Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai, Translation and Commentary 9781472462626, 9781315615370

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Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai, Translation and Commentary

First commissioned by Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051) in 1023 or 1024, the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium was the work of two authors, the second of whom completed the text shortly after the death of Bishop Gerard. The three books of the Gesta shed considerable light on the policies and actions of many of the key political and religious figures in an economically and intellectually vibrant region on the frontier between the German and French kingdoms. The Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai, translated in this volume into English for the first time, provides unique insights into the relationship between the German king and the bishops within the context of the so-called imperial church system, the rise of both secular and ecclesiastical territorial lordships, the conduct of war, the cult of the saints, monastic reform, and evolving conceptions of the proper social order of society. Including extensive commentary, apparatus of explanatory notes, maps, and genealogies, this text will be of considerable value in both undergraduate and graduate courses, as well as to scholars. Bernard S. Bachrach is professor of History at the University of Minnesota. David S. Bachrach is professor of History at the University of New Hampshire. Michael Leese is assistant professor of History at the University of New Hampshire.

Deeds of the Bishops of Cambrai, Translation and Commentary Bernard S. Bachrach, David S. Bachrach, and Michael Leese

First published 2018 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Bernard S. Bachrach, David S. Bachrach, and Michael Leese The right of Bernard S. Bachrach, David S. Bachrach, and Michael Leese to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-1-4724-6262-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-61537-0 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC

For Deborah For Elyse with all my love For Lois Jennings, my Latin teacher, and Dorothy Leese, my grandmother, who always supported my dreams

Contents

Genealogies Maps

ix xi



Introduction1



Book 133



Book 2159



Book 3185 Bibliography Index

241 251

Genealogies

Simplified Ottonian Genealogy Simplified West Carolingian Genealogy Simplified Genealogy of the House of Verdun Simplified Genealogy for the Regnarid Family (Descendants of Gislebert II) Simplified Genealogy for the Regnarid Family Part II (Descendants of Reginar II)

xii xiii xiv xv xvi

Maps

World of the Gesta c. 1025 Lotharingia and Neighboring Regions c. 1025

xvii xviii

Denmark

Baltic Sea North Sea We

gla

nd

Frie

En

Poland

Saxony

Ode r

Magdeburg

Rhine

Meuse

Lower

E lbe

er

nd sla

s

Cologne Fritzlar Aachen

Thuringia

Merseburg

Franconia

Lotharingia Arras Mainz Frankfurt Bamberg Cambrai Trier U Laon Worms Lo pper Metz Rouen tha Rheims Reg rin ens gia burg Paris Augsburg

West Francia

Swabia

Seine

Sens

Burgundy

World of the Gesta c. 1025 250 mi

0 0

250 km

Milan

Bohemia

Danube

Bavaria

Kingdom of Italy Hungary

Pavia

Ligurian Sea Corsica

Adriatic Sea

Rome

England

North Sea

Friesland Vlaardingen

ser

e hin

Meu

Saxony

We

R

se

O (Eeude na naa m rd Mo e) e n s To Ma urna rch i ien n Do es ua i

Lower Lotharingia

Cologne

Aachen St. Omer Brussels Cambrai Thérouanne Lobbes Liége Lens Valenciennes Arras Maubeuge Namur Trier Le Cateau Maroilles Florennes Amiens Rouen St. Quentin Péronne Ivois Laon Noyon Beauvais Metz Rheims Soissons Up Verdun Lo per Paris th

ari

Fritzlar

Thuringia

Franconia Frankfurt

Ode r

Mainz

Bamberg

Worms

nu Da

ng

be

Augsburg

ia

Sens

e Sein

Swabia

West Francia Burgundy

Kingdom of Italy Milan Pavia

Lotharingia and Neighboring Regions c. 1025 250 mi

0 0

250 km

Ligurian Sea

Introduction Historical and historiographical background

The diocese of Cambrai and the regnum of Lotharingia At the time that the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium was written, during roughly the period from 1024–1055,1 the majority of the diocese of Cambrai was part of the German Kingdom along its frontier with France. However, a significant portion of the diocese, including the major urban center at Arras, lay within the sphere of influence of the counts of Flanders, and was located within the French kingdom. In 1094, Arras became the seat of a separate French diocese. At a more local level, the city of Cambrai was an important political and economic center within the “kingdom” (regnum) of Lotharingia. The magnates of this region, including those living within the diocese of Cambrai, had developed a view of themselves as distinct from their German neighbors to the east and their French neighbors to the West.2 Further complicating the political geography and social geography of the region was the emergence during the course of the tenth century of the county of Flanders, located to the north and west of Lotharingia, as significant military and economic power that was independent of both the West Frankish/French and East Frankish/German kings.3 By the early eleventh century, Count Baldwin IV (987–1035) of Flanders exercised political control over much of the northern half of the diocese of Cambrai, including the urban centers at Arras and Douai, and the important fortress at Valenciennes.4 Baldwin’s son and successor Baldwin V (1035–1067), the father-in-law of William the Conqueror, continued to develop the political strength of the county, thereby impinging upon the interests of the bishops of Cambrai, the kings of Germany, and the kings of France.5 The ecclesiastical geography of this frontier region was equally complicated. The authority to appoint the bishops of Cambrai rested with the German kings. However, the diocese was located within the ecclesiastical province headed by the archiepiscopal see of Rheims, and much of the diocese was located within the French kingdom, as mentioned above. By the end of the tenth century, Rheims was firmly in the orbit of the French kings. The French ruler Hugh Capet (987–996) was able to impose his own candidate, Arnulf, as archbishop of Rheims in 989.6 Hugh’s son King Robert II of

2  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background France (996–1031) also played a leading role in the appointment of Ebulo as archbishop in 1021.7 As a consequence, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051), who commissioned the Gesta, had to maneuver between the demands of his ecclesiastical superior at Rheims and his political and secular obligations to the German monarchy. The necessity imposed on Gerard as bishop of Cambrai to negotiate among competing obligations had been a common experience for his predecessors. By the early eleventh century, the city and diocese of Cambrai had been on one or another political and ecclesiastical frontier for several hundred years. During the late fifth century, Cambrai was an important administrative center in the emerging Frankish kingdom ruled by Clovis (481–511), the founder of the Merovingian dynasty that ruled the former Roman provinces of northern Gaul and Belgica.8 As the Frankish kingdom was divided among Clovis’ sons and grandsons, Cambrai emerged as an important economic center, located in the kingdom of Neustria very near the frontier with the kingdom of Austrasia.9 The city continued to develop as a commercial center during the course of the seventh and eighth centuries without suffering, it appears, from the numerous conflicts among the various Merovingian rulers and their aristocratic supporters within Frankish kingdoms.10 The emergence of the Carolingian family as rulers of the Frankish kingdom under Pepin III (751–768), and his son Charlemagne (768–814), does not appear to have had a significant impact, either positive or negative on Cambrai. There are no surviving royal charters on behalf of the bishops or the diocese during the eighth century. Moreover, the author of the Gesta provides a very limited treatment of the bishops from this early Carolingian period as well, suggesting that the author did not find much information about them or the diocese in the course of his research (more on this below).11 However, the author of the Gesta does suggest that Bishop Hildoard of Cambrai (790–816) established a good relationship with Charlemagne’s son and successor Louis the Pious (814–840), who issued a number of charters on behalf of the diocese.12 Louis the Pious’ death was followed by a period of civil war among his three surviving sons, Lothair I (840–855), Louis the German (840–876), and Charles the Bald (840–877). After more than two years of bloody conflict, the three kings agreed to divide their father’s empire among themselves and negotiated the Treaty of Verdun (843).13 As a result of this treaty, the city of Cambrai was allocated to the middle kingdom to be ruled by Emperor Lothair I (840–855).14 However, both the city and diocese were located very near the frontier with the newly established West Frankish realm of Charles the Bald. In addition, despite its location within Lothair I’s middle kingdom, the bishopric of Cambrai remained under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the archbishops of Rheims. During the greater part of Charles the Bald’s reign, this meant that the formable archbishop Hincmar of Rheims (845–882) regularly sought to intervene in the affairs of the bishops of Cambrai.15 Following the death of Emperor Lothair I, his kingdom was divided among his three sons, Louis II of Italy, Lothair II, and Charles of Provence.

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  3 Cambrai was assigned to the new realm of Lothair II (855–869), but remained under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the West Frankish archbishopric of Rheims.16 Although Lothair II was king for just over a decade, his newly established realm became inextricably bound to his name. Writing in the early tenth century, Regino, abbot of the monastery of Prüm that was located in Lothair II’s former realm, routinely designated the region as “Lothar’s kingdom” (regnum Lotharii).17 Flodoard of Rheims (d. 966), whose History of the Church of Rheims provided an important model for the author of the Gesta, also routinely denoted the lands that once were part of Lothair II’s realm as the regnum Lotharii.18 The author of the Gesta followed Flodoard by describing the region in which Cambrai was located as the kingdom of Lothar, which we have rendered as Lotharingia in our translation, and the people living in this region as Lotharingians.19 Following Lothair II’s death, his uncles Charles the Bald and Louis the German divided Lotharingia between them in 870 through the treaty of Meerssen. In this agreement, Cambrai became part of the West Frankish realm, and for a brief period the diocese of Cambrai was located within the same kingdom as its metropolitan see at Rheims.20 However, this ecclesiastical unification of Cambrai with Rheims was short-lived. The death of Charles the Bald in 877 was followed in rapid succession by that of his son Louis II (877–879), and Louis II’ sons Louis III (879–882) and Carloman II (879–884). Only Louis II’s five-year-old son, the future Charles III (893–923), remained of the west Carolingian line. In the absence of any adult Carolingians in the West, Louis the German’s only surviving son, Charles the Fat, became the sole ruler over the entire Carolingian empire between 884 and 887.21 But Charles then was overthrown in 887 by his illegitimate nephew Arnulf, a grandson of King Louis the German. The West Frankish magnates refused to accept Arnulf as their king, and chose instead the non-Carolingian, Count Odo of Paris, who ruled for a decade from 888 until 898. But the Lotharingian magnates refused to recognize Odo as their king, and invited Arnulf, now firmly established as the ruler of East Francia (887–899), to take control of western half the regnum of Lotharingia, including the city of Cambrai.22 In 895, Arnulf appointed his elder (illegitimate) son Zwentibold as king of Lotharingia (895–900). Some scholars have interpreted Arnulf’s decision as an effort to provide closer oversight over the members of the Lotharingian nobility, who were then seeking greater autonomy from royal control.23 As king, Zwentibold issued charters on behalf of the bishopric of Cambrai, and ensured the return of property to the bishopric that had been seized by secular magnates in the chaotic political circumstances of the previous decade.24 Following the death of Arnulf in 899 and Zwentibold in 900, Arnulf’s younger son, Louis the Child (899–911), gained control over the regnum, largely with the support of Count Reginar I of Mons, who was a powerful magnate in northern (lower) Lotharingia.25 Reginar had been Zwentibold’s leading supporter until 898, when the king inexplicably deprived the magnate of his offices and properties.26 Louis the Child, or

4  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background rather his regents, rewarded Reginar by reestablishing him as the leading secular office-holder in Lotharingia.27 Following the death of Louis the Child in 911, Charles III, now king in West Francia, seized control in Lotharingia with the support of Count Reginar.28 Charles III demonstrated his appreciation for this aid by confirming Reginar in his many offices in Lotharingia, including both counties and lay abbacies, and making him his leading advisor within the region.29 In 915, Reginar’s son Gislebert inherited his father’s position. Gislebert continued to support Charles III until the outbreak of a war in the West Frankish kingdom that pitted Robert, the younger brother of King Odo, against the Carolingian king Charles III. Robert was killed at the battle of Soissons in June 923, but Charles III was captured by Robert’s ally Count Heribert of Vermandois. Gislebert sought to use the subsequent political chaos to establish himself as an independent ruler in Lotharingia, but his efforts were thwarted by King Henry I of East Francia/Germany (919–936). After two years of campaigning, Henry I successfully seized control over the entirety of Lotharingia in 925, and appointed Gislebert as duke.30 Ultimately, the Lotharingian regnum and the city and bishopric of Cambrai remained within the German kingdom throughout the remainder of the Middle Ages, although Arras and its environs to the north and west of Cambrai were joined to France in the late eleventh century. During the course of the tenth century, the rulers of the West Frankish kingdom did make a number of attempts to recover control over Lotharingia. In 939, Charles III’s son, Louis IV of West Francia (936–954), invaded Lotharingia in support of a rebellion by Duke Gislebert against the German king Otto I (936–973).31 Louis IV’s son Lothair IV (954–986) invaded the eastern part of Lotharingia in 978 in a bid to capture the German king Otto II (973–983), and did briefly succeed in seizing the old imperial capital of Aachen.32 Following Otto II’s death in 983, Lothair IV invaded Lotharingia again, and even succeeded in capturing a number of strongholds, including the fortress city of Verdun.33 However, the regents for the young Otto III, working with loyal Lotharingian magnates, drove back Lothair IV and forced him to cede control in Lotharingia to the German king.34 By the early eleventh century, the regnum of Lotharingia was firmly part of the German kingdom. However, this did not mean an end to conflict. As the author of the Gesta makes clear throughout his narrative, local magnates such as the descendants of Reginar I and the Luxemburg in-laws of the German king Henry II (1002–1024) caused significant political disruption during the first decades of the eleventh century.

Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai Much of what is known about Bishop Gerard comes directly from the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium. Some additional information about Gerard’s ancestors survives in the necrology, that is a book for the remembrance of

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  5 the dead, from Gerard’s family monastery at Florennes, and the account of the miracles of St. Gengulf of Florennes, which was written by Abbot Gonzo (died 1069) of this house.35 Using these sources, scholars have identified Gerard’s paternal grandfather as Godfrey, who held office as count of Hainaut. He is mentioned in a charter that the German ruler Otto I issued on behalf of the church of Cambrai in 958.36 Some scholars also have identified Count Godfrey of Hainaut with a dux of Lotharingia named Godfrey, who died on campaign in Italy in 964, although this identification is tenuous.37 Gerard’s grandfather Godfrey and grandmother Alpaida had two sons who survived into adulthood. The elder of the two, Arnulf, was the father of the future bishop of Cambrai.38 Gerard’s mother was named Ermintrude. The author of the Gesta states that Bishop Gerard was related on his mother’s side to Archbishop Adalbero of Rheims (969–989), a member of the important Ardennes-Verdun comital family.39 Many scholars have posited that Ermintrude was the daughter of Adalbero’s brother, Count Godfrey I of Verdun.40 However, there does not appear to be any firm evidence to support this conjecture. In fact, the author of the Gesta is silent about such a close relationship despite his frequent discussion of Godfrey I and the latter’s sons Godfrey II, Hermann, and Gothelo, who played significant roles the political and military history of Lotharingia through the first three decades of the eleventh century. Consequently, the exact nature of the relationship of Ermintrude, and hence of Gerard, to Archbishop Adalbero remains unclear. The author of the Gesta indicates that Ermintrude, herself, came from a prominent West Frankish family, while Gerard’s father was Lotharingian.41 Consequently, Bishop Gerard can be understood as having been shaped by the values and stresses of the frontier in much the same way as the diocese that he would eventually lead. Arnulf and Ermintrude had four sons and daughter, in addition to Gerard, who reached adulthood.42 Theo Riches, in his study of Bishop Gerard and the Gesta, follows the argument by Alain Dierkens that Gerard’s father Arnulf and his brother Arnulf II both held office as counts of the district of Florennes, and that the latter was killed at the battle of Florennes in June 1015.43 It is notable, therefore, that the author of the Gesta does not accord the comital title to either Gerard’s father or to his brother, and also does not mention the death of the younger Arnulf, despite providing some details about the battle of Florennes, in which the forces of Duke Godfrey of Lotharingia (the same Godfrey II mentioned above) defeated those of Count Lambert of Louvain.44 The author of the Gesta does inform his readers that the young Gerard left his family’s home and went to the cathedral city of Rheims to study at the school there under the direction of his maternal relative Archbishop Adalbero.45 The archbishop, although leading a West-Frankish see, was a staunch supporter of the German monarchy rather than the West Frankish Carolingians. Adalbero was the son of a Lotharingian count named Gozel, and had attended school at the monastery of Gorze, located just outside

6  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background of the city of Metz in Lotharingia. Here, the young Adalbero had become friends with Rothard, the future bishop of Cambrai (979x980–995).46 Adalbero owed his appointment as archbishop of Rheims to the intervention of the German king and emperor Otto I, who exercised hegemonic authority over the West Frankish kingdom, ruled by his nephew Lothair IV (954– 986), throughout the 960s up to his own death in 973.47 It is not clear how old Gerard was or in what year he went to Rheims, as the author of the Gesta is silent on these points. The only secure dates for Gerard’s life are his appointment as bishop in 1012 and his death in 1051. Canon law from this period held that thirty-five was the minimum permissible age for consecration as bishop, although this rule frequently was violated.48 In light of the absence of any commentary by the author of the Gesta that might appear to try to justify an uncanonical appointment, it seems reasonable to conclude that Gerard had reached this age minimum when he was named bishop, which would put his birth at some time during or before 977.49 The author of the Gesta says that Gerard was in his pueritia when he left for Rheims,50 which suggests an age between ten and fourteen.51 It is therefore likely that Gerard was at Rheims while Gerbert of Aurillac, the famed scholar and future pope Sylvester II (999–1003), was the head of the school there during the late 980s. The author of the Gesta, however, does not mention any aspect of Gerard’s education at Rheims despite offering praise to Gerbert as a learned man.52 While at school in Rheims, Gerard became close friends with Richard, the future abbot of the monastery of Saint Vanne (died 1046) and noted monastic reformer, who figures prominently in the Gesta.53 The author of the Gesta does not provide any further information about Gerard’s training and career between his arrival at Rheims during the episcopate of Adalbero and his service as a chaplain to Henry II in 1012, or explain how Gerard became a member of the German ruler’s household. However, a number of factors in Gerard’s personal and familial history likely recommended him to Henry II. Gerard’s maternal kin, the counts of Ardennes and Verdun, had shown considerable loyalty to the Ottonian royal family during the minority of Otto III in the 980s, and subsequently played important roles in Henry II’s governance of Lotharingia.54 Both Archbishop Adalbero and Archbishop Gerbert, under whom Gerard had studied at Rheims, were stalwart imperial supporters, and had opposed the effort of Lothair to conquer Lotharingia in 984.55 Moreover, as seen above, Gerard’s grandfather, and very likely his father as well, had served Henry II’s royal predecessors.

Episcopal career Gerard’s career as bishop of Cambrai has received considerable attention from scholars, although usually in studies focused on other matters, such as the so-called imperial church system, the Peace of God movement, his efforts to combat heresy,56 and the so-called “feudal” transformation of

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  7 Europe.57 Of these topics, the Gesta provides the most information about Gerard’s role as an agent of royal authority within the diocese of Cambrai and the broader regnum of Lotharingia. The author regularly emphasizes Gerard’s close ties with King Henry II, and the bishop’s effective working relationship with the king’s other loyal men within Lotharingia, such as Gerard’s maternal relatives Duke Godfrey and the latter’s brother Count Hermann, as well as with the bishops of Liège, Verdun, and Utrecht. Gerard’s political authority was based upon the assignment of comital duties to the bishops of Cambrai by the German kings over the two generations prior to Gerard’s consecration. In 948, Otto I resolved the ongoing conflict between Bishop Fulbert of Cambrai (933–956) and Count Isaac of Cambrai by assigning comital authority within the walls of the city to the bishop.58 In 1007, King Henry II granted comital authority within the entire pagus of Cambrai, which included the region outside the walls of the city, to Bishop Erluin (996–1012), Gerard’s predecessor.59 In discussing the activities of Gerard, the author of the Gesta pairs the bishop’s governmental obligations, such as keeping the peace, with the spiritual duties that were inherent in his ecclesiastical office. The Gesta affords pride of place to Gerard’s construction of new churches and his reform of monasteries. The most important of Gerard’s building activities was the construction of a new cathedral at Cambrai between 1023 and 1030.60 The author of the Gesta presents Gerard’s reform of the monasteries of his diocese as cooperative efforts with other churchmen, particularly Richard of Saint Vanne, noted above, and Richard’s disciple Leduin of St. Vaast. These are topics that are covered in significant detail by the author of the Gesta, who emphasized the leading role taken by Bishop Gerard in reforming a large number of monasteries within his diocese, with the cooperation of both King Henry II of Germany and the counts of Flanders.61 In a recent study, Laurent Jégou argued that the author of the Gesta emphasized Gerard’s spiritual tasks, such as reforming monasteries, in an effort to shore up the bishop’s ecclesiastical authority because, in Jegou’s theory, the bishop was unable to exercise governmental authority effectively.62 Jégou points, particularly, to the difficulties faced by Bishop Gerard in maintaining peace within the diocese in the face of violence perpetuated by the episcopal castellans Walter I and Walter II of Lens.63 However, the Gesta actually tells quite a different story. As officeholders in a frontier region of the German kingdom, the king’s subordinates, including Bishop Gerard, had to rely largely on local resources to fulfill their governmental obligations. The German kings, from Henry I up through his great-grandson Henry II, had far-flung responsibilities from the Danish frontier in the north to southern Italy, and from Poland in the east to Lotharingia in the west. As a consequence, the role of the king’s men in Lotharingia, including Bishop Gerard, was to keep political disturbances within reasonable limits until the king could devote his full attention to the region. The castellans Walter and his son Walter II were not major figures in their own right, but rather were

8  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background tools in the hands of significant competitors of the German kings, including the counts of Flanders, the counts of Blois-Champagne, and the French king Robert II. Consequently, Gerard, as had been true of his predecessors, had a responsibility to avoid escalating conflicts to a point that the German king was required to intervene at a time when he was fully occupied in another region of his vast realm. In some cases, Gerard had to accept a certain level of violence from minor political figures, such as the castellans mentioned above, in order to avoid a direct confrontation with their patrons such as the counts of Flanders, who could mobilize far greater resources than the bishop of Cambrai. In contrast to the treatment of Gerard’s governmental and ecclesiastical duties, which permeate the Gesta, much of the scholarly discussion regarding the bishop’s involvement in the Peace of God movement and its putative role in the development of “feudalism” during the eleventh century is based on just a few chapters in the third book of the text. The most important of these is chapter 52, which records a sermon by Gerard in which the bishop develops the theme of society being organized into three orders, those who pray, those who fight, and those who labor. In his famous study on the three orders and the origins of “feudalism” Georges Duby placed great weight on this sermon as evidence for the collapse of the Carolingian style of government and the disintegration of royal authority in the French kingdom.64 In order to make this case, Duby required an early date for the sermon, and placed it circa 1025, as a response to the peace movement emerging in Burgundy at this time.65 However, in a detailed examination of all of the relevant sources for the peace movement in both the south and north of France, and a close evaluation of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, David van Meter demonstrated that the sermon by Gerard referred not to events of the mid-1020s but rather to the period 1033–1034, which provides a terminus post quem for its inclusion in the Gesta.66 Subsequently, Theo Riches argued convincingly that although van Meter is correct that the peace assembly mentioned in chapter 52 is that of Amiens-Corbie from 1033 or 1034, the actual text dealing with the three orders was included in the Gesta in an entirely different context after Gerard’s death in 1051.67 Whether one accepts the dating by van Meter or by Riches, Duby’s use of this passage to argue for a collapse of royal power and the beginning of “feudalism” is untenable.

The text of the Gesta The Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium was commissioned by Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051) in 1023 or 1024.68 The cleric to whom Bishop Gerard gave the task of recording the deeds of the bishops of Cambrai was a canon at the cathedral church of Cambrai. This same canon previously had been commissioned to write a Vita of St. Gaugericus (French Géry, died 626), which he completed in 1024.69 The Gesta was conceived

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  9 from its origin as a project encompassing three books. The author states at the end of the first book that the account of Gerard’s appointment as bishop of Cambrai “will be discussed in book three.”70 In addition, in the preface to book two, the author states: “The second book ought to begin with this same lord bishop, as the order of affairs appears to demand. However, we are leaving him to the side for the moment. . . .” The first book of the Gesta records the history of the diocese of Cambrai from the late Roman period up through the end of the pontificate of Gerard’s predecessor Leduin in 1012. There are, however, several allusions to contemporary affairs in the first book, such as the author’s reference to the castellan Walter of his own day when comparing him to the ferocious behavior of Bishop Berengar of Cambrai who held the see briefly from 956 to 958.71 The second book provides an account of the history of the individual religious foundations that were under the authority of the bishops of Cambrai. Book two begins with those churches and monasteries that were connected directly with Cambrai, and then to those associated with the urban center at Arras. The third book is focused largely on the career of Bishop Gerard, although the great majority of the text deals with the period between his accession in 1012 and the death of King Henry II in 1024. The remaining twenty-seven years of Gerard’s pontificate receive only a limited treatment, which is explained in large part by the compositional history of the text, to which we turn in the next section.

Dating the composition of the Gesta L.C. Bethmann, who edited the text for the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, dated the composition of the three books of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium to the early 1040s.72 More recently, however, the composition of the Gesta has been re-dated. The first substantial challenge to Bethmann’s chronology was undertaken in 1975 by Erik Van Mingroot who offered a new date for the first two books of the Gesta based on a detailed reexamination of the content of the text.73 Van Mingroot argued that the first two books were written and completed between 1024 and 1025.74 The dating of book three, however, was much more complicated. Based upon a detailed analysis of stylistic similarities between the final ten chapters (51– 60) of book three of the Gesta, and the first fifteen chapters of the Deeds of Bishop Lietbert of Cambrai (1051–1076),75 van Mingroot concluded that the same author was responsible for both.76 Van Mingroot also argued that a number of interpolations in the text of book three also were made by this second author during the early 1050s.77 Some three decades later, Theo Riches refined Van Mingroot’s dating of the Gesta in his dissertation on the topic and subsequent published work.78 Riches combined an analysis of the content of the three books of the Gesta with a detailed codicological analysis of the autograph manuscript of the text, which is preserved in The Hague (ms. Den Haag KB 75 F15). Building

10  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background on van Mingroot’s initial findings, Riches was able to show that the first two books of the Gesta were completed no later than September 1025.79 Riches emphasized, however, that the initial completion of books one and two of the Gesta in 1025 did not mark the end of the compositional process. The surviving autograph manuscript containing the first two books includes numerous additions that were made in a hand different from that of the original author. These include both marginal notes and erasures of the text, which then were replaced with new information. The second author also contributed additional information on small pieces of parchment that were then sewn into the text.80 There were, consequently, two authors who were responsible for the composition of books one and two, although the original author wrote the great majority of these first two books.81 Riches agrees with the assessment by van Mingroot that the main author of books one and two also was the author of a significant portion of book three, which provides information about the period before the death of King Henry II of Germany.82 Riches argues that the portions of book three that deal with the period up to c. 1024 were completed by the first author between c. 1025 and c. 1030, and probably closer to c. 1025.83 The remainder of the text of book three was added at a later date by a second author. These materials include eight letters sent by Bishop Gerard,84 political agreements made by Bishop Gerard with his castellans Walter I and Walter II of Lens,85 and Gerard’s famous treatise on the three orders of society, discussed above.86 In addition, there are a number of chapters in book three that include information dating from the period c. 1030 until late in the pontificate of Gerard I, who died in 1051.87 Riches concludes that the second author made these additions to book three of the Gesta during the early 1050s.88 In sum, there were two authors of the three books of the Gesta. The first author wrote books one and two, and a substantial portion of book three which dealt with the career of Bishop Gerard I up through the death of King Henry II in 1024. This part of the text was completed c. 1025. A second author, probably working in the years immediately following the death of Gerard in 1051, revised the first author’s text, making numerous additions and some changes to books one, two, and the first part of book three. This second author then added additional texts to book three, and extended the narrative up to the end of Bishop Gerard’s pontificate.

Manuscript tradition and editions of the text The autograph manuscript of the Gesta originally included books one and two, as well as book three, including all 60 chapters of the text as we have it today.89 The second half of chapter 49 and chapters 50–60 of book three became detached from the manuscript no later than the fourteenth century. However, this final part of book three was preserved in a twelfth-century

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  11 copy of the Gesta, the Codex S. Mariae Atrebatensis, which is also now lost. The Codex S. Mariae Atrebatensis was, itself, copied several times. A copy of this text that was made at the library of the monastery of St. Vaast in 1482 still survives.90 However, this fifteenth-century copy contains a very large number of errors. These errors were compounded when the manuscript from 1482 was copied in 1591 by a scholar named François de Bar.91 The twelfth-century Codex S. Mariae Atrebatensis also was copied again directly in the late sixteenth century, and this manuscript survives and is preserved in the National Archives in Paris.92 A separate manuscript tradition, which goes back to the autograph text when it contained all three books of the Gesta, is represented in a fourteenthcentury manuscript that is also preserved at Paris.93 A third manuscript tradition is represented in a sixteenth-century text, preserved in Brussels, that is missing portions of book three of the Gesta, including Gerard’s sermon regarding peace assemblies (chapter 52) and Gerard’s letter to King Henry III of Germany (chapter 60).94 The first edition of the Gesta was published by G. Colveneere in 1615.95 He drew on the autograph copy of the Gesta, which at that time still contained chapters 1–48 and the first half of chapter 49 of book three. He also had available the twelfth-century Codex S. Mariae Atrebatensis, which contained the second half of chapter 49 as well as chapters 50–60 of book three, and the poor-quality transcription of this text from 1482. Colveneere was quite adept in his analysis of the manuscripts that he had available, and his edition of the text provided the basis for two subsequent nineteenth-century editions. The first of these editions, published by André le Glay in 1834, is marked by a series of omissions.96 Le Glay included only 32 of the 48 chapters of book two. He also included only 54 of 60 chapters of book three. In addition, le Glay made the decision to treat the Gesta of Bishop Lietbert, Gerard’s successor, as part of book three of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium. For all of these reasons, le Glay’s edition is quite problematic and must be used with great caution. The second, and far superior, edition by L. C. Bethmann was published in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores series in 1846. Bethmann relied heavily on the edition by Colveneere and also made use of the Le Glay’s edition, drawing upon the latter’s detailed knowledge of the historical geography of the Cambrai region. In addition, Bethmann improved upon early the seventeenth-century edition by consulting two manuscripts of the Gesta, the fourteenth-century text preserved in Paris and the sixteenth-century text preserved in Brussels, which were not available to Colveneere. Bethmann explained that these two manuscripts offered particularly faithful transcriptions of earlier texts and therefore offered important alternate readings to those manuscripts upon which Colveneere had relied.97 However, Bethmann did not use a surviving late sixteenth-century copy of the

12  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background now lost twelfth-century Codex S. Mariae Atrabetensis, which also provides a very good witness to book three of the Gesta.98 Nevertheless, Bethmann’s edition is the best available version for all three books of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, and we have used this for our translation.

Author(s) of the Gesta Scholars have not been able to establish the identities of either the first or second author of the Gesta beyond their offices as canons at the cathedral church of Cambrai. However, the substantial output of texts by the writing workshop there, including the Vita of St. Géry, written by the first author of the Gesta, provide considerable information about the education of these men, and about the library at Cambrai. In their new edition of a range of texts produced by writers in the circle of Bishop Gerard, Steven Vanderputten and Diane Reilly argue that the bishop and entourage relied very heavily on patristic and Carolingian authors, whose books filled the shelves of the cathedral library. These were supplemented by numerous saints’ lives, many of which were Merovingian in origin.99 Among the texts that the Cambrai authors drew upon most frequently were Sulpicius Severus’ Life of St. Martin and his Dialogues from the early fifth century, as well as the Dialogues, letters, and Homilies on the Gospels by Pope Gregory the Great (590–604).100 When considering the written sources used by the author(s) of the Gesta, it is clear that the library at Cambrai also possessed numerous classical texts as well as contemporary historiographical works, including Caesar’s De bello Gallico, Cicero’s De inventione, perhaps Hegesippus’ Latin reworking of Josephus’ Jewish Wars, as well as Gregory of Tours’ Histories and Flodoard of Rheims’ History of the Church of Rheims. They also had access to numerous royal and private charters that were kept in the episcopal archive at Cambrai and in the archives of several of the churches within the Cambrai-Arras diocese. Finally, the author(s) had an encyclopedic knowledge of biblical texts, and drew upon these throughout the Gesta. In assessing the education that was available at Cambrai, the quality of the Latin employed by the author(s) of the Gesta indicates that the cathedral school was well equipped with effective teachers of grammar, style, and rhetoric. Although the first author of the Gesta engages in the standard topos of humility by apologizing for his “rustic manner of speech” and the “aridity” of his “feeble intellect,” he was quite competent in executing complex periodic sentences.101 He does not, however, attempt to dazzle his readers with rhetorical tropes. Indeed, there is a quite striking difference between the author’s straightforward prose and the very complex “sermon” of Bishop Gerard regarding the proper organization of society and the illicit nature of the so-called Peace of God movement, which is copied into the third book of the Gesta.102 One distinguishing characteristic aspect of the

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  13 first author’s style, however, is his coining of neologisms. We have identified a dozen terms that appear to be unique to this text.103

Historical method and the structure of the Gesta In his discussion of the structure of the Gesta, Theo Riches observes that the first author not only borrowed heavily from Flodoard’s Historia Remensis but also loosely imitated the organization of this text.104 In books one, two, and four of his Historia, Flodoard provided accounts of the deeds of each of the bishops who held the see of Rheims up until his own day, with the exception of ninth-century archbishop Hincmar, noted above, who is the sole focus of book three. For his part, the author of the Gesta devoted the entire first book to the pontificates of the bishops from the origin of the see of Cambrai through the death of Bishop Erluin in 1012. Similar to Flodoard’s focus on Hincmar in book three of his Historia, the author of the Gesta devotes his entire third book to Bishop Gerard.105 Another important similarity between Flodoard’s work and the composition of the first author of the Gesta is their decision to imbed copies of royal charters and other documents within their respective texts at the place where the narrative discusses the information that is recorded in these very same documents.106 However, despite the clear influence of Flodoard’s work on the structure of the Gesta, it is important to recognize that the first author of our text had his own well-developed views about what it meant to write history. He actively reflects throughout the Gesta on the task that he has undertaken as a historian, the nature of the sources that he has available, and finally how he should employ these sources. He begins to address these questions in the preface to the work, where he explains that: At the command of our lord bishop Gerard, we have committed to memory, to the extent that we have been able to track it down verifiably, information about the history of our cities, namely Cambrai and Arras, as well as about their shepherds.107 This tracking down of information involved, as the author makes clear at various points in the text, more than drawing texts and documents from the cathedral library at Cambrai and the episcopal archives.108 Indeed, he traveled throughout the diocese examining the archives of local churches and interviewing witnesses. In addition to devoting considerable energy to pursuing information about the history of the diocese, the author also emphasizes that he did not and would not ever include anything fictitious in his text (nihil fictum positum est).109 To the contrary, he insists there is nothing here other than what we have found in annals, or the histories of the fathers, or in the deeds of kings, or in the documents

14  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background that were in the archive of this church, or what we have learned from certain witnesses through what they saw or heard. Otherwise, it is better to remain silent rather than to pass along false information.110 The author returns to the question of presenting fictions in his history when discussing how much information has been lost since the time of Bishop Vindicien (669–712). In this context, he states “it is uncertain how long this man ruled the church of Cambrai, and who was present at his burial.” He then continues, “It therefore is better to remain silent about these issues than to concoct a fable.”111 It appears that in both the preface and the passage about Bishop Vindicien, the author of the Gesta is contrasting the creation of fabulae with the work of writing historiae in the manner set out by Isidore of Seville in his Etymologies. Isidore, whose text was among the most widely copied and read throughout pre-crusade Europe, observed that fabulae are stories that are created de novo by poets.112 Consequently, they are not events that really took place but rather should be called fictions.113 By contrast, historia is the narration of events that actually took place in the past, i.e., “history is the recounting of things that were done, and it through these accounts that one can know what things took place in the past.”114 In making this distinction, the author of the Gesta appears to be rejecting an alternate mode of history writing championed by his earlier contemporary Richer of Rheims, who faced a very similar challenge in writing about periods for which he had limited or no information from written or oral sources. Richer likely was at Rheims at the same time as Bishop Gerard and may have been a teacher of the future prelate. Moreover, given Gerard’s personal interest in history, it is almost certainly the case that he was familiar with Richer’s work whether or not the author actually taught him directly. Richer developed his own conception of the task of the historian from Cicero’s text De inventione and the Rhetorica ad Herennium, which in the tenth and eleventh centuries was attributed to Cicero. The library at Rheims possessed copies of both texts during the late tenth century.115 These two works emphasized that the discussion of the past, like any other formal presentation to an audience, had to meet the rhetorical standard of being compelling to an audience. In the absence of sources about specific situations, therefore, the author was required to invent “information” that would be plausible to an audience familiar with the topics being discussed. It is notable that the author of the Gesta knew and drew from Cicero’s De inventione so that his decision to follow an Isidorean rather than a Ciceronian approach to the writing of history clearly was a conscious choice.116 As seen above, one of the methods used by the author of the Gesta to establish that his narrative provided information about what really happened in the past, in contrast to Richer’s willingness to rely on rhetorical invention, was to imbed royal charters and other documents in his text that

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  15 recorded the events that he was describing. Indeed, in a certain way, the narrative and the documents can be understood as mutually reinforcing. The context provided by the narrative made clear the conditions under which a king or other magnate presented a charter to the diocese of Cambrai, or one of its subordinate religious institutions, and thus helped to authenticate the charter. Conversely, the charter was evidence that the claims made in the narrative were supported by documentary proof.117 The Gesta author’s emphasis on avoiding fictions in his account also leads him on numerous occasions to weigh the information that he has acquired, from both written and oral sources, in an effort to determine whether he could trust it. For example, in his discussion of Julius Caesar’s military operations in the region around Cambrai, the author observes, “the earthworks that were raised in places around Maroilles when the Roman forces laid out their camps can still be seen in the present day.”118 This use of material evidence to confirm a written account is quite similar to the best practices of modern scholars writing medieval history, although it would be a mistake to conclude that the author of the Gesta was interested in history for its own sake in the modern tradition. In other cases the first author of the Gesta rejected information from written sources because he did not find it convincing. For example, in his discussion of the fate of the martyr and saint Saturnina, the author of the Gesta balks at accepting as true the account in her vita that after being decapitated, she picked up her head and carried it away. Rather, he states, “as the ancient account dares to claim.”119 In a similar vein, he was aware of and commented upon the use of forged letters and edicts, which clearly were not only fictions, but fictions concocted for nefarious purposes.120 By and large, however, the author expresses great trust in the information that he derived from written sources, frequently identifying not only charters and other documents, but also historical works by name in the text.121 By contrast, he has a clear hierarchy when evaluating information from oral sources. The best source of information comes from eyewitnesses, particularly those who are worthy individuals. For example, the author emphasizes that he included information in the account because it was provided to him by Bishop Gerard, himself. In his discussion of the death of Count Lambert of Louvain at the battle of Florennes, the author states “The lord bishop frequently mentioned how amazing and memorable an event this was, so I thought that it would be appropriate to note it.”122 In a similar vein, when discussing a miraculous event that took place in the Utrecht, the author emphasizes: “The Lord bishop regularly told us about an event that took place in those days in one of the districts of the diocese of Utrecht that he assured us had been related to him by Bishop Adalbold.”123 In this case, it appears that the author thought it important to emphasize not only that the information came directly from Bishop Gerard, but also that the prelate from Cambrai provided assurances about the reliability of the information that he was imparting.

16  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background The author demonstrates a similar effort to establish that his information came from eyewitnesses even when he does not identify them by name. In his discussion of a miraculous event that took place during the pontificate of Bishop Fulbert of Cambrai (933–956), that is some seventy years before the composition of the Gesta, the author insists that his informants had actually seen a boy healed from his blindness. He states explicitly: “Witnesses to the events that I am describing survive up to our times.”124 In both this case, and in his discussion of the information provided by Bishop Gerard and Bishop Adalbold, the author is adhering closely to the Isidorean dictum that eyewitness testimony is essential to accuracy.125 In fact, the author even draws attention to his use of eyewitness testimony when discussing information that he must have obtained from written sources. This becomes clear in the author’s discussion of an event that took place late in pontificate of Bishop Dietrich of Cambrai (831–862x863). According to the Gesta, when Dietrich went out into the countryside outside the walls of the city to consecrate a church, he had a premonition that he would suffer a great injury, but refused to turn aside.126 As matters turned out, a stranger approached and frightened the mule on which Dietrich was riding. The author of the Gesta confidently reports this incident, stating: “We have learned about this event from certain people, who had information close to the time of the event.”127 Obviously, the author could not have spoken with these earlier informants directly about events that happened a century and a half earlier. However, he assured his audience that the information had been transmitted accurately by people from that time and was not a baseless rumor. Indeed, the author emphasizes that he is quite skeptical of rumors. For example, in his very brief discussion of the episcopate of Hadulf (717– 728x729), the author notes that “some say” that the prelate was the son of the martyr Ragnulf, and that many people living at the time when the author was writing “who claim to have witnessed many miracles taking place at his [Ragnulf’s] tomb.”128 But the author refused to state whether these claims were true. Similarly, in his discussion of a site dedicated to St. Rémi, he records that some unnamed “they” say that miracles frequently take place there.129 But again, the author does not confirm that this is true. The frequent efforts by the author of the Gesta to justify his claims through a careful sifting of the available evidence does not mean that he composed his work with a positivist intention of providing an unvarnished account of “what really happened.” Although clearly a scholar, the author was motivated not purely by the love of learning but rather by political concerns, and particularly the political concerns of his patron and employer Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. In short, the composition of this work of history was driven by non-historical concerns. As a consequence, the author did not include all information that he had available and also included inaccurate accounts of some events about which he was well informed in order to pursue his political goals.

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  17 Nevertheless, the claims by the author of the Gesta to be recording events that actually took place in the past, and his insistence that he has not passed on fables, must be taken seriously. Contemporary writers and consumers of historical works were quite sophisticated and understood that history was an account of events that actually happened in the past, and not simply how the past should have been.130 In making the case that his account was true and fact-based, the author of the Gesta was serving his patron’s interests by providing a firm basis for Gerard’s efforts to persuade a range of audiences that his policies and actions were appropriate and justified.

Causa scribendi, audience, and reception Why then did Bishop Gerard commission his canon to write the lengthy Gesta? What goals did he have in mind, and what audiences did he intend to influence? These issues generally have been addressed in passing by scholars interested in other questions. For example, in an article that focused on the interplay between the sacred authority held by Gerard through his episcopal office and the secular power that he held through his exercise of comital duties, Robert Stein argues that the main purpose for commissioning the Gesta was to make a case that society is best governed by a princebishop.131 This argument differs somewhat from that of Jégou, noted above, who suggests that Gerard commissioned the Gesta, as well as other texts, to enhance his spiritual authority because of his inability to exercise his secular power effectively.132 Neither Stein nor Jégou are clear, however, regarding the identity of the audiences whom they believe Gerard was attempting to influence with the Gesta. The most thorough treatment of the questions of purpose, audience, and reception of the Gesta is by Theo Riches in his sophisticated analysis of the structure of this work that is based, as noted above, upon a detailed codicological analysis of the autograph manuscript of the text.133 Riches agrees with observations such as those by Stein and Jégou that the overriding ideology of the text is the centrality of the bishop’s effective use of his authority to maintain a peaceful and justly organized society. However, Riches offers a new interpretation of the purpose for which the Gesta of Cambrai, and gestae in general, were composed, and offers new insights regarding the potential audiences for this work. Riches begins by noting that scholars have interpreted the purpose of gestae in one of two ways: either as expressions of the unfolding of God’s plan on earth (German, Heilsgeschichte) or as tools in ongoing political struggles. Riches argues that both of these interpretive schema are too limited. First, they assume that audiences for specific historical texts were expected to consume them in their entirety, which would have largely limited the reception of gestae to clerics, who had both a command of Latin and access to lengthy historical works.134 A second assumption inherent in both of the traditional interpretations of the purpose of the gestae is that

18  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background their authors considered these texts complete when they finished writing them.135 By contrast, Riches argues that the episodic nature of gestae, in which the authors write a chapter, or perhaps several chapters in which they tell a complete story about the pontificate of a single bishop, offers an important clue about how the authors understood the audiences and the likely uses of their texts. The authors of gestae knew that their works generally would not be read through entirely, but rather would be sampled, with later authors borrowing useful passages for their own purposes. The authors of the gestae also knew that once they completed their histories, the texts would continue to grow over time. Later authors would continue to add to them and modify them to suit their contemporary needs, which is precisely what happened to the text of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium.136 Riches concludes, therefore, that gestae were intended from the very beginning to serve as archives from which later authors could draw information and even documents that were useful to them in their own time.137 Nevertheless, Riches also concludes that the selection of material by the first author of the Gesta for his account of the career of Bishop Gerard is consistent with a “political” interpretation of the purpose of the text, and was intended to enhance the status and authority of this prelate’s position in his own day.138 To return then to the question of audience, Riches argues that as a fundamentally local genre, the gesta likely had a local audience in mind. But this audience need not have been entirely clerical.139 The ability to take sample pieces of the text, e.g., documents, from the text for specific purposes meant that clerics and monks could draw on the information available in the Gesta to support property claims against lay neighbors, or to persuade their lay family members about the importance of supporting the authority of the bishop against those who sought to disturb the common good. The reception of the text of the Gesta supports Riches’ model in that pieces of it were copied by writers working in a number of the religious institutions within the diocese of Cambrai. In addition, writers working on a broader landscape, such as Sigibert of Gembloux (c.1030–1112), drew upon the Gesta to provide account of local affairs within their own dioceses.140

The politics of royal and episcopal authority We agree fundamentally with Riches’ reinterpretation of the purpose of gestae in general and the Gesta of Cambrai, in particular. However, in our view there was another political message in the Gesta that placed the authority of the bishop within a royal context, and emphasized the necessity of a having a strong king in control over the church as the partner of the bishops to maintain peace and justice. Concomitantly, the author demonstrated the importance of the bishop by showing both his good relationship with the king and his carrying out of the royal will within the diocese. The author presaged the central role of the king in ecclesiastical affairs early in book

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  19 one when he made clear that Bishop Rémy of Rheims ordained Vaast as bishop of Cambrai and Arras only after receiving the permission of Clovis, the king of the Franks.141 In discussing events closer to his own day, the author of the Gesta routinely emphasized that it was the king, who had the power to appoint bishops and abbots, although it was best when he did so with the advice of his ecclesiastical advisers, such as Gerard. In his discussion of the elevation of Tetdo as bishop of Cambrai (972– 978x9), for example, the author notes that King Otto I was concerned that as a result of his decision in 971 to agree quickly to the requests of the leading men of Cambrai that he appoint Wibald as their bishop, these same men “perhaps wished to reserve the authority to appoint the bishop to their own judgment.”142 In order to make clear that he alone had this authority, Otto refused to accept the subsequent petition by the men of Cambrai that he appoint their favored candidate, and instead elevated the Saxon cleric Tetdo to hold this see.143 The author makes a similar point about the authority of the king in discussing the appointment of abbots. For example, when Bishop Gerard of Cambrai and Abbot Richard of Hautmont wished to replace the latter with the monk Folcuin, and make him abbot of the house, the author of the Gesta emphasizes that the two prelates travelled to see King Henry II to ask his permission. They did so: “For it is the law that no one other than the emperor or a bishop may grant a monastery although the advocacy of monasteries can be granted by laymen.”144 In a similar manner, when Count Reginar V of Mons decided to appoint his own candidate as abbot of the monastery of St. Ghislain, the author of the Gesta observes that: Because this was against the law, the lord bishop rejected Reginar’s action on the basis of his own authority because, as we said above, no one other than the emperor or a bishop is able to commend someone as an abbot. After receiving advice from the bishop, as is appropriate, the emperor appointed the man whom he wished, namely Herbrandus, who holds the office today. In addition to the importance of royal control over ecclesiastical appointments, albeit with the advice of his bishops, the author of the Gesta also makes clear that the legitimate use of military force depended upon royal authority. The author points out, for example, that following the death of Otto, the last Carolingian duke of the Lotharingia, King Henry II appointed Count Godfrey II of Verdun, Gerard’s kinsman, to serve as duke. Even before this point, Godfrey had been engaged in low-level hostilities with Count Lambert of Louvain. Now that Godfrey was duke, the author of the Gesta says of him: Godfrey, for his part, after being advanced to such a high office, carried out his faithfulness to the emperor with the greatest honor and virtue.

20  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background No one did a better job of bringing peace to the fatherland, and ending conflicts. With Godfrey’s sound advice, the emperor subjugated the necks of the arrogant and defeated his enemies.145 This discussion of Godfrey’s elevation as duke was a prelude to the author’s subsequent description of the battle of Florennes (June 1015), in which Godfrey and his brother Count Hermann of Eename defeated Lambert in battle and killed him.146 In summing up the defeat of Lambert, and the subsequent defeat by Godfrey of the emperor’s brother-in-law Count Gerard of Alsace, the author of the Gesta states: After this battle with Gerard, the lord bishop and Duke Godfrey along with other faithful supporters of the emperor were able to subdue, after a great deal of effort, the rebellions that the sisters-in-law of the emperor frequently aroused against the wellbeing of the kingdom.147 The author again discusses the legitimate mobilization of military forces in the context of usurpation of royal authority by Count Dirk III of Holland I (1005–1039) in the region of western Frisia. The Gesta makes clear that Henry II received complaints and reports from a number leading ecclesiastical and secular magnates about Dirk’s usurpation of the rights that the German king had granted to others, particularly the bishops of Utrecht. In response, it was Henry II who authorized a military campaign, and commanded Duke Godfrey as well as the archbishop of Cologne, and the bishops of Utrech and Liège to mobilize and army.148 The emphasis by the author of the Gesta that this was a royal military effort that had been directed by the king is echoed by his exact contemporary Alpert of Metz, in his De diversitate tempororum, who offers the most detailed account of the campaign that ended in the disastrous battle of Vlaardingen in July 1018.149 The necessity to obtain royal permission to undertake legitimate military operations is paralleled in the Gesta by the need to obtain the king’s consent to establish a legitimate fortification. Bishop Erluin, Gerard’s immediate predecessor, is depicted by the author of the Gesta as seeking permission from King Otto III to construct a stronghold at Câteau, which was located in a wooded region east of the city of Cambrai.150 The specific reason advanced by the author of the Gesta for constructing a fortification here was to suppress banditry. Nevertheless, the bishop could not act on his own initiative, even to protect his own property. He required the king’s license to establish a fort and garrison there. In this case, it is notable that the charter cited by the author of the Gesta that supposedly granted the king’s license for this fortification does not explicitly state anything about this matter at all. However, the royal grant does give authority to the bishop to carry out all public functions (cum tota publica functione) associated with public authority (bannum) over this location.151 In this context, therefore, it is clear that

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  21 building and garrisoning a fortification was understood by both the king and prelate as a public function. In a similar vein, the author of the Gesta observes that during Bishop Gerard’s tenure, the future Baldwin V, the son of Count Baldwin IV of Flanders, who was rebelling against his father, went to the court of Henry II to seek the king’s support.152 The younger Baldwin wished the German ruler to intercede with Bishop Gerard to provide help against the Flemish count. Specifically, according to the author of the Gesta, “Baldwin hoped that with the emperor’s help, he could gain permission from the lord bishop to establish a fortification at Cambrai from which he could stage his rebellion against his father.”153 The two implications of this passage are that the king could compel Bishop Gerard to help the younger Baldwin, and that it was the king who had the authority to license the construction of fortifications within the diocese of Cambrai. The central role ascribed to royal authority by the first author of the Gesta for the purpose of maintaining the well-being of the kingdom would seem to have been an essential element of Bishop Gerard’s philosophy regarding the proper organization of the realm. Indeed, in his well-known treatise condemning the Peace of God movement, which was included in book three of the Gesta by the second author, Bishop Gerard emphasizes that the church, and hence society as a whole, was to be governed by two powers, namely the king and the bishops. The bishops were to pray for the king, and the king was to defend the bishops. It was the responsibility of the king to ensure the public peace, and the role of the bishops to urge the kings to use their authority and power for this just end.154 However, it is also clear that Gerard intended his text as an instrument to represent the authority of the bishops, albeit under the protection and jurisdiction of the king, to maintain the spiritual well-being of the kingdom. It was the bishops who were to oversee the reform of monasteries, as discussed above, by removing corrupt abbots and replacing badly behaving clerics and nuns with proper monks.155 It was bishops who were to insist upon the moral behavior of public officials, such as the castellans Walter I and Walter II of Lens, who abused their offices to rob the poor and defenseless. This aspect of Gerard’s governing philosophy can be seen most clearly in the first author’s frequent discussion of the bishop’s reform of monastic houses, as well as in the letters that Gerard wrote to fellow ecclesiastical officials and in his treatises on matters such as the Peace of God, which were included in the revised version of the Gesta.

Translation of the Gesta As is our practice, this translation is based on the principle of a sense for sense rather than a word for word rendering of the text. Because of essential differences between Latin and English syntax and grammar, it is frequently

22  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background necessary to rearrange the structure of sentences, and to add pronouns and proper names in order to make sense of the subject, direct object, and indirect object. In some cases, it also has been necessary to add in verbs because of the author(s)’s tendency to omit these when he (they) assumes the audience understands his intent. In addition to notes about the identity of individuals, we have tried to provide citations to all of the sources mentioned in the text, including editions and translations into English if these are available. We also have used the notes to draw readers’ attention to pertinent scholarly literature regarding passages from the text. In addition, we have tried to provide citations to the full range of contemporary and near-contemporary sources that also mention events that are recorded by the author(s) of the Gesta. Finally, we have provided information about all of the places mentioned in the text that we have been able to identify. We have placed in italics in those places that we have not been able to identify. Personal and place names pose difficulties in every translation. Our principle has been to use the form of personal names that is most familiar to modern Anglophone readers. For example, we have translated Heinricus as Henry rather than as Heinrich, and Godefridus as Godfrey rather than Gottfried. In those cases where there is no generally recognized English version of a name, we have used the form of the name that is appropriate to individual in his own context. Consequently, we have translated Theodoricus as Dietrich for German-speaking bishops of Cambrai, but as Thierry for the French-speaking abbot of Jumièges, and as Dirk for the count of Holland. We have used the same principle for place names.

Notes 1 The dating of the text is treated below. 2 For the German language tradition dealing with Lotharingia, see Jens Schneider, Auf der Suche dem verlorenen Reich: Lotharingien im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert (Cologne, 2010); and the earlier studies by Walter Mohr, Geschichte des Herzogtums Groß-Lothringen (900–1048) (Trier, 1974) and Eduard Hlawitschka, Lotharingen und das Reich an der Schwelle de deutschen Geschichte (Munich, 1968). The French-language tradition has been dominated by Michel Parisse, who has published dozens of studies. See, for example, Michel Parisse, “La Lotharingie: Naissance d’un espace politique,” in Lotharingia. Eine europäische Kernlandschaft um das Jahr 1000, ed. Hans-Walter Herrmann and Reinhard Schneider (Saarbrücken, 1995), 31–48. For a synthesis of the considerable scholarship on the history of Lotharingia as a political unit, see Simon MacLean, “Shadow Kingdom: Lotharingia and The Frankish World, c. 850-c.1050,” History Compass Journal 11.6 (2013), 443–457. 3 See the discussion the historiographical tradition concerning the emergence of Flanders as an independent polity by David DeFries, “The Emergence of the Territorial Principality of Flanders, 750–1050,” History Compass Journal 11.8 (2013), 619–631. 4 See the discussion by David Van Meter, “Count Baldwin IV, Richard of SaintVanne, and the Inception of Monastic Reofrm in Eleventh-Century Flanders,” Revue Bénédictine 107 (1997), 130–146, here 131–132.

