the formul a associate d wit h attractin g blac k consumer s t o blax ploitation movies was the utilization o f popular African American recordin g artists t o develop fil m scores . Isaac Hayes' s soundtrac k albu m t o th e 197 1 film Shaft both earne d hi m a n Academy Award an d generate d severa l mil lion dollar s in sales . Likewise, Curtis Mayfiel d s 1972 soundtrack albu m fo r Superfty went t o platinum , with mor e tha n a million sold. 47 Othe r notabl e blaxploitation soundtrack s tha t successfull y encourage d Africa n America n consumers t o make tw o purchases (movi e ticket an d album) include d Mar vin Gaye' s Trouble Man (1972) , Willie Hutch' s The Mack (1973), and James Browns Black Caesar (1973). Despite th e profit s associate d wit h th e blaxploitatio n fil m genre , by th e mid-1970s a number o f factors ha d contribute d t o it s demise . First, as th e sheer novelt y o f black-oriented film s bega n t o wea r off , African America n consumers became more discerning. This was crucial in terms of profits, because few white s patronized thes e films. In fact, the relatively disappointin g box offic e receipt s o f tw o 197 3 sequels , Shaft in Africa an d Superfty T.N.T., alerted Hollywoo d producer s tha t blaxploitation films ' most profitable day s were probably behind them. 48 Another facto r tha t contribute d t o th e declin e o f the blaxploitation film genre was Hollywood's discover y tha t i t coul d reac h th e African America n consumer marke t throug h quality "mainstream" movies. For instance, market surveys revealed tha t black moviegoers represente d nearl y 35 percent o f the audienc e fo r suc h megahit s a s The Godfather (1972 ) an d The Exorcist (1973).49 Perhaps th e fina l deathblo w t o th e blaxploitatio n film genr e wa s Holly wood's realizatio n tha t African America n consumer s woul d enthusiasticall y support "mainstream" films with blacks in prominent supportin g roles . Two

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1976 films , Rocky (whic h feature d Car l Weathers) an d Silver Streak (which featured th e inimitabl e Richar d Pryor) , attracte d larg e number s o f bot h black and white filmgoers. In fact, in th e late 1970 s Hollywood, sensing yet another profitable trend , subsequently create d a number o f "crossover" films to spotlight th e multitalented Pryor. 50 On th e surface , the blaxploitation fil m genr e appeare d t o hav e been just another Hollywoo d craze . Yet, black-oriented movies , made betwee n 197 1 and 197 4 see m t o hav e ha d a profoun d sublimina l effec t o n th e Africa n American psyche . First , th e sens e o f racia l unit y generate d b y th e Civi l Rights Movemen t gav e wa y t o th e "rugged individualism " o f suc h movi e characters a s Priest , Goldie , an d Shaft . Furthermore , th e film s stimulate d conspicuous consumptio n a s youn g blac k male s sough t t o emulat e th e lifestyles o f these dubiou s fil m icons . In sum, the 1970 s blaxploitation fil m genr e represented a n extremely ef fective mean s t o mor e full y incorporat e black s a s American consumers . Hindsight suggest s that th e millions of dollars blacks spent visiting a fantasy world o f African American triump h an d achievement migh t hav e been bet ter spent tryin g to effec t change s in th e rea l world. Although Hollywoo d ma y have denigrated th e role of African America n women durin g th e 1970s , other sector s o f the U.S . economy, especially th e personal care products industry, took black female consumer s very seriously. This interest in African American women had its basis in census data that revealed their unique an d vital economic role . At the beginning of the decade, 29 percent of black families were femaleheaded, compared t o 9 percent o f white families . Moreover, 54 percen t o f married blac k wome n worked , compare d t o 3 8 percen t o f whit e wives . Even mor e startling , from th e standpoin t o f corporate marketers , was 197 0 census data that indicated that married working black women below the age of 35 and living in the North o r West actually earned more than their white counterparts.51 Black women's economi c statu s during the earl y 1970 s could be directl y linked t o enhance d Africa n America n socioeconomi c mobilit y associate d with th e Civi l Right s Movement . Moreover , becaus e 5 5 percen t o f blac k women i n th e labor force ha d a t least a high schoo l diplom a (compare d t o 45 percent of black men), African American women were especially well situated t o tak e advantag e o f ne w employmen t opportunities . I n addition , commencing i n th e late 1960s , there existe d a n increased deman d fo r cler ical workers , teachers, and nurses—occupation s tha t traditionall y attracte d women. 52

Blaxploitation and Big Business | 9 1 Corporate marketer s o f women's beaut y an d persona l car e products sub sequently sough t t o lin k African America n women' s enhance d sens e o f self worth wit h increase d spendin g o n beaut y an d persona l car e products . This association, whil e focuse d o n blac k females , wa s no t unique . America n women, regardles s o f race , ha d lon g bee n socialize d t o equat e self-wort h with persona l appearance . Still , the 1970 s campaig n b y th e beaut y an d per sonal car e product s industr y t o wo o Africa n America n w o m e n wa s espe cially significan t i n tha t i t sough t t o sel l blac k wome n bot h "beauty " an d "status." O ne importan t consequenc e o f thi s accelerate d campaig n wa s th e decline o f black-owned companies , which ha d historicall y serve d th e need s of black women . A June 11 , 1973, article i n th e trad e industr y publicatio n Chemical Marketing Reporter titled "Beauty ChemicalsrTh e Ethni c Market " provided a c o gent surve y o f th e evolvin g blac k beaut y product s market . Quotin g Alfre d Forney, a prominen t blac k makeu p artist , i t cite d blac k women' s nee d fo r race-specific beaut y products : Our histor y is that we were always getting scrubbed dow n an d greased dow n . . . we have the same problems with drynes s and oiliness as do whites, except that our skin is sensitive in maintaining a proper oil and moisture balance and thus w e especiall y need a mild astringent . Many astringent s offere d b y regu lar line s ar e foun d to o hars h fo r blac k women , producin g a n undesirabl e "ashy" look t o th e skin. 53 Forney wen t o n t o predic t (correctly ) tha t beaut y product s fo r blac k women woul d b e most effectivel y markete d i n departmen t store s rather tha n in self-service dru g stores . Such a marketing strateg y woul d provid e interac tion betwee n th e consume r an d a knowledgeabl e salesperson . Moreover , black wome n wer e becomin g increasingl y amenabl e t o premiu m qualit y and higher-price d cosmetics. 54 T h e Flor i Robert s Company , establishe d i n 1965 , wa s on e o f th e firs t companies t o tak e advantag e o f black women' s increase d interes t i n higher priced beaut y products . Roberts , a whit e woma n wit h a n extensiv e back ground i n th e fashio n industry , started he r compan y becaus e o f he r knowl edge o f the problem s face d b y blac k model s seekin g facia l makeu p tha t wa s compatible wit h thei r ski n tone s an d texture . W i th bot h financia l an d tech nical assistanc e from he r physician husband , Roberts bega n he r product line , which, from th e beginning , was sold onl y i n departmen t stores . By th e mid 1970s, Flor i Robert s Product s ha d satisfie d customer s throughou t th e United State s an d i n Africa. 55

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Another importan t playe r i n th e premiu m blac k beaut y product s marke t in th e 1970 s wa s th e Fashio n Fai r Cosmetic s Company . This compan y wa s an outgrowt h o f Ebony magazin e an d it s popula r Ebony Fashio n Fai r Show . T h e model s wit h thi s travelin g fashio n show , along wit h thei r fashio n coor dinators, regularly mixed an d blended variou s cosmetic s to devis e a look tha t satisfied them . After eac h show , women i n th e audienc e inquire d a s to ho w they coul d duplicat e th e "look " o f th e models. 56 Because o f thi s interest , th e Ebony Fashio n Fai r Show , using Ebony mag azine a s a test-marketin g venue , offere d blac k w o m e n a relativel y high priced ki t containin g sample s o f th e exac t cosmetic s use d b y it s models . Black women' s overwhelmingl y positiv e respons e t o thi s campaig n con vinced th e Ebony Fashio n Fai r Show t o accentuat e it s new Fashio n Fai r Cos metics division . Along wit h a n ongoin g a d campaig n i n Ebony, Fashio n Fai r Cosmetics, by th e mid-1970s , were bein g markete d i n suc h upscal e depart ment store s a s Bloomingdale's i n N e w York City , Marshall Fiel d i n Chicago , and Neiman-Marcu s i n Dallas. 57 Although ther e existe d a sizabl e marke t fo r high-price d blac k cosmetic s during th e 1970s , the beaut y an d personal car e products industr y di d no t ig nore th e need s o f less affluen t Africa n America n women . T he Augus t 197 7 issue o f American Druggist featured a n articl e title d "Selling Blac k Cosmetic s Proves a Tricky Business, " which provide d advic e t o drugstore s o n ho w bes t to reac h blac k w o m e n seekin g mor e economica l products . T he articl e ad vised it s readers tha t i f African American s mad e u p a t least 3 0 percen t o f th e population surroundin g thei r busines s locations , the y shoul d carr y blac k cosmetics .Th e trad e journal, however, was far less definitive i n advisin g ho w black cosmetic s shoul d b e displayed . O n th e on e hand , som e retailer s b e lieved tha t blac k cosmetic s shoul d b e feature d in a separat e department . Others fel t tha t blac k cosmetic s shoul d b e include d withi n th e regula r cos metic department . Moreover , ther e existe d th e questio n whethe r blac k beauty product s produce d b y blac k companie s o r simila r products produce d by whit e companie s yielde d th e greates t profit s fo r stor e owners. 5 8 Despit e leaving thi s questio n unanswered , American Druggist assure d it s reader s tha t stores wit h a significan t Africa n America n consume r bas e woul d profi t b y carrying some black beaut y products. 59 Another visibl e forc e i n th e moderatel y price d blac k cosmetic s marke t was th e venerabl e Avo n Product s Company . Avon, like othe r companie s i n the beaut y an d persona l car e product s industry , cam e t o vie w Africa n American w o m e n a s a lucrativ e marke t t o b e tapped . T h e compan y b e lieved tha t blac k consume r suppor t woul d compensat e fo r th e declinin g

Blaxploitation and Big Business | 9 3 TABLE 5. 1

Advertising Revenue, Essence Magazine, 1974-1980* Year Advertisin

1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980

$1,868,78 2,389,36 4,065,71 4,607,80 6,183,93 6,471,98 7,957,77

g Revenue

8 0 2 7 4 2 2

* Advertising revenue figures for th e years 1970-197 3 are unavailable. souRCE:"Records of Essence Magazine," Publishers Information Bureau, Inc./Magazine Publishers of America, New York, New York.

profits associate d wit h it s traditional , white-oriented "Avo n calling " cam paign.60 An examinatio n o f Africa n America n expenditure s o n persona l car e products during the 1970 s helps explain corporate interes t in this phenomenon. In 197 2 blacks spent a reported $350,000,000 on beauty and personal care items . Fiv e year s later , thi s figure ha d skyrockete d t o approximatel y $750,000,000.61 Even before th e 1970s , market researc h ha d reveale d that African Amer icans spent proportionately mor e on beauty and personal care products than whites. Yet, as th e disposable income o f blacks, especially women, rose in th e 1970s, the disparit y betwee n blac k an d whit e spendin g o n persona l car e items dramaticall y increased . I n fact , som e survey s estimate d tha t Africa n Americans, by the mid- t o late 1970s , spent approximately 40 percent mor e of their disposable income on beauty and luxury items than did whites. 62 As one corporate marketer told Chemical Week for a June 8,1977, article related to the burgeoning blac k cosmetic s industry : "Blacks have always spent a lot on thei r looks . Its a cheap wa y t o sho w opulence . If you loo k great , who's to know you haven' t a dime in your pocket?" 63 Essence, established a s a magazine fo r blac k women i n 1970 , also profite d from th e enhance d presenc e o f black wome n i n th e U.S . marketplace dur ing this decade. Essence's rising advertising revenues between 197 4 and 198 0 (seeTable 5.1) suggests that corporate marketers came to view the magazine as an ideal mechanism t o reach black female consumers . To reinforce Essence's strategic role as an important intermediary betwee n corporate Americ a an d blac k femal e consumers , the magazin e s first pub lisher, Clarence Smith, and its beauty and fashion editor , Susan Taylor, regularly urged American corporation s to take black female consumer s more se-

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riously. An intervie w wit h Smit h an d Taylor tha t appeare d i n th e Decembe r 1977 issu e of Product Marketing, a national newslette r surveyin g th e cosmet ics, toiletries, fragrances, an d dru g industries , focused o n thei r efforts . In a n articl e title d "Essence Urge s R 8c D fo r Blacks/ ' Taylor forcefull y urged cosmeti c marketer s t o commi t mor e resource s towar d developin g ad ditional hai r car e an d facia l makeu p product s fo r blac k women. 6 4 Smith , fo r his part, suggested tha t U.S . corporations wer e hurtin g thei r profitabilit y b y not conductin g substantiv e marke t researc h relate d t o blac k femal e con sumers: In no t studyin g th e purchasin g habit s o f Black women , marketers ar e over looking an important aspect of the Black women's psyche.They don't see how much Blac k wome n ar e competing wit h White wome n t o prov e the y ar e as good or better. Since childhood they have been inundated with media images of beauty a s the White woman . They wan t t o b e a s attractive a s possible an d show th e Black man tha t he r beauty i s fine. Marketers shoul d se e that sh e is overcompensating i n buyin g products t o dispel negative stereotypes. 65 By th e lat e 1970s , U.S . corporation s bega n t o full y hee d Taylo r an d Smith's advice . While thi s mov e resulte d i n mor e consume r choice s fo r African America n women , black-owne d producer s o f Africa n America n personal car e product s foun d themselve s losin g groun d i n a n increasingl y crowded an d competitiv e marketplace . T h e experience s o f the Chicago-base d Johnson Product s Compan y epit omized th e problem s face d b y blac k beaut y entrepreneur s durin g thi s p e riod. Ironically , befor e th e lat e 1970s , Johnson Product s Compan y repre sented on e o f th e mor e spectacula r instance s o f African America n busines s success.The originato r o f the popular "Ultra Sheen " and "Afro Sheen " product lines , in 197 3 th e compan y becam e th e firs t blac k busines s t o b e liste d on a major stoc k exchange. 66 Johnson Products ' fortunes bega n t o chang e fo r th e wors e i n 197 5 afte r it wa s force d t o sig n a Federa l Trade Commissio n consen t decre e acknowl edging safet y problem s wit h it s popula r "Ultr a Shee n Permanen t Crem e Relaxer."According t o th e F T C , this produc t containe d sodiu m hydroxide , which coul d caus e both hai r loss and ey e and skin damage.The Federa l Trade Commission mandate d tha t Johnson Product s plac e a special warning o n al l its hair-straightenin g product s warnin g consumer s tha t imprope r us e coul d result i n ey e an d ski n damage. 67 George Johnson, th e presiden t o f Johnson Products , agree d t o th e con sent decre e wit h th e distinc t impressio n tha t hi s competitors , including th e

Blaxploitation and Big Business |

9 5

white-owned Revlo n Company , would quickl y b e force d t o follow suit . To his surpris e an d disappointment , Revlo n wa s no t require d t o plac e a simila r warning i n it s advertisin g o r o n it s comparabl e product s unti l nearl y tw o years later . I n th e meantime , blac k wome n consumer s wer e give n th e i m pression tha t Revlon' s "Frenc h Perm " an d "Realisti c Protei n Crem e R e laxer/'which als o containe d sodiu m hydroxide , wer e safe r product s tha n Johnson Products ' "Ultra Shee n Permanen t Crem e Relaxer." 68 An understandably bitter Johnson later asserted that the FTC's actions represented a conscious attempt to inhibit black business development. In a 197 8 speech t o blac k beauticians, he allude d t o a n eve n broader attemp t t o dimin ish th e influenc e o f black entrepreneur s i n th e blac k hai r car e industry : White people, for the most part, ignored thi s industry as long as they though t it wa s a nickel an d dim e business . We were overlooke d o r els e looked dow n upon a s just "nigge r business. " It wa s to o littl e t o b e involve d wit h o r con cerned about . Today, they are making strong efforts t o take over every level of the kinky hair business.They want the manufacturing business.The y want th e beauty shop business. And the y want th e beauty jobber business. 69 Like black-owne d companie s i n th e blac k persona l car e product s indus try, black-owne d insuranc e companie s face d increase d whit e competitio n during th e 1970s . For mos t o f th e twentiet h century , white-owned compa nies ha d disdaine d th e blac k consume r market.Yet , a s the collectiv e Africa n American standar d o f livin g bega n t o ris e a t mid-century , larg e insurer s began t o activel y see k blac k clients . A techniqu e widel y use d b y white owned insuranc e companie s t o mak e inroad s amon g blac k consumer s wa s to recrui t th e to p agent s from blac k insuranc e companie s b y offerin g the m higher pay. 70 Perhaps, th e majo r proble m facin g Africa n America n insuranc e compa nies durin g th e 1970 s wa s th e nee d t o adjus t t o a ne w socia l reality . T h e Black Powe r Movemen t o f th e lat e 1960s , wit h it s emphasi s o n "buyin g black," had provided blac k insurer s a temporary respit e from increase d whit e competition. Still , many African America n consumer s welcome d th e wide r range o f buying choice s associate d wit h increase d racia l desegregation . As a contemporary analysi s o f th e blac k insuranc e industr y noted : There i s another side to th e "buy black " coin. It is "buy white. " Many black s evidently feel that whites and white companies give superior products and superior services . There exists , moreover, amon g som e black s th e feelin g tha t dealing with white companies constitutes a status symbol, a badge of "arrival" for upwardl y mobil e blacks. 71

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African America n insuranc e companies ' heavy relianc e o n industria l in surance further hindere d their efforts t o impress black consumers. Industrial insurance, a form o f coverage characterized by the weekly collection of premiums in policyholders' homes and by low policy face values, had long been deemphasized b y mainstream insuranc e companies . By 1970 , only 2. 9 per cent of all U.S. companies provided industrial coverage. On th e other hand , industrial insuranc e represente d 43. 9 percen t o f black companies ' total in surance in force. 72 Despite th e disadvantage s o f industria l insurance , which include d hig h administrative cost s that were passed on t o consumers , some African Amer ican insurance compan y executive s reminde d thei r critic s tha t thi s form o f coverage represented th e cornerston e o f the historical personal relationshi p between blac k insurers and their policyholders. Still, as the 1970 s unfolded , it seemed increasingly clea r that African American consumer s were becom ing les s intereste d i n nostalgi a an d mor e concerne d abou t contemporar y money saving. 73 Along with their seemingly unwise focus on industrial insurance, the relatively smal l size of black insurer s hampere d thei r attempt s t o compet e fo r prospective blac k policyholders . By 1978 , the combine d asset s o f th e to p thirty-nine African American insuranc e companie s stoo d a t $635 million. 74 By contrast, in the same year, the assets of Prudential an d Metropolitan Lif e were $50 billion and $42 billion, respectively.75 Because of economies of scale, large mainstream insurer s were abl e to offe r cost-consciou s African Ameri can consumers more economical coverag e than their black competitors. The mountin g problem s o f black insuranc e companie s wer e graphicall y illustrated in the influential Best's Review's yearly ranking of the premium in come o f the to p fiv e hundre d U.S . and Canadia n insuranc e companies . Between 197 0 and 1980 , the ranking of the top six African American insurer s steadily declined (se e Table 5.2). Moreover, the downward spiral of black insurance companie s continue d durin g th e 1980s . The 1970 s also challenged African American entrepreneur s i n the realms of mass media and advertising. This appeared especially ironic because black media outlets , both radi o an d print , along wit h blac k advertisin g agencies , had previously bee n viewe d a s ideal vehicles t o better reac h African Amer ican consumers . During th e earl y 1970s , black-owned medi a outlets , along wit h black owned advertisin g agencies , wer e generall y acknowledge d b y corporat e America t o b e th e mos t effectiv e mean s t o reac h potentia l African Ameri can customers . For example , the Ne w York-based black-owne d UniWorl d

Blaxploitation and Big Business | 9 7 TABLE 5. 2

Ranking of the Top Six African American Insurance Companies within Best's Listing of the 500 Leading Insurance Companies in Total Premium Income, 1970, 1972, 1974, 1976, 1978, 1980*

North Carolina Mutual Golden State Mutual Atlanta Life Universal Life Supreme Life Chicago Metropolitan

1970

1972 1980

1974

1976

1978

160 292 248 296 395 430

167 264 284 315 409 443

166 271 306 339 401 453

188 296 339 360 395 472

195 306 338 389 421 492

211 336 387 424 454

—

*North Carolin a Mutual is based in Durham, North Carolina ; Golden Stat e Mutual is based in Lo s Angeles, California; Atlanta Life is based in Atlanta, Georgia; Universal Life is based in Memphis,Tennessee; Supreme Life, once based in Chicago, Illinois, no longer exists; Chicago Metropolitan, once based in Chicago, Illinois, merged with Atlanta Life in 1990. SOURCE: Best's Review: Life/Health Insurance Edition 72 (July 1971): 41-42; 74 (July 1973): 40-41; 76 (August 1975): 36-37; 78 (August 1977) : 36-37; 80 (August, 1979): 37-38; 82 (September, 1981): 71-74.

Group advertisin g agenc y receive d widesprea d positiv e recognitio n fo r c o ordinating th e nationwid e publicit y campaig n associate d wit h M G M s 197 1 megahit Shaft. Working closel y wit h blac k newspapers , magazines, and radi o stations, UniWorl d Group' s effort s contribute d mightil y t o Shaft's over whelming popularit y (an d profitability). 76 Considering widel y hel d belief s regardin g th e efficac y o f usin g black owned medi a outlet s an d advertisin g agencie s t o reac h Africa n America n consumers, an April 4,1972 , Advertising Age articl e wit h th e provocative titl e "Black Medi a Les s Efficient,Y & R Says " sent sever e shoc k wave s through out th e corporat e advertisin g community . A repor t prepare d earl y i n 197 2 for Genera l Food s b y th e Young & Rubica m advertisin g agenc y questione d the efficienc y o f usin g blac k magazine s an d newspaper s t o reac h Africa n American consumers . Young & Rubica m tol d Genera l Food s tha t blac k (specialized market ) magazine s suc h a s Ebony. are all more expensiv e o n a cost-per-thousand tota l reader s basis than book s like Family Circle, Readers Digest, TV Guide, Life, Parade, an d other s Ebony cannot matc h th e black readership o f TV Guide and is almost equale d by Life and Parade.The vast reach of these publications makes them a vehicle of broad appeal cuttin g acros s all demographic lines. 77 Referring t o black-owne d newspapers , Young & Rubica m informe d General Food s that : in man y instances , the blac k newspape r canno t delive r th e coverag e o f th e market tha t i s availabl e throug h th e majo r cit y daily . For example , in Ne w

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York, the Ne w York Daily News attract s ove r 1,000,00 0 blac k adul t reader s every day , certainly man y mor e tha n th e Amsterdam News wit h it s 80,00 0 weekly circulation. 78 Predictably, th e black-owne d medi a industr y quickl y responde d t o th e concerns raise d i n th e controversia l Young & Rubica m report . N ot surpris ingly, John H.Johnson , th e "Godfather " o f African America n medi a entre preneurs, emerged a s thi s group' s primar y (an d mos t visible ) advocate . After quickl y denigratin g Youn g & Rubica m s assessmen t o f Africa n American medi a resources, 79 Johnson spen t th e res t o f the decad e tryin g t o reconvince corporat e marketer s o f blac k media' s uniqu e an d indispensabl e role i n reachin g African America n consumers . Hi s April 16,1979 , Advertising Age articl e title d "Black Medi a Fill s Need s N o t Recognize d Elsewhere " declared: New market s ar e constantl y bein g forme d an d ne w medi a ar e constantl y being create d t o reac h them . Black medi a alread y exist . The advertise r doe s not hav e t o reinven t them . . . . To th e advertise r i n searc h o f a n all-purpos e medium, in th e interes t o f media efficiency , I sa y that th e ques t wil l remai n elusive…. A t present, I see no prospect o f an all-purpose mediu m tha t work s to th e exclusio n o f black media. We are a nation o f special markets! 80 Although Johnso n an d other s wer e apparentl y abl e t o confir m th e use fulness o f black-owned medi a t o corporat e marketers , the fortune s o f black owned advertisin g agencie s diminishe d a s th e 1970 s progressed . Earl y on , such notabl e African American firm s a s N ew York s UniWorld Group , Zebra Associates, Howar d Sander s Advertisin g an d Publi c Relations ; Chicago' s Vince Culler s Advertising; and Washington, D.C.s N e w W a v e Communica tions, had carve d ou t a comfortabl e nich e withi n th e advertisin g industry. 81 Yet, b y th e lat e 1970s , th e worl d o f black-owne d advertisin g agencie s ha d been turne d tops y turvy . First an d foremost , whil e black-owne d agencie s wer e though t t o posses s special insights regardin g African America n consumers , a significant numbe r of th e account s the y receive d coul d b e characterize d a s "corporate repara tions." Unfortunately fo r black-owne d advertisin g agencies , by th e mid - t o late 1970s , when America n busines s wa s grapplin g wit h a recession , man y companies economize d b y severin g thei r tie s with black-owne d advertisin g agencies. As on e blac k advertisin g agenc y executiv e observed : "Whatever i s left o f th e guil t marke t i s ver y lo w now . O n a long-rang e basis , you can' t build a business o n th e whit e ma n s guilt." 82

Blaxploitation and Big Business \ 9 9

In additio n t o facin g declinin g revenue s fro m whit e corporation s seek ing to assist black business development, black advertising agencies, like their cohorts i n th e insuranc e industry , helplessly watche d thei r bes t employee s defect t o larger mainstream companie s fo r bette r pay. A trend, led by Young & Rubicam, was established i n which larg e advertising agencies establishe d in-house ethni c marketin g division s t o compet e wit h th e black-owne d agencies.83 To make matters worse fo r black-owne d advertisin g agencies (an d black advertising professionals), doubt arose as to whether these companies (and individuals) actually possessed the special expertise they claimed regarding black consumers. A May 16,1977'.Advertising Age article examining African American ad agencies noted: "Sociologists who explai n race in America today as a class rather tha n a skin colo r phenomenon migh t wonde r t o what exten t a black executive living in, say, Scarsdale, is in touch with the black masses."84 Despite black-owne d advertisin g agencies ' overal l problems , som e African America n firms , most notabl y UniWorl d o f New York, Proctor & Gardner an d Burrel l Advertising o f Chicago , and Vanguard Advertising o f Minneapolis, remaine d soli d operation s tha t wer e holdin g thei r ow n i n a volatile environment. 85 Still , as th e 1970 s dre w t o a close , the situatio n o f black advertisin g agencies , like tha t o f blac k insuranc e an d persona l car e products companies , appeare d tenuous . Ironically , African Americans ' in creasing importanc e a s consumer s resulte d i n limite d reward s fo r mos t African American businesses . Just as the 1970 s clearly revealed that some black-owned businesse s (suc h as Essence) fare d muc h bette r tha n other s in a changing economic environ ment, it also became increasing clear that some African American individu als were mor e prosperou s tha n others . Although mos t black s continue d t o reside in financially unstabl e inner-city enclaves , there also existed a numerically significan t Africa n America n middl e clas s whos e tast e i n consume r goods differed , sometime s dramatically , from tha t o f thei r les s affluen t co horts. This distinct segmentation withi n th e black consumer market di d no t escape th e notic e o f corporat e marketers . Consequently , durin g th e nex t decade, an eve n wide r spectru m o f American businesse s sough t t o attrac t black shoppers and clients.

6 A Tale of Tw o Market s African American Consumers during the 1980s It was the best of times, it was the worst of times.1

This quotation from Charle s Dickens's classic work A Tale of Two Cities accurately reflect s th e situatio n o f African America n consumer s dur ing the 1980s . While aggregat e black income increase d from $18 3 billion t o $242 billion betwee n 197 8 and 1988 , other censu s data , along with th e in troduction o f the word s "underclass" and "buppie" to th e nationa l vocabu lary, demonstrated growin g clas s distinction s withi n th e blac k community . This "market segmentation" prompted corporate marketers to develop classspecific advertisin g aime d a t African Americans . The 1980 s als o witnesse d the accelerate d marketin g o f liquor an d tobacc o i n th e blac k community . The over t (an d sometimes outrageous ) manipulatio n o f black consumers by tobacco an d liquor companie s had , by th e en d o f the decade , generated a n angry, national response among African Americans of all classes. In addition , revelations i n th e lat e 1980 s concernin g th e lac k o f substantive blac k eco nomic progress , despit e increase d consumerism , ha d a soberin g effec t o n thoughtful Africa n Americans . One o f the illusions to grow ou t o f the Civil Rights Movement wa s that all African Americans had gained from remedia l changes in U.S. society.Yet, by th e 1980s , it becam e increasingl y clea r tha t no t al l blacks were benefit ting equally from th e partial desegregation o f America. The national African American communit y durin g th e 1980 s consiste d o f readil y observabl e "haves" an d "have-nots. " Moreover , th e socioeconomi c distanc e betwee n the two group s appeared to be increasing. Predictably, this significant devel opment attracte d th e attentio n o f journalists, scholars, and corporat e mar keters.2 During the earl y 1980s , African Americans, especially those without col lege training , wer e har d hi t i n a recession-riddle d economy . In 198 0 th e 100

A Tale of Two Markets | 10 1 black unemploymen t rat e hovere d aroun d 1 3 percent , compare d t o a na tionwide pea k rat e o f 7. 8 percent . B y Octobe r 198 2 th e officia l blac k u n employment rat e stoo d a t 2 0 percent , bu t th e Nationa l Urba n League s "Hidden Unemploymen t Index, " which factore d i n discourage d black s w h o had cease d lookin g fo r work , place d th e actua l Africa n America n u n e m ployment rat e a t nearl y twic e th e U.S . Labor Department' s figures. 3 Although th e U.S . econom y bega n t o reboun d i n 1983 , economic i m provement, t o us e th e parlanc e o f th e times , barely "trickle d d o w n " t o th e African America n community . According t o governmen t statistics , the u n employment rat e amon g African America n men , in th e significan t ag e cadr e of 18-3 4 droppe d fro m 33. 0 percen t i n 198 2 t o 29. 3 percen t i n 1983.Yet , among African American wome n i n th e sam e age group, the unemploymen t rate increased from 27. 0 percent i n 198 2 t o 35. 7 percent i n 1983. 4 The blac k economist DenysVaughn-Cooke , i n a widely rea d essay publishe d i n 1984 , responded t o thes e an d othe r simila r dat a b y chargin g th e Reaga n adminis tration wit h adherenc e t o a public polic y agend a tha t consciousl y worke d t o the detrimen t o f th e blac k workin g class : The administration , obviousl y i n it s concer n abou t inflatio n an d it s accep tance o f an overal l unemploymen t rat e o f 6 o r 7 % as the poin t a t which in flation accelerates, has accepted high rates of black unemployment as the price for this inflation control . (Historically, black unemployment has been just over twice as high as white unemployment) .. . it now seems to be accepted in for mulation o f public policy that blacks will continue to have an unemploymen t rate of 14 % or more. 5 Despite Vaughn-Cooke' s prediction , th e officia l blac k unemploymen t rate di d no t remai n a t 1 4 percen t o r abov e fo r th e res t o f th e 1980s . I n fact, th e officia l 198 9 Africa n America n unemploymen t rat e stoo d a t 11. 3 percent. Nevertheless , th e economi c positio n o f Africa n American s dur ing th e decad e o f th e 1980 s appeare d disproportionatel y bleak . Fo r ex ample, althoug h aggregat e blac k unemploymen t decline d betwee n 198 3 and 1989 , th e ga p betwee n blac k an d whit e unemploymen t rate s actu ally increase d durin g thi s period . I n fact , th e rati o o f blac k t o whit e u n employment i n 198 9 (11. 3 percen t versu s 4. 5 percent ) stoo d a t a decade high 2. 5 t o l. 6 Perhaps th e mos t significan t consequenc e o f th e hig h blac k unemploy ment rate s of the 1980 s was the extremel y larg e percentage o f African Amer icans possessin g income s belo w th e povert y level . At th e pea k o f th e 198 2 recession, a mind-bogglin g 35. 6 percen t o f blacks , compared t o 1 2 percen t

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of whites, were officiall y categorize d a s poor ( a ratio of 2.85 to 1) . In 198 8 comparative black/whit e povert y figure s stoo d a t 31. 6 t o 10. 1 percen t ( a ratio of 3.13 to l).These figures, along with comparative unemployment statistics, indicate that the economic recover y o f the late 1980 s all but passed a significant numbe r o f African American consumer s by. 7 The widespread economic deprivation in the African American commu nity put s int o bette r perspectiv e th e action s o f certain cigarett e an d liquo r companies durin g th e 1980s . The consumptio n o f cigarettes an d especiall y alcohol hav e historicall y bee n viewe d a s effective short-ter m escape s fro m the sometimes harsh realities of everyday living. For a significant numbe r o f African American s durin g th e 1980s , "reality" consisted o f protracted, de moralizing unemployment. In this context, the accelerated marketing of cigarettes and alcohol in urban black enclaves could be construed a s an attempt to profit fro m huma n misery . But, before w e examin e thi s phenomenon i n depth, let's look a t the proverbial "other side of the street" in black America during these years. Except fo r th e dramati c urbanizatio n o f African Americans , perhaps th e most significant demographi c chang e among blacks in mid- t o late-twenti eth-century America wa s the increase in the numbe r o f individuals catego rized as middle or upper class. In 196 0 only 1 3 percent of black workers had middle-class earnings . By th e lat e 1980 s on e thir d o f al l black household s had solidly middle-class incomes , and on e i n ten African American familie s could be characterize d a s upper class. 8 The intensificatio n o f class differences amon g African American s durin g the 1980s , while significant, merely reflected long-standin g segmentation i n the black community. During slavery, free blacks, along with house slaves and slave artisans, represented a n elite segment o f the African American popula tion. Moreover, these individual s an d thei r descendant s tende d t o maintai n their status in post-Emancipation blac k America. 9 The growt h o f th e mid - t o late-twentieth-centur y blac k middl e an d upper classe s coul d b e directl y linke d t o th e Civi l Right s Movement . Although ongoing , widesprea d blac k povert y demonstrate d tha t Africa n American gain s were far from universal , a significant numbe r o f blacks did , indeed, benefit fro m th e campaign to desegregate America. For instance, the years 1960-198 0 witnesse d a dramati c increas e i n th e numbe r o f Africa n Americans wit h a college education . During thi s period, the proportion o f blacks 2 5 years an d olde r wit h som e colleg e educatio n nearl y triple d fro m 7 t o 2 0 percent. 10 These educationa l gain s manifeste d themselve s i n occu pational advance s for African Americans .

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During th e 1970s , the numbe r o f African American s i n th e profession s and the skilled trades increased at a rate higher than that for whites. For ex ample, the number o f black professional an d technical workers increased by 55 percent , compare d t o 3 4 percen t fo r whites . Even mor e dramatic , th e number o f African American manager s an d administrator s gre w by 69 per cent, compared to 34 percent for whites .Yet, despite these gains, blacks con tinued t o hold a relatively small proportion o f upper-echelon jobs. In 1980 , 53 percent of all white men held such positions, whereas 31 percent of black men an d 1 9 percen t o f blac k wome n wer e i n professional , managerial , o r skilled trade positions. 11 Besides education attainmen t an d occupational mobility , the majority o f 1980s black middle-class familie s durin g thi s period feature d marrie d cou ples. While 57 percent of all African American families in 197 9 were headed by marrie d couples , 8 2 percen t o f middle-clas s blac k familie s include d a husband an d a wife . Moreover , i n th e vas t majorit y o f African America n middle- an d upper-incom e families , both spouse s wer e i n th e labo r forc e (either workin g o r looking fo r work) . For example , data fo r 197 9 reveale d that 7 8 percen t o f blac k wive s i n middle-clas s familie s wer e i n th e labo r force, compared t o 5 8 percent o f their white counterparts. 12 In recen t decade s th e "America n Dream " ha s becom e associate d wit h getting a college education, a solid job, and a house in the suburbs. Although middle-class blacks in the 1980 s attained the first tw o elements of the "holy trinity" o f success , they continued , fo r th e mos t part , t o resid e i n centra l cities. In 1983 , only 29 percent of middle- and upper-income African Americans resided in suburban areas, conversely, 22 percent of middle- and upper income whites resided in American central cities. Ongoing white racism undoubtedly accounted for some of this discrepancy. Still, a significant numbe r of middle - an d upper-incom e blacks , despit e thei r enhance d educationa l and occupational status , were not culturall y o r politically predisposed t o reside in predominantly whit e suburba n areas. 13 One o f the decades most illuminating profiles o f African American eco nomic achievemen t was a November 198 9 American Demographics article titled "In the Black."This essay, which focused o n affluent blacks , began by asserting: Affluence mean s different thing s to differen t people , but most would agree that a yearly income of $50,000 or more puts a family in a reasonably afflu ent position. A growing number of blacks are in this position. The number of affluent blac k households grew from 212,000 in 1967 to 764,000 in 1987— a 360 percent increase.14

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T h e bul k o f "In th e Black " consiste d o f a n analysi s o f a statistica l c o m posite create d b y th e Clarita s Corporatio n o f Alexandria , Virginia, title d "Cluster 3 1 " or "Blac k Enterprise. " Clarita s use d a sophisticate d compute r program t o identif y "Cluste r 3 1 " (and othe r clusters ) b y groupin g al l U.S . zip code s an d censu s tract s int o fort y cluster s o n th e basi s o f thei r d e m o graphics. T he compan y the n ranke d th e cluster s b y siz e an d affluenc e an d gave each a catchy name."Cluste r 3 1 " or "Black Enterprise" ranked elevent h in affluence. 15 Moving beyond just quantitativ e analysis , American Demographics provided the followin g qualitativ e assessmen t o f "Cluster 3 1 ": They liv e i n unpretentiou s middle-clas s neighborhood s lik e Washington' s Capital Heights , Chicago's Auburn Park , Atlanta's Sout h Dekalb , or Lo s Angeles' Crenshaw . But thei r taste s ru n t o convertibles , expensive stereos , and sailing. If you're i n cluste r 31 , you pursu e th e goo d lif e wit h th e enthusias m of someone who' s just discovere d it. 16 Besides identifyin g genera l characteristic s o f "Cluste r 3 1 " inhabitants , American Demographics provided specifi c informatio n tha t coul d b e use d b y corporate marketers : Overall, just 0. 9 percent o f all households bought a new convertibl e last year, according t o Simmon s Marke t Researc h Bureau . I n cluste r 31 , 2.5 percen t did. This grou p i s also mor e likel y tha n averag e t o sail , drink scotch , to bu y classical music, to smoke menthol cigarettes , to ow n a satellite dish, to belon g to a book club , and t o trave l b y rail . . . . Cluster 3 1 adult s spen d heavil y o n dress shirts, overcoats, slacks, and sweaters, and they are more likely than aver age to remode l thei r bathrooms , and to hav e tw o o r mor e telephon e line s in their homes . . . . Affluent black s wil l respon d t o marketer s wh o affir m bot h their socia l status and thei r heritage. 17 In additio n t o American Demographics, which i s no t generall y k n o w n fo r giving advic e o n h o w t o reac h Africa n America n consumers , conventiona l marketing publication s sough t t o provid e thei r reader s wit h profitabl e in sights abou t blac k America s middle an d uppe r classes . A surve y o f these p e riodicals reveale d a wide rang e o f opinion, sometimes contradictory , on ho w to bes t reac h blac k middle - an d upper-clas s consumers . An exampl e o f th e varie d opinion s o n thi s subjec t i s th e Ma y 18,1981 , Advertising Age articl e title d "Produc t Appeal : N o Clas s Barrier. " T he essa y begins b y suggestin g tha t incom e disparitie s withi n th e Africa n America n community d o no t necessaril y reflec t clas s differences amon g blacks.T o sup port thi s assertion , the autho r offer s th e following :

A Tale of Two Markets | 10 5 As president of the country's largest black advertising agency, with $20,000,000 annual billings, Tom Burrell lives in one of the most exclusive condominiums on Chicago's posh Gold Coast. And though he can afford to dine nightly on all manner of haute cuisine, he often opt s for such "soul foods" as collard greens, cornbread and cabbage smothered with onions….18 [original emphasis] While it s debatabl e whethe r "sou l food " i s the grea t levele r o f Africa n American society, this assertion provides an important window into the psyches o f some middle - an d upper-incom e black s (wh o cam e o f age durin g the 1960s Civil Rights and Black Power Movements) in the 1980s. Most had long abandoned dashiki s and big Afros fo r a more conservativ e appearance . Yet, many still , if mor e subtly , adhered t o notion s o f racia l consciousness . Moreover, it is plausible to assume that persons associated in the 1960 s with black activism, which often charge d the black middle class with being "window-dressing Negroes " or "Uncle Toms," may hav e felt uneas y abou t thei r own movement into th e American economi c mainstream. Consequently, in the 1980 s some middle- and upper-class African Americans sought t o min imize th e existenc e o f class differences amon g blacks. In th e advertisin g in dustry this sentiment, whose chie f proponent wa s Burrell Advertising, came to be known a s "cross-class" marketing.19 Perhaps the best-known Burrel l creation i n this genre was the "Misting" campaign fo r Canadia n Mis t whiskey . These ad s featured a n attractiv e an d well-dressed African American coupl e i n a n isolated setting . Burrell Advertising purposely employe d a nondescript backgroun d i n thes e ad s to allo w consumers' imagination s t o fil l i n th e res t o f th e situation . Moreover , a s Thomas Burrell told Advertising Age"'people vie w those ads from thei r per sonal reference a s dictated by their lifestyles." 20 For the millions of African Americans who lived below the poverty level during the 1980s , their imaginations would have to have been exceptionall y strong to see themselves in the stylishly dressed "Misting" couple. Ironically, this type o f ad may hav e accentuated th e desir e o f some poo r black s to us e alcohol consumptio n a s an escape mechanism . While som e African American marketers were reluctant t o acknowledg e class segmentation within the African American community, white advertising executive s exhibite d n o suc h trepidation . For example , Robert Baxter , then marketin g researc h manage r fo r Mercede s Benz , acknowledge d i n a 1981 interview : We are aware of the increasing number of blacks who drive our cars.They are upscale blacks who conform to the general profile of our users, meaning col-

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lege educated , professional-manageria l type s wit h media n income s o f $62,000 o r so. 21 Similarly, Fre d Heckel , vic e presiden t o f advertisin g an d promotio n fo r United Airlines , told Advertising Age i n 1981 : Of course we are aware of the fact tha t there is a black middle class . It's manifest amon g ou r ow n employees . . . . But ou r effort s ar e aime d a t tha t blac k consumer market segment which is capable of travel, whether you want to call that segment middl e clas s or not. 22 Despite Hecke l s vagu e disclaimer , i t i s clea r tha t United' s 1980 s black oriented advertisin g campaign s wer e no t aime d a t th e blac k poor . Notwithstanding th e earl y confusio n abou t clas s distinction s amon g blacks i n th e 1980s , mos t marketin g professionals , includin g man y blacks , subsequently concede d th e inadequac y o f viewin g blac k American s a s a monolithic consume r market . T h e ris e i n prominenc e o f suc h Africa n American publication s a s Black Enterprise, Dollars and Sense, Black Family, and Black Collegian, which wer e aime d a t an affluen t an d educate d audience , fur ther vouche d fo r th e existenc e o f upscal e blac k consumers. 2 3 O n c e i t becam e clea r tha t distinc t blac k middle - an d upper-clas s market s existed an d tha t ther e wer e direc t advertisin g venues availabl e t o reac h thes e individuals, th e majo r tas k facin g corporat e marketer s wa s t o devis e cam paigns aime d a t thes e groups . Thi s tas k wa s especiall y dauntin g becaus e many marketer s ha d lon g operate d fro m a "on e siz e fit s all " approac h t o wooing blac k consumers . A 198 9 articl e i n Psychology and Marketing title d "Middle-Clas s Blac k Consumers an d Intensit y o f Ethnic Identification " i s a n exampl e o f th e in formation availabl e t o corporat e marketer s seekin g potentially profitabl e in sights abou t th e blac k middl e class . T he author s note d that : advertisers ofte n var y th e degre e o f blac k Englis h dialec t incorporate d int o copy. Some hav e adopted wha t ha s been referre d t o a s the "right on " school of advertising, often injectin g blac k slan g in thei r ads . Some eve n g o t o th e extreme o f asking actors to adopt a street style of speaking, even when i t may be unnatura l fo r them , for commercial s targete d t o blacks. On the other hand, advertisers have been cautioned that while a particular segment may respond more favorably to slang, it is important for advertisers to understand which segment is most responsive to that approach. By using "slanguage" and stereotypical presentations of blacks, they run the risk of turning off another segment of black consumers, particularly middle-class blacks. 2A [emphasi s added ]

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Although man y industries agonized whether t o use "slanguage" to reac h African American consumers , financial service s companies di d not fac e thi s dilemma. These companies , durin g th e 1980s , made considerabl e inroad s among the black well-to-do. For bank s tha t markete d credi t cards , insurance companies , and invest ment brokerag e firms , i t seeme d clea r tha t th e Africa n America n con stituency they were seeking would feel insulted by overtly "ethnic" marketing campaigns. Consequently, many o f these companies used general medi a advertising tha t include d a requisit e numbe r o f African Americans. 25 Al though financia l service s companie s tende d no t t o emplo y special advertising t o reac h blac k clients , the y use d othe r technique s t o "invite " Africa n Americans t o us e thei r products . One especiall y innovativ e strateg y wa s a joint venture between Black Enterprise magazine and the investment broker age Dean Witter Reynolds . In 198 6 Black Enterprise, th e premie r gatewa y t o th e African America n well-to-do, an d Dea n Witter Reynold s teame d u p t o cosponso r one-day , four-hour seminar s fo r blac k professionals i n Chicago , Dallas, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Washington, D.C., Greensboro, and Atlanta. The large crowd s tha t attende d thes e meeting s hear d Dea n Witter professional s talk about personal finance an d career planning.This project prove d so successful tha t Black Enterprise and Dean Witter Reynolds held similar seminars in six additional cities in 1987 , and other financial service companies sough t their own partnerships wit h Black Enterprise. 26 The 1980 s generated a growing amount o f market research related to th e specific spendin g pattern s o f the African America n middl e class . Table 6.1, extracted from dat a containe d i n a marketing publicatio n title d Facts about Blacks, illustrates the type of information abou t middle-class blacks that cor porate marketers had at their disposal. For example, purveyors of beer, wine, and liquor used th e kin d o f information presente d i n th e tabl e t o enhanc e the consumptio n o f thei r product s b y al l African Americans , regardless o f class. Historically, Africa n Americans , notwithstandin g popula r perceptions , have tende d t o us e alcoholi c beverage s les s frequently tha n whites . In fact , as late as 1980, market research indicated that total black expenditures for alcoholic beverages , despite th e grou p s statistically significan t penchan t fo r certain products , di d no t excee d thei r proportio n o f th e populatio n (ap proximately 1 2 percent).27 Nevertheless, a 1981 report o n liquor consump tion by urban blacks had a dramatic effect o n both corporat e marketers an d African American cit y dwellers.

108 | ^ 4 Tale of Two Markets TABLE 6. 1

Consumption Patterns of Middle-Class Blacks in the 1980s, Selected Items Item Bought

Middle-Class Blacks

U.S. Total

Pork sausage Butter Table syrup Grapefruit juice Nondiet col a drinks Bleach Nail polish Breath freshener s Deodorant Cigarettes Malt liquor Cognac Rum Scotch whiskey Brandy Pop wines

72.4 % 52.8 70.3 32.3 72.3 88.1 70.0 61.5 96.2 50.5 19.9 17.7 20.9 14.2 12.9 10.2

59.8 % 45.1 65.9 20.4 60.6 81.4 62.6 45.1 91.3 36.9 4.5 4.6 13.4 10.0 7.3 4.4

SOURCE: Facts about Blacks # 8 (Lo s Angeles: Leroy W. Jeffries & Associates, 1986), 30-35.

In 1981 , Viewpoint, Inc. , a Chicag o marke t researc h firm , publishe d a widely rea d repor t tha t refute d existin g statistica l dat a relatin g t o Africa n American drinking . As Viewpoint's president , Feli x A. Burrows, tol d Advertising Age: traditional data tend to underestimate black consumer buying power by using Areas of Dominant Influence or Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas as population bases. If the focus were placed on city population, where blacks are concentrated, figures would show the fuller impac t of black consumption. 28 Table 6.2 , taken from Viewpoint's "corrected" data, which appeare d i n th e July 2 7 , 1 9 8 1 , Advertising Age, suggest s th e importanc e o f urba n blac k con sumers t o th e alcoholi c beverag e industry . This typ e o f informatio n u n doubtedly contribute d t o th e accelerate d marketin g o f alcoho l t o Africa n Americans durin g th e 1980s . While statistic s relate d t o African America n alcoho l consumptio n helpe d purveyors o f beer, wine, and liquo r t o refin e thei r enticement s t o blac k con sumers, another stud y reveal s the ramification s o f black drinkin g patterns . In its influential 198 7 publicatio n Marketing Booze to Blacks, the Cente r fo r Sci ence i n th e Publi c Interes t highlighte d alcohol' s profoundl y negativ e impac t on th e healt h o f African Americans . Citing studie s tha t documente d dispro portionately hig h blac k deat h rate s from cirrhosi s o f the liver and esophagea l

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cancer, both associated with alcoho l and cigarette consumption, 29 Marketing Booze to Blacks apportioned the blame for this appalling situation. Besides of fering a predictable critiqu e o f beer, wine, and liquor companies , the stud y criticized th e governmen t fo r no t providin g th e fund s necessar y t o coun teract alcohol' s growin g presenc e i n th e blac k community . I t als o blaste d those African American businessmen an d politicians who, for personal gain, encouraged th e growin g relationshi p betwee n th e marketer s o f alcoholi c beverages and black consumers . The marketing of malt liquor in the African American community in th e 1980s is a good example of what the authors of Marketing Booze to Blacks and others would describe as corporate "misconduct." Market surveys clearly revealed Africa n Americans ' (especiall y blac k mens ) preferenc e fo r thes e "power brews" (which generall y contai n a s much a s 20 percent mor e alco hol tha n regula r beer) . Fo r man y undereducate d an d unemploye d youn g black men , these beverages provide bot h a potent an d a relatively inexpen sive means to escap e a depressing reality. 30 Besides the "cheap high" produced by the product itself, the producers of malt liquor devise d advertisin g campaigns t o accentuat e thei r product s desirability amon g black mal e consumers . For example , Anheuser-Busch em ployed the actor Fred Williamson t o enhance the "macho" image of its King Cobra brand . Likewise, Schlitz feature d suc h popula r entertainer s a s Koo l and th e Gang , the Chi-Lites , and th e Fou r Tops t o sin g th e praise s o f th e Schlitz Malt Liquo r Bull. 31 TABLE 6. 2

African American Alcohol Consumption, Selected Cities, 1981 Black residents of legal drinking age (percentage) N e w York Chicago Los Angeles Houston Detroit Washington, D.C . Cleveland Boston St. Louis Pittsburgh

17.4 24.7 10.9 17.2 40.4 47.5 28.3 14.0 28.8 15.9

Black consumptio n (percentage) o f Beer Liquor Wine 21.3 30.2 13.3 21.0 49.4 58.1 34.6 17.1 35.2 19.4

17.9 25.4 11.2 17.7 41.6 48.9 29.1 14.4 29.6 16.5

18.8 26.7 11.8 18.6 43.6 51.3 30.5 15.1 31.1 17.2

*Some ofViewpoint , Inc.' s recalculations appea r sloppy . For example , in Miami , although black s represented 16. 2 percent o f the population a t or above the legal drink ing age,Viewpoint listed blacks as consuming 77.5 percent o f the beer in that city. SOURCE: Advertising Age 52 (July 27,1981): S-12.

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The Heileman Brewing Company, the makers of Colt 45 malt liquor, devised th e mos t talked-abou t advertisin g campaig n t o sel l mal t liquo r t o African America n men . Utilizing th e suav e imag e o f th e blac k movi e sta r Billy Dee Williams, Heileman, through Williams, implicitly tol d blac k me n that Col t 4 5 woul d assis t the m i n gettin g sexua l favor s fro m women . As Williams state d i n a controversia l televisio n commercia l tha t feature d hi m and an attractive woman, "the power o f Colt 45 , it works ever y time." 32 While th e maker s o f mal t liquo r sough t t o reac h it s primaril y youn g black male constituency with allusion s to sexual conquest and the alcoholi c "kick" o f it s products , purveyor s o f othe r alcoholi c beverage s sough t t o reach African American consumers by linking drinking to wealth and glamour. This strategy, which exploited historical black anxiety related to "status," proved successful . A s on e contemporar y blac k advertisin g executiv e ob served, "the averag e black consume r can' t tal k abou t hi s stoc k portfoli o o r second hom e i n th e country , but h e ca n certainl y demonstrat e tha t h e ha s good tast e b y orderin g premiu m liquor." 33 Prominen t example s o f th e "drink-to-success message " included Martel l Cognac' s a d featurin g a n at tractive, well-dressed black woman pouring a glass of cognac, with th e ban ner "I assum e you drin k Martell" ; a Canadian Clu b whiske y ad , featuring a well-dressed African American couple , that proclaimed, "The C.C . man is a winner. . . . He drink s th e bes t becaus e h e i s the best" ; and variou s ad s fo r Johnny Walker scotch that included vignettes illustrating the social habits of affluent blacks. 34 Even lower-price d product s sough t t o glamoriz e thei r imag e t o attrac t black consumers . Fo r instance , Riunit e wine , whic h Marketing Booze to Blacks described as a "cheap Italian import," featured ad s "showing a tuxedoclad gentleman an d his attractive, bejeweled, female companion." 35 Black consumer s i n th e 1980 s wer e bombarde d wit h suc h sale s pitche s from th e purveyor s o f alcoholi c beverages . A conten t analysi s o f popula r African American periodicals revealed a preponderance o f such ads in thes e magazines. For example, 40 percent o f the ads that appeared in the Decem ber 198 5 issue of Black Enterprise were for alcoholi c beverages. 36 Although th e marketing o f alcoholic beverage s o n televisio n durin g th e 1980s wa s aime d a t a genera l audienc e (mal t liquo r notwithstanding) , African Americans received proportionately more exposure to the blandishments associate d with bee r an d wine companies ' $700 million annua l tele vision advertisin g budget . A contemporar y researc h stud y b y th e Arbitro n Rating Compan y documente d tha t black s viewed considerabl y mor e tele vision than thei r nonblack counterparts. 37

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11 1

African America n televisio n viewers , beside s bein g expose d t o Heile mans tasteles s Col t 4 5 commercials , witnesse d a well-researche d a d cam paign aime d a t the m b y Anheuser-Busch . Anheuser-Busch , th e make r o f Budweiser an d Michelo b beer , develope d televisio n advertisin g tha t re flected it s awarenes s o f th e growin g marke t segmentatio n withi n th e blac k community. Budweise r s blac k televisio n spot s regularl y feature d scene s o f drinking camaraderi e amon g working-clas s men . O n th e othe r hand , blac k Michelob commercial s feature d actor s w h o appeare d t o b e professional s o r entrepreneurs. 38 T h e Mille r Brewin g Company' s blac k celebrit y spokesme n campaig n fo r Miller Lit e als o struc k a responsive chor d amon g blac k viewers . Featuring a number o f former African America n athletes , including Deacon Jones, R o o sevelt Grier , K . C.Jones , Wilt Chamberlain , Fran k Robinson , an d Joe Fra zier, these ad s emphasize d "tha t real men drin k Lit e beer." 39 To buttres s televisio n an d magazin e advertisement s fo r alcoholi c bever ages aime d a t Africa n Americans , th e purveyor s o f thes e product s utilize d outdoor advertisin g i n urba n blac k enclaves . I n fact , durin g th e 1980s , th e number o f eight-sheet billboard s (thre e hundre d squar e fee t o r less ) tha t ex tolled th e benefit s o f drinkin g alcoho l o r smokin g cigarette s proliferate d a t an alarmin g rat e i n African America n neighborhood s acros s America.4 0 Fo r example, i n 198 6 th e Lo s Angeles metr o area , with a populatio n o f nearl y eight millio n people , containe d 137 3 eight-shee t billboards . O f these , 663, or 4 8 percent , were place d i n predominatel y blac k neighborhoods . This wa s especially significan t considerin g tha t African American s represente d just 1 5 percent o f the Lo s Angeles metropolitan are a population a t 1. 2 million . Sim ilar dat a fo r St . Louis appeare d eve n mor e striking . Although African Amer icans represented onl y 2 8 percent o f that city' s population, 95 percen t o f th e eight-sheet billboard s i n tha t cit y wer e locate d i n th e blac k community. 41 A similar proliferation o f cigarette an d liquo r billboar d advertisin g i n blac k At lanta neighborhood s prompte d U.S . Representative Joh n Lewi s t o declar e that suc h ad s were : an insult and an affront t o the black community.This form o f advertising is really targeted toward the most vulnerable segment of our population.When lit tle kids are on thei r way to school they can see over and over again a message to smoke or drink wine or beer... this is the way to get ahead or to be happy. 42 While th e producer s o f alcoholic beverage s spen t ten s o f millions o f dol lars annuall y o n outdoor , television , and magazin e advertisin g t o entic e th e African America n consume r market , governmen t agencie s spen t fa r les s t o

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examine the negative effects o f alcohol consumptio n amon g African Amer icans. I n 198 6 th e Nationa l Institut e o n Alcoho l Abus e an d Alcoholis m (NIAAA) allocated only $512,193 for programs related to African American problems wit h alcohol , despit e th e fac t tha t durin g th e sam e year , th e NIAAA declare d tha t alcoho l abus e represente d th e numbe r on e healt h problem in the black community. 43 Another obstacle to reducing consumption o f alcoholic beverages among African Americans was the fact tha t businessme n an d politicians welcome d the alcoho l industry' s growin g presenc e i n African America n life , becaus e manufacturers o f alcoholic beverages, unlike other industries, were regularly involved in black community affairs. 44 Perhaps th e alcoholi c beverag e industry' s mos t prominen t publi c rela tions campaig n relate d t o black s was , and stil l is , Anheuser-Busch s under writing o f the annua l "Lou Rawl s Parad e o f Stars Telethon" (i n support o f the Unite d Negr o Colleg e Fund) . I n additio n t o supportin g th e Unite d Negro Colleg e Fund , whic h i t bega n assistin g i n 1979 , Anheuser-Busch, during th e 1980s , made substantia l contribution s t o th e Nationa l Urba n League.45 The Joseph Coor s Compan y wa s another brewery interested in cultivat ing a favorable imag e i n th e blac k community . Ironically, during th e earl y 1980s blacks an d organize d labo r coordinate d a national boycot t o f Coor s because of the company's apparent racis t and antiunion policies . In 1984 , to stifle thi s criticism, Coors entere d int o a "national covenant " with suc h or ganizations as the NAACP, Operation PUSH , and the Nationa l Newspape r Publishers Association in which Coor s agreed to invest approximately $62 5 million in African American and Hispanic communities during the next five years.46 To keep th e African American communit y informe d o f its various com munity service activities, Coors established a widely circulated newsletter titled New Horizons. In 1986 , for example , readers learne d tha t Coor s spon sored such black-focused event s as: black rodeo events, broadcasts of black collegiate football games, tennis tournaments, rock concerts , boxing matches, college interview fairs , film work shops, and even a gala concert at the October 198 6 meeting of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation. 47 Although Coor s s enhanced presenc e i n th e African America n commu nity represente d it s sens e o f socia l responsibility , "bottom-line" considera tions remained the company's primary motive for sponsoring African Amer-

A Tale of Two Markets |

11 3

ican events . A joint repor t fro m Coor s s national progra m manage r an d th e director o f it s communit y relation s departmen t tha t appeare d i n th e N o vember/December 198 6 issu e of New Horizons declared : the Community Relations Department together with the Sales and Marketing De-

partment has worked diligentl y t o enhanc e Coors ' relationship wit h th e mi nority market. . . . As a result, sales of our product have increased and our markets

have expanded** [emphasi s added ] Despite th e fund s distribute d i n th e blac k communit y b y Coor s an d other alcoho l an d tobacc o companies, * a growing numbe r o f African Amer icans bega n t o questio n th e excessiv e influenc e o f thes e corporation s i n African America n enclaves . An importan t organizatio n associate d wit h thi s p h e n o m e n o n wa s th e Nationa l Blac k Alcoholism Counci l (NBAC). A Jun e 7, 1986 , N B AC positio n pape r tha t oppose d th e linkag e o f liquo r compa nies' community relation s an d sale s department s asserted : This cred o o f the mor e yo u drink , th e mor e yo u get , shows a callous disre gard for the well-being of the black community... .This community doe s not need mor e alcoho l abus e t o hel p brea k th e lon g chai n o f oppression. There should no t b e such a price attache d t o it s economic development. 49 D u r i n g th e 1980s , the relationshi p betwee n cigarett e companie s an d th e black communit y als o underwen t clos e examination . Lik e th e purveyor s o f alcoholic beverages , tobacco companie s ha d a long histor y o f activity i n th e African America n community . Moreover , cigarett e companies , lik e thei r liquor-producing counterparts , spiced u p thei r blandishment s t o blac k con sumers durin g th e decade . Just a s marke t researc h reveale d th e specia l p o p ularity o f certai n alcoholi c beverage s i n th e Africa n America n community , cigarette companie s durin g th e 1980 s wer e awar e o f th e specia l preferenc e of blac k smoker s fo r mentho l cigarettes , whic h wer e preferre d b y a n esti mated 7 0 percent. Consequently, such mentholate d brand s a s the Brown an d Williamson Corporatio n s Koo l cigarette s wer e acknowledge d favorite s i n the blac k community. 5 0 Another popula r mentholate d bran d amon g Africa n America n smoker s was Lorillard s N e w p o r t . I n fact , commencin g i n th e mid-1980s , N e w p o r t *Besides Coor s an d Anheuser-Busch, other liquo r an d tobacc o companie s tha t feature d blac k community relations programs were the Miller Brewing Company,Joseph E. Seagram & Sons, Inc., Stroh Brewin g Company , Phillip Morri s Companies , Inc., R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company , and the Brown & Williamson Corp . (makers of Kool cigarettes). See "Who Donates What t o Minorit y Groups," Miami Herald, August 13,1989 , p. 3G.