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  23 5 With respect to the expansionist policies of Baldwin V, see F. L. Ganshof, “Les origines de la Flandre imperial,” Annales de la Société Royale d’Archéologie de Bruxelles 46 (1942/1943), 99–171. 6 This was Arnulf, the illegitimate son of the Carolingian king Lothair IV, whom Hugh imposed at Rheims in 989 following the death of Archbishop Adalbero. Arnulf was deposed in 991 but regained the archiepiscopal throne in 998, and held the see of Rheims until his death in 1021. 7 Heinrich Sproemberg, “Gerhard I., Bischof von Cambrai (1012–1061),” in Idem, Mittelalter und demokratische Geschichtsschreibung. Ausgewählte Abhandlungen, ed. Mangabeira Unger (East Berlin, 1971), 103–118, here 109, argues that Gerhard’ desire to be consecrated at Rheims in 1012 is evidence that the influence of the German kings over this archiepiscopal see had waned. For Hugh Capet’s imposition of Arnulf in 989, see Richer, Histoire de France (888–995), vol. 2 954–995, ed. Robert Latouche (Paris, 1937), book four chapters 25–28. Also see Gesta book three chapter 25, where King Robert II of France is presented as having control over the appointment of the new archbishop of Rheims following the death of Archbishop Arnulf in 1021. 8 Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, ed. W. Arndt and B. Krusch in MGH SRM 1 (Hannover, 1884), book two chapter 42. 9 Michel Rouche, “Cambrai, du comte mérovingien à l’évêque impérial,” in Histoire de Cambrai, ed. Louis Trénard (Lille, 1982), 11–42, here 17 for the emergence of Cambrai as an important economic center during the course of the sixth century. 10 For the building projects undertaken by the bishops of Cambrai during the Merovingian period, see Michel Rouche, “Topographie Historique de Cambrai Durant le Haut Moyen Age Ve- Xe Siècles),” Revue du Nord 58 (1976), 339–347. 11 See Gesta book one, chapters 34, 36–38. 12 Ibid., chapter 39. 13 With respect to the treaty of Verdun, see F. L. Ganshof, “The Genesis and Significance of the Treaty of Verdun (843),” The Carolingians and the Frankish Monarchy: Studies in Carolingian History, trans. Janet Sondheimer (London, 1971), 289–302. 14 See Die Urkunden der Karolinger vol. 3: Die Urkunden Lothars I und Lothars II, ed. Theodor Schieffer (Berlin, 1966), Lothair I nr. 189; and Rouche, “Cambrai, du comte mérovingien à l’évêque impérial,” 18–25. 15 See Gesta book one chapters 46, 50, 53, and 63. 16 See Gesta book one chapter 46. 17 See the discussion by Bernd Schneidmüller, “Französische Lothringenpolitik im 10. Jahrhundert,” Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte 5 (1979), 1–31, here 3. 18 Ibid. 19 For the designation of the people of the region as Lotharingians, see Gesta book two, chapters 102, 103, 105, and 114; and book three chapters 19 and 50. For the designation of the region as the kingdom (regnum) of Lotharingia see Gesta book one chapters 101 and 105; book two chapter 29; and book three chapters 1 and 50. 20 Charles the Bald’s coins were minted at Cambrai. See Jean Lafauri, “Les monnaies émise à Cambrai aux Vie -IXe siècles,” Revue du Nord 69 (1986), 393– 404; and Adriaan E. Verhulst, The Rise of the Cities in North-West Europe (Cambridge, 1999), 58. Also see the study by Michel Rouche, “Un act privé carolingien de l’eglise de Cambrésis,” Comptes rendus. Académie des inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 2 (1980), 360–372, who identified a lost private charter

24  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background issued on behalf of the diocese of Cambrai during the final year of the reign of Charles the Bald. 21 The basic work on this king and period is Simon MacLean, The Reign of Charles III ‘the Fat’ (876–88) (London, 2000). 22 Die Urkunden der deutschen Karolinger vol. 3: Die Urkunden Arnolfs, ed. P. Kehr (Berlin, 1940), nr. 127. Also see Gesta, book one chapter 64. 23 Schneidmüller, “Französische Lothringenpolitik im 10. Jahrhundert,” 5. 24 Die Urkunden der deutschen Karolinger vol. 4: Die Urkunden Zwentibolds und Ludwigs des Kindes, ed. Theodor Schieffer (Berlin, 1960), Zwentinold nr. 23; Also see Gesta book 1 chapters 67 and 112. 25 Reginar’s mother was a daughter of Emperor Lothair I, which meant that Lothair II, the king of Lotharingia, was Reginar’s first cousin. See Hlawitschka, Lotharingen und das Reich, 176–177. 26 Regionis abbatis Prumiensis Chronicon cum continuation Treverensi, ed. F. Kurze in MGH SRG 50 (Hanover, 1890), anno 898. Also see the English translation of the text by Simon MacLean, History and Politics in Late Carolingian and Ottonian Europe: The Chronicle of Regino of Prüm and Adalbert of Magdeburg (Manchester, 2009). 27 Schneidmüller, “Französische Lothringenpolitik im 10. Jahrhundert,” 8–9. 28 Ibid., 8–18. Also see Recueil des Actes de Charles III le Simple Roi de France, ed. Ferdinand Lot and Philippe Lauer (Paris, 1940), nr. 67, 68. Gesta book one chapter 67; and book two chapter 21. 29 Schneidmüller, “Französische Lothringenpolitik im 10. Jahrhundert,” 8–9. A lay abbot had control over the financial resources of a monastery without being a member of the congregation or becoming a monk. 30 See the discussion of these events by David S. Bachrach, Warfare in TenthCentury Germany (Woodbridge, 2012), 18–19, 21–23, and 36–37. 31 Schneidmüller, “Französische Lothringenpolitik im 10. Jahrhundert,” 21–22. 32 Theo Riches, “The Carolingian Capture of Aachen in 978 and its Historiographical Footprint,” in Frankland: The Franks and the World of the Early Middle Ages: Essays in Honour of Dame Jinty Nelson, ed. Paul Fouracre and David Ganz (Manchester, 2008), 191–208 provides a detailed discussion of the ways that contemporary writers in both the German and French kingdoms interpreted this event, and the details that they provide about Lothair IV’s actions and intentions. 33 This invasion is discussed in detail by Richer, Histoire de France (888–995), vol. 2 954–995, ed. Robert Latouche (Paris, 1937), book three chapter 103. 34 See Gesta book one chapter 105. 35 The sources that provide information about Gerard’s family and background are discussed in detail by Theo Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051) and the Representation of Authority in the Gesta Episcoporum Comeracensium, doctoral dissertation King’s College London, 2005, 40–47, who also analyzes the previous scholarship. Now also see Nicolas Ruffini-Ronzani, “Enjeux de pouvoir et compétition aristocratique en Entre-Sambre-et-Meuse (fin xe-milieu xie siècle). Retour sur les fondations de Saint-Gengulphe et de Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Florennes,” Revue Bénédictine 122.2 (2012), 294–330. 36 Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser vol. 1: Konrad I., Heinrich I. und Otto I., ed. Theodor Sickel (Hanover, 1879–1884), Otto I, nr. 195. Curiously, this grant by Otto is not mentioned by the author of the Gesta. 37 See the discussion by Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai, 40–41, who goes through the arguments made by Ulrich Nonn, Pagus et Comitatus in Niederlothringen: Untersuchungen zur politischen Raumgliederung im früheren Mittelalter (Bonn, 1983), 194–197; and Matthew Innes, State and Society in

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  25 Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 2000), 119–120. Sproemberg, “Gerhard I., Bischof von Cambrai (1012–1061),” rejects the identification of the count with the dux. 38 Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai, 43. 39 For the identification of the relationship of Gerard to Archbishop Adalbero through his maternal kin, see Gesta book three chapter 1. 40 See the discussion by Sproemberg, “Gerhard I, Bischof von Cambrai (1012– 1061)” 105–106; and Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai, 44–46. 41 Gesta book three chapter 1. 42 Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai, 44. 43 Ibid.; and Alain Dierkens, Abbayes et chapitres entre Sambre et Meuse (VIIe-XIe siècles): Contribution à la histoire religieuse des campagnes du Haut Moyen Âge (Sigmaringen, 1985), 261 and 267. 44 Gesta book three chapters 8 and 12, where the author specifically mentions Bishop Gerard’s comments on the outcome of the battle. Sproemberg, “Gerhard I., Bischof von Cambrai (1012–1061),” 105 specifically rejects the possibility that Gerard’s father held office as count. 45 Gesta book three chapter 1. 46 Gesta book one chapter 102. 47 For Otto I’s role in the appointment of Adalbero, see Sproemberg, “Gerhard I,” 106. Lothair IV’s mother Gerberga was the sister of Otto I. 48 See Maureen C. Miller, “Secular Clergy and Religious Life: Verona in the Age of Reform,” in Medieval Religion: New Approaches, ed. Constance Hoffman Berman (Abingdon, 2005), 156–182, here 172 n. 5 who provides a list of councils from the second half of the eleventh-century that relaxed the age requirement for consecration as priest and bishop in light of the need to provide more priests for an expanding population. Archbishop Adalbero’s successor at Rheims was the Carolingian Arnulf, who likely was in his early twenties when first consecrated in 989. 49 Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai, 57 argues for a date closer to 970 than to 980. 50 Gesta book three chapter 1. 51 See Christoph Dette, “Kinder und Jugendliche in der Adelsgesellschaft des frühen Mittelalters,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 76 (1994), 1–34, here 4. 52 Gesta book one chapter 110. Steven Vanderputten and Diane J. Reilly, Gerardi Cameracensis Opera (Turnhout, 2014), xxi, argue for a later birth date for Gerard of about 980, and suggest that he did not learn under Gerbert directly, but nevertheless benefitted from the school that he had developed. 53 Steven Vanderputten, Monastic Reform as Process: Realities and Representations in Medieval Flanders 900–1100 (Ithaca, 2013); and Steven Vanderputten, Imagining Religious Leadership in the Middle Ages: Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Politics of Reform (Ithaca, 2015). 54 Gesta book one chapter 105. 55 Adalbert’s support of the claims of Otto III in Lotharingia led King Lothair IV to bring charges of treason against him. Gerald of Aurillac’s loyalty to the imperial cause led the regents for Otto III to ask him to serve as the young ruler’s tutor in 989. 56 Bishop Gerard’s investigation of heresy at Arras, recorded in the Acta synodi Atrebatensis, is not mentioned in the text of the Gesta. See the discussion by Vanderputten and Reilly, Gerardi Cameracensis Opera, xxx–xxxi, and their edition of this text in ibid., 15–75. 57 See, for example, Theodor Schieffer, “Ein deutscher Bischof des 11. Jahrhunderts: Gerhard von Cambrai,” Deutsches Archiv 1 (1937), 323–360; Georges

26  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background Duby, Les trois ordres ou l’imaginaire du féodalisme (Paris, 1978), 35–61; Van Meter, “Count Baldwin IV, Richard of Saint-Vanne, and the Inception of Monastic Reform in Eleventh-Century Flanders,” 130–146; Dominique Barthélemy, L’an mil et la Paix de Dieu: La France chrétienne et féodale, 980–1060 (Paris, 1999), 439–468; Laurent Jégou, “L’évêque entre autorité et exercice pouvoir: L’exemple de Gérard de Cambrai (1012–1051),” Cahiers de civilization médiévale 47 (2004), 37–55; and the survey of the literature by Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai, 23–35. For the lack of even heuristic value of the feudal construct in understanding the nature of medieval political, economic, or social order, see Susan Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals: The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted (New York, 1994). 58 See Gesta book one chapter 72 for the transfer of authority and chapter 71 for the nature of the conflict between the bishop and the count. Also see Die Urkunden Otto I., nr. 100, which grants an immunity from comital oversight to Bishop Fulbert with respect to the monastery of St. Géry and all of its assets and dependents. 59 See Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser vol. 3: Heinrichs II. und Arduins ed. Harry Bresslau, Robert Holtzmann and Hermann Reincke-Bloch (Hanover, 1900–1903), nr. 142. It is notable, however, that author of the Gesta does not remark on the king’s grant of comital authority to Erluin. 60 Robert M. Stein, “Sacred Authority and Secular Power: The Historical Argument of the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensis,” in Sacred and Secular in Medieval and Early Modern Cultures: New Essays, ed. Lawrence Besserman (New York, 2006), 149–165 and 216–221, argues that a primary, if not the primary, purpose of the composition of the Gesta was to celebrate Gerard’s achievement in building this new cathedral. 61 The role played by Leduin in the monastic reform movement in the first half of the eleventh century and his relationship with Bishop Gerard are discussed by Steven Vanderputten and Brigitte Meijns, “Realities of Reformist Leadership in Early Eleventh-Century Flanders: The Case of Leduin, Abbot of Saint Vaast,” Traditio 65 (2010), 47–74. 62 Jégou, “L’évêque entre autorité et exercice pouvoir,” 37–55. 63 Ibid., 46–49. 64 Duby, Les trois ordres, 35–61. 65 Georges Duby, “Gérard de Cambrai, la paix et les trois fonctions sociales, 1024,” in Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et BellesLettres (Paris, 1976), 136–146. 66 David van Meter, “The Peace of Amiens-Corbie and Gerard of Cambrai’s oration on the Three Functional Orders: The Date, The Context, The Rhetoric,” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 74 (1996), 633–657. This date also is accepted by Vanderputten and Reilly, Gerardi Cameracensis Opera, 196. 67 Theo Riches, “Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai-Arras, the Three Orders, and the Problem of Human Weakness,” in The Bishop Reformed: Studies of Episcopal Power and Culture I the Central Middle Ages, ed. John S. Ott and Anna Trumbore Jones (Aldershot, 2007), 122–136. 68 The basic edition remains Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. L. C. Bethmann in MGH SS 7 (Hanover, 1846). 69 See the discussion of all three versions of the Vita of St. Géey, and also a new critical edition of the third version by Vanderputten and Reilly, Gerardi Comeracensis Opera, 131–187. 70 Gesta book three chapter 122. 71 Gest book one chapter 84. 72 MGH SS 7, p. 393 for the date.

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  27 73 E. Van Mingroot, “Kritisch onderzoek omtrent de datering van de Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium,” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 53 (1975), 281–332. 74 Ibid., 322–331. 75 Gesta Lietberti episcopi, ed. L. C. Bethmann in MGH SS 7 (Hannover, 1846), 489–494 for the first 15 chapters. 76 van Mingroot, “Kritisch onderzoek,” 295–311. 77 Ibid. 78 Riches first undertook this research in his doctoral dissertation at King’s College London, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051) and the Representation of Authority in the Gesta Episcoporum Comeracensium (2005). He then published his research regarding both the construction and dating of the Gesta in his study “Episcopal Historiography as Archive: Some Reflections on the Autograph of the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium (MS Den Haag KB 75 F 15),” Jaarboek voor Middeleeuwse Geschiedens 10 (2007), 7–46. 79 Riches, “Episcopal Historiography,” 18. 80 Ibid., 28–34. 81 Ibid. 82 Ibid., 18–23. 83 Ibid., 22; also see van Mingroot, “Kritisch onderzoek,” 325. 84 Book three chapters 28–34, and 60. 85 Book three chapters 40–43. 86 Book three chapter 52. 87 These include book three chapters 48, 49, 50–51, 53–60. See Riches, “Episcopal Historiography,” 18–23. 88 Ibid., 22. 89 The following discussion draws heavily on the discussion by Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051), 97–98; and Gerardi Cameracensis Opera, ed. Vanderputten and Reilly, 198–200. However, neither of these scholars discusses Le Glay’s edition. 90 Arras, Médiathèque 666. 91 Brussels, BR 7747. 92 BnF, Lat. 12827. 93 BnF, Lat. 5553a. 94 BR 7675–82. 95 Chronicon Cameracense et Atrebatense, sine historia utriusque ecclesiae, III: Libris ab hinc DC. fere annis conscripta a Balderico Noviomensi et Tornacensi episcopo, ed. G. Colveneere (Douai, 1615). 96 Chronique D’Arras et de Cambrai par Balderic, ed. André Le Glay (Paris, 1834). 97 MGH SS 7, 398–400 for Bethmann’s discussion of the manuscripts that he used. 98 See the comments by Vanderputten and Reilly, Gerardi Cameracensis Opera, 199. 99 Vanderputten and Reilly, Gerardi opera, xxxiii-xxxiv. 100 Ibid., xxxv. 101 Gesta book one, preface; and book two, preface. 102 Gesta book three, chapter 52. 103 These are marked individually with notes in the text. 104 Riches, “Episcopal Historiography,” 35. 105 The major difference, of course, between the two historical works is that book two of the Gesta deals not with bishops of the diocese but rather with the ecclesiastical institutions located within the diocese of Cambrai.

28  Introduction: Historical and historiographical background 106 This pattern is discussed in detail by Michel Sot, Gesta Episcoporum Gesta Abbatum (Turnhout, 1981). 107 Gesta book one, preface. 108 For the author’s visits to church archives in the diocese of Cambrai, see book one, chapter 27 and book two, chapter 4. 109 Gesta book one, preface. 110 Ibid. 111 Gesta book one, chapter 28. 112 Regarding the influence of Isidore, see Benoît Lacroix, L’Historien au moyen âge (Paris, 1971); D. H. Green, Medieval Listening and Reading: The Primary Reception of German Literature 800–1300 (Cambridge, 1994), 246–8; and Gabrielle M. Spiegel, The Past as Text: The Theory and Practice of Medieval Historiography (Baltimore, 1997), 88–90. 113 Isidore of Seville, Etymologiarum sive originum libri xx, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911, repr. 1957), 1.40, “non sunt res factae, sed tantum loquendo fictae.” 114 Ibid., 1.41, “Historiae est narratio rei gestae, per quam ea, quae in praeterito fact sunt, dinoscuntur.” 115 See the important study of Richer’s historical method by Justin C. Lake, “Truth, Plausibility, and the Virtues of Narrative at the Millennium,” Journal of Medieval History 35 (2009), 221–238; and Matthew Kempshall, Rhetoric and the Writing of History, 400–1500 (Manchester, 2011), here 255. 116 Gesta book one, chapter 1. 117 Riches, “Episcopal Historiography as Archive,” 36, makes a similar point. 118 Gesta book one chapter 51. Also see the observation by Riches, “Episcopal Historiography as Archive,” 40 on this point. 119 Gesta book two chapter 12. 120 See, for example, Gesta book one, chapter 27 where an imbedded document mentions the possibility of someone forging a text to challenge the property grant made to the monastery of Maroilles. The author also notes the use of forged letters in an ecclesiastical assembly on several occasions. See Gesta book one, chapters 45 and 79. 121 See, for example, his mention of Gregory of Tours’ Histories in Gesta book one, chapter 8; and his reference to the Vita of St. Vaast in the same chapter. 122 Gesta book three, chapter 12. 123 Gesta book three, chapter 22. 124 Gesta book one, chapter 29. 125 Isidore, Etymologiarum, 1.41. 126 Gesta book one chapter 47. 127 Ibid. 128 Gesta book one chapter 34. 129 Gesta book two chapter 24. 130 See, for example, David S. Bachrach, “Memory, Epistemology, and the Writing of Early Medieval Military History: The Example of Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg (1009–1018),” Viator 38 (2007), 63–90. For the view that medieval historians wrote about past events as they should have been rather than how they were, see Amos Funkenstein, Heilsplan und natürliche Entwicklung: Formen der Gegenwartsbestimmung im Geschichtsdenken des hohen Mittelalters (Munich 1965); Roger D. Ray, “Medieval Historiography Through the Twelfth Century: Problems and Progress of Research,” Viator 5 (1974), 33–60; and Johannes Fried, Der Schleier der Erinnerung: Grundzüge einer historischen Memorik (Munich, 2004). 131 Stein, “Sacred Authority and Secular Power,” 154 and 159–162.

Introduction: Historical and historiographical background  29 32 Jégou, “L’évêque entre autorité et exercice pouvoir,” particularly 46–49. 1 133 Riches, “Episcopal Historiography as Archive,” passim. 134 Ibid., 7–8. In this context, Riches concedes that some gestae could have been accessible to lay audiences if the text were written in particularly straightforward Latin prose, as was the case with the Gesta of Trier, and one might also add Dudo of St. Quentin’s late tenth-century history of the dukes of Normandy. See Riches, “Episcopal Historiography as Archive,” 8 and 37, and also the discussion by Heinz Thomas, Studien zur Trierer Geschichtsschreibung des 11. Jahrhunderts, insbesondere zu den Gesta Treverorum (Bonn, 1968); and Bernard S. Bachrach, “Dudo of Saint Quentin as a Military Historian,” The Haskins Society Journal 12 (2002 appeared 2003), 155–185. 135 Riches, “Episcopal Historiography as Archive,” 36–37. 136 Ibid. Riches disagrees on this point with Sot, Gesta episcoporum, 52, who argued that the continuations of the text were fundamentally different from the original work. 137 Riches, “Episcopal Historiography as Archive,” 10. 138 Ibid., 36. 139 Ibid., 42. 140 Ibid., 37. 141 Gesta book one, chapter 7. 142 Gesta book one, chapter 92. 143 Ibid. 144 Gesta book three, chapter 6. 145 Gesta book three, chapter 7. 146 Gesta book three, chapter 9. 147 Gesta book three, chapter 13. 148 Gesta book three, chapter 19. 149 See Warfare and Politics in Medieval Germany, c. 1000: On the Variety of Our Times by Alpert of Metz, translation and commentary by David S. Bachrach (Toronto, 2012), 2.20. 150 Gesta book one, chapter 112. 151 Ibid. 152 Gesta book one, chapter 51. 153 Ibid. 154 Gesta, book three, chapter 27. 155 See, for example, Gesta book two, chapter 26.

Preface to the following work At the command of our lord bishop Gerard,1 we have committed to memory,2 to the extent that we have been able to track it down verifiably, information about the history of our cities, namely Cambrai and Arras, as well as about their shepherds. We have been moved by the merit of the one overseeing our work rather than by trust in our own capacity. He preferred that my small talent be made famous among those whose ears are much more skillful, rather than that this long period of time and this extensive series of events remain hidden any longer.3 Although this text has been produced in a rustic manner of speech, the series of events set out here is clear enough.4 Nor should the reader be moved to anger that we have presented such old material in contemporary times.5 Nothing doubtful or fictitious has been included here.6 In fact, there is nothing here other than what we have found in annals, or the histories of the fathers, or in the deeds of kings, or in the documents that are in the archive of this church, or what we have learned from certain witnesses through what they saw or heard.7 Otherwise, it is better to remain silent rather than to pass along false information.8

Book 1

1. The reason for the foundation of the cities is set out The first reason offered by the authorities for the building of cities in former times is because men were wandering about like animals and did not have either the habit or the manner of living governed by mistress reason, and in addition, lacked understanding of either divine or human affairs. Because of man’s error and lack of knowledge, desire, that blind and reckless mistress of the mind, misused the physical strength of the body as her wicked henchman to satisfy herself.9 So, I say, the walls of cities were constructed in order that men could gather together as one and learn to cultivate trust, preserve justice, become accustomed to obey others willingly, and believe not only that labors should be taken upon on behalf of the common good, but even that it might be worth losing their lives in such a cause.10 This reason for bringing men to live in cities should not be condemned. It was neither worthless nor stupid for men to be dragged from the fields and forests, and to be made gentle rather than fierce and savage. Nevertheless, a far higher purpose was intended by God’s providence on account of which human wisdom, seeking its own interests, would also serve the future that was to come. As a consequence, they seemed to place nothing else before their own walls other than constructing some royal buildings, so to speak.11 But it was within these walls that the future holy mother church would soon find the principal citadel of its dignity and its apostolic seat. For according to the Pentateuch of Moses, God promised that He would give to the Hebrews, whom He had freed from the domination of the Egyptians, the cities of the gentiles for their own as a spiritual benefice. As the psalmist said: “He gave them the lands of the gentiles and they obtained the labors of these people.”12 In this same manner, the church spread throughout the world, including in the cities of the West that the gentiles had ennobled with walls and marvelous workshops, just as the church had occupied the citadels of royal majesty.13 2. The founders of the cities of Cambrai and Arras are not known. After Julius Caesar crossed the Alps and overcame the Gauls, he arrived at Arras, where he subjugated a leader named Commius.14

34  Book 1 But let these things be sufficient reason for the building of these cities. There is a great deal of disagreement regarding the founders of these cities, and indeed even the origin of the city of Rome cannot be known with any clarity. For many authorities assert that the city was founded by the Trojans and the original inhabitants of the region, and others by Evander,15 and yet others by Romulus.16 It is not for us to condemn either the historians or commentators as ignorant for saying different things because it is antiquity itself that creates error.17 But if there is no certainty about the origin of such a great city, then it is certainly no wonder that there is dispute in other cases as well. As I am about to mention the holy fathers whom God’s prophetic dispensation established as the leaders of the churches of Arras and Cambrai, I ought to commit to writing the identities of the founders of these two cities. But because the memory of their names does not survive in histories, or annals, or even in rumor, we decided it would be preferable to remain silent on this matter rather than to invent something that is false.18 Thus, concerning the time of their founding, the same rule applies, so that when their founders are not known, we also shall not discuss the times when they were founded. The exception is that one who consults the histories of Julius Caesar will find that Arras is named among the older and nobler cities. After he had subjugated almost all of the eastern part of the world to the Roman Empire, and had made the kings of the peoples into tributaries, Caesar realized that the doubtful fortunes of war had redounded to his benefit, and so considered adding the western regions to his empire as well.19 After he crossed the Alps and either compelled the Gauls to surrender or slaughtered them with the sword, Caesar came by chance to Arras, which lay in the furthest reaches of Gaul, surrounded by his military forces.20 When the citizens along with their leader Commius, a man distinguished by his long years of military service and his exceptionally ardent desire for the safety of his people and fatherland, resisted Caesar, the latter became indignant that they dared to resist the power of Rome. The furthest reaches of India had been opened to Roman power. Assyria and Egypt had submitted. Macedonia and all of Palestine served its rule. Ireland, which owed nothing for its lands,21 and Saxony, inaccessible, surrounded by trackless and swampy regions, now trembled.22 Indeed, everywhere was subject to Rome except those regions that were inaccessible because of their extreme heat or cold, and thus were outside the Roman Empire because they were beyond the use of man. So, Caesar burned with indignation and began a most stringent siege. The struggle was waged with great energy by both sides until the aforementioned Commius, no longer able to withstand the strength of the Roman leader, was compelled, along with the citizens, to surrender. Some condemned the daring of the rebellion and demanded that the delays brought about by the siege should be avenged through the death of that man. There was a rush as the Romans hurried to see the spectacle of Commius’ arrival.23

Book 1  35 Others wished to see him now that he had been cast down, a man who shortly before they had seen while he held the highest office in the fullness of honor. Others strove to mock the captive. Yet others marveled at the variability and fickle nature of human achievements. Many were more wisely groaning, considering that the same things could happen to them in different circumstances.24 Caesar, more than anyone else, was moved by the innate mildness of his spirit that a man, who for so long was a proud warrior, suddenly had been handed over to the power of his enemies, that his fate was subject to the nod of another, that he was now a castaway from his life, that he had been deprived of hope and was uncertain about his safety. So powerful are the turning points in battle that through some brief misfortune, they can change the course of a man’s life, so that the powerful might be cast down, or the wretched raised up.25 Thus, the better part, namely those who enjoyed positions of honor and upon whom Caesar’s judgments rested, offered a milder counsel. For Caesar, however, the factor that played the greatest role in the salvation of Commius was his spirit of devotion to his fatherland, and the courage he demonstrated in war. Recognizing in him the constancy of his faithfulness and his outstanding spirit, Caesar raised up Commius among his leading military advisors and royal councilors, and through him accomplished many remarkable achievements. For Commius was effective in the conduct of war, offered good counsel, and defeated innumerable enemy forces with a small handful of men.26 But it goes beyond the boundaries of this present account to discuss this further. However, the earthworks that were raised in places around Maroilles when the Roman forces laid out their camps can still be seen in the present day.27 3. King Chlodio, after he dispatched scouts, entered Cambrai with a large army, and captured the city after killing the Christians.28 Although the founder and the age of the city of Cambrai are not certain, the city nevertheless did acquire a certain fame and honor among those living in earlier times as is indicated by the fact that it is often mentioned in written accounts of the deeds of those from long ago. For it is written in the history of the Franks,29 that following the judgment of the Lord, Gaul was handed over to the blows of the gentile sword. When Justin was emperor,30 King Chlodio was living in the fortress of Duisberg, within the frontiers of Thuringia, in the region of Germany.31 The Romans lived in these parts, namely in the region south of the Rhine up to the Loire. The Goths ruled in the lands beyond the Loire. The Burgundians, who followed the sect of Arius, lived across the Rhône, which was adjacent to the city of Lyon.32 Chlodio, after sending scouts to the city of Cambrai where the Roman inhabitants now practiced the Christian religion, then advanced with a large army across the Rhine, and entered the region of Charbonnières, and captured the city of Tournai. Then, advancing all the way to Cambrai, Chlodio stopped there for a short while, and killed the Romans whom he found there. He then occupied the region up to the river Somme.33

36  Book 1 4. That Clovis, the fourth king after Chlodio, killed his first cousin on his mother’s side, Ragnachar, when meeting with him because Ragnachar had refused to give him permission to enter his city.34 But the text of this same history35 indicates that Clovis, the fourth king after Chlodio, having left the city of Cambrai in the custody of Ragnachar, who was either his first cousin on his mother’s side or his nephew, spent time in the lands and the cities, which he had conquered, stretching out to Orléans. However, one time, when Clovis returned, Ragnachar, who was now puffed up in his arrogance, changed his allegiance, and denied Clovis entry into the city. Because of his foul behavior and his insolence, and most of all because of his unbridled lust, Ragnachar had turned the Franks against him. Ragnachar burned with such ardent desire that he was incapable of restraining his lechery against the wives of either the citizens of his city, or even of his close associates. This was, indeed, the cause for his death. The Franks, who were enraged by the infamous wantonness of this sort, contrived plans by which they could hasten the death of their king, and then presented their plan of betrayal to King Clovis. The latter, corrupting the traitors with promises, fooled them with copper plated in gold, and they made an agreement that they would desert the Ragnachar when they faced the enemy. And so Clovis mobilized a powerful force from among his men and led his army against Ragnachar. The latter prepared to face Clovis in open battle. After dispatching scouts to reconnoiter Clovis’ army, Ragnachar did not realize that his messengers had fooled him and treasonously increased his boldness by reporting that his own army was larger. This was the report of the messengers when Ragnachar asked who commanded the larger army: “You and your Faro,” they said. He was unaware that they had presented him with a treacherous lie because he had raised up Faro as his only advisor concerning the business of the kingdom, after pushing aside the leading men among his courtiers. Whenever any gift or food was delivered to him, Ragnachar was accustomed to say about Faro: “these are for me and for my Faro.” Thus, when the two kings met in battle, Ragnachar’s men deserted their lord in the middle of the battle, according to their agreement, and fleeing headlong in simulated terror, they turned their backs to the enemy. Ragnachar was captured and killed. The traitors complained to King Clovis because of the false gold.36 He is reported to have responded that this is the reward that they had earned for willingly leading their lord to his death. It ought to be enough for them that they still lived and did not pay the penalty in torment for their detestable treachery.37 We read in the deeds of the bishops of Rheims that the aforementioned king, Clovis, as would become clear later on, was baptized by St. Rémi and St. Vaast, along with his sister, and a large army of Franks.38 But a large part of the Franks had not yet converted from superstition, and remained heathens along with their leader Ragnachar in the regions across the Somme, that is in the city of Cambrai. This was the case until, by God’s grace, Clovis

Book 1  37 triumphed and that same Ragnachar, an adherent of foulness and disgrace, was defeated by the Franks and by his own men, as we said above, and was captured and killed. Then, the entire Frankish people was converted and baptized in the faith of Christ by Saint Rémi, just as we read in that text.39 But we believe that it was St. Vaast who did this because we have never heard that St. Rémi preached the word of God in our region. Rather, we recognize that St. Vaast was directed by Rémi and the newly baptized king to come to our city to convert the people. It is for this reason that we believe that St. Vaast was the author of this deed.40 5. The savagery of the pagans and the destruction of the Christians are detailed. The logic of the proposed work demands a written description of the fathers of both dioceses, and those who succeeded to the pontifical seat in each of them. For it is clear that there were two sees that were mothers of the church, which today are governed through the guidance of only one shepherd.41 This is easily discerned in the orders of Pope Dionysius,42 who separated the individual sees with their own boundaries in all of the provinces.43 Bishop Hincmar came to the same determination in his books.44 Saint Vaast combined these two sees under one rule because he found them completely devastated after so many invasions, which we pointed out earlier and will again.45 But the obscurity of great antiquity hides from present memory the first fathers of these places. Moreover, the churches of the Gauls were overwhelmed by the persecution of the pagans for their sins. We read that the persecution burned so fiercely against the Christians that those who survived celebrated the divine mysteries in hidden places. If they were discovered by the pagans, they were beaten or slaughtered with the sword. Many of them were suffocated as they lay hidden in caves or underground tunnels. But when the priests perished, there was an end to the celebration of the sacred office, and everything that related to the observation of the holy rites went into decline. With everything in ruins, some killed themselves, and others were consumed in the fires of their fatherland. A few, however, persevered in their duties to the end, urging one another not to place their obligation to their sacred faith, behind seeking their own safety. They would be acting correctly if they had devoted as much to their piety as was owed to necessity.46 It is a most beautiful thing to be permitted to be buried in the bosom of the fatherland. What good is it to avoid death and live as a survivor to one’s religion? Rather, it would be noble to fulfill one’s duty. If someone deserts his duty because of his fear of death, this is a sacrilege. If someone fulfills his duty, this sacrifice is a victory of holy martyrdom. Thus, priests in their regalia were sacrificed in the midst of their offerings, and dressed in their priestly stoles, they lay on the ground among the bodies of the dead. But this great slaughter did not only savage those holding sacred offices. It also crucified the remaining crowd with miserable slaughter. Consequently, human and divine affairs each were polluted together.

38  Book 1 Surely, it is about matters such as this that David said: “The nations have invaded your inheritance, they have polluted your sacred temple, they have left the corpses of your servants as food for the winged creatures of the sky. They have shed their blood as if it were water all around Jerusalem, and no one remained who might bury them.”47 For at the same time that the nations invaded the inheritance of God, they carried off everything, and the churches of God were polluted by the hands of the impious, and the corpses of those whom they killed lay around unburied as food for the ravenous birds and beasts. Blood was shed such that it lay in pools in the church, and there was not anyone who could provide burial because the madness was transferred from the living to the dead, and from the dead to those who still had been alive up to this point. Gaul, you paid the price for your ancient ferocity. If anyone should add up the carnage among those slaughtered, let him consider the return of the Babylonians to Jerusalem. Saint Jerome recalled this persecution in a letter about monogamy when he bemoaned this barbarian persecution to the noble widow Ageruchia, urging her to continue in her widowhood recalling among other matters that48: Innumerable ferocious nations occupied all of Gaul. The Quadi, Vandals, Sarmatians, Alans, Gepids, Herules, Saxons, Burgundians, Alemanni, and o miserable state, the hosts of Pannonia devastated all of the lands between the Alps and the Pyrenees, and between the ocean and the Rhine. Indeed, even the Assyrians came with them. Mainz, that noble city, was captured and destroyed, and many thousands of people were slaughtered in its cathedral. The people of Worms were crushed after a lengthy siege. Rheims, that most powerful of cities, Amiens, Arras, Thérouanne,49 Tournai, and Speyer were all carried off to Germany as captives. The nine cities of Aquitaine, and all of the people of the provinces of Lyons and Narbonne, aside from a few cities, were ravaged. The sword devastated them from the outside and hunger destroyed from within, etcetera.50 6. St. Vaast came to this province through the grace of divine direction. King Clovis had been driven to the practice of the Christian faith because of his lack of success in war, and St. Vaast led him to St. Rémi to be baptized. While this tyrannical madness raged against the church of Christ, the city of Arras remained without a chief priest up to the time of St. Vaast. The church was destroyed, and the place returned to its desert state, becoming a home to wild beasts. Vaast, the holy confessor of God and distinguished preacher, came to this region through the direction of divine grace for the salvation of many in the time of Clovis, who at that time was the most powerful king of the Franks.51 We will set out in writing the order and cause of this event with as much brevity as possible.52 The aforementioned prince had been bound by mad error. But his pious wife, named Clotild,

Book 1  39 had been consecrated with the sacrament of baptism. She was the daughter of King Chilperic, whom King Gundebald, his brother, had killed after hostility developed between them.53 This most Christian queen flattered the king54 every day, trying to turn him from the cult of idolatry toward the worship of the one true God so that this faithless man might be saved by a faithful woman.55 But the king did not listen at all to the advice of the queen because he believed that all of the success that he seemed to have achieved came through the aid of his gods. The queen, when she saw that the king had spurned the counsel of salvation, and more concerned about the salvation of the king than about the power of the kingdom, asked the Almighty that He provide an occasion on which Clovis might be compelled to take the opportunity to seek his own salvation. And so the king began a war against the Alemanni, but he did not catch them unaware, as he had hoped. Rather, they met the king along the banks of the Rhine River with a large army, and strove to defend their fatherland with their military strength. As the king summoned his gods to his aid, the Franks began to lose hope at the sight of this mass of men, their arms lost their vigor, they were overcome by fear and terror, and they became less concerned about losing the battle than about losing their lives.56 The king, seeing that his army was wavering, believed that the strength of his spirit was greater than the power of fear. So, to keep his soldiers from wavering, he advanced further into the battle himself so they would not consider the danger of death as more important than the triumph of glory. He grabbed the standard, and recalling the battle line, he led his horse toward the enemy first, and the others followed him with a great shout, and fought fiercely.57 The Alemanni, for their part, were superior in strength and in numbers because this fight was for their lives and for the freedom of their fatherland. They began to push back against the Franks with great strength. Some struck with arrows, others with spears, and yet others with crossbows.58 The king realized that having lost so many men, he could not keep his army from dissolving, and that the gods he had summoned had not saved him from his present danger. So, in these desperate straits, he invoked the most powerful God of the Christians, Whom his wife had urged him to worship, and swore an oath that he would be baptized in a sacred font along with his army if the course of the battle changed, and he emerged as a victor over his enemies. Immediately, his men regained their strength and restored their battle lines, and attacked the enemy with the aid of the Trinity, and slaughtered almost all of them, with the exception of those who saved their lives through flight or surrender. The king now understood that it was not by his strength that the enemy had been overcome, but rather through the gift of God, to Whom the king had bound himself with his oath. So thereafter, the king came to the fortress of Toul, having heard that St. Vaast served God there with praiseworthy piety. When the king arrived, he explained to St. Vaast the reason why he had come, the outcome of the battle, that he was losing when he called upon

40  Book 1 his own gods, and that he had succeeded in his second attack under the name of Christ. The man of the Lord gave thanks to God that He deigned to open up His kingdom to the nations, and began to instruct the king in the teachings of the Catholic faith. After giving him instruction in the teachings of the gospels, St. Vaast led the king to the venerable man of God, Rémy, who then held the highest office of the church at Rheims. This man combined wisdom with an excellent character. The Gallic people, who were converted to Christ by him, testified to the signs of his spiritual strength. Indeed, Pope Hormisdas once commissioned him to serve as his vicar to carry out his will in Gaul.59 St. Vaast acted as the king’s guide as he hastened to the font of life. During their journey, the man of God returned to the light of his eyes to a certain blind man who was shouting to him. This earned the admiration of the magnates of the royal court, and indeed, of the king, himself, whose fervor for the Christian faith was increased by the demonstration of this miracle. It is to be noted that divine kindnesses60 are granted up to the present day to believers and to those who pray in the church that was constructed as a testament to the spiritual power of St. Rémy.61 7.62 St. Vaast brought forth wine from a dry vessel, and was ordained as bishop by St. Rémy. St. Vaast then returned the ability to walk to a man who was lame, and sight to a man who was blind. After he received baptism, the king returned along with his magnates to his realm. However, St. Vaast was kept for some time with blessed Rémy. The latter received a great throng of visitors from among the more noble and pious people because of his celebrated manner of life. Among them there was one man who was accustomed to spend more time with Rémy than anyone else because of their shared love of heavenly teachings. One day at vespers, when the sun was setting in the west, Rémy did not wish to send off this man without a gift of charity.63 Therefore, a boy was summoned to pour some wine. But the boy announced that it was all gone because of the large number of guests. Then St. Vaast, having no doubts about the riches of his faith, caused precious wine to pour out from the dry vessel. St. Rémy recognized the signs of the spiritual gifts and pious manner of life of this man, and judged that it was wrong for the brightness of this starry light to waiver in the shadows when it should instead light the way for salvation and illumination for the many.64 So, with the permission of King Clovis and through God’s providence, Rémy ordained St. Vaast as a bishop and ordered him to evangelize the cities of Cambrai and Arras.65 It is clear, therefore, that this king inasmuch as he dearly loved his ancestral seats was that much more eager to appoint a man of exceptional virtue as the pastor of these places. For as was stated a bit earlier, St. Vaast spent considerably more time there than in other sees. Therefore, having been brought here by a superior grace, Vaast strove to enrich the diocese with his pastoral rule. The king certainly judged that there was no one better than St. Vaast to overcome the ferocity of the population and to bring them to

Book 1  41 the grace of faith, than the one through whom he, himself, had acquired the Catholic faith.66 It should be noted, as we touched on above, that these two dioceses previously had enjoyed twin episcopal direction, but now were gathered together under a single rule because they had been found devastated by the saintly bishop. At the entrance to the city of Arras, one man, who was blind, and another who was lame, came up to him crying out. He returned the lost sight to one, and the power of walking to the other. When St. Vaast entered, he was stunned by the wretched destruction of the city.67 He knew that in the not-so-distant past the practice of the sacred faith had flourished in this place. But because of the sins of the inhabitants, and because of the hidden but just judgment of God, this city, along with the other cities in Gaul and Germany, was handed over to the pagan and perfidious king of the Huns, Attila, to be pillaged.68 As we mourned above, because of his savage spirit, Attila did not know how to show reverence to the priests or the churches of God, but rather destroyed everything with iron and fire, as if he were a monstrous storm. Searching for any sign of the old church, he found no indication of it. The site now bristled with brambles and thorns. Where once the choir had sung psalms, there was now a morass for wild animals. Finally, searching carefully among the fragments of the walls, he found the altar of Mary, the holy mother of God. He marveled that although he found it in the midst of the collapsed walls, it remained undamaged, and could still be used for holy purposes. The holy man understood, and this is also what we think, that this was the same altar that was used in the bishop’s cathedral when Pope Dionysius set down Cambrai and Arras among the other cities as enrolled as bishoprics and separated out with fixed boundaries, each with its own parishes, and established the more important of them as metropolitans, and the lesser as suffragans.69 This Dionysius, according to the testimony of the chronicles,70 held the Roman see 263 years before Pope Hormisdas, the latter who was pope in the time of St. Vaast.71 8. That a synod was held in the city of Vienne,72 summoned by St. Mamertus,73 and that St. Rémy, after being summoned to the synod, directed St. Vaast to go in his place.74 The bishops discussed a number of matters there among themselves and decreed that a fast should be undertaken on the third day before the feast of the Ascension of the Lord.75 After the buildings of the church were repaired, St. Vaast delivered the people of the surrounding diocese from idolatry to the sacred faith, destroying the sanctuaries of the gods, and constructing churches to the pinnacle of the highest beauty. Everywhere, knowledge of the divine law grew. Christ’s name was heard in every mouth. The lack of time keeps my pen from listing the signs and virtues that made clear how the divine power acted through him. The book of his life provides all of this more fully for the curious reader.76 In this time, notice was given of a synod to be held in the city of Vienne. Almost all of the bishops of Gaul attended, having been summoned by St.

42  Book 1 Mamertus.77 They asked St. Rémy, the most learned man of his day in divine teaching and the most eloquent through the privilege of most excellent grace, to attend. But the holy man was weighed down by age and was held back by the weakness of his body. So he directed St. Vaast to go there to represent his views.78 For at this time, as Gregory the bishop of Tours writes in his deeds of the Franks, the citizens of Vienne were terrified by unheard of portents.79 There was an enormous earthquake, and the sudden destruction of many churches and the crashing of the collapsing palaces caused a great sense of loss. For those seeing these prodigies happening all at once, it seemed that the end of the world and the day of judgment were coming. Many wild beasts were wandering around, as wolves, bears, and deer entered through the gate of the city, eating many men. They did this for an entire year. As the holy day of Easter was approaching, and St. Mamertus, the bishop of this city, was celebrating the sacred office during the eve of this feast, the royal palace, which held a dominant position in an elevated location in the city, was consumed by a divine flame. The bishops recognized that this happened as a punishment and because of divine indignation at the sins of man. So, by their common consent, they all decreed that a fast should be observed on the third day before to the Ascension of the Lord, and this is still observed in all of the churches of the Gauls up to the present. And thus, this tribulation and destruction was brought to an end. 9. St. Vaast departed from this world, and his death was illuminated by a column of light. That most honorable priest of the Lord, Vaast, ruled the church of that city for about forty years. St. Rémy kindly recalls his memory in his own testament, writing: “I gave two estates, namely Orcos and Sabucetum,80 to the church of Arras, where I consecrated my dearest brother Vaast, with God’s leadership, as bishop. These estates were a gift of the aforementioned prince, that is Clovis, whom I raised from the sacred font.81 A column of light that was seen to rise up from his little cell in a remarkable stream up to the heavens marking the coming of his end. The day of his death, which came soon after, illuminated the sacred nature of these events. It is a marvelous thing that the voices of those singing psalms in heaven were heard in the midst of the groans of those who were weeping on earth. He was buried in the church of the blessed virgin Mary, not far from the altar itself, on the south side. He remained at rest in this location for a long time until he was translated, following a revelation given by the Lord, by the holy men Autbert and Omer to the place where his memory now shines forth, just as is recorded in his Vita, and can be read quite clearly in the deeds of St. Aubert.82 In the course of this translation, it is said that Omer avoided the corrupt gift of light and became blind. The careful reader will find that there were other miracles after his death.83 10. Regarding the man who was sustained in a duel through the consolation of St. Vaast.84

Book 1  43 Based on the testimony of witnesses, there are only a few things that we can accept in the present day as having been done through the merits of this blessed confessor.85 Nevertheless, we do not believe it is right to ignore these matters completely. For example, there was one time when some evil robbers in the region of Derniensi assailed a certain man from the household of St. Vaast with depraved allegations while the small property owners, who were not members of the household of St. Vaast, looked on eagerly.86 Then, on the basis of these allegations, the robbers demanded justice from the man’s advocate, and challenged him to single combat, an occasion that we colloquially call a field of battle.87 The man promised his advocate that he would come at the time set for the settling this legal matter. The man then took up his satchel and his staff and hurried to the convent of the man of God.88 Here, he explained his problem and begged the abbot to act on his behalf. Because of the difficulty of the long journey, the abbot declined to take up the case. Nevertheless, he did encourage the man to look for divine aid. The man, who now felt completely abandoned, returned home. He placed his last hope in the mercy of the Lord but did not believe he could refute the legal judgment that he faced. Therefore, presenting himself for trial on the appointed day, he took up the judicial support that had been given to him by God and St. Vaast, and shouted that he would not have any shield other than his staff with which he would protect himself confidently in the fight. What happened next was an act of divine clemency. When each of the two combatants had carefully taken up his arms and the battle was joined, the other man struck the staff of the unarmored man with a mighty blow. At once, such a dense cloud rose up between them, emanating from the staff, that neither of the two men could see each other. 11. About the man who was also freed through the actions of St. Vaast. In a certain church founded in honor of St. Vaast, which was located in the bishopric of Liège, an exceptionally evil criminal captured a man through a fraudulently crafted deceitful pretense. The criminal bound the man’s hands behind his back, tied a rope around his arms, and led him off to be tormented more harshly. Shortly thereafter, the evil man recognized that the other had been freed through some divine action, and got down from his horse. Thinking that the man might somehow free himself in the future, the evil man beat him badly and bound him again in a more crafty manner. But when the evil man remounted his horse, he realized suddenly that the other man had been released once more. So he seized him furiously by his hair, beat him, and then bound him up for a third time, on this occasion by his genitals. Not long thereafter, the evil man saw that the other man had been freed once more, and he, himself, finally had been defeated, reckoning that he had lost to the power of God. No one can doubt that this was granted by God through the merits of St. Vaast. 12. Dominicus89 succeeded Vaast, and after that came Vedulphus90 and then St. Géry.91

44  Book 1 Dominicus succeeded Saint Vaast on the episcopal seat, and Vedulphus succeeded him. The church of Cambrai received a princely palace from the last named as well as from several of his successors. This palace had been left vacant by the clerical leadership a long time before, just as had been the case at Arras, when the destruction of the barbarian persecutions had devastated the churches of the Gauls. But certainly no one will doubt with any reason that some leaders of the church had earlier presided here earlier, as can be learned easily from the plans of Pope Dionysius, as was shown above. Moreover, it was here that King Chlodio killed the Romans, whom he discovered were Christians. Although it is possible that Bishop Vedulphus did memorable deeds, knowledge of them has not survived up to our time except for what we read in the Deeds of St. Géry, namely that he passed from human affairs to better things.92 It is not certain whether this is because of laziness or because of a lack of writers, two factors that often lead to many exploits disappearing in silence.93 This should not be understood to mean that Vedulphus had sufficient merit that supplications should be made to him because of one’s faults, but rather that rewards are granted for innocence, that is to pass on to better things. 13. With regard to Bishop Bertoaldus.94 After the death of St. Géry, Bertoaldus succeeded him as bishop. He was a noble of the Franks by lineage. This apostolic man was also outstanding for his gifts of virtue. He was led here by his love and veneration for St. Géry, a love with which he always burned as if he were Géry’s son. He placed his straw bed in the bedroom of the holy man from where the latter’s soul departed to heaven. Bertoaldus did not do this because of the presumption of a deceitful spirit, but rather because he was certain that none of the ambushes of the opposing side would trouble this place, just as the great man had stated while preparing for his death. After Bertoaldus had spent the night in this room, St. Géry appeared to him in a vision, and speaking to him softly and gently, reminded him that he should quickly remove the bed and expiate the sin of presumption if he wished to have the saint favorably disposed toward him. So Bertoaldus quickly removed the bed just as he had been commanded, and dedicated an altar to the Lord in this same chamber in memory of St. Géry. Then, after placing relics of the saints in the altar, he made it ready for divine services. Mass is celebrated there up to the present day, and prayers are sent to God.95 14. There was a synod in which Bishop Bertoaldus participated along with St. Arnulf96 and many others, where they discussed matters of importance to the church.97 We find in the deeds of the bishops of Rheims98 that Bishop Bertoaldus participated in a synod that Bishop Sonnatius of Rheims99 celebrated along with Thierry of Lyons,100 Sindulf of Vienne,101 Sulpicius of Bourges,102 Modegisile of Tour,103 Senotus of Eauze,104 Leoncius of Saintes,105 Moduald of Trier,106 Cunibert of Cologne,107 Richer of Sens,108 Donatus of Besançon,109 and many other bishops whose names have

Book 1  45 been neglected for the sake of brevity.110 It is also noted that St. Arnulf was bishop of Metz at this time.111 It is written down that many useful matters relating to the church were discussed during this synod that were to be carried out. For example,112 it is stated with respect to clerics that if any should bind themselves either by an oath or by a conspiracy in writing to dare a rebellion, or plan snares for their bishop through some sly allegation, and if, having been warned, they refuse to mend their ways, such priests should be deprived completely of their clerical status.113 And if some judge should presume to impose public sanctions on a cleric of any rank whatsoever or distrain him for whatever reason without the knowledge and consent of the bishop, or bring charges or injure him in any way, then this judge shall be deprived of communion. Similarly, if anyone commits homicide willingly, that is if he is not responding to a violent act but rather is the aggressor in taking violent action, then no one shall have any contact with him. However, if this man should do penance, then he shall not be denied the gift of communion at his death.114 If a priest should wish to depart his district and go to another district or province, he must receive a letter of introduction from his bishop.115 If a priest does set out without clear letters from his bishop, let him not be received anywhere. Similarly, if following the death of a bishop, anyone of whatever status, whether he is girded with a belt of office or is powerful, should dare to seize anything belonging to the church, of whatever kind, whether in a building or in a field, before the bishop’s will is unsealed and heard, or if such a man should presume to break the locks on the church and either seize or search the furnishings inside the building, he is to be shut out completely from the community of Christians. Similarly, no cleric of any rank should go to the public forum to seek legal redress for his own concerns or those of the church, nor should they go there to speak in legal cases unless they had permission and advice of the bishop to do so. Similarly, no one shall dare to seize or carry off widows, who have sought to consecrate themselves to the Lord, or girls who are consecrated to the Lord, for any reason whatsoever, including their own rashness, the strength of their own power, or even by the king’s decree. Even if both sides agree, they are to be deprived of communion. Many other matters were treated. However, even though they were important, we think that it is better to leave them aside, preferring brevity.116 15. During this same episcopate, a thief was caught in the basilica of St. Géry following the intervention of this same saint.117 One stormy night, a thief entered the basilica of St. Géry hoping to seize the sacred sepulcher of this man because this marvelously created work glittered with gold and gems. But the man of the Lord appeared in a vision to his doorkeeper and let him know that his tomb was being robbed by thieves.118 But he demanded that the doorkeeper permit the thief to depart without any injury. And so it was done. 16. Ablebertus also known as Emebertus, who succeeded, came from a holy line.

46  Book 1 Bertoaldus was succeeded by St. Ablebertus, who is given this name in the catalog of bishops,119 but who was called Emebertus by the inhabitants of the city and the people living in the district.120 He came from the county of Brabant. His family was distinguished both by their lineage and by the manner of their lives. His father was Count Witger, a pious man, and his mother was Amulberga.121 His four saintly sisters were Reineldis, Pharaildis, Ermelindis, and the most saintly of all Gudula, who was younger in age, but no less excellent in sanctity. Immediately before her birth, which was announced by an angel to her blessed mother, Ablebertus sought to fill his days with good works, and he shined with many virtues and miracles as the book of his life makes clear.122 Indeed the book presents Bishop Ablebertus as distinguished for his marvelous sanctity and conspicuous for the nobility of his manner of life. And this cannot be doubted, especially given the fact that he came from such holy and magnificent parents. It is undoubtedly true that Ablebertus groaned when he heard that the grave of his aforementioned sister, that is Gudula, who had been buried three days before, was violated by a pestiferous thief. He bound the thief in chains of anathema. He then issued this curse and brought about that all of the thief’s posterity would have the following distinguishing marks, namely that if it were a man, he would become lame or disabled in some way, and that if it were a woman, she would always bear the affliction that we commonly call goiters. And miraculously, all of his progeny did have these signs, as the book states. As a consequence it is to be understood that Ablebertus was a man of superior merit. 17. He was buried in Merchten but was translated to Maubeuge.123 Ablebertus possessed an estate called Merchten that was exceptionally wealthy, and abounded with dependents and property. He made the church of the mother of God the heiress to this property.124 But for some reason of which we are unaware, unless it was an invasion by the pagans, the church lost this property. On the anniversary of the day of his vocation Ablebertus died and passed from this world in the same county in an estate that the inhabitants called Ham.125 He was buried there, and then was carried to Merchten. But afterward he was translated to Maubeuge and rests there now waiting for the day of the resurrection. 18. Regarding St. Aubert.126 St. Aubert succeeded him in the episcopal seat. He was an eminent man, who was noteworthy for his meritorious life during the time of King Dagobert of the Franks.127 The latter, because of the grace of his close friendship, had a special love for Aubert, and he gave an exceptionally generous gift of a royal estate, which had been called Onnaing since ancient times,128 to the brothers who served in the church of the blessed Mary where the holy man of God exercised the office of his episcopal seat.129 The deeds of this holy man are not fully known because of the lack of writers. We have found very little other than what is noted in the deeds of the saints who lived in his time where his memory is celebrated. We discuss this information briefly here.