114 | ATaleofTwo Markets began t o seriousl y threate n th e marke t shar e of Salem, the nation's numbe r one mentho l cigarette , produced b y the R . J. Reynolds Tobacco Company . Because proportionatel y mor e African American s smoke d durin g th e lat e 1980s than white s (3 4 versus 2 8 percent), R.J. Reynold s fel t compelle d t o buttress it s apparently fadin g suppor t amon g African America n consumers . This sentiment ultimatel y resulted in R.J. Reynolds's ill-fated Uptow n cig arette campaign. 51 According to R.J. Reynolds's marketing strategy, Uptown was to be testmarketed i n Philadelphi a i n Septembe r 1989 , with nationa l distributio n t o follow. Employing extensive market research, which focuse d o n the sublim inal impact of the word "uptown" on African Americans, R.J. Reynolds fel t confident tha t i t ha d devise d a product tha t woul d b e irresistibl e t o blac k smokers. T o maximiz e th e attractivenes s o f "Uptown " cigarettes , R . J . Reynolds hire d the advertisin g agency of FCB/Leber Katz Partners to cre ate a marketing campaign tha t would appea l to black smokers in all socioeconomic categories. 52 Once FCB/Lebe r Kat z Partner s finall y settle d o n th e them e "Uptown , the place. The taste " and had developed ad s stressing the new cigarette' s en hanced mentho l taste , i t appeare d tha t R . J . Reynold s ha d a potentia l megahit on its hands.53 Unfortunately fo r the company, not everyon e in the African American communit y haile d its pending appearance . Dr. Louis Sullivan, Secretary o f Health an d Human Service s under President Georg e Bush, was the most prominent African American criti c o f the proposed Uptow n cigarette . Followin g Sulliva n s lead, othe r blac k leader s blasted R.J. Reynolds for specifically targetin g blacks. Feeling the heat fro m this protest, R.J. Reynolds subsequently announce d tha t it would withdra w Uptown from marke t consideration , at a cost of between $ 5 and $7 million dollars.54 By the en d o f the 1980s , increased black consumer criticis m o f the mar keting campaign s o f cigarett e an d liquo r companie s reveale d th e growin g sophistication o f African America n shoppers . Corporat e marketer s woul d now hav e t o d o mor e tha n simpl y "recognize" blacks an d "invite" them t o use a particular product . Still , the furo r ove r th e black-targete d marketin g campaigns of tobacco and liquor companies brought to the surface the powerful influenc e thes e companie s ha d i n th e African America n communit y and particularl y thei r influenc e ove r civi l right s organization s an d blac k media outlets . As a March 26,1989 , Atlanta Constitution article o n th e mar keting presence o f liquor an d cigarett e companie s i n th e blac k communit y noted:

A Tale of Two Markets |

11 5

Therein lies a dilemma fo r organization s suc h a s the National Urba n Leagu e and the National Association o f Colored People (NAACP ) whic h hav e traditionally railed against black exploitation.They have become economically de pendent o n th e ver y corporation s tha t saturat e thei r communitie s wit h bill board ads . In man y instances , the sam e corporation s donat e million s o f dol lars each year to financially strugglin g black organizations. 55 W h e n aske d i n 198 9 wha t woul d happe n i f black medi a forsoo k alcoho l and tobacc o ad s an d revenue , the vetera n blac k advertisin g executiv e Caro line Jones, o f th e black-owne d Mingo-Jone s agency , predicte d tha t "blac k media woul d g o dow n th e drai n tomorrow." 56 Revelations concernin g th e pervasiv e rol e o f liquor an d tobacc o compa nies i n th e blac k communit y pu t Africa n America n consumer s i n a chal lenging situation . A growin g numbe r o f blacks , fro m al l classes , were in creasingly concerne d abou t th e negativ e impac t o f legalized dru g use , via t o bacco an d alcoho l consumption , in th e African America n community.Yet , i t was als o increasingl y clea r tha t an y sustaine d consume r movemen t agains t liquor an d cigarett e companie s would no t includ e th e group' s traditiona l ad vocates, civil right s organization s an d th e blac k press . If thoughtful Africa n America n consumer s wer e trouble d abou t th e rol e of cigarett e an d alcoho l companie s i n thei r community , othe r research , re lated to th e exten t o f black wealth, created eve n greate r concern . Billy J.Tidwells 198 8 essa y "Black Wealth, Fact s an d Fiction " suggested tha t increase d African America n consumeris m sinc e th e 1960 s didn' t necessaril y reflec t substantive economi c progress.Tidwell , then directo r o f research fo r th e N a tional Urba n League , offere d a blea k assessmen t o f contemporar y blac k America in th e N U L s State of Black America 1988. H e asserted : Based on current census data, the total net worth o f all U.S. households is approximately $6,83 0 billion . Blacks accoun t fo r $19 2 billion , o r a minuscul e 2.8 percent o f the total. By contrast, the aggregate net worth o f white house holds is $6,498 or 95 percent of the national total… . Thus , the net worth es timate fo r blac k household s i s more tha n eigh t percent belo w thei r propor tion of the population, while the net worth of white households exceeds their proportion o f the population b y a considerable margin . Converted int o dol lar terms, black household s ar e "undervalued" by som e $55 9 billion , relative to thei r proportion o f the U.S. population.57

*Net worth refers to the value of such items as interest-bearing savings accounts, stocks, bonds, real estate, and consumer goods.

116 | ATaleqfTwo Markets Moreover, Tidwell lamented : On a per-household basis , whites enjo y abou t 1 2 time s th e ne t wort h o f blacks. The averag e ne t wort h o f black household s i s $3,400, compared t o $39,000 for white households. Viewed from any perspective, the position of black Americans is very marginal.58 As th e 1980 s dre w t o a close , notions o f substantiv e Africa n America n economic progres s had been al l but dashed . Although th e number o f blacks who possessed upper-class status stood at an all-time high, a significant num ber o f African American s stil l foun d themselve s a t th e botto m o f th e U.S . economic totem pole. Moreover, while collective black spending power had increased, the primar y beneficiarie s o f this phenomenon wer e no t Africa n American consumer s bu t th e corporation s tha t sough t thei r relativel y lim ited dollars.

7 Epilogue The Changing Same: American Corporations and Black Consumers during the 1990s

By 199 0 Americans o f African descen t were a far differen t peo ple tha n the y ha d been a t the daw n o f this century. Once perceive d a s primarily a rural group with limited disposabl e income, African Americans, by the last decade of the twentieth century, were a free-spending, pronouncedly urban people . Despite thi s reality, however, advertising and marketing liter ature continue d t o discus s an d documen t a n ongoin g insensitivit y towar d black consumers . Even whe n blac k consumer s wer e dul y recognized , th e consequences were often mixed . For instance, the re-emergence o f the blaxploitation movi e genre , albeit in a different form , captivate d a new genera tion o f African America n moviegoers . Also, an accelerate d interes t i n blac k consumers by white purveyor s o f personal car e products an d insurance pu t even greater strain o n black-owned businesse s operatin g in these areas. As a result, a growin g numbe r o f African American s ar e questionin g th e rela tionship between th e black community an d white-controlled companies . It remains t o b e see n i f today s black consumer s ca n indee d exer t mor e sub stantive power in contemporar y America. African America n consumers , despite th e economi c deprivatio n associ ated with th e urba n "underclass," represented a vital part o f the U.S . economy by 1990. A study conducted by the Selig Center for Economic Growt h at the University of Georgia determined that black buying power would rise from $30 4 billion i n 199 0 to $427 billion i n 1996 , an increase o f 40.5 per cent, compared t o a projected 35. 2 percent increas e in tota l U.S. consumer spending durin g th e sam e period . I n addition , th e Seli g Cente r predicte d that i n th e sam e six-yea r spa n African Americans ' share o f the natio n s aggregate buying power would ris e from 7. 5 t o 7. 8 percent. 1 Considering the Selig Center's predictions, it seemed contradictory that , in som e area s of American marketing , the interest s o f black consumer s re 117

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mained al l bu t ignored . An importan t 199 1 stud y o f magazin e advertise ments b y th e Ne w York Cit y Departmen t o f Consume r Affair s illustrate d this situation . After conductin g a random survey of advertisements in twenty-seven na tional magazine s publishe d betwee n July 198 8 an d July 1991 , the Depart ment o f Consumer Affairs discovere d that : Although black s make u p 1 2 percent o f the Unite d State s population an d more than 11 percen t of all magazine readers, they appear in only 4.5 percent of all magazine advertisements and constitute a little more than 3 percent of the characters in those advertisements.2 Table 7. 1 provide s statistic s o n th e presenc e (o r lack thereof ) o f African Americans in selected magazine advertisements, as documented by the Ne w York City Consume r Affairs Department' s probe . Predictably, the advertising industry sought to deflect th e implicit charg e of racism associate d wit h th e Consume r Affairs Department' s findings . For instance, a July 23,1991 Ne w York Times article entitled "Blacks Are Foun d to B e Stil l Scarc e i n Advertisements i n Majo r Magazines, " quoted John E . O'Toole, president o f the American Association o f Advertising Agencies, as saying marketers tende d "to choos e th e mode l tha t reflect s th e majorit y o f their constituency, which for most consumer products is white."3 Still, some advertising executives , such a s Roy J. Bostock, chief executive o f the influ ential D'Arcy Masius Benton & Bowles agency, linked the shortage of blacks in magazin e advertisin g with whit e racia l attitudes. Bostock, whose agenc y represented suc h client s as General Motors, Proctor & Gamble, and Burge r King, told the New York Times that "sensitivity to the representation o f minorities in advertising existed in th e earl y and mid-1970s, but tha t sensitiv ity waned somewha t fo r som e agencie s an d advertiser s durin g th e Reaga n years."4 The widespread publicity given the New York Consumer Affairs researc h produced public soul- searching within the advertising industry regarding its attitudes towar d blac k consumers , blac k colleague s i n th e industry , an d African Americans in general . A June 15,1992 , article i n Advertising Age, titled "The Ad Industry' s 'Dirty Little ' Secret," provided a n especiall y damn ing appraisa l o f apparen t institutiona l racis m withi n U.S . advertising agen cies. As part o f the researc h fo r th e article , the to p twenty-fiv e America n ad vertising agencies were asked, "How many blacks work at your shop?" Only five agencies responded . This overwhelmin g lac k o f compliance , couple d

Epilogue | 11 9 TABLE 7. 1

Use of Black Models in Selected Magazine Ads, 1988-1991 Magazine

% Black Models

Better Homes & Gardens Business Week Cosmopolitan Esquire Family Circle Fortune

2.6 5.1 2.7 2.4 2.8 4.3 2.9 1.9 3.0 5.0 2.9 2.8 4.8

GQ

House & Garden

Life

Newsweek New Yorker Seventeen Time

% Black Readers

9.3

10.8 10.1 25.5

9.2 9.1

24.2

7.9

13.7

8.3 5.9

12.7

9.8

SOURCE: New York City Consumer Affairs Departmen t Report, July 23,1991; Philadelphia Inquirer, July 24,1991, IF.

with estimate s tha t onl y 1 percen t o f th e manager s a t mainstrea m agencie s were black , suggested th e existenc e o f antiblack attitude s withi n th e natio n s advertising industry. 5 To it s credit , the articl e highlighte d no t onl y industrywid e racia l bia s bu t racial exclusio n withi n th e page s o f Advertising Age: Of the 65 8 people (excludin g celebrities an d spouses whose jobs aren' t iden tified) show n s o fa r thi s yea r o n Advertising Age's "Phot o Review " page— a weekly snapsho t o f sorts o f the leader s an d striver s in media , advertising an d marketing—six wer e black... . Onl y tw o black s (no t countin g a shot o f th e U.S. Olympic basketbal l team) have been pictured thi s year on AA's first thre e pages: Whoopi Goldber g an d Spik e Lee. 6 Lowell Thompson, a n Africa n America n wit h decade s o f experienc e i n the advertisin g industry , published a n eve n mor e bitin g critiqu e o f a d agen cies s racial attitudes . I n a Novembe r 16 , 1992 , Advertising Age articl e titled , "Blacks i n Ad Agencies: It Used t o B e Better,"Thompso n offere d a bleak as sessment o f African Americans ' role i n th e advertisin g industry . Twenty year s earlier , o r wha t T h o m p s on calle d "1972 B.R."(Befor e R e a gan, Recession, an d Retrenchment) , black creativ e professional s wer e muc h more visibl e i n majo r advertisin g agencies. 7 Moreover , th e mind-se t o f ad vertising executive s i n th e earl y 1990 s contribute d t o th e deart h o f Africa n Americans i n th e industry . W i th undisguise d sarcasm , T h o m p s on asserte d that whit e advertisin g executive s believe d tha t blacks :

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have yet to develo p th e brain mass and consequentl y th e conceptua l capacit y necessary to conjure u p the high level symbolism of a Mr. Whipple, a Doughboy, an Energize r Bunn y o r a Ronal d McDonald , no t t o mentio n th e ad vanced language and manipulation skills needed to pen such immortal phrases as "It's it and that's that," "We love to fly and it shows," "Tsk, tsk,Wisk,Wisk, " and "You go t th e righ t one , baby, uh huh!" 8 Thompson's causti c analysi s o f th e advertisin g industr y wa s especiall y powerful i n th e wak e o f Revlon s ill-fated 199 1 advertisin g campaig n fo r it s new fragranc e "Unforgettable, " a fiasco tha t suggeste d tha t th e reasonin g ca pacity o f som e whit e creativ e professional s coul d als o b e questioned . W i t h n o apparen t Africa n America n input , Revlo n s "Unforgettable " commercial feature d footag e o f th e legendar y Na t Kin g Col e singin g hi s trademark son g a s well a s footage o f a group o f white models. 9 Ironically , as the Wall Street Journal note d i n 1993 , the onl y "unforgettable" aspec t o f thi s campaign wa s it s omissio n o f any blac k models : The Revlo n commercia l use d a beloved blac k artis t i n prais e o f a parade o f "unforgettable" women—all o f whom wer e white . When Revlo n late r trie d to remed y th e gaffe , by hastily tackin g o n a shot o f the blac k mode l Beverl y Johnson t o th e en d o f the spot , the effor t struc k som e a s clumsy 10 T h e "Unforgettable " debacle , along wit h othe r well-publicize d instance s of insensitivit y towar d Africa n America n consumers , contribute d t o a growing sens e o f alienatio n an d frustratio n withi n th e blac k community . This potentiall y volatil e situatio n explode d durin g th e sprin g o f 199 2 w h e n th e polic e assailant s o f R o d n e y Kin g (blac k Americ a s mos t famou s motorist) wer e acquitte d b y a Sim i Valley, California , j u ry o f wha t seeme d to mos t observer s t o b e obviou s wrong-doing . T he Sim i Valley verdic t it self led t o violen t expression s o f outrag e b y African Americans . Still , man y observers o f thi s p h e n o m e n o n contende d tha t th e travest y o f justic e i n Simi Valle y represente d onl y on e o f man y grievance s black s ha d agains t U.S. society . T he advertisin g industry , i n response , intensifie d it s introspec tion regardin g th e treatmen t o f African American s bot h i n agencie s an d i n advertisements. During th e summe r o f 1992 , Advertising Age conducte d a random surve y of 470 marketin g an d medi a executive s t o determin e whethe r ther e wa s an y link betwee n advertisin g an d racia l tension . T he vas t majorit y o f th e re spondents wer e whit e (93. 8 percent) ; 3. 5 percen t wer e black ; an d th e res t were o f othe r races. 11

Epilogue |

12 1

W h e n asked,"Ha s advertisin g had a n influence o n th e U.S.' s current racia l problems?," 56.3 percent answere d i n th e affirmative , while 41. 1 percen t di d not se e a connectio n betwee n advertisin g an d racia l tension . Even mor e il luminating were response s t o th e questio n " H ow man y black people i n n o n clerical position s d o yo u wor k wit h o n a dail y basis? " Nearly 5 7 percen t o f the respondent s answere d "none, " an d anothe r 16. 8 percen t answere d "one." 1 2 This reaffirmatio n o f the "whiteness" of the U.S . advertising industry , especially a t it s uppe r levels , prompte d a movemen t amon g advertiser s an d corporations t o lin k product s wit h racia l toleranc e an d diversity . Fo r in stance, during earl y 1993 , MasterCard cosponsore d a tee n summi t i n N e w York Cit y tha t focuse d o n racism ; McDonald s ra n severa l prominen t ad s promoting th e Dr . Martin Luthe r Kin g Jr. holiday; and th e Hampton , N e w Hampshire-based Timberlan d Compan y bega n a n internationa l prin t a d campaign featurin g on e o f it s product s wit h a larg e headlin e urgin g con sumers t o "Giv e Racis m th e Boot." 1 3 This tren d towar d th e aggressiv e marketin g o f racia l harmon y appeare d linked t o th e profi t motive . As a January 19,1993 , Los Angeles Times articl e surveying thi s p h e n o m e n o n noted : Racial harmony will be the advertising cause for 1993—particularl y fo r firm s trying t o ta p int o th e teenag e market , said Marian Salzman , president o f th e New York researc h fir m BK G Youth Inc . . .. A recen t surve y o f teen-ager s conducted b y BKG fo r Eastma n Koda k Co . revealed tha t mor e tha n a thir d of those responding said they had been victims of racial discrimination. Onl y 15% of the teenager s surveye d sai d the y woul d "never" date a person o f an other race. For big marketers, this clearly signals that racial harmony sells. 14 For man y Africa n American s tryin g t o surviv e i n th e increasingl y mea n streets o f urba n America, th e finding s o f th e B K G surve y offere d littl e con solation. In fact , their rag e an d frustratio n remaine d a s intense a s ever. Man y black film s produce d durin g th e lat e 1980 s an d earl y 1990 s wer e a manifes tation o f the ange r expresse d b y African American s i n th e wak e o f Simi Valley. Movies suc h a s Spike Lee' s Do The Right Thing, John Singleton' s Boyz N the Hood, an d Matt y Rich' s Straight Out of Brooklyn graphicall y chronicle d the travail s an d frustration s o f late-twentieth-centur y blac k urba n life. 15 Critics o f thes e film s tende d t o decr y thei r overtl y violen t content . I n fact , the gang-oriente d violenc e feature d i n Boyz N the Hood an d New Jack City, another fil m o f this genre, apparently le d to gang-oriente d violenc e a t movi e theaters acros s America i n 1991. 1 6

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Despite th e associatio n o f thes e " n e w " blac k film s wit h violence , thei r supporters asserte d tha t the y merel y reflecte d reality , howeve r unpalatable . John Singleton , w h e n interviewe d fo r th e July 2 9 , 1 9 9 1 , issu e o f Newsweek about violenc e a t showing s o f hi s Boyz N the Hood an d a t blac k movie s i n general, responded : It wasn't th e fil m [tha t cause d violence]. It was the fact tha t a whole genera tion [o f black men] doesn' t respec t themselves , it makes it easie r for the m t o shoot eac h other . This i s a generation o f kids who don' t hav e fathe r figures . They're lookin g fo r thei r manhood , an d the y ge t a gun . The mor e o f thes e people tha t ge t together , the highe r potentia l fo r violence.. . . Some peopl e want blac k fil m maker s t o mak e film s abou t blac k peopl e sittin g u p i n churches an d singing. That's safe to older bourgeois black people, and it's safe to some "liberal-minded" white people. But I' m no t going to make films like that because that's not wha t I see my friends doing. 17 Regardless o f whethe r on e wa s a criti c o r a supporte r o f suc h film s a s Boyz N the Hood, one fac t tha t ha d nothin g t o d o wit h perception s o f "reality" remaine d crysta l clear . Black movie s wer e mad e (o r no t made ) o n th e basis o f profitability . T he fac t tha t Boyz N the Hood grosse d mor e tha n $6 0 million fro m a n investmen t o f $ 6 millio n clearl y indicate d a stron g marke t existed fo r suc h a product. 1 8 Moreover , Hollywoo d investors , wit h thei r "bottom-line" mentality, intended t o d o wha t wa s necessar y t o full y exploi t this apparen t demand . A s Spik e Lee , th e "dean " o f contemporar y Africa n American filmmakers , bluntl y tol d Time i n a n June 17 , 1991 , article abou t the resurgenc e o f black-oriented films, "Blac k film s wil l b e mad e a s long a s they mak e money." 19 During th e earl y 1990s , African American s continue d t o represen t a dis proportionately larg e segmen t o f Hollywood' s consume r base . While black s constituted approximatel y 1 2 percen t o f th e U.S . population , thei r ticke t purchases accounte d fo r mor e tha n 2 5 percen t o f Hollywood' s estimate d $4.6 billio n film revenu e i n 1990. 20 Although ther e wer e distinc t parallel s betwee n 1970 s "blaxploitation " films an d black-oriented films o f the 1990s , perhaps th e majo r differenc e b e tween th e tw o era s wa s th e 1990s ' focus o n "crossover " marketability . U n like such earlie r films a s Shaft, Superfly, and The Mack, whic h appeale d almos t exclusively t o African America n moviegoers , movies lik e Do the Right Thing, Boyz N the Hood, and eve n Malcolm X wer e viewe d b y a significant numbe r of whites. There wer e a variety o f sociological, psychological, and economi c reasons fo r thi s phenomenon .

Epilogue | 12 3

During th e 1980s , those African Americans who di d not materiall y ben efit from the Civil Rights Movement increasingl y attracte d the attention o f both scholars and the nation's mass media.21 Fo r many white Americans, the existence o f a growing urban black "underclass" seemed startling, especially because th e mas s media , sinc e th e lat e 1960s , had projecte d a n imag e o f African American "progress" by focusing upo n th e exploit s (an d salaries) o f various black athletes and entertainers. 22 It was in this setting that Spike Lee, a film directo r wit h a n admittedl y limite d gras p o f the social , political, and economic nuance s of African American life, became what on e observer de scribed as an "information conduit " to whites seeking to know more abou t the urban black experience. 23 Lee's film Do the Right Thing, released in 1989 , focused o n life i n a black Brooklyn neighborhood. It quickly became a major crossove r hit. In fact, the entire July 6,1989, edition o f ABC News ' Nightline program focused o n th e movie and its impact on the country. As the show's moderator, Forrest Sawyer, noted in the program's introduction, "This film is making America listen and talk, even argue, about one of the most painful problems of our society." 24 Besides the "educational" nature of films such as Do the Right Thing, black films of the late 1980 s and early 1990 s reached a crossover audience because they accentuated the growing impact of black culture on the psyche of some young whites . Durin g thi s period , undoubtedl y t o th e consternatio n o f white parents, "hip-hop" or "rap" became the preferred musi c of millions of white teenagers and young adults.Through rap music videos on such venues as MTV, even suburban white s coul d ge t a glimpse o f the lifestyle o f urban black "homeboys. " While som e o f thes e inner-cit y image s were , perhaps, contrived to accentuate the marketing appeal of certain groups,* the uniqu e language an d clothin g associate d wit h hip-ho p an d ra p cultur e captivate d young people o f all races.25 Because of rap music's crossover appeal, it did not take Hollywood long to discover that this music genre could be profitably melde d into the movie industry. As Elvis Mitchell, a noted African American media critic, told the New YorkTimes Magazine in a July 14,1991, article about the black film resurgence: When Hollywood realized that white kids were really into rap—and don't kid yourself, that's th e audienc e th e studio s ar e really lustin g for—a littl e ligh t went on: "Hey, we can make money from black culture. *Nelson George's hilarious movie CB4 (1993 ) offered a satirical look a t the world of hip-hop, especially "gangsta" rap.This film insinuated that some gangsta rappers were nothing more than middle-class blacks putting on an act.

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It appears more tha n coincidenta l tha t some o f the most profitable black movies during this period featured ra p artists in prominent roles. Along with the immensel y popula r Boyz N the Hood, which showcase d th e performe r Ice Cube , the fil m House Party (1990) , which grosse d i n exces s of $26 mil lion from a $2.5 million investment, 27 starre d th e rappers Kid & Play. Ironically, Spike Lee' s movi e o n th e blac k nationalis t ico n Malcol m X graphically illustrate d th e importanc e o f the crossove r audienc e t o Holly wood producers . It also demonstrated th e power o f economics ove r artisti c considerations (an d historical accuracy). It ha s been estimate d tha t a film must mak e tw o an d on e hal f times it s production cost s before i t breaks even. 28 With thi s in mind, when Spik e Lee demanded $3 5 millio n i n productio n cost s fro m Warner Brothers , he per haps unwittingly se t the stag e for th e subsequen t dilutio n o f Malcolm's lif e on screen . Since black patronage alon e would no t generat e th e $9 0 millio n needed t o mak e Malcolm X profitable , Lee felt compelle d t o shap e th e film to reach a crossover audience. To achieve this goal, Lee ultimately muted o r deleted man y controversial , ye t historicall y accurate , aspect s o f Malcolm' s life.29 During th e 1990s , thoughtful Africa n American moviegoer s foun d thei r situation less than enviable. Not onl y were they being served watered-dow n versions of history, but many of the films featuring blacks continued to con jure u p historical stereotypes. Movies like Boyz N the Hood and House Party depicted th e contemporar y African America n experienc e a s a modern-da y version o f Porgy & Bess's "Catfish Row, " where th e "natives" intermittently spent thei r tim e engagin g i n violenc e agains t eac h other , usin g drug s (in cluding alcohol), and partying . White Hollywood' s contro l o f African America n scree n images , despite the presenc e o f more blac k directors , is eviden t i f we examin e th e fat e o f Haile Gerima' s criticall y acclaime d 199 4 film, Sankofa. Sankofa, which de picted the dynamics and consequences of the trans-Atlantic slave trade fro m the viewpoin t o f transplante d Africans , create d a sti r i n internationa l film circles, winning majo r award s a t th e Mila n an d Fespac o Fil m Festivals . Yet, despite th e film' s enthusiasti c oversea s reception , U.S . distributors ignore d it.30 When aske d about thi s snub, Kay Shaw, the nationa l distributio n man ager ofWashington, D.C.'s Mypheduh Films , Inc., which produced th e film, told Black Enterprise i n 1994 : If this was a film about pathology in the black community, it would have been well received [i n the States]... . Sankofa celebrates th e stor y o f our resistanc e

Epilogue | 12 5 to the enslavement process. In it, black people are not a backdrop to their own story.31 Undaunted b y mainstream distributors ' disinterest i n hi s film, Gerima, a Howard Universit y professor , decide d t o distribut e Sankofa independently. After a successful eleven-wee k ru n a t Washington, D.C.'s Biograph theater , which Gerim a personall y rented , the film, through Gerim a s direct efforts , played t o sellou t audience s i n a number o f other urba n centers . In fact , by 1995, Sankofa, which had become a grass-roots film classic, had grossed more than $2. 5 million. 32 Mainstrea m distributor s nevertheles s continue d t o ig nore Sankofa. The 1990 s African American community , like its 1970 s counterpart, has reaped little, if any, monetary benefits from its disproportionately massive patronage of Hollywood productions. Consequently, blaxploitation, in an economic sense , has remained aliv e and well. Although man y recen t black-oriente d films hav e been sho t o n locatio n in urba n African America n enclave s and hav e provided short-ter m busines s opportunities fo r neighborhoo d entrepreneurs , most o f the mone y associ ated with the production o f these films has ended up in nonblack hands. For instance, in 1995 , there were fewer tha n te n black-owned movi e theaters in the United States . Thus, the vas t majority o f contemporary African Ameri can moviegoers, paradoxically, spend thei r money a t downtown an d subur ban cinema mutiplexes t o see films about life i n th e "hood." 33 Both th e 1970 s and th e 1990 s featured films tha t appeare d t o b e aime d primarily at black male audiences. Like the 1970' s Shaft and Superfly, movies such a s Boyz N the Hood, Do the Right Thing, and House Party viewe d th e world throug h th e len s o f black men . Black women, in both decades , were essentially depicte d a s auxiliar y mothe r figures o r sexua l playthings . Although Julia Dash's 199 1 film, Daughters of the Dust, provided a penetrating depiction o f the experience s o f black women, its moderate bo x offic e per formance ($800,00 0 productio n cost , $1.8 millio n gros s afte r thirty-thre e weeks)34 apparently convince d Hollywoo d tha t movie s wit h suc h a focu s were no t profitable . The 199 5 scree n adaptatio n o f Terry McMillan' s nove l Waiting to Exhale, however, dramatically altered perceptions abou t the profi t potential o f movies that specificall y targete d African American femal e con sumers. Before it s film adaptation , Waiting to Exhale, which chronicle d th e per sonal trials and tribulations o f a group o f black women, was an overwhelm ing literary success . In 1992 , the yea r o f its publication, it ranke d nint h o n

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the lis t o f top-selling fictio n hardbacks , with 663,33 3 books sold . In 1993 , 1,562,000 paperback copie s o f Waiting to Exhale were sold . Consequendy , even before its December 199 5 film premiere, there were a significant num ber o f African America n wome n wh o ha d rea d (o r heard about ) Waiting to Exhale and were eage r to se e how it would play out o n screen. 35 The marketin g o f Waiting to Exhale, before it s premiere, further height ened the anticipation o f the film by black female consumers . Excerpts from the fil m wer e liberall y exhibite d o n suc h venue s a s Blac k Entertainmen t Television, and th e movi e s soundtrack appeare d a month befor e th e film' s initial showing . Featuring suc h notabl e African America n femal e perform ers a s Whitney Housto n (on e o f th e star s o f th e movie) , Aretha Franklin , Chaka Khan , Patt i LaBelle , Toni Braxton , an d TLC, th e Waiting to Exhale soundtrack quickl y zoome d t o th e to p o f Billboard magazine's listing of the two hundre d top-sellin g album s i n th e Unite d States . Moreover, a s late as June 1996 , the soundtrack stil l ranked twenty-fifth , wit h mor e tha n six million units sold. 36 Besides the standard production o f an auxiliary Waiting to Exhale soundtrack albu m t o g o alon g with th e movie , the nove l itsel f received a facelif t that booste d sale s i n 1995 . Despite exceptionall y stron g sale s i n 199 2 an d 1993, Waiting to Exhale had no t bee n amon g th e top-sellin g mas s marke t fiction paperback s i n 1994. 37 However , i n 1995 , to coincid e wit h th e re lease o f th e Waiting to Exhale movie , th e novel' s cove r wa s change d t o a photograph o f the fou r femal e star s o f the movie . This marketin g plo y ap parently worked . In 199 5 Waiting to Exhale once agai n joined th e rank s o f best-seller mas s marke t fictio n paperbacks , wit h mor e tha n on e millio n books sold. 38 Considering th e preliminary buildup , the premiere o f Waiting to Exhale, during Christma s weeken d 1995 , seemed almos t anticlimactic . Yet, African American women , prime d fo r thi s event , cam e ou t i n drove s t o se e th e movie. Between Decembe r 2 2 an d 25 , Waiting to Exhale was th e country' s top box-offic e hit , takin g i n a reporte d $14,126,927. 39 I n it s las t appear ance o n Variety magazine' s weekl y listin g o f th e sixt y top-grossin g U.S . movies, i n lat e Apri l 1996 , Waiting To Exhale ha d a reporte d cumulativ e worldwide bo x offic e o f $79,949,594 ($67,012,62 9 domestic ; $12,936,965 foreign).40 Although Waiting to Exhale dropped of f the lis t of the sixt y top-grossin g films i n lat e April 1996 , that di d no t signa l th e en d o f its profitability. The following month , the movie' s home vide o versio n appeare d i n video store s across America. Within a couple o f weeks, Waiting to Exhale moved t o th e

Epilogue | 12 7

top o f Billboard magazine's listin g o f the fort y top-sellin g videos . As late as July 4, Waiting to Exhale still ranked a s the seventh best-sellin g movie vide o in th e United States. 41 While Hollywoo d apparentl y di d no t realiz e th e profit potentia l associ ated wit h targetin g African America n wome n unti l th e mid-1990s , othe r sectors o f th e U.S . economy, notabl y th e cosmeti c an d th e persona l car e products industries , ha d bee n acutel y awar e o f blac k women' s consume r clout since the 1970s . During the 1990s , companies in these industries made even greater inroads among black female shoppers . A watershed even t in the wooing of African American female consumer s was the Maybellin e Company' s introductio n i n 199 1 o f "Shades ofYou, " a collection o f face an d lip makeup specificall y fo r blac k women. This repre sented th e first tim e a major cosmeti c compan y ha d create d a mass-market line fo r Africa n America n women. 42 Still , Maybelline's histori c maneuve r appeared to have been primarily motivated by a desire for profit, rather than by a strong commitment t o serving the needs of black female consumers . As a Decembe r 17 , 1990 , articl e i n Advertising Age, whic h previewe d May belline's campaign, reported: For Maybelline, its latest move may prove a way to regain lost ground. The company is now the No. 2 cosmetics marketer, with an estimated 17.5% share, trailing No. 1 Cover Girl's 23% but ahead of No. 3 Revlons 13%… . "It' s a smart move," said industry consultant Allan Motus of Maybelline's new line. "Instead of going eyeball to eyeball with Cove r Girl, they can go for a specific segment for incremental market share. That's shrewd." 43 Other white-owne d cosmeti c companie s quickl y caugh t o n t o May belline's strateg y an d launche d thei r ow n campaign s t o reac h th e black woman of the 1990s.Th e Estee Lauder Company's creation oP'Prescriptive s All Skins " in 199 1 wa s especiall y significant , sinc e Este e Laude r ha d lon g been considered one of the premiere cosmetic lines. In fact, before 1991 , the company ha d cultivate d a n imag e tha t linke d it s products wit h upper-clas s white women.Yet, as 1990 census data revealed an African American femal e population that was growing both in numbers and in affluence, Estee Lauder decided t o expan d it s clientel e t o includ e blac k women . Like Maybelline' s "Shades o f You" line, which prove d t o b e profitable , Este e Lauder' s "Pre scriptives All Skins" enhanced th e company' s financial stature . In fact, "Prescriptives All Skins," which offere d mor e than one hundred custom-blende d makeup shades , attracted nearly fifty thousand ne w black customer s durin g its first year.44

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T h e increasin g beaut y option s availabl e t o blac k w o m e n i n th e 1990 s generated a mixe d reactio n i n th e Africa n America n community . A Jun e 1993 Black Enterprise articl e title d "Redefinin g Beautiful " capture d th e essence o f thi s debat e w h e n i t asserted : more tha n a dozen makeu p line s an d line extension s hav e been thrus t a t th e black female consume r in the last two years. And ther e are more o n th e hori zon. Without question , the onslaugh t o f competition i n th e ethni c cosmetic s market is good new s for black women, who fo r th e first tim e have the dizzy ing arra y o f cosmeti c choice s tha t whit e wome n hav e lon g enjoyed . Bu t i t could herald disaster for smaller and some black-owned companies , who lack the dee p pocket s neede d fo r massiv e advertising campaign s a s well a s the fi nancial clou t t o deman d adequat e shel f space . . . . There i s n o wa y fo r th e beauty industry's major players to hit their sales targets without cutting deeply into consume r base s o f smaller , mor e establishe d ethni c cosmeti c compa rues.