Book 1  47 There was a certain youth,130 who was raised from the baptismal font and trained in sacred texts, but when he was considering more carefully the prospect of advancing to sacred orders, he was deceived by sly words, and the devil drew him back to the secular world. Then, taking up with evil and rebellious men, he began to assault travelers, drag them off, and despoil them. When the young man was eagerly engaged in the pursuit of these activities, the blessed man wept at his ruin. By chance, however, one of the youth’s accomplices was sentenced to death.131 The youth was given an opportunity to see this, and it horrified him. After this horrible sight, an angel appeared to him from heaven, and bore witness that the youth also owed this penalty, a penalty for which he had abandoned Aubert, the man of God.132 So, the holy man received back the youth, who was now seized with terror, nourished him, and advanced him to the priesthood. Someone who has leisure will find many of the miracles of this man, which have come down to the present, in the book of his life.133 19. That he consecrated the church of St. Ghislain,134 perfected St. Vincent, and covered St. Waldetrude and St. Aldegunda with the veil. At about this time St. Ghislain came from Athens, but when hatred was aroused against him, he was accused before St. Aubert. But the latter recognized the reasons for this hatred, and decided not only that Ghislain was not to be condemned, but rather was to be received with great reverence. Moreover, Aubert along with St. Amand, consecrated a church that was built by this same St. Ghislain in honor of the apostles.135 In addition, Aubert kindled a great fervor of love for God in St. Vincent, who previously was called Madelgarius when he was busy with the affairs of a secular life and had become celebrated for his military service and marriage into the royal family. So great was this fervor that Madelgarius set aside his belt of military service, freed himself from his wife, took up a monastic habit, and bound himself under the rule of the sacred monastic life.136 His wife, namely St. Waltrude, along with her twin sister, who had promised her virginity to the Lord, both received the sacred veil from St. Aubert, and spent the rest of their lives in sacred devotions at Mons in a place that is called Maubeuge.137 This was in the monastery of Maubeuge that was constructed by St. Aldegunda, which the blessed bishop had consecrated in honor of the blessed Virgin Mary and of the holy apostles. They also summoned holy men to join them, who are noted in the extant book of her life.138 20. He disinterred St. Vaast. A church was dedicated in Arras in honor of Mary, the blessed mother of God, where the episcopal throne was located. St. Vaast, whom we mentioned above, rested not far from the altar in a tomb on the south side of this church. However, this spot had been designated by an angel as the location for building an oratory. So, St. Aubert, along with St. Omer, the bishop of Thérouanne, translated St. Vaast, after having a church constructed for this purpose. It was in the course of translating St. Vaast that the same St. Omer

48  Book 1 suddenly went blind again. He had been blind, and afterward had given very little attention to the power of sight that he had recovered.139 A church constructed in memory of St. Aubert stands in this place up to the present day. Indeed, the man of God constructed a monastery in the place that was divinely appointed, and granted his own property for the use of the monks as they saw fit. The book of his life clearly lays out this series of events.140 St. Vindicien,141 who succeeded Aubert as bishop, granted the monastery to King Theuderic142 for some reason but retained the privilege of pastoral rule in the monastery in his own hands. Saint Aubert, having delivered his people to the practice of the Christian faith, happily ended his life and was buried in the church of St. Peter, which was constructed outside the walls of the city of Cambrai.143 Now, however, the walls of the city have been expanded and the monastery has been improved, and he rests quietly within the walls of the city.144 21. St. Vindicien145 succeeded as bishop and also information about the martyred St. Leodegar.146 After the death of Aubert, St. Vindicien received the authority to rule this same church in the time of King Theuderic, the son of Clovis and the exceptionally wise queen Bathild.147 This Theuderic began to rule after his brother Chlothar, who earlier had succeeded to his father’s kingdom alongside his mother Bathild.148 Theuderic faced the opposition of many of the leaders of the Franks, who were hostile to him because of Ebroin, who as the mayor of the palace of this kingdom had been exceptionally belligerent toward these magnates.149 They revolted against Theuderic and Ebroin, had the hair on their heads tonsured, and imprisoned them in the monastery of Luxeuil in Burgundy.150 They then raised up Childeric III, his brother, who ruled in Austrasia, to rule over the entire kingdom. They then established Bishop Leodegar of Autun as mayor of the palace.151 But not long after, the Franks raised a rebellion and killed the king because they could not bear his fickleness and his arrogance.152 As a consequence, Theuderic returned as king, and Ebroin was restored to his earlier position. After receiving advice from the most evil counselors possible, and believing that he had been ousted from his previous office by the faction of the aforementioned bishop, Ebroin had him tormented with the harshest torture. He then had Leodegar brought to the region of Arras, where he was decapitated in a place now called the forest of St. Leodegar.153 He was buried in the estate called Sercin,154 which is located within the dioceses of Cambrai and Thérouanne.155 22. Regarding conflict among Bishops Ansoald,156 Hermenarius,157 and St. Vindicien158 concerning the possession of the body of this martyr, and that Ansoald gained possession through the drawing of lots. Immediately, word of his miracles spread everywhere, and frequently came to the attention of the royal palace. Ansoald of Poitiers, Hermenarius of Autun, and St. Vindicien were among the magnates who were then at the palace. The first of them wished to claim the body of the holy martyr on the basis of his ties to a certain monastery159 and also because of his own

Book 1  49 relationship by blood with Leodegar. The second set forth the legal rights of his diocese.160 The third, that is St. Vindicien, made his claim on the basis that it was by God’s will that both the place of Leodegar’s martyrdom, and the place where he was buried were within his diocese. They carried out this reasonable dispute among themselves until the other bishops decided that the names of the three should be written on three documents and then placed in a jumbled order under the altar cover. After they all prayed together, it was declared that on the basis of these tokens that the holy body should be given to the bishop of Poitiers.161 23. A miracle of St. Amatus that took place at Cambrai in the time of St. Vindicien. Something miraculous took place in this, our city, during the time of this bishop that is necessary to add to this work. For at that time, when the aforementioned King Theuderic was raging against the saints of God, he was inspired by some trick of the devil to order that Saint Amatus, the bishop of the church of Sens, be sent into exile.162 Amatus was sent far from here to a town in the region of Vermandois called Péronne to be kept in the custody of the exceptionally venerable man Abbot Ultan.163 When Theuderic did not dare to slaughter Amatus with the sword, he nevertheless tormented him with the tribulation of a lengthy exile. In the meantime, Ultan had become a saint,164 therefore the impious king feared that the holy prelate would come back to his fatherland. So he chose a certain man named Maurontus, the son of Duke Adalbald and the holy Rictrudis,165 and sent him to Péronne and ordered him to bring back the blessed prelate under an appropriate guard. Accordingly, this excellent athlete of God did not delay in carrying out this command. Rather, just as was his custom, he set out quickly, and fetched the holy man, bringing him along in an honorable manner. Therefore, as they were traveling to the county of Austrevandensem,166 it happened that they turned aside to the city of Cambrai in order to obtain supplies. While the others were busy with their duties, Amatus always striving for what Mary chose as the best from the testimony of the Lord,167 quietly entered the church of the holy mother of God, the Virgin Mary, not far from the guest house. There he made very clear how dear he was to the Lord. For as he was entering, as often happens when in a shadow, he was stunned as his eyes were struck by the brightness of the sun. Because he could not see clearly, he used the beam of sunlight that shined through a hole in the wall to help gain his bearings. Then, as he was worn out from his journey, he set down his material burden so that he could pick up a spiritual one, and so lay down his cloak and long shirt, unknowingly, on the beam of sunlight, as if there were rods sticking out there. The sun, itself, acting as if his servant raised them up as he lay prostrate in prayer. In the meantime, when the matters were settled in the house, blessed Mauruntus followed the steps of the saint, and when he entered the church, he realized that the clothing of the holy man was hanging from the light of the sun. And then praying to glorify the miracle of God, he prostrated himself at

50  Book 1 the feet of this great man. Blaming his own ignorance, Mauruntus asked for forgiveness if he had sinned against Amatus in any way. Mauruntus had not served him appropriately before because he had not yet known that Amatus possessed such great merit before God. This most mild of prelates mercifully granted his pardon, and a short time later, the two men started again on their journey, and resumed what they had begun. Lightening their labor with the sweetness of holy conversation, they headed toward Hamage.168 After staying in this place for a long time, they did not go much further. When they left behind the monastery at Hamage, the saintly prelate was led to Bruel. There, Amatus ordered that a cell be constructed for himself next to the basilica. It was here, whenever time permitted, that Amatus devoted himself to vigils and prayers, and where he wore down his body with continuous fasts. He did this until the Lord summoned this illustrious soldier from the earth to heaven.169 24. That during the time of this same holy man, Maxelendis, a virgin of God, was martyred, and her murderer was struck blind170 About this same time, a certain virgin in the region of Cambrai, who had been born to a very noble family, was pursued by a certain young man, who although not low born did have an ignoble soul, so that he could be joined to her legally in marriage. But she could not be persuaded by gold or gems, or by jewels of any kind to give up her virgin state and be joined to a powerful man as was the custom for noble women. Nor did she wish to listen to the advice of her parents with regard to this matter. The young man, who despaired of her love, now seized an opportunity by which he could strike the girl while she was alone in her parents’ home. He gathered a mob of evil companions, surrounding and besieging the entire house.171 Then, after breaking in, they searched the entire house, and carefully looking around they discovered the small room where the virgin was hidden. Having found her, they violently dragged her to the current location of the basilica that is constructed in honor of all the saints, and particularly St. Vaast, as well as for the veneration of this holy virgin. Then the deadly executioner, gnashing his teeth, drew his sword and killed her with a thrust. As soon as he saw the blood of the virgin, he was made blind by the just judgment of God. She was buried in the basilica of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul, and of the confessor Saint Sulpicius, which was built on an estate that was called Pommereul.172 25. That the blessed bishop returned the body of the virgin to the place where she was killed, and Harduin recovered his sight.173 After three years had passed since the martyrdom of this girl, a certain noble matron named Amaltrudis was warned by God’s voice that she should go to St. Vindicien, the bishop of Cambrai, and that he should go with his clergy and the people of the area, and with the greatest reverence bring the sacred body back to the place where Maxelendis had been killed because the Lord had deigned to make this place illustrious through signs and miracles. As soon as the saintly bishop heard the word that was brought to him, he

Book 1  51 took care to implement these commands. At this time Harduin, who had killed the girl, was still living, although wretchedly and in disgrace in the shadow of his blindness. When Harduin learned that the sacred body of the virgin was being carried back to the aforementioned place, he condemned himself and recognizing his sin, he ordered that he be led to the path along which the body was to be carried, and prostrated himself before the bier. As soon as the men carrying the sacred body reached Harduin, he recovered his sight. He then ran to the bishop and told him all of the things that had happened to him. The bishop addressed the people, speaking about this miracle, and had the sacred body buried in the aforementioned church. 26. That he was able to have Pope John174 confirm a privilege regarding the property of the church of St. Mary at Arras. We have found this text with which this man of God, the venerable bishop, along with King Theuderic, strengthened and augmented the church of the holy mother of God at Arras with their own property, namely with estates, churches, lands, mills, and other resources.175 Moreover, this document, which was issued at a royal assembly in the presence of the king, completely excludes all public judicial officials from this church by the authority of the bishop. This text received the affirmation of many other bishops who were present at the assembly as well as the agreement of the king, and it was confirmed by Pope John.176 This is the privilege: To the holy overseer of the universal church, the most blessed John, Roman pope, bishop of bishops, I Vindicien, the least of the servants of God, but nevertheless fortunate in Christ the Lord. Let it be known to your fatherly affection and to all of the children of the holy church of God, that if we grant anything from the property of our holy sites to the poor, we are confident that this, without any doubt, will be returned to us in eternal blessedness. Trusting in the great mercy and compassion of the Lord, we have had this letter confirmed in a gathering of our holy bishops at a royal assembly in the presence of the most pious king Theuderic, and wish for it to be confirmed in perpetuity.177 The law of the ancients178 holds that whoever wishes to sell, give, or exchange his own property shall have a license according to Salic law to issue a binding document to this effect.179 Therefore let all faithful men, both those in the present and in the future, know that this episcopal privilege was produced by the aforementioned King Theuderic with our episcopal authority so that it will be kept inviolate from this day forward. It is through our episcopal authority that we exclude all secular and judicial authorities, and every legal charge, and every invasion from the church of St. Mary in the city of Arras. So that all of the canons serving God there might live quietly henceforward, we are separating them from all secular distraction. If, however, it should happen that some external cause leads our successors to wish to dissipate in precarial tenure or as

52  Book 1 benefices the property that has been set aside for the use of the clergy, we forbid this.180 We confirm under threat of interdict, anathema, and by our episcopal authority that the following properties shall remain from this day forward under the control of the canons serving God in this monastery, namely: the monastery itself with the estates of Beaurains and Moyenville, which have between them 60 manses, eleven large fields, and two churches with all of their property and appurtenances, the estate of Aix-les-Fampoux in the district of Arras with a church and all of its appurtenances, the estate of Fresincourt with all of its appurtenances, the estate of Basseux with a church and all of its appurtenances, the estate of Berlette181 with all of its appurtenances, the estate of Ecoivres with a church, its associated property, and all its appurtenances, the estate of Ors182 with all of its appurtenances, the estate of Sautscido with all of its appurtenances,183 the estate of Ronville with one mill on the Crinchon river184 and another mill at Demencourt,185 the estate of Maroeul in its entirety along with a church and its associated property, and the lesser tithes at Roclincourt,186 and similarly at the estate of Onzain. Nor should anyone presume to disturb the properties that we mentioned above, namely those that the aforementioned illustrious king has granted through his royal command from his own property and from the property of others to this same place for the work of the clergy. Rather, they shall possess all of these properties in peace, so that they are able to pray more freely for the peace of the holy church of God, and for the lives of the king, and his wife, and his sons, and for the wellbeing of the realm, and for the mercy of the Lord. And whoever shall be a guardian of this privilege that we have issued, let him receive mercy from the Lord, and a blessing from you, and from all of us in the present life, and eternal life in the future, amen. There are those, however, who give little heed to our authority, and wish to diminish this episcopal authority that has been sealed by my hand. So we throw ourselves upon your mercy187 so that you make possible that the charter which has been confirmed by us, shall remain permanent, not only through you, but also through all of our bishops who are your supporters. Let all powerful God, who established the doctrine of truth in the seat of unity,188 make you mindful of Him and understand Him, and let it be pleasing to you to be mindful of me in your prayers because of Him. And he responded: To Vindicien and his fellow bishops within the bounds of Gaul, fraternal greetings and paternal blessings. Hear the sentence that I speak. If any of your successors, or a count, or someone desiring a judgment, or any other relevant person wishes to diminish or take from this place

Book 1  53 this donation or confirmation which you have decreed is to be carried out and confirmed because of your admiration for God and His divine love, we damn them with our apostolic judgment, and we ban them through our episcopal authority from the doors of the holy church of God, and we cut them off from going to heaven, and we exclude them from the kingdom of God. We prohibit them from meeting St. Peter the doorkeeper for Christ, and the ring-bearer for the heavenly kingdom. We leave to them the lot of Judas, the betrayer of our Lord Jesus Christ so that on the Day of Judgment, quivering in their misery, they will enjoy the inferno with no joy alongside the devil and his servants, amen. I John, the pope, confirm and seal this privilege, which was produced from my own insignificance.189 I Marinus, vicar of the apostolic see, confirm and seal this. I Bishop Bonibertus have signed. I Bishop Laurentius have signed. I Bishop Pedelbrandus have signed. I Bishop Nautor have signed. I Bishop Hilarius have signed. I Bishop Constantius have signed. I Bishop Thomas have signed. I Bishop Felix have signed. I Archbishop Audoinus have signed. I Bishop Austregisilus190 have signed. I Bishop Ravengarius have signed. I Bishop Silvinus have signed. I Leodegar, deposed from the see of Arras by the impious judge Ebroin, have written and signed. Issued on the 8th day of May in the seventh year of the reign of our lord King Theuderic191 in the second indiction. I Bishop Vindicien have written and signed at the command of Lord Theuderic the king and at the request of John the highest bishop. 27. That the man of God, Vindicien, consecrated a church at the estate in Honnecourt, and had St. Lambert with him.192 The same aforementioned Bishop Vindicien consecrated a monastery for the praise of God and the veneration of St. Peter in a district called Honnecourt, which was located about seven miles from his see at Cambrai, which he had received much earlier.193 Vindicien was accompanied by numerous fellow bishops, including Saint Lambert of Liege, the most precious martyr. Vindicien then established a community of clerics and nuns. Afterward, the man of God spent some time at the estate of Ecoivres, which was his property, in the oratory of St. Martin. There, he gained great renown through the holiness of his labors. He turned many people toward a salvific life with his frequent sermons, exhortations, and apostolic preaching. We found an old charter in the archive of the church of St. Humbert,194 which a holy man, who was abbot195 at that time, wrote in the presence and with the favor of the holy bishop, himself,196 with regard to the estate of Maizière-sur-Oise, which the abbot then possessed: In the 12th year of the reign of our glorious lord King Childeric on 17 April,197 I Chonebert, in the name of God, although an unworthy sinner, considering my fear of the Lord, and the recompense of eternal life, and the washing away of all of my sins, just as scripture states: ‘Make

54  Book 1 friends using worldly wealth who will lead you to the eternal abodes of the saints,’198 and again says: ‘make for yourselves little sacks of alms, which do not wear out.’199 And so I am giving a gift that I wish to be permanent to the holy monastery that is called Maroilles, which the distinguished man Humbert once constructed with his own labor, and where I, myself, an unworthy sinner, am abbot. The monastery was consecrated in honor of St. Mary the mother of our Lord Jesus Christ and in the honor of the apostles Peter and Paul, and of the remaining lords who are venerated in this basilica, which is located in the district of Helpe,200 on a little river called the Helpe.201 This is the greater part of our property in the estate called Maizière-sur-Oise, which is located in the county of Laon on the river Oise, which I once purchased from my grandmother Audeliana, who was consecrated to God, in return for a title of sale.202 This consisted of manses in demesne, where Audiliana herself had resided, and where afterward we undertook building projects, along with fields, and the male and female slaves attached to the property.203 From this day forward, we transfer possession to the basilica of St. Mary constructed in Maroilles of these manses, along with the less productive land, and the pastures in their entirety, which we have asked the notary Ulfinus to write down seriatim in our donation letter.204 We hand over to this monastery all of the aforementioned property so that these monks and our successors shall possess them and receive legal control over them from this day forward. This includes lands, homes, buildings, dependents, vineyards, woodlands, meadows, pastures, water, and right of way on flowing water, without any hindrance whatsoever. They shall have the power of holding, giving, selling, and exchanging, and whatever else they wish to do. Furthermore, we insist that there shall be no basis for illicit legal challenges to develop in the future between these servants of God and our heirs. If any one after us, which I do not believe will happen, but if any of our heirs or any other person with legal standing wishes to come and infringe upon this donation that we have asked to be made, first let him incur the anger of the Triune Majesty, and let him be anathematized, and let his name be removed from the heavenly book of life, and let him not be inscribed among the just, but rather let him be a consort of Judas Iscariot who betrayed the Lord. And if he does not wish to emend his ways, let God blind his senses, and let him receive the judgment suffered by Ananias and Sapphira,205 and in addition let it be added that the fisc shall demand from him ten pounds of gold and of silver by weight, and that having been compelled, let him pay it. And let him not gain anything of what he seeks, but rather let our wages be used for our salvation. And if it should happen that some other document purporting to be earlier or later than this one is presented in some way or through some legal maneuver by someone close to me or by some foreign person or if it should appear at any time, let it be recognized as a forgery and

Book 1  55 remain without any force. This present donation was made by me, and is to remain fixed and inviolate resting on the agreement of appropriate witnesses, namely Lord Vindicien the bishop, and my brother Fulbert. Done at Maroilles. I Humbert, although a sinner, abbot, confirm this with my own hand. 28. He was buried at Mont-Saint-Éloi.206 We are able to relate only a few matters regarding the life of this blessed bishop and glorious confessor of Christ. We believe that most of the information was lost either because it was neglected in the limited and poorquality texts that were produced, or that whatever documents there may have been were lost in the violent upheavals that caused the holy churches of God to suffer shipwrecks, as we noted above. For it is certainly possible that even those volumes that contained the details of the life and miracles of this holy man perished completely along with the great destruction of the churches and were given over to the mocking winds.207 Because of the factors enumerated here, it is uncertain how long this man ruled the church of Cambrai, and who was present at his burial. It therefore is better to remain silent about these issues than to concoct a fable. It is sufficient to hear that which is known for certain, namely that the day of his death when he passed to Christ in recompense for his labors was 11 March.208 He was buried in the basilica in a place that is called Mont-Saint-Éloi. It was to this place that the holy man ordered that he be carried once he grew ill at Brussels, which was located within his diocese. He did so because it was at this former place that St. Eligius, to whom St. Vindicien had clung in loving companionship, had established his home. 29. A certain cleric unknowingly despoiled the barrow of the holy man and was deprived of his sight, but then gained it back. A long time later, when the Lord decided that this holy man209 should be exalted, an event took place that made a public demonstration with exceptionally clear signs of the merits of the man lying in the tomb. There were some sons of the noble men of Arras who were being educated in grammatical studies under a master.210 One time, these same boys were asked by their master to obtain some kind of fluid that was necessary for the art of writing.211 The place where the man of God was quietly buried was now full of brambles and thorns, and no one lived there. It had been deserted for a long time because of attacks by pagans.212 Witnesses to the events that I am describing survive up to our times.213 When the aforementioned clerics214 examined the thickets of thorns in the nearby forest glades, they turned by chance toward the basilica. When they arrived there, those students with superior judgment prayed, while those who were younger curiously examined the interior of the church. One of them incautiously approached the tomb of the man of God, just as the earth had made a fissure gaping open from the top to the bottom. He then grabbed his hoe, and began to examine the pit by digging as if he were insulting the saint. Suddenly, the boy was

56  Book 1 struck blind, and began feeling around to search for the leader of the group, and called out to him. Everyone there was terrified at the suddenness of what had happened, and each one of them feared that they all would be punished, struck by the same judgment. Responding to those who were asking what had caused him to lose his sight, the boy answered that it was because of the rash assault that he had made on the little tomb and that he had brought this fate upon his miserable self. Therefore, after finding a plan to receive salvific remedy, they suggested that the boy could mitigate this harsh punishment if he offered himself up in surrender.215 And so it happened. The boy soon recovered his sight and returned considerably chastened. 30. Where Bishop Fulrad216 honorably disinterred the holy body of St. Vindicien. News of this miracle thundered forth throughout the region and roused the people far and wide to the veneration of this great man. Even Bishop Fulbert, who was bishop in this diocese, was amazed and decided to disinter the sacred body, and found it preserved honorably in a small stone casket. However, as they say, he left in place the archdeacon named Honoratus, who had been lying peacefully next to St. Vindicien.217 31. Where a blind man regains his sight through the merits of St. Vindicien. There was, in addition, a woman in the territory of Arras, who had one son. Although the boy’s eyes were open, he had been denied sight for a long time. The mother led him to the tomb of St. Vindicien where the woman made an offering of wax upon the altar. She then prostrated herself in prayer for a short while. The boy then regained his sight, in a clear demonstration of God’s power, and began to retrace his steps along the correct route without any hesitation, and without needing anyone to show him the way. 32. In a similar manner, a certain blind woman regained her sight. There was a certain noble woman in the region of Ponthion, who was deprived of her sight.218 She arranged her affairs and prepared to travel to Rome, to the home of the apostles, in order to receive the blessing of health. Therefore, on the night before the morning that she had set for the beginning of her journey, she received a divine command to go with her offering to the tomb of St. Vindicien where she would receive her hoped for grant of sight. As dawn approached, she loaded up her cart as she had been instructed, and set out. Therefore, arriving at the tomb of the man of God, as soon as she touched the earth to her eyes, they opened. Rejoicing, she returned home. 33. Many men were ensnared in numerous disasters because they violated his church.219 During the time when Henry was emperor,220 a considerable conflict developed between Baldwin221 and Count Arnulf.222 After mobilizing a substantial force, Baldwin drove Arnulf from the region of Valenciennes because the latter had fewer troops at his disposal.223 Arnulf held the fortification of Valenciennes from Emperor Henry. The emperor, as a result,

Book 1  57 was incensed at Baldwin’s insolent action, and personally undertook a siege of the fortification. At this point, King Robert of the Franks224 and Duke Richard of Rouen225 joined him with very large armies for the sake of renewing their friendship. The Normans were a ferocious and restless people, and burned so fiercely with greed that they did not even spare the churches of God. As they were passing through the region of Arras, they inflicted a miserable slaughter on our fatherland.226 Some of them made their way to Mont-Saint-Éloi, which we noted above, because they heard that the monastery was heaped up with money and wealth. They formed up in a battle line and did not hesitate to storm the church. As the clerics there resisted them, one of the Normans, who was aroused with a barbaric fury, hurled his spear and struck down one of the priestly men standing in the entrance to the church. But the other clerics, enraged at the death of their brother, continued to resist even more tenaciously. Faced with this obstacle, the enemy was not able to break into the church. So one of them, who was armed with an insane spirit, climbed to the roof of the church, and got inside using a rope. He then launched a surprise attack from the rear against the men holding the doorway, who were startled when they realized that an enemy was in among them. When they turned to defend themselves from the rear, they offered free entry to those who were in front of them. The latter rushed in and killed many of the clerics, contaminating the holy space with their bloody hands. They stole the treasures of the church and even the vestments of the priests. However, they did not enjoy them for long. Soon after they had divided the spoils among themselves, many of them were seized and tortured by a demonic spirit. Some felt as if their tongues were on fire, others bit themselves, yet others felt as if their legs were on fire. They certainly suffered a miserable torment. Word of these events struck terror into the others that a savage punishment would scorch them for the plunder taken from this church. But the aforementioned count,227 as soon as he returned home, directed that an inquest be taken under oath with respect to the aforementioned treasures, and undertook to pay at least a quarter of this amount.228 However, one of the men who was present among the violators of the church kept a bell for himself. After he had hidden this for a long time, the man was forced to confess. He was on the edge of death as he had remained silent because of his greed. So he sent a message to the priests of the church, and offered a double restitution and thereby cleansed his soul. 34. Hildebert became bishop,229 and after him Hunold,230 and then Hadulf.231 Hildebert succeeded St. Vindicien as bishop. Hunold succeeded him. After Hunold’s death, Hadulf was chosen for the episcopal seat. Some say that he was the son of the holy martyr Ragnulf.232 There are many among those living today who claim to have witnessed many miracles taking place at his tomb.233 35. Bishop Engran disinterred Hadulf, and during his translation a woman was freed from a demon.234

58  Book 1 Hadulf was buried in the church of St. Peter the Apostle, which is located inside the walls of the fortress of Arras next to the monastery of St. Vaast. The saintliness of this man was demonstrated in the time after this through numerous miracles and portents. A particularly distinguished witness to these miraculous events was a priest from the monastery of St. Vaast who reported the numerous visions that he had experienced to Bishop Engran of Cambrai.235 The latter, recognizing that the priest was a particularly trustworthy witness, had Hunold’s body disinterred. It was during this exhumation, which was undertaken to demonstrate the merits of the holy man, that a certain woman was freed miraculously from an impure spirit. The bishop was overjoyed at this result and addressed the people, and let them know that St. Hadulf was to be numbered among the saints.236 36. Regarding Bishop Treuvard.237 Following Hadulf, Treuvard took his place. 37. Regarding Bishop Gaufrid.238 After him, Gaufrid, the rector of the same monastery, became bishop.239 38. Regarding Bishop Alberic.240 After his death came Alberic. 39 Regarding Bishop Hildoard.241 After Alberic came Hildoard who succeeded in the time of Charlemagne.242 In the twelfth year of his episcopate, he ordered that two beautiful ivory tablets be sculpted so that he might bring clarity in these same tablets.243 Hildoard lived up to the time of Louis the Pious244 and took care to obtain many privileges for his church. He obtained the following command for an immunity from the aforementioned emperor, himself:245 “In the name of our Lord God and our savior Jesus Christ, we Louis, august emperor through divine providence, do not despair of being strengthened with God’s grace because we, out of our love for the divine religion, favor the just and reasonable requests of the servants of God. Therefore let it be known to the diligence and wisdom of all of our faithful men, both in the present and in the future, that the venerable man Hildoard, bishop of the city of Cambrai, presented for our inspection immunities of our grandfather, King Pepin, and our father, Charles the most outstanding emperor of fond memory,246 in which it is stated that our father and royal predecessors accepted under their complete protection and under the defense of an immunity the aforementioned see that is dedicated in honor of Mary, the holy mother of God and eternal virgin, because of their love of God and for the tranquility of the brothers living there. In order to secure this privilege, however, the aforementioned bishop requests that we confirm through the authority of our decree the mandate of these other kings because of our love of God and our reverence for Mary, the holy mother of God. We freely consent to his request, and we grant the immunity in all of its aspects, and confirm this grant through this enunciation of our decree. From this moment onward, therefore, we command that no public official or anyone holding judicial authority in our time or thereafter shall dare to enter into the churches,

Book 1  59 properties, fields, or other possessions of the aforementioned church that it holds and possesses at the present time justly and legally in any of the counties or territories that are subject to our rule, nor shall they enter into those assets that this church shall acquire from Catholic men, for the purpose of hearing legal cases, or collecting fines,247 to demand lodging or food, or to summon oath-swearers. Nor shall they constrain in any manner the men living on the lands of this church whether they are free or slaves. They shall not collect any payments or make inquiries about any crimes. Finally, they shall not presume to command that such actions be taken with regard to those matters noted above. But let it be permitted that the aforementioned bishop and his successors in the aforementioned church, along with their dwellings, properties, and men who are legally subject to them, possess without opposition an immunity under our protection, and that they faithfully obey our command, and that they, along with all of the clergy and people subject to them, freely pray for God’s mercy on behalf of the stability and maintenance of the entire empire that has been granted to us by God. And whatever claims that our fisc has, we concede in perpetuity to this church to provide for its candles and also for its maintenance. It is also noted in this command from our lord and father that if any duke,248 count, any of their officials, or anyone possessing judicial authority should infringe upon the decree of my lord father or his predecessors, or presume to violate his commands, he shall be judged to owe 600 shillings, of which two-thirds shall go to the treasury of the church, and one third shall be received by the royal fisc. The intention is that no one shall presume to act in this manner. We confirm the aforementioned terms through this mark of our authority just as they were confirmed by our lord and father and by his royal predecessors so that these terms shall remain inviolate from this time forward. In order that this command shall be accepted by the faithful men of the holy church of God and by our own men, I have confirmed this document below with my own hand, and ordered that it be marked with the impression of our ring. The seal of Louis, the most serene emperor. I Durandus a deacon have witnessed this in place of Helisachar, amen.249 Issued on 15 April in the third year, by God’s grace, of the reign of the pious emperor Louis, at the royal palace in Aachen in the name of God.250 This same bishop is noted in a synod that took place in the year 814 from the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. Wulfair,251 the archbishop of Rheims, held a synod in the church of Noyen-sur-Seine along with his suffragen bishops where they discussed the conflict between Bishop Wandelmar252 and Bishop Rothade253 regarding the boundaries of their dioceses.254 40. Regarding Halitgar255 whom Archbishop Ebo256 humbly addressed in the following letter.257 Halitgar, who was apostolic with respect to doctrine and Catholic in his faith, succeeded Hildoard. At the request of Archbishop Ebo of Rheims, he wrote six small books about the remedies for sins as well as about penitential procedures and judgments.258 Ebo’s letter to him was as follows:

60  Book 1 “To my brother and son Bishop Halitgar most reverent in Christ, greetings from Ebo unworthy bishop. I do not doubt that it is already known to your loving affection how much my concerns about ecclesiastical discipline constrain me and moreover how I am overwhelmed every day by the enormous needs of both our own subordinates and by worldly forces. It is for this reason that I have come to you, because I lack the strength to extract information about penance from the words of the fathers and the judgments of the canons for the use of our fellow priests. When the will is divided among many matters, it is weaker with respect to any one of them. This is the matter that bothers me the most, namely that there is so much confusion among the judgments regarding penance in the little works available to the priests, and that these differences and discrepancies are not supported by any authority.259 As a consequence of this confusion, nothing can be known. As a result, the priests are not able to offer any support to those running to obtain the medicine of penance, either because of the confusion in the books, or because of their own lack of understanding. Therefore, dear brother, do not deny yourself to me, you who always excelled with an ardent purpose in holy studies, and took such great care, and with the most perfect ease, in your consideration of the scriptures. I beg you, take up the weight of this burden without demur, for it is not I who impose it on you, but rather it is the Lord, whose burden is light, Who commanded you to carry it. Do not fear or dread the magnitude of this labor, but rather accept it manfully because the one who said ‘open your mouth and I will fill it’260 will be there for you. For you know very well that just a little suffices for the poor, and the poor crowd will not reach the table of the great.261 Do not deprive us of the knowledge of your devotion, do not place the light that is in you under a bushel, but rather place it onto a high stand262 so that it will shed a light for all of your brothers in the house of God. Having studied the texts, bring to us what you have received from the Lord. The grace from Him will accompany you on the journey of this labor, just as a third joins two students who are under way on the road and opens up their minds so that they can understand the holy scripture.263 May the Holy Spirit, drawing on a complete knowledge of truth and a perfect understanding of charity, shine forth in your breast dearest brother.264 Farewell. 41. Halitgar wrote the following letter to Ebo.265 Halitgar responded in the following manner to Ebo’s letter: “To Ebo, my Lord and venerable archbishop in Christ, greetings from Halitgar the least of Christ’s servants. Venerable father, after I received the letter sent by your blessedness in which you deigned to urge me not to consign the keenness of my mind to indolence and the torpor of leisure,266 but rather that I devote myself diligently every day to the study and consideration of sacred scripture, and further that I gather together in a single volume information about penance from the holy fathers and from the judgments listed in the canons, your command represents an exceptionally difficult task for me, and moreover, one that is terrifying, particularly as I would be taking up

Book 1  61 a burden that I know was abandoned by men more prudent than I, I have struggled against your will. This was not because I am wantonly obstinate, but rather because I have been warned by the sluggishness of my own weakness. Indeed, my concerns have made me anxious to refrain, at any time, from the rashness of writing to you because just as I have considered the difficulty of the task that you have enjoined upon me, at the same time I did not wish nor was it appropriate for me to resist in any way the authority of the one who was imposing this burden upon me. I am certain that the merit of the one giving me the orders shall provide much greater aid to my feebleness, than the troubles caused by my ignorance shall hinder me. Farewell.” 42. Regarding the numerous relics of the saints that he brought back from Constantinople.267 This same man268was sent by Emperor Charles269 to Constantinople, and was honorably received there by Emperor Michael,270 as he explained when he returned. He brought back with him from Constantinople many precious relics of the saints, namely the holy protomartyr Stephen,271 Cosmas,272 Anthimus the bishop of Nicomedia,273 and the martyr Theodor,274 which are still contained in the church of Saint Mary. He also brought back ivory tablets that seemed to contain books.275 During the episcopate of Halitgar, King Louis the Pious passed through Cambrai as he returned to Aachen for the winter. The blessed pontiff took his place of rest among his fathers and was buried in Mont-Saint-Éloi.276 43. He was succeeded by Dietrich,277 whom Archbishop Ebo chose as one of his judges in a synod. After Halitgar, Dietrich received the highest office of priesthood from Emperor Louis.278 Dietrich was a man of exceptional holiness and was honored with the power of divine prophesy. In this time, Lothair cast down his father King Louis from ruling the realm with the support of false bishops, and particularly the support of Archbishop Ebo of Rheims.279 However, the leading men then realized that Louis had been removed from power unjustly and he was restored to his previous position of honor to the acclamations of even the very same bishops, who previously had consented to his removal.280 After this,281 a synod met in the church of St. Stephen at Metz where the emperor laid charges against Ebo in front of everyone, namely that Ebo had accused him falsely and that he had been cast out of his kingdom after being attacked with these false charges. Moreover, after his arms had been taken from him, he had been banned from entering a church, against canon law, without either confessing or having been found guilty. Ebo blushed at these charges, and recognizing that he had committed evil acts, he summoned bishops to serve as his judges, following the African canons,282 so that all these matters would be addressed legally in a synod. Among those he summoned was Bishop Dietrich.283 On 16 November in the year of the Lord 832, that same Dietrich ordained clergy in the monastery of Lobbes.284 In 844, he dedicated a monastery in Wallers at the request of Abbot Haribert.285

62  Book 1 44. When he sought the holy body of St. Vaast at the entreaty of the monks and found it. At that time, the Danes were ranging through the diocese and attacking churches.286 For this reason, after the monks piously advised and imploringly told Dietrich, the man of the Lord, that there was doubt and uncertainty regarding the place in which they believed that the most precious body of St. Vaast had been placed,287 he sought it out and found it in the year of the incarnation of the Lord 852. And having found the body, Dietrich made arrangements so that if pressed by fear of the Danes, the monks would carry it with them to another place as they fled. 45. Where he presents a document in the synod regarding the deposition of Ebo and the ordination of Hincmar.288 During the episcopate of this venerable man,289 the venerable bishop Hincmar, who became bishop of this see290 when Ebo was deposed, held a synod of his fellow bishops in the seventh year of his episcopate291 in the city of Soissons in the monastery of St. Medard.292 Present were Archbishop Wenilo of Sens,293 Archbishop Amaury of Tours,294 Bishop Dietrich of Cambrai, and many other bishops and abbots along with the glorious king Charles, who also was present with them.295 A number of issues that were important to the church of God were considered here. Some canons and monks from the church of Rheims came to the synod and complained that they had been suspended by the aforementioned archbishop from the performance of their ecclesiastical duties because they had been promoted earlier by Ebo. Therefore, judges were chosen from both sides, that is from the side of the archbishop and from the side of those making the complaint. After hearing the cases that were made by the two sides, they issued the judgment that if Ebo, while he was still archbishop, had ordained these brothers canonically, then they should properly be able to hold their offices. If, however, he had been unjustly cast down and was restored to his office canonically, and had ordained them after his canonical restoration, there also was no doubt that they properly held their offices.296 Therefore the individuals who had ordained Hincmar were questioned about the deposition of Ebo and the ordination of Hincmar. At this point, Bishop Dietrich of Cambrai rose up and presented the text that contained the rationale for the deposition of Ebo to be considered by the prince297 and by the synod. Then the claim was made that the cashiered bishop ought to be restored. But it was also stated that Ebo had not been reinstated canonically.298 Moreover, he had been condemned by the apostolic see, and Pope Sergius had confirmed his deposition and stated that Ebo should remain only part of the lay communion.299 Thus it was decreed that whatever Ebo had done with respect to ecclesiastical offices after his deposition, with the exception of holy baptism which is completed in the name of the Holy Trinity, was to be understood as invalid according to the instructions of the holy see. As a result, those who had been ordained by him were to be deprived of their ecclesiastical status. Then, in the midst of this announcement, one of the brothers who had been

Book 1  63 cast down presented a pamphlet in which it was stated that they had permitted themselves to be ordained by Ebo because they had seen that the suffragens of the church of Rheims had gathered together as one with the letters of Emperor Lothair and that they had restored Ebo. They then presented a document that they claimed had been confirmed by the hand of Bishop Dietrich and of the other bishops of this archdiocese. When this document had been read aloud and demonstrated to be a forgery, it was ordered that those who presented it were to be deprived of communion because they had presumed to oppose themselves to the bishops in this manner.300 When these matters were completed, Hincmar took his place as the leading archbishop. There are still today numerous documents surviving that he wrote about the Catholic faith and preserving Catholic law.301 46. The letters that Hincmar sent to Dietrich and to certain other people.302 Among these was a letter to Bishop Imo of Noyon303 with respect to giving counsel and aid to Bishop Dietrich of Cambrai about a certain disobedient man, who did not fear God and who did not have respect for the priestly office. Hincmar also wrote to Dietrich, himself, with regard to a certain Hetto, a vassal of King Lothair, whom Hincmar, with broad agreement, had bound with penance, but who had then admitted that he had been absolved by the aforementioned Dietrich.304 Hincmar also wrote to Dietrich about a certain priest, whom Dietrich had excommunicated. The pope had written to Hincmar about this matter, and Hincmar had forwarded this letter to Dietrich. Hincmar wrote again with respect to the absolution of Hetto. Hincmar also wrote to Dietrich about certain properties belonging to Rheims that Dietrich had requested be granted to him through a precarial agreement.305 He also wrote to the illustrious count Maio,306 thanking him for the kindness and solicitude that he showed to Lord Dietrich, the bishop of Cambrai, a holy man, and to his church.307 He also wrote to King Lothair,308 the son of Emperor Lothair, about relinquishing control over the election of the bishop of the church of Cambrai.309 He also wrote to Gunthar of Cologne310 to ask him to intercede with King Lothair, and work for the canonical election of the bishop of Cambrai following the death of the venerable bishop Dietrich, for he had died.311 Thus Hincmar stressed a second and even a third time that no one would be ordained bishop while he lived unless it was done in a canonical manner. 47. While Lord Dietrich was preaching to his people, he broke his hip. We have learned about this event from certain people, who had information close to the time of the event. He was heading to a certain place in his diocese to consecrate a church. When he was about three miles from the city, Dietrich felt in his soul that he was about to be in danger.312 He told his companions about this, saying to them: “Know brothers that dangerous ruin is in store for us not far from here.” When his companions urged him to turn away from this place, he said: “My brothers, I ought never to flee from the will of God, for He strikes so that He may treat, just as He wounds so that He might heal.” Just as Dietrich finished speaking, behold a beggar

64  Book 1 approached him. As he bowed to offer his greetings to the bishop, the mule on which the bishop was sitting became terrified at the man’s motion and reared back. Falling down, with his leg crushed, the bishop clung to the bare ground. The companions rushed to the fallen bishop, and carried him back to the city in their arms. 48. An amazing miracle regarding a certain thief who was excommunicated by the holy bishop. Afterward, a certain man who had committed himself to military affairs but was rather more eager in his pursuit of rapaciousness, sought on numerous occasions to ravage the possessions of St. Mary, which were located in the region of Arras. He was often summoned by the bishop to answer for this. But when the man refused to give up his evil ways, the bishop decided to curb his madness with the rod of his apostolic authority. Having ignored a summons, once, twice, and a third time, he was excommunicated. Increasing his own damnation, after the man was charged he not only refused to accept his guilt, he also began to reject the excommunication imposed by this bishop more furiously, and to condemn him in violent terms. In his tyranny, this man threatened even greater violence. However, suddenly this unlucky man was struck by the judgment of God and died, smited in the midst of his blasphemy by some hidden force of nature as his entrails poured out of him. He was buried far from the city next to the public highway,313 because even as a dead man he was not worthy of having contact with the faithful. Moreover, through the manifest judgment of divine punishment, the land that encircled the grave, in a circuit measuring three cubits, burned from its very depths as if it might gape open with belching flames from some hidden fissures.314 And to those seeing this amazing and frightful occurrence, it was even more astonishing that neither dew nor rain fell in this field for three years, and no grass grew. After three years, the holy man of God was seized in a holy rapture, and realized that the poor man315 was being tortured on account of the holy man’s miraculous and terrifying prayer. Feeling shame at the most miserable fortune of this man, as soon as he returned to his senses, the holy man summoned those whom he wished to accompany him, and set out for the grave. Then, after laying out his plan and because he, himself, did not have the authority to do so, the holy man ordered a slave, whom he kept for his skill in such matters, to take up the obligations of the dead man so that the slave could carry out the penances, which the dead man owed, on his behalf. The bishop then gave the slave his freedom so that he could carry out this task.316 Afterward, the ground was seen to grow green. 49. That the church of St. Géry was established in his time and that he died in the same year. During the time of this blessed bishop, namely in the year 863 of our Lord Jesus Christ on 16 June, the construction of the church of St. Géry was begun. It was not completed until later during the time of Rothad,317 who was the third bishop after Dietrich.318 However, as will be seen below, this

Book 1  65 church along with the region were burned by the Northmen. In that same year,319 on the seventh of August, Bishop Dietrich was summoned in payment for his labors and ended his days. He was buried in the monastery of St. Aubert.320 But in the time of the third emperor Otto,321 during the episcopate of Fulbert,322 he was translated to Germany, as will be seen below. 50. After this, the church lacked a shepherd for three years as Hilduin was put in place against the canons. After his death, the church of Cambrai was without pastoral direction for about three years because of a conflict between Archbishop Hincmar and Emperor Lothair.323 It happened that the emperor granted the episcopal office to a certain cleric named Guntbert. But the archbishop along with his fellow bishops believed that this was done against the canons, and opposed it with all of his authority. He then prohibited all of the clerics and soldiers of this church from having anything to do with Guntbert under threat of anathema.324 Hincmar did this so that none of them would even consider showing any support or friendship to this corrupt pastor.325 They were only to have use of the lands that belonged to the emperor.326 For this reason, Guntbert did not remain long, and unwillingly departed. At this point, the emperor imposed a certain cleric named Tetbold, but he also departed, frustrated by the conflict. Then the emperor tried a third time, this time thinking that he could impose on this church Hilduin, who was his relative and also his chaplain. But because this was against canon law, Hincmar refused with all of strength to offer his blessing in this case as well. As a result of all of this conflict, the church labored on without pastoral direction. Because of this, Pope Nicholas327 became very upset and frequently directed angry letters to Lothair as well as to Hincmar as if the latter had somehow been negligent or uninvolved in this matter.328 We found that Hincmar sent the following letter to Pope Nicholas:329 To my unique lord particularly deserving of respect, father of fathers who should be honored with the highest degree of veneration, most revered Pope Nicholas, I Hincmar by name unworthy bishop of Rheims and lowly servant of God. Did I understand correctly in the letter from your holiness regarding the problems in the church of Cambrai, which was sent to the bishops in the kingdom of Lothair through the auspices of Bishop Odo,330 that your authority was going to examine whose neglect was responsible for the fact that this church has lacked a pastor for more than ten months? So that I might be incensed while not neglecting your apostolic authority, I judge that this preliminary decision rests on your authority because before you sent letters to Lothair and to the bishops of his kingdom, and to Hilduin who occupied this see in an irregular manner, I warned King Lothair about this matter as often as I could both through letters and messengers, until he responded to me with a royal letter stating: “Hilduin had sent a legate to you,

66  Book 1 and that he ought not to do anything other than he had done until he received a response from you.331 51. Hilduin is expelled and St. John is appointed. The aforementioned conflict between the emperor and the archbishop continued on until the death of Emperor Lothair and the expulsion of Hilduin in the year of the Lord 866. John of holy memory was substituted by Lothair the younger, the son of Emperor Lothair, through the preordained grace of God.332 John had been raised in the royal court and held the office of cantor. The following text is inscribed on the marble on the surface of his tomb: I was raised in the magnificent court of the king In which I served as cantor Not because of my own merits, but solely through the compassion of the one who Thunders333 I was made bishop in this city With God before me, I always urged that the lures of this world be spurned And to follow true joys Now, however, that my soul has been taken from my body I have gained the seventh following the sixth day334 Until it regains its limbs at the advent of Christ My soul is now shining forth on the eighth day You who read this text, brother, stop briefly And say a prayer so that may I earn an eternal rest.335

52. That John was at the ordination of Bishop Bertulf.336 At the command of King Charles,337 the venerable Hincmar, whom we mentioned just above, sent him with along with Bishop Hincmar of Laon338 and Bishop Odo of Beauvais,339 to the ordination of Archbishop Bertolf of Trier,340 at the request of Bishops Adventius of Metz341 and Arnulf of Toul342 of the province of Trier, informing them how this consecration should be carried out properly by following the appropriate canonical and apostolic authorities, so that they would not violate any sacred rules through either negligence or presumption. 53. The numerous writings sent by Archbishop Hincmar to Lord John.343 Hincmar wrote back to him, that is to Lord John of Cambrai, who had asked Hincmar to give him letters of recommendation to give to Pope Hadrian in the name of Lord Hincmar, because John was about to set out on a journey to Rome.344 Hincmar wrote that if John wished to go to Rome so that he could render obedience unto Caesar and that this obedience to Caesar was not contrary to the obedience that he owed to God, then he would happily give him canonical letters.345 However, if John were going to Rome in order to plead on behalf of King Lothair with respect to the case that had flared for such a long time between him and his wife, in this case Hincmar was not able to provide letters of recommendation. Indeed, he

Book 1  67 dared not offer such reprehensible support because it was wrong to do so. This was especially the case because Lord Hadrian had sent apostolic letters to Hincmar through the auspices of Bishop Actard of Nantes346 in which the pope had made clear that he would follow the judgments that the apostolic see had issued during the pontificates of his predecessors Benedict347 and Nicholas.348 Hincmar thus warned him that, he would consent in no way for this decision to be compromised in any manner. Hincmar also indicated that Waldrada had been excommunicated.349 Hincmar added that in such an uncertain matter, he could not provide legal briefs to him without the advice of his fellow bishops.350 Then, following the death of Lothair, Hincmar urged John to come to King Charles without delay.351 He also wrote on behalf of a cleric from the diocese of Cambrai who had castrated himself. The priest had said that he would do this on the last visitation,352 and John had not known what the sacred canons would have to say about this. He had asked that a council be summoned so that this matter could be investigated thoroughly, and whether or not such an action was permissible. In the meantime, the priest was granted an indulgence to remain in his office until it was determined in a provincial synod what should be done that was not contrary to the precepts of the Gospels and/or the decrees of the saints. Likewise, he sent thanks for frequent kindnesses that John had done for him and asked him to send a copy of St. Augustine’s sermon353 about the lapse of the monk and widow so that he could make a transcription of it, or instead make a copy of it, himself, and bring it with him to the next synod.354 He also asked him to bring to this same synod an exposition written by Bede about the proverbs of Solomon.355 Hincmar also let him know that Pope Romanus356 had directed certain commands to King Charles357 and the bishops of his kingdom that would have to be considered in the synod. It was for this reason that the king had sent letters to the metropolitans of his kingdom, ordering them to summon their fellow bishops to the same synod.358 He also wrote to him about that part of the tithe that, as had been made clear to him, long had been taken by the royal chapel, but which recently had been given elsewhere. But because this was against canon law, Hincmar urged John to take corrective action if this had been done. He also informed him about a certain priest, who was making claims against the see of Rheims. This priest was complaining that he had been subject to a false judgment by the aforementioned bishop359 and had been expelled from his property and deprived of his priestly office, although he had not willingly confessed, nor had his conviction for violence and homicide been carried out in a regular manner. In fact, when he had been attacked, he unwillingly took up arms to defend himself. In the process, he had wounded a man, but had not killed him. In these letters, Hincmar demonstrated on the basis of his sacred authority the discretion that ought to be used in this matter, and which chapters of the sacred canons applied to this case. He wrote about this and other matters.

68  Book 1 54. A charter regarding possessions that he acquired on behalf of St. Mary in the county of Condros.360 This same John acquired properties in the county of Condros on behalf of the church of the holy mother of God from a certain Macharius. The agreement between them and its conditions are as follows: One who has purchased an eternal prize with his lands and properties, happily possesses these same properties during his lifetime.361 Therefore, in the name of God, we Macharius and my wife Gondrada, in consideration of God’s love and the grant of eternal happiness and for the sake of our souls and for the soul of our lord and superior Bishop John of Cambrai, give362 and transfer to the church of Mary, the holy mother of God, where the aforementioned venerable John holds office as bishop, certain of our properties in the county of Condros, which John deigned to give to us for this purpose, and which the lord emperor Lothair previously had given to him, in his compassion and through his command to be held as his own property. The property is as follows: a church dedicated to the honor of St. Mary in the district of Huy along the river named Huy, which includes one manse363 in demesne with its buildings, as well as an additional four bonniers of arable land,364 200 bonniers of woodlands,365 and two mills. In another place, in the estate of Serinchamps, one manse in demesne with its associated buildings, a wooded area along the Scheldt river as well as 33 bonniers of arable land there, nine bonniers of meadows, 100 bonniers of wooded land, six servile manses,366 and a brewery. In another place in the estate of Basseille367 a manse in demesne with its associated buildings on the Gerbois River,368 where there were 47 bonniers of arable land, three bonniers of meadows, 50 bonniers of woodlands, four servile manses, and 1 brewery. In another place in the estate of Halloy369 along the river Bocq,370 three manses with a total of 35 bonniers of arable land. In another place, which is called Famenne,371 in the estate of Serinchamps,372 a manse in demesne with its associated buildings that includes 30 bonniers of arable land, 200 bonniers of woodland, and eight dependant manses. In the place called Glevum373 one manse. In another place in the estate of Harsin374 on the river Wamme,375 a manse in demesne that has 12 bonniers of arable land, two bonniers of meadows, and 50 bonniers of woodlands that are located in a place called Chersin,376 and four dependent manses that at present are not in cultivation. One of these is located in Chersin and the others in a place called Wadingo along the aforementioned river. In sum, this comprises 31 manses, which have a total of 140 bonniers of arable and meadows attached to the demesne and 600 additional bonniers in woodlands, with the exception of the lands that are held commonly in the place called Chersin and whatever pertained to this place. These lands are held in their entirety along with cultivated and uncultivated property, paths, waterways, meadows, pastures, woodlands,

Book 1  69 common lands, both flowing and standing water, and dependents of both sexes numbering 150. For the reasons stated above, we transfer possession of all of these properties to the aforementioned holy church of God at Cambrai, and while we still live, we shall continue to enjoy the right of cultivation and usufruct. And the child Achildis, whom our wife Gundrada had from another man, and any children that are born to us from this same wife, shall have the same rights of usufruct while they live, and of possessing and cultivating these properties. And after our deaths, and the deaths of our children, all of these properties, including whatever improvements have been made, shall revert to the aforementioned church of Cambrai. Similarly, and in compensation for this good deed, our superior Bishop John gives us, with the consent of the faithful clerics and laymen of the bishopric of Cambrai, from the assets of the church of Cambrai, the estate that is called Villers-Pol, which is located in the county of Hainaut, along the river Rhonelle.377 This estate consists of a manse in demesne that includes 112 bonniers of arable land, 4 bonniers of meadows, approximately 100 bonniers of woodland between Villers-Pol and a place called Harilegias,378 and one church. In Gentlinio there is an ecclesiastical manse379 that has 12 bonniers of arable land and two mills. There are two additional manses and two mills in the same estate of Villers-Pol. There are 12 additional subordinate manses attached to the aforementioned manse in demesne, and 12 others that just recently have been transferred to the manse in demesne. In addition, there are a further 16 manses that up to this point have been uncultivated and were not able to pay fees.380 There are, moreover, nine homesteads in Villers-Pol that are supposed to pay six shillings, and it is said that there are eight. . . not cultivated.381 In the place called Grandovillare382 there are 3 bonniers between a homestead and arable land. In another placed called Meully383 there are 3 bonniers divided between a homestead and arable land. This makes a total of 44 manses. These include dependents of both sexes, who are connected to Villers-Pol, and whatever other appurtenances, in their entirety, that pertain to the estate, including cultivated land, uncultivated land, pathways, waterways, meadows, fields, woodlands, and both still and running water. Our superior Lord Bishop John granted all of this to us under the condition that, just as we said above, while we live, we shall have control over both parts, that is what we have given and what we have accepted, and that the aforementioned Acheldis and whatever other children are born to me and to my wife, if they should survive us, similarly shall have usufruct and the power to cultivate and possess these properties during their lifetimes. For the use of this property, we shall pay an annual fee of two shillings for as long as we live. Similarly, our children, while they live, shall pay this same fee to the aforementioned church of Cambrai on the feast of the purification of St. Mary.384 If we should be late or negligent in paying this annual fee, we shall then make it good and give compensation to the aforementioned holy church

70  Book 1 of God. Moreover, as long as we live, we shall not have the authority, in any way, to give, exchange, or alienate these properties or dependents except for the purpose of saving or improving them. Following our deaths and the deaths of our children, all of the aforementioned assets, in their entirety along with all of the improvements that we have made to them, shall revert to the holy church of God at Cambrai. Moreover, if it should happen, something that we do not believe will take place, that any of our heirs or those acting on behalf of our heirs should attempt to exit from or disrupt our donation or this precarial transaction, let this person incur the anger of almighty God and of the holy trinity, and let this person be banned from the entryway to the holy church of God. Moreover, let him be compelled to pay ten pounds of gold and 30 pounds of silver to the fisc,385 so this donation and precarial arrangement shall remain firm and stable with the following support. This agreement was made in the city of Cambrai in front of the altar of St. Mary on 13 April in the year of the incarnation of the Lord 885, in the seventh indiction in the 35th year of the reign of our King Charles and in the fifth year of his succession after King Lothair.386 I Bishop John have read this donation and I have confirmed it with my own hand. The seal of Macharius and his wife Gundrada, who have asked that this donation and precarial arrangement be made and confirmed. I Ernaldus, unworthy priest and notary, have written this donation at the command of the lord bishop John. 55. That he freed that church of Lobbes from attacks at the hands of the supporters of Charles.387 As the conflict between the supporters of Charles and the supporters of Lothair388 escalated, the church of Lobbes endured considerable suffering. Indeed, the place had been so disrupted that those serving there could be believed that the very bell clapper had departed.389 But the bishop, drawing upon the counsel of the Lord, wrote a polyptique that is still preserved in this same church.390 On the basis of his apostolic authority, which was confirmed by his fellow bishops, John cut off from Christian society all of those who attacked the properties of this church, and in this manner made the church immune from this great storm.391 56. Bishop Hincmar of Laon chose this same bishop as his judge in a synod.392 We found this in the documents of the bishops of Rheims, namely that because of his many crimes and his obscene manner of life, Bishop Hincmar of Laon was summoned under compulsion to attend a synod by his own uncle Archbishop Hincmar. Following the rules set out in the council of Africa, he sought to obtain specific judges, among whom he obtained Lord John.393 57. He was buried outside of the monastery of St. Mary in the church of the Holy Cross, but he was translated into the monastery by Bishop Gerard.

Book 1  71 After Lord John received his rest in Christ, he was buried in the basilica that was constructed in honor of the Holy Cross next to the monastery of St. Mary on its south side, and he rested there quietly until the time of Bishop Gerard, who succeeded him as thirteenth in this see.394 There is no doubt that the aforementioned basilica had collapsed in part, and the part that was still standing threatened to collapse from age. For this reason the lord bishop believed that the aforementioned monastery was a much more fitting tomb for Bishop John, and so disinterred his body with the greatest reverence and buried it within the monastery. Afterward, numerous miracles were proven in this place as those who were suffering from the chills and from a range of other illnesses coming there obtained that their desired health. 58. A crippled man was brought back to health at the tomb of St. John. In addition, there was a man named Walter, whose limbs became increasingly weak from his boyhood onward. This malady incapacitated his other bodily functions as well. As his sinews grew weak, his heels clung to his legs, and could not be separated no matter how much he tried. He was placed on a small bed, and his mother had him carried to the tomb of the man of God, and there she remained in prayer with her son for many days. The feast of the nativity took place while she was there, namely on the 8th of September. During the morning office, when by chance Walter was sleeping for a short time, she saw a certain old man standing nearby at whose touch her son’s legs were strengthened. Nevertheless, he was supported for many years by contributions from the church. 59. Regarding the sick boy who was cured through the merits of the blessed bishop. There is a similar story in which divine mercy again took action because of the merits of this holy man. We have learned that a certain boy named Heribert, who lives up to present day in the household of St. Géry,395 suffered such significant damage to his legs after his third birthday, perhaps because of a weakness in his sinews, that he was no longer able to use his feet for almost three years. His mother, who was groaning in her zealous care, placed her only child in a vehicle and transported him to many places where there were saints. But she did not succeed in finding any cure until at last she brought him before the tomb of this holy bishop. Soon after, the boy regained the ability to walk through the action of divine mercy and the merits of this holy bishop that accomplished this healing. We believe that it is through the dispensation of God’s providence that healing was reserved to this holy man so that after accomplishing this miracle it would be seen clearly of what great merit he was. And then many others were cured from various ailments. 60. Regarding Bishop Rothad.396 Rothad succeeded St. John in the episcopal see. He held office at the time of Emperor Arnulf,397 whom the southern Franks raised to the imperial seat after recognizing that Emperor Charles, the son of Louis from across the Rhine, lacked the strength to rule.398

72  Book 1 61. During his episcopate, the region of Cambrai and the church of St. Géry were burned by the Northmen.399 In his days, storms of Northmen mercilessly thundered through this entire region. In the year of the incarnation of the Lord 881, on the 27th of December, they entered Cambrai and devastated the entire region with fire and death. At the height of their fury, they burned the venerable church of St. Géry and then returned to their encampment with an infinite quantity of booty.400 Returning again around the time of the feast of St. Peter, they came to the city of Arras.401 They killed everyone whom they found there, ravaging the whole region with iron and fire, and then returned home.402 It was during this period of tumultuous violence that the bishop was summoned and ended his days, and he was buried in the church of St. Aubert. 62. Bishop Dodilo followed him. After Rothad, Dodilo assumed responsibility for ruling the church. He was ordained as bishop on 17 March in the year of the Lord 887.403 He granted one estate that he owned, called Boussy,404 to be used to provide stipends for the brothers who ministered at the church of St. Mary. 63. The many documents that Archbishop Fulk sent to Bishop Dodilo and to certain others.405 We learned in the Deeds of the Bishops of Rheims that Fulk, archbishop of this see, sent letters to Dodilo regarding the decrees that Fulk had sent to him concerning assemblies, and which Dodilo had ignored. Fulk warned and urged Dodilo to make every effort to attend the next legal proceeding.406 King Odo407 would be present there with the bishops to make a final decision about what ought to be done regarding Hildegard and Ermengard. Fulk said that Dodillo should have the accusers of this same Ermengard be given warning and summoned canonically to present themselves at this assembly. He had ordered the same for those who had commanded that a priest be blinded and hung, and also all of those who had accepted this unspeakable command regarding this priest as well as those who had been supporters of this evil action.408 Fulk then sent thanks that Dodilo had devotedly accepted his admonition with regard to this same issue, and would attend, and be thoroughly prepared, on the appointed day. But Dodilo appeared incensed because Fulk wished to give him an order regarding a matter that concerned ecclesiastical affairs not through a cleric but rather through a layman.409 For his part, Lord Fulk had not been able to attend at the agreed upon time in part because he was engaged in the service of his superior and in part because he was hindered by a significant bodily ailment. Fulk then urged Dodilo to keep in mind that without taking any account of the king or consulting any of the king’s supporters, he had acted in support of Dodilo, and had taken every necessary action so that Dodilo could attain his present episcopal office, when up to this point he had been completely unknown.410 But nevertheless, Fulk acted in this way on Dodilo’s behalf as he would for his dearest brother, because he believed and continued to believe in

Book 1  73 his honest prudence, and also that his faith was not false and would remain firm and immutably stable. He had hoped that Dodilo would be his supporter in all things and remain his helper. On the basis of this true affection, which he believed Dodilo also had for him, Fulk said that he warned him, commanding after all of this delay and trouble, that Dodilo strive to be present at the aforementioned gathering of bishops without any excuse except in the case that he should suffer some ailment. Fulk also had him warn canonicly the people who had been sent ahead, whom he had remarked upon in a different letter, so that they would be prepared to present themselves at the aforementioned day at the solemn gathering of the bishops. Similarly, along with his fellow bishops Dido of Laon,411 Hetilo of Noyon,412 Riculf of Sossions,413 and Herilandus of Thérouanne414 he wrote to the aforementioned Bishop Dodilo to inform him that these bishops, having been sent ahead, had gathered at Rheims to discuss the attacks made by Baldwin, about which Dodilo had previously written to that same man to warn Baldwin to regain his senses and abandon the depravity of rash arrogance.415 But Dodilo responded that he could not join with the other bishops because the sword of the Northmen blocked his path, and that he was suffering from the common destruction. Dodilo added that he had sought out Baldwin so he could bring him to accept peace, and that by warning, exhorting, and rebuking him, he might overcome him with zeal and by presenting him with the divine judgments of the holy fathers, Baldwin might be healed of his depravity. Dodilo indicated that he had directed the letters of the other bishops to Baldwin.416 Dodilo had been asked by the bishops to read aloud their letters to Baldwin if he happened to be in his company. But if Dodilo was not actually with Baldwin, then they wished for him to send the letters to Baldwin through the auspices of Dodilo’s archdeacon, who would then present the information in them to Baldwin. But if the archdeacon was not able to go near him, he ought to have the letters read out publicly in his presence in the place where Baldwin had attacked the Christian religion.417 Then, if Baldwin did not come to his senses, then no monk, canon, or any other Christian would have anything to do with him unless he wished to be bound up in chains of anathema. Dodilo wrote to Fulk that if Hetilo would go to the region of Arras, Dodilo would meet him there so that they could discuss how these matters could be accomplished in a canonical manner, and Dodilo would then send a letter back to Fulk about whatever they had done. Fulk then sent a letter to Bishop Hetilo commanding him to go to Arras, accompanied by the king’s faithful men, and then do what he could regarding the task that he would find set out in a separate letter. Fulk also wrote about what he had suffered from Bishop Dodilo of Cambrai, stating that he had received abuse as recompense for all of the good that he had done for him. Fulk made Hetilo his witness that he had promoted this same Dodilo solely out of his paternal affection and kindness.

74  Book 1 He also told Tetilo that the faithful man Rudolf418 had granted a certain monastery,419 located in the diocese of Tetilo, to the church of Rheims, and also had given to Rheims the body of St. Calixtus, pope and martyr, which he had obtained and brought back from the city of Rome.420 Fulk also let Hetilo know that he had asked the aforementioned Dodilo, in a friendly manner, to come to the fortress of Arras and then honorably remove the relics of the aforementioned martyr and carry them to the monastery of St. Quentin.421 He also asked Hetilo to make his way to the aforementioned monastery and to wait with the aforementioned holy body until Lord Fulk, himself, arrived so that he could take possession of it appropriately and carry it back to the city of Rheims, where it would be kept safe until there was peace again and it could be restored to its own place in Hetilo’s diocese. But instead of doing what he had been asked, as he should have done, Dodillo instead neglected all respect that is due on the basis of his responsibilities as a son and brother, and ran into the middle of the road, where he ripped the holy relic from the hands of those carrying it, and took it for himself, saying that he would not return it to anyone except to Hetilo, himself, in whose diocese the relic originally had been placed. He did this in pursuit of recent deceitful action so that he could hand over the aforementioned holy body to a certain count named Hucbold.422 Therefore, Fulk asked Hetilo to send a messenger to Dodilo, and by stating his disapproval to correct him with both paternal and fraternal love, and to remind him of the singular piety and faith that Fulk believed would be in him, and on the basis of this insight had placed him in the episcopal seat without the prior knowledge of the king or of any magnate. He should also warn Dodilo to step back from this rash path on which he had started so that he not compel this same archbishop to do anything against him that the archbishop, himself, did not want to do. He also pressed Hetilo not to offer his agreement to Dodilo’s plan, but rather that he favor the side of justice in all things, and that he not only agree that the holy treasure, which was granted by the aforementioned man to the church of Rheims, be restored to Fulk’s city and basilica, but that he also strive to the best of his ability to see that this was done. 64. Regarding the mandate concerning the property of St. Mary that he succeeded in having confirmed by King Arnulf.423 At last, governing the church with the greatest effort, he strove to strengthen it with many privileges. Thus, it was at his request that King Arnulf strengthened the written immunity of the church of the holy mother of God:424 In the name of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, Arnulf king by the grace of God. We do not doubt that we are strengthened by heavenly grace because, out of our love of the divine religion, we favor the just and reasonable requests of the servants of God. Thus, let it be known to the diligence and wisdom of our faithful men, in the present and in the future, that the venerable man Dodilo, bishop of the city of Cambrai,

Book 1  75 presented to our notice immunities issued by our ancestors of blessed memory, namely King Pepin and Emperors Charles the Great and Louis, in which it is stated that because of their love for God and for the sake of the peace of the brothers living there, our aforementioned royal predecessors always maintained the aforementioned see, which was constructed in honor of St. Mary the eternal virgin and mother of God, under their fullest protection and provided it with the defense of an immunity. In order to preserve this state of affairs, the aforementioned Bishop Dodilo requested that we, for the sake of our love of God and our reverence for Mary the holy mother of God, confirm the commands of those kings with our own command. Following the intervention of our venerable Bishop Salamo425 we have willingly agreed, and consent in all of these matters, and confirm this through the authority of our decree. From this moment onward, we command that no public official or anyone holding judicial authority in our time or thereafter shall dare to enter into the churches, properties, fields, or other possessions of the aforementioned church that it holds and possesses at the present time justly and legally in any of the counties or territories that are subject to our rule, nor shall they enter into those assets that this church shall acquire from Catholic men, for the purpose of hearing legal cases, or collecting fines, or to demand lodging or supplies, or to summon oathswearers. Nor shall they constrain in any manner the men living on the lands of this church whether they are free men or slaves. They shall not collect any payments or make inquiries about any crimes. Finally, they shall not presume to command that such actions be taken with regard to those matters noted above. Thus, let it be that the aforementioned bishop and his successors in the aforementioned church, along with their dwellings, properties, and men who are legally subject to them, possess without opposition an immunity under our protection, and that they faithfully obey our command, and that they, along with all of the clergy and people subject to them, freely pray for God’s mercy on behalf of the stability and maintenance of the entire empire that has been granted to us by God. And whatever claims that our fisc has, we concede in perpetuity to this church to provide for its candles and also for its maintenance. It is also noted in this command from our lord and father that if any duke, count, any of their officials, or anyone possessing judicial authority should infringe upon the decree of my lord father or his predecessors, or presume to violate his commands, he is liable to punishment in royal suits, and he shall be judged to owe 600 solidi, of which two-thirds shall go to the treasury of the church, and one-third shall be received by the royal fisc. The intention is that no one shall presume to act in this manner. We confirm these privileges through the authority of our decree so that the grants to this church that were made and confirmed by our predecessors shall be maintained inviolate hereafter. And so that this statement of our determination shall be believed

76  Book 1 truly and with certainty by our faithful men and by the faithful men of the church, I have confirmed this below with my own hand, and ordered it to be sealed with my ring. The seal of Lord Arnulf, invincible king. I, Wichingus426 the chancellor, have witnessed this in place of the archchaplain Theotmar.427 Dated on the 6th of June in the year of the incarnation of the Lord 894 in the 12th indiction in the seventh year of the reign of Lord Arnulf, the most pious king. Issued at Worms in good fortune in the name of God. Amen.428 65.429 He was present at the consecration of Archbishop Hervé of Rheims.430 He was present at the ordination of Archbishop Hervé along with several other bishops, namely Bishop Riculf of Soissons,431 Otgar of Amiens,432 Mancio of Châlons,433 Rodulf of Laon,434 Otfrid of Senlis,435 and other bishops of the archdiocese who offered their agreement to those presenting Hervé, and confirmed the decree of his ordination.436 He also built up the walls, and extended the fortifications of the city to such an extent that he was able to enclose within the circuit of the city’s walls the monastery of St. Aubert, which previously had been outside.437 On the first of August, he also solemnly consecrated the monastery that had been constructed in honor of Mary, the mother of God. He also had a silver covering made for the altar, which we still see in our day, and a silver communion cup, which is carried out on feast days in the hands of the subdeacon.438 He also had a silver chalice made along with other plate for the church. He also consecrated the monastery of Lobbes in the company of Bishop Stephen of Liège.439 He was kept from doing more by his death, and when he ended his days, he was buried in this same monastery of St. Mary on the north side. 66. Stephen followed him and made peace with Count Isaac440 in a synod in the presence of the archbishop. Stephen succeeded Dodilo on the pontifical seat.441 This man was learned in both secular and ecclesiastical fields of study. He increased the property of this see, and confirmed the diocese’s possessions through royal decrees. He442 was present at the synod organized by Archbishop Seulf of Rheims,443 the successor of Hervé, in the estate of Troslegio.444 There were also numerous counts present along with the bishops from the archdiocese of Rheims. Among them was Count Isaac, who had come to make restitution for the attacks he had made perversely against the church of Cambrai, namely for burning down one of the fortifications that belonged to Stephen, the bishop of this city, after he had captured it by employing a deceitful stratagem. For this crime, Isaac was bound by the synod to pay 100 pounds of silver to make peace with the aforementioned Bishop Stephen. This judgment was affirmed by Heribert445 and the other counts of Francia who were present. 67. At Stephen’s request, King Charles446 restored his immunity with respect to the prebends of the brothers of St. Mary.

Book 1  77 At his request, King Charles renewed in the following manner the decree regarding the prebends of the brothers of the church of the holy mother of God, because this document, had been destroyed in a fire in the city:447 In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Charles, king of the Franks through the propitiating mercy of God, and an eminent man.448 We are confident that so long as we provide in a reasonable manner for the appropriate needs of the churches and of those serving God, that we shall be able to thrive with respect to the health of our body and soul, and also with regard to the stability of the entire kingdom that was given to us by God to preserve. Moreover, however, we wish the diligence of all of our faithful men, in both the present and the future, to know that the venerable Stephen, bishop of the holy church of Cambrai, approached our magnificence and told us that the clerics of the aforementioned see possess properties of this bishopric that were delegated to them for their own sustenance regarding which they had a royal charter that was once granted to them by King Zwentibold.449 But when the city suffered a great fire, this charter was consumed in the voracious flames. Stephen therefore humbly beseeched with regard to this matter that on the basis of our piety we, in our munificence, make good this loss. We have freely agreed to do this because of our love of God and of the brothers who are serving God there, and we command that this statement of our authority be renewed for the protection of those assets that they had possessed justly and legally up to this point. We therefore command and decree that the clerics of the aforementioned church shall have complete freedom with respect to the homes that they own within the city to give them freely to whomever they wish from among the members of the congregation of this place whether by hereditary right, or by sale and purchase, or through exchange, or simply by gift. Moreover, with respect to the property of the monastery that is outside the walls, including the estates that were delegated to them for their use, the clerics and their successors, in both the present and the future, shall hold and possess them, and shall have the authority, following the laws regarding hereditary property, to do with them whatever they shall decide justly by common agreement and unanimous consent. The properties in question are namely Carnières within the county of Cambrai, as well as Lis,450 Cambrésis, Montigny, Wahiercourt, and Honnechies, and Oninium451 in the county of Hainaut,452 as well as Toriniacum in the county of Vermandois and Carisiolum453 in the county of Soissons, with the dependents of both sexes, cultivated and uncultivated lands, meadows, both still and running water, mills, breweries, woodlands, and all of the other appurtenances of the aforementioned properties of the brothers. However, if it should happen, a circumstance that we consider very unlikely, that anyone shall try to commit some action against our decree, he shall be condemned to

78  Book 1 pay 600 shillings, two-thirds of which shall go to the brothers of this same place, and one third of which shall be received by the royal fisc. This is done so that no one shall succeed in acting violently against the decree, and that no one shall presume to trespass upon it. In order that the authority of this edict shall endure, its vigor undiminished forever, we confirm this text with our own hand, and order this document to be affixed with a worthy representation of our ring. The sign of the most glorious King Charles. I Hugh, notary of the royal highness, have subscribed this text in place of Archbishop Hervé.454 Dated on the 19th of December in the 14th indiction in the 19th year of the reign of the most glorious Charles, in the 14th year of his restoration, and the first year since regaining his greater inheritance.455 Issued in good fortune at the estate of Cruzy-le-Châtel456in the name of God. Amen. 68. That the king confirmed the decree regarding the monasteries that he had transferred to this bishop. The same King Charles granted the monasteries of Maroilles and Crespin, which he obtained from the counts whom we shall discuss shortly, to Stephen, and confirmed his decree regarding this action in the following manner:457 In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Charles king of the Franks through divine propitiating mercy. The tie of a Christian manner of life is founded upon a two-fold governance, namely royal and sacerdotal. It is therefore appropriate that the priesthood should be enhanced and elevated by kings through generous demonstrations of esteem so that the royal office shall endure continuously on the royal throne under the staff of righteousness as God said about Himself in Proverbs, “It is through me that kings rule and judges settle upon statements of the laws.”458 For this reason, let it be known to the religiosity of all of the faithful supporters of the church of God that the venerable counts Hagan and Rodulf459 approached our serenity and humbly begged that we grant in perpetuity to the holy church of Cambrai, dedicated to St. Mary the mother of God, whose bishop is Stephen, a man who is among the most vigorous in support the entire kingdom, a small monastery called Maroilles, located in the county of Hainaut along the river Netha where the body of St. Humbert rests in a church that is dedicated in honor of St. Peter. Recognizing that their request was appropriate, we have assigned this little monastery along with all of its appurtenances to the aforementioned see of St. Mary to be held in perpetuity. Then the venerable count Sechard requested that we grant a little monastery called Crespin, located in the aforementioned county of Hainaut along the river Haine, together with all of its appurtenances to the aforementioned see of Cambrai to hold in perpetuity. St. Landelinus rests in this little monastery in a church dedicated to St. Peter, and the aforementioned Sechard held it as a benefice.460 We did as requested.

Book 1  79 But, at the request of the aforementioned counts, and for the salvation of our soul, we have permitted the aforementioned Bishop Stephen to establish a market and take control over the mint in the places granted to his church, namely at Maroilles and Crespin.461 Moreover, no count or anyone else holding judicial authority shall have the power to levy judicial fines in a circuit of one league around each of these places.462 In addition, no one who is resident in the aforementioned small monasteries, now or in the future, shall attempt to withdraw from the church of St. Mary of Cambrai, or cause any rupture, division, opposition, unrest, objection, disadvantage or violence. Rather, we grant to the aforementioned see of St. Mary to hold in perpetuity all of the small estates associated with these small monasteries, including their churches, buildings, woodlands, meadows, pastures, lands, running and still waters, mills, fisheries, pathways, vineyards, dependents living there, and whatever else is justly and legally attached to these properties. Let the leaders of this church then do whatever their own needs demand. In order that this decree maintain its firmness of purpose, we have confirmed it with our own hand for the benefit of St. Mary, and we have ordered it sealed with our ring. The seal of the illustrious king Charles. I Gauzelin, notary, have witnessed this document in place of Ruotger, archbishop and highest chancellor.463 Dated on the 8th of September in the 8th indiction, in the 28th year of the reign of the glorious king Charles, and the 23rd year of his restoration, and in the 9th year since he regained his greater inheritance.464 Issued in good fortune at the palace of Herstal.465 Amen. 69. Lord Stephen, having finished his life, left from this world. This bishop, who was born in the county of Alsace, named as heir of his property the church of St. Mary the mother of God, which he had led by God’s will. He gained many properties from kings, which he then granted to this same church. He brought together a considerable household.466 He also worked diligently to reacquire properties that had been taken from the church during his pontificate. He died in the land of his birth but had commanded that he be brought back to his own see. He ended his days on the 11th of February 934.467 70. Bishop Fulbert replaced him by stealth.468 Fulbert succeeded Lord Stephen, under the pretext that he had the favor and support of Duke Gislebert.469 He then obtained the acceptance of the cathedral chapter. He was from the estate called Wileve in the county of Brabant. He was well educated in a proper manner of life, and always worked to strengthen the see of the holy church of God with many advantages. 71. A conflict arose between the arrogant count Isaac and Bishop Fulbert. However, the count was expelled by the victorious bishop. At that time, Count Isaac possessed the little monastery of St. Humbert that we mentioned above had been placed under the authority of Bishop Stephen by King Charles.470 Isaac held as a benefice471 from the king’s assets the

80  Book 1 royal and wealthy monastery of St. Géry along with all of its appurtenances, as well as half of the fortress of the city of Cambrai, along with half of the taxes,472 as well as the other mint.473 Because the city was governed under the contradiction of bifurcated rule, there were sometimes significant disruptions when the two administrators clashed about problems that arose.474 There was constant word of aggravated disagreement between the officials of the two administrators regarding the things that needed to be done, with the result that violence and considerable tumult continued to grow from both sides.475 Within a short time, aroused by an even greater level of disturbance, both sides were driven to take up arms. The “brave” count476 was so impatient about this state of affairs, and was so maddened by rage and burned with such indignation and took such an aggressive posture against the bishop that he ordered the latter along with all of his supporters to flee within a day, leaving the see behind so that the count, alone, would be in possession of the entire city, and have unitary control over all of its affairs. The bishop was terrified but placed his faith in the mercy of God. He promised that he would comply with such an arrogant command. However, in order that he might hide the humiliating shame of his flight from the people, the bishop demanded a respite until nightfall. The count freely agreed to this request, feeling safe because he held the bishop in such low esteem that he thought the latter would not dare to try to evade his commands. Having gained this respite, the bishop gained control over his own spirit that was wavering in different directions. First, he asked what action could be accomplished in the face of such great and unexpected troubles. Without delay, and drawing upon divine counsel, he ordered that all of his friends and faithful supporters within his area of jurisdiction477 be summoned in secret with as much zeal as possible. He then sought their intercession on his behalf in this current situation. By that night, he had gained the support of such a large army that, with God’s will, at dawn the next day, the bishop was able to drive his incautious enemy from the city, reversing the count’s decision. Having gained control of his emotions, the bishop, accompanied by his supporters, took the seat that truly was his own.478 After a few days, the count returned with a powerful force, and sought to retake the city with his renewed strength. He inflicted many misfortunes and assailed the bishop for some time. This discord between them occasioned an even greater conflict on both sides. 72. That when Emperor Otto fulfilled the requests of King Louis regarding his enemies, he visited Fulbert of Cambrai.479 In the meantime, the prince of the Gauls, namely Hugh, who was called the Great,480 and William, the most ferocious duke of the men of Rouen,481 assailed their own king Louis with continuous attacks and also fought against each other for long periods without any interruption. However, King Louis, seeing that he had no hope of overcoming the savagery of his enemies without some foreign aid, thought that he might be able to bring to his own aid Emperor Otto,482 King Henry’s son, whose sister Gerberga

Book 1  81 Louis had married. So Louis sent spokesmen and prayerfully requested that Otto discuss this matter with him. After giving these fraternal requests a positive hearing, Otto immediately sent out orders to his dukes and military commanders483 to prepare for war.484 After organizing his provisions, Otto set out on campaign as he had been asked. Thus, he went first to Paris and then arrived at Rouen. He devastated the surrounding regions, and inflicted a miserable plague.485 Then, having worn down Louis’ enemies with his vengeance and when it was fitting to return home, Otto decided that on his return home he would make a stop at the city of Cambrai and would pay a visit to learn how Lord Fulbert the bishop was managing the affairs of the church. 73. Emperor Otto transferred the monastery of St. Géry to the bishop and then confirmed this with a decree.486 When Otto arrived, the lord bishop received him in a most friendly manner, and provided for his friends and entourage with the highest veneration. He then brought forth complaints as a suppliant regarding the attacks that had been inflicted upon him by the aforementioned count.487 After listening to the complaints, Otto I, as a pious man, grieved just as much as the bishop regarding the troubles inflicted upon him. Then, drawing upon the fitting judgment of his men, and according to the judgment of public law, of all of the assets mentioned above regarding which the conflict arose between the bishop and count, he deprived the count of the monastery of St. Géry, and handed this and another monastery, which we mentioned above,488 to the holy church of Mary the mother of God to be held in perpetuity. He confirmed this in the following text:489 In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Otto king by divine propitiating mercy. Let all of our faithful men, now and in the future, know that because of our love of God and of the holy and eternally virgin Mary, mother of the same God, and of Jesus Christ, and also for the salvation of our soul, following the intervention of our faithful men, namely Archbishop Frederick,490 and our dear brother Brun,491 Duke Conrad,492 Duke Hermann,493 and other faithful men, we grant from this day and hour to the church of St. Mary in the see of Cambrai, where the venerable Fulbert presides as bishop through God’s will, the monastery of St. Géry in its entirety with all of the assets and possessions that pertain to it, both within its walls and outside, just as it was known to possess legally and justly up to this point while in our possession.494 We likewise grant all public duties and exactions that pertain to the place that now belongs to the monastery,495 so that no count or any official of the state496 shall have the power to hold a public legal proceeding, or to demand governmental or judicial fines, or to impose any restraints. Rather, all of these matters shall be under the authority of the bishop who, through God’s will, shall succeed to the church, and this grant shall be in perpetuity with regard to those matters that up to this

82  Book 1 time were subject to our legal authority. And so that our command with respect to this grant shall more remain firm in the name of God and unquestioned through the passing of time, we order that it be confirmed with our seal. The seal of Lord Otto, the most invincible king. I Brun, the chancellor, have recognized this in place of the archchaplain Robert. Dated on 30 April, in the year of the incarnation of the Lord 947, in the 6th indiction, in the 13th year of the reign of the pious king Otto. Issued in the name of the Lord in good fortune at the palace of Aachen. Amen. 74. On account of consanguinity, the bishop annulled the marriage of Count Amalric497 and the daughter of Isaac, whom Amalric had married.498 There was another count who likewise came from the county of Hainaut, whose name was Amalric. He came from an exceptionally noble family, and was most fortunate when considered from the perspective of the pomp of secular glory. He married the daughter of his fellow count Isaac, mentioned above. However, after hearing many reports and learning many things, Bishop Fulbert recognized that the married couple had a close blood relationship on both sides, and thus that they had been joined together against the law. So, after taking counsel, he separated them from each other canonically, and ordered that sufficient penance be given to them to expiate such an evil act. The family and friends bore this decision with both anger and sorrow. One time they terrified the bishop with the severity of their threats. However, at another time they approached him with prayers and with precious gifts. They promised rich legacies to the holy church of God so that the bishop would change his verdict, rejoin those who had been broken apart, and permit them to remain undisturbed henceforth, motivated either by their threats or by a desire for the numerous gifts that they had promised. The bishop became even more impassioned at this suggested course of action. Because his life was dominated by the fear of God, he ignored the threats and scorned their promises so that there would be no chance that he would act against the rules of canon law after being purchased for some price. Furthermore, referring to the rebuke issued by the prophet, and not wishing to bring to life souls that are dead,499 he utterly refused to accept their pleas, and separated them forever through a judgment of his full authority. As a result, it is clear that no storm of threats could move him from this statement of the law, and that he could not be ensnared by any desire for gifts of this world. How different this is, I dare to say, from those whom we often see today who are coerced either by fear of or favor from someone more powerful, or who seek the profits of avarice, and consequently distort with their evil actions the teaching of ecclesiastical instruction.500 75. Regarding how, after the Hungarians laid waste to the region, they advanced to the city. When they were not able to capture it by storm, they burned the entire suburb, including the church of St. Géry.501 In those days, the Hungarians wickedly raged across the districts of this province, taking Christians captive, desecrating the sacred faith, and burning

Book 1  83 churches. Bishop Fulbert was terrified, foreseeing imminent destruction. So he energetically undertook the fortification of his city with the greatest possible care, and stored his most precious treasure, that is blessed Géry, in the monastery of St. Mary. He acted with foresight, as events soon proved. For after just a few days had passed, on 13 April 953,502 these same Hungarians, demonstrating military discipline in their current assault, hurried toward the city, and remained there for three days, causing every kind of problem. Our men withdrew behind the safety of the walls, because they numbered so few against so many. As a result, the Hungarians burned down all of the suburban buildings without facing any resistance. They destroyed the property of the citizens, and then pleased by their success, turned their attention toward assaulting the defenses of the city. However, when they tried to assault the walls, they had no success in the face of our sharp defense. Tired out by their assault, the Hungarians then withdrew and pitched their tents close by the city in a field located alongside the Scheldt river in order to revive themselves with rest and food planning to return again to the destruction of the city. Our men, however, did not rest at all, nor did they allow the losses to the city to go unavenged. For when the enemy had drawn off a short distance, they saw, while looking down from the wall, that the nephew of the king, whose name is now lost, but a man who was gifted in the art of war, had again approached with just a small number of followers. Soon thereafter Odo, a man with a sharp and cunning mind, gathered up the braver of his companions, and filled them with anger about the ruin of their home and contempt for death. They then pursued the enemy, and caught them by surprise using a shortcut. Although the king’s nephew was then surrounded by a multitude, his rash spirit led him to believe that to retreat would be shameful. So, as his companions fled, he rushed into battle. Within moments, our men attacked him from the flank, and then despite having lost some men, they killed him, cutting off his head. After having gained the victory, they placed his head on top of the wall, fixed to a pole. This was a happy sight for them, but a miserable one for his companions. When King Bulgio, for that was his name, heard about what had happened, he burned with anger and groaned miserably about the death of his friend.503 Threatening to take even greater vengeance than was customary for the death of his nephew, he again led his men in an assault on the city. However, as great as the intensity was for those raging outside the walls, those within the walls resisted with even greater strength. The battle ranged across the length of the walls for a long time, and every manner of projectile was seen. On the one side, sadness at seeing the head of their brother inspired them to carry on relentlessly. On the other side, love for their home, and the highest hope strengthened their audacity. While this was going on, the worthy bishop implored the mother of God with his prayers, and lay prostrate before the tomb of St. Géry, repeatedly

84  Book 1 begging that he deign to serve as their protector. He also ran along the battlements, manfully comforting and giving instructions to his men so that they would fight bravely and be invincible. They were fighting God’s battle against these foreigners, and the victory would be His. In the meantime, during a break in the fighting, the Hungarians, who were worn out, realized that nothing was working, and decided that a more reasonable course of action would be to break off the siege. So, offering their oath and a hostage in return for safe passage, they suggested the following agreement, although it is uncertain whether this was a trick or intended in good faith. If the head were to be returned to them, they would return all of the booty, and all of the captives, and would also make good everything, from the greatest to the least, that they had seized in the area. They would then make peace, setting aside all warlike intentions. However, our men suspected a trick, and refused their offer. After this rebuff, the Hungarians became even more savage and irrational, and decided to burn the church in order to gain a better negotiating position. So they turned from their assault on the walls, and eagerly launched burning arrows at the roof of the church. Our people then became very concerned, and above all feared that with the loss of the church, the enemy would be victorious because those on our side would not have a place in which to defend themselves. In truth, as the arrows flew without a pause, a victorious fire was about to take hold of the roof without hope of reprieve when one of the clerics named Serraldus, whom I believe was strengthened by God, quickly climbed to the roof of the church carrying a little vessel filled with water. This man, working along the net that he skillfully attached over the scaffolding for the bell, extinguished the fire by casting water on it. Then hurrying over the rooftop with winged skill, he eluded every effort of the enemy. Marvelous to say, he was running clearly in sight of the enemy, and opened himself up to being wounded. But as events show, he was protected by the merits of the blessed mother of God and the intervention of St. Géry, and through his own actions saved the church from being burned. The spirits of our men were raised up at this sight. Sensing that they had divine help, they put aside their fear, and renewed their resistance with even greater bravery. Then the enemy, recognizing that they had no means of attaining victory, withdrew from the siege in shame and sadness. But they destroyed with a great fury everything that they had left intact in the suburb. They immediately killed anyone who was capable of fighting whom they captured. Anyone who was left after the killing and fires, they kept as captives. What is even worse and more lamentable is that after these events, they drew up their battle line and attacked the beautiful and venerable basilica of St. Géry, because it was marked outwardly by its magnificent buildings, and thought, therefore, to be filled with money. But because the canons stubbornly resisted them, alongside the common crowd, the Hungarians were not able achieve their ends.

Book 1  85 Some of the Hungarians were threatening to set the church on fire. However, many others, seeing the difficulties that were posed by the lead roof, believed that it would be better to withdraw. They yielded before such a difficult task, but as they were leaving, a certain furious cleric, sitting in the bell tower, shot an arrow into their midst. The Hungarians were bitterly upset about this, and flooded back to the monastery in even greater numbers to avenge this injury. Making this sudden assault, they rushed in and cut down many of the people whom they found inside. Among the clerics, they killed Ansfrid, Anselm, Grinbert, Theoderic, and Gentio. Then, again setting fire to the ceiling, they finally destroyed the church after a hard day of effort. For as the structure burned, sad as it is to say, the ceiling fell in a vast ruin. The lead, which had covered the entire roof, melted and poured down the sloping roof like a river, then floating in some open spaces and filling the ditches that ran in a circuit around the church. After this, they gathered up their captives and departed with a huge quantity of booty. 76. When he strove to restore St. Hermes to his previous location.504 The Danes were no less ferocious throughout this province.505 As is clear to those who have read this history, the Danes burned the holy houses of God. Blessed Hermes, a martyr of Christ whom Pope Alexander baptized at Rome,506 was first carried from the estate of Renaix in Brabant, that is from the monastery that was built by St. Amand, to the monastery that is located in the estate of Inda,507 which is located near Aachen. He was then carried to Cologne and remained there for a long time. After a lengthy period had gone by, a considerable conflict arose between the clerics at Renaix and those at Inda. Now that the Danes were far away, the properties of the church were to be restored in these now-prosperous times. The men of Renaix strove to bring back their patron. The men of Inda were united in their opposition, and strove to retain this precious treasure. This conflict between the two sides continued for some time. The men of Renaix, who were restrained by wiser counsel, approached Lord Fulbert the bishop as suppliants. They presented the list of their complaints and passionately begged the bishop to devote his full effort to bring back the holy martyr, who had been driven off by violent men, on the basis that the saint had been carried off from their parish. The bishop, who recognized that they were making a reasonable request, strove in every possible manner until he successfully brought it about that the body of the holy martyr was returned to its rightful place. In recompense for such a great favor,508 the aforementioned brothers freely gave to the holy mother church at Cambrai the estate, which is called Nieuwenhoven by its inhabitants. 77. King Otto renews the immunities of St. Mary and grants the tolls and mint of this city to the bishop.509 At the request of this same bishop, Emperor Otto confirmed the decree of immunity that his predecessor Charles had granted to the see of Cambrai, and even made it so that this immunity could not be lifted.510 He also

86  Book 1 transferred to the bishop’s control the responsibility for collecting all of tolls in the city as well as the mint. Afterward he separated out portions of the fiscal receipts as is enunciated in writing in the following document.511 In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Otto king by propitiating divine mercy. We do not doubt that we are protected by divine grace when we, because of our love of the heavenly religion, favor the just and reasonable requests of the servants of God. Therefore, let the diligence and wisdom of all of our faithful men, both those in the present and in the future, know that the venerable man Fulbert, bishop of the city of Cambrai, brought to our attention immunities issued by our predecessor Charles, of blessed memory,512 in which it is stated that our aforementioned predecessor King Charles, because of his love of God and for the peace of the brothers living there, maintained under his fullest protection and the defense of an immunity, the aforementioned see, which was constructed in honor of St. Mary, the mother of God and eternal virgin. In order to strengthen this immunity, the aforementioned bishop Fulbert requested that we confirm the decree of this same king by our own decree because of our love and reverence for Mary, the holy mother of God. We have freely agreed to do this through the intervention of our dear bishop Richer513 and thus concede and confirm this request through this statement of our authority. We therefore order and command that that no public official or anyone holding judicial authority in our time or thereafter shall dare to enter into the churches, properties, fields, or other possessions of the aforementioned church that it holds and possesses at the present time justly and legally in any of the counties or territories that are subject to our rule, nor shall they enter into those assets that this church shall acquire from Catholic men, for the purpose of hearing legal cases, or collecting fines, taking lodging or supplies, or to summon oath-swearers. Nor shall they constrain in any manner the men living on the lands of this church whether they are free or slaves. They shall not collect any payments or make inquiries about any crimes. Finally, they shall not presume to command that such actions be taken with regard to those matters noted above. Rather let the aforementioned bishop and his successors possess in peace the assets of the aforementioned church, along with the lesser churches, properties, and individuals that legally pertain to them, under an immunity of our defense. Let them faithfully support our rule, and let them as well as all of the clerics and people subject to them, freely pray for God’s mercy on behalf of our strength, and the strength of the entire empire that was gathered together by God on our behalf, and which it is our duty to preserve. And so, we make a perpetual grant into their possession of everything that is subject to collection by our fisc to be used to procure lights for this church. In addition, we grant in our generosity to the

Book 1  87 aforementioned bishop and to his successors all of the tolls along with the mint in their city of Cambrai under the condition that nine-tenths shall be set aside for the use of the bishops, and one-tenth shall go perpetually as our alms for the use of the brothers of this same congregation. Furthermore, we establish that no duke, or count, any of their officials, or anyone possessing judicial authority shall presume to violate our decree or that of our royal predecessors. If this should happen, he will have acted not only against royal decrees, but shall also be amerced in the sum of 600 shillings. Two-thirds of this fine shall go to the treasury of this same church, and our royal fisc shall receive the other third so that no one shall dare to act in this manner. We confirm through the authority of our decree exactly what was granted and confirmed by our predecessor of blessed memory on behalf of the aforementioned church, and thus let it remain inviolate from this point forward. And so that our decree shall be trusted truly and certainly by the faithful supporters of the holy church of God and by our faithful supporters we have strengthened it below with our own hand, and have commanded that it be sealed with our ring. The seal of the most serene king Otto. I Brun, the chancellor, have confirmed this in place of the archchaplain Robert. In the fifth year of the reign of the most serene king Otto.514 Done with good fortune in the name of God at Ingelheim. Amen. 78. That at the request of the king, the bishop brought to him St. Géry, St. Aubert, St. Dietrich, and the body of another man.515 At that time, the glorious prince Otto was devoting considerable attention to the construction and restoration of churches. Having built fourteen magnificent episcopal sees, he then constructed the metropolitan see called Mageburg.516 After seeking pledges of numerous saints from his bishops, he asked Bishop Fulbert to give to him the bodies of St. Géry and St. Aubert.517 Otto believed that the metropolitan see would be most fortunate if it were supported by the patronage of such great saints. The bishop feared to refuse Otto’s request and hesitated in uncertainty. Then, fearing that he would seem ungrateful for all of the good that Otto had done for him, as we noted above, the bishop promised to fulfill his request. But troubled on account of this, the bishop wavered and turned over in his mind different courses of action. He saw the danger in this business, namely that he would run into peril whether he gave them or whether he refused. For if he refused, the emperor’s benevolence would turn into hostility. But if he gave them, he would cause damage to his province in the future as it would be deprived of the patronage of those saints on account of whom he had gained safety in this world and hoped for blessedness in heaven. The bishop was caught between these two worries until he consoled himself with a provident idea. After gathering a few of his supporters, the bishop told them his secret. After uncovering their tombs, he received in stealth the bodies of two saints,

88  Book 1 namely Bishop Dietrich, whom we mentioned above, and of another whose name has been lost.518 After honorably placing them on biers, along with a few bones from St. Aubert, he handed them over to the emperor.519 If anyone wishes to know more about this, let him read the book that Fulbert, the most caring doctor, wrote about the life of St. Aubert at the order of Lord Bishop Gerard.520 I shall not say that this happened without the pious agreement of God because the blessed man of God, that is Dietrich, merited this recompense from the Lord and veneration from the people, and our province was not been deprived of its defenders. I admit that even if the bishop had wanted to send them off, he would not have been able to do so. How do you think the citizens would have felt if they learned that Géry, their advocate, was being taken from them? It is through him that the happy city of Cambrai has been lifted up and its own name spread everywhere throughout the nations. I believe that not even the saints, themselves, would have yielded to the emperor if they were alive. 79.521 That Artold was restored at the synod of Ingelheim through the testimony and aid of Fulbert, and Hugh was expelled.522 Fulbert was present at the synod of Ingelheim that had gathered in the presence of both kings, namely Otto and Louis, along with Marinus, the vicar of the Roman see, and many other bishops. The series of conflicts between Artold and Hugh regarding the bishopric of Rheims was discussed there. Because Artold was there, and his rival Hugh was not, the former was able to present his complaints before the kings and all of the others who were present. Then a certain Sigebald entered. He was a cleric of the aforementioned Hugh, and he brought letters, which he had carried from Rome, and which he had already presented at a different synod at Mouzon.523 He claimed that these letters had been given to him at Rome by the vicar Marinus, who was present. The lord commanded that the letters be read out loud before the synod.524 In the course of this recitation, it was discovered that Bishop Wido of Soissons,525 Hildegar of Beauvais,526 Rudolf of Laon,527 Fulbert of Cambrai, and all of the other bishops of the entire archdiocese of Rheims had sent these letters to the holy see on behalf of the restoration of Hugh in the see of Rheims and the expulsion of Artold. After the reading of the letters, Fulbert rose up along with the other bishops, who were named in these letters, and refuted the letters, adding that he had never seen or heard them before, nor had he ever offered his permission for them to be sent. While the cleric was not able to contradict him, he nevertheless raged at the bishops with false charges. Lord Marinus then rose up before the entire synod and commanded that that those present offer him counsel and also the proper judgment for someone giving false testimony of this kind and moreover, one who brought false charges against bishops.528 After this accuser had been refuted publicly for presenting false testimony, and after reading the texts that dealt with perjurers of this type, the bishops judged and unanimously agreed that he was to be deprived of every office that he held, and that, according to their reading of the pertinent texts, he was to be

Book 1  89 sent into exile.529 Sigebald therefore was deprived of his status as a deacon, the office that he had held, and departed as a condemned man from the sight of the synod. The bishops offered their praise and confirmed the status of Bishop Artold, who had presented himself before all of those attending the synod, and had not fled from the judgment of the synod. They did so because they recognized that he had, in every way, held and administered the bishopric of Rheims according to the precepts of the canons and the decrees of the holy fathers. 80. Berengar succeeded Fulbert on the pontifical throne.530 Berengar followed him in the bishopric and took over its governance. He was born to a noble family in Germany and was a close relative of Emperor Otto.531 However, since he was more involved in secular than in ecclesiastical affairs, he gave himself airs with a certain boastfulness because of the lofty status of his illustrious family. And so after taking office, he rejected any questioning of his customs and manner of life. He is said to have been so savage that he seemed to his people to be a barbarian not only on account of his language and nation, but also because of his manner of life.532 The more he was inspired by his membership in the royal family, the more ferociously and frequently he harassed his people. Difficult problems frequently arose in part because of the unbridled fickleness of his spirit, and in part because of the ferocity and disobedience of the citizens who opposed him. This led, on occasion, to an implacable standoff. However, despite the fact that he caused such enormous troubles and brought about such great discord, there is no doubt that we can attribute these troubles to the insolence of his citizens rather than to the bishop, because we have heard that they, due to their ferocity, were always disobedient and rebellious toward all of their bishops.533 81. When, because of their terror of the magnates whom the bishop brought with him, the humbled citizens accepted the prelate. One time, when the bishop had departed and remained in Germany for a while in the emperor’s entourage, the citizens joined together in a single purpose, and having joined together unanimously in a conspiracy, they bound themselves to keep the bishop from entering the city when he was just about to return. After completing his business, the bishop returned to his pontifical see, and learned along the way about the conspiracy from a certain citizen. He at once realized that his forces were inferior in both strength and in numbers to the mob of citizens, and retraced in great shame the route that he had just taken. The bishop approached Brun, who then held the rule of the kingdom under his brother.534 He presented his complaints and fervently begged that Brun aid him so that he could violently storm the closed see, and impose on the rebellious people the revenge that they were owed for the injuries that they had done to him. After summoning an army without any difficulty,535 he also approached Count Arnulf of Flanders,536 and promised him the estate of Lambras537 and thus gained him as an ally and accomplice. When the citizens saw that the bishop had returned with so much help,

90  Book 1 they discussed the matter among themselves. They hid their rebellion and dispatched messengers so that the bishop would return without any suspicion. And so the bishop was able to enter the city along with the messengers without any difficulty, and the others returned home.538 82. He twisted Lambras away from Count Arnulf. He also took the two estates of Coureng539 and Ferrières away from the church. Not long after this, the bishop, motivated by his fickle arrogance, violently snatched away from the aforementioned Count Arnulf, with whose help he recovered the city, the estate of Lambras, with which he had gained the count’s support. He then forthrightly threatened that he would burn all of Flanders if the count sought to recover the estate. Furthermore, he took two estates at Coureng and Ferrières from the church of the holy mother of God and granted them as a benefice to one of his soldiers.540 83. Where he attacked the citizens, killing some and blinding others. After some time had passed, the bishop recalled the dishonor that had been done to him by the people, and after summoning a force of his men, the bishop launched a sudden attack on the unsuspecting citizens. Beating them, he pursued them up to the monastery of St. Géry. What new type of spectacle was this! Armed men immediately burst across the threshold of the holy building without showing any respect whatsoever. They killed some of those inside and cut off the hands and feet of others. They also dug out the eyes of some of them, and branded others on their faces with hot irons. Then, just as if he were mad, the bishop commanded that the spears of those who had been killed and of others be heaped up in a wagon. He then hastened to send off the wagon, accompanied by his close supporters, to his own property, namely the estate of Bethencourt, for the purpose of celebrating his vengeance and victory with a procession.541 84. That he died in the night, after being struck by St. Géry. Nor shall I leave off wondering at the deeds of this bishop, who did not fear to violate the church of the most blessed confessor, a bishop moreover to whom the castellan Walter, a most inhumane recruit, was paying homage in our own days.542 One day, when the bishop was coming from somewhere with his men, he met two brothers, Aldo and Baldwin, who by chance were his most bitter enemies. And soon he was digging his stirrups into the horse on which he was riding and was flying at them. Now threatening them with his spear almost touching their backs, now threatening death, the bishop pursued the fleeing men to the foot of a hill that was just nine steps from the monastery. Seeing, however, that they were approaching the holiest of churches in their flight, and that they were shouting for the holy confessor to come their aid, the bishop feared to follow them further. Finally, he shouted out saying: “Know that you have saved yourselves from me today through the judgment of blessed Géry!” If it was possible for a monstrous man to learn to have tolerance in sparing his enemies for the sake of his love of God and veneration of His confessor, how much more fitting is this for a bishop contemplating the priestly office that he held. However, because the bishop

Book 1  91 did not seek an escape from such a great evil through some form of penance, secret or otherwise, he soon after paid an appropriate penalty. While he was on his way to Cologne, the bishop took a rest one night in a small bed, where St. Géry appeared to him while he was half awake. Géry castigated him for his crimes, and waved the staff that he held in his hand, and then beat him severely. The bishop soon awoke and groaned and wailed. He summoned his chamber attendants and told them his vision, and made clear the danger he faced. He suffered from this beating for a time – this much is certain – and he died shortly after. He was then buried in the basilica of St. Gereon.543 For some reason that I do not know, the chaplains, that is to say, the clerics of this church,544 were subject to some rash accusations and fled, leaving behind the bishop’s regalia. 85. Ingelram replaced him.545 After his death, Ingelram, who previously had been a monk of the monastery of St. Peter at Cambrai, was promoted to the episcopal see at the request of Brun, the aforementioned archbishop. Ingelram had gained the attention and friendship of Brun in the course of administering properties, belonging to his brothers, that were located across the Rhine. He was well versed in both ecclesiastical and secular affairs, and it is therefore no wonder that he prevailed over his flock through his wondrous charity. He was filled with every gentleness, and fulfilled the dignity of his episcopal office with such fullness of religion that he seemed in no way to overstep his monastic profession. He always labored with zeal in the ecclesiastical fields, and instructed the flock entrusted to his care through the example of his innocent life and model of his positive customs. 86. He set out for the general assembly to make a complaint about the estate of Câteau. He then took away a church from his cleric because the latter had failed to bring the charter with him. Ingelram added his own properties to those of the church, and if any properties were lost to the church, he sought to claim and recover them through a public judgment.546 At that time, Brun, the duke and archbishop, is said to have summoned a general assembly with many magnates and bishops at a certain estate, whose name has not come down to us.547 There, they discussed matters regarding peace, religion, as well as the state of the church and the kingdom in a beneficial and appropriate manner. Bishop Ingelram decided to go there in order to make a complaint about estate of Câteau, which belonged to St. Mary but which the men of Hesbay held as a benefice.548 Consequently, the bishop ordered the head of his writing office named Wido to bring with him the charter for this estate, which the bishop had found in the church’s archive, as it seemed that their claim would be clearer and more certain by using this document.549 When the bishop arrived there and was prepared to present his speech, he asked his chaplain for the charter. Realizing that he had forgotten his master’s command, the chaplain fell into a great stupor. Finally, he responded that he had forgotten. As a result, the bishop returned home defeated. Very upset about what had

92  Book 1 happened, the bishop took away from this chaplain the church located in the estate of Sailly. 87. Bishop Ingelram ended his days and was buried by Bishop Hadulf of Noyon.550 But then, when he had begun with extraordinary zeal to expand the monastery of St. Mary along its western side, he left the task incomplete both because of the pressing sins of the citizens and by his own death. So, having governed the church for three years, he passed to Christ. Bishop Hadulf of Noyon was present at his funeral, and it was he who honorably buried Ingelram in the south part of the monastery of the holy mother of God. 88. Ansbert succeeded him in the bishopric and established eight canons in the church of St. Aubert.551 He was followed by Ansbert, a man who was very learned in literary studies, who at that time was a monk in the monastery of Arras and archdeacon of the church of Cambrai.552 Ansbert achieved the height of the bishop’s throne after he had come to the notice of the emperor because of the properties of St. Vaast, which the emperor had granted in the county of Baden.553 Vaast established four pairs of canons in the church of St. Aubert, using his own property that he had gathered together for this purpose. However, Ansbert, just as was the case with respect to his predecessors, and as would be the case for his successors, as we will discuss below, suffered many losses at the hands of his own soldiers, and struggled against their arrogance for a long time.554 And so, in order to pacify their audacity, the bishop gained the support of a certain illustrious count named Arnulf,555 by giving him numerous benefices. With his help, the bishop was able to overcome the insolent men, and bring about peace for a time.556 He therefore ruled the church for five years, and then having been called to his fathers, he was buried with honor in the aforementioned church, namely St. Aubert. 89. Wibold was selected and the canonical game that he developed is described below.557 He was followed by Wibold, an archdeacon of the church of Noyon, who was well trained in both secular and ecclesiastical affairs. He ingeniously developed a canonical game for those clerics who loved dice. In this way, engaging themselves with this game in their leisure time, they could learn to overcome with their vices with charity, and give up the secular and strifefilled dice.558 90. When the leaders of Cambrai asked the king to have Wibold given to them as a bishop. The leading men of Cambrai – indeed it is from among them that Wibold traced his ancestry – acclaimed this man with a single will and sent a letter to the emperor offering their full support to Wibold and requesting that he be given to them as their bishop.559 It was not difficult for the emperor, once he had heard their good opinion of Wibold, to give his agreement in a short time to their requests. Then, after giving his assent, the emperor freely satisfied their legation.