45

O n e black-owne d cosmetic s compan y tha t aggressivel y reacte d t o in creased whit e competitio n fo r blac k femal e shopper s wa s Fashio n Fai r Cos metics. Becaus e Fashio n Fai r Cosmetic s wa s a subsidiar y o f th e Johnso n Publishing Compan y an d receive d extensiv e advertisin g spac e i n Ebony an d Jet, i t ha d lon g bee n th e leadin g markete r o f cosmetic s t o African America n women. Yet, increase d competitio n force d Fashio n Fai r t o bot h refin e an d redefine it s product line . In 199 2 th e compan y redesigne d th e packagin g o f its product s t o enhanc e thei r aur a o f elegance . Also, during th e sam e year , Fashion Fai r an d Johnson Publishin g introduce d th e n e w " E b o n e " cosmeti c line. Unlike Fashio n Fai r Cosmetics , which wer e aime d a t a n upscal e blac k female clientele , " E b o n e" sough t t o attrac t younge r an d les s affluen t blac k women. I n th e shor t term , both o f thes e maneuver s prove d profitable. 46 While Fashio n Fai r Products represente d a continuing black business suc cess story , fate wa s fa r les s kin d t o th e Johnson Product s Company , anothe r Chicago-based Africa n America n enterprise . I n 199 3 Johnson Products , a leading pioneer i n th e blac k hai r car e industry , which onc e hel d a p h e n o m enal 8 0 percen t marke t share , agreed t o a buyout b y a white-owned Miam i holding company . Increased competitio n from whit e companies , along wit h domestic squabblin g withi n thi s family-owne d business , contribute d t o Johnson Products ' demise. 47 T h e takeove r o f Johnson Product s b y th e Iva x Corporatio n fo r $6 7 mil lion create d considerabl e concer n amon g othe r black-owne d hai r car e c o m panies. As Lafayette Jones, founder o f the American Healt h an d Beaut y Aid s

Epilogue | 12 9

Institute (a n African American trad e association), told the Wall Street Journal shortly afte r Iva x announce d it s acquisitio n o f Johnson Products : "Thi s company [Johnso n Products ] historicall y ha s been a beacon t o othe r blac k entrepreneurs i n th e country . There ar e many people wh o ar e saddened b y its sale to a general market company." 48 Increased whit e competitio n represente d a seriou s proble m fo r black owned companie s not onl y in th e cosmetic s and personal car e products in dustry but also in the insurance industry. In fact, since the 1970s , the collective pligh t o f black-owne d insuranc e companie s ha d grow n increasingl y desperate. By th e 1990s , black insuranc e companies , in compariso n t o th e broade r industry, were sufferin g fro m shrinkin g tota l assets , shrinking premiu m in come, and a shrinking workforce. 49 Even more illustrative of African Amer ican insurers'woes i s the increasin g disappearance o f individual companies ; between 198 4 and 1995 , the numbe r o f black-owned insuranc e companie s decreased by 39 percent, from thirty-si x t o twenty-two. 50 Notwithstanding America' s implementatio n o f a "one-way" versio n o f racial desegregation , whic h promote d greate r interactio n betwee n whit e companies an d blac k consumer s bu t no t th e opposite , black insurers ' present-day problem s ca n be trace d t o th e relate d factor s o f economy o f scale and produc t diversity . Put simply , larger whit e companie s ca n offe r blac k consumers bot h mor e economica l policie s an d a wide r arra y o f coverag e choices. Despite the gloomy overall picture, the four largest black insurance com panies (North Carolin a Mutual, of Durham, North Carolina ; Atlanta Life, of Atlanta, Georgia; Golden Stat e Mutual, of Los Angeles, California; and Uni versal Life , o f Memphis , Tennessee) continu e t o kee p thei r head s slightl y above water. 51 Still , it remains to be seen if they (an d their smaller counter parts) will survive into th e twenty-firs t century . Ironically, while a n increasin g numbe r o f black-owned enterprise s wer e disappearing from th e landscape of American business, the increasing spending power of their former blac k clients and customers received center-stag e attention i n th e July 199 6 issue of Black Enterprise. In what wa s dubbed th e "Consumer Empowerment Issue, " readers were told, in an article titled "The Real Black Power" : While corporate America benefits from the dollars African Americans spend, we haven't done enough to leverage that spending clout.The fact is that, once harnessed, African American dollars can be the difference betwee n profit and

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loss for an y consumer product o n th e market today . Even more important : Given our current socio-political climate , aside from ou r voting power, our buying power is the only major leverage we have left. 52 Black Enterprise went o n t o cite the Dallas-based Black Consumer Orga nization o f America (BCOA ) a s an importan t contemporar y effor t t o sys tematically harness African American consume r spending . As BCOA presi dent Darlene Edwards-Beacham tol d th e magazine, "We underestimat e th e power we d o have. We need t o figure a way to muscle tha t power." 53 The venerabl e Nationa l Associatio n o f Marke t Developer s (NAMD) , too, in recent years, has intensified it s efforts o n behalf of African America n consumers. This long-tim e intermediar y betwee n corporat e Americ a an d black shoppers, comprised primarily of African American marketing and advertising professionals, is seeking to us e its influence t o effec t a more recip rocal economic relationshi p between U.S . corporations an d th e black com munity. Individual member s hav e bee n challenge d t o urg e thei r respectiv e companies an d client s t o inves t mor e resource s i n Africa n America n en claves.54 Despite th e goo d intention s o f organizations lik e th e Nationa l Association of Market Developers and the Black Consumer Organization o f America, the tas k before the m seem s especiall y daunting . Contemporary Africa n American consumers , despite their increased collectiv e spending power, appear to have less leverage than their forebears. For instance, during the enor mously successfu l Montgomer y Bu s Boycott , local African American s no t only withheld thei r patronage o f city buses but increased their patronage o f various African America n enterprises . This dual strateg y ultimatel y helpe d them achiev e victory . Yet, the ongoin g disappearanc e o f historically black owned businesse s leaves today's African America n consumer s al l but totall y dependent o n whit e (an d othe r nonblack ) enterprise s fo r good s an d ser vices. Thus, the July 199 6 issue of Black Enterprise, whic h linke d blac k con sumer "empowerment" to making purchases that directly o r indirectly positively affec t black-owne d businesses, 55 brings t o min d th e fol k maxi m "it s too late to clos e the barn doo r when th e horse is gone." One positive development, in the midst of an increasingly disturbing scenario, is a resurgence of interest in African American consumer cooperatives. One suc h company , Blac k Heritag e Products , Inc. , based i n Greensboro , North Carolina , offer s member s a wid e variet y o f black-manufacture d products. Moreover, th e compan y seek s t o combin e th e traditiona l con sumer cooperativ e wit h multileve l marketing . I n it s October/Novembe r

Epilogue | 13 1

1996 newsletter, Black Heritage Products offered th e following rationale fo r its existence: Presently we only retain in the Black community 7 cents of each dollar made by us.The other 93 cents are spent with people that return no value, no support, no concern. It's madness! Black Heritage Products is in existence to stop this madness. . . . Remember whe n w e sto p willingly "giving" our mone y away, we ALL will start to prosper. 56 Despite the logic behind Black Heritage Products and similar enterprises, it remains t o b e see n i f they ca n ultimatel y attrac t enoug h blac k consume r support t o truly compet e with white-owne d businesses . As the twentiet h centur y draw s t o a close, it i s clear that , since th e pas sage of the Civi l Rights Act o f 1964, increased black consumerism ha s produced som e seriou s negative consequence s fo r th e African American com munity. Individua l Africa n American s posses s mor e consume r good s tha n ever before. Still, if one wer e t o tak e a stroll throug h mos t urba n blac k en claves in America, one would be hard pressed to see where increased African American spendin g ha s improve d th e infrastructur e an d th e ambianc e o f these neighborhoods. Black consumers, who now spend the vast majority o f their money i n shiny downtown an d suburban shopping malls, enhance th e economic base s o f thes e outsid e area s t o th e detrimen t o f thei r ow n en claves. This self-destructiv e tendenc y raise s th e questio n "I s th e slow , bu t steady, destruction o f urba n black America (an d it s businesses ) to o stee p a price to pay for unrestricted African American consumerism? " For contem porary African Americans who woul d answe r "yes," the future demand s th e development o f strategies tha t will stimulat e mor e constructiv e economi c activity within the black community. A truly free people possesses the power to produce, as well as to consume .

Appendix National Negro Business League Black Consumer Questionnaire, 1931

This appendix , a reproduction o f the Nationa l Negr o Busines s Leagues aborted 193 1 national survey of African American consumers, represents a pioneering attemp t t o generat e detaile d informatio n abou t blac k shoppers. The Nationa l Negr o Busines s League i s making a determined figh t fo r th e Negro t o gain for hi m a more secur e economi c plac e in American life. The strongest argument we have is the power represented in the dollars we spend through store s o f variou s kinds . Th e Nationa l Associatio n o f Colore d Women i s helping us to make a study o f the buying habits of Negroes. It is hoped, therefore, that you will cooperate with u s by filling ou t the enclose d questionnaire. This is a group study , and we hope tha t you will not take [it ] in the spiri t of prying int o you r persona l affairs . Fo r tha t reason , no signature s ar e re quested, and the facts wil l be published i n total s only. When yo u hav e filled it out, please return i t t o th e presiden t o f your association wh o sen t i t t o you , or you ma y sen d i t direc t t o th e offic e o f the National Negro Busines s League, 145 West 41st Street, New York City . ••••••••••••••••••••••••••

1. Tota l number in family Adult

s Childre

n (Boy

s Girl

s)

2. Chec k the income group in which the family belongs: ( ) Unde r $500 a year ( ) $2,000-$3,00 0 a year ( ) $500-$l,000ayea r ( ) $3,000-$4,00 0 a year ( ) $1,000-$2,00 0 a year ( ) $4,000-$5,00 0 a year ( ) Ove r $5,000 a year 133

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Appendix

3. Wha t amoun t d o you usuall y spend eac h month for : a. Foo d (includin g groceries mea t brea b. Clothin g (includin g shoes ) c. Hous e furnishing s an d equipmen t d. Uplif t (includin g charitie s churc h lodge e. Recreatio n f. Insuranc e an d Saving s 4. Doe s your family have : Automobile telephon e electri electric washing machine vacuu

c refrigerato r radi m cleane r

d)

s)

o

5. Pric e fo r pric e an d grade for grade , which d o you find mor e satisfactory : a. Advertise d brand s of goods b. Unadvertise d brand s o f goods c. Unbrande d good s 6. Numbe r i n orde r o f importance th e factors whic h influenc e you r buying : Convenient locatio n o f store Helpful servic e o f the merchan t Confidence i n th e merchan t Habits in askin g for specia l brands Price Attractiveness o f packages Quality Neatness o f store 7. I f you us e any advertising medium a s a guide in shopping , please check : Daily Newspaper s magazine s radi o Negro newspaper s stree t ca r cards direc t letters billboards stor e windows 8. Chec k the items or service you purchase from Negroe s regularly or occasionall y Groceries clothin g drug s physicia n insuranc e theatre dentis t sho e repair restauran t taxica b bank laundr y a. Ar e Negro clerk s as courteous a s white clerks ? Yes N o

Appendix | 13 5 Are Negro clerk s as efficient a s white clerks ? Yes N o b. D o yo u rea d Negro newspaper s regularly ? Ye s N 9. Remark s

o

Notes

NOTES T O CHAPTE R I

1. The Social and Economic Status of the Black Population in the United States: An Historical View, 1790-1978 (Washington , D.C.: U.S. Bureau o f the Census, 1980), 15. 2. Negro Population, 1790-1915 (Washington , D.C.: U.S. Bureau o f the Census , 1918) p . 92; Charles E . Hall, ed. Negroes in the United States, 1920-1932 (Washing ton, D.C.: U.S. Bureau o f the Census , 1935), 53. 3. The Social and Economic Status of the Black Population in the U.S., 14. 4. Amon g th e book s tha t examin e th e economi c pligh t o f blac k southerner s after th e Civi l War are : Pete Daniel , The Shadow of Slavery: Peonage in the South, 1901-1969 (Urbana : University o f Illinois Press , 1990; originally publishe d 1972) ; Jay R. Mandle , The Roots of Black Poverty: The Southern Plantation Economy after the Civil War (Durham: Duke Universit y Press , 1978) ; Daniel A. Novak, The Wheel of Servitude: Black Forced Labor after Slavery (Lexington : University o f Kentucky Press, 1978); and William Cohen , At Freedoms Edge: Black Mobility and the Southern White Quest forRacial Control, 1861-1915 (Bato n Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991). 5. Amon g the books that examine the sociopolitical plight of black southerner s after the Civil War are: Rayford W. Logan, The Betrayal of the Negro from Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson (NewYork: Collier Books, 1965; originally published 1954) ; Forrest G . Wood, Black Scare: The Racist Response to Emancipation and Reconstruction (Berkeley: University of California Press , 1968); Allen WTrelease, The Ku KXux Klan Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction (Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1971) ; C.Van n Woodward, The Strange Career of JimCrow, 3d ed . (Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1974) ; an d Eri c Foner , Reconstruction: Americas Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (NewYork : Harper & Row, 1988). 6. Marily n Kern-Foxworth, Aunt Jemima, Uncle Ben, and Rastus: Blacks inAdvertising,Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1994), 30-32. 7. Ibid. , 31-32. 8. Noliw e M . Rooks, Hair Raising: Beauty, Culture, and African American Women (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Universit y Press , 1996), 26. 9. Booke r T. Washington, tte Negro in Business (New York: AMS Press , 1971; originally published i n 1907) , 297.

137

138 |

Notes to Chapter 1

10. Ibid . 11. Ibid . 12. Monro e N . Work, ed., Negro Year Book and Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro, 1912 (Tuskegee , Ala.: Negro Year Book Company , 1912) , 180. Although The Negro Yearbook characterized itself as an "annual encyclopedia," it did not appear on a yearly basis. There wer e eleve n edition s tha t covere d th e year s 1912 ; 1913 ; 1914-15 ; 1916-17; 1918-19; 1921-22; 1925-26; 1931-32; 1937-38; 1941-46; and 1952 . 13. Ibid . 14. NegroYear Book and Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro, 1913,24. 15. Ibid . 16. NegroYear Book and Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro, 191&-1911, 318-320 ; Negro Year Book and Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro, 1918-1919, 358. 17. NegroYear Book, 1916-1917,318; NegroYear Book, 1918-1919,355. 18. "Ho w Negroe s Spen t Thei r Incomes , 1920-1943/ * Sales Management 54 (June 15,1945) : 106. 19. Hall , Negroes in the U.S., 1920-1932, 55. 20. Emmet t J. Scott, Negro Migration during the War (New York: Oxford Univer sity Press, 1920), 50. 21. Ibid. , 102. 22. Ibid. , 102-103 . 23. Ibid. , 123-124; 129-130; 136. 24. Ibid. , 86-87. 25. Bria n Rust, The American Record Label Book (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1978), 212-213; Arnold Shaw, Black Popular Music in America: From the Spirituals, Minstrels, and Ragtime to Soul, Disco, and Hip-Hop (New York: Schirmer Books, 1986), 93-94; Eileen Southern , The Music of Black Americans: A History, 2d ed. (New York: Norton, 1983) , 365. 26. Rust , The American Record Label Book, 214. 27. Ibid. ; Shaw, Black Popular Music, 96. 28. Southern , The Music of Black Americans, 366. 29. Shaw , Black Popular Music, 102 . 30. Ibid . 31. Ibid. ; Rust, The American Record Label Book, 226. 32. Frederic k G . Detweiler, The Negro Press in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press , 1922), 113-114. 33. Gu y B.Johnson, "Newspaper Advertisements an d Negro Culture,"Journal of Social Forces 3 (May 1925) : 707-708. 34. Detweiler , The Negro Press, 116. 35. Ibid. , 120. 36. Johnson , "Newspaper Advertisements an d Negro Culture, " 706. 37. A goo d startin g poin t t o ascertai n th e sentimen t o f black busines s propo nents durin g th e 1920 s i s Ronald W. Bailey, ed., Black Business Enterprise: Historical

Notes to Chapter 1 | 13 9 and Contemporary Perspectives (Ne w York: Basic Books, 1971). Part On e o f this book , "Recurring Themes: An Historica l Overview, " includes fiv e essay s that discus s th e historical dynamics of a "black economy" Scholars who hav e examined th e business and economi c consequence s o f the Grea t Migratio n include : Allan H . Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto, 1890-1920 (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press, 1967), 181-185; Florette Henri, Black Migration: Movement North, 1900-1920 (Garden City , N.Y.: Anchor Press , 1975), 158-164; Kenneth Kusmer , A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870-1930 (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1976) , 191-194; and Joe W. Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana : University o f Illinois Press , 1985), 80-93. Another importan t source is John Sibley Butler, Entrepreneurship and Self-Help among Black Americans: A Reconsideration of Race and Economics (Albany, N.Y.: SUNY Press , 1991), 71-76. Butler, a sociologist , elaborate s o n th e "economi c detour " concep t pu t forwar d b y Merah S . Stuart i n 1940 . Stuart, wh o wrot e a classi c boo k abou t blac k insuranc e companies, discussed th e disadvantageou s positio n o f black businesspersons i n U.S. society and how they struggled t o survive. Finally,Juliet E. K.Walker's The History of Black Business in America: Capitalism, Race, and Entrepreneurship (Ne w York: Twayne Publishers, 1998 ) an d he r edite d Encyclopedia of African American Business History (Westport, CT : Greenwood Publishers , 1998 ) shoul d furthe r enhanc e ou r knowl edge of historical African American busines s persons. 38. Albo n L. Holsey,"Negro in Business Aided by Racial Appeal," Forbes 21 (January 15,1928) : 44. 39. Ibid. ; 44-46. 40. Albo n L . Holsey, "What th e Negro I s Doing in Business," Forbes 23 (Ma y 1 , 1929), 36; Work, Negro Year Book, 1931-1932, 133. 41. Holsey , "What th e Negr o I s Doing in Business," 38. 42. Ibid . 43. Ibid . 44. Albo n L. Holsey,"The CM.A . Stores Face the Chains, " Opportunity 7 (Jul y 1929): 210. 45. Ibid . 46. Work , Negro Year Book, 1931-1932, 133 . Fo r a recen t discussio n o f th e C M . A. see chapte r 4 o f Winston McDowell , "The Ideolog y o f Blac k Entrepre neurship an d It s Impact o n th e Development o f Black Harlem , 1930-1955" (Ph.D. diss., University o f Minnesota, 1996). 47. "Busines s an d Governmen t Leader s t o Aid Stud y o f Negr o Market, " Sales Management 28 (Januar y 28,1931) : 78. 48. Ibid . 49. Albo n L . Holsey Collection , Box 43,Tuskegee Institute . 50. Ibid . 51. H . A. Haring , "Selling t o Harlem, " Advertising & Selling 11 (Octobe r 31 , 1928): 17.

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Notes to Chapter 1

52. Ibid. , 17-18. 53. Ibid. , 50. 54. Ibid . 55. H.A . Haring,"The Negr o a s Consumer? Advertising & Selling 1 5 (Septem ber 3,1930): 20. 56. Ibid. , 21. 57. Ibid . 58. Ibid. , 68. 59. Pau l K. Edwards, The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1932), ix. 60. Ibid. , 32-33. 61. Ibid. , 38-39. 62. Ibid . 63. Ibid. , 42. 64. Ibid. , 46-78. 65. Ibid. , 97. 66. Ibid. , 97-98 . This furthe r corroborate s Robi n D . G. Kelley's assertion s re garding pre-Civil Right s Movement-era blac k resistance in the South . 67. Ibid. , 122-126 . 68. Ibid. , 132-134 . 69. Ibid. , 242-245. 70. Ibid. , 234. 71. Pau l K . Edwards, "Distinctive Characteristic s o f Urba n Negr o Consump tion" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University , 1936), 86. 72. Ibid . 73. Ibid . 74. Ibid. , 95-96. 75. Ibid. , 101. 76. Ibid. , 130. 77. Rober t B . Settle an d Pamel a L . Alreck, Why They Buy: American Consumers Inside and Out (Ne w York: John Wiley, 1986), 10-29. 78. Edwards , "Urban Negr o Consumption, " 163. 79. T.Arnol d Hill,"Th e Negr o Market, " Opportunity 10 (Octobe r 1932) : 318. 80. Ibid . 81. "Th e Negr o Market, " Opportunity 13 ( February 1935) : 38. 82. Eugen e Kinckl e Jones, "Purchasing Power of Negroes in th e U.S . Estimated at Two Billion Dollars, " Domestic Commerce 1 5 (Januar y 10,1935) : 1. 83. Ibid . 84. The Urban Negro Worker in the United States 1925-1936, vol . 1 (Washington, D C : U.S . Department o f the Interior , 1938) , iii. 85. Ibid. , 110,112,115.

Notes to Chapter 2 |

14 1

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2

1. Re x R . Campbell an d Daniel M.Johnson, Black Migration in America: A Social Demographic History (Durham: Duke Universit y Press , 1981), 124. 2. Joh n Hop e Frankli n an d Alfred A. Moss Jr., From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans, 7th ed . (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994) , 619. 3. Ro i Ottley , New World A-Coming: Inside Black America (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1943) , 293-302. 4. Campbel l an d Johnson, Black Migration in America, 104. 5. Davi d J. Sullivan, "Don't D o This—IfYou Wan t t o Sel l Your Products t o Ne groes!" Sales Management 52 (Marc h 1,1943) : 48, 50. 6. Davi d J. Sullivan , "The America n Negro—A n 'Export ' Marke t a t Home! " Printer's Ink 20 8 (Jul y 21,1944): 90. 7. Ibid . 8. Ibid. , 94. 9. Claud e A . Barnet t Papers , Chicag o Historica l Society , Bo x 131 , Folder 5 ; Vishnu V. Oak, The Negro Newspaper (Yello w Springs , Ohio: Antioch Press , 1948) , 113,116. 10. Lind a J. Evans, "Claude A. Barnett an d th e Associated Negr o Press, " Chicago History 12 (Sprin g 1983) : 44; Claude A. Barnett t o Pau l K. Edwards, June 13,1931 , Paul K. Edwards to Claude A. Barnett, June 20,1931 , Claude A. Barnett Papers, Box 132, Folder 2. Box 132 , Folder 2 of the Claud e A. Barnett Papers also contains Bar nett's correspondenc e wit h individual s an d organization s regardin g hi s propose d survey of black Chicag o consumers . Among the persons who decline d Barnett s invitation were : George A. Sloan, president o f the Cotto n Textile Institute ; Fred Ras mussen, executive directo r o f the Internationa l Association o f Ice Cream Manufac turers; E. L. Newcomb, secretary o f the Nationa l Wholesale Druggists'Association ; and Walter C . Hughes, secretary of the Nationa l Confectioners'Association . 11. Oak , The Negro Newspaper, 114. 12. Ibid. , 114-115. 13. Ibid , 115. 14. America's Negroes Live as a "Country Within a Country" in Many Places as "A City Within a City" (NewYork : Interstate Unite d Newspapers , Inc., 1944), no pagi nation, Claude A. Barnett Papers , Box 132 , Folder 7. 15. Ibid . 16. "15 8 Negro Newspapers Study Racial Market," Printer's Ink 216 (August 23, 1946): 98. 17. "Food , Clothin g Ge t Mos t o f Negroes ' $1 0 Billion, " Advertising Age 1 8 (March 24,1947) : 50. 18. Ibid . 19. Ibid .

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Notes to Chapter 2

20. Ibid . 21. "Nationa l Negr o Marke t Stud y Show s $12,000,000,00 0 Expenditures, " Publishers Weekly 15 2 (Jul y 5,1947): 34-35; Oak, The Negro Newspaper, 116. 22. Oak , The Negro Newspaper, 115-117;"Negr o Markets " Tide 20 (Marc h 15 , 1946): 86-88. 23. "Negr o Income s an d Ho w They Are Spent," Sales Management 54 (Jun e 15 , 1945): 106. 24. Jule s Tygiel, Baseballs Great Experiment:Jackie Robinson and His Legacy (Ne w York:Vintage Books , 1984), 52. 25. Ibid . 26. Ibid . 27. Baseball: A Film by Ken Burns, Inning Six: The National Pastime (Ne w York: Baseball Film Project, 1994) . 28. Tygiel , Baseballs Great Experiment, 189. 29. Ibid. , 230. 30. Ibid. , 232. 31. Ibid. , 233-234. 32. Don n Rogosin, Invisible Men: Life in Baseballs Negro Leagues (NewYork: Kodansha International , 1995; first published 1983) , 92-96. 33. Rober t E.Weem s Jr., Black Business in the Black Metropolis: The Chicago Metropolitan Assurance Company, 1925-1985 (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1996), 57-58. 34. Nelso n George , The Death of Rhythm & Blues (New York: Pantheon Books , 1988), 11-12. 35. "Th e Forgotte n 15,000,000, " Sponsor 3 (Octobe r 10,1949) : 24ff;"The For gotten 15,000,000, " part 2 , Sponsor 3 (Octobe r 24,1949) : 30ff. 36. "Th e Negr o Market : $15,000,000,000 t o Spend, " Sponsor 6 (Jul y 28,1952): 31. 37. "Th e Forgotte n 15,000,00 0 . . .ThreeYears Later," Sponsor 6 (July 28,1952): 29. 38. "Th e Negr o Market : $15,000,000,000 t o Spend, " 76. 39. "Negr o Radio: 200-Plus Specialty Stations—More Coming, " Sponsor 6 (July 28,1952): 80. 40. Ibid. , 79. 41. Ibid. , 33,78. 42. "Negr o Result s Stories : Rich Yield s fo r Al l Clients, " Sponsor 6 (Jul y 28 , 1952): 39,84-86. 43. "Highlight s o f 195 5 Negro Radio, " Sponsor 9 (Septembe r 19,1955) : 107. 44. George , The Death of Rhythm & Blues, 41. 45. Ibid . 46. Ibid . 47. Ibid. , 42.

Notes to Chapter 2 |

14 3

48. Jan e Pinkerton,"The Negr o Market: Why Buyers Are Looking Twice," Sponsor Negro Issue 1 1 (September 28,1957) : 35. 49. "Th e Negr o Station s Revolv e aroun d th e Dis k Jockey," Sponsor Negro Issue 12 (Septembe r 20 , 1958): 39; William Barlow , "Commercial an d Non-commercia l Radio," in Split Image: African Americans in the Mass Media, ed.Jannette L . Dates and William Barlow (Washington , D.C.: Howard Universit y Press , 1990), 209,214. 50. Radi o statio n WBOK advertisement , Sponsor 7 (Augus t 24,1953) : 94. 51. "Negr o Stations : Over 600 Stations Strong Today," Sponsor 9 (Septembe r 19 , 1955): 144 ; "Negro Appea l Stations : They Work wit h an d Sel l th e Community, " Sponsor Negro Issue 1 1 (September 28,1957) : 10. 52. Rollin s Broadcasting, Inc., advertisement, Sponsor Negro Issue 12 (Septembe r 20,1958): 2. 53. Rounsavill e Station s advertisement, Sponsor 9 (Septembe r 19,1955) : 151. 54. Ibid . 55. "Negr o Stations : Over 60 0 Stations Strong, " 145. 56. "NNN : Negr o Radio' s Network, " Sponsor 8 (Septembe r 20 , 1954) : 54 , 150-152. 57. Nationa l Negro Network advertisement, Sponsor 8 (September 20,1954): 46. 58. Alber t Abarbanel and Alex Haley, "A New Audience for Radio," Harpers 212 (February 1956) : 59. 59. Horac e Clarenc e Boyer , How Sweet the Sound: The Golden Age of Gospel (Washington, D.C.: Elliot & Clark, 1995), 67. 60. Ibid. , 52-53. 61. Ibid. , 60-61 . 62. Marti n an d Morri s Musi c Compan y Records , Archives Center , Nationa l Museum o f American History , Smithsonian Institution , Series 3C, Boxes 6 and 7. 63. Boyer , How Sweet the Sound, 64, 74-75; Collection description , Martin an d Morris Musi c Compan y Records . 64. Marti n an d Morris Music Compan y Records , Series 2, Boxes 9 and 10 . 65. "Th e Negr o Market : A n Appraisal, " Tide 2 1 (Marc h 7 , 1947) : 15 ; Jesse Parkhurst Guzman , ed. , Negro Year Book: A Review of Events Affecting Negro Life, 1941—1946 (Tuskegee, Ala.:Tuskegee Institut e Departmen t o f Record s an d R e search, 1947), 195. 66. "Th e Negr o Market : An Appraisal," 15. 67. "Ar e You Intereste d i n a Market Worth Te n Billio n Dollars? " Pepsi-Cola 8 (May 1948) : 6, Pepsi Collection , Researc h Files , Box 3 Folde r 4 , Archives Center , National Museu m o f American History , Smithsonian Institution . 68. Adria n Hirschorn , "Pepsi-Cola's Campaig n t o th e Negr o Market, " Printer's Ink 228 (Septembe r 9,1949) : 40. 69. Peps i Collection , "Pepsi Generatio n Ora l Histor y Project, " Serie s 2 Inter viewee File , Bo x 13 , Archives Center , Nationa l Museu m o f America n History , Smithsonian Institution .

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Notes to Chapter 3

70. "Experimen t i n Ne w Orleans, " Pepsi-Cola World 14 (Septembe r 1954) : 3, Pepsi Collection, Research Files, Box 3 Folder 4, Archives Center, National Museu m of American History , Smithsonian Institution . 71. Ibid. 72. Ibid. 73. Ibid. 74. Ibid. 75. Interview , James Avery, October 22,1996 . Mr. Avery is a former presiden t o f the Nationa l Association o f Market Developers . 76. Ibid. ; Interview, Samue l Whiteman an d James "Bud" Ward, September 17 , 1994. Mr . Whiteman, now deceased , was one o f the acknowledge d founder s o f the National Association of Market Developers. Mr. Ward has held a number of positions within NAM D includin g president o f the Washington, D C. chapte r an d vic e president, executive director , and chairma n o f the board o f the national organization . 77. "Histor y o f NAMD," Emphasis 95, official progra m o f the 43r d Meeting o f the National Association of Market Developers, May 1995,9; Interview, James Avery, October 22 , 1996 ; Interview , Miria m Evans , Octobe r 5 , 1994 . Mrs . Evans , wh o worked i n th e Publi c Relation s Departmen t o f Bel l Pennsylvani a (no w Bel l At lantic), served as NAMD s treasurer for man y years. 78. "Monumenta l Achievements: NAMD," National Black Monitor 10 (Septem ber 1985) : 4. 79. "Histor y o f NAMD, " Emphasis 95, 9 ; Interview , Samue l Whitema n an d James "Bud" Ward, September 17,1994 . 80. "NAMD, " National Black Monitor, 8; Interview , James Avery , Octobe r 22 , 1996; Interview , Chuck Smith , May 25 , 1995. Mr. Smith serve d i n a variety o f ca pacities within th e National Association o f Market Developers, including vice president, president, and chairma n o f the board . 81. Interview , Chuck Smith , May 25,1995 . 82. "Histor y o f NAMD," Emphasis 95, 9; "NAMD, " National Black Monitor, 10. 83. "Th e Negr o Market : As Customer s an d Citizens , Its People Are Stil l Mak ing Significant Progress, " Tide 26 (Jul y 25,1952): 44. 84. Sarit a Robinson , ed. , Readers Guide to Periodical Literature Volume 19 April 1953-Febmary 1955 (NewYork : H.W.Wilson, 1955) , 1660. 85. Willia m K.Bell, 15 Million Negroes and 15 Billion Dollars (NewYork:William K.Bell, 1958) , x-xi. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3

1. Thoma s C . Holt, "The Lonel y Warrior: Ida B.Wells-Barnett an d the Struggl e for Black Leadership, " in John Hop e Frankli n an d August Meier , eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University o f Illinois Press, 1982), 42. 2. Augus t Meie r an d Elliot t Rudwick , "Th e Boycot t Movemen t agains t Ji m

Notes to Chapter 3 |

14 5

Crow Streetcar s i n th e South , 1900-1906, " Journal of American History 55 (Marc h 1969): 758. 3. Ibid. , 761. 4. Ibid. , 775. 5. Henr y Lee Moon, "The Black Boycott," Crisis 73 (May 1966) : 249-250. Also see August Meier an d Elliott Rudwick,"Th e Origin s o f Nonviolent Direc t Action in Afro-American Protest : A Not e o n Historica l Discontinuities, " in Davi d J. Gar row, ed., We Shall Overcome:The Civil Rights Movement in the United States in the 1950s and 1960s, vol. 3 (Brooklyn : Carlson, 1989) , 315-316. 6. Willia m Edwar d Burghard t D u Bois , "The Negro' s Industria l Plight, " Crisis 38 (Jul y 1931) : 242. 7. Moon,"Th e Blac k Boycott," 253. 8. Darlen e Clar k Hine e t al., eds., Black Women in America: An Historical Encyclopedia (Brooklyn: Carlson , 1993) , 584-586 ; Darlen e Clar k Hine , Hine Sight: Black Women and the Reconstruction of AmericanHistory (Bloomington: Indiana Universit y Press, 1994), 129-145. 9. St . Clair Drake, "Why No t Co-operate? " Opportunity 14 (August 1936) : 233. 10. Ibid. , 234. 11. Bertra m B . Fowler, "Miracle i n Gary : The Negr o Grope s toward Economi c Equality," Forum & Century 96 ( September 1936) : 135; Margueritte Harmo n Bro , "Up b y the Bootstraps," Christian Century 53 (Apri l 1,1936) : 492. 12. Fowler , "Miracle i n Gary, " 136. 13. Ibid. ; Joseph A . Pierce , Negro Business and Business Education (New York: Plenum Press , 1995; originally publishe d i n 1947) , 164-178. 14. W . E. B. Du Bois , "A Negr o Natio n withi n th e Nation, " Current History 42 (June 1935) : 270. 15. Ro i Ottley , New World A-Coming: Inside Black America (Boston : HoughtonMifflin, 1943) , 287-288. 16. Davi d J. Sullivan, "Don't Do This—IfYou Want to SellYour Products t o Ne groes!" Sales Management 52 (Marc h 1,1943) : 46, 50. 17. Marti n Luthe r Kin g Jr., Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1958), 34-38. 18. Ibid. , 70. 19. Ibid. , 40-41 . 20. Davi d J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (NewYork:Vintage Books , 1988), 77. 21. Norma n W.Walton, "The Walking City : A History o f the Montgomery Bu s Boycott," Negro History Bulletin 20 (Novembe r 1956) : 32. 22. Taylo r Branch, Parting the Waters:America in the KingYears, 1954-1963 (Ne w York: Touchstone Books, 1989), 201. 23. Ibid. , 198. 24. Willia m Bradford Huie , "The Shockin g Stor y o f Approved Killin g in Mis -

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Notes to Chapter 3

sissippi," Look 20 (Januar y 24,1956): 46-50. Also see Clenora Hudson-Weems , Emmett Till: The Sacrificial Lamb of the Civil Rights Movement (Troy, Mich.: Bedford , 1994). 25. Willia m Bradford Huie,"What' s Happened to theTill Killers?" Look 21 (January 22,1957): 65. 26. Ronal d Walters , "Standing U p i n America' s Heartland : Sittin g i n befor e Greensboro,'Mmer/ftw Visions 8 (February/March, 1993) : 20-23. 27. Business Week, February 27,1960,26 . 28. Ibid . 29. Ibid. , 28. 30. Ibid . 31. Business Week, April 23,1960,31 . 32. Ibid . 33. Ibid. , 32. 34. Ibid . 35. Ibid . 36. Ibid . 37. Business Week, December 17,1960,34 . 38. Business Week, August 5,1961,58 . 39. Ibid . Also, see Elizabeth Jacoway an d David R. Colburn , eds., Southern Businessmen and Desegregation (Bato n Rouge: Louisiana Stat e University Press , 1982). 40. Business Week, August 5,1961 , 58. 41. Business Week, May 12,1962,130 . 42. Ibid. , 131. 43. Ibid. , 130. 44. Ibid . 45. Garrow , Bearing the Cross, 220. 46. Ibid. , 226-227. 47. Ibid. , 291-292. 48. "Wil l Negroe s Bac k Christma s Boycott? " Printer's Ink 28 5 (Octobe r 4 , 1963): 7. 49. Ibid . 50. "Negr o Boycott Could Have Serious, Lasting Effect o n Sales, Study Shows," Advertising Age 34 (Septembe r 30,1963) : 3. 51. Printer's Ink, Octobe r 4 , 1963 , 7; "No Christma s Boycott, " Crisis 70 (No vember 1963) : 555-556. 52. Joh n H . Britton, "Negroes Read y t o G o fo r Broke, " Jet, October 17,1963 , 47-48. 53. Ibid. , 49. 54. "Yul e Boycot t I s Senseless , Johnson Says, " Advertising Age 3 4 (Octobe r 21 , 1963): 3. 55. Rober t E . Weems Jr., "The Revolutio n Will B e Marketed : American Cor -

Notes to Chapter 4 \ 14 7 porations and Black Consumers during the 1960s," Radical History Review 59 (Spring 1994): 99-102. 56. Ibid. , 96-98. 57. "Smoothin g a Way for Right s Law, " Business Week, June 20,1964,32 . 58. Joh n Hop e Frankli n an d Alfred A. Moss Jr., From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans,! th. ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994) , 624-625. 59. Ibid. , 625. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4

1. Re x R . Campbel l an d Daniel M.Johnson, Black Migration in America: A Social Demographic History (Durham: Duke Universit y Press , 1981), 132. 2. A cross-sectio n o f suc h article s included : C . H. Hall , "Advertisers Guid e t o Marketing, 196 0 Negr o Market, " Printer's Ink 26 9 (Octobe r 30 , 1959) : 246-247; "Marketing to th e Negro Consumer ; Special Report," Sales Management 84 (Marc h 4, 1960) : 36-44; "The Negr o Marke t fo r Froze n Foods, " Quick Frozen Foods 22 (April 1960): 106-109;"Combine Medi a Ads, Displays, Promotions to Reach Negr o Market, Pane l Tells Adcrafters," Advertising Age 3 2 (Novembe r 19 , 1962): 52; "The Negro Consumer, " Electrical Merchandising Week 96 (April 27,1964): 13-26; Norman W. Spaulding, "Bridging th e Colo r Gap, " Public Relations Journal 25 (Apri l 1969) : 8-11; and Raymon d Oladipupo , "The Urba n Negr o Separat e & Distinct," Mediascope 13 (July 1969): 18, 76. 3. "Know-Ho w I s Key t o Sellin g Negro Marke t Today," Sponsor Negro Issue 15 (October 9,1961) : 26-27. 4. Joh n H.Johnso n an d Leron e Bennet t Jr. , Succeeding against the Odds (Ne w York:Warner Books , 1989), 173,179-180,229. 5. Ibid. , 156-157,287 . 6. Ibid. , 277-280. 7. Maurin e Christopher , "CORJi Seek s Mor e Integrate d Ads : COPJi Invite s 14 Majo r Advertiser s t o Discus s Usin g Negroe s i n Ads," Advertising Age 3 3 (Sep tember 9 , 1963) : 1, 128; Maurine Christopher , "COPJE Intensifie s Driv e fo r Ne groes i n Ads ; Zeroe s i n o n Pepsi-Col a Co., " Advertising Age 3 5 (Novembe r 9 , 1964): 3,71;"Boycott b y Negroes?" Printer's Ink 28 4 (Augus t 23,1963): 5-6;"Same Ad, Intelligently Done , Can Sel l to Both Whites, Negroes: Bullock," Advertising Age 31 (Jun e 12 , 1961) : 23; "Integrated Ad s No t Offensiv e t o Whites : Dalla s Grou p Told," Advertising Age 3 8 (Octobe r 14 , 1968) : 31; "Use o f Negr o Model s i n Ad s Won't Reduc e Sale s t o Whites, [Joh n H. ] Johnson Advise s Workshop," Advertising Age 3 8 (Decembe r 9 , 1968) : 24; "Use o f Black Model s i n Ads Doesn' t Alter Sale s Patterns, BofA Reports, " Advertising Age 40 (Novembe r 9,1970) : 52; Lester Guest , "How Negr o Model s Affec t Compan y Image, " Journal of Advertising Research 1 0 (April 1970) : 29-33. 8. Johnso n and Bennett, Succeeding against the Odds, 27.

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Notes to Chapter 5

9. The Negro Handbook (Chicago : Johnson Publishin g Company , 1966), 214. 10. D . Parke Gibson , "Advertising an d th e Dual Society : Challenge o f the Sev enties," Mediascope 1 3 (August 1969) : 63. 11. Elsi e Archer , "Ho w t o Sel l Today's Negr o Woman, " Sponsor 2 0 (Jul y 25 , 1966): 49. 12. Lawrenc e E. Black, "The Negro Market: Growing, Changing, Challenging," Sales Management 91 (Octobe r 4,1963) : 46. 13. Blac k adviser s t o American corporation s seeme d t o b e partially responsibl e for thi s development. See "Don't Contriv e Integrate d Ads, Johnson Advises," Advertising Age 3 3 (Septembe r 23 , 1963): 1, 111; "Help Negr o i n Imag e Effor t Via Ads, Wilkins Asks" Advertising Age 33 (Novembe r 11,1963) : 1,112. 14. "Th e Soul Market in Black and White," Sales Management 102 (June 1,1969): 37-41. 15. Ibid. , 37. 16. Ibid. , 40. 17. Ibid . 18. Zebra Associates: Why We Are . .. What We Are . .. Who We Are, 1969 compan y promotional pamphlet , 3—7, Carolyn R.Jone s Collection , Box 1 , Folder 1,Archive s Center, National Museu m o f History, Smithsonian Institution . 19. "Minorit y Training Program Part of Zebra's Operation," June 19,196 9 com pany pres s release, Carolyn R.Jone s Collection , Box 1 , Folder 1 , Archives Center , National Museu m o f History, Smithsonian Institution . 20. "Zebr a Agency Offers Top Talents to Small Black Advertisers," June 19,196 9 company press release, Carolyn R.Jones Collection , Box 1 , Folder 1,Archive s Cen ter, National Museum o f History, Smithsonian Institution . NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5

1. Curti s Mayfield , "N o Thin g o n M e (Cocain e Song), " Superfly (LP record : RSO Records , Inc., RS-1-3046; 1972). 2. The Social and Economic Status of the Black Population in the United States: An Historical View, 1790-1978 (Washington , D.C. : U.S. Bureau o f th e Census , 1979) , 14. 3. Re x R . Campbell an d Daniel M.Johnson, Black Migration in America: A Social Demographic History (Durham: Duke Universit y Press , 1981), 152. 4. Cobbet t S . Steinberg, Film Facts (NewYork : Facts On File , 1980), 46. 5. Jame s P. Murray, "The Subjec t I s Money," Black Creation 4 (Winte r 1973) : 26. 6. Ibid . 7. Danie l J. Leab, From Sambo to Superspade:The Black Experience in Motion Pictures (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1975) , 233; Robert E.Weems Jr.,"The Revolution Will Be Marketed : American Corporation s an d African-America n Consumer s durin g the 1960s, " Radical History Review 59 (Sprin g 1994) : 94-107.

Notes to Chapter 5 |

14 9

8. Donal d Bogle, Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies, & Bucks:An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films (New York: Continuum, 1989) , 215-217. 9. E d Guerrero , Framing Blackness: The African-American Image in Film (Philadelphia: Temple University Press , 1993), 73. 10. Bogle , Toms, Coons, 220-223; Guerrero, Framing Blackness, 78-79; Leab, From Sambo to Superspade, 234-237. 11. Leab , From Sambo to Superspade, 234. 12. Bogle , Toms, Coons, 238; Fred Beauford , "Black Movie s Creat e Box-Offic e Magic," Black Enterprise 4 (Septembe r 1972) : 53. 13. Guerrero , Framing Blackness, 82. 14. Steinberg , Film Facts, 86-87 ; "Hollywood's Ne w Public, " The Economist 247 (May 19,1973) : 53. 15. Murray , "The Subjec t I s Money," 26. 16. Ibid. ; "Hollywood's Ne w Public, " 53. 17. "Black s vs. Shaft," Newsweek 80 (Augus t 28,1972) : 88. 18. Ada m Davi d Miller , "Black Film s $$$: A Critique, " Black Scholar 4, (January 1973): 55. 19. Bogle , Toms, Coons, 241-245 . Donald Bogl e i s th e originato r o f th e ter m "Buckmania." 20. Theophilu s Green , "Th e Blac k Ma n a s Movi e Hero, " Ebony 2 7 (Augus t 1972): 148 ; Barbara Morro w Williams , "Filth vs . Lucre: The Blac k Community' s Tough Choice, " Psychology Today 7 (February 1974) : 102; Beauford, "Black Movies," 48. 21. "Hollywood' s Ne w Public, " 53. 22. Rolan d F . Jefferson, "Th e Blac k Fil m Boom : Decerebrate , Dangerou s an d Declining," Journal of the National Medical Association 67 (Januar y 1975) : 13. 23. Bogle , Toms, Coons, 251-252 ; Guerrero , Framing Blackness, 98-100 ; Nelso n George, Blackface: Reflections on African Americans and the Movies (Ne w York: HarperCollins, 1994), 57.The term"Superbadd Supermama, " again, is directly derived fro m Don Bogle' s classic work. 24. Beauford , "Black Movies, " 48; "Hollywood's Ne w Public, " 53; David Gra ham D u Bois , "Review o f Sounder" Black Scholar 4 (Januar y 1973) : 53-54; Bogle, Toms, Coons, 246-249 . 25. Beauford , "Black Movies, " 48; Murray, "The Subjec t I s Money," 29; Bogle, Toms, Coons, 245. 26. "Uptow n Saturda y Night, " Ebony 29 (Jul y 1974) : 52-53. 27. Variety 275 (Jul y 3,1974): 9; 276 (Octobe r 16,1974) : 9. 28. Leab , From Sambo to Superspade, 258-260. 29. Pear l Bowser,"History Lesson:Th e Boom I s Really an Echo," Black Creation 4 (Winte r 1973) : 34. 30. Williams , "Filth vs . Lucre," 98-99. 31. Ibid. , 99.

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Notes to Chapter 5

32. Ibid . 33. Ibid . 34. Ibid . 35. "Black s vs. Shaft/'88. 36. Ibid . 37. Michae l Mattox , "The Da y Black Movi e Star s Got Militant, " Black Creation 4 (Winte r 1973) : 40-42. 38. Ibid. , 42. 39. Alvi n J . Pouissaint , "Blaxploitatio n Movies : Chea p Thrill s Tha t Degrad e Blacks," Psychology Today 1 (Februar y 1974) : 22,26. 40. Ibid.,98. 41. Jame s P. Murray, To Find an Image: Black Films from Uncle Tom to Superfly (In dianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1973) , 168. 42. ReneeWard,"Blac k Films,Whit e Profits,"Black Scholar! (May 1976): 19-22. 43. Murray , To Find an Image, 168;"The Black Movie Boom " Newsweek 78 (September 6,1971) : 66. 44. Murray , To Find an Image, 168-169. 45. Leab , From Sambo to Superspade, 259. 46. Ward , "Black Films,Whit e Profits, " 21. 47. Jefferson , "The Blac k Movie Boom," 12; Guerrero, Framing Blackness, 97 . 48. Leab , From Sambo to Superspade, 262; Guerrero, Framing Blackness, 105. 49. Guerrero , Framing Blackness, 105. 50. George , Blackface, 63-64; Bogle, Toms, Coons, 262-264. 51. Shirle y H . Rhine , "The Economi c Statu s o f Blac k Americans, " Conference Board Record 9 (Augus t 1972) : 27,29. 52. Ibid. , 31. 53. "Beaut y Chemicals : The Ethni c Market, " Chemical Marketing Reporter 20 3 (Junel 1,1973): 36. 54. Ibid . 55. Catherin e Elli s Hunter,"Flori Roberts:Whit e Succes s in Black Cosmetics, " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 12 2 (Jun e 1978) : 32-36. 56. Charle s Marticorena, "Ethnic Market : Biggest Potential fo r Growt h i n Cos metics Industry," Chemical Marketing Reporter 207 (Jun e 23,1975): 38. 57. Ibid . 58. "Sellin g Blac k Cosmetic s Prove s a Tricky Business, " American Druggist 17 6 (August 1977) : 59-60. 59. Ibid. , 61. 60. "Avo n Aims New Line , Ad Effort a t Fast-Growing Blac k Market," Advertising Age 46 (Jul y 28,1975): 57. 61. Jame s P . Forkan, "Who s Who i n $350,000,00 0 Blac k Groomin g Market, " Advertising Age 43 (November 20,1972) : 96-97; "Essence Urges R & D fo r Blacks," Product Marketing 6 (Decembe r 1977) : 30.

Notes to Chapter 6 | 15 1 62. "Blac k Cosmetics : A Beautiful Business, " Chemical Week 120 (Jun e 8,1977) : 47. 63. Ibid. , 47-48. 64. "Essenc e Urge s R & D fo r Blacks," 1,30 . 65. Ibid. , 31. 66. Grayso n Mitchell,"Battle of the Rouge," Black Enterprise 9 (August 1978): 25. 67. Ibid . 68. Ibid . 69. Ibid. , 26. 70. Rober t E.Weem s Jr., Black Business in the Black Metropolis (Bloomington: Indiana Universit y Press , 1996), 103. 71. Jaco b M. Duker and Charle s E. Hughes, "The Black-Owned Lif e Insuranc e Company: Issue s an d Recommendations, " Journal of Risk and Insurance 4 0 (Jun e 1973): 223. 72. Ibid. , 225. 73. Ibid. , 226. 74. "Th e Bedroc k o f Black Wealth," Black Enterprise 10 , June, 1980,141. 75. "Th e Prudentia l Insuranc e Compan y o f America" and "Metropolitan Lif e Insurance Company," Best's Insurance Reports: Life-Health 1979 (Oldwick , N.J.: A. M. Best Company , 1979) , 1580,1180. 76. Monro e Anderson,"Blac k Advertisin g Agencies Are Attempting t o Ge t th e Black Market," National Observer (November 13,1971) : 1 l;Ted Angelus,"Black Fil m Explosion Uncover s a n Untapped, Rich Market, " Advertising Age 43 (Jul y 24,1972: 51,53. 77. "Blac k Medi a Les s Efficient , Y 8c R Says, " Advertising Age 4 3 (Apri l 3 , 1972): 1 . 78. Ibid . 79. "Ou r Longevit y Show s We've Been Efficient : [Joh n H. ] Johnson," Advertising Age 43 (Ma y 29,1972): 50. 80. Joh n H.Johnson,"Blac k Medi a Fil l Needs Not Recognize d Elsewhere," Advertising Age 50 (Apri l 16,1979) : S-25. 81. Anderson , "Black Advertising Agencies," 11. 82. Bo b Donath, "Black-Owned Shop s Still Seeking Identity," Advertising Age 48 (May 16,1977) : 3. 83. Ibid. , 98. 84. Ibid. , 96. 85. Ibid. , 3. NOTES T O CHAPTE R 6

1. Charle s Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities (New York: Bantam Books, 1981; originally published i n 1859) , 1.

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2. Davi d H . Swinton, "Economic Statu s o f Black Americans durin g th e 1980s : A Decade o f Limited Progress," in The State of Black America 1990, ed. Janet Dewar t (NewYork: National Urban League , 1990), 25-52. Other publishe d works that sur vey th e economi c statu s o f African American s durin g th e 1980 s includ e Andre w Brimmer, "Economic Outlook: Reaganomics and the Black Community, ,, Black Enterprise 1 2 (Decembe r 1981) : 43-44; Timothy Bates , "The Declinin g Relativ e In comes o f Urba n Blac k Households, " Challenge 26 (May-Jun e 1983) : 48-49 ; Reynolds Farle y an d Suzann e M . Bianchi , "The Growin g Ga p betwee n Blacks, " American Demographics 5 (Jul y 1983) : 15-18;"Americas Underclass, " Economist 298 (March 15,1986) : 29-32. 3. Rober t B . Hill, "The Economi c Statu s o f Black Americans," in The State of Black America 1981, ed. James D.Williams (New York: National Urban League, 1981), 7; Davi d H . Swinton, "The Economi c Statu s of the Black Population," in The State of Black America 1983, ed . James D.William s (Ne w York: National Urba n League , 1983), 45. 4. Deny s Vaughn-Cooke, "The Economi c Stat e o f Black America—Is There a Recovery?" The State of Black America 1984, ed. James D.Williams (Ne w York: National Urban League , 1984), 18. 5. Ibid. , 14-15. 6. Swinton , "Economic Statu s of Black Americans durin g th e 1980s, " 47. 7. Ibid.,34-35 . 8. Jerom e D.William s an d William J. Quails , "Middle-Class Blac k Consumer s and Intensity of Ethnic Identification," Psychology & Marketing 6 (Winter 1989) : 267. 9. Rober t B . Hill, "The Blac k Middle Class : Past, Present an d Future, " The State of Black America 1986 (Ne w York: National Urba n League , 1986), 43-44. 10. Ibid. , 48. 11. Ibid. , 48-49. 12. Ibid. , 50-52. 13. Ibid. , 52,56. 14. Willia m O'Hare , "I n th e Black, " American Demographics 1 1 (Novembe r 1989): 25. 15. Ibid. , 26. 16. Ibid. , 26-27. 17. Ibid. , 27. 18. Herber t Allen, "Product Appeal: No Clas s Barrier," Advertising Age 52 (Ma y 18,1981): S-4. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid. 22. Ibid. 23. B . Drake Stelle , "Publishers Se e Segmentatio n i n Black Market, " Advertising Age 52 (May 18,1981) : S-6. 24. William s an d Quails , "Middle Clas s Black Consumers, " 270,272.

Notes to Chapter 6 \ 15 3 25. Jame s C. Lawson, "Financial Services Target Segment within a Segment," Advertising Age 57 (Augus t 25,1986): S-l, S-2 . 26. Ibid. , S-2. 27. Georg e A. Hacker, Ronald Collins , and Michae l Jacobson, Marketing Booze to Blacks (Washington, D C : Cente r fo r Scienc e i n th e Publi c Interest , 1987) , 6 ; "Black Figure s t o Be Bigger," Advertising Age 52 (Jul y 27,1981): S-12. 28. Ibid . 29. Hacker , Collins, and Jacobson, Marketing Booze to Blacks, 3. 30. Ibid. , 12-13 . 31. Ibid. , 13-14. 32. Ibid. , 14. 33. Ibid. , 18. 34. Ibid. , 18,20. 35. Ibid. , 20. 36. Ibid. , 15-17. 37. Ibid. , 11. 38. Ibid. , 12. 39. Ibid. , 11-12. 40. Ibid. , 22. 41. Ibid. , 23. 42. Cynthi a Durcanin : "Sign o f the Times: 'Sin' Ads Target Blacks," Atlanta Constitution, March 26,1989,14A . 43. Ibid. , 1,5 . 44. Ibid. , 31. 45. Ibid. , 33. 46. Ibid. , 34. 47. Ibid. , 32. 48. Ibid. , 34-35. 49. Ibid. , 37. 50. Djata,"Th e Marketing ofVices to Black Consumers," Business and Society Review 62 (Summe r 1987) : 49. 51. Gai l Baker Woods, Advertising and Marketing to the New Majority (Belmont, Calif. :Wadsworth, 1995), 110;Judann Dagnoli,"RJR s Uptow n Targets Blacks," Advertising Age 60 (Decembe r 16,1989) : 44. 52. Bake r Woods, Advertising and Marketing to the New Majority, 111. 53. Ibid . 54. Ibid . 55. Durcanin , "Sign o f the Times,": 'Sin' Ads Target Blacks," 1 A. 56. Patrici a Edmonds, "Are Tobacco, Alcohol Industrie s Friend s o r Foe s of Minorities?" Miami Herald, August 13,1989,5G . 57. Bill y J. Tidwell, "Black Wealth: Facts and Fiction "in The State of Black America 1988, ed. Janet Dewart (NewYork : National Urba n League , 1988), 195. 58. Ibid .

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NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7

1. Jeffre y M . Humphreys , "Blac k Buyin g Powe r b y Plac e o f Residence : 1990-1996," Georgia Business and Economic Conditions 55 (July-Augus t 1995) : 2. 2. Randal l Rothenberg, "Blacks Are Found to Be Still Scarce in Advertisements in Major Magazines, " NewYork Times,July 23,1991 , A-7. 3. Ibid . 4. Ibid . 5. Josep h M.Winski,"The Ad Industry's 'Dirty Littl e Secret'," A advertising Age 63 (June 15,1992) : 16,38. 6. Ibid. , 16. 7. Lowel l Thompson, "Blacks in Ad Agencies: It Use d t o b e Better," Advertising Age 63 (Novembe r 16,1992) : 22. 8. Ibid . 9. "African-Americans, " Adweek's Marketing Week 32 (Januar y 21,1991): 19. 10. Laur a Bird , "Marketers Mis s Ou t b y Alienating Blacks, " Wall Street Journal, April 9,1993 , B8. 11. Adrienn e Ward, "What Role Do Ads Play in Racial Tension," Advertising Age 63 (Augus t 10,1992) : 1. 12. Ibid . 13. Bruc e Horovitz , "Harmonic Convergence : Racial Tolerance I s Suddenl y a Hot Topic in Advertising," Los Angeles Times, January 19,1993 , D l. 14. Ibid.,D6 . 15. Richar d Corliss , "Boyz o f Ne w Blac k City, " Time 13 7 (Jun e 17 , 1991) : 64-68. 16. Joh n Lelan d and Donna Foote," A Bad Omen fo r Black Movies?" Newsweek 118 (Jul y 29,1991): 48. 17. Ibid. , 48-49. 18. Mar k Lower y an d Nadira h Z . Sabir, "The Makin g of'Hollywood,' " Black Enterprise 25 (Decembe r 1994) : 108. 19. Corliss , "Boyz o f New Blac k City, " 68. 20. Jess e A. Rhines, Black Film/White Money (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s University Press , 1996), 7. 21. A cross-section o f contemporary article s focusing o n continuin g economi c deprivation i n th e African America n communit y includes : "Black Americans: Still Trailing Behind," Economist 314 (Marc h 3,1990): 17-19; "America's Blacks: A World Apart," Economist 318 (Marc h 30 , 1991): 17-18; Henry Loui s Gate s Jr., "Two Na tions . . . Bot h Black, " Forbes 15 0 (Septembe r 14,1992) : 132-135. Perhaps the mos t debated scholarl y stud y o f the underclas s i s William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1987). Among a number o f other studies of the urban black poor are Michael B. Katz, ed., The Underclass Debate: Views from History (Princeton: Princeton

Notes to Chapter 7 | 15 5 University Press , 1993) , an d Dougla s S . Massey an d Nanc y A . Denton , American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge , Mass.: Harvard University Press , 1993). 22. Rober t E.Weem s Jr.,*'Black America durin g th e 1960s:Wha t Reall y Hap pened?" Western Journal of Black Studies 1 4 (Fall 1990) : 155. 23. Rhines , Black Film /White Money, 106,112, 24. Ibid. , 110-111 . 25. Kare n Grigsb y Bates , "They've Gott a Hav e Us : Hollywood's Blac k Direc tors," New York Times Magazine, July 14,1991,18 . 26. Ibid . 27. Ibid . 28. Rhines , Black Film/White Money, 69. 29. Ibid. , 72-73. 30. Lower y and Sabir , "Hollywood," 112 . 31. Ibid . 32. Rhines , Black Film/White Money, 171-172 . 33. Ibid. , 7. 34. Ibid. , 96. 35. The Bowker Annual: Library and Book Trade Almanac, 38t h ed . (Ne w Provi dence, N.J.: R. R. Bowker, 1993), 567; The Bowker Annual, 39th ed . (1994), 625. 36. Billboard,]une 8,1996,118. 37. The Bowker Annual, 40th ed . (1995), 599-600. 38. The Bowker Annual, 41st ed. (1996), 638. 39. Variety 361 (Januar y 1-7,1996) : 12. 40. Ibid. , 362 (Apri l 29-May 5,1996) : 12. 41. Billboard,May It, 1996,60;Ma y 18,1996,65;Ma y 25,1996,80;June 1,1996 , 81;July6,1996,82. 42. Pat Sloan , "New Maybellin e Lin e Targets Blacks, " Advertising Age 6 1 (De cember 17,1991) : 1. 43. Ibid. , 36. 44. Carolin e V. Clarke, "Redefining Beautiful, " Black Enterprise 2 3 (Jun e 1993) : 243,246,248. 45. Ibid. , 244. 46. Ibid. , 248. 47. Bret t Pulley , "Johnson Product s Agrees t o $6 7 Millio n Iva x Buyout, " Wall Street Journal, June 15,1993 , B3. 48. Ibid . 49. Matthe w S . Scott , "B.E . Financial s Overview, " Black Enterprise 2 6 (Jun e 1996): 164 ; Robert E.Weem s Jr. , "A Crumblin g Legacy : The Declin e o f Africa n American Insuranc e Companie s i n Contemporar y America," Review of Black Political Economy 23 (Fal l 1994) : 25-37. 50. Scott , "B.E. Financials Overview," 164;Weems,"A Crumblin g Legacy," 31.