Book 1  93 91. He traveled to Italy to the king for the gift of the bishopric.560 But he was worn down by the summer journey, and died not long after he returned. Therefore, Wibold, after being informed of Otto’s consent and encouraged by the leading men, hurried his path to the emperor, who was then in Italy, in order to receive this great gift. However, it was then summertime, and both the journey there and back did great harm to him. As Wibold was returning in receipt of this great gift, he was so worn down by the torrid heat that when he arrived at the church, he was so sick that he was barely able to move the bell, the ringing of which was intended to show that he had gained the episcopal office. He had brought back with him a copy of the Gospels that was covered with gold and beautiful stones, as well as numerous books, and he granted these to the church of the mother of God. Afterward, he struggled so much with his illness that he barely ruled the church for a single year. He passed from this world and was buried in the same basilica of St. Mary on the south side. 92. After the requests of the monk Robert were rejected, Tetdo was named as bishop.561 On the day that Wibold departed to join the sleep of his fathers, there was a certain man named Robert, a monk living on the estate of Solesmes, which was eight miles from the city, who had the task of administering the property of St. Denis.562 When he learned of the death of the bishop, he was seized with the hope of gaining earthly honors. So he thought about how he could gather together the leaders of the city with some blandishment. He promised that if they all agreed to request that the emperor make him their bishop, then he would give them great gifts and then even greater gifts. They were at once overcome,563 and sent a legation to the emperor and asked that he deign to agree and accept the bishop whom they had chosen for themselves. But the emperor saw that as result of appointing Wibold and giving his rapid consent to their wishes regarding that bishop’s election, the leading men of Cambrai perhaps wished to reserve the authority to appoint the bishop to their own judgment.564 Rejecting them soundly, the emperor immediately refused to grant the request made by the legation. After Robert was set aside by the emperor’s superior judgment, Otto appointed Tetdo to carry out the task of pastoral rule. Tetdo was vigorous in the sacred manner of life, highly erudite, and from one of the leading magnate families in Saxony. He had been the provost of the church of St. Severinus in Cologne, and although he was reticent to take on this office because he had heard of the depraved customs and ferocity of the people of Cambrai, he was certainly a good choice for the position.565 After his ordination had been completed, the venerable man of God put his affairs in order, and after setting out to visit the flock that had been granted to him, he arrived at the see that had been put into his care. But it is hardly possible to put into words how many injuries, insults, and adversities he suffered from his own people. 93. Regarding the injuries that the bishop suffered from his own soldiers.566

94  Book 1 During that time there was a certain man named John, who came from a family that was powerful in both Cambrai and Vermandois.567 He was superior to the others under the bishop’s authority in the episcopal household within the city. But inasmuch as he held a superior position and was more powerful than the others, he was even worse and more ferocious toward the bishop. But so that I might remain silent about these other matters, I shall turn instead to the man of God. The venerable bishop prepared piles of stone and lime, and all of the other materials with which he intended to expand the church of St. Mary, the mother of God. But in the midst of carrying out this task, he set out to meet the emperor, driven by necessity. But when he had been gone for some time, the aforementioned castellan568 had these mounds of materials brought to himself, and used them to have his own house expanded into a substantial building within the same fortification.569 The bishop received word about what had been done when he returned, and he groaned deeply, and he called upon divine mercy in the course of a lengthy lamentation to avenge the audacity of such great arrogance. Not long after, the bishop gathered the substantial support of a large army and drove John from the city. The latter then fled to the county of Vermandois, to the fortification of St. Quentin,570 and was welcomed along with his faithful friends and family for some time by Count Adalbert.571 After John requested aid, such a large force of accomplices572 joined him that after plotting for some time in secret, he suddenly burst forth unexpectedly and devastated the estates in the area with considerable destruction. The bishop then grew quite frightened, wondering how he would be able to suppress such an evil bandit, and wavered between different options. Walter, a certain vassal who held the fortress at Lens,573 came to the bishop as he was engaged in thinking about these matters. Walter, who was quite distinguished with respect to his worldly power but whose character was marked by cunning and craftiness, had avoided joining the factions.574 Walter promised that if the bishop would grant everything that John presently held as a benefice to Walter’s like-named son, then Walter would aid him rather than John, and would defend the city with all of his strength against the assault of this tyrant, and would overcome him with frequent attacks. Therefore, the overjoyed bishop received Walter, and gave him what he desired without any difficulty. However, afterward Walter’s fulfillment of the promise that he had made was limited to just words. He not only failed to aid the bishop, but was even more trouble than had been the case before, and inflicted many different kinds of injuries on this bishop and his successors. John, who was groaning that his possessions had been transferred to another heir, became even more troublesome, and did not cease until the bishop finally restored almost all of his benefice after being driven to do so by numerous attacks. 94. Regarding the death of Emperor Otto and the succession of his son Otto. At that time, Otto, the most blessed emperor, most faithful defender, model of justice, devoted cultivator of the church, the hope of peace, the lover of religion, happily passed to Christ at an advanced age full of days.575

Book 1  95 After his death, his most glorious son Otto undertook to hold the reins of the empire. Although in his youth Otto had acted somewhat tyrannically, he gave good counsel, was energetic in the conduct of war, and so I may conclude in just a few words, he became a close imitator of his father not only in his name, but in his manner of life as well. But because Otto was younger, Duke Henry of the Bavarians, bristling in his arrogance, raised himself up against him, and refused to be subject to this rule.576 After some time, the conflict between them led to war. But not long after, as I shall explain below, Henry turned back to the yoke of submission and after making peace, concord was restored. 95. Regarding the madness of Reginar and Lambert against the emperor. As the news of the emperor’s death spread, Reginar and Lambert, the sons of Reginar, learned of it.577 While Emperor Otto still lived, Archbishop Brun, who held royal rule under his brother, often sought to use persuasion to correct this latter Reginar for his insolence, his ravaging, his attacks on the church, and for many other evils. Brun also often sought to pacify Reginar’s savagery by granting benefices to him. However, when Brun no longer was able to suppress Reginar’s savagery, which was inflamed by his rabid arrogance, Brun dispatched Reginar into perpetual exile, to be carried out by Brun’s brother.578 Brun579 first transferred Reginar’s lands to the noble man Richar,580 and when he died to Werner and Rainald,581 and when they died, to the most noble counts Godfrey582 and Arnold.583 Brun also sent Reginar’s previously mentioned sons into exile from their homeland on account of their arrogance. These two, as I mentioned, heard about the death of the emperor and summoned by certain evil men who hated peace, namely the sons of Belial,584 returned to their homeland wishing to recover through violence the land of their father. They fortified the stronghold of Boussoit on the river Haine, and savaged the area there and up the river while they were able.585 However, when the young emperor learned what had happened, he mobilized an army and enclosed the fortress in a siege. He then destroyed it and sent the captive rebels into exile.586 Bishop Tetdo was present at this siege. After completing these tasks, Otto set off with his men toward the aforementioned duke of the Bavarians, who, as we mentioned above, was rebelling against him. Otto attacked, and with God’s will, he very quickly subjugated to his rule the defeated duke, who was now prepared to submit.587 96. When the same plunderers met the emperor’s faithful men in battle and turned their backs in flight. In the meantime, the aforementioned brothers Reginar and Lambert, compelled by poverty and imitating the practices of their father, engaged in plundering, and disturbed the public peace. However, they directed their actions against the less powerful. Then withdrawing into the lands of the Carlings,588 they gained the support of Charles,589 the brother of King Lothair,590 who was given to depraved deeds, and also of Eudes,591 the son of Count Adalbert of Vermandois,592 along with many other plunderers. For

96  Book 1 they shrewdly complained to their host that they had been disinherited, and were stripped of their patrimony, and had been made into exiles from their homeland. They said that they were being denied the land in which they were born, and begged for allies in arms to avenge this injury. Therefore, after improving their military practices, they joined with their supporters and companions, and hurried off toward the stronghold of Mons.593 It was there, in the year of the incarnation of the Lord 976, that they launched an attack against the faithful supporters of the emperor, namely Counts Godfrey and Arnulf. The latter were motivated by no less spirit, and emerged from the stronghold with those whom they had summoned and had with them. And so they offered themselves to the emerging danger with no expectation of help, except from God. The two sides engaged, and the battle raged on both sides for a long time. However, Godfrey and Arnulf enjoyed the fruits of victory.594 Not long after receiving Reginar and Lambert in his own lands, Eudes seized the estate of Gouy from Arnulf as putative compensation because it was near to his own territory. Then Eudes began to use this well-defended stronghold as a base to harass this city with frequent attacks, because it was not far away.595 97. King Lothair of the Carlings attacked the unsuspecting Otto, and then Otto gathered an army and devastated Lothair’s kingdom.596 After these events, when his kingdom was at peace and all those who previously had resisted him were now pacified through his strength, the emperor was at the palace of Aachen around the feast of St. John taking stock of the peace and prosperity that came from God.597 It was then that Lothair, the king of the Carlings,598 his own nephew,599 suddenly prepared to attack the as yet unaware Otto in a secret campaign because he wished to deprive Otto of his empire. Lothair’s plan was that Otto would be seized before he could resist. Because he had been unaware of the attack, and realizing that he did not have sufficient strength with him to resist Lothair’s force, Otto left this place,600 and went with his entire household to Cologne. Otto considered it better to flee at this time so that he could resist later more effectively. So, when King Lothair arrived there, he did not succeed at all in striking Otto, who had escaped all of Lothair’s plans. The Gauls then got drunk and looted, and savagely inflicted considerable devastation. Otto then hurried to send a legation to the departing Lothair, openly telling him that he would not contrive any tricks or set any ambushes for the sake of taking his revenge for this enormous infamy, nor would he seize anything illicitly. Instead, setting aside any effort at deceit, he would depart on the first of October to cripple Lothair’s rule within his kingdom. And so, in the meantime, the emperor commanded the dukes and magnates of his land to gather together prepared for war. When everyone had been summoned, he publicized the cause of the affair with the gravity of a proclamation and decided to lead a campaign against Lothair. Everyone was

Book 1  97 persuaded by Otto’s exhortation. Indignant at the dishonor that had been done to themselves, they all, as if one man, swore an oath one after another to serve zealously even to their deaths out of loyalty to the father who had raised them as if they were members of his family. After these matters had been arranged and completed, Otto advanced with an army of such great size that no one either before or after could remember having seen one bigger. And so that the legation that he had sent earlier would not be guilty of having fooled Lothair, Otto arrived in his kingdom on the day that had been set.601 As a result of his successful advance, Otto devastated in a variety of ways the regions of Rheims, Laon, Soissons, and then finally Paris. However, well versed in the habits of his father, Otto showed respect to the churches, thinking it better to endow them with rich gifts. Then, in order to celebrate his victory, Otto dispatched a legation to Hugh,602 who was in Paris, letting him know that Otto would have the Alleluia sung for him with a perfection that he had never heard before. So, after as many priests as possible had been gathered together in a place called Montmartre,603 Otto commanded them to sing Alleluia te martyrum with such force that it astounded the ears of Hugh and all of the common people of Paris.604 98. When Lothair followed Otto, but put off battle because the Aisne River flowed between them.605 When Otto had completed his revenge, and believed that he had repaid Lothair appropriately, he decided that he should withdraw to winter quarters. So, having recalled his mounted forces around the time of the feast of St. Andrew,606 he arranged his return as winter was now approaching. As Otto began his return march, he was pleased at the success of his undertaking, and ordered that the army make camp along the Aisne River. However, this river habitually grew so large when it rained that it was not possible to cross without ships.607 Therefore, at the suggestion and urging of Count Godfrey,608 Otto hurried the army across the river in order to avoid any hindrance for such a large force of soldiers during the difficult crossing.609 Some of the servants were left behind. The men who remained behind were those who carried the loads of military supplies. Because they were tired out from their task, when dusk began to fall, they decided to put off crossing until the next day. However, on the following day, Lothair secretly pursued his enemies up to the aforementioned river, with whatever forces he had been able to gather. Although Lothair had a smaller force, knowledge of his shame gave him audacity. The men carrying the military equipment were terrified by Lothair’s unexpected assault. They thought that they could save themselves by swimming, but as the waves suddenly increased in size, they lost their strength, and were driven under to their deaths. Indeed, the river had grown so much during the night that one man could not lend a hand to another because of the difficulty posed by the river’s banks, which offered no safe harbor. This happened, I believe, because of the will of God so that the two sides would not be consumed in an immense battle.

98  Book 1 For although his force was smaller, as they say,610 Lothair was ready for battle. He took the draft animals, and disassembled the vehicles,611 which he knew were better for carrying loads than for use in times of danger.612 Otto, after preparing one little ship, commanded his messengers to say to Lothair that if Lothair was intent on fighting him, he should hasten to cross over for a battle, with Otto immediately giving hostages so that Lothair might not suspect that his crossing would be blocked with some of his men already across but with the majority still waiting to be carried over. Otherwise, Lothair, himself, should fall back from the river, hand over hostages to Otto, and wait for him. Then, once the battle had begun between the two sides, the one whom God favored would prevail, and would be crowned with power in the kingdom. When he heard this, a certain count named Geoffrey,613 burst forward and said: “Why should so many men be killed on both sides? Let the two kings meet, while we all watch from a distance. Let them be joined together as one while they experience, on their own, the greatest danger. When one of them falls, let those who remain alive be subject to the other as the victor.” Count Godfrey614 responded angrily to these words: “We had always heard that you thought that your king was worthless, but we did not believe it.615 Now, by your own admission, I have to believe it. Our emperor will never fight while we stand by, never will he be placed in danger in battle while we are safe. But we have no doubt that he would prevail if he were to meet your king in single combat.” 99. Bishop Tetdo was shaken by numerous plots and attacks by his own vassals.616 While the kings were engaged in this conflict in this way, it is difficult to say with how many thunderous storms Bishop Tetdo’s own vassals afflicted him. Because they knew that that emperor was occupied by the business of the aforementioned war, that is to say in the putting down of evil men, the bishop’s vassals gained the feeling of security that comes from impunity. They were able to inflict numerous injuries on the bishop by giving him pernicious advice because he was a guileless man who, moreover, was ignorant of the language of the region. Once, Walter, who was completely devoid of truth, made a fool of the bishop with a trick while pretending faithful devotion. He struck fear into the bishop by making claims that had the appearance of fact. For Walter falsely announced that King Lothair, after mobilizing an armed force, was prepared to come to burn the city, and would bring destruction upon the entire region. As a result, the bishop was terrified and gave a great reward to Walter, and offered more if he might prevent such a great plague.617 Walter then pretended to send a legation to his friends and relatives who were at the king’s court as if they would then intercede with the king. After a few days had gone by, he came back to the bishop, and boasted that he had brought an end to the planned campaign, because through his own prayers and his design, the king had been brought to reason. Having gained the thanks of the bishop through this fraud,

Book 1  99 Walter obtained an enormous bounty of gifts. Among all of the other favors, he wrenched away an estate called Lambras.618 This had once belonged to Heriward.619 Moreover, even before Walter abandoned his loyalty to the bishop, he joined with the plunderers whom we noted above, namely Reginar and Lambert.620 But, because he did not gain enough by serving them, Walter afterward retained his connection to the bishop by maintaining the appearance of loyalty. Through his clever machinations and flatteries, he purchased the bishop’s grace for himself by giving the appearance of loyalty. Once, he orchestrated misfortunes for the bishop with a careful plan that played upon the bishop’s suspicions and had the appearance of being true. Walter said that Reginar and Lambert were preparing to devastate the bishop’s properties. The bishop accepted this false claim as true, and was overwhelmed with worry. The bishop therefore promised Walter that if he were able to pacify Reginar and Lambert and prevent them from coming by some means, he would give Walter a substantial reward. In order to confirm the mistrust that had been aroused by his false claims, Walter immediately pretended to go out to dissuade Reginar and Lambert. But he actually went in a different direction, and then returned after a short while as if he had brought peace. Walter then demanded what had been promised to him. Walter gained so much for himself by this and other pernicious plots that it appeared at this time as if the episcopal see and the entire diocese groaned at being torn asunder. It was in this context that Heriward took over the advocacy of a number of estates under the pretext of protecting them. In reality, however, he was more of an enemy and devastated the bishop’s property with continuous exactions.621 100. Regarding the death of Bishop Tetdo and what divine mercy brought about at the bishop’s command during the celebration of mass. During this time, soon after Count Arnulf of Flanders had died,622 King Lothair invaded his lands, and occupied the monasteries of St. Amand, St. Vaast along with its stronghold, and Duai, and all of the lands up to the river Lys.623 All of this greatly frightened the bishop. He was aware that the king might soon occupy his city because it was nearby. Continually affected by these events, he began to waste away because of his fears and reproached himself with sorrowful complaints saying: “You miserable Tetdo, why did you leave your fatherland to live among the barbarians? Behold, this is certainly a worthy repayment for your merits because you abandoned your father St. Severinus.” In the midst of all of this, the bishop sought to escape from this enormous catastrophe and returned to Cologne. I believe that it was so that he would no longer have to suffer such great lashes that he became ill, through God’s mercy, and departed from this world, and was buried in the basilica of St. Severinus. Nor should I pass over that which we have heard from certain informants regarding the grant made to him by God’s grace. For on a certain day, a miracle took place while Tetdo was celebrating mass in the monastery of St. Mary on the altar of the Holy Savior.

100  Book 1 When the time came for him to offer the Lord’s body, in the priestly manner, to be consumed by mouth, the very bread of the sacred body rose up in a miraculous manner at the bishop’s command, and leapt into his hands as the other priests looked on in wonder. 101. Duke Charles624 entered Cambrai for the sake of protection, and carried out many evil deeds. When Tetdo died, the source of a much worse plague arose, and the church of Cambrai was buffeted by even stronger tempests. The emperor was far from the frontiers of his realm engaged in combatting the Slavs against whom he was campaigning.625 The magnates left behind in Lotharingia wrangled about what to do about the restoration of the bishopric. But they now had heard that King Lothair had occupied the property of the bishopric at Arras they feared that he might capture the city of Cambrai with a sudden attack. Therefore Count Godfrey,626 who was quite illustrious with respect to his dignified manner of life, and Count Arnulf,627 who was not so excellent in giving counsel, were so concerned that they jointly urged Duke Charles, the brother of King Lothair, to take action and quickly enter the city that was bereft of its pastor so that he could protect it more strongly from his brother’s attack and defend it from all other invaders, and also bind the vassals of this place with both oaths and hostages to be loyal to the emperor until he returned to replace the bishop. This was the same Charles whom Emperor Otto had recruited with numerous benefices and under whose command he had placed Lower Lotharingia so that Charles would be able to offer a stronger resistance against his brother’s initiatives. Charles willingly agreed to this counsel, but acted badly, not keeping his execution of these duties in balance. For he entered the city with the aforementioned counts accompanied by a very large force. But nevertheless, Charles then engaged in detestable usurpations as if he were senseless and stupid, to the point that he seemed to be more a thief than a savior, more a defiler than a guardian. As a consequence, the aforementioned counts grew indignant and were moved to rage, and departed for home, leaving Charles at Cambrai. Charles, however, once he acquired the benefits and advantages of this place, and the large quantities of supplies there, ordered that his wife be brought to him. He then, with utter presumption, commanded that a bed be placed in the bishop’s bedchamber for her use. He then extravagantly consumed all of the wealth that was available for the bishop’s use in excessive feasts.628 He dissipated the treasures of the church. He sold prebends. Indeed, he went so far that after being bribed, he commandeered the business of the church’s officials, and had it handed over to merchants.629 Thus, for some time he inflicted a heap of every kind of infamy until the emperor returned and put matters right again.630 102. Rothard took the episcopal throne.631 Now that the frost of intemperate winter had arrived, the emperor recalled his forces from war and returned to his own seat at the estate of Pöhlde during the season of the birth of the Lord.632 When word of the vacancy was

Book 1  101 brought to him, the emperor appointed Rothard to the episcopal office, a man from a noble family who was marked by his pious character.633 Moreover, the emperor did so with the universal consent and acclamation of the Lotharingians, and at the request of Bishop Notker of Liège.634 The emperor certainly believed that Rothard would be able to suppress the savagery of the people of Cambrai through the gentleness of his character. After receiving this sublime gift, Rothard reached the city around the beginning of Lent, catching sight of the flock that had been placed in his care.635 Shortly thereafter he was ordained with considerable veneration by Archbishop Adalbero of Rheims,636 with whom Rothard had enjoyed a friendship and close relationship since boyhood because they had been fellow students in the school at the monastery of Gorze.637 103. That this same bishop destroyed the stronghold at Vinchy.638 When this venerable man began to govern, he experienced many difficult and exasperating acts of arrogance. The city labored under a wide variety of attacks, not only from the outside but even, as noted above, from within. There was no peace. But so that I may leave the rest in silence, there was nothing graver than when the bishop acted against the aforementioned Eudes,639 holder of the stronghold of Gouy, who had engaged in so many large-scale raids that he compelled all of the farmers living on the nearby estates and all of the men in the city to pay tribute. Indeed, so that he could increase the pressure with even worse attacks, Eudes was hurrying to fortify a stronghold next to a small settlement called Vinchy, which was located four miles from the city. He would have completed the stronghold if the bishop had not learned about it in time. For when the bishop was roused by the evil word that Eudes was engaged stubbornly in the fortification of this site and in a variety of other efforts, he immediately sent messengers to the aforementioned counts Godfrey and Arnulf640 and other Lotharingians so that they would hurry to join him with their military households to destroy his enemy’s work.641 They came to the bishop by night cautiously and without any delay with their assembled force. They brought a considerable and well-armed force to the bishop’s aid. At the break of dawn, the bishop, who had taken this great task upon himself, invaded the place where the stronghold was located, accompanied by both men from the city and from the countryside.642 The stronghold and tower were almost completed. However, with God’s aid, the bishop leveled them to the ground after the ramparts were demolished. This act gained for him the greatest glory of military strength. From this point on, sometimes terrifying the tyrant643 with his strength and sometimes flattering him with gifts, Rothard brought complete peace to what he had recently conquered. By renewing peace in every way and the public order, Rothard gained the good will of almost everyone, aside from his castellan Walter. This man set in motion numerous troubles and greatly disturbed the bishop despite the fact that the latter had given him many things, and had increased his properties with numerous benefactions.

102  Book 1 Afterward the venerable bishop completed the monastery of St. Mary which, as we said, Bishop Ingelram had begun but had left incomplete because he was shackled by the aforementioned discord and then was stopped by death. He dressed the altar of St. Mary the mother of God with a golden tablet that was studded with precious stones.644 He also had a large chalice made as well as a dish from the purest gold. He also had made, at his own cost, twin bells, which were both large and quite loud. He had them hung from the tower, where they still hang today. He also assigned the estate of Villers to the altar of St. John for the use of the brothers of this same church of St. Mary.645 104. The emperor was defeated going into battle against the Saracens, and died soon after. After some time had passed, Emperor Otto and King Lothair were joined together by an agreement, and the subsequent calm brought quiet to both kingdoms. In the meantime, Otto set out for Rome after learning that the Saracens were ravaging the region of Apulia.646 Acting like an audacious young man, confident in his power and burning with rage, he rejected any delay. And so he began his journey there, although he did not have many men at that moment to support him. Nor did he allow himself to await the others who would follow the stages of his journey.647 He soon committed himself to an ill-advised battle against the enemy.648 The habit of winning and an ignorance of losing gave him courage. Once the battle was joined, although the emperor’s forces were significantly smaller, they inflicted great losses on the enemy.649 However, the emperor was then defeated, thereby losing the glory of victory. For without counsel, bravery is transformed into rashness.650 Realizing that he had to flee, and that he could not escape by land, the emperor hurried down to the sea. There, he caught sight of a little ship belonging to the enemy.651 He saw that the ship was, by chance, sitting not far from the shore in an unsuspicious way. So the emperor reached it in a rapid but difficult swim. The compassionate oarsmen moved the ship and picked him up as he was almost in a state of collapse. They considered him to be very odd and strange, and asked him the reason for his misfortune. The emperor soon understood from their barbarian speech that he had been deceived by his fear into handing himself over to his enemies, and now realized he was wrong and rather was a castaway among his mortal enemies. So he sought to escape by whatever means that he could. He pretended that he was a man from the maritime city of Bari and was very rich. He added that he had become shipwrecked because of making a mistake on his route. They would gain considerable riches in compensation if they brought him home unharmed. He purchased the aid of the rowers in this way, and they brought the little ship to the aforementioned city as the emperor wished. The now-joyful emperor quietly sent word about the whole series of events through messengers652 to Bishop Dietrich of Metz653 and to his other magnates who had been assigned to protect this city, and who were worried about the danger to

Book 1  103 the king, thinking that he had been captured. He also shrewdly commanded them to bring rewards as if to repay the sailors. Then rejoicing in these unexpected commands, they brought chests, and other royal accouterment to the emperor on board the ship. They also brought up a very fast horse. While the sailors were reaching out for the gifts that had been brought, the emperor vigorously leapt from the ship. Then mounting the horse, and eluding his enemies, he escaped unharmed, against hope but with God’s aid, as I believe. Then, having escaped in shame, the emperor was overcome with humiliation. He decided to seek better counsel when preparing military forces for battle. In truth, however, he was prevented from doing so by his death. He died a short time later, and was buried at Rome in the portico of St. Peter.654 105. Lothair, king of the Carlings, and Henry duke of the Bavarians,655 each made a claim to rule the Lotharingians. The royal boy656 was seized by Henry but afterward was seized from him by force. When word of the emperor’s death spread everywhere, suddenly twin strokes of evil befell the kingdom. Because they were governed by restless spirits and no less by secular ambition, King Lothair and Duke Henry of the Bavarians renewed their previous hostility. What they could not do while the father657 was alive, now that he was dead and they were still standing, they exchanged peace for war and sought to wrest the rule of the kingdom from the like-named son.658 They believed that they could usurp the power of the empire. For the first it was the proximity of the place, and for the latter it was the demands of family relationship. Consequently, Duke Henry seditiously held in custody the royal boy, whom he had seized, and deprived him of his imperial grace although the other princes did not wish this and agonized over it. In the meantime, when Bishop Wigfried of Verdun659 died, Lothair entered the city, asserting that he had the right to do so. Many of the bishop’s household soldiers resisted him, and only a few accepted him.660 Lothair then threatened that he would occupy the bishopric of Cambrai. As a result, Bishop Rothard was overcome with terror. However, drawing on the wisest possible counsel, he humbly approached the king, and gained his full grace with the beguiling offer that after the city of Liège had been captured and after all of the major magnates in Lotharingia had been subjugated, he too would submit without any difficulty. And so, after peace had been made, hope was nevertheless suspended while quiet reigned for a short time. Then, with God’s aid, the leading men rescued by force the captive boy, that is the son of the emperor, from the hands of his captor and restored his paternal rights.661 Afterward, the boy grew in both strength and age to the point that Lothair returned to him Count Godfrey and the city of Verdun, which he had captured.662 106. A letter that the monks of Lobbes sent to Bishops Rothard of Cambrai and Notker of Liège. Nor do we think that it seems inconsistent with our task to include that the monks of Lobbes, now deprived of a pastor for some time, sent a letter

104  Book 1 to Lord Bishop Rothard and Bishop Notker of Liège, and asked them in the following manner that Heriger be appointed as their abbot:663 “To the lords and venerable episcopal fathers Rothard and Notker, the humble assembly of Lobbes, most devoted in their duty of praying for the faithful. Now that we have been bereft of our pastor for some time, and have been destitute for the longest time in the absence of the care provided by a solicitous leader, we come together in submission to your paternal care because, as God wishes it, we are subordinate to one of you in spirit and to one of you in the flesh.664 We seek that you provide us with an abbot, as it is said, so that he can provide the necessary care to our bodies with paternal affection and also not neglect the salvation of our souls through his pastoral vigilance. Furthermore, let it be the case that he does not diminish his care for matters of the soul because of his preoccupation with external matters, nor that he abandons the welfare of exterior matters because of his concern for matters of the spirit. Neither let him flee from profound internal questions, having given himself over to temporal affairs, nor let him be so occupied with only internal reflection that he not give due consideration to those neighbors outside the gate. Let both the doctrine and passion for divine justice be sown in the minds of his students at his command. Let him strive to be loved rather than feared, and let him be prudent and measured in his commands regarding both divine and secular matters. Furthermore, let him be roused to seek out those other elements suggested by St. Benedict that are conducive to the benevolent practice of authority.665 We are not able to find anyone more apt for these tasks than Lord Heriger. With God as our witness, it is by our own estimation and not his that for many years before he joined with our community as a brother, this man brought us many advantages, and strenuously fulfilled the office of teacher and educator for many of us.666 Although he claims that he lacks the list of virtues set out by St. Benedict as necessary for an abbot, nevertheless, he does aspire to them, and always has been seen as having good intentions. As the Gospel says: “if your eye is true, then your entire body will be full of light.”667 That is to say, whatever is needed in public, nevertheless let the intention remain good in secret. Know that in selecting him, there is no lack of unanimity according to the dictates of our rule, which commands that the congregation be in complete agreement in this matter, or that it be the decision of the wiser part, even if this is a minority. For even if there is someone, who is not in agreement with this election, albeit secretly, he brings upon himself the judgment that he wishes to be completely useless and without merit, that is if you do not oppose our choice. In the name of Jesus, and His awe-inspiring judgment, we testify that to our knowledge Heriger does not aspire to the governance of our souls, which is the first of the four-part subdivision of pastoral care,

Book 1  105 because of money or ambition. For just as He would teach, however, it is clear to us and to you that he understands on what basis he ought to introduce new and old matters. But we believe that the most important thing is, just as He lives, Heriger ought to test his own conscience, and that we, who are of the wiser part, emphasize to him the consolations of St. Benedict that are found in the following words: “While,” he said, “he shows concern for the views of others, he will also show concern for himself. And while he offers correction to others with his warnings, he also will be corrected with regard to his own sins.”668 One who castigates others and does not wish to be castigated is either a pagan or tax collector. St. Benedict said on this point: “Let him show through his own actions that his students ought not to do what he has taught them is wrong.”669 As for anxiety regarding earthly matters, he says, “nothing is lacking for those who fear God.”670 Also, “The Lord does not afflict the spirits of the just with hunger.”671 And, “I was young and then I was old, and I have never seen the righteous left derelict or their children begging for bread.”672 “For this reason, first seek the kingdom of God and His justice, and all of these things will be given to you.”673 Finally, we offer in testimony to our fear of God this text from the blessed Pope Gregory about those who are able to serve but flee from serving as leaders: “They shall face a fearful judgment in this matter to the extent that they had the ability to serve.”674 We offer our assent to these sentiments, and on the basis of our testimony to you and to others, we promise the benefit of our obedience to him according to the rule, and reserving your authority in all matters, we shall be made subject to him according to what we have proposed. However, we do not wish the excellence of your understanding to judge that we have sought to gain his election with counterfeit words or through a false eloquence. Rather, we understand that his election is necessary in our state of desolation and that we have presented him to your greatness with a true and not a false heart.” 107. Regarding the irregular behavior of Abbot Falrad675 and his hostility to the count of Flanders and to Bishop Rothard. At this time Falrad, who falsely held the name of monk, held the abbacy of St. Vaast. He led an irregular life, and cast aside his duty to uphold the sacred name and dignity of his office. He wickedly abandoned his pastoral duties, and became engaged excessively in secular affairs.676 Moreover, because of his wheedling desire for things of the flesh, horrible as it is to say, he completely perverted the appearance of the holy way of life.677 How awful! He even shamelessly squandered in the market stalls of his friends the resources that ought to have been used for ecclesiastical purposes or for the needs of the brothers. For this reason, he often was summoned in secret by the bishop, judged severely and intensely censured. But when Falrad remained firm in his incorrigible obstinacy – and from the beginning refused

106  Book 1 to end this behavior – he was publicly rebuked and was struck by the legal staff of apostolic authority. Later, however, he assumed the appearance of a penitent and hastening to offer satisfaction, he confessed his guilt, asked for mercy, and was given absolution. But after a short time, Falrad again returned to his earlier depravity. Then, in order that he would have more opportunity to be in the company of his filthy companions, Falrad began to instigate new reasons for hatred between the bishop, Count Arnulf of Flanders,678 and their faithful men. The bishop, who was bothered about the hostility of the count,679 put off correcting Falrad’s evil. Falrad then slyly took the initiative to increase the level of discord by making the deceitful and true-seeming claim that he possessed privileges from St. Vindicien, the bishop of this see, that were further confirmed by the pope, in which it was stated that the monks of St. Vaast did not owe obedience to the bishop of the church of Cambrai.680 Carrying on with this same false claim, Falrad added that in his time St. Vindicien had freed the monastery of St. Vaast with a written command from any intrusions, so that the monks living there could serve God in peace according to the Rule of St. Benedict.681 But this supposed decree did not grant that they should withdraw from commands set out in the rule and live in the disordered and shameful manner that Falrad did with his companions. Indeed, this man, who sought to escape from the discipline and chiding of the bishop, and to remove his neck from the episcopal yoke against the authority of the gospels and the apostles, did not understand the judgment of St. Benedict, where he discussed the ordination of an abbot, and said among other things: “The bishop, to whose diocese this monastery pertains.”682 If someone has the leisure to read carefully, the text of this volume683 shall shatter his claim. For this unlucky man684 lost his memory of the great humility and the great reverence with which his predecessors approached Lord Dietrich, the bishop of this see, namely in the time when the Danes were mercilessly ravaging throughout the diocese. Because they were incapable of such a great task, and feared to undertake such an arduous effort without the authority of the bishop, they begged that he move the body of St. Vaast from the place where it had been found, and having placed the body on a bier, that he prepare another place where it could be carried out of fear of the Danes.685 Seeing that their request was reasonable, the bishop acted in a friendly manner by doing what they asked. It was through this exercise of his authority that the precious treasure was translated to the church of Beauvais, surrounded by a crowd of common people. As was appropriate, the bishop received great praise and the greatest demonstration of thanks from these same brothers. After a lengthy period, when the land had grown quiet following the departure of the Danes, these same monks decided to bring back the holy body to its earlier seat. By now, Dietrich had been dead for some time, and they decided to ask his fourth successor Dodilo to help in this affair. They directed their requests to him, and asked him to exercise his authority by coming in person. He agreed to their request and set out

Book 1  107 for the aforementioned church of Beauvais. After the holy treasure had been carried with the greatest reverence to its place, Dodilo spoke to the people and commanded on the basis of his episcopal authority that the day of the translation of this holy body be a cause for continuous celebration every year.686 Whereupon this blessed bishop was shown obedience by these same brothers and was loaded honorably with bountiful praise. Falrad, however, along with his followers, committed to oblivion the demonstrations of both benevolence and subordination, which his predecessors had shown to all of the bishops of this diocese. He shirked his subordination to the bishop against the decrees of both the gospels and the apostles.687 However, after a lengthy period, he was conquered and subjected to the bishop’s authority. He finally resumed his yoke of subjugation, and although unwilling, he bowed. This was the case because whoever seeks to escape the bishop’s yoke also is guilty of fleeing Christ.688 For no one can be joined with the unity of the church without accepting the ministry of the bishop. The Law-Giver, himself, that is the Lord, along with His disciples, was subject to the priests, as is found in many places in the gospels. The Lord attests to this directly when he says: “I have not come to break the law, but rather to fulfill it.”689 He said to his disciples regarding the corrupt priests: “Do what they say, but do not do what they do.”690 108. He was able to have the immunities for the properties of St. Mary confirmed with royal edicts. Rothard acquired the property at Fontaine, which is not far off, for the church of the holy mother of God. He also was able to have the immunities that had been granted to this church by earlier emperors confirmed by Otto III as stated in the following document691: In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity. Otto, king through the favor of divine mercy. We have no doubt that we are strengthened by divine grace when, because of our love of the heavenly faith, we agree to the just and reasonable requests of the servants of God. Therefore, let the diligence of all of our faithful men, in both the present and the future, know that the venerable Rothard, bishop of the city of Cambrai, presented to our view immunities from the august emperors Otto, our grandfather, and his like-named son, our father, in which it is stated that the aforementioned august emperors, because of their love of God and for the sake of the peace of the brothers living there, always maintained the aforementioned see, which was constructed in honor of St. Mary the eternal virgin and mother of God, under their fullest protection and provided it with the defense of an immunity. The aforementioned bishop Rothard requested that in order to maintain this grant, we confirm the decree of this same king692 with a decree of our own, because of our love and reverence for St. Mary the mother of God. Because of the intercession by the bishop, himself, and of our other faithful men, namely the venerable bishop Hildebold of Worms,693 and

108  Book 1 Notker, the honorable bishop of the church of Liège, we have agreed, and make this grant in all of its particulars, and confirm it through this edict of our authority. From this moment onward, therefore, we command that no public official, or any count, or anyone holding judicial authority in our time or thereafter shall dare to enter into the churches, properties, fields, or other possessions of the aforementioned church that it holds and possesses at the present time justly and legally in any of the counties or territories that are subject to our rule, nor shall they enter into those assets that this church shall acquire from Catholic men, for the purpose of hearing legal cases, or collecting fines, demanding lodging or supplies, or to summon oath-swearers. Nor shall they constrain in any manner the men living on the lands of this church whether they are free or slaves. They shall not collect any fines or make inquiries about any crimes. Finally, they shall not presume to command that such actions be taken with regard to those matters noted above. Thus, let it be that the aforementioned bishop and his successors in the aforementioned church, along with their dwellings, properties, and men who are legally subject to them, possess without opposition an immunity under our protection, and that they faithfully obey our command, and that they, along with all of the clergy and people subject to them, freely pray for God’s mercy on behalf of the stability and maintenance of the entire empire that has been granted to us by God. And whatever claims that our fisc has, we concede in perpetuity to this church to provide for its candles and also for its maintenance. In addition, we grant in our generosity to the aforementioned bishop and to his successors all of the tolls along with the mint in their city of Cambrai under the condition that nine-tenths shall be set aside for the use of the bishops, and onetenth shall go perpetually as our alms for the use of the brothers of this same congregation. Furthermore, we establish that no duke, or count, or any of their officials, or anyone possessing judicial authority shall presume to violate our decree or that of our royal predecessors. If he should do this, let him be subject to punishment in a royal court and be judged culpable to the sum of 600 shillings. Two-thirds of this fine shall go to the treasury of this same church, and our royal fisc shall receive the other third so that no one shall dare to act in this manner. We confirm through the authority of our decree exactly what was granted and confirmed by our predecessor of blessed memory on behalf of the aforementioned church, and thus let it remain inviolate from this point forward. And so that our decree shall be trusted truly and certainly by the faithful supporters of the holy church of God and by our faithful supporters we have strengthened it below with our own hand, and have commanded that it be sealed with our ring. The seal of the most serene king Otto. I Hildebold, bishop and chancellor, have witnessed this in place of Archbishop Willigis.694 Dated on the 28th of May in the year 991 of the incarnation of the Lord, in the fourth indiction, in the eighth

Book 1  109 year of the reign of Otto III.695 Issued in good fortune at Nijmegen. Amen. In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Otto king through the favor of divine clemency.696 We trust that if we are open to the prayers of our faithful supporters, our rule shall be stable and long-enduring through eternal blessedness. Therefore, let the diligence of all of our faithful supporters, both in the present and the future, know that we have agreed to the request of Bishops Notker and Hildebold and other of our faithful men, and give one hunting preserve to Bishop Rothard of the church of Cambrai, that is to the church of St. Mary, for the sake of my soul and of the souls our parents.697 This property extends from Montplaisir to the place where the two branches of the Netha River flow into the Sambre.698 Its width extends from the estate that is called Barzy and the place that is called Gourgonce following the course of the Sambre and the two branches of the Netha up to the inner bank of the further Netha. We confirm with our ban that no person of either higher or lower status shall presume to hunt in the enclosed space of the aforementioned hunting preserve unless he shall have a license from the aforementioned Bishop Rothard or his successors. However, he and his successors shall have, from our royal gift, the authority to hunt, and they may grant a license to hunt to whomever they wish. So that our gift shall be enduring, we order that this written command be sealed with an impression of our seal, and as is seen within, we have confirmed it with our own hand. The sign of the most glorious emperor Lord Otto. I Hildebold, bishop and chancellor, have recognized this in place of Archbishop Willigis. Done on 23 April in the year of the incarnation of the Lord – in the eighth indiction, however in the first year of the reign of Otto as emperor.699 Issued in good fortune at the palace of Aachen. Amen. 109. Regarding the death of Bishop Rothard. In the meantime, Bishop Rothard was summoned to receive payment for his labors, and departed from this world.700 He was buried in the monastery of St. Mary along the southern side. One of his close friends, a provost named Godelinus, built an oratory over his tomb dedicated to the apostles Simon and Jude and to St. Severinus. 110. Erluin succeeded him and was ordained at Rome.701 Erluin was chosen to succeed him. He was an archdeacon at the church of Liège, and was well educated in both ecclesiastical and secular affairs. As he often wore down the thresholds of the magnates, he gained fame far and wide as a brilliant man.702 Bishop Notker703 of blessed memory urged him to hurry to Mathilda, the daughter of the elder Emperor Otto and abbess of the church of Quedlinburg,704 whom Erluin knew well, so that he might attain the episcopal office with her help. A certain other man named Azelin from the estate of Dronghene, who was the son of Count Baldwin of

110  Book 1 Flanders705 by a concubine and afterward became bishop of Paris,706 had already offered money to Sophia,707 the sister of the young emperor, so that he could gain the highest post in the bishopric through her support. The emperor, therefore, was battered from both sides. However, by God’s will, he was inclined more to the requests of the first.708 Without Sophia’s knowledge, he agreed with his father’s sister Mathilda, and committed the pastoral rule to Erluin on the feast day of St. Denis.709 After accepting this great gift, Erluin went to the city that had been granted to him. But he groaned when he discovered that the property of his predecessor Rothard had been devastated by Walter and others, who were supposed to be the soldiers of the church.710 During this same period, Archbishop Arnulf of Rheims was cast down from his episcopal rank because of his many evil deeds, and most of all because of his lack of loyalty to his superior.711 Gerbert was summoned to serve in his place, a man no one ever after surpassed as an author.712 However, following the complaints of certain bishops, it was found that Gerbert had been appointed without the knowledge or authority of the papal see in Rome, and was removed from this office. He then sought to recover this same see legitimately.713 While this conflict was going on, Erluin went to Rome along with the lord emperor, who was going there to be raised up to the summit of the empire.714 It was here that Erluin was ordained by the pope. But shortly before they arrived, Pope John715 died, and Gregory, who later would be called Bruno, was raised to the apostolic see with the consent of the Romans.716 After this, therefore, the emperor was consecrated, and took up the imperial diadem, as Erluin assumed the highest office of a priest as bishop. 111.717 After this, a synod was held in the presence of the emperor where the pope sat with the bishops, abbots, and priests and considered matters that were important for the church. Bishop Erluin rose up and brought grave charges against those who had devastated his diocese, and stated in the midst of the synod that he recently had found that the wealth of his predecessor, as we noted above, had been devastated by Walter and others. Thereupon, with the agreement of the pope as well as all of the bishops, abbots, and all of the others who were present there, he succeeded in gaining a confirmation718 as follows: Bishop Gregory, servant of the servants of God, to our dear son Erluin, bishop of the holy church of Cambrai and to his successors, in perpetuity. The duty to provide pastoral care and the dignity of the highest office, although we are unworthy to hold it, compel us to guard and govern, with the support of Christ, not only those mysteries of the holy church of God when they are close to us, but also when they are far away. It has been made known to us by almost everyone that because of the problem that has arisen between Archbishop Arnulf of the church of Rheims and Gerbert, who has invaded his see, the aforementioned

Book 1  111 Bishop Erluin cannot be consecrated in the canonical manner at Rheims as a result of the hatred between those two. As a consequence, and with justice, his consecration is now a matter for the holy see and us. In the process of this consecration, we heard a lamentable complaint from him, namely that in the time of his predecessors, his diocese was ravaged multiple times by evil men. Consequently, he humbly implored that we give him some aid and take some action against the enemies of the holy church on the basis of our apostolic authority. Agreeing to his pleas, we grant this privilege of our apostolic authority namely that no duke, margrave, count, viscount, or any great or unimportant person shall presume to invade or plunder the properties of the aforementioned church henceforward. If anyone should presume to do so, let him know that he is bound in anathema at our hands through the authority of Christ and St. Peter the Apostle, and will remain so bound until he shall make satisfaction to the bishop of the aforementioned see, or shall come to Rome and purify himself there. Likewise, it has been brought to our attention that in the absence of the bishop, other priests of the aforementioned holy church of Cambrai, filled with some sort of diabolical spirit, have been accustomed to steal and devastate ecclesiastical properties that either the bishop or other priests have left behind. We also prohibit them, with our apostolic censure, from presuming to act in this manner any more. And if they should act in this manner, let them know that they shall be cast down in the chains of anathema whatever their rank and office and will remain in this state until they shall have corrected their actions with an appropriate means of satisfaction. We desire most of all that the brothers living in the monastery of this same church and in all of the congregations pertaining to it, shall possess and firmly hold without any diminution whatever they are supposed to hold justly and legally. Moreover, let them be aided sufficiently by temporal authorities so that they are able continue on faithfully without demur forever.   Moreover, we concede and confirm through this edict to Erluin and to his successors forever that no duke, margrave, count, or anyone whether powerful or weak shall dare to seize anyone, issue any judgment, or hold any court in any place in this frequently mentioned diocese unless he has received a license from the bishop of this same see and has been invited to do so. Let it be permitted to Erluin and his people to choose whomever they wish to carry out these duties. However, if, against our wishes, anyone should violate our apostolic privilege, let him know that he shall be handed over with the traitor Judas and the apostate angels to be burned in an eternal fire. Moreover, he who is a caretaker and respecter of this privilege shall merit a blessing, grace, and indulgence of his sins and an eternal life from our savior Christ. Amen. Written by the hand of our notary Petrisgionis, scribe of the holy Church of Rome, in the month of May, in the ninth indiction. Farewell

112  Book 1 in Christ. In the first year of the pontificate of Lord Gregory, pope of the supreme see and the universal church, in the eleventh year of the imperial reign of Lord Emperor Otto III.719 112. He fortified a new stronghold with the king’s authority.720 After all this had been done, the bishop returned to the see that had been placed in his care. Now that the soldiers had been pacified, he found that the lands of his diocese were quiet with the exception of a few estates near the wooded region of Thiérache721 which some particularly destructive soldiers from Laon and Vermandois often disturbed with their clandestine assaults, and also often ravaged with their open attacks. The bishop was concerned about this state of affairs. And so he obtained the king’s permission to construct a fortification in the estate of Câteau,722 located on the Selle River, around which the attacks of the aforementioned plunderers were the most severe. This estate had been stolen from the diocese much earlier, but it was recovered from King Zwentibold in the time of Bishop Dodilo, as we noted above.723 For some reason that we do not know, it was again granted away as a benefice to powerful men. Now Erluin recovered Câteau by exchanging with these men properties that Bishop John had acquired for the church in the counties of Hesbay and Condros.724 The bishop constructed the stronghold here to serve as an obstacle to thieves and as a citadel for the liberties of the farmers cultivating the lands all around. We are adding the clear edict for this immunity as follows:725 In the name of the holy and indivisible Trinity, Otto, august emperor of the Romans through the favor of divine mercy. If we strive to increase the value of the places that are devoted to the support of the divine religion and also to enrich their offices, we know and truly believe that this not only deserves the praise of men, but also deserves to be remunerated with divine rewards. Thus, let the multitude of all of our faithful men, both in the present and in the future, know that because of the intercession of Bishop Leo726 and of others, we give to the venerable bishop Erluin the use, right, and license of making, establishing, and constructing a market, along with a mint, toll, and jurisdiction in the carrying out of all public functions, in a certain property of the holy church of Cambrai in a place that is called the Fortress of Saint Mary,727 which previously had been known as Vendelgeias, located within the county of Cambrai and in the comital administrative district of Count Arnulf.728 In addition, we grant the aforementioned market, mint, toll, and jurisdiction, with all of their associated public functions, to the holy church of Cambrai to be possessed as its own property such that no duke, margrave, or count, or any man shall have any authority over the aforementioned market, except with the license of Bishop Erluin or of his successors.729 Whereupon we order and establish with our imperial power that all men who visit the said market, whether just going,

Book 1  113 doing business, or remaining there, shall enjoy the same peace in both coming and going as those merchants justly have in the market in the city of Cambrai. Therefore, whoever shall attempt to assault or violate the aforementioned market shall pay the same fine that our law demands that they pay for rashly disturbing the market at Cambrai. So that the authority of our grant shall remain firm, we have confirmed this document with our own hand and order that it be issued with our seal. The seal of Lord Otto, Invincible Caesar. I Heribert,730 chancellor, have authenticated this in place of Archbishop Willigis. Dated on 21 April in the year 1001 of the incarnation of the Lord in the 14th indiction, in the 17th year of the reign of Otto III and the 5th year of his imperial reign. Issued in good fortune at Ravenna, Amen. 113. Regarding the injuries caused by the soldiers, and that he expanded the monastery of St. Aubert and improved the episcopal residence. He then suffered numerous injuries from his very own soldiers, whom he established as a garrison in his stronghold. However, after casting them out, there was quiet as concord and peace emerged. At the bishop’s command, his archdeacon Godfrey enlarged the monastery of St. Aubert, which was located within the walls.731 The bishop then added two estates for the support of the brothers so that their service for God might be increased and the number of brothers grow. One of them was the estate of Avesne-le-Sec, which he returned to them, and the other was Tilloi, which he bestowed upon them. The same bishop then established a soaring episcopal residence with superb buildings. 114. Regarding the death of Otto III and the accession of Henry.732 In the meantime, hostilities grew between Count Baldwin of Flanders733 and Count Arnulf of Valenciennes,734 which then developed into a war, and disrupted the peace of this populous city. Bishop Erluin had friendly relations at this point with Count Arnulf who was his fellow official under the authority of the emperor.735 As a consequence, Baldwin inflicted considerable damage on the city. He decided to engage in even worse attacks when he learned about the death of Otto III. At this time, the emperor had set out for Rome and stayed at the old palace that is located on the Aventine hill. Just as a young man, whose strength gave him courage and whose lineage gave him might, Otto believed that it was far from impossible for him to do something great, and so he attempted to raise up the status of the Roman empire to the power it had enjoyed under its ancient kings.736 He thought that he could restore to their former state of grace the character of the church that had been corrupted by the greed of the Romans and the base practices of merchants. In order that he might bring this about most effectively, the emperor gave to the Romans the highest grace of friendship. He preferred the Romans, themselves, because they were the inhabitants of the region and therefore were familiar with the local practices and customs, to his own Germans, and chose them as his leading advisors.737 Doubtlessly, these

114  Book 1 would have been good results if he had been able to bring them about. But neither happened. The more he offered his welcoming grace to the Romans, the more they showed their stubborn arrogance. Even the greatest show of friendship brought contempt. Moreover, because Otto strove for the keeping of the law and the rule of justice through his impartial governance, there was soon indignation and they raged from love to hate, and changed from friendship to sedition as the unbridled are wont to do in the injustice of their customs. The unrest grew to such an extent that they killed a certain excellent youth named Mazelin, a friend of the emperor. Then, after gathering a large force, they blockaded the emperor, himself, in his own palace for three days, so that no food could be brought to him, and so that no one was able to enter or to depart.738 It would have been very difficult for him to escape this danger if Duke Henry of Bavaria, who, as becomes clear in the following passages, assumed the insignia of the kingdom after Otto, had not returned in time with Hugh, the margrave of Italy.739 Evidently, just as they arrived outside their encampments they were astonished by the sudden change in the state of affairs. They were of two minds about what they ought to do. They thought that they might be better able to pacify the sudden boldness of the enemy with carefully chosen words rather than rouse them even further by recourse to arms. So they approached in peace, and soothed the furor of the crowd with soft words, saying that they had come to bring peace, and asking that they be permitted to approach and that the siege be brought to an end. They then went in to their ruler and told him that the force besieging him was invincible and that he had no hope of safety except in flight. So they cleverly spirited the emperor out, without the knowledge of his enemies. In this way the emperor along with Pope Gerbert, who is also named Silvester,740 departed together, and headed toward Ravenna and other cities in the province, and there the emperor demanded aid to avenge the injury that he had suffered. While he was planning this, he was seized by an illness, and kept by death from achieving his goals. He ended his days in the year of the incarnation of the Lord 1002.741 Many prodigies were seen in the sky in the year before he died. For on 13 December, around three in the afternoon,742 a burning torch, if you will, slipped down from the broken sky and fell over the earth on a long track like a lightning bolt. It burst forth with such a powerful light that it struck the eyes not only of those who were outside in the fields but also of those who were indoors as well. Then, wondrously, while the cleft in the sky slowly faded away as its parts rushed toward each other it was seen to take on the shape of a serpent, growing a head and possessing cerulean feet. This shape disappeared shortly afterward, but not before being greatly admired by many observers. Comets also appeared in that same year. The emperor had begun a large-scale military campaign against the Romans on the day that he died. But then he was carried back with honor by his leading men, that is the dukes and bishops, and buried in the church of Aachen, where

Book 1  115 he rests in peace. After Otto III’s death, the magnates of the Lotharingians chose Henry,743 the son of the aforementioned Duke Henry of the Bavarians,744 to rule the kingdom. This man was pious in his manner of life, cautious in giving counsel, vigorous in the conduct of war, and a close blood relative of the deceased emperor.745 During this time, Baldwin746 mobilized a large force and besieged the stronghold of Valenciennes. Then, after driving out Arnulf,747 who had a far smaller armed force, Baldwin presumed to try to sell the stronghold. King Henry was vexed at these actions, and often called Baldwin to justice.748 But Baldwin always continued in his ways, spurning these summonses.749 Consequently, after a few days, the king, who was supported by a multitude of his magnates and even by King Robert of the Carlings750 and Duke Richard of the men of Rouen,751 advanced against this fortress in indignation and launched an attack on Baldwin.752 However, because of the sins of his people, and also the fraudulent refusal of some on his own side to provide help, Henry II was frustrated in his hopes and accomplished nothing, and so returned home. 115. Fearing Baldwin, the bishop traveled to the king. Afterward, Baldwin believed that Bishop Erluin had incited this siege, and threatened to take his revenge upon him directly and also to take action against the vital interests of the entire city. The bishop was terrified by this, and after handing over the governance of the city and the conduct of public affairs to his archdeacons and the commanders of his household troops,753 he set out to find the king so that he would not be overcome by this tyrannical menace without having taken precautions. The bishop remained away for some time, namely until the king had gathered together a large force of fighting men, and invaded the region of Ghent to destroy the stronghold there.754 After first capturing Baldwin’s household troops, he so thoroughly terrified Baldwin that the outcome was that he gave full satisfaction of every kind.755 Baldwin returned the fortress at Valenciennes to the king, handed over hostages, and promised under oath to remain faithful and to keep the peace with him in the future. Afterward, however, when the king was pressed by numerous and difficult rebellions, he granted this same fortress at Valenciennes to Baldwin as a benefice so that the latter would provide him with aid.756 116. Regarding the madness of Abbot Falrad757 and the grant of the monastery to Richard after Falrad was expelled. As a result, the bishop enjoyed peace for some time, but he did suffer from the arrogance of the aforementioned Falrad, who now continuously carried out the shameful acts that Rothard once had brought to a halt. Because the bishop frequently summoned him and castigated him severely and canonically, Falrad instigated discord between the bishop and Count Baldwin, as we noted above, by making false claims, and particularly by making the claim to the count that he had the privileges noted above.758 This unlucky man did not recall that St. Augustine said that those who argue against the

116  Book 1 keys of the church are evil, as are those who strive to annul the authority of the church, which it is agreed Augustine stated resided in the bishops.759 This man wished that the church not have the authority either to bind or to loose, authority that resides in the bishop.760 Falrad paid no attention to the sacred warnings of the bishop, and devoted himself ever more to acts of prostitution, and would not cease the depraved acts that he had begun. As a result, Erluin publicly chastised him no less than Rothard had done earlier. But Falrad always returned to his evil ways, defending himself with shameless skill until he was bound in the chains of anathema. Furthermore, as a capstone on his fury, and an increase in his damnation, Falrad, who was inspired by the devil, took action against the bishop, and stiffened his neck with such arrogance that he mobilized a force of men, with the agreement of Count Baldwin, and burned the bishop’s properties that were located in the region of Arras. However, through the dispensation of divine clemency, Falrad was not able to hide the enormity of his evil from the count for very long, but rather was discovered and paid the price for his chicanery. For the count finally understood the extent of Falrad’s evil deeds, and grieved that he had been fooled by such deceits. Understanding that Falrad’s accusations were based more on trickery than supported by honesty, the count legally transferred all of the charges onto the one who had brought them. He invited the bishop to Arras as the teacher and master of the church to attend the council that was organized in the monks’ cloister. Discussing the case with the brothers, the count asked, in the bishop’s presence, whether Fulbert had the right disposition to be abbot. When it was discovered that Falrad had provided no instruction regarding the internal religious life, and that with respect to external matters had dissipated property in evil ways, he was arrested both legally and canonically, and the bishop sent him into captivity. The monk Heribert, of good repute, then gained the highest office in the monastery. His manner of life was perfect and beyond reproach, and he was filled with a blameless manner of life and of one mind in religious matters.761 However, he was less than ideal for repairing and reordering the magnitude of his predecessor’s destruction. Consequently, the monastery was taken from him,762 and the count granted it to the most religious man Richard to govern, with the agreement and oversight of the bishop.763 Richard improved the habits of religious discipline among the brothers to such an extent and in external affairs, labored to increase the resources for their stipends so much that, with God’s approval, there was no monastery in the region that surpassed it in piety or was wealthier in resources. Richard, having extinguished Falrad’s evil, always showed his subservience to the bishop with complete reverence and, as was fitting, obeyed him in all things as a pure sign of his love. Falrad, for his part, took money with him, and went to the church of Rheims taking the property of St. Vaast that he secretly had stolen. Complaining about the suffering he had endured during his period of hardship, Falrad sought to gain the favor of Archbishop Arnulf, who was then the archbishop of this see, by giving him gifts.

Book 1  117 Falrad, acting as if he had been deposed through some sort of false judgment, sought to gain the support of the archbishop and his officials with the promise of the reward that he would pay if by chance he recovered, through the archbishop’s authority, the grace of which he had been deprived. The archbishop, himself, had a depraved character. Consequently, although he did not have the ability to issue a judgment against the decisions of the aforementioned institution,764 he was greedy for gifts and took what was offered, giving advice more on the basis of his own avarice than on the basis of Falrad’s case. While offering support for a time to Falrad and thereby keeping his hope alive, the archbishop was conducting himself badly in his own city, and was doing business with the Jews.765 In the meantime, however, the worthless wretch was taken by death after being struck by divine revenge, and died impenitent and without confession.766 117. Regarding the death of the castellan Walter. In the meantime, Walter the castellan was seized by a grave illness. He sent a representative and begged the bishop to grant Walter’s land to his son Walter as a benefice so that the son might serve the bishop in a military capacity767 by maintaining possession of the inheritance from his father. But the bishop refused the request made by the intolerable father judging that in a short time the son would be even more intolerable, as events would soon show was true. However, a short time later, the bishop changed his mind and responded to Walter that he would do as he asked if Walter gave satisfaction for his earlier violations of his duty, which he had carried out against the church and the poor of Christ, and also returned the estate of Sailly768 that Walter held against the bishop’s will. But Walter had given this estate to his wife under the condition that she serve the bishop with women’s work,769 and also calm the evils of her lord.770 However, because the bishop did not actually obtain anything from either of them, that is he did not receive the promised obedience from the wife, nor did he see that the husband ceased his savagery, he therefore sought to recover the estate by force. Walter, however, although near to death and worn down by his untreatable illness, did not seek to improve himself in any way. But rather, he summoned his soldiers and bound them by oath to be faithful to his son. He warned and urged them that if he should die, they should keep guard over his son with complete devotion, loyalty, and kindness, and should support him tenaciously against the bishop. Then, after some time when the bishop also was enduring an illness, Count Baldwin came to visit him. Through his entreaties at the very end of his life, Walter had secured for his son the support of Baldwin. Not long after this great evil, the disease brought an end to Walter’s life, thereby also bringing an end to his evil deeds. 118. Regarding the circumstances in which Walter, the son of Walter, invaded the episcopal residence as the bishop was dying. The bishop, who had been suffering from an illness for a lengthy period, was waiting for the day of his summons.771 Walter, who was similar to his father both in character and in savagery, echoed his father in all things

118  Book 1 and did not ever cease to rage against the bishop. Walter’s ferocity grew along with the illness of the bishop. As a result, the bishop was often very agitated, and decided to strike the arrogance of the usurper with the rod of perpetual damnation. However, following the intercession of several of his men, and particularly Seiherus of Lens, Walter’s paternal uncle, he changed his mind, and put off the decision for a while. This Seiherus was a prudent advisor for his nephew, and limited his arrogance, sometimes through entreaties and sometimes through severe threats. He also humbly soothed with his entreaties the justly aroused anger of the bishop, and indeed, was able to bring about an agreement between the two. The terms of the agreement are as follows: Walter would pay 20 pounds of silver in restitution for the crimes that he admitted, and promised that he would keep the peace in the future. Then the bishop calmly and gently urged that Walter to take an oath to this effect, and also that if he should be taken by death and depart his human form during this current illness, that Walter should hold the church faithfully and manfully until another pastor succeeded him. However, Walter undermined this agreement, demolishing it with his evil. After a few days had gone by, and the bishop was weakened by his illness, the whole household groaned about the decline of the bishop’s physical state to such an extent that it seemed to those outside that the bishop had died. When he heard the news, Walter immediately became overjoyed. Accompanied by a multitude of his armed men, be broke down the doors and rushed into the homes of the clerics in a frenzied state, and then he went to the bishop’s stables and stole his horses. In response to Walter’s assault, the bishop, whose eyes were now weak and who was bereft of strength, and who could only hear with difficulty, took a deep breath and roared that he was being attacked while he was still living. He raised his hands up slightly toward heaven and called for this thief to be condemned on the day of judgment before the Highest Judge. After this, he breathed his last in great indignation on 3 February.772 119. Regarding the burial of the bishop. In the meantime, a funeral was prepared with the customary rites for his merits. His body was carried with all due veneration to the monastery of St. Mary. While others were wailing at his burial, Walter had a party, shouting with joy because everything was now open to theft and pillage. Finally, in order that we not pass over in silence the nature of his evil, Walter summoned his brother Seiherus,773 and then set out, armed and enraged, toward the monastery where the funeral rites were being conducted. Walter, who was not restrained by reverence for anything, drew his sword and, in a miserable spectacle, drove the chaplains who were paying their final respects all the way up to the altar of St. Mary. He delayed the funeral with these disturbances until Richard, the aforementioned abbot of the monastery at Arras, arrived, and buried the bishop along the north side of the monastery of St. Aubert. 120. Regarding the savagery of Walter.

Book 1  119 It is difficult to state just how terrible a storm fell upon the desolate city, and what great ruin he inflicted on the public good. For Walter, the source of the entire storm, raged in the city with enormous ferocity, and gained the support of Robert of Péronne for his terrible evils.774 Indeed, this foreign heir even presumed to occupy the episcopal residence. Walter acted with increasing brutality, and inflicted intolerable injuries on the miserable citizens, utilizing his father’s disgraceful practices. Anyone who did not pay money was bound in chains. Nor were there fewer robbers outside, for they believed that the death of bishop brought them security and the freedom to engage in banditry. So they ravaged the area, ruining everything. I leave it to the judgment of each person how evil it was, namely that he as the lord stole everything that he wished, and that he did not at least defend against thefts by other plunderers.775 No one escaped injury at the hands of Walter unless he was seen to accept all that he did in every way. He took from the household officials and enriched strangers so that through their praise he might increase the glory of his good reputation among the barbarians.776 The profusely complaining citizens joined together: they were miserable because they did not have a protector but rather a public pillager.777 There was no hope for any remedy in the future unless they went somewhere far away and thereby gained an exemption from such great beastly rage through flight. For any sort of exile seemed more tolerable to them than a familiar home where the days were pierced by plunder and the nights were passed in terror. 121. When Seiherus, the brother of Walter, lost his hope of becoming bishop.778 In order that he might have an even freer hand to conduct his outrages, Walter sent his brother Seiherus to the emperor under some presumptuous pretext to have him raised up to the pontificate. But while Seiherus was en route he learned that the office had been given to another and, frustrated in his hope, he returned home. 122. The legation dispatched by Azelin because of his ambition for this diocese was rejected, and the see was granted to Gerard. Azelin also had panted after this diocese with supreme ambition for some time. We mentioned above that he had sought out the favor of Sophia to gain this bishopric after the death of Rothard.779 This same man, shortly before Lord Erluin departed from this world, believed that he could gain his ambition and hurried to send his representatives to the emperor. He hoped that he might use them to purchase the emperor’s benevolence, and thereby attain rule in this diocese. Setting out at the order of Azelin, his representatives approached the emperor. They indicated that Lord Erluin was near death, and asked for the gift of the bishopric on behalf of Azelin in return for the promise of very substantial gifts so that Azelin might finally rejoice in being able to gain after Erluin what he had not been able to acquire after Rothard. When the representatives were asked to wait for the death of the bishop, they returned home with some hope. During their return, they heard about the death of Erluin, and retraced their journey, coming again to the

120  Book 1 emperor. They announced that the bishop was dead, and after handing over precious gifts, they stridently demanded the gift of this office on behalf of Azelin. However, these demands were rejected. Drawing upon the unanimous counsel of his men, the emperor decided instead that his chaplain Gerard would receive this gift, as will be discussed in book three. Here ends the first book of the deeds of the bishops.

Notes 1 Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051). 2 The notion of committing matters to memory by committing them to writing is a well-established topos in historical works of the eleventh century. 3 The author’s notion of skilled ears suggests a comparison between his task, which is the writing of history, and the work of poet whose skilled ears are required to choose his words to fit an appropriate meter. 4 This an example of the modesty topos, namely the claim by the author that he is writing in a simple style. 5 The notion that the recitation of older events is not as pleasing as hearing about more recent affairs can also be seen in the apologia written c. 1023 by Alpert of Metz to Bishop Burchard of Worms in order to justify providing the background to his discussion of contemporary affairs in his De diversitate temporum. It is notable that Alpert was writing at almost precisely the same moment as the author of the Gesta. For Alpert’s apologia, see Warfare and Politics in Medieval Germany, c. 1000: On the Variety of Our Times by Alpert of Metz, trans. and commentary by David S. Bachrach (Toronto, 2012), 4–5. 6 The author here is making the claim that the information that he is presenting is truthful, which is the hallmark of a historical work in the Isidorean tradition, as noted in the introduction to this translation. 7 The author is offering a detailed outline of the sources of information that he used in writing this text in order to demonstrate again why the audience should accept the information that he provides as true. It is notable that he is drawing upon two different rhetorical traditions here: the Isidorean that emphasizes the priority of oral testimony by eyewitnesses and the Ciceronian tradition that prioritizes written sources 8 This is a variation on the theme enunciated by Sulpicius Severus. See Sulpice Sévère, Vie de Saint Martin, ed. and trans. Jacques Fontaine 3 vols., Source Chrétiennes, 133–135 (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1967–1969), 1.9 Martini, 1.9, “tacere quam falsa dicere maluissem.” This phrase was used by a number of other early medieval writers. See, for example, Eddius, Vita Wilfridi, ed. Wilhelm Levison in MGH Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum 6 (Hannover, 1913), 193; and Vita Sancti Cuthberti in Two Lives of St. Cuthbert, ed. Bertram Colgrave (Cambridge, 1985), 62. 9 This passage draws on Cicero De inventione, 1.3. Robert M. Stein, “Sacred Authority and Secular Power: The Historical Argument of the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensis,” in Sacred and Secular in Medieval and Early Modern Cultures: New Essays, ed. Lawrence Besserman (New York, 2006), 149–165 and 216–221 argues (155–156) that the model postulated by the author of the Gesta is drawn from Lactantius’ Institutiones 6.10. Stein does not suggest the possibility that both the author of the Gesta and Lactantius drew upon the work of Cicero. 10 It is noteworthy that Cicero presents all of these benefits of civilized life as inconceivable without the development of rhetoric, and skilled rhetoricians who could

Book 1  121 convince their fellow men to subordinate their own desires to the common good. However, this author has identified the benefits of civilized life without attributing their realization to the development of rhetoric. 11 This may be an allusion to the Augustinian notion, expressed most systematically in The City of God, particularly book four, that kings were raised up over men to combat their innate sinfulness. 12 Psalm 104.44. 13 This is a reference to the construction of walls throughout the western provinces by the Roman imperial government. 14 Commius was a Gallic leader who joined forces with Vercingetorix against Caesar in 52 BC. Caesar, Commentarii de bello Gallico, book 7, chapter 76. 15 Evander is the putative founder of the city of Pallantium, which was established on the future site of Rome two generations before the Trojan War. See Vergil in the Aeneid, book 8, lines 50–52. 16 Romulus along with his brother Remus traditionally is associated with the founding of Rome. 17 The author is showing his historical method here by setting out the various authorities on the subject, and indicating that he is not in a position to determine which one is correct. 18 The author is again establishing his bona fides as a purveyor of truth by refusing to provide false information in the absence of confirmable information. 19 The author is crediting Caesar with conquests in the East that supposedly long predated his election as consul, and subsequent campaigns in Gaul. However, author is in error here, and is attributing the victories of Pompey the Great (106–48) to Caesar. 20 The author uses the term copia rather that legio here to denote the forces commanded by Caesar. 21 Ireland did not pay tribute. 22 The author may be drawing here on the Latin reworking of Josephus’ Jewish Wars by Hegesippus. See Hegessipi qui dicitur historiae libri V, ed. Vincente Ussani in Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum vol. 66 (Vienna, 1932), 5.15, where Josephus is presented addressing his fellow Jews saying, “tremit Saxonia inaccessa paludibus – validissimum genus hominum perhibetur et praestans ceteris, i.e., “he trembles at Saxony, inaccessible because of swamps, he names them the most powerful people of all mankind, standing above the rest.” 23 This would appear to be a reference to the Roman practice of parading captives taken in war through the streets of Rome in the course of triumph granted by the senate to a victorious general. See the discussion of this topic by Michael McCormick, Eternal Victory: Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge, 1990). 24 The range of responses identified by the author of the Gesta is consistent with traditional church teaching that successes in this world are ephemeral, and that true glory is available only through God’s grace and the grant of eternal life in heaven. 25 This idea about the dangerous nature of battle, and the risks entailed by committing an army to direct combat are consistent with the teaching of the late Roman author Vegetius, whose Epitoma rei militaris was exceptionally influential throughout the early medieval West. 26 The author frequently notes throughout the text the combination of effective leadership in war and wisdom in offering counsel in secular leaders whom he praises. 27 Maroilles, located in the department of Nord-Pas-de-Calais, is 38 kilometers east of Cambrai and 72 kilometers east of Arras. Consistent with his effort to

122  Book 1 present the Gesta as a repository of truth, the author draws the attention of his audience to physical evidence that supports his claims. As will be seen below, he uses documentary sources in a similar manner to buttress the veracity of the claims that he makes in the text. 28 Chlodio, a king of the Salian Franks, died c. 448. He is mentioned by Gregory of Tours, in his Histories. See Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, ed. Wilhelm Arndt and Bruno Krusch in MGH SRM 1 (Hannover, 1884), 3.9. 29 The reference here is to Gregory of Tours, and the author likely is referring to chapters in book two and book three. 30 Emperor Justin (518–527). 31 Duisberg is located approximately 320 kilometers, as the crow flies, east-northeast of Cambrai. 32 The reference here is to Arian Christianity, which was practiced by some of the German-speaking migrants into the Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries. 33 Gregory of Tours, Histories, 1.9. 34 Gregory of Tours, Histories, 1.42. 35 The reference is to Gregory of Tours. 36 The king here is Clovis (481–511) 37 The account of Rachnachar’s falling out with Clovis, and subsequent death is taken from Gregory of Tours, Histories, 2.42. 38 The following passage is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, ed. Martina Stratmann in MGH SS 36 (Hannover, 1998), 1.13. 39 The remainder of this chapter is original to the author of the Gesta. 40 It is notable that the author is giving preference to St. Vaast, a bishop of Arras and Cambrai, rather than to St. Rémi, the bishop of Rheims. 41 Arras was an independent bishopric up through the pontificate of Vedulphus (545–580). After his death, the diocese, including the city of Arras, was subordinated to Cambrai. Arras did not become an independent diocese again until the pontificate of Lambert (1095–1115). It is unlikely that Cambrai was an episcopal see during the sixth century or earlier. See the discussion by Lotte Kéry, Die Errichtung des Bistums Arras, 1093–1094 (Sigmaringen, 1994), 211–225, and the discussion by Theo Riches, “Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai-Arras, the Three Orders, and the Problem of Human Weakness,” in The Bishop Reformed: Studies of Episcopal Power and Culture I the Central Middle Ages, ed. John S. Ott and Anna Trumbore Jones (Aldershot, 2007), 122–136, here 124. 42 Pope Dionysius (259–268). 43 Pope Dionysius’ role in establishing diocesan boundaries was enunciated by Anastasius Bibliothecarius (810–878) in the Liber Pontificalis. See Gestorum pontificum Romanorum: Libri pontificalis pars prior, ed. Theodor Mommsen (Berlin, 1898), 241. 44 The reference here is to Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims (845–882). The text discussed by the author is a letter by Hincmar, that is edited in Epistolae karolini aevi: Hincmari archiepiscopi Remensis epistolae, ed. Ernst Perels (Munich, 1975), 124, letter 160, c. 5. 45 This is not true. Arras was not subordinated to Cambrai until forty years after Bishop Vaast’s death. 46 The author seems to be arguing that the people of Gaul were more concerned about preserving their lives in this world than about earning a place in heaven. 47 Psalm 78.1–3. 48 Jerome, letter 123, ch. 16, which deals with the supposed destruction of the Gallic provinces by barbarian tribes in 406. See Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second series vol. 6, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wallace (Buffalo, 1893), 236– 237. Theo Riches, “Episcopal Historiography as Archive: Some Reflections on

Book 1  123 the Autograph of the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium MS Den Haag KB 75F 15,” Jaarboek voor Middeleeuwse Geschiedenis 10 (2007), 7–46, here 11 suggests that the author of the Gesta drew this information from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis Ecclesiae rather than from Jerome directly. 49 Jerome here was citing Vergil, Aeneid, 8.671, “extremique hominum Morini.” 50 Jerome’s claims in this letter were false, although numerous modern historians have followed the author of the Gesta in accepting them as true. See the discussion by Bernard S. Bachrach, “Fifth-Century Metz: Later Roman Christian Urbs or Ghost Town?” Antiquité Tradive 10 (2002, appeared in 2003), 363–381. 51 The information in this passage is drawn from the Life of St. Vaast. The edition of this text is Vita S. Vedastis episcopi Atrebatensis auctore Alcuino, ed. B. Krusch, in MGH Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 3 (Hannover, 1907), 399–427. 52 This passage gives further insight into the author’s conception of the nature of historical writing, namely that events should be described in order, and that actions can be seen to have results. 53 These two were co-rulers of the Burgundian kingdom. 54 The reference here is to Clovis. 55 See 1 Corinthians 7.14. 56 The author’s observations here indicate a familiarity with the effect of poor morale on soldiers’ performance in battle. 57 Under normal circumstances, the king or general did not become involved in fighting in a battle, because he would lose the ability to provide direction to his sub-commanders. However, in dire circumstances, such as those described here, a king might find it necessary to gamble everything by entering the fray himself in order to improve the morale of his troops. 58 This reference likely is anachronous because crossbows (ballistae) were not in wide use in the fifth century. However, they were widely available during the early eleventh century when this text was written. See the discussion by David S. Bachrach, Warfare in Tenth-Century Germany (Woodbridge, 2012), 151 and 155. 59 Pope Hormisdas (514–523). 60 The author uses the term beneficia here, indicating that the word has a valency broader than simply grants of property or other assets in return for service in the secular world. 61 See Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 1.15. 62 This chapter draws heavily from the Vita of St. Vaast. 63 The author uses the term viaticum here, which can often have the sense of the Eucharist that is given as part of last rites. See the discussion by Frederick S. Paxton, Christianizing Death: The Creation of a Ritual Process in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca, 1990), 192–195. However, in this case, the image is not one of last rites, but rather a friendly drink before going on the road, and so the term viaticum should be understood in the traditional classical sense as a gift. 64 This passage draws on the idea enunciated in Matthew 5.14–15; Mark 4.21–25; and Luke 8.16–18. 65 Vaast became bishop of Arras in 499 and bishop of Cambrai, which he held jointly with Arras, in 510. He served as bishop in both sees until his death in 540. It is noteworthy that the author of the Gesta notes that Clovis’ permission was required before the ordination of Vaast as bishop. The role of the king in selecting bishops is an idea to which the author returns repeatedly throughout the text. See the discussion of this point with regard to Clovis by Thomas Bauer, Lothringien als historischer Raum: Raumbildung und Raumbewußtsein im Mittelalter (Cologne, 1997), here 395–396; and the discussion by Theo Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051) and the Representation of Authority

124  Book 1 in the Gesta Episcoporum Comeracensium, doctoral dissertation King’s College London, 2005, 109 n. 91. 66 The ferocity of the people of Cambrai and Arras is a theme to which the author returns in later chapters when explaining the difficulties faced by bishops during the tenth century. 67 The emphasis on the destruction of the city is a prelude to the difficulties faced by Bishop Gerard, himself, when he became bishop in 1012. See the introductory chapters to book three. 68 This claim is not supported by modern archaeological excavations that have failed to demonstrate any signs of catastrophic destruction of the cities along the path of Attila’s march. See Bachrach, “Metz,” passim. 69 See chapter five above. 70 It is not clear to which chronicles the author is referring here. 71 Pope Dionysius and Pope Hormisdas. 72 Vienne is located approximately 650 kilometers south of Cambrai on the Rhône River some 30 kilometers south of the old Roman city of Lyon. 73 Mamertus was bishop of Vienne from circa 462 until his death in 475. 74 The synod at Vienne took place sometime between 471–475. 75 This feast is held on 29 May. 76 The reference here is to the Vita of St. Vaast. 77 Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 1.16. 78 This claim is likely to be accurate. Although the date of Bishop Mamertus’ death is not known, it is unlikely that he lived much after 475. Vaast assumed the episcopal office at Arras in 499. 79 It is not clear to what passage the author is referring here. 80 These two estates might be Ourthon, which is today a neighborhood in the city of Béthune, and Souchez, which is located along the road from Arras to Béthune. See the discussion in Chronique D’Arras et de Cambrai par Balderic, ed. Andre Le Glay (Paris, 1834), 411. 81 Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 1.18 82 Bishop Aubert of Cambrai (c. 640–c. 668) founded the monastery of St. Vaast in 667. Omer served as bishop of Thérouanne (637–670). The Life of St. Aubert is published in a new edition in Gerardi Cameracensis Opera, ed. Steven Vanderputten and Diane J. Reilly (Turnhout, 2014), 95–127. 83 This would appear to be a reference to a Vita of St. Omer. See Vita S. Audomari Prima, ed. Levison in MGH SRM 5 (Hanover, 1910), 753–764. 84 Campus, as will be seen below, is being use as a metonymy for field of battle, that is the site of duel. 85 This comment reflects the author’s views regarding the value of the sources that were available to provide accurate information about the miracles performed by St. Vaast. 86 In his edition of the Gesta, le Glay, Chronique d’Arras et de Cambrai, 411, suggested that the location of Derniensi might be either Ergny, a neighborhood of Montreuil or Erny-St. Julian, a neighborhood of St. Omer. The first is located approximately 170 kilometers south-southwest of Cambrai, and the second is located 120 kilometers north-northwest of Cambrai. In either case, the distance justifies the claim by the author that it was a lengthy journey for the abbot of St. Vaast. 87 The term campus is clearly a metonymy for the field of combat. The so-called rapinatores brought charges against this man, which were to be settled through a judicial combat. The demand that the advocatus of the man who was being charged answer for him is consistent with contemporary practice in the early eleventh century, dating back to the Carolingian era, that every individual have a superior, who was responsible for ensuring that he or she obeyed the law. In many cases, this was the local royal official, usually the count or the count’s

Book 1  125 subordinate. However, in some cases, individuals were under the authority of either a secular or ecclesiastical magnate, who was responsible, legally, for the behavior of this individual. See, for example, Capitularia regum Francorum, 2 vols., ed. A. Boretius (Hannover, 1883–1897), I: nr. 28 c. 27; nr. 50 c. 1; II: nr. 213 c. 3; and nr. 260 c. 4. 88 This is St. Vaast. 89 Bishop Dominicus (540–545). 90 Bishop Vedulphus (545–580). 91 Bishop Géry of Cambrai (585–626). 92 There are three versions of the Vita of St. Géry. The last version was produced by the author of the Gesta, himself, and it is for this reason that he did not include a lengthy discussion of this bishop here. See the discussion of all three versions, and also a new critical edition of the third version in Gerardi Comeracensis Opera, 131–187. 93 The author again provides information about his historical method, making clear when his research has not led to the development of any information. 94 Bertoaldus became bishop c. 627. 95 The preceding chapter is taken from the Vita Gaugerici (version three), 3.1, published in Gerardi Cameracensis Opera. 96 Bishop Arnulf of Metz (614–629). 97 This council took place at Rheims in either 626 or 627. See Gregory I. Halfond, The Archaeology of Frankish Church Councils AD 511–768 (Leiden, 2010), 15, 33, 251. 98 Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 2.5. 99 Bishop Sonnatius of Rheims (613-after 626). 100 Bishop Thierry of Lyons (c. 625–627) but the full length of his episcopate is not known. 101 Bishop Sindulf of Vienne (625–653). 102 Bishop Sulpicius II of Bourges (c. 624–644). 103 Bishop Medigisilius of Tours (625–642). 104 Bishop Senotus of Eauze (c. 626x627) but the full dates of the episcopate are not known. 105 Bishop Leoncius of Saints (c. 626x627) but the full dates of the episcopate are not known. 106 Bishop Moduald of Trier (622–640). 107 Bishop Cunibert of Cologne (c. 627-c. 663). 108 Richer I of Sens (c. 624–631). 109 Bishop Donatus (624–660). 110 The author leaves out the names of 28 bishops included by Flodoard. 111 Bishop Arnulf of Metz retired in 629 to become a hermit until his death in 640. 112 The following rulings are being presented here as canons that were issued by the council of Rheims. 113 This means that the priests should be stripped of their priesthood. 114 The author uses the phrase communionis viaticum, by which he means last rites. This phrase falls out of use and is replaced by viaticum standing alone to represent the concept of last rites. See the discussion by Paxton, Christianizing Death, 192–195. 115 It is noteworthy that the council is using Roman political terminology of civitates and provinciae to identify the administrative boundaries within which priests operated. In this context, civitas refers both to the walled urban center and to the surrounding rural areas that were part of its administrative district. 116 This entire list of decrees is taken from Flodoard’s account of the council. 117 This story comes from Vita Gaugerici (third version), 3.3. 118 The Latin has latronibus here, but goes back to the singular in the next sentence.

126  Book 1 19 The reference seems to be to a now lost list of bishops. 1 120 The author is confusing Ablebertus, who died in 640, with Emebertus, the brother of St. Gudula, who became bishop around 712. The earlier vita of Gudula was revised by a monk named Odulf from the monastery of Hautmont, who likely was requested to produce this revised Vita by Bishop Gerard of Cambrai c. 1050. See the discussion by Frans J. van Droogenbroeck, “Onulfus van Hautmont (ca. 1048), auteur van de Vita S. Gudilae anonymo,” Eigen schoon en de Brabander 95 (2012), 595–643. 121 Amulberga died c. 690, and is credited with bearing five children who became saints: Emebert, Reineldis, Pharaildis, Ermelindis, and Gudula. This family is discussed by Robert Stein, “Brabant en de karolingische dynastie: Over het onstaan van een historiografische traditie,” Bijdragen en mededelingen betreffende de geschiedenis der Nederlanden 110 (1995), 329–351, here 342–343. 122 The Vita here is that of Emebertus, the brother of Gudila. See Gesta Ableberti, ed. Johannes Bollandus and Gottfried Henschenius in Acta Sanctorum Januarii Tomus I (Brussels, 1643), 1077–1080. 123 Merchten is located in the Belgian province of Flemish Brabant. Maubeuge is located in the French department of Nord approximately 9 kilometers from the present border with Belgium. 124 This is the church of St. Mary at Cambrai. 125 This is Ham located near Vilvorde. 126 Bishop Aubert of Cambrai (633–669). 127 This is likely Dagobert I who lived 603–639 and was king from 623. But the reference also could be to Dagobert II, who lived from 650–679 and became king in 676. 128 Onnaing is located between Valenciennes and Condé. 129 This information is drawn from the Vita of St. Aubert. 130 This boy is the future St. Landelinus, who founded the monastery at Lobbes. 131 Vita of Saint Aubert chapters 4 and 6. 132 Aubert paid the fine that the youth owed for his crimes instead of allowing the young man to be executed. 133 The reference here is to the Vita of St. Aubert. 134 Ghislain died c. 680. 135 St. Amand (584–675) briefly served as bishop of Maastricht (647–650), but devoted most of his career to missionary work, including undertaking a mission to the Slavs living along the Danube River. 136 Medelgarius/Vincent, who died c. 687, became a monk c. 653. 137 This was also the burial place of Bishop Ablebertus. 138 For a discussion of the Vita of St. Waltrude see François de Vriendt, “La tradition manuscrite de la Vita Waldetrudis (BHL 8776–8777): Les mécanismes de propagation d’un récit hagiographique regional (IXe-XVe siècles),” Analecta Bollandiana 117.3–4 (1999), 319–368. 139 We see here an inversion of the expected idea that it is the blind man’s recovery of sight that is to be applauded. However, the loss of sight was widely understood in this period as bringing substantial spiritual benefits because the blind man had the ability to focus on matters that were crucial for salvation rather than have his attention diverted to worldly matters. For a parallel depiction of blindness as a blessing, see the discussion of the blindness afflicting Bishop Ansfrid of Utrecht (995–1010) by Alpert of Metz, On the Variety of Our Times, 1.14. 140 The reference here is to the Vita of St. Aubert. 141 Bishop Vindicien of Cambrai (c. 669–712).

Book 1  127 142 King Theuderic III lived from 654–691 and became king in 673. The reference to this grant likely is based on a now lost charter from Theuderic III’s reign. 143 This church later was renamed in honor of St. Géry. See Acta sanctorum Belgii selecta, ed. Joseph Ghesquière 6 vols. (Brussels, 1783–1794), III, 537. 144 Regarding the expansion of the walls of Cambrai during this period, see Michel Rouche, “Topographie Historique de Cambrai Durant le Haut Moyen Age Ve-Xe Siècles),” Revue du Nord 58 (1976), 339–347. 145 Vindicien became bishop in 668, at the age of about 48. 146 St. Leodegar was martyred on 2 October 679. Much of the information in this passage was drawn from the Vita of St. Leodegar. See Vita sancti Leodegarii by Ursinus published in the Patrologia Latina vol. 96 (Paris, 1862), cols. 329–336. 147 King Theuderic III (673–691) was the son of Clovis II (639–657) and Queen Bathild (died 680). Theuderic III became king in Burgundy in 673, but was driven out by his elder brother Childeric II soon after. The latter ruled in Burgundy until his murder in 675, when Theuderic III regained the kingdom. 148 When Clovis II died, his eldest son Chlothar (652–673) was just six years old and succeeded to the throne with his mother Bathild serving as his regent. Clovis II’s second son Childeric II (653–675) became ruler of the kingdom of Austrasia in 657. 149 Ebroin was the Frankish mayor the palace in Neustria from 658–673 and again from 675–680 or 681 when he was killed. 150 This monastery, located in the modern French district of Haute-Sâone, was founded by the Irish missionary Columbanus in 585. Theuderic was actually sent to the monastery of St. Denis rather than to Luxeuil. 151 Bishop Leodegar of Autun (659–679). 152 Childeric III was murdered in 675. 153 The name of this place is now the forest of Lucheux, which is located approximately 30 kilometers southwest of Arras. 154 The center of the estate of Sercin is today to be found in a village called SusSaint Leger, which is some 2 kilometers from the forest of Lucheux. 155 It would appear that the estate was exceptionally large and that its lands spanned the two dioceses. 156 The dates for Bishop Ansoald of Poitiers are not known. 157 Bishop Hermenarius of Autun (678–c. 690). 158 Bishop Vindicien of Cambrai. 159 Leodegar had been abbot of the monastery of St. Maxentius, which was located in the region of Poitiers. 160 Leodegar also had been bishop of Autun, so Hermenarius was making the claim for the body on behalf of Autun, where he was now bishop. 161 The implication of this passage is that one of the letters was drawn from under the altar covering, and it had the name of Bishop Ansoald on it. 162 Bishop Amatus had been exiled some time before by King Theuderic to the monastery of St. Fursey at Péronne. There is controversy about which diocese Amatus ruled as bishop. The Gesta presents him as the bishop of Sens, which is located in Burgundy. However, Hucbold, the tenth-century author of Vita of St. Rictrude, says that he was the bishop of Sion, which is located in the canton of Valais in Zwitzerland. For the text of this Vita, see Hucbald of Saint-Amand, Vita Sanctae Rictrudis abbatissae Marciensis P. Latina 132 (Paris, 1853), cols. 827–848C. 163 Ultan was the abbot of the monastery of St. Fursey in Péronne. 164 This means that Abbot Ultan had died, and had been recognized as a saint.

128  Book 1 165 Rictrude was married to Adalbald, and had five children with him, including Maurontus. After her husband was murdered, she became abbess of the convent of Marchiennes, which was founded by Adalbald in 630. 166 The name suggests that this is a district south of the Orne River, which flows through Normandy from its source at Aunou-sur-Orne to the English Channel at Ouistreham. 167 This appears to be a reference to Mary Magdalene’s witnessing of the resurrection of Jesus. See John 20.15–18 and Mark 16.9. 168 Hamage is located near Marchiennes. 169 Bishop Amatus died in 690. 170 For the Vita of Maxelendis, see Flos Sanctorum, Seu Vitae et Res Gestae Sanctorum vol. 2, ed. Pedro de Ribadeneyra, Jacobus Canisius, and Jean Viennot Petit (Cologne, 1730), 330–331. 171 The Latin verb circumvallere literally means to construct a wall around, and is used in the context of sieges of cities and other fortified places. 172 The location of this estate is preserved in the name field called Pommereul in the village of St. Souplet approximately 25 kilometers southeast of Cambrai. 173 Harduin is the man who killed Maxelendis. 174 Pope John V (685–686). 175 The citation of documents, such as this one, is common in the genre of narrative sources known as gestae episcoporum, that is deeds of the bishops. The text serves the purpose of providing proof of the legal possession by the bishopric of properties, and its legal possession of authority that had been delegated by the ruler. With regard to episcopal vitae, see Michel Sot, Gesta Episcoporum Gesta Abbatum (Turnhout, 1981). 176 This text is a royal charter granting immunity to all of the properties and dependents of the church of Cambrai from judicial officials at the local level, which meant that any legal matters relating to these properties and dependents were to be considered in courts established by the bishop. It is highly unusual to see a charter that claims to establish a privilege on the basis of an individual bishop’s authority. This text, therefore, can be understood to reflect the effort of Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai (1012–1051), who commissioned the overall work, to present a historical basis for his current range of administrative and jurisdictional authority. It is also likely, therefore, that the author of the text changed elements of the charter that is discussed here to reflect the political claims of Bishop Gerard. 177 It is noteworthy that King Theuderic is described here as a most pious king, while in the accounts of the saints noted above, he is presented as treating holy men with great contempt. 178 The Latin here states Lex priscorum. This refers to a passage from the law code of the Salian Franks that was excerpted and included in a formulary, that is a collection of model texts, that was discovered in the seventeenth century and was used by the Charles du Fresne, the lord of du Cange (died 1688), for his dictionary of medieval Latin. The formulary, which is now lost, contained at least 108 model texts and was named the Formulae Pithoei by Karl Zeumer after the man who found the original collection of model texts and lent it to du Cange. See Formulae Merovingici et Karolini Aevi, ed. Karl Zeumer (Hannover, 1886), 596–598. Also see the discussion by Rene Poupardin, “Fragments du recueil perdu de formules franques dites ‘Formulae Pithoei,’ ” Bibliotheque de l’ecole des chartes 69 (1908), 643–662. 179 The terms stated in the charter presented by the author of this text do not appear in version of the Salic law code that Charlemagne ordered to be revised, and may provide information about elements of now lost provisions of the Salic law code from the period before the late eighth century.

Book 1  129 180 The terms precaria and beneficia refer to different types of property relationships between a land owner and a land holder. A precarium refers to an agreement in which land is granted on a lease basis, with the holder required to pay a ninth and a tenth of the income or produce from the property to its owner. A beneficium is any type of grant that is made by a property holder in return for service of any kind. The term literally means “good thing”. Katharina Anna Groß, Visualisierte Gegenseitigkeit: Prekarien und Teilurkunden in Lotharingien im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert (Trier, Metz, Toul, Verdun, Lüttich) (Wiesbaden, 2014), 77–168, provides a useful overview of the history of precaria in Lotharingia in the period up through the end of the eleventh century. 181 This estate is located in the district of St. Pol. However, the canons did not actually possess property there, and a second hand in the Gesta manuscript corrected the name to Boyletta, that is Boille, located between Arras and Bapaume, where the chapter at Arras was the predominant landowner. See the discussion of this error in the original text by Bethmann at p. 411, n. 37 in Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium. 182 This estate was located near Cambrai. 183 This estate is either Sauchy-Cauchy or Sauchy-l’Estrée. 184 This river flows through Arras. 185 This was located in a suburb of Arras. 186 It is not clear what is meant here by a smaller or lesser tithe, i.e., decimancula. 187 The reference here is to the king. 188 This sentence is borrowed from Saint Augustine, letter 105.5.16. See the translated text in Letters of Saint Augustin vol. 2, trans. Wilfrid Parsons (Washington, DC, 1953). 189 We have not been able to identify these bishops with the exception Leodegar of Arras and Vindicien of Cambrai, and it seems likely that this charter, or at least the witness list, was put together by a forger at some point prior to the composition of the Gesta. This document is not included among the valid or spurious Merovingian charters in Die Urkunden der Merovinger, ed. Theo Kölzer, Martina Hartmann and Andrea Stieldorf, 2 vols in MGH (Hannover, 2001). 190 There was an Austregisilus who was bishop of Bourges, but in the period 612– 624, and so cannot have attested this charter in 685. 191 This is 685. 192 Lambert of Liege was bishop of Maastricht from 670–c.700. 193 This monastery was consecrated in 677. 194 This is the monastery of Maroilles, which was founded by Humbert in 652. He became the first abbot of the house. See chapter two above. 195 The reference here is to Abbot Chonebert, who identifies himself in the following charter. 196 That is Bishop Vindicien. 197 The year is 672. 198 Luke 16.9 199 Luke 12.33. 200 The village of Avesnes-sur-Helpe, which gave the district its name, is located 12 kilometers east of Maroilles. 201 This stream is a tributary of the Sambre River. 202 Note the reference to the documentary record for the sale of property in the seventh century, and the emphasis on the possession of this document by the purchaser. 203 Manses held in demesne were those that were cultivated directly by the landowner rather than being granted out under lease. The slaves attached to the

130  Book 1 demesne lands carried out agricultural labor in the owner’s fields as did tenants who held land from the owner of the estate as part of their rent. 204 It is notable that the charter refers to the work of a notary, who will fill in the details of the property at a later date. This information suggests that an additional document was produced to accompany the charter. 205 Acts of the Apostles 5.1–11 records the story of Ananias and Sapphira, who died after lying to the Holy Spirit about money. 206 The Latin name is Mons Sancti Eligii (Mount Saint Eligius), which is located eight kilometers northwest of Arras. 207 The author is carrying over the shipwreck metaphor to the loss of the actual texts. 208 The year was 713. 209 St. Vindicien. 210 The phrase used by the author is literalibus disciplinis. The description here suggests that in the view of the author of the Gesta thought it was reasonable that the sons of nobles would receive an education that involved learning to read in Latin and potentially to write as well. 211 This is likely that sap of a plant that was used in making ink. 212 The pagans are to be understood as the Vikings, who ravaged the area in the ninth century. 213 The events described here took place in the mid-tenth century, during the pontificate of Fulbert (933–956), so that anyone who had a direct recollection of these events during the time when this text was being composed in 1023–1024 must have been at least 70 years old. Of course, this is certainly possible. 214 These are the students. 215 The implication seems to be that if the boy took up a religious life, i.e., surrendered his life to God, perhaps as a monk, the punishment would be lifted. 216 Bishop Fulbert of Cambrai (933–956). 217 Note the author’s unwillingness to confirm or cast doubt upon the rest of this story, which is only known to him through hearsay, i.e., ut ferunt. 218 Ponthion is located some 230 kilometers southeast of Cambrai. 219 The reference is to the church of St. Vindicien. 220 The reference to Henry II of Germany (1002–1024) as having been emperor in the past tense suggests that this passage was written shortly after the death of Henry on 13 July 1024. 221 Count Baldwin IV of Flanders (988–1035). It is notable that the author does not denote Baldwin as count, perhaps as a means of denigrating him. 222 Count Arnulf of Valenciennes (973–1012) was appointed by either Otto I or Otto II to govern this district that was separated from the larger county of Hainaut. Arnulf also held office as count of Cambrai. 223 This attack on Valenciennes took place in September 1006. The events are discussed in some detail by the contemporary author Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg (1009–1018), who was a close military advisor of King Henry II of Germany. For the best edition of Thietmar’s text, see Thietmar von Merseburg, Chronik, ed. and trans. Werner Trillmich, eighth edition (Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, 2002). For an English translation of Thietmar’s Chronicon, see Ottonian Germany: The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg, trans. and annotated by David Warner (Manchester 2001). Thietmar discusses the events at Valenciennes in Chronicon, 6.29. 224 King Robert II of France (972–1031). 225 Duke Richard II of Normandy (996–1026). 226 It is noteworthy that the author denotes Arras as his patria, perhaps suggesting that he came from this region. 227 Duke Richard II of Normandy (996–1026).

Book 1  131 228 It seems that the duke is offering to make restitution to the church amounting to a quarter of the total losses that it suffered with the expectation that the men involved would return the property that had been stolen. 229 Hildebert was bishop from 712–715. See chapter 16 above. 230 Hunold succeeded Hildebert and died c. 717. 231 Hadulf held office as bishop sometime after the death of Hildebert in 717 until May 728 or 729. 232 Note that the author of the Gesta does not accept this story or present it as true, only noting the commonly held idea. 233 The author is again providing information that he says comes from eye-witness testimony. 234 Bishop Engran, sometimes denoted as Ingelram or Enguerrand, held the see of Cambrai from 958–965. 235 Here the author is making clear that not all eyewitness testimony is equal, and that the nature and quality of the person offering the testimony had to be taken into account. 236 This passage provides a clear example of the ways in which saints were recognized before the development of formal procedures during the course of the thirteenth century. 237 Bishop Treuvard of Cambrai (728x730–752). 238 Bishop Gaufrid of Cambrai (752–c. 770). 239 This is the monastery of St. Vaast. 240 Bishop Alberic of Cambrai (770–790). 241 Bishop Hildoard of Cambrai (790–816). 242 Charlemagne ruled as king of the Franks 768–814, and held the imperial office from 800 until his death. 243 The verb used here is liquet, i.e., ut in eisdem tabulis liquet. 244 Louis the Pious ruled as king of the Franks and as emperor from 814–840. 245 Emperor Louis. 246 The charters from Pepin III and Charlemagne have not survived. 247 The term fredum, used here, refers to the third of the overall fine paid by the losing party in a lawsuit that is owed to the king. 248 The term dux in the early ninth century referred to a military command, and usually one on the frontier, and so the term duke, with its connotations of autonomous or independent territorial rule, is not appropriate here. 249 Abbot Helisachar of Saint-Aubin in Angers was the chancellor for Louis the Pious from 814–819. 250 Louis was crowned emperor in September 813, so this document was issued in 816. 251 Archbishop Wulfair of Rheims (812–816). 252 It is not clear when Wandelmar became bishop of Noyon-sur-Seine. 253 Bishop Rothade of Soissons (814–831). The conflict between the two bishops regarding the boundaries may be understood as resulting from the efforts of Rothade to establish his rights soon after being elevated to the see. 254 The information in the previous two sentences was taken from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 2.18. 255 Bishop Halitgar of Cambrai (817–831). 256 Ebo was archbishop of Rheims from 816–835 and again briefly from 840–841. 257 This letter is found in Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 2.19. 258 See the discussion of Halitgar’s penitential work by Raymond Kottke, Die Bußbücher Halitgars von Cambrai und des Hrabanus Maurus (Berlin, 1980). 259 Penitential manuals, which provided guides to priests about what penances were appropriate for a list of common sins, circulated widely throughout the Latin West during the ninth century. See the discussion by Rob Meens, “The

132  Book 1 Frequency and Nature of Early Medieval Penance,” in Handling Sin: Confession in the Middle Ages, eds. Peter Biller and Alastair. J. Minnis (Woodbridge, 1998), 35–63. 260 Psalm 80.6. 261 This phrase was apparently widely used during this period. It appears, for example, in Alcuin’s letter to Gisla and Rotrude, the sister and daughter, respectively, of Charlemagne. See Epistolae Karolini Aevi vol. 2 ed. Ernst Dümmler in MGH Epistolarum vol. 4 (Berlin, 1895), nr. 196. Also see the discussion of this phrase by John J. Contreni, “The Irish Contribution to the European Classroom,” in Caroligian Learning: Masters and Their Manuscripts (Hampshire, 1992), 79–90, here 83. 262 See Matthew 5.14–15, Mark 4.21–25, and Luke 8.16–18. 263 Luke 24.13–33. 264 The phrase “spiritus paraclitus omni veritatis doctrina et perfecte caritatis scientia vestra resplendeat pectora” is found in c. 6 of the formulae Salzburgensis in Formulae Merovingici et Karolini Aevi, 441. It is also found in the letter by Alcuin to Gisla and Rotrude noted above. It seems likely, therefore, that Ebo learned the expression from Alcuin while the latter was resident at Charlemagne’s court where Ebo received his initial education in the late eighth century. 265 This letter also is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 2.19. 266 It is notable that Ebo had used otium in a positive manner to denote Halitgar’s proper use of the freedom from cares of this world to seek divine knowledge, where Halitgar uses the term otium in a negative manner to denote sloth. 267 Information in this passage is taken from Annales regni Francorum inde a. 741 usque ad 829, qui dicuntur Annales Laurissenses maiores et Einhardi, ed. G. H. Pertz in MGH rerum Germanicarum 6 (Hannover, 1895), anno 828. 268 Bishop Halitgar. 269 He was actually sent by Louis the Pious. 270 Emperor Michael II (820–829). 271 Stephen was an early Jewish follower of Jesus, whose death at the orders of Jewish court reportedly was witnessed by St. Paul. 272 Saint Cosmas was an early Christian martyr from the late third century. 273 Bishop Anthimus of Nicomedia was martyred early in the fourth century during the final stages of the Diocletianic purges of Christians. 274 Theodor was a Christian Roman soldier who was martyred during the early fourth century as part of the purge of the army by Emperor Diocletian. 275 Annales regni Francorum qui dicitur Einhardi, anno 818. 276 Halitgar died in 830. 277 Bishop Dietrich (Thierry in French) held the see of Cambrai from 831–862x863. 278 The elevation of Dietrich by Louis the Pious in 831 is recorded in the Annals of St. Vaast but is dated to 830. See Annales Vedastini, ed. B. von Simson in Annales Xantenses et Annales Vedastini in MGH SRG in usum scholarum separatim editi 12 (Hannover, 1909). 279 Lothair I had been elevated by his father as co-emperor in 817, but in 830 he led a rebellion against Louis the Pious. Lothair initially was supported by his brothers Pepin of Aquitaine and Louis the German, but the latter then changed sides and facilitated the reinstatement of his father Louis the Pious in 831. 280 The author would seem to be condemning the bishops for their fickleness, and for failing to understand that episcopal authority had to be supported by royal power. See our discussion of this point in the introduction. 281 The second half of this chapter is taken from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 2.20.

Book 1  133 282 A number of church councils were held in North Africa in the early fifth century during the episcopate of Innocent I (401–417) under the direction of Bishop Augustine of Hippo (396–430), but it is not clear to what specific council the author is referring here. 283 This is the end of the passage taken from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae. 284 This event is discussed by Abbot Folcuin of Lobbes in his Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, ed. G. H. Pertz in MGH SS 4 (Hannover, 1841), chapter 11. 285 Abbot Haribert of Lobbes (835–864). The Vita Dodonis abbatis Waslerensis cum commentario et annotatis, ed. Victor de Buck (Brussels, 1866), does not discuss the request by Abbot Haribert of Lobbes for the dedication of the monastery of Wallers. See the discussion by Alain Dierkens, Abbayes et Chapitres entre Sambre et Meuse (VIIe-XIe siècles): Contribution à l’histoire religieuse des campagnes du Haut Moyen Age (Sigmaringen, 1985), 101. 286 This is a reference to Viking attacks. 287 The problem of losing a saint’s relics permeates monastic accounts from precrusade Europe. See, for example, Patrick Geary, Furta Sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middles Ages 2nd revised edition (Princeton, 1990), 39. 288 Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 3.11. The reference is to Bishop Dietrich of Cambrai. Hincmar was archbishop of Rheims from 845–882. 289 The reference is again to Bishop Dietrich of Cambrai. 290 This observation is made from the perspective of Flodoard of Rheims, whose work the author is copying verbatim here. 291 The synod took place in 853. 292 St. Medard was bishop of the city of Tournai until he changed the seat of his bishopric to Noyon. He held office as bishop from 531–556, moving the see in 545. 293 Archbishop Wenilon held this see from 837–865, and is sometimes called Ganelon. 294 Archbishop Amaury of Tours (852–856). 295 King Charles the Bald of West Francia (840–877). The author of the Gesta cut short the list, leaving out the names of the great majority of the bishops and abbots, who were recorded by Flodoard as being present. 296 Ebo briefly regained the archiepiscopal seat in 840–841 when Lothair controlled Rheims during the civil war among the three surviving sons of Louis the Pious, namely Lothair, Louis the German, and Charles the Bald. However, after Charles the Bald regained control of Rheims, Ebo was again removed from office. 297 This is Charles the Bald. 298 The claim is that Ebo’s restoration by King Lothair I in 840 had been illegal according to canon law. 299 Pope Sergius II (844–847). Ebo was to remain part of the community of Christians, but was to be stripped of his clerical office. 300 It is clear from this passage that Flodoard had no wish to revisit the strained circumstances of Lothair’s investment of Rheims in 840 and the potential backsliding, from the perspective of King Charles the Bald, of leading ecclesiastical officials in the archdiocese of Rheims. However, there is reason to be suspicious that the documents presented by the petitioners from Rheims actually were forgeries rather than inconvenient evidence of the erroneous political judgment of bishops such as Dietrich of Cambrai. For his part, the author of the Gesta did not wish to impugn the honor of Dietrich either, and so was happy to accept Flodoard’s whitewashing of the events of 840 and the triumphalist account of Hincmar’s victory.

134  Book 1 301 This last sentence is a commentary by the author of the Gesta, and indicates the enormous reach of Archbishop Hincmar’s numerous ecclesiastical writings, a great number of which still survive today. The basic study on the career and works of Hincmar is Jean Devisse, Hincmar, Archevêque de Reims, 845–882: Travaux d’Histoire Ethico-Politique 3 vols. (Geneva, 1975–1976). Also see the collection of essays in Hincmar of Rheims: Life and Work, ed. Rachel Stone and Charles West (Manchester, 2015). 302 This paragraph is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 3.26. It bears emphasis that this passage records the regular epistolary correspondence among these Carolingian bishops, and that information about most of the letters in question only survives because Flodoard reported on records that he found in the archiepiscopal archive in Rheims. It is also notable that Hincmar of Rheims kept copies of the letters that he sent to other bishops. 303 Immo was bishop of the joint see of Noyon and Tournai from 840 until 860. 304 The implication seems to be that Dietrich interfered with Hincmar’s pastoral relationship with Hetto, and granted him absolution before he carried out his penance. 305 The term used here is praestaria, which is the technical term for a grant that involves a precarium. The latter is the grant of property for a specific period of time, usually in return for a counter-grant. See the discussion by Groß, Visualisierte Gegenseitigkeit, 77–166. 306 It is not clear who this count is, but it seems likely that he was among those who played a role in ensuring the selection of Dietrich as bishop of Cambrai. 307 Hincmar also sent letters to counts with the expectation that they would be able to read them or at least that they could understand the Latin if the letter were read to them by a member of their staffs. 308 Lothair II (855–869) was one of three sons of Lothair I to inherit a kingdom in the region known as Francia media, which stretched from the North Sea to central Italy, and which was bounded by West and East Francia, which were ruled by the brothers of Lothair I, namely Charles the Bald and Louis the German. Lothair II ruled the northernmost of the three successor kingdoms in Francia media, known as Lotharingia, from 855 until his death in 869. The division of the Carolingian empire among Lothair I, Charles the Bald, and Louis the German, the sons of Louis the Pious, was effected through the treaty of Verdun in 843. 309 Hincmar was attempting to control the succession to Dietrich, who died in 862 or 863. 310 Gunthar was archbishop of Cologne from 850 until his deposition in 863. 311 This is an interjection by the author of the Gesta into Flodoard’s narrative. 312 This is an example of the power of divine prophecy with which Dietrich was credited in chapter 43 above. 313 The use of the term via publica is an indication of the understanding by the author that this road was one that was possessed legally by the government, and in this case, likely the royal government of the German kingdom. 314 The phrase “occultis meatibus” had a long tradition in Christian writing, and was used by Pope Gregory the Great in his commentary on the Song of Songs chapter 30. For the critical edition of this text see Pierre-Patrick Verbraken, Sancti Gregorii Magni Expositiones in canticum canticorum in librum primum regeum, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina vol. 144 (Turnhout, 1963). 315 This is the thief who had died. 316 The implication of this passage is that only a free man could choose freely to undertake a penance that would have spiritual value. By contrast, compelling a slave to do a penance would have no spiritual value.