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Notes to Chapter 7

51. Weems," A Crumblin g Legacy, " 31-32. 52. Marjori e Whigham-Desir,'The Rea l Black Power," Black Enterprise 26 (July 1996): 62. 53. Ibid . 54. Claudi a M. Abercrumbie," Corporate America: It's Your Move!" Emphasis 94 (official progra m o f the 42 d meetin g o f the Nationa l Association o f Market Devel opers, Dallas, Texas, 1994): 12. 55. Whigham-Desir,'Th e Rea l Black Power, " 62. 56. "W e Must Stop the MADNESS!!!," Black Heritage Products, Inc., Newsletter 22 (October/November 1996) : 1.

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D C : Governmen t Printin g Office , 1935 . . Negro Population, 1790-1915. Washington , D.C: Government Printin g Of fice, 1918. .The Social and Economic Status of the Black Population in the United States: An

Historical View, 1790-1978. Washington , D.C : Governmen t Printin g Office , 1979. U.S. Department o f Commerce. Guide to Negro Marketing Information. Washington, D.C: Government Printin g Office , 1966 . U.S. Departmen t o f th e Interior . The Urban Negro Worker in the United States:

1925-1936.Washington, D.C : Government Printin g Office , 1938 . U.S. Department o f Labor. Negroes in the United States:Their Employment and Economic

Status. Washington, D C: Governmen t Printin g Office , 1952 . SECONDARY SOURCE S Books and Articles

Abarbanel, Albert, and Alex Haley. "A New Audience for Radio." Harper's 212 (Feb ruary 1956) : 57-59. Abercrumbie, Claudia M . "Corporate America: It's Your Move!" Emphasis 94 (offi cial program o f the 42 d meetin g o f the Nationa l Association o f Market Devel opers, Dallas, Texas, 1994). 157

158 |

Selected Bibliography

"Adman's Guide to Negro Media." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 21 (July 1967): 42-45,48-51. "Ads in Negro-Market Medi a Do Double Duty with Negro Buyers, Zimmer Says." Advertising Age 35 (1 3 January 1964) : 72. "Ads Progress in Portraying Blacks but Stil l Fall Short, Study Finds !' Advertising Age 40 ( 3 February 1969) : 87. "Ads San s Minorities Distor t U.S . Image, Says N.Y. Committee." Advertising Age 34 (4 March 1963) : 28. "Advice o n th e Negro. " Business Week (13 April 1940) : 47-48. "African-Americans." Adweek's Marketing Week 32 (2 1 January 1991) : 18-21. Alexis, Marcus . "Pathways t o th e Negr o Market. " Journal of Negro Education 28 (Spring 1959) : 114-27. ."Patterns o f Blac k Consumption , 1935-1960. " Journal of Black Studies 1 (September 1970) : 55-74. Allen, Bonnie. "The Mach o Men : What Eve r Happened t o Them?" Essence 9 (Feb ruary 1979) : 62,90-98. Allen, Herbert . "Produc t Appeal : N o Clas s Barrier. " Advertising Age 5 2 (1 8 Ma y 1981):S-4,S-14. ."Black Media's Low Profile Pose s a Problem." Advertising Age 52 (1 9 Octo ber 1981) : S-52. Allen, Joe. "Ethnic Skin/Hai r Product s U p 12-20 % i n '79 ; Misconceptions Stil l Cause Lost Millions in Sales. " Supermarket Business 35 (Ma y 1980) : 26. "America's Blacks: A World Apart." Economist 318 (3 0 March 1991) : 17-19. "America's Underclass: Doomed t o Fail in the Land of Opportunity." Economist 298 (15 March 1988) : 29-32. Anderson, Al. "White Agencies Shoul d Use Black Shops as Consultants." Advertising Age 50 (1 6 April 1979) : S-18. Anderson, Hayward S . "Competition i n th e Fac e o f Integration. " Negro Educational Review 15 (April 1964) : 51-59. Anderson, Monroe. "Black Advertising Agencies Are Attempting t o Ge t th e Blac k Market." National Observer (13 November 1971) : 11 . Andreason, Alan R . Improving Inner-City Marketing. Chicago : American Marketin g Association, 1972. . The Disadvantaged Consumer. Ne w York: Free Press, 1975. ."The Differing Natur e of Consumerism in the Ghetto."Journal of Consumer Affairs 10 (Winter 1976) : 179-90. Angelus, Ted. "Black Fil m Explosion Uncover s a n Untapped , Rich Market. " Advertising Age 43 (2 4 July 1972) : 51-53. Aptheker, Herbert, ed. A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, 1933-1945No\. 3 . Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1974. "Are You Intereste d i n a Marke t Wort h Te n Billio n Dollars. " Pepsi Cola 8 (Ma y 1948): 6,15.

Selected Bibliography | 15 9 Atwan, Robert , Donal d McQuade , an d Joh n W . Wright . Edsels, Luckies, and Frigidaires: Advertising the American Way. Ne w York: Dell, 1979. "Avon Aims New Line, Ad Effort a t Fast-Growing Black Market." Advertising Age 46 (28 July 1975) : 57. Bailey, Ronald W., ed. Black Business Enterprise: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives. Ne w York: Basic Books, 1971. Banner, Lois. American Beauty. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1983. Barry,Thomas E., and Michael G . Harvey. "Marketing to Heterogenous Black Con sumers." California Management Review 17 (Winte r 1974) : 50-57. Barthel, Diane. Putting on Appearances: Gender and Advertising. Philadelphia : Temple University Press , 1987. Bates, Karen Grigsby . "They've Gott a Hav e Us: Hollywood's Black Directors." New York Times Magazine (14 July 1991) : 15-19, 38-40,44. Bates, Timothy M . Black Capitalism: A Quantitative Analysis. New York : Praeger, 1973. ."The Declinin g Relativ e Income s o f Urban Blac k Households. " Challenge 26 (May-Jun e 1983) : 48-49. "Battle of the Lunch Counters : Latest Drive for Integration. " U.S. News & World Report 48 ( 7 March 1960) : 44-46. Bauer, Raymond A., and Scott M. Cunningham. "The Negro Market."Journal of Advertising Research 1 0 (April 1970) : 3-13. Bauer, Raymond A., Scott M. Cunningham, and Lawrenc e H . Wortzel. "The Mar keting Dilemma o f Negroes ."Journal of Marketing 29 (Jul y 1965) : 1-6 . Beauford, Fred . "Black Movie s Creat e Box-Offic e Magic. " Black Enterprise 4 (Sep tember 1972) : 47-53. "Beauty Chemicals : The Ethni c Market. " Chemical Marketing Reporter 203 (1 1 June 1973): 35-36. "Be Honest in Ads Addressed to Negro Market, Adclub Told." Advertising Age 39 (3 0 September 1968) : 64. Bell, William K. 15 Million Negroes and 15 Billion Dollars. Ne w York: William K. Bell, 1958. "Be Sur e Negroes Feature d in Ads Are Identified wit h Civi l Rights Effort: Robin son" Advertising Age 38 (1 0 April 1967) : 12. Bird, Laura. "Marketers Mis s Ou t b y Alienating Blacks." Wall Street Journal (9 April 1993): B8. Black, Lawrence E . "The Negr o Market : Growing , Changing , Challenging. " Sales Management 91 ( 4 October 1963) : 42-47. "Black Agencies Should Be Used to Reach Blac k Markets, Wright Says. " Advertising Age 40 ( 3 February 1969) : 87. "Black Americans: Still Trailing Behind." Economist 314 ( 3 March 1990) : 17-19. "The Blac k Consumer : A Major Ne w Forc e in th e American Economy. " Black Enterprise 4 (Novembe r 1973) : 17-21.

160 |

Selected Bibliography

"Black Cosmetics : A Beautiful Business. " Chemical Week (8 June 1977) : 47-49. "Black Cosmetic s Marke t Continue s t o Expand. " American Druggist 179 (Apri l 1979): 55-56. "Black Enterprise Plan s Researc h o n Blac k Consumer. " Advertising Age 4 3 (1 7 July 1972): 20. "Black [Alcoho l Consumption ] Figure s t o b e Bigger. " Advertising Age 5 2 (2 7 July 1981): S-12. "Black Is. " Sales Management 10 3 (15 September 1969) : 64-68. "Black Loo k i n Beauty." Time 93 (1 1 April 1969) : 72-74. "Black Market." Time 99 (1 0 April 1972) : 53. "Black Medi a Les s Efficient , Y & R Says. " Advertising Age 4 3 ( 3 April 1972) : 1 , 68. "The Blac k Movie Boom." Newsweek 78 ( 6 September 1971) : 66. "Black Music Formats Found Goo d a s Gold in Pulling Audiences." Television/Radio Age 35 (2 1 March 1988):A10-A20 . "Black Powe r in the Marketplace." Sales Management 97 (1 5 September 1966) : 36. "Blacks vs. Shaft." Newsweek 80 (2 8 August 1972) : 88. Blake, Pack. "Reaching th e Worlds Nint h Larges t Market " Public Relations Journal 41 (Jun e 1985) : 30-31. Bogle, Donald. Toms, Coons, Mulattoes, Mammies & Bucks: An Interpretive History of Blacks in American Films. New York: Continuum, 1989 . Bowser, Pearl . "History Lesson : The Boo m I s Reall y a n Echo. " Black Creation 4 (Winter 1973) : 32-34. "Boycott b y Negroes?" Printer's Ink 28 4 (2 3 August 1963) : 5-6. Boyd, Dale E. "Black Radio: A Direct an d Personal Invitation. " Media-scope 26 (Au gust 1969) : 14-15. Boyenton, William H . "Th e Negr o Turn s t o Advertising. " Journalism Quarterly 4 2 (Spring 1965) : 227-35. Boyer, Horace Clarence. How Sweet the Sound: The Golden Age of Gospel. Washington, D.C.: Elliott & Clark, 1995. Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-1963. Ne w York: Touchstone Books, 1988. Brimmer, Andrew F."Th e Negr o i n th e Nationa l Economy." In The American Negro Reference Book, edite d b y John P . Davis, 251-336. Englewood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall, 1966. . "Economic Outlook : Reaganomics an d th e Black Community. " Black Enterprise 1 2 (December 1981) : 43-44. Brittonjohn H . "Negroes Read y t o G o fo r Broke."Jet (1 7 October 1963) : 46-50. Bro, Margueritte Harmon . "Up b y th e Bootstraps. " Christian Century 53 ( 1 April 1936): 492-94. BrownJ. Clinton. "Which Black Is Beautiful?" Advertising Age 64 (1 February 1993) : 19.

Selected Bibliography |

16 1

Bryant Jr., Keith L. , and Henr y C . Dethloff. A History of AmericanBusiness. Engle wood Cliffs , N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1983. Bullock, Henry Allen. Pathways to the Houston Negro Market. Ann Arbor, Mich.: J.W. Edwards, 1957. ."Consumer Motivation s i n Blac k an d White—I." Harvard Business Review 39 (Ma y 1961) : 89-104. ."Consumer Motivation s i n Black an d White—II."Harvard Business Review 39 (Jul y 1961) : 110-24. Buni, Robert. Robert L. Vann of the Pittsburgh Courier. Pittsburgh : University o f Pittsburgh Press , 1974. "Burgeoning Middl e Clas s Boostin g Negr o Buyin g Power. " Sales Management 9 3 (20 November 1964) : 77-78. Burrows Jr., Felix A. "More Researc h $ Needed t o Reach Blac k Consumer" Advertising Age 50 (1 6 April 1979) : S-18. "Business and Governmen t Leader s to Aid Stud y o f Negro Market. " Sales Management 28 (1 0 January 1931) : 78. Butler, John S . Entrepreneurship and Self Help among Black Americans. Albany : Stat e

University o f New York Press, 1991. Cayton, Horac e C , an d St . Clai r Drake . Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a

Northern City. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1945,1970 . Chinyelu, Mamadou. "No Colo r i n Magazin e Ads." Black Enterprise 22 (Decembe r 1991): 11. Choudhury, Pravat, and Lawrence Schmid. "Black Models in Advertising to Blacks." Journal of AdvertisingResearch 14 (Jun e 1974) : 1 9 - 2 3 .

Choudhury, Pravat K. "Marketing Bank Service s to Blacks ."Journal of Bank Research 8 (Sprin g 1978) : 52-57. Christopher, Maurine . "Desegregate Ads, TV, Lever Tells Agencies." Advertising Age 34(12Augustl963):l,8. . "P&G I s Next COR E Target : Agencies Later. " Advertising Age 34 (2 6 August 1963) : 3,251. ."CORE Seek s More Integrate d Ads: C O RE Invite s 1 4 Major Advertiser s to Discuss Using Negroes i n Ads." Advertising Age 33 ( 9 September 1963) . . "CORE Seek s Mor e Integrate d Ads ; NAACP Tells 4A' s o f 5-Poin t Pro gram" Advertising Age 34 ( 9 September 1963) : 1,128. ."COPJE Intensifie s Drive for Negroes in Ads; Zeroes in on Pepsi-Cola Co." Advertising Age 35 ( 9 November 1964) : 3, 71. ."TV: Negroes Break into Commercials , Shows." Advertising Age 39 (3 0 December 1968) : 3. ."Integrated TV Ads Draw Praise of Admen."Advertising Age 40 ( 3 February 1969): 3,108. "Civil Rights Bill: No Limit s on th e Customers. " Business Week (29 June 1963) : 95. Clarke, CarolineV."Redefining Beautiful.' , Black Enterprise 23 (Jun e 1993) : 243-52.

162 |

Selected Bibliography

Claspy, Jane. "Johnson Products : Black I s Stil l Beautiful." Drug & Cosmetic Industry 141 (Decembe r 1987) : 24-25,72-73. "Clients See k Advice o n Negr o Market. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 2 0 (2 5 July 1966) : 40-43. Coates, Colby. "Arbitron Studie s Ways to Track Black Audience." Advertising Age 49 (5Junel978):95. Cohen, Dorothy . "Advertising an d th e Blac k Community. " Journal of Marketing 34 (October (1970) : 3-11. Cohen, Laurie P . "Slowdown i n Advertising t o Black s Strain s Blac k Ad Firm s an d Media" Wall Street Journal (23 March 1988) : 2-1. Cohen, William. At Freedom's Edge: Black Mobility and the Southern White Quest for Racial Control, 1861-1915. Bato n Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991. Coles Jr., Flournoy A. Black Economic Development. Chicago : Nelson-Hall, 1975. Colfax, J. David, and Susa n Franke l Sternberg. "The Perpetuatio n o f Racial Stereo types: Black s i n Mass-Circulatio n Magazin e Advertisements. " Public Opinion Quarterly 36 (Sprin g 1972) : 8-18. Colford, Steven W. "Black Boycott of Advertisers Mulled." Advertising Age 57 (13 October 1986) : 24. Colle, Royal. "Negro Imag e i n th e Mas s Media: A Cas e in Socia l Change." Journalism Quarterly 45 (Sprin g 1968) : 55-60. "Combine Medi a Ads , Displays, Promotions t o Reac h Negr o Market , Pane l tell s Adcrafters." Advertising Age 32 (1 9 November 1962) : 52. "Consumers' Cooperation amon g Negroe s i n Gary , Ind." Monthly Labor Review 42 (February 1936) : 369-71. Cook, Marvin K. "Modern Negro Cosmetics II." Drug & Cosmetic Industry 106 (May 1970): 42-44. "CORE, Peps i En d Flareu p Base d o n Misunderstanding. " Advertising Age 3 5 (1 6 November 1964) : 143. "CORE Please d with Advertisers'Attitude in Latest Meeting." Advertising Age 35 (30 November 1964) : 46. Corliss, Richard. "Boyz of New Blac k City. " Time 137 (1 7 June 1991) : 64-68. "Cosmetic Maker s Explor e Underdevelope d Blac k Market. " Product Marketing and Cosmetic & Fragrance Retailing 1 0 (December 1981) : 1,21,26. "Courting th e Black Billionaire." Media-scope 1 3 (August 1969) : 41-42,66-70,82. Cox, Keith K. "Social Effects o f Integrated Advertising."Journal of Advertising Research 10 (April 1970) : 41-44. Culley, James, and Rex Bennett . "Selling Women, Selling Blacks? Journalof Communications 26 (Autum n 1976) : 160-74. Dagnoli,Judann."RJRs Uptow n Targets Blacks." A advertising Age 60 (1 6 Decembe r 1989): 4,44. Daniel, Pete. The Shadow of Slavery: Peonage in the South, 1901-1969. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1972,1990.

Selected Bibliography |

16 3

Darity Jr., William J. "Illusions of Black Economic Progress. " Review of Black Political Economy 1 0 (Winte r 1980) : 153-68. Dates, Jannette L. , and William Barlow, eds. Split Image: African Americans in the Mass Media. Washington, D.C.: Howard Universit y Press , 1990. Davis, Donald A. "Ethnic Cosmetics : What Are We Waiting For? " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 139 (Octobe r 1986) : 32-36, 90. . "Black Cosmetics : Affront Cost s Revlon. " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 14 0 (February 1987) : 42-46. Davis, Riccardo A. "Advertisers Boost Minorit y Efforts. " Advertising Age 64 (1 6 August 1993) : 12. Delener, Nejdet . "Cosmetic s & HBA s fo r Blac k Consumers : A Growing , Prof itable—But Ignored—Market. " Marketing News 20 (1 5 March 1986) : 32. Detweiler, Frederick G . The Negro Press in America. Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press22. Dietrich, Robert F . "Know Your Blac k Shopper : Race Ma y B e On e ofYou r Leas t Important Clues. " Progressive Grocer 54 (Jun e 1975) : 45-46. Dillingham, McKinley. "To Hik e Profi t Margins , Learn t o Tap Blac k Market. " Advertising Age 50 (1 6 April 1979) : S-29. Djata. "The Marketin g o f Vices t o Blac k Consumers. " Business and Society Review (Summer 1987) : 47-49. Dominick, Joseph R. , and Bradley S. Greenburg. "Three Season s of Blacks on Television." JW of AdvertisingResearch 1 0 (Apri l 1970) : 21-27. Donaton, Scott. "Census May Mean Minorit y Medi a Jackpot." Advertising Age 62 (5 August 1991) : 12. "Don't Contriv e 'Integrated' Ads, Johnson Advises." Advertising Age 34 (2 3 Septem ber 1963) : 1, 111. Drake, J. G . St . Clair . "Wh y No t Co-operate? " Opportunity 1 4 (Augus t 1936) : 231-34,251. Dubey, Sumati N. "Blacks' Preference fo r Black Professionals, Businessmen, and R e ligious Leaders." Public Opinion Quarterly 34 (Sprin g 1970) : 113-16. Du Bois , William Edwar d Burghardt . Economic Cooperation among Negroes. Atlanta : Atlanta University Press, 1907. . "Georgia Negroe s an d Their Fift y Million s o f Savings. " Worlds Work 18 (May 1909) : 11550-54. ."The Negro' s Industria l Plight." Crisis 38 (Jul y 1931) : 241-42. . "A Negr o Natio n withi n th e Nation. " Current History 42 (Jun e 1935) : 265-70. Dugas, Christine, and Kennet h Dreyfack . "A Gaff e a t Revlon Has the Black Com munity Seething. " Business Week (9 February 1987) : 36-37. Duker,Jacob M. , and Charles E. Hughes. "The Black-Owne d Lif e Insuranc e Com pany: Issues and Recommendations "Journal of Risk and Insurance 40 (June 1973): 221-30.

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Bibliography

Durcanin, Cynthia. "Sign o f the Times:'Sin'Ads Target Bhcks! J Atlanta Constitution (26 March 1989) : 1A, 14A. "Ebony Surve y Reveal s Negr o Buyin g Habits. " Advertising Age 2 1 (2 8 July 1950) : 16-17. "Economically the Negro Gains, But He's Still the Low Man." Business Week (18 December 1954) : 76-96. "The Economi c Futur e o f the Negro " The Outlook 82 (2 0 January 1906) : 102-3. "Economic Pressur e of Negro Consume r Expanding." Advertising Age 32 (28 August 1961): 32. Edmonds, Patricia. "Are Tobacco, Alcohol Industries Friends or Foes of Minorities?" Miami Herald (13 August 1989) : 4G-5G. ."Who Donate s What t o Minority Groups!'Miami Herald (13 August 1989) : 3G. Edwards, Paul K. The Southern Urban Negro as a Consumer. Ne w York: Prentice-Hall, 1932. EHe, L.Eric. "Black History: Corporate Imag e Ads Abound." Atlanta Constitution (15 February 1989) : IB. Epstein, Edwin M., and David R. Hampton. Black Americans and White Business. En cino, Calif.: Dickenson, 1971. "Essence Urges R & D fo r Blacks. " Product Marketing and Cosmetic & Fragrance Retail-

ing 6 (Decembe r 1977) : 1,30-31. "Ethnic Marke t Wants Bette r Products/Service. " Product Marketing and Cosmetic & Fragrance Retailing 9 (Marc h 1980) : S4-S6.

Evans Jr., W. Leonard, an d H . Naylo r Fitzhugh . "The Negr o Market—Tw o Viewpoints." Media-scope 1 1 (Novembe r 1967) : 70-78. Evans, Linda J. "Claude A. Barnett an d th e Associated Negr o Press. " Chicago History 12 (Summe r 1983) : 44-56. Ewen, Stuart . Captains of Consciousness: Advertising and the Social Roots of Consumer

Culture. Ne w York: McGraw-Hill, 1976 . "Experiment i n Ne w Orleans. " Pepsi-Cola World 1 4 (September 1954) : 3-4. "The Far-Flowin g Negro Tide." Newsweek 50 (2 3 December 1957) : 21-27. Farley, Reynolds, and Suzann e M . Bianchi. "The Growin g Ga p Betwee n Blacks. " American Demographics 5 (Jul y 1983) : 15-18 .

Favrot, Leo M . "How Chamber s o f Commerc e Ca n Hel p Solv e th e Negr o Prob lem." American City Magazine 33 (Augus t 1925) : 194-96. Feeheryjohn. "Purex Launche s Ads in Ebony in Test of'Subtleties ' o f Negro Mar keting." AdvertisingAge 36 ( 1 February 1965) : 4,46. . "Negro Marke t Sough t Becaus e o f Hard-Heade d Economics : Johnson." Advertising Age 36 (2 9 November 1965) : 3,14. "The 1 5 Billion Dolla r Market." The Negro History Bulletin 18 (October 1954) : 12. Finley, Skip. "12% Market Shar e i s 12%—N o Matte r What th e Source. " Advertising Age 50 (1 6 April 1979) : S-26.

Selected Bibliography \ 16 5 Fisher, Christy. "Ethnics Gai n Market Clout. " Advertising Age 62 ( 5 August 1991) : 3. Fisher, Paul, and Ralph Lowenstein, eds. Race and the Mass Media. New York: Praeger, 1967. Fletcher, Lind a P . The Negro in the Insurance Industry. Philadelphia: Universit y o f Pennsylvania Press , 1970. . "The Black-Owne d Insuranc e Company : Furthe r Comments." Journal of Risk and Insurance 42 (Jun e 1975) : 351-54. Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877. Ne w York: Harper & Row, 1988. "Food, Clothin g Ge t Mos t o f Negroes ' 1 0 Billion. " Advertising Age 1 8 (2 4 Marc h 1947): 50. Forkan, James P. "Black Ownershi p o f Radio Grows—Slowly/ ' Advertising Age 41 (9 February 1970) : 10. ."Who's Who i n $350,000,000 Black Groomin g Market." Advertising Age 43 (20 November 1972) : 96-97. Fowler, Bertram B . "Miracle i n Gary : The Negr o Grope s towar d Economic Equal ity." Forum & Century 96 (Septembe r 1936) : 134-37. Fox, Stephen. The Mirror Makers: A History of American Advertisers and Its Creators. NewYork:Vintage Books , 1985. Franklin, John Hope , an d Alfred A . Moss Jr. From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans. 7t h ed . New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994 . Frazier, Edward Franklin. Black Bourgeoisie: The Rise of a New Middle Class in America. New York: Collier, 1957,1962 . Freeman, Laurie. "Big Marketers Move in on Ethnic Haircare." Advertising Age 57 (12 May 1987) : 24,28. Friend, Irwin, and Irvin g B. Kravis. "New Ligh t o n th e Consume r Market. " Harvard Business Review 35 (January-Februar y 1957) : 105-16. "Frozen 'Sou l Foods ' in Ghett o Marke t Requir e Ne w Sellin g Technique." Quick Frozen Foods 31 (Novembe r 1969) : 109-10,131. Furman, Phyllis. "Ethnic Haircar e Marketers Battling for Share. " Advertising Age 15 8 (2 March 1987) : S-2. Gadsden, Sheila. "Seeking th e Righ t Tack i n Talking t o Blacks. " Advertising Age 5 6 (12 September 1985) : 18,21. ."Toyota Taps Black Buying Power." Advertising Age 58 (14 December 1987) : S-5-S-6. Garfield, Bob. "Colt 4 5 Ads a Black Day for Blacks." Advertising Age 57 (1 0 Novem ber 1986) : 84. Gates Jr. Henry Louis . "Two Nation s . . . Both Black. " Forbes 15 0 (1 4 Septembe r 1992): 132-35. George, Nelson. The Death of Rhythm & Blues. Ne w York: Pantheon Books , 1988. . Blackface: Reflections on African-Americans and the Movies. Ne w York: HarperCollins, 1994.

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Gibson, D. Parke. "How t o Pla n a Negro Marke t Campaign. " Sales Management (1 5 April 1969) : 55-72. ."Advertising and the Dual Society: Challenge o f the Seventies." Media-scope 13 (August 1969) : 62-63. . The $30 Billion Negro. Ne w York: Macmillan, 1969. . $10 Billion in the Black: America's Black Consumers. Ne w York: Macmillan, 1978. . "Black Middl e Clas s Emerge s a s Dominant Consume r Force. " Advertising Age 50 (1 6 April 1979) : S-24. Glasgow, Douglas G . The Black Underclass. Sa n Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1980. Glaxton, Robert . "Th e Blac k Cosmetic s Market. " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 12 4 (May 1979) : 78,146-48. Goodall, Kenneth. "Blacks i n Advertisements i n th e Post-Mamm y Era. " Psychology Today 6 (Octobe r 1972) : 138. Goodwin, E. Marvin. Black Migration in America from 1915-1960:An Uneasy Exodus. Lewiston, N.Y.: E. Mellen Press , 1990. Gould,John W, Norman B. Sigband, and Cyril E. Zoerner Jr. "Black Consumer R e actions to 'Integrated'Advertising: An Exploratory Study. " Journalof Marketing 34 (July 1970) : 20-26. Graves, Earl G . "Black Medi a Succes s I s Bittersweet." Advertising Age 5 0 (1 6 April 1979): S-2. ."AreWe Bette r OffNow? " Black Enterprise 15 , no.January (1985) : 11. . "Figures Sho w African American s No t Well Represente d i n Adland." Advertising Age 64 (1 5 March 1993) : 24. Grayson, William P. "What th e $20 Billion Negr o Marke t Means to You." Negro Digest 12 (January 1962) : 62-67. Green, Richar d L . "Black Buyin g Pattern s Are Revealing. " Advertising Age 5 0 (1 6 April 1979) : S-34. Green, Theophilus. "The Blac k Ma n a s Movi e Hero. " Ebony 2 7 (Augus t 1972) : 144-48. Groh, George W. The Black Migration: The Journey to Urban America. Ne w York: WeybrightandTalley, 1972 . "Growing Blac k Consume r Incom e Stirrin g Ad Interest. " Television/Radio Age 3 2 (18 February 1985) : B-3-B-6. "Growing Retai l Marke t See n i n Joint Surve y o f Nation' s Minorities. " Commerce Today 1 (23 August 1971) : 18-20. Guerrero, Ed. Framing Blackness: The African American Image in Film. Philadelphia: Temple Universit y Press , 1993. "Guess Who's Comin g t o Market?" Sales Management 10 0 ( 1 May 1968) : 44-46. Guest, Lester. "How Negr o Model s Affect Compan y Image. " Journal of Advertising Research 1 0 (April 1970) : 29-33. Gupta, Udayan . "Black Radi o s Lost Monopoly. " Madison Avenue 2 7 (Ma y 1985) : 110-17.