Book 1  135 17 Bishop Rothad of Cambrai (879–886x887). 3 318 Following Dietrich’s death, there was a significant conflict regarding the election of his successor. Three men, Gontbert, Tetbold, and Hilduin all claimed the see between 863–866. Bishop John I then served as bishop from 866–877x879. 319 That is 863. 320 The monastery of St. Aubert originally was constructed outside of the walls of Cambrai, but later was enclosed within the city when the walls were expanded. See book one, chapter 63 below. Rouche, “Topographie Historique de Cambrai Durant le Haut Moyen Age Ve-Xe Siècles),” provides a useful map of the location of these churches (341). 321 Otto III (983–1002). However, this is incorrect. He was translated during the reign of Otto I (936–973). See book one, chapter 79 above. 322 Bishop Fulbert of Cambrai (934–956). 323 This is not correct. The conflict was between Hincmar and Lothair II, the son of Emperor Lothair. 324 The phrase clerici et milites with respect to the personnel of a diocese, and particularly the household of the bishop, begins to be used extensively during the late tenth century. The use of the phrase here by the author is anachronistic, and reflects the expectations of the early eleventh century rather than those of the mid-ninth. Some scholars, particularly in the German tradition, translate milites in this context as either vassals (German Lehnsmänner) or as knights (German Ritter). However, the proper interpretation of the term in this context is soldiers, meaning the members of the bishop’s military household. Some of these men were from important families and had elevated social and economic status. However, the majority of the milites in a bishop’s military household were men of low social and economic status who had made a career of soldiering and depended upon the income in both cash and kind from the bishop to sustain themselves and their families. With regard to the use of the term miles and the identity of milites in eleventh-century Germany see David S. Bachrach, “The Military Organization of Ottonian Germany, c. 900–1018: The Views of Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg,” Journal of Military History 72 (2008), 1061–1088; and idem, “Milites and Warfare in Pre-Crusade Germany,” War in History 23.3 (2015), 298–343. 325 The use of the term adulterus here implies the additional connotation of adultery. The relationship between a bishop and his church often is characterized in contemporary canon law as a marriage, and so an unlawful relationship between a cleric and a diocese could be presented as adulterous. 326 The author here is distinguishing between different types of properties that were within the overall “portfolio” of the bishopric. On the one hand were those properties that were held by the bishop for the use of the church and for carrying out the bishop’s pastoral and administrative obligations. These were being forbidden to the clerics and probably even more particularly to the milites. One possibility is that the other properties were those that were being held from the church by the milites at the order of the ruler. In this case, the ruler was Lothair II and not Emperor Lothair as indicated by the author of the Gesta. The properties held by these milites, it would appear, were held in precarial tenure, meaning that the soldiers received the usufruct, that is the production, but not the ownership of these lands. One further possibility, however, is that the lands, were actually royal properties that were on loan to the church of Cambrai specifically to support the bishop’s military household and perhaps his clerical household as well. With regard to the granting of ecclesiastical properties to fighting men at the king’s command, see the discussion by Giles Constable “Nona et Decima: An Aspect of Carolingian Economy,”

136  Book 1 Speculum 35 (1960), 224–250; and Bachrach, Warfare in Tenth-Century Germany, 90–92. 327 Pope Nicholas I (858–867). 328 This is a not particularly veiled criticism of the pope. 329 The letter is recorded in Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 3.12. 330 We have not been able to identify this Bishop Odo. 331 In effect, Hincmar is blaming Pope Nicholas for dragging out the problem by giving King Lothair the impression that he had the authority to appoint the bishop, and then failing to address the subsequent controversy in a timely manner. 332 In fact, Lothair II was the ruler during the entire period of the controversy. 333 This is God. 334 He has reached the day of the Sabbath after toiling for the entire week, which is a metaphor for gaining the peace of heaven after a lifetime of toil in the world. 335 The author of the Gesta had access to this tomb, and clearly visited it as part of his research for the text. 336 This passage is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 3.21 337 Charles the Bald of West Francia. 338 Bishop Hincmar of Laon (858–879) was the nephew of Hincmar of Rheims. 339 Bishop Odo of Beauvais (861–881). 340 Archbishop Bertolf of Trier (869–883). 341 Bishop Adventius of Metz (858–875). 342 Bishop Arnulf of Toul (847–871). 343 The following chapter is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 3.23. Flodoard provided brief synopses of the letters rather than the full text. 344 Pope Hadrian II (867–872). 345 Hincmar is drawing here upon Jesus’ command to his disciples to render to Caesar what was owed to Caesar and to render to God what was owed to God. 346 Bishop Actard of Nantes (853–871). 347 Pope Benedict III (855–858). 348 Pope Nicholas I (858–867). 349 Waldrada was Lothair II’s concubine, whom he wished to marry so that he could legitimize Hugh, his son with her, and thus name Hugh as his heir. However, in order to do so, Lothair first had to divorce his wife Teutberga. This was not in the interest of Charles the Bald, who hoped to gain control over Lotharingia if Lothair II died without a legitimate heir. Consequently, Hincmar of Rheims, Charles’ most important supporter and magnate, led the struggle to keep Lothair from being allowed to divorce Teutberga. 350 The term litterae dimissoriae has the technical meaning of documents provided to a judge who presided over a court with superior jurisdiction. In this case, the superior court is that of the pope. 351 This was a political letter, in which Hincmar was trying to gain control over Lotharingia on behalf of Charles the Bald. 352 The reference seems to be to Bishop John’s travels throughout his diocese to supervise his parish clergy. 353 This may be a reference to letter 211 by Augustine, which he wrote in 423 to the nuns of the convent where his sister had been prioress. See the translation of this text in The Fathers of the Church: St. Augustine Letters 204–270 vol. 5, ed. Wilfrid Parsons (Washington, DC, 1956), 38–50. 354 This letter provides an important insight regarding the ways in which texts passed from one ecclesiastical center to another.

Book 1  137 355 Bede wrote three books of commentary on Solomon’s proverbs. See Bede, In Proverbia Salomonis, ed. David Hurst in Corpus Christianorum Latin Series 119B (Turnhout, 1983), 23–163. 356 This is almost certainly incorrect because the pontificate of Pope Romanus was just a few months in 897, which came after the death of Charles the Bald. 357 This is King Charles the Bald of West Francia. 358 Metropolitan is an alternate name for an archbishop, but it was a rather archaizing term in the ninth century. 359 This is Hincmar of Rheims. 360 This county is located between Liège and Dinant in what is today Belgium. 361 The document cited here employs the terms terrenae and caduca to denote the lands that Macharius has given to the church of St. Mary. The term caducum has the specific legal meaning of property that is not to be passed to a person’s legal heir, and is rather to go to another recipient. 362 The history of this property is rather convoluted. It appears that the assets in question originally were held by King Lothair II, and that he granted them to Bishop John. The bishop subsequently granted this property in full possession, rather than simply in usufruct, to Macharius. The reason for the king’s grant to the bishop is not made clear. As the text of the charter makes clear, the bishop and Macharius engaged in a typical property exchange in which an ecclesiastical institution obtains full possession and ownership of a property from an individual and then grants it back in full use to this same individual for his lifetime and sometimes also for the lifetimes of his children. The ultimate possession of the property and its use then reverts to the ecclesiastical institution. In return and in recompense for the grant of ownership of the original property, the ecclesiastical institution makes a grant of the use, but not the possession, of additional properties owned by the church to the person who made the original grant to the institution. The original grantor therefore has use for his lifetime, and perhaps also for his children’s lifetimes, of substantially more property than he had originally. The church benefits by gaining ownership of additional lands over the long term. Because the church is, theoretically, an eternal institution, property exchanges of this type are understood as a good investment. The technical term for such property exchanges is precaria remuneratoria. In this regard, see Groß, Visualisierte Gegenseitigkeit, 128. 363 The term mansus in the Carolingian period was a fiscal unit for the purposes of taxation and the mobilization of military service. See the discussion by Walter Goffart, “Frankish Military Duty and the Fate of Roman Taxation,” Early Medieval Europe 16 (2008), 166–190. 364 A bonnier is the quantity of land that could be sown with a boune of seed, which is approximately 8 bushels. This area could range, depending on the type of soil, from 8,000 to 13,700 square meters. 365 The document uses the term silva, which has the meaning of land that is covered with trees. The term foresta is a wooded area in which hunting was permitted. By contrast, hunting was not permitted in silva. 366 Although there was no hard and fast rule, the possessors of servile mansi in the Carolingian period generally were burdened with significantly greater labor dues than the possessors of free (ingenui) mansi. 367 Today this name survives in a stream called Basseille that flows through the district of Mozet in the province of Namur. 368 This stream is an affluent of the Samson in the province of Namur in Belgium. 369 This is a village in the district of Brabant in the Belgian province of Namur. 370 This is a tributary of the Meuse 371 This is the district between Condroz and Ardenne in Belgium. 372 This property is located in the province of Namur, Belgium.

138  Book 1 73 We have not been able to identify the specific location of this place. 3 374 Harsin is located in the district of Nassogne in the Belgian province of Luxemburg. 375 This is a tributary of the Lomme river, which is a tributary of the Lesse, which ultimately provides water for the Meuse River. 376 Chersin is a neighborhood in the municipality of Nassogne in the Belgian province of Luxemburg. 377 Villers-Pol is located in the French département du Nord. The Rhonelle is a tributary of the Escaut River into which it empties at Valenciennes. 378 We have not been able to identify this place. 379 Carolingian legislation from the early ninth century required that every church have a minimum of a mansus attached to it for the support of the priest and the maintenance of the structure of the church. See, for example, Capitularia I: nr. 138 c. 10 issued in 818 or 819 by Louis the Pious. 380 The term used by the document for payments made by the holder of a mansus is census. 381 There is a break in the text here but the missing word is probably mansurae, that is homesteads. 382 We have not been able to identify this place. 383 Meully is located in the municipality of Le Quesnoy in the département du Nord in France. 384 The feast of the purification takes place 40 days after Christmas. 385 This clause is intended to give the royal government an incentive to enforce the provisions of the property exchange. The term fiscus denotes the resources, including revenues, of the royal government. 386 The date for this agreement is incorrect. The 35th year of the reign of King Charles the Bald began on 20 June 874. Lothair II died in August 869. Consequently, the fifth year of Charles the Bald’s accession in Lotharingia began in 873 and ended in August/September 874. So the likely date on this basis is 874. 387 King Charles the Bald. 388 King Lothair II. 389 The word pulsum means a bell clap. 390 A polyptique is a detailed account of the property held by a church, and included information about the dependents, their agricultural and craft production, the dues they paid, and the labor services that they owed. See Folcuin, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, ch. 13, where he states that in the 14th year of his reign, i.e. 869, Lothair II ordered that the abbot of Lobbes draw up a polyptique regarding the production of the estates belonging to the monastery. However, this account actually was drawn up by Bishop John. 391 In effect, Bishop John threatened anyone who took the property of the church with excommunication. 392 The information in this passage is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 3.22. 393 It appears that the rule was that the accused had the opportunity to select the bishops who would judge him, but it is not clear to which African synod the text refers. 394 This is Bishop Gerard during whose episcopate this text was written. 395 He was part of the extended household of the monastery of St. Géry. 396 Bishop Rothard of Cambrai (879–886x887). 397 The following passage is taken from the Annals of St. Vaast but the chronology is incorrect here. Arnulf did not depose his uncle Charles III until November 887, and Rothad died no later than September of this year. 398 This is not quite accurate. Arnulf deposed his uncle Charles III in 887. At that time, Charles the Straightforward (often named the Simple in textbooks), the

Book 1  139 son of Louis the Stammerer and grandson of Charles the Bald, was just eight years old. The West Frankish aristocracy decided that they did not wish to have either Charles the Straightforward or Arnulf as their king, and chose instead to elevate Count Odo of Paris as the West Frankish ruler (888–898). The description of Louis as coming from across the Rhine displays an East Frankish perspective from the author of the Annals of St. Vaast. 399 This chapter is taken from the Annals of St. Vaast. 400 The author’s use of the term civitas can be understood in two different ways, namely as the city of Cambrai, itself, or the region around the city. The church of St. Géry was located outside of the walls of the city 401 The feast of St. Peter is on 22 February. This should not to be confused with the feast of Peter and Paul, which takes place on 29 June. 402 The author’s comments indicate again that it was the region rather than the city itself that was subjected to attack by the Vikings. 403 The Annals of St. Vaast places his assumption of the episcopate in 888. Dodilo was therefore bishop from 887x888–902. 404 Boussy is located between Cambrai and Bapaume 405 Archbishop Fulk of Rheims (882–900). The following chapter is taken from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 4.6. 406 Hincmar had written a similar letter to Bishop Walter of Sens (887–923), and this may be dated to 892. However, neither Hildegard nor Ermengard, noted below, have been identified by scholars. 407 The West Frankish ruler Odo (888–898). 408 It is not clear what event is being described here. 409 It appears that Fulk sent a secular messenger to Dodillo rather than a priest to deliver this letter. 410 Cambrai is located in Lotharingia, and thus was part of the East Frankish kingdom. Dodilo’s appointment should have been subject to agreement by King Arnulf, the East Frankish ruler. 411 Bishop Dido of Laon (882–895). 412 Bishop Hetilo of Noyon (880–902). 413 Bishop Riculf of Soissons (c.885–902). 414 Bishop Herilandus of Thérouanne (887–900). 415 Count Baldwin II of Flanders (879–918). 416 Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 4.7, mentions these letters. 417 The author only uses the term religio here, but it seems necessary that the bishops were angered by Baldwin’s attacks on the church. 418 This is Abbot Rudolf of Cysoing, the son of Margrave Eberhard of Friuli. Eberhard was the son-in-law of Emperor Louis the Pious (814–840). 419 This is the monastery of Cysoing. 420 The reference is to Pope Calixtus I (218–223). The relics had been obtained by Rudolf’s father, Eberhard from Pope Leo IV in 854. 421 Saint Quentin is located 45 kilometers south of Cambrai. 422 Count Hucbold of Ostrevent was the brother-in-law of Abbot Rudolf and a supporter of King Odo of West Francia, whom Archbishop Fulk vehemently opposed. 423 Arnulf of Carinthia, the bastard son of the Carolingian king Carloman of Bavaria, overthrew his uncle Charles III in a coup d’état carried out in 887, and gained sole rule in East Francia. Arnulf gained the imperial office in 896, and then died in 899. 424 Much of the following charter is a duplicate of the charter issued to Cambrai by Louis the Pious, which appears in chapter 39 above. 425 Bishop Salamo III of Constance (890–919). 426 Bishop Wichingus of Neitra (893–899) also briefly held the see of Passau. 427 Archbishop Theotmar of Salzburg (887–899).

140  Book 1 428 The copy of the charter included in the Gesta is the best surviving exemplar of this text. The original charter from Arnulf is preserved at the departmental archive in Lille, but is damaged. See the discussion of this point in Die Urkunden der deutschen Karolinger vol. 3: Die Urkunden Arnolfs, ed. Paul Kehr (Berlin, 1940), 188. 429 This passage is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 4.11. 430 Archbishop Hervé of Rheims (900–922). 431 Bishop Riculf of Soissons (889–900). 432 Bishop Otgar of Amiens (892–928). 433 Bishop Mancio of Châlons (893x895–908x909). 434 Bishop Rodulf of Laon (896–921). 435 Bishop Otfrid of Senlis ((895-c. 899). 436 The borrowing from Flodoard ends here. 437 See chapter 50 above, and also book 2, chapter 9 below. 438 The author is again using references to known current behaviors to provide support to his claims about the past. 439 Bishop Stephen of Liège (901–920). This event is also noted in Folcuin, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, ch. 18. The monastery of Lobbes is located 90 kilometers east of Cambrai. 440 Count Isaac of Cambrai (910–948). 441 Bishop Stephen of Cambrai (909–934). 442 The following passage is taken from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 4.19. 443 Archbishop Seulf of Rheims (922–925). 444 We have not been able to identify this place. 445 This is Count Heribert II of Vermandois (907–943), who was a significant actor in West Frankish political affairs during the 920s through the early 940s. 446 This is the West Frankish king Charles III (the Straightforward), who reigned from 898–922. He was then captured and imprisoned by Heribert II of Vermandois. Charles remained in captivity until his death in 929. 447 This charter was issued on 20 December 911. See Recueil des Actes de Charles III le Simple Roi de France, ed. Ferdinand Lot and Philippe Lauer (Paris, 1940), nr. 68. 448 The term vir inluster was a late Roman designation for socially and economically important man. The term was adopted by the Merovingian rulers of the Frankish kingdom to designate aristocrats. It was then adopted by the Carolingian rulers of the Frankish kingdom to identify themselves, using the same term in a new way for the purpose of creating a sense of continuity between themselves and their Merovingian predecessors. See the discussion by Helmut Reimitz, History, Frankish Identity and the Framing of Western Ethnicity, 550–850 (Cambridge, 2015), 303. 449 Zwentibold was an illegitimate son of Arnulf of Carinthia who held the royal office in Lotharingia from 895–900. Arnulf’s younger son, Louis the Child, became king in Lotharingia after Zwentibold’s death in 900. Charles III gained the dominant position in Lotharingia following the death of Louis the Child in 911. Charles maintained his rule until being captured and imprisoned by Count Heribert of Vermandois in 922. After this point, Lotharingia was conquered by King Henry I of East Francia/Germany and remained in eastern hands for the next several centuries. In October 898, Zwentibold granted the estate of Ligny to the church of Cambrai, but there are no surviving charters from this king to the clergy of Cambrai regarding assets that had been designated specifically for their support. See Die

Book 1  141 Urkunden der deutschen Karolinger vol. 4: Die Urkunden Zwentibolds und Ludwigs des Kindes, ed. Theodor Schieffer (Berlin, 1960), nr. 23. 450 This property may be either Vieslis or New Vieslis located along the river Selles, some 8 kilometers from Cambrai. 451 We have not been able to identify this place. 452 Hainaut is located east of the Scheldt River, and runs along both banks of the Haine river, which gave the county its name. The main population centers in Hainaut were Valenciennes and Mons. We have not been able to identify this specific property. 453 We have not been able to identify this place. 454 Archbishop Hervé of Rheims. 455 Charles was crowned king of West Francia by Archbishop Fulk of Rheims in 893, but only gained the throne in 898 followed the death of King Odo. The reference to gaining his greater inheritance refers to the reacquisition of the kingdom of Lotharingia following the death of the eastern Carolingian king Louis the Child (899–911) in 911. Taken all together, these dates make clear that the charter was issued in 911. See the discussion of this addition to the charters of Charles III by Herwig Wolfram, “Lateinische Herrschertitel im neunten und zehnten Jahrhundert,” in Intitulatio II: Lateinische Herrscherund Fürstentitel im neunten und zehnten Jahrhundert, ed. Herwig Wolfram (Vienna, 1973), 19–178, here 118–120. Also see the discussion of the political dimensions of Charles III’s acquisition of Lotharingia by Bernd Schneidmüller, “Französische Lothringenpolitik im 10. Jahrhundert,” Jahrbuch für westdeutsche Landesgeschichte 5 (1979), 1–31, here 8–18. 456 Cruzy-le-Châtel is a municipality in the department of Yonne in Burgundy. 457 The edition of this text is taken from the autograph manuscript of the Gesta. See Recueuil des Actes de Charles III, nr. 106. 458 See Proverbs 8.15. 459 Count Hagan was a favorite of King Charles III. Rodulf likely was a member of King Charles’ court. See the discussion by Lot and Lauer in Recueuil des Actes de Charles III, 252; and Jean-Marie Duvosquel, “La cession de l’abbaye de Maroilles en Hainaut par Charles le Simple à l’église de Cambrai (920),” in Valenciennes et les anciens Pays-Bas: Mélanges offerts à Paul LeFrancq (Valenciennes, 1978), 175–180, here 177, who disagrees with the suggestion by Lot and Lauer that Rodulf could have been the count of Cambrai. 460 It seems likely that Sechard held this house as a benefice from the royal government, and therefore required the king’s consent to grant it to the church of Cambrai. Sechard was count of Hainaut. See the discussion by L. Vanderkindre, La Formation Territorial des Principautés Belge au Moyen Âge (Brussels, 1902), 65–66, and 163; and Duvosquel, “La cession de l’abbaye de Maroilles,” 176. 461 The implication here is that there already was a mint, which likely was part of the benefice held by Count Sechard, but that there were not yet markets located at the sites of the two monasteries. 462 A league is approximately 1.5 Roman miles, or about 2.2 kilometers. 463 Archbishop Ruotger of Trier (915–930) was chancellor for the kingdom of Lotharingia under Charles III 464 The charter was issued in 921. 465 Herstal had been part of the property of the Carolingian family since the seventh century. It is located along the Meuse River near the city of Liège in Belgium. 466 The term used here is familia, by which the author means the extended household of the bishop, probably including not only clerics, both also laymen such as the milites.

142  Book 1 467 Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 4.24, gives the date for his death in 933. 468 Although generally presenting a favorable portrait of Bishop Fulbert, the author of the Gesta clearly is displeased by the fact that the king was not involved in the bishop’s selection, and that the choice was made by a mere duke. See the discussion of Fulbert’s pontificate by Charles Mériaux, “Fulbert Évêque de Cambrais et d’Arras (933/934–956),” Revue du Nord 86.356–357 (2004), 525–542. 469 Duke Gislebert of Lotharingia (915–939) at first followed the policy of his father Count Reginar I in supporting the West Carolingian king Charles III. However, after the capture of King Charles in 922, and his own failed effort to achieve independent rule in Lotharingia, Gislebert swore loyalty to King Henry I of East Francia/Germany, with whose support Gislebert was able to reestablish his position as duke. Gislebert subsequently married Henry I’s daughter Gerberga, but revolted against his brother-in-law Otto I in 938, and was killed in battle in 939. 470 See chapter 68 above. 471 The author uses the expression “sibi beneficiatam de regio iure tenebat.” This expression makes clear that the monastery and other assets held by the count pursuant to his office were actually the possessions of the royal fisc that had been placed in the temporary possession of Isaac. 472 The term used is vectigalia. 473 The connection between the fortification (castellum) at Cambrai and the tax on merchandise suggests that these revenues were set aside for the maintenance of the walls. 474 This type of jurisdictional conflict was common in cities where both bishops and counts held administrative authority that was delegated to them by the king. In 941, Otto I had confirmed an earlier immunity possessed by the bishops of Cambrai that gave them direct legal jurisdiction over their dependents and excluded the local count, as granting authority over the mint and tolls to the bishop. See Die Urkunden Otto I., nr. 39. 475 In 1007, during the pontificate of Erluin (995–1012), King Henry II gave the bishop sole authority within both the city and within the district around the city (civitas), and so this passage foreshadows this decision and makes clear that it was a good one. See Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser vol. 3: Die Urkunden Heinrichs II. und Arduins, ed. Harry Bresslau, Robert Holtzmann and Hermann Reincke-Bloch (Hanover, 1900–1903), nr. 142. 476 The author’s use of the term magnanimus should be understood as sarcasm. 477 The term indutiola appears to be a neologism. 478 The author is giving a clear example of what good episcopal leadership looks like, and in particular, the need for a bishop to overcome his own fears in order to take actions that are necessary for the preservation of his see. 479 This is Otto I of East Francia/Germany (936–973) and King Louis IV of West Francia (936–954). 480 Hugh the Great was son of King Robert of West Francia (922–923) and the brother-in-law of both King Raoul of West Francia (923–936) and Otto I of East Francia/Germany. Hugh played a major role in the politics of West Francia and controlled much of the region between the Loire and Seine rivers, including Paris. 481 This is Count William I of Normandy, often called William Longsword (927–942). 482 This is anachronistic as Otto was not crowned as emperor until 962. 483 The author juxtaposes duces with principes. In the East Frankish/German kingdom, Dux was used to designate the man who ruled one of the 6 regna at

Book 1  143 the behest of the king. When duces is contrasted with principes, as it is here, it seems likely that the author of the text intended principes to refer to military commanders as this was a standard usage in historiographical texts throughout the German kingdom in the tenth century. See the discussion by Bachrach, Warfare in Tenth-Century Germany, 96–97. 484 This campaign took place in 946. See a near-contemporary discussion of the 946 campaign from the perspective of the Ottonian royal family in Widukind of Corvey: Deeds of the Saxons, trans. David S. Bachrach and Bernard S. Bachrach (Washington, DC, 2014), book three chapters 2–5. 485 Widukind of Corvey, Res Gestae, 3.4, says that Otto sent a picked force to Rouen, but they were unable to capture the city because of the miserable conditions at that time of year. 486 Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser vol. 2: Konrad I., Heinrich I. und Otto I., ed. Theodor Sickel (Hanover, 1879–1884), here Otto I, nr. 100, 182–183. 487 Count Isaac is mentioned in chapter 71 above. 488 This is monastery of Maroilles. See chapter two above. 489 It is noteworthy that although the original investigation and judgment took place at Cambrai in the autumn of 946, the charter and official transfer of the property were not issued until April of the next year at Aachen. 490 Archbishop Frederick of Mainz (937–954). 491 Otto I’s youngest brother Brun would become both archbishop of Cologne in 953 and duke of Lotharingia in 954. He held both offices until his death in 965. 492 This is Otto I’s son-in-law Duke Conrad the Red of Lotharingia (944–953) 493 This is Duke Hermann of Swabia (926–949). 494 The monastery had been possessed legally up to this point by the royal fisc, but was held by Count Isaac as a benefice from the king. 495 This is not an immunity from public exactions and duties. Rather the king is assigning the authority to levy these exactions and duties to the bishop of Cambrai. 496 The charter uses the phrase rei publicae minister, which is different from Carolingian usage, which generally referred to quislibet ex iudicaria potestas. In our view, the use of the term res publica is intended to identify public officials working for the government. 497 After Brun, Otto I’s brother and duke of Lotharingia, drove out the Regnarid family from Lotharingia, he undertook a number of steps to establish his loyalists in key positions within the duchy. It is in this context that Brun appointed Amalric to serve as the count of Valenciennes, a region that was divided from the earlier county of Hainaut. Amalric was appointed at some point after 958 and he held this office until at least 973, when he is mentioned in a charter issued by Otto I. See Die Urkunden Otto I., nr. 426. 498 Catholic teaching prohibited the marriage of individuals who were closely related, either by blood or marriage, or in some cases, by ties of God-parenthood. This passage presages events in book 3, chapter 10 when Bishop Gerard is faced with a difficult choice about whether to permit a marriage that took place within the prohibited degrees of relationship. 499 Ezekiel 13.19. 500 We see here the author’s commentary on contemporary affairs and his effort to use the actions of past bishops as a mirror for current ecclesiastical leaders. 501 This invasion took place in the spring of 954. 502 This date is incorrect. The Hungarian assault took place in 954. 503 The author of the Gesta used the term amicus here rather than nepos, which he had employed earlier in the passage. 504 Saint Hermes was martyred in 120 A.D.

144  Book 1 505 The author is drawing a comparison between the attacks of the Vikings in the ninth century and the attacks of the Hungarians in the tenth century. 506 Pope Alexander I (107–115). 507 This place is also called Kornelismünster, which was first constructed in 814 by Benedict of Aniane, an advisor to Emperor Louis the Pious. 508 The term used by the author is beneficium, which often is translated by historians as benefice in a supposed “feudal-vassalic” context. However, it is clear in this case that the term is used simply to denote a good deed. 509 This charter was issued by Otto I on 30 May 941. See Die Urkunden Otto I., nr. 39. Consequently, the author included this grant out of order with the previous grant by Otto I of the monastery of St. Géry, which came in 947. 510 It is anachronistic to describe Otto as emperor at this time, because he was not crowned and anointed until 962. The author seems to have introduced another neologism in irrefigere, which is based upon the Latin verb figere, i.e., to fix upon or place upon, or to fasten. 511 As will be seen below, the king assigned 90 percent of the revenues to the bishop, and 10 percent to the clerics who were attached to the cathedral church. 512 This is Charles III, the Straight-Forward, of West Francia. 513 Bishop Richer of Liège (921x923–945). 514 This event took place in 941. 515 This passage is borrowed from the Vita Autberti, ch. 19, a new edition of which is published in Gerardi Cameracensis Opera, 95–127. 516 Although he had tried for more than a decade to have Magdeburg established as an archbishopric, it was not until 968 that Otto I gained permission from the pope to do so. The claim in the Vita Autberti regarding Otto I’s ecclesiastical building program goes far beyond what is found in either Widukind of Corvey’s Deeds of the Saxons or in Adalbert of Magdeburg’s continuation of the chronicle of Regino of Prüm, both of which were written in the context of the Ottonian royal court. For Adalbert’s text, see Reginonis abbatis Prumiensis Chronicon cum continuatione Treverensi, ed. F. Kurze in MGH SRG 50 (Hanover, 1890); and the English translation in Simon MacLean, History and Politics in Late Carolingian and Ottonian Europe: The Chronicle of Regino of Prüm and Adalbert of Magdeburg (Manchester, 2009). 517 For the ecclesiastical connections between Magdeburg and Cambrai the movement of relics between them, see the discussion by Charles Mériaux and Paul Bertrand, “Cambrai-Magdebourg: Les Reliques des Saints de l’Intégration de la Lotharingie dans le royaume de Germanie au milieu du Xe Siècle,” Médiévales 51 (2006), 85–96. 518 With regard to Bishop Dietrich, see chapter 43 above. 519 The passage from the Vita Autberti ends here. 520 See the discussion of this text by Steven Vanderputten and Diane J. Reilly, Gerardi Cameracensis Opera, 79–92. 521 This chapter is drawn from Flodoard of Rheims, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, 4.35. 522 Archbishop Artold of Rheims (931–940, and 946–961). He originally replaced Hugh of Vermandois, who was imposed on the see by his father Count Heribert II of Vermandois (see chapter 66 above) when just five years old. Hugh recovered the see in 940 and held the office until 946. The synod of Ingelheim was summoned by Otto I, and took place in June 948. 523 The synod of Mouzon had taken place earlier in 948. 524 The lord in question is Otto I. According to Flodoard, in his Annales, anno 948, the letter was read out loud in German. For the Latin text see Les Annales de Flodoard, ed. Phillippe Lauer (Paris, 1905). For an English translation of

Book 1  145 this work, see The Annals of Flodoard of Rheims 919–916, trans. and ed. Steven Fanning and Bernard S. Bachrach (Peterborough, 2004). 525 Bishop Wido I of Soissons (937-c. 970). 526 Bishop Hildegar of Beauvais (933–972). 527 Bishop Rudolf II of Laon (936–948). 528 Note the similarities with chapter 43 above, where Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims was cleared of charges that were based on forged letters. 529 The term used to denote the texts examined by the bishops is capitula. In the Carolingian context, these refer to the individual chapters in either ecclesiastical or royal decrees and legislation. 530 Bishop Berengar of Cambrai (956–958). 531 Flodoard of Rheims, Annales, anno, 956, records that Berengar came from across the Rhine and was the nephew of Bishop Bovo of Châlons-sur-Marne (912–947). 532 The reference here to Berengar’s native language as German, and its foreignness to the inhabitants of Cambrai, illustrates that most of the population of the city consisted of Romance speakers. 533 The ferocity of the people of Cambrai is a running theme in the Gesta. 534 Brun was duke of Lotharingia, and therefore was responsible for the overall governance of this region, which the author denotes, consistent with contemporary terminology, a kingdom, i.e., regnum. 535 The author makes clear here that Bishop Berengar’s ability to mobilize an armed force was dependent upon the agreement of Brun, who ruled Lotharingia as the vicar for his brother King Otto I. 536 Count Arnulf I of Flanders (918–965). 537 Lambras is a small village located near Douai. 538 The “others” mentioned here are members of the army that the bishop had brought with him to Cambrai. 539 This may be the same place as Gundrecias (Honnechies) granted to Cambrai by Charles III in 911. See chapter 67 above. If so, both of the places granted in this charter are located near Câteau where the bishops of Cambrai maintained a fortification. See book one chapters 86 and 103 above. 540 The author uses the term miles here, which indicates a member of the bishop’s military household. In light of the size of the grant, he almost certainly was a very high-ranking member of the household, and likely also from a socially and economically prominent family. 541 It is noteworthy that the townsmen of Cambrai were armed with spears, and the aftermath described here suggests that there was a battle between the bishop’s men and the townsmen rather than simply a generalized assault on all of those who were in the streets when Bishop Berengar unleashed his troops. The use of the phrase “victoriae pompam” may be understood as a reference to Roman triumphs, and the bishop’s improper arrogation of secular honors. 542 See book one, chapter 93 below. 543 This church is located in Cologne. 544 These are the clerics of the church of Cambrai, who accompanied Bishop Berengar on his journey. 545 Bishop Ingelram of Cambrai (958–965). 546 The author appears to use a neologism here in the term evindicare. It is also noteworthy that the author discusses the role of public hearings or court proceedings in the reacquisition of properties that had been lost. The author’s observations here indicate the continuity of Carolingian legal practices into at least the mid-tenth century, and likely into the author’s own time in the first quarter of the eleventh century.

146  Book 1 547 In his comments to his edition of this text, L. C. Bethmann (p. 432 n. 21) suggests that this property may have been Compiègne, which his located 100 kilometers south-southwest from Cambrai. In this context, see the discussion by Flodoard, Annales, anno, 959. 548 It is unusual to see a group of individuals from a region denoted as holding a benefice. 549 This document no longer survives. 550 Bishop Hadulf of Noyon (955–977). 551 Bishop Ansbert of Cambrai (965–970). 552 The monastery at Arras is St. Vaast. 553 It is noteworthy that the author emphasizes that Ansbert was known to and acceptable to the emperor, in this case Otto I, before becoming bishop. 554 The author uses the term milites here to denote the men against whom the bishop struggled. It is almost certainly the case that the problem arose with respect to those members of the bishop’s military household who came from socially and economically important families, and thus operated from a position of power separate from their service with the bishop. 555 Count Arnulf I of Flanders, as noted in chapter 83 above. 556 The author uses the term cervicatos to denote the milites, which has the meaning of arrogant individuals. 557 Bishop Wibold of Cambrai (971–972). 558 We have not included the lengthy rules and description of this game in our translation. If the reader wishes to examine the text, it is found in volume 7 of the MGH Scriptores, 434–437. It is notable, that clerics learned to play dice while at monastic and cathedral schools, likely because they learned side by side with boys who were being prepared for secular careers. See, in this context, Christoph Dette, “Kinder und Jugendliche in der Adelsgesellschaft des frühen Mittelalters,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 76 (1994), 1–34. 559 It is notable that the leading men of Cambrai sent their request to King Otto I of Germany in the form of a letter, as this illuminates the ongoing importance of epistolary correspondence in the German kingdom during the mid-tenth century. Also see the comments by Karl Leyser, “Ottonian Government,” The English Historical Review 96.381 (1981), 721–753, who stresses (727–728) the ongoing importance of letters for royal governance but does not specifically discuss the Gesta. 560 This journey likely took place in the summer of 971. 561 Bishop Tetdo of Cambrai (972–978x979). 562 This Robert likely was an estate manager for the monastery of St. Denis, near Paris. 563 The term oberati appears to be another neologism by the author. The Italian verb oberare, that is overloaded or overburdened, provides a clue that the author here means that the leaders of the city were overcome by Robert’s promise of gifts. 564 The author is affirming that the appointment of bishops justly resided with the king. 565 Note again the reference to the ferocity of the people of Cambrai. 566 The following chapter makes clear the abuse that the bishop suffered at the hands of John and Walter, both of whom held military command under the bishop as castellans, that is garrison commanders of episcopal fortresses. 567 John’s family, like that of Bishop Gerard of Cambrai, held estates and had important connections within both Lotharingia and in the West Frankish/ French kingdom. 568 This is the John noted above.

Book 1  147 69 This is the fortification (castellum) within the walls of Cambrai. 5 570 St. Quentin was one of two main centers in the county of Vermandois. The other was Péronne. St. Quentin is located 50 kilometers south-southeast of Cambrai. 571 Count Adalbert I of Vermandois (946–987) was the son of Heribert II of Vermandois, who held the county until his death in 943. 572 The author uses the term satellites here to denote the men employed by the castellan. It is notable that the author did not use milites, which would have implied household troops, but rather used a term that can have the negative connotation of accomplices. 573 The author uses the term vassalus here. Lens is located 40 kilometers northnorthwest of Cambrai. The conflict between the bishops of Cambrai and their castellans Walter I and his son Walter II is discussed in detail by Steffen Patzold, “. . . inter pagensium nostrorum gladios vivimus. Zu den “Spielregeln” der Konfliktführung in Niederlothringen zur Zeit der Ottonen und frühen Salier,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung 118 (2001), 578–99. 574 This statement permits the inference that the castellan and Bishop Tetdo had sought the support of all of the leading men in the diocese of Cambrai, but that Walter had, thus far, avoided committing himself to either side. 575 Emperor Otto I died on 7 May 973. The epithets given here provide a clear image of what the circle around Bishop Gerard of Cambrai thought were the duties of a good Christian ruler. 576 This conflict, known as the war of the three Henrys (977–978) pitted Emperor Otto II against his cousin Duke Henry “the Wrangler” of Bavaria (955–976 and again 985–995), Bishop Henry I of Augsburg (973–982), and Duke Henry I of Carinthia (976–978 and 985–989, who also held the Bavarian duchy from 983–985). 577 Reginar, the father, is Count Reginar III of Hainaut, one of the two surviving nephews of Duke Gislebert of Lotharingia, who died in rebellion against his father-in-law Otto I in 938. In 958, Brun, then duke of Lotharingia as well as archbishop of Cologne, exiled Reginar III and confiscated his offices and lands. Reginar III’s sons were the Reginar IV and Lambert mentioned here. 578 That is Emperor Otto I. 579 Brun died in 965, and so was not responsible for the transfer of the comital office in Hainaut first to Werner and Rainald, and then to Godfrey and Arnulf. 580 Count Reginar of Hainaut (964–973) held the office of duke in Lower Lotharingia from 968 until his death. The county and duchy previously had been held by Godfrey I of Lower Lotharingia. Godfrey was appointed to these offices by Brun and held them under Brun’s supervision. 581 The brothers Werner and Rainald were counts of Hainaut in 973, but were killed in battle by the brothers Reginar IV and Lambert. 582 Count Godfrey of Verdun was the brother of Archbishop Adelbero of Rheims (969–989) and held comital offices in Bidgau and Methingau from 959 and 960, respectively. Between 960 and 965, he also acquired the comital office in Verdun. Following the death in battle of Rainald in 973, Godfrey was appointed as count in Hainaut. 583 Arnulf was appointed as count in Hainaut, with his seat at Valenciennes, an office that he shared with Godfrey, noted above. Arnulf held this comital office from 973 until his death in 1012. However, he was driven from Valenciennes by Count Baldwin IV of Flanders in 1007. See chapter 114 above. 584 This is another name for the devil taken from the Hebrew term used in the Bible.

148  Book 1 585 The fortification was in royal hands no later than mid-January 974, because Otto II issued a charter from here on behalf of the monastery of St. Bavo on 21 January, 974. See Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser vol. 2: Die Urkunden Otto des II und Otto des III., ed. Theodor Sickel (Hanover, 1888–1893), here Otto II nr. 69. Also see Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 3.6. 586 Otto II’s rapid and effective response during the winter months indicates that he had substantial military forces as well as logistical capacity at his immediate disposal. 587 The author is condensing matters here. The siege of the stronghold at Boussoit took place in early 974, and the defeat of Duke Henry of Bavaria took place in 977. 588 The use of the term Carlings (Latin Karlenses) seems to be a reference to the fact that the western third of the Carolingian empire had been assigned to King Charles the Bald in the Treaty of Verdun (843), and is thus being used to denote the people of West Francia. The use of the term Karlenses and similar terms by authors writing in the Ottonian realm is discussed by Theo Riches, “The Carolingian Capture of Aachen in 978 and its Historiographical Footprint,” in Frankland: The Franks and the World of the Early Middle Ages: Essays in Honour of Dame Jinty Nelson, ed. Paul Fouracre and David Ganz (Manchester, 2008), 191–208, here 203–204. 589 Charles, the son of the West Frankish king Louis IV, was appointed as duke of Lower Lotharingia by King Otto II in 977 and held this office until his death in 993. 590 King Lothair IV of West Francia (954–986). 591 Eudes (Odo) was the younger son of Count Adalbert I (946–987). The elder son Heribert III (987–c.1000) succeeded his father as count. 592 Count Adalbert I of Vermandois. 593 Mons is located 70 kilometers east-northeast of Cambrai. 594 The author of the Gesta paints a rather more positive picture than does Flodoard, Annales, an., 966, who states that Godfrey was wounded and Arnulf retreated from the field. 595 Gouy is located 18 kilometers south of Cambrai. 596 This invasion took place in 978. 597 The feast of St. John the Baptist is 24 June. 598 The contemporary author Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg uses the term rex Karelingorum, that is king of the followers of Charles, to denote Lothair as contrasted with the Karlensium used by the author of the Gesta. See Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 3.8. 599 Lothair IV was the son of Otto I’s sister Gerberga, and so was Otto II’s first cousin rather than his nephew. 600 That is Aachen, located 60 kilometers west of Cologne. 601 1 October 978. 602 This is Hugh Capet, who at this time was count of Paris. Hugh later would become ruler of West Francia in 987 following the death of the last Carolingian king Louis V. Hugh held office as king until his death in 996. 603 This is a large hill located in the 18th arrondissement of contemporary Paris. 604 This song is sometimes denoted as Alleluia (Praise) the noble army of martyrs. 605 The Aisne River flows north and west from its source in the forest of the Argonne (located near Metz) until it joins the Oise river near Compiègne. 606 It is likely that Otto used mounted troops to carry out raids at a distance from the main army. The feast of St. Andrew is 30 November. 607 The author appears to use a neologism here, turning the noun fretus, which has the meaning of channel or sea, into a verb in the passive infinitive, effretari, which we have translated as to cross.

Book 1  149 08 This is the same Count Godfrey of Verdun and Hainaut, noted above. 6 609 The implication of this passage is that with the men across the river, there would be fewer obstacles to transporting the supply train. It is notable that the author uses the term milites here to denote all of the fighting men in Otto II’s army collectively. 610 Note the author’s use of ferunt to distance himself from accepting the information as true. 611 These are the animals and vehicles that Lothair had captured from Otto II’s baggage train. 612 It is possible that Lothair intended to use the carts and wagons to establish field works for his men in preparation for an attack by Otto II’s army. 613 This is Count Geoffrey Greymantle of Anjou (960–987). His presence at the battle is attested by his descendent Fulk V of Anjou (1109–1129 and subsequently king of Jerusalem 1131–1143). See the commentary by Georg Pertz on the text of Richer’s Histories in MGH SS 3 (Hannover, 1839), 623 n. 63. See the discussion of Geoffrey Greymantle’s service under Hugh Capet by Ferdinand Lot, “Geffroi Grisegonelle dans l’épopée,” Romania 19 (1890), 377– 393, here 392; and the discussion of this passage by Riches, “The Carolingian Capture of Aachen in 978,” 202. 614 This is the same Count Godfrey of Hainaut, noted above. 615 Count Godfrey apparently was one of the messengers sent by Otto to Lothair’s camp, and it was there that Count Geoffrey of Anjou, who was in Lothair’s army, heard the challenge. The implication of Count Godfrey’s remarks is that the German royal court had detailed intelligence regarding politics in the West Frankish kingdom. 616 The author uses the term vassalli here. 617 The author’s use of the term epacare appears to be another neologism. 618 Lambres is located two kilometers west of Douai. Douai is situated 25 kilometers northwest of Cambrai. 619 It is noteworthy that the author had access to information about the history of this estate and its previous holders. His possession of this information suggests that records regarding episcopal estates were preserved in the bishop’s archive. 620 See chapters 95–96 above. 621 This may be the same Heriward who previously held the estate of Lambras, mentioned in the previous chapter. 622 Tetdo held the office of bishop at Cambrai from 972 to c. 978. Count Arnulf I of Flanders died in March 965 so this chapter is placed out of order here. However, it is possible that the author of the Gesta is confounding Lothair’s invasion of the German kingdom in 978, which took place right at the end of Tetdo’s pontificate, with Lothair’s earlier invasion of Flanders which took place immediately following the death of Count Arnulf in 965. 623 This river rises in Pas-de-Calais and flows into the Scheldt at Ghent, Belgium. Lothair’s occupation of these lands was pursuant to his agreement with Count Arnulf, negotiated in 962, whereby the Carolingian king would support the accession of Arnulf’s grandson Arnulf in return for territory in southern Flanders. See the discussion by Jean Dunbabin, “The Reign of Arnulf II, Count of Flanders and its Aftermath,” Francia 16 (1989), 53–65 here 56; and Anna Lisa Taylor, Epic Lives and Monasticism in the Middle Ages 800–1050 (Cambridge, 2013), 200. 624 This is Duke Charles of Lower Lotharingia (977–993) who was the younger brother of King Lothair IV. 625 The author is referring here to a brief campaign in late Autumn 979 in Poland. See chapter 102 above, and also Bruno’s, Vita Sancti Adalberti, ed. Georg Pertz in MGH SS 4 (Hannover, 1841), ch. 10. 626 Count Godfrey of Hainaut.

150  Book 1 27 This is Count Arnulf of Valenciennes. 6 628 The author’s use of the term commessationes likely is intended as an illusion to Paul’s Epistle to the Romans 13.13. 629 The author is drawing on the traditional hostility of the church to merchants to highlight the evil behavior of Duke Charles. In essence, what Charles did was privatize the public functions in the city that were carried out by members of the bishop’s household. Alpert of Metz, a direct contemporary of the author of the Gesta offers a similarly negative view of merchants in his On the Variety of Our Times, 1.8 and 2.20. 630 It is noteworthy that the author stresses here the central role of the properly ordained ruler in protecting the church from provincial and private interest. 631 Bishop Rothard of Cambrai (979x980–995). 632 Otto II spent Christmas at the royal estate of Pöhlde in 979 and remained there until at least the 30th of December. See Die Urkunden Otto II., nr. 208. 633 It is notable that the author again points to the appropriateness of the emperor selecting the bishop. 634 Bishop Notker of Liège (972–1008). 635 In 980, Easter fell on 11 April, so Rothard’s arrival can be dated to late February or early March. 636 Archbishop Adalbero of Rheims (969–989). 637 The monastery of Gorze, located near the city of Metz, was an exceptionally important imperial monastery that played a leading role, under the direction of the Ottonian kings, in the reformation of monasticism within Lotharingia and the German kingdom more broadly. 638 This place is now called Rues-des-Vignes and was the location of a major battle in 717 in which the Carolingian mayor of the palace Charles Martel, the grandfather of Charlemagne, defeated the Neustrian magnates. It is located nine kilometers south of Cambrai. 639 This is Eudes, the son of Count Adalbert I of Vermandois. 640 Counts Godfrey of Verdun and Hainaut, and Arnulf of Valenciennes. 641 It is notable that the bishop of Cambrai had the authority to summon other imperial office holders to undertake a military campaign. 642 This passage provides considerable insight into the military organization of the diocese of Cambrai. The bishop would appear to have the legal authority to summon the counts and other magnates to undertake military duty in the public interest. However, there is no surviving grant by the king of such a regional military command, nor is such a grant mentioned by the author of the Gesta. In addition, the bishop also clearly had the authority to mobilize the population living within the walls of Cambrai and in the surrounding district for military operations that were to take place within the boundaries of the diocese. 643 This is Eudes. 644 Compare this discussion of the altar gifts provide by Bishop Rothard with the description in chapter 63 above. 645 Villers-Outréaux is located 18 kilometers south of Cambrai. 646 Otto II departed for Rome in November 980. 647 This is not accurate. Otto II summoned significant reinforcements from Germany in 981. A surviving administrative document detailing this military summons, known as the indiculus loricatorum, provides information about the mobilization of some 2,000 heavy cavalry and almost certainly an equal or greater number of support personnel from ecclesiastical and secular office holders in Germany. For the text of the indiculus loricatorum, see Constitutiones et act publica imperatorum et regum 911–1197, vol. 1, ed. Ludwig Weiland in MGH (Hanover, 1893), 632–33. Also see the discussion by Bachrach, Warfare in Tenth-Century Germany, 87 and 233.

Book 1  151 648 This is the battle of Cap Colonna fought on 14 July 982 against the Muslim emir of Sicily, Abu al-Qasim. Although the latter was killed in the battle, the combined German-Italian army under Otto II’s command suffered a significant defeat, and Otto, himself, was almost killed. He was rescued by a rabbi named Kalonymous from Lucca, whose family later benefitted from considerable imperial largesse during the course of the tenth and eleventh century in Germany, and particularly at the city of Mainz. 649 The author is using the topos of the “home side” being outnumbered by the enemy. However, it is not clear that Otto II’s army was smaller much less significantly smaller than the forces deployed by Abu al-Qasim. 650 The author is making an important point about military matters, namely that military intelligence and planning are crucial for success. 651 Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 3.21 tells a different story. Thietmar wrote that Otto escaped from the battlefield with Kalonymous and several others. The crew of the first ship they saw would not take them on board. However, a second ship had a member of the emperor’s household on board, and picked him up. In both cases, Otto II is described as riding his horse out into the water rather than swimming on his own. 652 The use of messengers suggests that Otto II was not alone when rescued by this ship, but rather had companions as indicated by Thietmar of Merseburg, as noted above. 653 Bishop Dietrich (French Thierry) of Metz (964–984). 654 Otto II died on 7 December, 983, so the author is compressing events here. 655 This is Henry the Wrangler, who did not actually hold the Bavarian ducal office in 983. Henry the Wrangler was a first cousin of Emperor Otto II, as their fathers, Otto I and Duke Henry I of Bavaria were brothers. 656 This is Otto III, the son of Otto II, who was born in 980, and officially held the office of German king after his father’s death until his own death in 1002. Otto III was crowned emperor in April 996. 657 This is Otto II. 658 This is Otto III. 659 Bishop Wigfried of Verdun (959x962–983). He died on 31 August, 983. 660 The author uses the phrase milites episcopali to denote the men involved here. The description provided here differs in significant ways from Richer’s description in Histories, book 3.101 where he indicates that it was the townsmen and not the bishop’s milites, who defended the city for eight days. Richer also adds that the city surrendered when Lothair began constructing siege equipment and it became clear that the city’s allies would not be coming to its rescue. For the Latin text, see Richer, Histoire de France (888–995), vol. 2 954–995, ed. Robert Latouche (Paris, 1937). For an English translation, see Justin Lake, Richer of Saint-Rémi, Histories 2 vols (Cambridge, MA, 2011). 661 Magnates loyal to Otto III caught Henry the Wrangler on the road near Weimar in Thuringia, and compelled him to hand over the boy in order to avoid being attacked by an overwhelming force. See Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 4.7. 662 This is Count Godfrey of Verdun and Hainaut, who had been captured by Lothair while defending the interests of the German kings in Lotharingia. 663 Heriger served as abbot of Lobbes from 990–1007. 664 The monastery of Lobbes was under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the bishop of Cambrai but the properties of the monastery were under the temporal jurisdiction of the bishop of Liège. It is notable that the author uses another neologism here, namely subintentare, to mean subordinate.

152  Book 1 665 The reference is to St. Benedict of Nursia (died c. 543) whose Rule (Latin Regula) provided the basic framework for the organization of Benedictine monasteries throughout the Middle Ages. 666 Before becoming abbot of Lobbes, Heriger studied and taught at the cathedral school of Liège, and then became the head of the school at Lobbes. Heriger is the author of a history of the early bishops of Liège titled Gesta episcoporum Leodiensium, which ends with the death of Bishop Remaclus in 667. This text was edited by Joseph Heller in MGH SS 25 (Hannover, 1880). 667 Matthew 6.22. 668 Rule of St. Benedict, chapter 2. 669 See Rule of St. Benedict, chapter 2 and also 1 Corinthians 9.27. 670 Psalm 33.10. 671 Proverbs 10.3. 672 Psalm 36.25. 673 Luke 12.31. 674 Pope Gregory the Great, Liber regulae pastoralis, ed. Henry R. Bramley (Oxford, 1874), part 1 chapter 5. 675 Falrad of was abbot of the monastery of St. Vaast from 990–1004. 676 The author is drawing a clear contrast between the poor monastic leadership of Falrad and the good leadership offered by Heriger of Lobbes, which was discussed in the previous chapter. 677 This is a claim that Falrad brought public shame upon his monastery. 678 It is rather Count Baldwin IV of Flanders who was involved in this affair. He held the office of count from 987 till 1035, but only gained his majority in circa 996. Before then, the regency in Flanders was held by his mother Rozala. See Steven Vanderputten, Monastic Reform as Process: Realities and Representations in Medieval Flanders 900–1100 (Ithaca, 2013), 57 and 84 for a discussion of the efforts by Count Baldwin of Flanders to manipulate the situation at St. Vaast. 679 This is Count Baldwin IV of Flanders. 680 For an edition of the forged charter, see Diplomata, Chartae, Epistolae, Leges, aliqaue Instrumenta des Res Gallo-Francias Spectantia, ed. Louis-Georges De Bréquigny, Francois Jean Gabriel. La Porte du Theil and Jean-Marie Pardessus vol. 2 (Paris, 1849), 180–182. Also see the discussion by David Van Meter, “Count Baldwin IV, Richard of Saint-Vanne, and the Inception of Monastic Reofrm in Eleventh-Century Flanders,” Revue Bénédictine 107 (1997), 130– 146, here 133–134. 681 The claim made by Falrad is that the monastery of St. Vaast enjoyed a complete immunity from episcopal oversight. 682 See chapter 64 of the Rule of St. Benedict. 683 That is the Gesta. 684 This is Abbot Falrad. 685 See chapter 44 above. This is an example of how the text of the Gesta was intended to be used to strengthen the claims of the bishops of Cambrai with respect to their ecclesiastical and temporal rights. 686 The body of St. Vaast was restored to the monastery on 15 July. 687 Falrad attempted to gain outside support to maintain his position against Bishop Rothard, including writing a letter to Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury (990–994). For the text of this letter, see Steven Vanderputten, “Canterbury and Flanders in the Late Tenth Century,” Anglo-Saxon England 35 (2006), 219–244, here 238–239. 688 The author gives here a very clear statement of the ideological argument that drives the agenda for the text as a whole.

Book 1  153 689 690 691 692

Matthew 5.15. Matthew 23.3. See Die Urkunden Otto III., nr. 72. This wording seems to indicate that the scribe who composed the charter on behalf of Cambrai used for his model a much earlier version of the immunity in which just a single king was named as the original grantor of the document, perhaps Charlemagne’s confirmation of an immunity granted by Pepin III. Otherwise, one would expect a repetition of names of Otto I and Otto II as the earlier grantors, rather than “eiusdem regis,” which is both a singular form and means king rather than emperor. 693 Bishop Hildebold of Worms (978–998) served as head of the royal chancery under Otto II, and held this office until 998. 694 Archbishop Willigis of Mainz (975–1011). 695 The year is 991. 696 See Die Urkunden Otto III., nr. 164. The original charter is preserved in the Départemental Archive at Lille. The copy of this charter by the author is incorrect in several places, particularly in the dating clause which has it in 995, when it actually was issued on 23 April 1995. 697 The term used in this charter is foresta, which as the technical meaning of a woodland in which hunting was permitted by royal license. A foresta generally is to be contrasted with a silva, which is a woodland where hunting is not permitted because the holder does not have a royal license for this activity. 698 The Sambre is a tributary of the Meuse River. 699 This confirmation clause differs from the surviving original charter, where Otto is denoted as rex rather than imperator, and the dating clause where it states “done in the twelfth year of the reign of Otto III.” So unless the charter copied by the author of the Gesta is a confirmation of the original, issued two years later, he purposely altered the text to make this an imperial rather than a royal grant. Indeed, this later dating of the text places it after the end of Rothard’s tenure as bishop, and the reconfirmation may have been sought by his successor Bishop Erluin. 700 Rothard died on 17 August 995. 701 Bishop Erluin of Cambrai (996–1012). 702 Erluin spent considerable time traveling to the halls and courts of magnates in the region. 703 Bishop Notker of Liège, noted above. 704 Abbess Mathilda of Quedlinburg (966–999) was the daughter of Otto I and sister of Otto II, and so an aunt of Otto III. 705 Azelin was the illegitimate son of Count Baldwin III of Flanders, the grandfather of Count Baldwin IV (987–1035). 706 Bishop Azelin of Paris (1017–1020). 707 Abbess Sophia of Gandersheim (1001–1039) was the daughter of Otto II and so the sister of Otto III. At the time of the Bishop Rothard’s death, the 20-year old Sophia was accompanying her younger brother, the king, as a member of his court. 708 That is the request of Otto III’s aunt Mathilda. 709 The feast of St. Denis is on 9 October. 710 The author uses the term milites aecclesiae. 711 This episode is out of chronological order here. Archbishop Arnulf of Rheims (998–991, and 999–1021), the illegitimate son of King Lothair IV and the halfbrother of Louis V (986–987), was deposed at the command of Hugh Capet, king of West Francia (987–996), because of Arnulf’s effort to install his uncle Duke Charles of Lower Lotharingia as king in opposition to Hugh.