Selected Bibliography | 16 7 Guzman, Jessie Parkhurst,Ver a Chandle r Foster , and W. Hardin Hughes , eds. Negro Year Book: A Review of Events Affecting Negro Life, 1941-1946. Tuskegee , Ala.: Tuskegee Department o f Records an d Research, 1947. Hacker, George A., Ronald Collins, and Michael Jacobson. Marketing Booze to Blacks. Washington, D.C.: Center fo r Scienc e in th e Public Interest , 1987. Hairston, Deborah . "Th e Battl e o f th e Curls.' , Black Enterprise 15 (Jun e 1985) : 169-74. Hall, Claude H. "Advertisers Guid e to Marketing, 1960 Negro Market." Printers Ink 269 (3 0 October 1959) : 246-47. ."The Negr o Market: A Compact Sale s Target." Printer's Ink 284 ( 1 September 1961) : 287-88. Hare, Nathan. "How an d Why Negroe s Spen d Their Money. " Negro Digest 14 (May 1965): 4-11. Haring, H . A. "Selling t o Harlem " Advertising & Selling 11 (3 1 Octobe r 1928) : 17-18,50-53. . "The Negr o a s Consumer. " Advertising & Selling 15 ( 3 Septembe r 1930) : 20-21,67-68. Harmon,J. H.,Arnett G . Lindsey, and Carte r G.Woodson . The Negro as a Businessman. College Park , Md.: McGrath, 1929. Harris, Abram L. The Negro as Capitalist: A Study of Banking and Business among American Negroes. Philadelphia : American Academ y o f Politica l an d Socia l Science , 1936. Harris, Michael W. The Rise of Gospel Blues :The Music of ThomasAndrew Dorsey in the Urban Church. Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press , 1992. Hartt, Rollin Lynde.'T d Lik e to Sho w You Harlem!" Independent and Weekly Review 105 ( 2 April 1921) : 334-35,357-58. Hayes, Marion. "A Centur y o f Change: Negroes in the U.S. Economy, 1860-1960." Monthly Labor Review 85 (Decembe r 1962) : 1359-65. Heilbut, Anthony. The Gospel Sound: Good News and Bad Times. 4t h ed . New York: Limelight Editions, 1992. "Help Negro i n Imag e Effort vi a Ads,Wilkins Asks!' Advertising Age 34 (11 November 1963) : 1,112. Henderson, Alexa Benson. Atlanta Life Insurance Company: Guardian of Black Economic Dignity. Tuscaloosa: University o f Alabama Press , 1990. Henderson,William L., and Larry C. Ledebur. Economic Disparity: Problems and Strategies for Black America. Ne w York: Free Press , 1970. Henri, Florette. Black Migration: Movement North, 1900-1920. 1s t ed. Garden City, N.Y: Anchor Press , 1975. Higgs, Robert. Competition and Coercion: Blacks in the American Economy, 1865-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1977. Hill, Robert B . "The Economi c Statu s o f Black Americans." In The State of Black America 1981, edite d b y Jame s D.Williams , 1-59 . Ne w York , N.Y : Nationa l Urban League , 1981.

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. "The Blac k Middl e Class : Past, Present, and Future. " In The State of Black America 1986, edited b y James D.Williams , 43-61 . Ne w York: National Urba n League, 1986. Hill,T. Arnold. "The Negr o Market. " Opportunity (October 1932) : 318-19. Hills, Gerald E."The Black-Owne d Lif e Insuranc e Company: Comment."Journal of Risk and Insurance 42 (Jun e 1975) : 346-51. Hillsman, Joan R . Gospel Music: An African American Art Form. Washington , D.C. :

Middle Atlantic Regional Press , 1990. Hine, Darlene Clark . "Housewives' League o f Detroit." In Black Women in America: An Historical Encyclopedia, edited by Darlene Clark Hine, Elsa Barkley Brown, and RosalynTerborg-Penn, 584-86.Vol . I. Brooklyn, N Y: Carlson , Inc, 1993. . Hine Sight: Black Women and the Reconstruction of American History. B l o o m -

ington: Indiana University Press , 1994. Hirschhorn,Adrian."Pepsi-Colas Campaig n to the Negro Market." Printers Ink 228 (9 September 1949) : 38-40. "History o f NAMD." Emphasis 95. Program o f the 43d meeting of the National Association o f Market Developers , May 1995 . "Hollywood's Ne w Public. " The Economist 247 (1 9 May 1973) : 53. Holsey,Albon L . "Negro i n Business Aided by Racial Appeal." Forbes 21 (1 5 January 1928): 42-48. ."The C.M.A . Stores Face the Chains. " Opportunity 7 (Jul y 1929) : 210-13. ."What th e Negro I s Doing in Business." Forbes 23 ( 1 May 1929) : 36-39. Holte, Clarence L."The Negr o Market: To Profit fro m It , Recognize I t and Servic e Its Needs." Printer's Ink 263 ( 4 April 1958) : 29-32. Horovitz, Bruce . "Harmoni c Convergence : Racia l Toleranc e I s Suddenl y a Ho t Topic in Advertising." Los Angeles Times (19 January 1993):D1,D6 . Hudson-Weems, Clenora . Emmett Till: The Sacrificial Lamb of the Civil Rights Move-

ment.Troy, Mich.: Bedford, 1994 . Hughes, Emmett John. "The Negro' s Ne w Economi c Life. " Fortune 54 (Septembe r 1956): 127-31,248-62. Huie, William Bradford . "The Shockin g Stor y o f Approved Killin g in Mississippi. " Look 20 (2 4 January 1956) : 46-50. ."What's Happened t o the Emmett Till Killers?" Look 21 (2 2 January 1957) : 63-68. Humphrey, Ronald, an d Howar d Schuman . "The Portraya l o f Blacks i n Magazin e Advertisements: 1950-1982." Public Opinion Quarterly 48 (Fal l 1984) : 551-63. Humphreys, Jeffrey M . "Black Buyin g Powe r b y Plac e o f Residence: 1990-1996. " Georgia Business and Economic Conditions 5 5 (July-Augus t 1995) : 1-15 .

Hunter, Catherine Ellis . "Flori Roberts: White Succes s in Black Cosmetics." Drug & Cosmetic Industry 122 (Jun e 1978) : 32-35,190. Hyatt, Marshall, ed. The Afro-American Cinematic Experience:An Annotated Bibliography

& Filmography Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1983.

Selected Bibliography | 16 9 Ijere, Martin O . Survey of Afro-American Experience in the U.S. Economy. Hicksville , N.Y.: Exposition Press , 1978. "The Impac t o f Inflation : A s Price s hav e Risen , Blac k Economi c Progres s ha s Slowed Down" Black Enterprise 9 (Jun e 1979) : 213-15. "Integrated Ads Misfire i n White-Only Media , John Johnson Tells WSAAA" Advertising Age 35 (2 7 April 1964) : 2,61. "Integration: Not Onl y i n School. " Business Week (6 September 1958) : 38-39. Jacoway, Elizabeth, and Davi d R . Colburn , eds. Southern Businessmen and Desegregation. Baton Rouge : Louisiana Stat e University Press , 1982. Jaffe, Alfred J . "The Negr o Marke t I s Gettin g Bigge r i n Two Directions. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 1 2 (20 September 1958) : 3-5,32-34. Jefferson, Rolan d S . "The Blac k Fil m Boom: Decerebrate, Dangerous, and Declin ing." Journal of the National Medical Association 67 (Januar y 1975) : 11-15. Jeffries, LeRoy W., ed. Facts about Blacks. Vol. 8. Los Angeles: LeRoy W. Jeffries & Associates, 1986. Jencks, Christopher, an d Pau l E . Paterson , eds . The Urban Underclass. Washington , D C : Brooking s Institution , 1991. Johnson, Charle s S . "The Changin g Economi c Statu s o f th e Negro. " Annals 14 0 (November 1928) : 128-37. Johnson, Daniel M., and Rex R . Campbell . Black Migration in America: A Social Demographic History. Durham : Duke Universit y Press , 1981. Johnson, Guy B . "Newspaper Advertisements an d Negr o Culture. " Journal of Social Forces 3 (May 1925) : 706-9. Johnson, John H. "Does Your Sales Force Know How to Sell the Negro Trade? Some Do's and Don'ts." Advertising Age 23 (1 7 March 1952) : 73-74. ."Negro Marke t Will B e Controllin g Facto r i n Profi t Margin s o f Big U.S. Companies i n XSYtzrC Advertising Age 35 (2 1 September 1964) : 119-20. . "Big-City Negr o Marke t No . 1 Insuranc e Opportunity. " National Underwriter 70 (1 9 March 1966) : 2,18-20. ."The Greenin g o f the Blac k Consume r Market. " Crisis 8 3 (Marc h 1976) : 92-95. . "Black Medi a Fil l Need s No t Recognize d Elsewhere. " Advertising Age 5 0 (16 April 1979) : S-19,S-25. Johnson, John H. , an d Leron e Bennen t Jr. Succeeding against the Odds. New York: Warner Books, 1989. Johnson, Joseph T. The Potential Negro Market. New York: Pageant Press, 1952. Jones, Eugene Kinckle . "Purchasing Power of Negroes in the U.S. Estimated a t Two Billion Dollars. " Domestic Commerce 1 5 (10 January 1935) : 1. Jordan,Vernon E . "Black-Aimed Advertising—Some Pluses , Some Minuses." Advertising Age 50 (1 6 April 1979) : S-29. Joseph, W. F. "Promotions Pla y Well with Blacks. " Advertising Age 58 (1 4 Decembe r 1987): S-l-S-2.

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Joyce, George, and Norman Govoni , eds. The Black Consumer: Dimensions of Behavior and Strategy. Ne w York: Random House , 1971. Kassarjian, Harold H . ' T he Negr o and American Advertising, 1946-1965!'Journal of Marketing Research 6 (Februar y 1969) : 29-39. ."Evidence o n th e Changin g Imag e o f Black People. " In Emerging Issues in Black Economic Development, edited by Benjamin F . Bobo an d Alfred E . Osborne, 167-87. Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books , 1976. Katz, Michae l B. , ed . The Underclass Debate: Views from History. Princeton, N.J. : Princeton Universit y Press , 1993. Kauffinan, Stanley."Stanley Kauffinann o n Films." New Republic 168 (28 April 1973): 20,33-34. "Keep Militanc y agains t Madiso n Ave. 'Oppressors,' Black Adfolk Ar e Told." Advertising Age 41 ( 9 March 1970) : 3. Kelley, Robin D . G. Race Rebels: Culture, Politics and the Black Working Class. New York: Free Press, 1994. Kelley, Thomas E . "Johnson Product s Make s Radi o Ad s vi a 'Mini-Concerts'." Advertising Age 42 (1 5 March 1971) : 40. Kennedy, Louise Venable. The Negro Peasant Turns Cityward. Ne w York: AMS Press , 1930,1968. Kern, Richard. "Of Minorities and Metros: A Few Surprises." Sales & Marketing Management 14 1 (Septembe r 1989) : 14. Kern-Foxworth, Marilyn. Aunt Jemima, Uncle Ben, and Rastus: Blacks in Advertising, Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1994. King Jr., Martin Luther . Stride toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story. 1st ed . Ne w York: Harper, 1958. King Jr. , Marti n Luther , an d Grove r C . Hal l Jr . "Alabama' s Bu s Boycott : Wha t It's All About , Pr o an d Con. " US. News & World Report 41 ( 3 August 1956) : 82-89. Kinzer, Robert H. , and Edward Sagarin. The Negro in American Business:The Conflict Between Separatism and Integration. Ne w York: Greenberg, 1950. "Know-How I s Key to Sellin g Negro Today." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 1 5 (9 October 1961) : 9-10,26-27. Kronus, Sidney. The Black Middle Class. Columbus , Ohio: Charles E. Merrill, 1971. Krzysik, Duane G. , and Sher i A. Gatto. "Black Hai r Car e Products: New Formulat ing Concept s With Silicones. " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 141 (Novembe r 1987) : 28-38. Kusmer, Kennet h L . A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870-1930. Urbana : University o f Illinois Press, 1976. Landry, Ron. "'Disrespect' Hurts Cit y Stores. " Supermarketing 33 (Octobe r 1978) : 1, 32-33. Lawson, Bill E., ed. The Underclass Question. Philadelphia:Temple Universit y Press , 1992.

Selected Bibliography \

17 1

Lawson, James C . "Minority Celeb s Reac h beyon d Target Market!' Advertising Age 50 (3 0 July 1979) : S-4. . "Financial Service s Target Segmen t withi n a Segment." Advertising Age 5 7 (25 August 1986) : S-l-S-2. Leab, Danie l J . From Sambo to Superspade: The Black Experience in Motion Pictures.

Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Company , 1975. Leland, John, and Donn a Foote . "A Ba d Ome n fo r Blac k Movies? " Newsweek 118 (29 July 1991) : 48-49. Leland, John, Andrew Murr , Mark Miller , Farai Chideya , and Abigail Kuflik. "Ne w Jack Cinem a Enter s Screening." Newsweek 111 (10 June 1991) : 50-52. Lemmons, Stanley J. "Black Stereotype s a s Reflected i n Popula r Culture. " American Quarterly 21 (Sprin g 1977) : 103-6. Levin, Gary. "Honoring [Marti n Luther ] King : Marketers Woo Black s i n Holida y Promotions." Advertising Age 59 (1 8 January 1988) : 80. Lewis, Claude. "Where Ar e Blac k Model s i n Ads?" Philadelphia Inquirer ( 7 August 1991): 12A. Lewis, Earl. In Their Own Interests: Race, Class, and Power in Twentieth-Century Norfolk,

Virginia. Berkeley : University o f California Press , 1991. "Libra: New Lin e o f Negro Cosmetics. " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 105 (Decembe r 1969): 44-46. Lipman, Joanne. "Sports Marketers Se e Evidence o f Racism." Advertising Age 59 (1 8 October 1988) : Bl. Logan, Rayford W The Betrayal of the Negro from Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wil-

son. New York: Collier Books, 1954,1965. Logan, Rayford W, an d Michael R.Winston , eds . Dictionary of AmericanNegro Biography. Ne w York: Norton, 1982 . Lowery, Mark, and Nadirah Z . Sabir. "The Makin g of 'Hollywood'." Black Enterprise 25 (Decembe r 1994) : 104-12. Lum, Sarah . "Ethnic Hai r Care— A Growin g Market. " Madison Avenue 2 5 (Ma y 1983): 72. Mabry, Marcus, Daniel Glick, and Shawn D. Lewis. "Fighting Ads in the Inner City." Newsweek 115 ( 5 February 1990) : 46. MacDonald, J. Fred. "Stereotypes Fal l i n TV Ad Portrayals. " Advertising Age 5 5 (1 9 November 1984) : 44. Madhubuti, Hak i R. , ed . Why L.A. Happened: Implications of the '92 Los Angeles Re-

bellion. Chicago:Thir d World Press , 1993. "Madison Avenue Looks at Negro Radio" Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 1 9 (26 July 1965) : 44-47. Maggard,John P . "Negro Market—Fac t o r Fiction? " California Management Review 14 (Fall 1971): 71-80. Magiera, Marcy . "Lee: Black Film s Ge t Les s Support. " Advertising Age 6 2 ( 1 April 1991): 38.

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"Major Breakthroug h i n Integrate d Ads, N. Y. Committee Says. " Advertising Age 3 5 (17 February 1964) : 58. Mandle, Jay R. The Roots of Black Poverty: The Southern Plantation Economy after the Civil War. Durham : Duke Universit y Press , 1978. Marable, Manning. How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America: Problems in Race, Political Economy, and Society. 1s t ed. Boston: South End Press , 1983. Marchand, Roland. Advertising the American Dream: Making Way for Modernity. Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1985. "Marketers G o Outsid e t o Ge t Insid e Ne w Segments. " Beverage World 10 3 (Augus t 1984): 30-33. "Marketing t o Blacks Still Mystifies Whites, Speakers Advise Conference. " Advertising Age 40 ( 2 June 1969) : 19. "Marketing t o Negr o Isn' t Segregatio n i n Reverse : Gibson." Advertising Age 36 (2 7 September 1965) : 27. "Marketing t o the Negro Consumer. " Sales Management 84 ( 4 March 1960) : 36-44. Markham, Clarence M . "Black Convention s Mea n Bi g Money." Advertising Age 5 0 (23 April 1979) : S-12-S-13. Marks, Carole. Farewell—We're Good and Gone: The Great Black Migration. Bloom ington: Indiana University Press , 1989. Marshall, Robert A., and Eli A. Zubay. The Debit System of Marketing Life and Health Insurance. Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975. Marticorena, Charles . "Ethnic Market : Biggest Potentia l fo r Growt h i n Cosmetic s Industry" Chemical Marketing Reporter 207 (2 3 June 1975) : 37-39. Martin, Joel P . "Segmenting th e Blac k Market. " Marketing/Communications 10 , July (1985): 17-19,69. Massey, Douglas, and Nancy Denton. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass. Cambridge , Mass.: Harvard Universit y Press , 1993. Mattox, Michael. "The Day Black Movie Stars Got Militant." Black Creation 4 (Win ter 1973) : 40-42. McKelvey, Blake. The Emergence of Metropolitan America. Ne w Brunswick , N.J.: Rutgers University Press , 1968. Meier, August, an d Elliot t Rudwick . "Th e Boycot t Movemen t agains t Jim Cro w Streetcars in the South, 1900-1906 ."Journal of American History 55 (March 1969) : 756-75. . "The Origin s o f Nonviolen t Direc t Actio n i n Afro-America n Protest : A Note o n Historical Discontinuities." In We Shall Overcome:The Civil Rights Movement in the United States in the 1950s and 1960s, vol. 3, edited by David J. Garrow. Brooklyn: Carlson, 1989. Miller, Adam David . "Black Film s $$$: A Critique. " Black Scholar 4 (Januar y 1973) : 54-55. Mingo, Frank. "Black Middle Class Calls for Marketing Adjustment." Advertising Age 50 (1 6 April 1979) : S-29.

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17 3

Mingo, Frank , an d Carolin e Jones. "Good Minority-Oriente d Advertisin g I s Just Good Advertising." Broadcasting (30 November 1981) : 14. Mitchell, George S. , and Anna Holden . "Money Incom e o f Negroes i n th e Unite d States." Journal of Negro Education 22 (Summe r 1953) : 333-42. Mitchell, Grayson. "Battle o f the Rouge." Black Enterprise 9 (Augus t 1978) : 23-29. Mitchell, Ivor S. "Cultural Dimension s o f Marketing Strategies." Review of Black Political Economy 1 0 (Spring 1980) : 247-61. "Monumental Achievement: NAMD." National Black Monitor 10 (September 1985) : 4,8,10,12,14-15. Moon, Henry Lee . "The Blac k Boycott." Crisis 73 (Ma y 1966) : 249-54,278. "More Rac e Pressur e o n Business." Business Week (12 May 1962) : 130-32. Morrow, J. J. "American Negroes— A Wasted Resource." Harvard Business Review 35 (January-February 1957) : 65-74. Murray, Florence, ed. The Negro Handbook. Ne w York: Wendell Malliet, 1942. , ed. The Negro Handbook, 1946-1941. Ne w York: A. A. Wyn, 1947. , ed. The Negro Handbook 1949. Ne w York: Macmillan, 1949. Murray,James P . "The Subjec t I s Money." Black Creation 4 (Winte r 1973) : 26-30. . To Find an Image: Black Films from Uncle Tom to Super Fly. Indianapolis :

Bobbs-Merrill, 1973. "Must Project Mor e Realisti c Imag e of Negro, Admen Told." Advertising Age 35 (2 7 July 1964) : 84. Navarro, Mireya. "Tobacco an d Alcohol Manufacturer s Fin d Minoritie s ar e Grow ing Wary."NewYorkTimes ( 8 August 1990):A13 . "Negro Boycott. " Business Week (23 July 1960) : 30. "Negro Boycot t Coul d Hav e Serious, Lasting Effect o n Sales , Study Shows. " Advertising Age 34 (3 0 September 1963) : 3,110. "Negro Bran d Preferences : They Are Different. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 21 (Jul y 1967) : 38-41. "Negro Busines s Pressure Grows. " Business Week (2 3 April 1960) : 31-33. "The Negr o Consumer. " Electrical Merchandising Week 96 (2 7 April 1964) : 13-26. "Negro Cosmetics : Seminar Assesses Specia l Needs. " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 105 (October 1969) : 66,150-51. "The Negro-Directe d Advertise r Get s a Plu s fro m Negr o Radio. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 1 2 (2 0 September 1958) : 6-7,34-37. "Negro Famil y Is Better Market for Luxuries Than White with Same Income, Study Says." Advertising Age 30 (1 6 March 1959) : 56. "Negro Group s Put the Economic Pressur e On." Business Week (27 February 1960) : 26-28. "Negro Income s an d Ho w They Are Spent. " Sales Management 5 4 (1 5 June 1945) : 106. "Negro I s Basic Market , Ebony Publisher Says. " Advertising Age 3 2 (1 8 Decembe r 1961): 92.

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"Negro Market : Buying Power Changes Market Place." Printer's Ink 284 (3 0 August 1963): 9. "Negro Markets " Tide 20 (1 5 March 1946) : 86-88. "Negro Marke t Data : Still Inadequat e Bu t Startin g to Flow. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 1 3 (26 September 1959) : 12-13 "Negro Radi o Attracts Madison Ave. Attention." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 20 (2 5 July 1966) : 32-39. "Negro Radi o Come s o f Age." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 8 (2 0 Septembe r 1954): 49-50,149-50. "Negro Radio : Keystone o f Community Life. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 7 (24 August 1953) : 68-69,72-73,78-84. "Negro Radio : Over 600 Stations Strong Today." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 9 (1 9 September 1955) : 112-13,143-52. "Negro Radi o Results: No Produc t Limitations. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 7 (2 4 August 1953) : 74-75,96. "Negro Radio's 1965-Styl e 'New Sound'. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 19 (26 July 1965) : 52-57. "Negro Radio' s Prosperous Market." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 1 4 (26 September 1960) : 6-10,47-49. "Negro Radio : 200 Plus Specialist Stations—More Coming. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 6 (2 8 July 1952) : 32-33,78-84. "Negro Result s Stories : Rich Yield fo r All Clients. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 6 (28 July 1952) : 38-39,84-86. "Negroes: Big Advances i n Jobs, Wealth, Status." U.S. News & World Report 45 (2 8 November 1958) : 90-92. "Negroes' Favorite Brands Differ fro m Whites in Hal f of Categories, RKO Finds. " Advertising Age 40 (1 0 February 1969) : 44-45. "Negroes Ge t More 'Brand Conscious ' as Incomes Rise!* Advertising Age (18 March 1946): 30-31. "Negroes G o North , West." U.S. News & World Report 31 (1 6 Novembe r 1951) : 50-53. "Negroes i n Chicag o Market Like Tide, Pepsi, Study Shows!* Advertising Age 38 (2 4 April 1967) : 33. "The Negro' s Forc e in th e Marketplace" Business Week (26 May 1962) : 76-84. The Negro Handbook. Chicago : Johnson, 1966. "The Negr o Market : As Customer s an d Citizens , Its People Are Stil l Making Sig nificant Progress. " Tide 26 (2 5 July 1952) : 43-49. "The Negr o Market. " Time 68 (1 3 August 1956) : 62-63. "The Negr o Market : An Appraisal." Tide 21 ( 7 March 1947) : 15-18 "The Negr o Market: $15 Billion to Spend." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 6 (28 July 1952) : 30-31,72,76-78. "The Negr o Marke t fo r Froze n Foods. " Quick Frozen Foods 22 (Apri l 1960) : 106-9.

Selected Bibliography |

17 5

"The Negr o Market : How t o Tap 1 5 Billion i n Sales. " Time 64 ( 5 July 1954) : 70. "The Negr o Market : 23 Million Consumer s Make a $30 Billion Market Segment. " Marketing Insights 2 (2 9 January 1969) : 9-12. "The Negr o Moves. " Time 58 (1 9 November 1951) : 26. "The Negr o Station s Revolve aroun d th e Dis k Jockey." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 12 (20 September 1958) : 8-9, 37-40 . "The Negr o Woman Goe s to Market. " Brown American 1 (April 1936) : 13. Nelson, Havelock, and Michae l A. Gonzales. Bring the Noise: A Guide to Rap Music and Hip Hop Culture. Ne w York: Harmony Books , 1991. "New Busines s Ways in th e South. " Business Week (5 August 1961) : 56-58,63. Newman, Mark. "On th e Air With Jack L. Cooper:The Beginning s of Black Appeal Radio." Chicago History 12 (Summe r 1983) : 51-58. "New Marketing Profile o f U.S. Negro Emerges." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 19 (26 July 1965) : 38-43. "New Starc h Stud y Show s Black s Hav e Fewe r Misgiving s abou t Advertising." Advertising Age 44 (1 6 April 1973) : 30. "NNN: Negro Radio s Network." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 8 (20 September 1954) : 54,150-52. Nobles, Wade, and Lawfor d L . Goddard. "Drugs i n the African-American Commu nity: A Clea r an d Presen t Danger. " In The State of Black America 1989, edited b y Janet Dewart , 161-81 . New York: National Urba n League , 1989. "No Christma s Boycott." Crisis 70 (Novembe r 1963) : 555-56. Novak, Danie l A . The Wheel of Servitude: Black Forced Labor after Slavery. Lexington :

University o f Kentucky Press , 1978. Oak,VishnuV. The Negro Newspaper.YeUow Springs, Ohio:Antioch Press , 1948. . The Negro's Adventure in General Business. Yellow Springs , Ohio : Antioc h

Press, 1949. O'Dell, Jack H . "The Negr o Peopl e i n th e Souther n Economy. " Freedomways (Fal l 1963): 526-48. O'Hare, William P . "In th e Black. " American Demographics 1 1 (Novembe r 1989) : 24-29. O'Hare, William P. , and William H . Frey. "Booming, Suburban an d Black!' American Demographics 1 4 (September 1992) : 30-38. Oladipupo, Raymond . "Th e Urba n Negro : Separat e & Distinct. " Media-scope 1 3 (July 1969) : 18,76. . How Distinct Is the Negro Market? New York: Ogilvy & Mather, 1970. "OldTaylor Drive Aimed at Negro Market Honors Little-Known 'Ingenious American' ?'Advertising Age 38 (1 1 December 1967) : 12. Ottley, Roi. New World A-Coming: Inside Black America. Boston : Houghton-Mifflin , 1943. Peterson, Robert. Only the Ball Was White. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970,1984 . Petrof, John. "Th e Effect s o f Studen t Boycott s Upo n th e Purchasin g Habit s o f Negro Familie s in Atlanta, Georgia." Phylon 24 (Fal l 1963) : 266-70.

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Pierce, Joseph A . Negro Business and Business Education. New York: Plenum Press , 1947,1995. "Pillsbury Aims Enriched Flou r a t Negro Areas." Advertising Age 40 (1 5 Septembe r 1969): 26. Pinkerton, Jane. "The Negr o Market : Why Buyer s Ar e Lookin g Twice. " Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 1 1 (28 September 1957) : 3-5,33-36. Pitts, Robert E. , D. Joel Whalen, Robert O'Keefe , an d Vernon Murray . "Black an d White Respons e t o Culturall y Targeted Television Commercials : A Values-Based Approach." Psychology & Marketing 6 (Winte r 1989) : 311-28. Ploski, Harr y A., an d Warren Marr , eds . The Negro Almanac: A Reference Work on the

Afro-American. 177 6 Bicentennial Edition . New York: Bellwether, 1976. Ponder, Henry . "An Exampl e o f th e Alternative Cos t Doctrin e Applie d t o Racia l Discrimination. "Journalof Negro Education 35 (Winte r 1966) : 42-47. Poussaint,Alvin F . "Blaxploitation Movies : Cheap Thrills That Degrade Blacks." Psychology Today 1 (Februar y 1974) : 22,26-27,30-32,98. Price, Daniel O . Changing Characteristics of the Negro Population: A 1960 Census Mono-

graph. Washington, D C: U.S . Department o f Commerce/Bureau o f the Census , 1969. Primm, Beny J. "Drug Use : Special Implication s fo r Black America." In The State of Black America 1987, edited by Janet Dewart , 145-58. New York: National Urba n League, 1987. Proctor, Barbara."Black, It s Beautiful!" Media Decisions 1 2 (Apri l 1977) : 72-75. Pulley, Brett. "Johnson Products Agrees to $67 Million Ivax Buyout." Wall Street Journal (15 June 1993) : B3. "Radio: Major Mediu m fo r Reachin g U.S . Negroes." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 18 (17 August 1964) : 36-43. Randall, Iris W."Needs, Wants & Whims i n Ethnic Hai r Care. " Drug & Cosmetic Industry 139 (October 1986) : 38-40,88-90. Reichly, A.James. "How John Johnson Mad e It." Fortune 11 (Januar y 1968) : 152-53, 178-80. Reiss, Craig. "Black Medi a Assn. Cites Offensiv e Ads. " Advertising Age 5 4 (1 9 Sep tember 1983) : 78. Rhine, Shirle y H . "Th e Economi c Statu s o f Blac k Americans. " Conference Board Record 9 (August 1972) : 27-36. Rhines, Jesse Algeron. Black Film/White Money. Ne w Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Uni versity Press, 1996. "RJR Cancel s Test of'Black ' Cigarette. " Marketing News 2 4 (1 9 Februar y 1990) : 10.

Selected Bibliography \ 111 Rogosin, Donn. Invisible Men: Life in Baseball's Negro Leagues. Ne w York: Kodansha International, 1995 ; first published i n 1983 . Rooks, Noliwe M . Hair Raising: Beauty, Culture, and African American Women. Ne w Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Universit y Press , 1996. Rothenberg, Randall . "Blacks Are Foun d t o B e Stil l Scarc e i n Advertisements i n Major Magazines. " New York Times (23 July 1991) : A-7. Rozen, Leah. "Black Publishe r 'Sells Her People ' to Advertisers." Advertising Age 48 (12 September 1977) : 44-45. Rust, Brian. The American Record Label Book. Ne w Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House , 1978. "Same Ad, Intelligently Done , Can Sel l Both Whites, Negroes: Bullock." Advertising Age 32 (1 2 June 1961) : 23. Samuels, Allison, an d Jerry Adler . "One fo r th e Sistas. " Newsweek 127 ( 8 January 1996): 66-68. Sawyer, Broadus E . "An Examinatio n o f Rac e a s a Facto r i n Negro-Whit e Con sumption Patterns. " Review of Economics and Statistics 44 (Ma y 1962) : 217-20. Schlinger, Mar y Jane, and Joseph T. Plummer. "Advertising i n Blac k an d White." Journal of Marketing Research 9 (Ma y 1972) : 149-53. Schmidt, David, and Iva n Preston . "How NAAC P Leader s View Integrate d Advertising." Journal of AdvertisingResearch 9 (Septembe r 1969) : 13-16. Schoenberg,Tom, and Joseph Jordan. "Formulating Mild Ethnic Shampoo s & Con ditioners." Drug & Cosmetic Industry 141 (Novembe r 1987) : 40-48,76. Schultz, Ellen. "BadTimes fo r Black Business." Adweek 27 ( 5 May 1986) : 16-17. Scott, Emmett J. Negro Migration during the War. Ne w York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1920. Sederberg, Kathryn. "Syndicated 'Soul Train' Heads Down TV Track to Young, Black Market." Advertising Age 42 ( 7 February 1972) : 34. "Selling Black Cosmetic s Prove s a Tricky Business." American Druggist 17 6 (Augus t 1977): 59-61. "Selling the Negro Market. " Tide 25 (2 0 July 1951) : 37-44. "Selling to Negroes: Don't Talk Down." Sponsor (Negro Market Supplement) 6 (28 July 1952): 36-37,86-87. "Selling t o th e Blac k Consumer. " Black Enterprise 4 (Novembe r 1973) : 31-33 , 58-60. Settle, Robert B., and Pamela L. Alreck. Why They Buy:American Consumers Inside and Out. Ne w York: John Wiley, 1986. Shaw, Arnold. Black Popular Music in America: From the Spirituals, Minstrels, and Ragtime to Soul, Disco, and Hip-Hop. New York: Schirmer Books, 1986. Shepard, Juanita M . "The Portraya l o f Black Women i n th e Ads o f Popular Maga ^ zines." Western Journal of Black Studies 4 (Fal l 1980): 179-82. Sherman, Richard B. , ed. The Negro and the City Englewoo d Clifls , N.J.: PrenticeHall, 1970.

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Selected Bibliography |

17 9

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18 1

Ward, Renee."Black Films,Whit e Profits. " Black Scholar 7 (Ma y 1976) : 13-24. Washington, Booker T. The Negro in Business. Ne w York: AMS Press, 1906,1971. Washington, Forrester B. "The Effec t o f Changed Economi c Condition s upo n th e Living Standard s o f Negroes. " Proceedings of the National Conference of Social Work,

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Mutual Insurance Company. Durham : Duke Universit y Press , 1973,1993. Weems Jr., Robert E."Th e Revolutio n Will Be Marketed: American Corporation s and African-American Consumer s durin g th e 1960s. " Radical History Review 59 (Spring 1994) : 94-107. ."A Crumblin g Legacy: The Declin e o f African American Insuranc e Com panies i n Contemporar y America. " Review of Black Political Economy 23 (Fal l 1994): 25-37. . Black Business in the Black Metropolis :The Chicago Metropolitan Assurance Com-

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lic Policy. Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1987. Winski, Joseph M . "The Ad Industry' s 'Dirty Littl e Secret.' " Advertising Age 6 3 (1 5 June 1992) : 16,38. Wood, Forres t G . Black Scare: The Racist Response to Emancipation and Reconstruction.

Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1968. Woods, Gai l Baker . Advertising and Marketing to the New Majority. Belmont , Calif :

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Selected Bibliography |

18 3

Edwards, Paul K. "Distinctive Characteristic s o f Urban Negr o Consumption. " Ph.D. diss. Harvard University , 1936. Kern, Marilyn L."A Comparativ e Analysis of the Portrayals of Blacks and Whites in White-Oriented Mas s Circulatio n Advertisement s durin g 1959 , 1969 , an d 1979." Ph.D. diss. University ofWisconsin-Madison , 1979 . McDowell, Winston. "The Ideolog y o f Black Entrepreneurshi p an d it s Impac t o n the Developmen t o f Black Harlem , 1930-1955. " Ph.D. diss. University o f Min nesota (Minneapolis) , 1996. Mock, Wayne L . "Negro-White Difference s i n th e Purchas e o f Automobiles an d Household Durabl e Goods. " Ph.D. diss. University o f Michiga n (An n Arbor) , 1965. Newman, Mark . "Capturin g th e 15-Billion-Dolla r Market : Th e Emergenc e o f Black-Oriented Radio. " Ph.D. diss. Northwestern Universit y (Evanston) , 1984. Spaulding, Norman W" History of Black-Oriented Radi o in Chicago, 1929-1963." Ph.D. diss. University o f Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1981.

Index

"Actors and Writers for Justice": role in proposed black boycott of Christmas 1963,67-68 "Ad Industry's 'Dirty Little' Secret, The" (1992), 118 Advertising, billboard: aimed at African Americans, 111 Advertising Age (magazine), 37,68,97,99, 104,105,108,118-119,120-121,127 African American advertisin g agencies, 80, 96,97, 98-9 9 African American alcohol consumption , 107-109,110 African American brand preferences, 26,37, 47 African American clas s differentiation, 99, 100; history of, 10 2 African American consumer boycotts, 3, 56-57, 60-61; proposed boycott o f Christmas 1963,67-6 8 African American consume r cooperatives, 58-59,130-131 African American educationa l achievement , 10,90,102 African American entrepreneurship , 1865-1917 (characteristics) , 10 African American insurance companies : casualty of racial desegregation, 41,95-96, 129; competition with white companies , 24 African American magazines, 80,106 African American middl e class (characteristics), 102-104,10 8 African American migration and urbanization, 2,7; between 1940-50,41-42 ; between 1940-60,70-71 ; by 1970,79,80 ; during World War 1,10-13; during World War II, 31-32 African American moviegoers, 4,82-83,89 ,

90,124,125; percentage o f moviegoing public, 81,122 African American newspapers: used to reach black consumers (1920s) , 16-17; competition with white newspapers , 24; used to reach black consumers (1940s) , 35-36 African American personal care products: marketing of, 8,16-17,80,90-91 , 127-128 African American poverty rates (1980s), 101-102 African Americans: depiction in advertising, 8,24—25,107; expenditures fo r alcoholic beverages, 14,37,104,107-108,109; ex penditures for automobiles an d related expenses, 34,37,54,104; expenditures for clothing, 23,37,104; expenditures for food, 23,37,108; expenditures fo r home furnishings, 23,37; expenditures for housing, 23,37; expenditures fo r over-the-counter remedies, 34,37, 47; expenditures for personal care products, 34,37,108; expenditures for tobacco, 34, 37,108,113; farm land owned in the South (1900-10) , 9; home ownership , 8-9; radio ownership, 21-22,43; social and psychological dynamic s of consumption, 27 African American tobacc o consumption , 113,114 African American "underclass," 5,100,117, 123 African American workers : income, wages, 14,29-30,31-32,33-34,37,38,71-72; occupational statu s (1970s), 103; unemployment rate s (1980s), 101 Albany, Georgia, 67 Alexis, Marcus, 54

185

186 |

Index

"All Negro Children' s Hour,The" (radio show), 41 "All Negro Hour,The " (radio show), 41 Alston, Wendell P., 53 American Association o f Advertising Agencies, 118 American Demographics (magazine) , 103-10 4 American Druggist (magazine), 92 American Health and Beauty Aids Institute (AHBAI), 128-12 9 American Marketing Society, 49 "American Negro, The—An 'Export' Market at Home" (1944), 33-34 American Suga r Refineries, 36 American Tobacco Company , 60 America's Negroes Live as a "Country Within a Country" in Many Places as "A City Within a City" (Interstat e United Newpapers , Inc.), 36 Amsterdam News (NewYork City) , 17,9 8 Anheuser-Busch, 19,53,109 , 111 , 112 Arbitron Rating Company, 110 Archer, Elsie, 75-76 Arkoff, Samuel Z., 86-8 7 Associated Negr o Press , 35 Associated Publishers, Inc., 38 Atlanta, Ga., 23,24,25,26,37,43,63,82, 104,107,111 Atlanta Constitution, 114 Atlanta Life Insuranc e Company, 97,129 Atlantic & Pacific Foo d Stores (A & P): treatment of black consumers, 18 "Aunt Jemima Pancake Flour": black reaction to advertisements, 25 Avery, James, 53,144 n. 75 Avon Products, 75,92-93 Baldwin, James, 67 Baltimore, Md., 38, 57,58 Barnett, Claude A., 35 Baseball (Burns), 39 Bates, "Peg Leg," 36 Baxter, Robert, 105-10 6 BBD&O (advertisin g agency), 53 "Beauty Chemicals:The Ethnic Market" (1973), 91 Belafonte, Harry, 85 Bell,William K., 54 Benson, Al, 45 Best Foods, 36

Best's Review: ranking of U.S. and Canadian insurance companie s (1970s) , 96,97 Better Homes and Gardens (magazine) , 119 Bibb,Joseph D., 57 Billboard (magazine), 126,127 Birmingham, Ala., 24,25,37,63,65-6 7 Black, Joe, 53 Black,William G. , 35-36,3 7 Black Artists Alliance (BAA) , 87 Black Caesar (1973), 83, $9 Black Collegian (magazine) , 106 Black Consumer Organizatio n of America (BCOA), 130 Black Enterprise (magazine), 106,107,110 , 124,128,129,130 Black Entertainment Television (BET) , 126 Black Family (magazine), 106 Black Gunn (1972), S3 Black Heritage Products , Inc., 130-131 "Black Media Fills Needs Not Recognize d Elsewhere" (1979), 98 "Black Media Less Efficient, Y & R Says " (1972), 97-98 Black Panther Party, 85 Black Power, 4, 76, 95 "Blacks Are Found to Be Stil l Scarce in Advertisements in Major Magazines" (1991), 118 "Blacks in Ad Agencies: It Used to Be Better" (1992), 119 Black Swan Records, 15-1 6 "Black Wealth, Facts and Fiction" (1988), 115 "Blaxploitation" films, 5,80,83;"Buckma nia" sub-genre, 83-84,85,149 n. 19; contemporary white contro l of, 124,125 ; decline of (1970s), 89-90; profitability fo r theater owners (1970s) , 88; re-emergence of, 121-124 ; "Superbadd Supermama" sub-genre, 84,85,149 n. 23; white con trol of (1970s), 89 "Blaxploitation Movies: Cheap Thrills that Degrade Blacks" (1974), 87-88 Bloomingdale's (NewYor k City) , 92 Bostock,RoyJ., 11 8 Boyd, Edward J., 50 Boyz N the Hood (1991), 121,122,124,12 5 Braxton, Toni, 126 Brooklyn Dodgers, 3,38,39,4 0 Brown, Beatrice, 48 Brown, James, 89

Index | Brown,Jim,81,82,83 Brown an d Williamson Corporation , 11 3 Brown vs. Board of Education qfTopeka, Kansas (1954), 61 Bryant, Roy, 63 Budweiser beer, 111 Buick, 36 Bullock, Henry A., 54 "Buppies" (Black Young Urban Profession als), 5,100 Burns, Ken, 39 Burrell, Thomas, 105 Burrell Advertising, 99,10 5 Burrows, Felix A., 108 Bush, George (President) , 114 Business Week (magazine), 64-66,69,11 9 Butts, Magnolia Lewis , 48 Calloway, Cab, 48 Campanella, Roy, 40 Canadian Clu b whiskey , 110 Canadian Mis t whiskey, 105 Casey, Bernie, 83 CB4 (1993) , 123 Center fo r Researc h i n Marketing, 67-6 8 Center fo r Scienc e i n th e Public Interest , 108 Chamberlain,Wilt, 11 1 Charleston, S.C., 32,4 3 Chemical Marketing Reporter (trade journal), 91 Chemical Week (trad e journal), 93 Chicago, 111., 14,35,37,40, 57,58,88,104 , 107 Chicago Metropolita n Assurance Company , 97 Chicago Whip (newspaper) , 57 Chi-Lites, 109 Chrysler Corporation , 36 Cincinnati, Ohio, 39-40 Cinemation Industries , 82 Civil Rights Act o f 1964,69,76,13 1 Civil Rights Movement : 62, 81; business community's response , 4,74; consumer justice basis of, 3,4,23,56 ; economi c consequences of , 90,100,102,123 ; and Martin Luthe r King , Jr., 56 Claritas Corporation , 10 4 Cleopatra Jones (1973), 84 Cleveland, Ohio, 40,57, 58

18

7

Cleveland Indians , 3,4 0 Coca-Cola Company , 52,7 5 Cojfy (1973), 84 Cole, Nat King , 120 Colored Merchant s Association (CMA) , 18-19 Colt-45 Mal t Liquor , 110,11 1 Columbia (recor d label), 15 Columbia Pictures , 75 Columbus, Ohio, 37 Committee Against Blaxploitation (CAB) , 86-87 "Communicating Sou l Style " (1969), 77-78 Congress o f Racial Equality (COPJE) : role in desegregatin g corporat e advertising , 4, 74,85 Connor, Eugene ("Bull") , 66 Consumers' Cooperative Trading Compan y (CCTC), 58-5 9 Cooper,Jack L. , 41 Cosby, Bill, 77, 85 Cosmopolitan (magazine) , 119 Crisis (magazine) , 57 "cross-class" marketing, 105 Dallas,Texas, 18,10 7 D'Arcy Masius Benton & Bowles Advertising Agency, 118 Dash, Julia, 125 Daughters of the Dust (1991) , 125 Davis, Ossie, 67, 87 Davis, Walter A., 53 Dean Witter Reynolds , 10 7 Dee, Ruby, 67 Detroit, Mich., 14,26,37,8 2 "Distinctive Characteristic s o f Urban Negr o Consumption" (Edwards), 25-27 Doby, Larry, 40 Dollars and Sense, 106 "Don't Bu y Where You Can' t Work" cam paigns (1930s) , 27,57,58 "Don't D o This—IfYou Want t o Sel l Your Products t o Negroes " (1943), 32-33 Dorsey,Thomas A., 3,48,49 Do the RightThing (1989) , 121,123,12 5 "Double-duty" dollar, 58 D. Parke Gibso n Associates, 73,75 Drake, St. Clair, 58 DuBois, William Edwar d Burghard t (W.E.B.), 57,59-6 0

188 |

Index

Ebony (magazine), 53,68,73,74,75,97,12 8 Ebony Fashion Fair Show, 92 Edwards, Paul K., 22-27,3 5 Edwards-Beacham, Darlene, 130 Elder, Lonnie, III, 87 Esquire (magazine) , 119 Essence (magazine), 93-94,9 9 Esso Standard Oil, 49-50,5 3 Estee Lauder Company, 127 Evans, Miriam, 144 n. 77 Executive Orde r 8802 (1941) , 31-32 Exorcist,The (1973), 89 Fair Employment Practice s Committe e (F.E.P.C.),32 Family Circle (magazine), 119 Fashion Fair Cosmetics Company , 92,128 FCB/Leber Katz Partners, 114 Federal Trade Commission (FTC) , 94,95 Fenty, Phillip, 84 Fetchit, Stepin, 83 15 Million Negroes and 15 Billion Dollars (Bell), 54 Financial services companies: and black con sumers, 107 Fisk University (Nashville) , 22,64 Fitzhugh, H. Naylor, 53 Ford Motor Company, 36 "Forgotten 15,000,000,The " (1949), 41 "Forgotten 15,000,00 0 . . .ThreeYear s Later, The" (1952), 42 Fornay, Alfred, 91 Fortune (magazine) , 119 Four Tops, 109 Foxy Brown (1974) , 84 Franklin, Aretha, 126 Frazier.Joe, 111 Frye, Theodore R. , 4 8 Garvey, Marcus, 60 Gary, Ind., 59 Gaye, Marvin, 89 George, Nelson, 123 Gerima, Haile, 124-12 5 Gibson, D. Parke, 73,75 Godfather,The (1972),89 Golden Stat e Mutual Life Insuranc e Com pany, 97,129 "Goldie" (The Mack), 84,90 Gospel music industry, 3,48-49

GQ (magazine) , 119 "Great Migration," 2,7; characteristics of , 10-14,31 Greensboro, N.C., 63,107 Greyhound Corporation , 53,75 Grier, Pam, 84 Grier, Roosevelt (Rosey) , 111 Griffin, Junius, 85-86 Hager, Fred, 15 Haring,H.A.,20-23 Hawkins, Erksine, 36 Hayes, Isaac, 89 Haynes, Arthur J., 66 Heckel, Fred, 106 Heileman Brewing Company, 110, 111 Henderson, Fletcher, 16 Henderson,Vivian, 64-6 5 Hill,TArnold,28,29 "Hip-hop (rap) " culture: as marketable com modity, 123-12 4 Hit Man (1974), 83 Holsey, Albon L., 19 Holte, Clarence L., 53 Homeboys in Outer Space, 5 House & Garden (magazine) , 119 House Party (1990) , 124,12 5 Housewives' League of Detroit, 58 Houston, Whitney, 12 6 "How Negroe s Spen t Their Incomes, 1920-1943" (1945), 34 "How t o Sell Today's Negro Woman" (1966), 75-76 Hunter, Alberta, 15 Hutch, Willie, 89 Ice Cube, 124 Indianapolis, Ind., 37 Interstate United Newspapers , Inc., 35-36 "In the Black" (1989), 103-10 4 Ivax Corporation, 128 Jackson, James A. ("Billboard"), 49-50,5 3 Jefferson, "Blind" Lemon, 15 Jeffiies, LeRoy, 53,108 Jet (magazine), 53,68,12 8 Johnson, Beverly, 120 Johnson, Charles S., 22, 29 Johnson, George, 94—95 Johnson,John H. : advocate for black-owne d

Index | media, 98; consultant t o U.S . corporations, 4, 53,70,73-75; opposition t o pro posed black boycott o f Christmas 1963 , 68 Johnson, Joseph T., 54 Johnson Product s Company , 94-95, 128-129 Johnson Publishin g Company , 53,74,12 8 Jones, Carolyn R. , 115,14 8 nn. 18,19,2 0 Jones, Deacon, 11 1 Jones, Eugene Kinckle , 28-29 Jones,K.C., 11 1 Jones, Lafayette, 128-12 9 Joseph Coor s Company , 112-11 3 Joseph E . Seagram & Sons, Inc., 36,113 Kansas City, Mo., 37 KAOK, radio statio n (Lak e Charles , La.), 47 KATZ, radio station (St . Louis), 46 Kellogg Company, 26 Kendrix, Moss H., 52 Keystone Broadcasting System , 46 Khan, Chaka, 12 6 Kid & Play, 124 King, Martin Luther,Jr. , 56,61,62,6 7 King, Rodney, 12 0 King Cobra Mal t Liquor , 10 9 Kingdom of God, The, 1 7 "Know-How i s Key to Sellin g Negr o Today" (1961), 72-73 Kool an d th e Gang , 109 Kool cigarettes , 113 KOWL, radio station (Sant a Barbara, Calif.), 44 KYOK, radio station (Houston) , 47 La Belle, Patti, 126 Lady Sings the Blues (1972) , 84,85 League, Raymond A., 78 Leatherwood, Robert P. , 45-46 Lee, Spike, 121,122,123,12 4 Lever Brothers, 19 Lewis,John (Congressman) , 11 1 Life (magazine), 119 Liquor companies : marketing t o black con sumers^, 109-11 1 Logan, Rayford, 8 Lomax, Louis, 67 Look (magazine), 63 Lorrilard Corporation , 77,11 3

18 9

Los Angeles, Calif., 37,104,107, 11 1 Los Angeles Times, 12 1 Louisville, Ky, 43 "Lou Rawl s Parade o f Stars Telethon," 112 Lynchburg (Va.) News, 56 Mack, The, (1973), 4,83-84, 89,12 2 Malcolm X (1992) , 122,12 4 Malt liquor: African America n consumptio n of, 109-11 0 Marketing Booze to Blacks (Cente r for Science in th e Publi c Interest) , 108,109,11 0 Marriot Corporation , 5 3 Marshall Fiel d (Chicago) , 92 Martell cognac , 110 Martin, Sallie, 48,49 Martin an d Morris Publishin g Company , 48-49 Master Card , 121 Maybelline Company , 127 Mayfield, Curtis , 89 McDonalds Corporation , 12 1 McMillan, Terry, 125 McNeal,A.C.,57 Memphis,Tenn., 37,43, 56 Memphis Free Speech, 56 Mercedes Benz, 105-10 6 Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM) , 82, 88 Michelob beer , 111 "Middle-class Black Consumer s an d Inten sity of Ethnic Identification " (1989) , 106-107 Milam, J. W., 63 Miles Colleg e (Birmingham , Ala.), 66 Miller Brewing Company , 111,11 3 Miller Lite beer, 111 Mingo-Jones Advertising Agency, 115 Mississippi, 14, 63 Mitchell, Elvis, 123 Mobile, Ala., 32 Montgomery, Ala.: birth o f the Colore d Merchants Association (CMA) , 18 Montgomery Bu s Boycott: aftermath , 62-63; as aid to local black business de velopment, 62; as demonstration o f black consumer power, 54,61,13 0 Montgomery Improvemen t Association (MIA), 62 Montgomery Ward, 19 Morris, Kenneth, 48-4 9

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Index

Moton, Robert R. , 18,1 9 Music Television (MTV) , 123 Mypheduh Films , Inc., 124 Nashville, Tenn., 22-23,24-25,37,63, 64-65 National Association fo r th e Advancement of Colored Peopl e (NAACP) , 3,52,59 , 112,115; Beverly Hills/Hollywoo d branch, 85; opposition t o proposed blac k boycott o f Christmas 1963,6 8 National Association o f Colored Women (NACW), 19,13 3 National Association o f Market Developer s (NAMD), 52-53,13 0 National Black Alcoholism Counci l (NBAC),113 National Conventio n o f Gospel Choir s an d Choruses (NCGCC) , 48 National Institut e o n Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (N I AAA), 112 National Medical Association, 84 National Negr o Busines s League, 8; national "Negro Trade Week" campaigns, 17—18; national surve y o f black business i n America, 18 ; promotion o f Colored Mer chants Association (CMA) , 19; proposed national survey o f African America n con sumers, 19,13 3 National Negro Market, The (Interstate United Newspapers , Inc.), 37 National Negr o Networ k (NNN) , 47-4 8 National Newspape r Publisher s Association, 112 National Urba n Leagu e (NUL) , 3, 85; NUL's "Hidden Unemploymen t Index, " 101,112,115 "Negro-appeal" radio stations , 2,42-48; format, 42-43; primarily whit e ownership , 46,48, 54; role of disk jockies, 44-46 "Negro a s Consumer,The" (1930) , 20-21 Negro Basebal l Leagues, 3,31; decline of , 40-41 "Negro Busines s Pressur e Grows " (1960), 64 "Negro Group s Put th e Economic Pressur e On" (1960), 64 Negro Handbook, The (Johnson Publishin g Company), 74-75 Negro History Bulletin, 62 Negro in Business, The (Washington), 2, 8- 9

"Negro Market,The : An Appraisal" (1947), 49-50 "Negro Market , The: $15,000,000,000 t o Spend" (1952), 42 "Negro Market,The : Growing, Changing, Challenging" (1963), 76 "Negro marke t specialists," 3, 49,51,52. See also National Association o f Market De velopers (NAMD ) "Negro Natio n Within th e Nation , A" (1935), 59 "Negro Radio : 200-Plus Specialis t Sta tions—More Coming " (1952), 42 Negro Yearbook and Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro, The (Work), 2,9-10,19,138 n . 12 Nehi Corporation , 3 6 Neiman-Marcus (Dallas) , 92 Newark, N.J., 37,57 "New Busines s Ways in th e South" (1961), 65 New Jack City (1991) , 121 New Orleans , La., 37, 43,50-51 Newport cigarettes , 77,113,11 4 Newsweek, 119,12 2 New Wave Communications, 98 New World A-Coming (Ottley) , 31 New York, N.Y., 37,43, 57, 58 New York Cit y Departmen t o f Consume r Affairs, 11 8 New Yorker (magazine), 119 New York Times, 11 8 New York Times Magazine, 123-124 Nichols, Denise, 87 "Nigger Hair " tobacco, 60 Nightline (ABC News) , 123 North Carolin a Mutua l Lif e Insuranc e Company, 97,12 9 Okeh (recor d company) : promotion o f "race" music, 15 Oklahoma City , Okla., 63 "OK" radio group , 47 O'Neal, Ron, 8 7 Opportunity (magazine), 26,29 OToole,JohnE.,118 Ottley, Roi, 31 Pabst Brewing Company , 36 Pace, Harry H. , 15-1 6 Paige, Satchel, 3, 40

Index | 19 1 Paramount (recor d label), 15,16 Parks, Gordon, Jr., 84 Parks, Gordon, Sr., 88 Parks, Rosa, 61,6 3 Pathway to the Houston Negro Market (Bullock), 54 Peck, Fannie B., 58 People United t o Save Humanity (PUSH) , 85,112 Pepsi-Cola, 36; Negro sales department, 50-51 Pepsi-Cola World, The, 50-51 Pet Milk, 53 Philadelphia, Pa., 14,38,39,10 7 Phillip Morris Company, 53,113 "Pickaninny Chocolates, " 60 Pittsburgh, Pa., 14,40 Pittsburgh Courier. 35; promotion ofWorl d War II "Double V" campaign, 60 Pokier, Sidney, 81, 83, 85 Porgy and Bess (1959) , 124 Porter, Bill, 53 Pordand,Ore.,32 Potential Negro Market, The (Joseph T.Johnson), 54 Poussaint, Alvin J., 87-88 Powell, Adam Clayton, 68 "Priest" (Superfly), 84,90 Printer's Ink (magazine), 50 Proctor & Gardner Advertising Agency, 99 "Product Appeal: No Clas s Barrier" (1981), 104-105 Product Marketing (trade journal), 94 Prothro, Louise, 53 Pryor, Richard, 85,90 Psychology and Marketing (scholarly journal), 106 "Purchasing Power of Negroes in the U.S. Estimated at Two Billion Dollars" (1935), 28-29 "Racial Differences i n Consumption and Automobile Ownership " (Alexis), 54 Readers Guide to Periodical Literature, 54 Reagan, Ronald (President) : administration's impact upon African Americans, 5,101, 118 "Real Black Power,The" (1996), 129-13 0 Record companie s and black consumers, 2, 15-16

Reddix,Jacob L., 59 "Redefining Beautiful " (1993), 128 Rega, Milo, 15 Reid,IraDeA.,29 Research Compan y o f America, 36,38 Revlon, 95,12 0 Rich, Matty, 121 Richmond,Va., 23,24,25,26,5 7 Rickey, Branch, 3; his "Charlie Thomas story," 38; motivation for bringing Jackie Robinson t o major leagues, 39 Riunite wine , 110 R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Company , 75,113, 114 Roberts, Flori, 91 Robinson, Frank, 111 Robinson, Jackie, 3,38,39,4 0 Rocky (1976), 90 Rollins Broadcasting, Inc., 46 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 31 Roundtree, Richard, 88-89 Rounsaville radi o group, 46-47 Royal Crow n Cola , 36, 53 Ruby Valentine (Nationa l Negr o Network) , 48 Russell, Harvey C, 50-51,5 3 Safeway Corporation, 36 Salem cigarettes, 114 Sales Management (magazine), 76, 77 Sanders, Howard Advertising and Public Relations, 98 San Francisco, Calif., 32,107 Sankofa (1994) , 124-12 5 Savannah, Ga., 32 Sawyer, Forrest, 123 Schlitz malt liquor, 109 Seagrams. See Joseph E. Seagram & Sons, Inc. Selig Center for Economic Growt h (Uni versity of Georgia), 117 "Selling Black Cosmetics Prove s a Tricky Business" (1977), 92 "Selling to Harlem" (1928), 20-21 Seventeen (magazine) , 119 $70 Billion in the Black (Gibson) , 75 Shaft (1971), 4,82,83,88,90,122,12 5 Shaft in Africa (1973) ,$9 Shaft's Big Score (1972), 88 Shaw, Kay, 124

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Index

Shell Oil Company , 60 "Should Negroe s Boycott Sant a Claus? " (1963), 68 Shuttlesworth, Fred, 66,67 Silver Streak (1976), 90 SimiValley, Calif.: Rodney Kin g verdict , 120,121 Singleton, John, 121,12 2 Sit-ins, 55,63-6 4 Sixteenth Stree t Baptist Churc h (Birming ham, Ala.), 67 "slanguage": use in reachin g black con sumers, 106-10 7 Slaughter (1972), 83 Smith, Bessie, 15 Smith, Chuck, 53,144 n. 80 Smith, Clarence, 93,94 Smith, Mamie: impact o f her 192 0 recordin g "Crazy Blues, " 15 "Soul food," 76 "Soul market," 4, 70; socio-political dimen sions of, 76; techniques for reaching , 77-78 "Soul music, " 76 Sounder (1972), 84-85 Southern Christia n Leadershi p Conferenc e (SCLC): endorsement o f proposed blac k boycott o f Christmas 1963, 68; establishment of , 63 ; role in desegregatin g Birm ingham, 66-67; participation i n Commit tee Against Blaxploitation, 8 5 Southern Urban Negro as A Consumer, The (Edwards), 22-25 Sponsor (magazine), 41-45,72,7 5 State of Black America 1988 (Nationa l Urba n League), 115-11 6 St. Louis,Mo., 37,39,40, 11 1 Straight Out of Brooklyn (1991 ) , 121 Stride Toward Freedom (King) , 61 Stroh Brewing Company , 11 3 Succeeding Against the Odds (Johnson and Bennett), 73,74 Sullivan, David J., 32-35,3 6 Sullivan, Louis, 114 Superfty (1972), 4, 80,83-84,122,12 5 Superfty TNT (1973),8 9 Supreme Lif e Insuranc e Company , 129 Sweet Sweetback's Baadasssss Song (1971), 82, 83,89

Tale of TwoCities,A (Dickens) , 100 Tallahassee, Fla., 63 Taylor, Susan, 93,94 Television, 80, 82; marketing of alcohol, 110-111 Tennessee A & I University, 53 Texaco Corporation, 4 $30 Billion Dollar Negro, The (Gibson), 75 Thompson, Lowell, 119-12 0 Tide (magazine), 49-50 Tidwell, Billy J., 115-11 6 Till, Emmett, 6 3 Timberland Company , 12 1 Time (magazine), 119,12 2 TLC (singin g group), 126 Tobacco companies : marketing to blac k consumers, 5,113-114 Trouble Man (1972) , 83,89 Tyson, Cicely, 87 United Airlines, 106 United Negr o Colleg e Fund , 11 2 United State s Supreme Court , 57 Universal Lif e Insuranc e Company , 97 , 129 UniWorld Group : role in promoting Shaft, 96-97,98,99 Uptown cigarettes , 114 Uptown Saturday Night (1974), 84,85 Urban Negro Worker in the United States, The, 1925-1936 (U.S . Dept. of the Interior) , 29-30 Vanguard Advertising, 99 Vann, Robert, 3 5 Van Peebles, Melvin, 82,8 9 Variety (magazine), 126 Vaughn-Cooke, Denys, 101 Viewpoint, Inc., 108 Vince Culler s Advertising Agency, 77,9 8 Voting Rights Act o f 1965,7 6 Waiting to Exhale (McMillan): as literary suc cess, 125-126; as successful hom e video , 126-127; as successful movie , 126 Wall Street Journal, 120,12 9 Ward, James "Bud," 53,144 n. 76 Warner Brothers, 84 Washington, Booker X, 2,8- 9

Index | Washington, D.C., 38,43, 57, 58,104,10 7 Waters, Ethel, 16,4 8 Watts Rebellion (1965) , 76 WBEE, radio station (Chicago) , 46 WBOK, radio station (Ne w Orleans) , 46,47 W.B.Ziff Company , 35 WCIN, radio station (Cincinnati) , 46 WDIA, radio station (Memphis) , 43 Weathers, Carl, 90 Weaver, RobertC, 29 WEDR, radio station (Birmingham) , 44 Wells, Ida B., 56 WERD, radio station (Atlanta) , 43 WGEE, radio station (Indianapolis) , 46 WGES, radio station (Chicago) , 45 "White-flight," 80-81 Whiteman, Samuel, 53 Whitman Cand y Company, 60 Wichita, Kansas, 63 Wilkins, Roy, 68

19 3

Williams,BillyDee,110 Williams, Clarence, 15 Williamson, Fred, 83,109 Wilson, Flip, 85 WLOU, radio station (Louisville) , 44, 46 WMBM, radio station (Miami) , 46 WNJR, radio station (NewYor k City) , 46 Work, Monroe, 2, 9 WQOK, radio station (Greenville , S.C.), 46 WRAP, radio station (Norfolk,Va.) , 46 Wright, Herbert H., 53 WSOK, radio station (Nashville) , 44 WWCA, radio station (Gary , Ind.), 44 WWOK, radio station (Charlotte , N.C.), 46 WXOK, radio station (Bato n Rouge), 47 Young & Rubicam (Y&R) : as critic o f black-owned media , 97-98,9 9 Zebra Associates, 78,98

About th e Author

Robert E . Weems Jr. is a n associat e professo r o f histor y a t th e University o f Missouri-Columbia. He receive d hi s P.h.D. from th e Univer sity of Wisconsin-Madison. His publications include articles in the Journal of American History, the Illinois Historical Journal, th e Journal of Negro History, Radical History Review, Business and Economic History, th e Western Journal of Black Studies, and th e Review of Black Political Economy. He i s also the autho r of Black Business in the Black Metropolis: The Chicago Metropolitan Assurance Company, 1925-1985 (1996) .

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