154  Book 1 712 Gerbert of Aurillac was one of the greatest scholars of his age. However, he had a tumultuous career in the church. He served as a tutor for Otto II, and then served as the head of the cathedral school at Rheims. Gerbert briefly served as abbot of the monastery of Bobbio in Italy, but came back to Rheims. Following the deposition of Arnulf in 991, Gerbert was selected in his place and held the archbishopric during a problematic reign that lasted for several years, until he accepted an appointment as a tutor for Otto III. After this, he was appointed as archbishop of Ravenna in 998. He was then elected as pope in 999, and held this office under the name Sylvester II until his death in 1003. 713 He wished to recover the see of Rheims from which he had been suspended by Pope John XV (985–996). 714 Otto III was going to Rome to be crowned emperor by the pope, which took place on 21 May 996. 715 Pope John XV (985–996). 716 The author has this confused, and placed the names in the wrong order. Pope Gregory V (996–999) was the great-grandson of Otto I and first cousin (onceremoved) of Otto III as well as his chaplain. 717 This chapter was not given a rubric. 718 He uses the very rare word caraxaturus to denote something that is confirmed. It is otherwise found in only a limited number of texts including the preface to St. Adamnan’s Vita of St. Columba. 719 This is incorrect. The papal charter was issued in the first year of Otto III’s imperial reign, but the 13th year of his reign as king of Germany. 720 It was a longstanding law in the German kingdom, dating back ultimately to Roman imperial law, that all fortifications had to be licensed by the government in order to be legal. However, this particular document does not give the bishop the right to establish a new fortification, but rather to hold a market and establish a mint in an existing fortification. The author may be using the grant to the bishop of all “public functions” associated with the fortification as the basis for his claims about receiving a royal license to establish a new stronghold. 721 This forested area extended from the sources of the Sambre River to the boundary with the county of Namur. 722 The old name for this place was Perrona villa or Vendelgeias, as seen later in this chapter. See the discussion by Michel Rouche, “Un act privé carolingien de l’eglise de Cambrésis,” Comptes rendus. Académie des inscriptions et BellesLettres 2 (1980), 360–372, who provides the history of this estate and the wooded region around it. 723 There is no surviving charter recording Zwentibold’s grant of the estate of Peronna to Cambrai, and the recovery of Peronna is not mentioned earlier in the text. The failed effort to recover Peronna is mentioned in chapter 86 above. 724 The county of Condros was located south of the Meuse River, stretching from Namur toward Liège. The county of Hesbay is located at the western edge of the Eifel mountains, which run between western Germany and eastern Belgium. 725 See Die Urkunden Otto III., nr. 399. 726 This is probably Archbishop Leo II of Ravenna (999–1001). 727 The modern French name for this place is Câteau-Cambrésis. For the background of this property and how it came into the possession of the bishops of Cambrai, see Rouche, “Un act privé carolingien de l’eglise de Cambrésis,” 360–372. 728 The phrase used here is the comitatus of the comes Arnulf, who is the same man who held office as count of Valenciennes (973–1012), and also held the office of count for the district but not the city of Cambrai up through 1007.

Book 1  155 The term comitatus refers not to a specific geographical district with defined boundaries, such as the county of Hesbay, but rather to the entire set of administrative competencies and revenues of a particular count in whatever places these had been assigned to him by the king. 729 The immunity clause borrows from the papal formula rather than the traditional Carolingian-Ottonian formula, in that those prohibited officials include dukes and margraves. 730 Archbishop Heribert of Cologne (999–1021), became royal chancellor in Italy in 994, and became chancellor in Germany in 998, following the death of Bishop Hildebold of Worms. 731 The monastery was located within the extended walls of Cambrai. See chapter 63 above. 732 King Henry II of Germany (1002–1024). 733 Count Baldwin IV. See chapters 33 and 107 above. 734 Count Arnulf of Valenciennes (973–1012) who was held the same office in the county of Cambrai until 1007. 735 The bishop and the count had joint responsibility for exercising delegated royal authority in the city and county of Cambrai. 736 The author here is making a political comment on what he clearly saw as the doomed efforts to revive the Roman Empire in its earlier form. 737 This seems to be a thinly veiled criticism of Otto III for abandoning his natural and traditional German advisors, particularly the bishops of the German kingdom such as the bishops of Cambrai. 738 This siege of the imperial palace in Rome took place in February 1001. 739 This is Margrave Hugh of Tuscany (969–1001). Also see Vita Sancti Bernwardi episcopi Hildesheimensis auctore Thangmaro, ed. Walter Berschin and Angelika Häse (Heidelberg, 1993), c. 27; and Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 4.48. 740 Pope Silvester II (999–1003). 741 Otto III died on 24 January 1002. 742 The term used here is the ninth hour. 743 King Henry II of Germany (1002–1024). 744 The reference here is to Duke Henry II of Bavaria (955–976 and 985–995), also known as Henry the Wrangler. See chapter 94 above. 745 Otto III and Henry II shared a great-grandfather in King Henry I of East Francia/Germany and so were second cousins. 746 Count Baldwin IV of Flanders. 747 Count Arnulf of Valenciennes. 748 The author of the Gesta is eliding the difficulties faced by Henry II in securing the royal succession, and the opposition that he faced from both Margrave Ekkehard I of Meissen (985–1002) and Duke Hermann II of Swabia (996– 1003). This is likely due to the author’s overall effort in the text to present Henry II as an ideal king and ruler. 749 Traditionally, someone accused of a crime was given three opportunities to obey a summons to attend court hearing regarding his guilt. If he refused on three occasions to attend this hearing, he was declared guilty, and could also be declared to be outside the law, that is an outlaw. 750 The reference here is to King Robert II of West Francia/France (996–1031), called the Pious, who was the son of King Hugh Capet. It would appear that because the Capetians succeeded the Carolingians as rulers in the West, the author of the Gesta used the same designation for Robert as he did for the last of the significant Carolingian rulers in the west, namely Lothair IV. 751 Duke Richard II of Normandy (996–1026).

156  Book 1 752 This campaign took place in September 1006. See Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 6.29. 753 The description of Bishop Erluin’s delegation of authority in his absence illuminates the governance of the city of Cambrai and its hinterland. The bishop employed both ecclesiastical and secular officials in the administration of the city, and the leading members of his military household had significant nonmilitary assignments. The multi-tiered competencies of the primi among the bishop’s milites is consistent with what is known about the use of secular officials to carry out a range of both military and administrative tasks in the Carolingian and Ottonian empires, and which would also be the norm for military households of dukes of Normandy, counts of Anjou, and later the AngloNorman and Angevin kings of England. 754 Ghent was one of the centers of comital authority in Flanders, and its loss would entail a considerable setback for Count Baldwin. 755 This campaign took place in the summer of 1007. See Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 6.29. 756 Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 6.29 also discusses the grant of Valenciennes to Baldwin as a benefice. 757 Abbot Falrad of St. Vaast, noted above in chapter 107. 758 See chapter 107 above. 759 This passage offers a very clear statement by the author of the Gesta regarding the political and theological claims of his patron, Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. 760 See Matthew 16.19. 761 Heribert became abbot in 1004. See the discussion by Taylor, Epic Lives and Monasticism, 204–205. 762 Heribert was deposed as abbot by Count Baldwin of Flanders working in conjunction with Bishop Erluin of Cambrai. See the discussion by Van Meter, “Count Baldwin IV,” 134. 763 Richard, the abbot of the monastery of Saint Vanne at Verdun, was appointed as abbot of St. Vaast in 1008. See Taylor, Epic Lives and Monasticism, 205– 206, and Van Meter, “Count Baldwin IV,” 136. 764 This is the monastery of St. Vaast. 765 The hostility to the Jews indicated by this passage is consistent with other contemporary texts such as Alpert of Metz in his De diversitate temporum. 766 The reference here is to Falrad rather than Arnulf, who lived until 1021. 767 The verb used here is militare. 768 This is the same estate noted above in chapter 86. 769 The women’s work (feminae opera) noted here likely refers to the production of cloth and clothing, which was typical in the Carolingian and post-Carolingian period. See the basic study by David Herlihy, Opera Muliebra: Women and Work in Medieval Europe (Philadelphia, 1990). 770 The senior in question here is Walter the castellan. 771 That is his summons to heaven. 772 He died in 1012. The death of Erluin was recorded Die Annales Quedlinburgenses, ed. Martina Giese (Hanover, 2004), for 1012. 773 This Seiherus should not be confused with Walter’s paternal uncle of the same name. 774 Péronne is located in Picardy approximately 35 kilometers southwest of Cambrai. This man may be the castellan of Péronne. See the discussion by Le Glay, Chronique, 541. 775 The author clearly enunciates the obligations of those who held public authority both to follow the law and to protect those under their jurisdiction from attacks by outsiders.

Book 1  157 776 It is not clear to whom the author is referring here when he uses the term barbari. 777 The author is playing on the idea of the metaphorical fox in the hen house, that is Walter held the public office that made him responsible for maintaining the public welfare but instead used his office for personal gain at the expense of those he was supposed to protect. 778 This is Seiherus, the brother of the younger Walter. Regarding the efforts to establish Seiherus as bishop, see the discussion by Van Meter, “Count Baldwin IV,” 140. 779 See chapter 110 above.

Book 2

Here begins the second book about the monasteries that are located within the diocese.

Preface I am writing about the deeds of the bishops and their various acts, just as memory presents itself, or at least as much as the aridity of our feeble intellect permits,1 up to the end to Lord Bishop Gerard, who now holds the see, but now that this all has been completed, the first book demands an end. The second book ought to begin with this same lord bishop, as the order of affairs appears to demand. However, we are leaving him to the side for the moment and interrupt this order because we have decided to discuss the monasteries that are under the authority of this bishopric, showing where they are located, what is the manner of worship in each, which bodies of the saints they hold, and what manner of servants they have.2 Each shall be mentioned in turn, but we shall begin with the monastery of the blessed and glorious Mary, the mother of God, for just as she stood above all others because of her highest title, she also is to be preferred to the others now by right. 1. First regarding the monastery of St. Mary and about a certain man there who was tested, and then saved. There is no doubt that we have heard that this place has been made famous for the most part by divine miracles for the praise and honor of the mother of the Lord. But we mourn that memory has been diminished through the negligence of writers. However, we will not suffer to remain silent regarding the few miracles, from among the many, which we have heard about from those who saw them, or those that we, ourselves, have seen recently.3 For it happened in the time of Erluin4 that a certain mason or carpenter, named Helfrid, climbed up the bell tower of this monastery for some urgent purpose. But he fell as his foot slipped on a greasy spot. He crashed, half alive, to the ground in the choir, itself, as many people were looking on. He fell with such force that if some fortune-teller had promised Helfrid would survive, the crack in the indented floor where he fell would

160  Book 2 have given every reason to challenge such a prediction. The damage to the floor, which remained for a long time after this, testified to his grave danger, and indeed that he was being rushed off to his death with no hope of recovery. There was an immediate outpouring of sympathy and compassionate grief for this man as a result of this accident, and he was piteously lamented in this sudden accident. His friends grieved. In their sadness, they blamed the Lord, and wailed5 out their complaints most of all against St. Mary, saying: “why did she show him favor merely to have the one she raised up as a servant for herself suffer such a disaster?” He was then lifted up and placed on a litter and carefully and thoroughly anointed with medicines, not because of any hope for his recovery but rather because of humane concern. Little by little he was restored. I believe that he recovered his health because of the assistance provided by the merits of St. Mary, and lived for a long time after this. It is agreed with the most certain testimony that many others also were freed from diverse misfortunes. 2. Regarding the falling bell tower, and that it returned to its proper position because of the merits of St. Mary. Recently, Lord Gerard the bishop undertook to expand the choir of the monastery with a crypt. When it appeared that this work was almost complete, he decided to facilitate the project and ordered that the old buildings be taken down to their foundations. The workmen labored for some time in a well-orchestrated manner and all followed the same plan to tear down the structures. But as one part was taken down and the roof was broken, the ancient walls, which were leaning because of their great age, fell further than the workers had expected as a result of the repeated blows. The walls crashed with a great roar right up to the bell tower. Clerics and laymen, weak and powerful alike, were astonished by the great noise and rushed from their homes. When they caught sight of the danger posed by the threatening ruin, they were very sad about the disaster facing the bell tower. The great mass of this ruin threatened an even greater ruin, and one that was imminent because the mass was taller and was heavier because of the weight of the bells.6 Indeed, because the hanging mass was bent toward the east under its great weight, no one could doubt that it was in imminent danger of collapse. However, the people raised up a shout demanding God’s mercy, and soon, miraculously enough and, as we believe, through the merits and intercession of the glorious mother of God, the tower’s collapse was halted after a short time and it then returned to its correct position. After the collapse was at an end, the remaining roof was made whole. However, a beam was torn off from the highest part of the building and was hanging above the corner of the altar of St. Mary, which the bishop had ordered to remain intact, and threatened everything. Yet, after the beam had fallen, the relics of the saints, which earlier had been deposited during consecration of altar, itself, were found unharmed by God’s will. 3. Regarding the brother of the bishop who was cured there. In recent times, Elbert, the brother of the bishop, was changed from a layman to a monk, as we, ourselves, clearly witnessed that he was returned to

Book 2  161 health after a long illness in that place. Elbert decided to come to Cambrai for the purpose of visiting his brother, but while he was on this journey, he was overcome by such a great illness that he could not complete it. He was received along the course of his route by the brothers at the monastery of St. Prix7 where he spent a long time with an unbearable illness. When he had recovered a little bit through the help of medicine so that he could just barely sit on a horse, he had himself carried to his brother, although it was not easy. When he arrived there, Elbert suffered even more from his illness, so that people were soon saying that he would die. However, it happened on the eve of the feast of the holy confessors,8 namely of St. Vaast and St. Amand, that Elbert was about to go celebrate matins,9 and taking up his walking sticks, he decided to enter the monastery of St. Mary. Miraculously, he was visited by God and improved to such an extent that he stood up tall, casting aside the walking sticks that had held him up. From that day onward, he experienced a cure from his illness to the amazement of many people. There is no doubt that this gift is to be attributed to the merits of the holy mother of God and of the saints noted above.10 4. Regarding the location of the monastery of the most glorious father St. Géry. We believe that it is appropriate to list in second place after the monastery of St. Mary, the monastery of Géry, the most glorious confessor of Christ and bishop of this same city. It is quite fitting and appropriate that the city of Cambrai is maintained by his patronage under the leadership of Lady Mary. The city is raised up by the illustrious renown of his name, and so in this little work we place his home next to the home of the Lady Virgin. During the period of his pontificate, as is clear to those who read his Vita,11 the summit of the mountain where the monastery is now located was the site of a grove dedicated to the ancient madness.12 It was dedicated by idolaters in previous times for holding demonic rites in order to subvert souls. This man of the Lord, whom we ought to remember joyfully, was inspired by divine counsel, and therefore decided to cut down the grove. After destroying the idols completely, he constructed a basilica in honor of St. Medard. Thus, he transformed a placed given over to filth into a home of prayer and sacrifice. With true foresight, he established a mausoleum for his own rest there, and a small abode fit for a welcoming way station. For after the thirty-ninth year of his pontificate, the all-powerful King and most generous Dispenser of Justice,13 summoned His bravest soldier to his reward to make an accounting for his labors. After his honorable burial in the same monastery that he had established, he awaits the day of judgment. Kings, magnates, and other very powerful men therefore soon became inflamed by the variety of signs and prodigies through which Géry blazed before his death. They were astonished even more by the exceptionally numerous signs and prodigies that the merciful and compassionate Lord deigned to permit to take place endlessly through his merits after Géry’s death. They flocked to the tomb of the most holy man from many regions, and begging for the patronage of such a great man for themselves, they

162  Book 2 brought the most splendid possible gifts. The monastery immediately began to grow, with great zeal, because of this great influx of property. A large cohort of brothers was entrusted with the task of serving God and his most holy confessor in perpetuity. This house, which was located at the top of the mountain, seemed to suggest very clearly that its illustrious inhabitant14 would always spurn temporal matters, and long with all his desire for heavenly things. From this point on, this place was endowed with a variety of different kinds of wealth. It was built up through the numerous benefactions of good men. They did not only give the more lucrative and productive dependent lands in estates15 located nearby and in the neighborhood, but also in far-off regions. These diverse and profitable assets, which as I say were of every possible type, are attested in documents that are located in the archive of the church.16 This place, which once was preeminent both because of its elegance and great suitability, brought manifold grace and great honor to the entire province, and thoroughly distinguished the city through the excellence of its own worth. It was a venerable and royal monastery, prospering in every respect, so that you might believe nothing could compare to its manifold fortune. However, as we touched on briefly in the first book, because of the sins of men, it later was destroyed and mercilessly plundered of its entire treasure first by the persecutions of the pagans, and then the Hungarians, along with many other churches of the Gauls.17 Not only could this monastery not be brought back to the grace of its previous state, which is true and mournful in itself, but it also rushed at an accelerating pace toward the precipice. Because of the fecklessness of those directing the monastery, even Géry’s foresight was not able to maintain so many varied possessions in so many different regions, some of which were located far away and others that were located nearby. The most evil of the plunderers in the district, now that the age had turned so bad, stole what good men had given for the salvation and remedy of their souls. Such is the nature of the love of human ambition. What is even worse, even some of those governing the monastery did not turn away from fraud, but rather took, stole, and plundered. What can I say? The once very numerous brothers now declined in number so that now in the time of Bishop Gerard the poverty of this monastery is such that just fifty receive their meals together every day in the refectory. However, many other more crowded basilicas have been constructed nearby and in far-off regions in memory of him, our father,18 and for the veneration of his monastery. In these places, benefices are offered to those seeking a holy life, and divine clemency deigns to permit many indescribable prodigies of virtue to take place for the honor and glory of this most holy confessor. A great number of things happened, so many that they cannot be confined within a specific number. We have information about some of what happened up to this point, either through certain informants or from what we have seen, ourselves. However, for the most part, envious breezes

Book 2  163 took pleasure in seizing for themselves the greater part of this information.19 We treated briefly in the first book the very small number of these accounts, which could not remain hidden. Much more can be found in the volume that is written about his life, if anyone should wish to do so.20 5. Regarding a madman who was healed. In order that this text might enjoy and be worthy of having a holy and joyful reputation, I have chosen to include only a very few things that I personally saw in contemporary times as a youth.21 But I shall mention the numerous delirious people22 of both sexes whom I saw healed up to that point, and one in particular whom I do not believe anyone has surpassed with respect to his great madness. He was foaming at the mouth and grinding his teeth. Although his hands were bound behind his back, he still struck himself, and could only be held with great difficulty. It was as if he were undaunted in the full force of his fury without any concern for the violence that he did at the devil’s suggestion. He kept on saying forbidden things, and suddenly jumping around, biting numerous people who were unaware. It was only with the greatest difficulty that he was led to the monastery of the most blessed confessor. He was seen raging there for many days, so that no one dared to come into contact with him. But not long after this, mercifully he was visited by the heavenly physician, through the pious intercession of the patron,23 and he received help in regaining a healthy and sound mind. So after his fellows had returned home in great joy, Gerard, himself, for this was the man’s name, decided to remain in the monastery to serve God and His most holy confessor. When he had served there for a long time with the highest devotion as a member of the household, it happened that he had the opportunity to visit his father’s lands.24 When he was headed there, and was not yet a significant distance from here, he met an elegant, gray-haired priest, who was ancient in both his face and his habit, as the man was accustomed to say about himself. The priest addressed Gerard in the following manner: “Where are you going?” he said. Gerard answered, “For some time I have served the most holy father Géry in return for the favor he showed to me. Now, however, my family wish me to come to visit, and I am eager to return to my home.” The priest replied, “It is better for you to remain so that you do not seem ungrateful for the great kindness that you were shown.” However, Gerard, who was very moved by his love for his homeland, put aside these warnings and carried on for a short while. But soon thereafter, he was seized by a demon much worse than before and became so deranged that he was intent on hurling stones at whomever he happened to meet on the road. He was captured with great difficulty by a large group of people. Bound by thongs, he was dragged back to the monastery because, inspired by a diabolic teacher, Gerard hurled scornful comments against the Catholic faith, and was threatened and then beaten with whips. However, no one could restrain the deceitful verbosity of his rabid mouth until finally, in the midst of these scourges and chains in front of the altar of the holy man, sleep

164  Book 2 crept up on Gerard, who then lay prostrate from exhaustion. After a short time, Gerard awoke and got up. He had recovered his mind through divine favor. Everyone was in awe and wept with joy. He prostrated himself before the altar, overwhelmed with shame and penance. He confessed his guilt and prayed for forgiveness for his sins. Then, having regained his faculties completely, he fully committed himself to the monastic oaths,25 and did not dare to leave again until a long time later he received permission from his brothers to go to Rome. It should be noted that there is no doubt that St. Géry appeared to Gerard in the guise of the priest who met him, that is the one whom we mentioned a short space above. 6. Regarding the man who was healed. There is still a man serving in this monastery, named Hildebert, whom we know became healthy again after a long illness because of the merits of the holy man. He suffered from some sort of illness, which I do not know, for almost an entire year so that most of his body was dead and could not carry out any human functions. In order to cure him, Hildebert’s father spent a considerable portion of his wealth in frequent visits with physicians, but there was no progress, and he was unable to gain what he sought. In the midst of this mysterious and distressing confusion, the father finally received the sensible and salubrious advice that he seek the medicinal aid of St. Géry because it is here that the ill often recover their health, and where madmen and lunatics are delivered. Therefore, immediately after making his decision, the father placed the sick man in a vehicle and carried him to the monastery. Hildebert’s father placed him before the tomb, and promised that if Hildebert were returned to health, he would be handed over in perpetuity to the service of St. Géry. Why would I offer some rumor?26 A short time later, Hildebert received the grace of divine healing. In return for the grant of such a great kindness, Hildebert undertook to live in the fashion of the monks, and afterward underwent a conversion in the monastery.27 7. Regarding the fire that was extinguished through the merits of St. Géry. In the year of the incarnation of the Lord 1027 on the 15th of July, an enormous plague of fire rose up in this city.28 It burned a great part of the city, and the raging flames, which were fanned by the winds, grew even stronger and spread all the way up to the homes that were located right next to the monastery of the holy man, and inevitably consumed the houses that were overtaken by the flames with ravenous destruction. Now an even greater fear arose about the possibility of the church burning. For there was little doubt that if the nearby homes were burned, the monastery itself would be seized by the fire. As the flames grew stronger, the fear developed even further. With balls of flame of flying, the people as well as the clergy roared with a clamor directed toward heaven. Soon, two of the clerics, with the agreement of the others, headed toward the holy tomb, and with a boldness born of fear, they brought out the silver coffin holding the most holy body, and quickly lifting it up, they bore it toward the raging flames. Immediately, the entire fire gave up its fury and collapsed through the action of

Book 2  165 divine clemency and the supporting merits of the holy man, so that you might think that it had been showered with water from a rainstorm.29 Many other things come to mind that must be told about this man, but the great brevity of this book does not offer space for them. What can I say about the multitude of sick people from all walks of life who gather there every day and recover their health? What shall I say about these stories when more are always coming to light, indeed, even more through my own experience than are told to me? Thanks to God, the saint recently restored me to health when I was suffering from an unbearable fever.30 8. The author includes his own trouble. The considerable inconvenience of the fever, which held for a long time, compelled me to limit somewhat my writing.31 For although, thanks to God, my body recovered in just a brief time from the vexing blow, my mind yielded until just recently to this sorrowful wound, and lacked the strength to write more fully. Therefore, we will pursue the business of this little work with a limited quill.32 9. Regarding St. Aubert. The monastery of St. Aubert is located within the walls of the city, but has just a few canons.33 Benefices are offered to those seeking a holy life here. In addition, through God’s aid, many prodigies took place here for the glory of His confessor, although it is certain that these have been lost to memory either because of the lack of writers or because of indolence. 10. Regarding Honnecourt. Let us pass to the monastery of St. Peter in the estate of Honnecourt where a document records that St. Pollina rests.34 The outstanding man Amalfridus35 founded this monastery along with his wife Childebertana. Then, after establishing nuns there, he placed their daughter Auriana in charge.36 This house once flourished in both piety and in wealth. But now, after it was granted as a benefice to some fighting men,37 it has just a few canons.38 11. Regarding the estate of Baralle. In the district that is called Baralle by the inhabitants, there is a monastery with a congregation of canons that was established, they say, by King Clovis, and was consecrated by St. Vaast in honor of St. George.39 This place has an arm of that same martyr. The great wealth and venerable status of this house are attested by its marble columns and beautiful old buildings that survive up to the present day. In the days of Bishop Dodilo,40 the canons there saw that the raving Northmen were bringing destruction everywhere in the province and, as we noted above, defiled sacred spaces and burned the holy houses of God. So they carried their sacred relics as well as certain other necessities to our church and were received with great benevolence by this same bishop. After they waited for some, they judged that the enemy had departed, and so the canons requested permission to return to their home. But the bishop did not wish to agree to this request, and warned them to put off their return for the moment. He warned that they should be concerned about the perfidy of the enemy, and that they should suspect

166  Book 2 an ambush on their return journey. He urged that they not rashly give credence to the deceptive view that they might find certain safety. Heeding the bishop, therefore, they remained for some time. After a few days had gone by, however, they again went to the bishop, claiming that the enemy had departed, that everything was safe, and that they could return safely. In response, the bishop said, “What rashness moves you? I do not believe what you are claiming, but perhaps there is some rumor that has fooled you. Remain here. Stay here, I urge you. You will not miss any of your practices in the meantime while you are with me. But that people is ferocious and cunning, and does not spare anyone. If you come upon them unexpectedly, the more hasty the daring, the more serious the penance will be.”41 He added for the benefit of those who were strenuously objecting to his view, and were claiming that there was no doubt that everything was completely safe: “Since this is your judgment, let it be! I place the decision in your hands. However, I will keep the relic of the precious arm here with me.” Through his foresight, the bishop arranged matters so that if by chance – as later events later proved to be true – the enemies attacked, he would not despair at losing a treasure of such great importance. After accepting the bishop’s permission under these terms, the canons organized their provisions, and began to return with such great obstinacy that they became demented and did not accept the counsel of the bishop, noted above. They had not yet gone three miles from the city when they were intercepted by the unexpected enemy, and died by the sword. Their monastery was destroyed, and the entire region around and nearby, with the exception of the strongholds, was severely pillaged.42 Afterward there was just one priest at the head of a very small church. The sacred arm remains with us up to the present day.43 12. Regarding the estate of Sains-lès Marquion.44 Not far from there is a place called Sains-lès-Marquion where it is said there was a convent for women consecrated to the religious life.45 St. Saturnina rests there.46 This virgin girl from Germany was born to noble parents, and from a young age committed her virginity to the Lord. When her parents decided, according to the rules of secular society, to arrange a marriage for her, she preferred to keep the integrity of her chastity through a heavenly husband, she greatly abhorred the marriage bed of mortal men. However, realizing that she could not resist the will of her parents, or evade the appetite of her wanton spouse, she secretly left her paternal home and fled. When she reached this region, she ended her life in martyrdom in the district noted above, because the man, who had made an arrangement with her parents, followed the fleeing girl all the way to this place. When the girl caught sight of him behind her in the distance, she trembled all over and did not know how she might escape from the ravening jaws of this beast. What should she do? But then, as if she were a simple animal, she snuck in among the shepherds who were tending their flock there, thinking that she could hide in this manner from the one seeking her. However, the youth chased her, and attacked like a wolf hungering for an innocent little

Book 2  167 lamb. Then pulling out his sword from his scabbard, he cut off her head. But soon after, as the ancient account dares to claim,47 she picked up her own head in her hands, and as the people looked on, she carried it to the church that was constructed in this estate in honor of St. Rémi. Thereafter, a monastery was constructed by faithful Christians for the veneration of this girl, and was given to a congregation of nuns. However, because of the events noted above,48 the property subsequently was given over to the support of a single priest. There is, however, another old rumor that a long time after this the Saxons came to this region for some uncertain purpose, and as they were crossing through this same district, they heard the sacred story, and carried off part of the body of the holy virgin. 13. Regarding the monastery of St. Mary of Arras. Let us proceed now to the region of Arras. For the monastery of St. Mary, where the episcopal cathedral was once located, has forty canons.49 In our times, Rodulfus, the treasurer of this church, has enriched it by following the advice of Bishop Gerard. However, this venerable place would be less in need if the count of the Flemings, who held power nearby, was not in the habit of periodically resisting the church because of his arrogant feeling of superiority.50 In the second year of the episcopate of Gerard,51 many very precious relics of saints were found next to the altar of Mary, the mother of God, which St. Vaast had consecrated in his day. Because of God’s clemency, a range of miracles took place over the course of three years, illustrating their status as relics. Lepers were healed, those with crippled limbs gained full human use of them, and many regained their health after being cured of a range of illnesses. 14. Regarding St. Vaast. The monastery of St. Vaast, which we mentioned above, was constructed within the stronghold of Arras by St. Aubert.52 This house rejoices in the religious practices of the monks and is made illustrious by numerous prodigies of virtue that derive from heaven. 15. Regarding the two basilicas. There are two basilicas for canons next to this church in the same stronghold of Arras, one in honor of St. Mary and the other in honor of St. Peter the Apostle. 16. Regarding Maroeuil.53 In the neighborhood of Maroeuil, there is a monastery for canons. St. Bertilia rests here, and it is she who handed over her property to St. Mary.54 17. Regarding Aubigny.55 Back in the district of Aubigny there is a monastery for canons dedicated to St. Kilian, who is said to have been Irish.56 18. Regarding the monastery of St. Vindicien. Likewise, there is a monastery for canons dedicated to St. Vindicien, bishop of Cambrai, which is located on Mont-Saint-Éloi,57 for this is the name of that place. After it was confiscated by the fisc for the use of soldiers, it was returned because of an immunity to the few brothers who remained.58

168  Book 2 19. Regarding Lucheul and Pas.59 Furthermore, there were two basilicas for canons in the small districts of Lucheul and Pas. These places also later were handed over as benefices to soldiers, and fell into poverty.60 20. Regarding the cell of the Holy Savior. There is a settlement called Billi-Berclau61 belonging to St. Vaast that is located in a marshy area, with a considerable amount of pasturage that is suitable for sheep, and is therefore of particular use to the monks. After considering the advantages offered by this place, Abbot Leduin62 decided to establish a monastery there, and sought the authority of the bishop for this. He offered two appropriate reasons for this: first, that he might send off some of the monks from among the thronging crowd at the monastery of St. Vaast, and second so that the properties of the church around this place might be held more securely. Because he knew that Lord Gerard the bishop was participating in an episcopal council, he asked for permission to put his plan into effect in the presence of the entire synod.63 After obtaining the bishop’s permission without any difficulty, the abbot hurried to build the monastery. When it was finished, he was able to have it consecrated by the lord bishop, himself. The bishop changed the name of the place, and thus it came to be called the cell of the Holy Savior. 21. Regarding the fortification at Douai.64 Furthermore, there is a monastery for canons at the fortification of Douai. The bodies of St. Maurontus and St. Amatus rest there.65 It must be known, however, that before the establishment of this fortification and the alteration in the previous custom, the toll that is now levied in this same fortification on behalf of the power of the threatening count of the Flemings was paid at Lambras in the estate of the holy mother of God.66 This toll had been part of the royal fisc, but in the time of Bishop Stephen it was given to St. Mary by King Charles.67 In that time, there was a port in Lambras. However, after the settlement of the stronghold at Douai, ship traffic was diverted there, and only a half of the toll proceeds were paid to our estate. However, by chance, King Childebert was buried at Lambras.68 While this king was preparing to go besiege his brother, who was staying at Tournai at that time, St. Germanus, the bishop of Paris, foretold to him, as if with holy foresight, that he would not be able to set out to finish this business if his intent was to kill his brother. However, Childebert spurned the bishop’s words and made preparations to carry out his plan. But so that the prediction of the holy bishop would not be in error, the king was kept from his journey by death, and was placed below the ground in the aforementioned estate of Lambras. 22. Regarding the monastery of Lens.69 There is also a monastery for canons in the fortification at Lens. St. Vulganius rests here. He is said to have been Irish.70 23. Regarding the estate at Hénin-Liétard.71 In the neighborhood that they call Hénin-Liétard there is a basilica in honor of St. Martin that before this time was under the direction of a single

Book 2  169 priest. Recently, however, Robert of Arras,72 who was seeking a remedy for his soul, took the advice of Bishop Gerard and provided for twelve canons to live there at his own expense. 24. Regarding the neighborhood of Belgicus.73 Similarly, in the region of Arras in a neighborhood that the inhabitants call Belgicus, there was a basilica for canons that dedicated to St. Rémi. They say that miracles from heaven frequently take place here.74 It should be noted that this place was prominent long ago, and that our entire region up to the present time takes its name from it, namely Belgica.75 25. Regarding the neighborhood of Hasnon.76 In the neighborhood that they call Hasnon, there was a royal monastery that was very wealthy. The greater part of the bodies of St. Marcellinus and Peter rested there.77 Now, however, because of the weakened morals of this degenerate age,78 very few clerics serve there, and we weep that this place is both desolate and poverty stricken. 26. Regarding Marchiennes.79 The glorious virgin of God Rictrudis constructed a monastery at the villa of Marchiennes using her own wealth and property, following the counsel of St. Amand, who was preeminent at that time. Nuns were assigned to serve there and she governed there, holding the reins of authority as abbess.80 The practice of religion grew considerably during her lifetime, and after her life, it grew somewhat, and the church developed steadily. However, in this decadent age, as we mentioned, devotion always declines. And so the group of nuns also became decadent and depraved. And now their depraved customs have endured up to the present day. Indeed, the aforementioned abbot Leduin recently drove from this holy place those women, who were living there shamefully. He had the support of Bishop Gerard and Margrave Baldwin.81 He then established monks there who would serve God and the aforementioned virgin, who rests there, better and more piously. 27. Regarding Hamage.82 Not far from there is the estate of Hamage. St. Eusebia, the supporter of Christ and the daughter of the aforementioned virgin, constructed this church using her hereditary property. She established nuns there, and as abbess, endowed the church with great wealth for its support. However, now after much time has passed, the church has only a few canons. 28. Regarding Denain.83 Going back again toward the district of Denain, St. Raginfredis established a cell there with her own property. After establishing nuns there, she ruled as abbess. Afterward, however, this place declined into poverty, and only a few canons lived there until in our time Count Baldwin restored the house to its previous state following the counsel of Lord Gerard the bishop and of Abbot Leduin. He established nuns there living by a rule, and appointed an abbess named Ermentrude. 29. Regarding the estate of Haspres.84

170  Book 2 In the time when the Normans were raging through this kingdom,85 as they were raging through others, as we mentioned above, urged on by that tyrant Rol,86 they burned the churches of the saints everywhere because of the sins of the Christians. Because of this enormously powerful storm, the bodies of the saints, namely Aicadrus87 and Hugh,88 were carried from the monastery of Jumièges, which was located on the Seine river not far from the city of Rouen, to the estate of Haspres, which is separated by no more than ten miles from our city.89 We say that it is uncertain if this estate belonged to the aforementioned monastery before the saints were brought there,90 or whether at that time was given to Jumièges by the king or by some magnate as a remedy for his soul for the purpose of receiving these saints. It is certain that St. Aicadrus was established as abbot of the monastery of Jumièges by the most esteemed abbot St. Philbert of this same monastery.91 He ruled in a sacred manner and was illustrious for the manner of his life and for his radiant virtues. The holy man of God, Lord Hugh, the bishop of Rouen and the son of King Karlmann,92 burned with divine inspiration at the pious manner of life of Aicadrus. Hugh set aside the reins of his bishopric, gave up his secular responsibilities, and sought with all his desire the discipline and habit of the monks.93 He was learned in the holy teachings of his master, and shone forth as having been perfected in every kind of virtue. Both who and what they were will be evident to those who read their Vitae.94 Evidently, afterward they were both left in this estate.95 Then, after a monastery had been built and monks were established there, blessed and merciful God deigned to permit many famous prodigies of virtue to take place there in praise of them. In fact, there were so many miracles that after the monastery was founded, none of the powerful men from the region dared to do anything to the house on the occasions that they passed by on campaign. But because the abbot96 for these monks was so far away, and was accustomed to visit only rarely because of the difficulties posed by the distance, they were cast adrift and were released to enter freely into the secular world. And so they were endangered in the absence of a guide, and lived in this irregular manner up to the time of Bishop Gerard. When the bishop saw this, he frequently urged the abbot97 to correct this situation. But because, as we mentioned, the abbot was far off, the correction was delayed. So it happened that the bishop passed through this estate out of concern for the church, and pointed out the filthy manner of life of the monks to Abbot Leduin, who was his companion on this journey. The bishop then offered this salutary and agreeable advice, namely that if the abbot were to exchange some of the property belonging to St. Vaast, which was located nearby the aforementioned monastery,98 for some of the property of this latter monastery that was near to St. Vaast, then Leduin would be aiding this place to the benefit of his own eternal reward.99 However, Leduin hesitated in the midst of this conversation, and objected as if the exchange were difficult. A short time later, however, after the abbot had

Book 2  171 pondered the matter in good faith, and carefully and thoroughly considered the opportunity, he let the bishop know that he would follow the bishop’s suggestion if he could obtain such an exchange from Abbot Thierry. The bishop was very happy about this. He immediately dispatched an emissary to Abbot Thierry and warned him about the danger to his soul unless he consulted with the bishop in time. Because he was located so far away, he ought to exchange this property. If the abbot did not do so, then the bishop along with Margrave Baldwin would expel the false monks, and would undertake, with all of his authority to improve this place. The abbot used good judgment in this matter, and decided to satisfy the bishop’s demands. So, he accepted the property of St. Vaast that was located nearby Jumièges and transferred the estate of Haspres to Abbot Leduin.100 This exchange was carried out in the presence of King Robert of the Franks as well as of the counts, namely Baldwin of the Flemings and Richard of the men of Rouen,101 and was confirmed by them.102 As was appropriate for a builder, Abbot Leduin strove with every effort to improve this place for the praise and veneration of the saints who rested there. He also saw to it that the house was distinguished with new buildings and that the cloister adhered to the rule.103 30. Regarding Valenciennes. Count Arnulf,104 with the counsel and authority of Bishop Rothard, established a monastery for canons in the stronghold of Valenciennes in honor of St. John the Baptist. After gathering the resources for this opportunity, the count established twelve canons there. 31. Regarding the monastery of St. Salvius.105 No far from there, there was once a church that was constructed in honor of St. Martin. Now, however, there is a monastery for canons there in honor of St. Salvius, the bishop and martyr. For in that time, St. Salvius, who was zealous for his heavenly Father, gave up the reins of his bishopric in order to go on a pilgrimage.106 Then, after setting out abroad, he decided to dedicate himself to preaching. So he went from place to place bringing the word of God to the people, and was especially focused on the celebration of masses. But when Salvius arrived in this area and was traveling one day from the port of Valenciennes to the district of Condros, he was captured by a certain evil man who had set an ambush. He was bound and taken prisoner. His priestly vestments and episcopal regalia, which had carried with him, were taken away and he was then killed. He was buried by pious men in the aforementioned church of St. Martin. At that time and thereafter there were many miracles. The number and the type of his miracles is clear and can be found most fully in the book of his passion.107 The ruler of this region, Charles Martel, was astonished by these miracles, and strengthened this place with grants from the same fiscal estate at Valenciennes and from other properties for the salvation of his soul. Then, after allotting resources for their support, he established canons there.108 32. Regarding Maroilles.109

172  Book 2 The holy man of God Humbert, who was distinguished for his sanctity and also for his considerable wealth, came from the district of Laon and chose the estate of Maroilles as the place for his holy conversion.110 With his own property and wealth, he established a monastery in honor of the holy mother of God and of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, on the basis of the authority granted to him by the apostolic see.111 Brothers were established to serve there, and he, himself, also served the Lord. This distinguished man shone forth with the signs of virtue and through the merits of his teaching and of his life. He finished the labor of his life in this place, was buried, and rests in peace. The first emperor Otto, the son of King Henry, as we set out in some detail in the first book, transferred possession of this monastery to the church of the holy mother of God at Cambrai in the time of Bishop Fulbert.112 33. Regarding the estate of Wallers.113 St. Landelinus established a monastery for a few brothers in the estate of Wallers.114 He placed St. Dodo, a man of good reputation, in charge. He was especially esteemed for his holy manner of life. He led an innocent life, and having set down the labor of his own frailty there, he rested happily in peace. 34. Regarding the estate of Fussiaux.115 There is a monastery in the estate of Fussiaux where Hetto, the holy man of the Lord and an Irishman, came, directed by holy providence, and remained for some time.116 He then, at last, came to the end of his journey and passed to Christ. Divine compassion deigned to permit many worthy lessons of virtue to take place in order to demonstrate his merits. It was because of this that certain pious men handed over to the holy man such enormous gifts that it was possible for the house to admit some canons. 35. Regarding the monastery that is in the estate of Hautmont.117 There is also certainly merit in mentioning the neighborhood that they call Hautmont where St. Vincent, along with the numerous religious men who were with him, completed his conversion. Vincent,118 the outstanding count and husband of St. Waldetrudis,119 who was eminent according to the reckoning of the secular world and also very powerful because of his property and family, nevertheless was shaped by the learning and numerous exhortations of St. Aubert, the bishop. Furthermore, Vincent despised the pomp of the secular military life. So he decided that he would prefer to devote himself to the service of God.120 Therefore, while he was weighed down by care and worried about seeking a place for his conversion, divine mercy certainly was made available to fulfill the desire of this holy man. For on a certain night, the Lord let the snow fall and sprinkled the whole region around and nearby with a snowy dew with the exception of the small place in the aforementioned neighborhood that remained uncovered in the shape of a cross. Through this sign, the man of God understood that his desire had been met with approval from a higher counsel in heaven. Having been given greater certainty by this divine

Book 2  173 sign, he soon founded a monastery with his own resources in this same place. His teacher Aubert, accompanied by other pious men, dedicated this monastery in honor of the apostles Peter and Paul. It was there that the holy man happily had his conversion and strove to carry on a praiseworthy life of holiness. Many pious men were drawn to his pious conversion. After handing over their wealth and possessions, they spent time with the holy man, and bound themselves to the rules of the ordered life.121 Then, however, the monastery began to receive gifts from kings and princes, and became overcrowded with brothers. So that he could serve God more easily, Vincent went off to a more isolated place, which I will discuss shortly. Because of his model and also because of the pious example of the monks there, the monastery continued to grow for a long time. However, its wealth was stolen away through the attacks of the gentiles122 and through the numerous quarrels of those within the monastery so that monastic order was reduced to a canonical one, and remained in this state up to the time of Lord Gerard the bishop.123 When the bishop learned this, he improved the situation at the command of Emperor Henry,124 and with the counsel of Count Hermann125 and the agreement of his own brother Godfrey, that is the brother of the bishop, who held this place as a benefice from Count Hermann.126 Then, after appointing Folcuin as abbot, he reformed this place to its earlier status.127 This man, however, that is the abbot of good reputation, balanced the office that was connected with his title with the greatest energy and labor. Within the monastery, he also provided instruction on keeping the rule. With respect to external matters, he endowed this place throughout his tenure, up to the present day, with beautiful buildings and other things that were necessary for the use of the monks. 36. Regarding the monastery of Maubeuge.128 It also should be mentioned that there is a monastery for women at Maubeuge,129 which the blessed virgin of Christ Aldeguna constructed with her own property for the sake of her own conversion. Afterward St. Aubert, accompanied by many men, dedicated it. Then that praiseworthy virgin, the sister of the aforementioned Waldetrudis, received the veil of the blessed faith after being instructed by St. Aubert. She led a pure life of innocence there with a large throng of sisters. Then setting aside the lump of her body, she met with her Heavenly Husband, bearing a burning torch. 37. Regarding the monastery of Lobbes.130 We should now turn to the monastery of Lobbes, which gained the great honor that it now bears a short time after its holy beginning under St. Landelinus.131 We read in the book of his life132 that this man Landelinus, who from his childhood had been taught both his letters and the holy way of life by St. Aubert the bishop, afterward fled from his pious teacher because of the trickery of the devil and handed over his clerical office into the hands this plunderer. The very kind master received this man back, I say, after he had been recalled from his error through lengthy lamentation and prayer.

174  Book 2 The master restored him to health with sweet correction and kind consolation, and urged him to spend time alone in this same place, so that he might correct his errors in a more disciplined manner and live a reformed life. So a building was constructed where he would live and it was consecrated in honor of the apostles Peter and Paul.133 Landelinus accepted a few men who were pure in their manner of life, and fulfilled the counsel and commands of his master equally with respect to both their manner of life and their labors so that day to day he advanced and climbed to the summit of a most holy life. As the place where this holy man lived began to flourish because of his pious transformation, however much it overflowed in external affairs because of the generosity of kings and other powerful men, it grew to the same extent in interior matters because of the great number of monks. And so Landelinus soon removed himself so that he could maintain his servitude to God more strictly, and decided to seek out a more secret location, which we will discuss shortly. He established as his successor in this place the blessed man of God, Ursmarus,134 who was endowed with a pious manner of life. Later, Ursmarus was consecrated as bishop with the task of preaching.135 He came from the estate of Floyon, which is located within the woodlands of Thièrache.136 Ursmarus demonstrated an innocent manner of life to his brothers and devoted his days to good works.137 We will describe below that this monastery flourished when St. Erminus138 succeeded this learned man, and soon expanded fully as a church to the glory of God, as it appears in the present day. 38. Regarding the monastery of S. Ursmarus and St. Erminus. Let us add something about the little building that is the resting place for these saints of God. For there was a parish church that was attached to the aforementioned monastery, which was located at the top of a mountain. This was where the monks and also all of those living in the area were carried to be buried. The most blessed men Ursmarus and Erminus also were carried to this place to be buried when they had died. Divine mercy deigned to permit numerous miracles to take place here in order to make manifest the merits of these two saints. But because we touched briefly upon St. Ursmarus above, it is not inappropriate that we provide some information about St. Erminus as well. This man led a praiseworthy life.139 He was very wealthy and came from the county of Laon. He advanced day by day in good works, and gained a reputation for his trade in all of the virtues. Saint Ursmarus, who governed the aforementioned monastery, frequently summoned this man because word140 of his good reputation spread far and wide. Understanding that the day when this man would accept his vocation was coming near, Ursmarus appointed Erminus as the leader of the monastery to hold this office, when he, himself, took up the stole and duties of a bishop. After being summoned to serve as the vicar for Ursmarus, Erminus devoted himself even more fully to the holy faith. After being instructed in the mold of his own teacher, he devoted himself to the sheep that had been placed in his care.141

Book 2  175 He expended his property at Erclus142 on behalf of the brothers. After both of them had been summoned for their reward, first St. Ursmarus and then Erminus the holy man of God, they were buried in that parish church. So many great gifts were given to this place that it was turned in contemporary times into a monastery, and canons were admitted there. 39. Regarding Mons.143 There are two monasteries in Mons, one of which is for women. Saint Waldetrudis, the wife of the aforementioned St. Vincent and sister of St. Aldegunda, constructed this one.144 When her husband St. Vincent left behind the shipwreck of this world and sought out the port of the monastery, she also spurned this world, inspired as she was by divine mercy. Intoxicated by the Holy Spirit and comforted by St. Aubert, she chose to wear the holy veil. She then used the property from her dowry and her own property as well to found a monastery in honor of St. Mary with the approval and authority of her patron St. Aubert. There, she led a life of praiseworthy purity alongside a large number of other women who formed a close-knit community. As she was going to meet her Heavenly Spouse, she prepared a torch with an inextinguishable light for him.145 The other monastery is for the canons of St. Germanus. 40. Regarding the cell of St. Ghislain.146 Not far from here, in a place that they call “the Cell,” is a monastery for the monks of St. Ghislain. This man was warned by an angelic vision, and departed from Athens. The route of his pilgrimage brought him to this region.147 He founded a monastery with the authority of St. Aubert and with the aid of St. Waldetrudis, who then remained with him for a time in loving companionship. Whoever wishes to know how long and in what manner he lived, can read about this more fully in the Vita that was written about him life.148 41. Regarding the neighborhood of Crespin.149 There is a monastery for canons in the neighborhood of Crespin. The holy man of God Landelinus, whom we mentioned a short time earlier, went there when he left his monastery of Lobbes because of the large number of brothers. He did this after setting his affairs in order and commending the monastery to the care of the man of God Ursmarus. When he came to the end of his pure life and passed to Christ, Landelinus was buried in peace and blazed with many virtues. However, this little monastery was transferred to the authority of the church of the holy mother of God at Cambrai, as can be seen in the royal edict in the first book.150 However, because of the plundering assaults by the gentiles, or perhaps because it was alienated during the change in reigns, this property was granted as a benefice from the fisc to soldiers.151 42. Regarding the estate of Condé.152 There was once a wealthy royal convent for women, constructed in honor of St. Mary, in the estate at Condé. Now, however, because of its poverty, this place is a monastery for just a few canons. The holy man of God,

176  Book 2 Wasnulfus, an Irishman, who completed his journey here, was buried and rests in peace with his fathers. He made this place illustrious with his merits and miracles. 43. Regarding the estate of Leuze.153 There is also a monastery for canons in honor of the apostles Peter and Paul, which was constructed by St. Amand in a neighborhood that is called Leuze. This is a rich monastery where the venerable man of God Baidilo rests. He is said to have carried the body of St. Mary Magdalene from Jerusalem to Burgundy in the place called Vezelay.154 44. Regarding the neighborhood of Renaix.155 There is a monastery for canons in the neighborhood of Renaix that also was founded by St. Amand in honor of these two apostles. It is here that the precious martyr of God Hermes rests.156 However, we marvel at the fact that Louis the Pious gave this ancient and wealthy place to the monastery of Inda.157 45. Regarding the estate at Eename.158 There is a place located on the Scheldt River that they call Eename. In contemporary times, the venerable man Count Godfrey and his wife Mathilda, the venerable matron, constructed a fortification there and established a river port, a market, a toll, and other businesses because it was their property and was suitable for their purposes.159 They founded a monastery in honor of St. Mary within this stronghold and established canons there. Their son Hermann established two monasteries outside of the walls, one in honor of St. Laurence and the other in honor of the Holy Savior.160 Now, therefore, as we recently have learned, this place flourishes with an abundance of all things. However, it would flourish even more if it were not shaken by frequent enemy attacks. Indeed, it suffers most of all from the enemies of God because of its role in maintaining the stability of the kingdom and because of its loyalty to the emperor.161 46. Regarding the estate of Soignies.162 Let us return to the place that we mentioned above was sought out by St. Vincent,163 after he left behind his brothers at Hautmont. This place is called Soignies by its inhabitants.164 The man of God, accompanied by his brothers, established a monastery here far from the bustling crowd. He happily passed the course of his life there. He was then buried and rested in peace with his son Bishop Landricus of Meaux.165 47. The monastery in the place called Mechelen.166 There is a monastery of canons at Mechelen where the precious martyr of God Rumold, an Irishman, rests.167 He led the life of a hermit there and also was martyred there. This monastery, which was constructed in ancient times, was heavily endowed with royal grants.168 48. The monastery of St. Guntmar. Not far from here is a monastery for canons that Guntmar, the man of God and an illustrious layman, constructed with his own property. He is buried there and waits for the day of the resurrection.169

Book 2  177

Notes 1 The notion of having an intellect or skill that is aridas is a standard modesty topos among clerical writers in the early eleventh century. See, for example, the use of this expression by the author of the contemporary Vita Burchardi in David S. Bachrach, The Histories of a Medieval German City, Worms c. 1000-c. 1300: Translation and Commentary (Farnham, 2014), 50. 2 With respect to this last question, the author is referring to the order of monks who live in these monasteries rather than to individuals of servile status. 3 The author’s method for analyzing information is made explicit here. Information found in texts is superior to oral testimony, but the latter is acceptable. 4 He was bishop from 996–1012. See book one, chapter 110 above. 5 Here is another example of a neologism, namely the term eulogiose, which appears only in this text. 6 These are the bells in the bell tower that has been impacted by the mass of stone from the falling walls. 7 This monastery is located near St. Quentin. 8 The feasts of both St. Vaast and St. Amand fall on 6 February. 9 Matins is the canonical hour that ends at dawn. 10 The reference is to St. Vaast and St. Amand. 11 This is likely a reference to the third version of the Vita of St. Géry that was more or less contemporaneous to the first redaction of the Gesta and was composed by its first author. 12 This is a reference to the traditional religious observances of the pre-Christian Roman Empire. 13 That is God. 14 The reference here is to St. Géry. 15 The author uses the expression villarum coloniae. A colona usually is understood as a property held by a colonus, who has a hereditary connection to a piece of property, but which he does not own and for which he pays rent. Thus, the coloniae villarum should be understood as the properties held by coloni within particular estates. 16 The author is making clear that he investigated this archive as part of his research. The Latin term here is archivum. 17 The author uses the Roman term Galliarum here, perhaps drawing on Caesar’s statement at the beginning of the Commentarii de bello Gallico that Gaul is divided into three parts. 18 These are the churches that were dedicated in honor of St. Géry. 19 See book one, chapter 28 above where the author discusses how much of the information about the past has been lost. 20 This is the third version of the Vita of St. Géry, which was written by the first author of the Gesta. 21 The authorial voice switches here from the first-person plural to the first-person singular, which may suggest an interpolation by the second author. 22 The author uses the term freneticos, which is not found in medieval Latin, but is an early Italian word. 23 This is St. Géry. 24 The term used here is paterna colonia. 25 These are the oaths of poverty, chastity, and obedience. 26 The author is implicitly avowing that the information that he is providing comes from his own eyewitness testimony, which he is contrasting with unreliable information that comes from unsubstantiated hearsay. This commitment to providing accurate information appears to be a hallmark of his method as a historian. 27 The term conversio in a monastic context means to accept a vocation as a monk.

178  Book 2 28 It would appear that this chapter was a later addition to book two. Riches, Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai, does not discuss this passage in his detailed examination of the inserted texts and marginal additions made to the manuscript by a second author (108–119). 29 The author uses the neologism rorulento to denote the water associated with a rainstorm. The base term from which he derived rorulento is the verb roro, which means to drop or fall, and the noun ros, which means dew. 30 The author here uses the first-person singular rather than the first-person plural that is seen throughout most of the text, indicating that this passage was written by a different author than the one who wrote book one and most of book two as well as the first two-thirds of book three. 31 The use of the first person singular is again used in chapter eight. 32 This passage is one of the few in which the author shares autobiographical details, which again suggests that this is a different author from the cleric who composed most of the Gesta. 33 The author uses the phrase ad paucos canonicos, which could mean for a few canons, i.e., priests who lived a common life. Throughout book two, the author draws distinctions between canons and monks, and clearly means the reader to understand the two as representing different types of communities. 34 St. Pollina, also known as Pollena, died c. 700 at Trécaut in the county of Vermandois. Her feast day is 8 October. 35 The author uses the term illustris vir, which in late Roman and Merovingian usage indicated a man who was highborn or noble. The author does not use this term with regard to his own contemporaries and near contemporaries, which suggests that he is copying information in this passage from a now lost donation charter for the monastery of St. Peter. 36 It was common practice for aristocratic families to endow convents and establish their daughters as abbesses. 37 The term here is vires militares. 38 The author again uses the phrase ad paucos canonicos. This is one of several instances in which a house that originally was founded for women was transformed into one for men, either canons or monks. 39 The author is not committing to the veracity of this account, because it is based on what the monks in the monastery say about their own house. There is no written testimony to confirm their claims. 40 Dodilo held the bishopric from 888–902. 41 This is a play on the idea of the senior pars of a monastic community being able to make decisions, even against the will of the majority if that majority does not include the wiser monks. Here, the claim is that if the senior monks wish to go into danger, then the responsibility for any disaster will fall on them, i.e., they will have to do a very heavy penance. 42 It is noteworthy that the Viking raiders at this time were not able or were not willing to spend the time to besiege fortifications, and focused their attention on “soft targets.” 43 This is the arm of St. George noted above. 44 Sains-lès-Marquion is located 26 kilometers southeast of Arras. 45 Note that the Latin has puellae, i.e., girls. 46 St. Saturnina was a virgin girl from Germany, who traveled west, and died while defending her chastity against her prospective husband. Her feast day is 4 June. 47 The author is distancing himself from this claim. 48 The reference seems to be to the Vikings. 49 The author here is using the term canonici to denote both monks and nuns, although the term generally is used to denote a group of priests who are attached to a specific church, often the cathedral church.

Book 2  179 50 The author generally refers to the counts of Flanders. However, in this book he uses the term count of the Flemings. In this case, the count is Baldwin IV (987–1035). 51 That is in 1013. 52 See book one, chapter 9 above. 53 Maroeuil is located six kilometers northwest of Arras. 54 St. Bertilia is a Merovingian era saint. She died in 687 and her feast day is 3 January. The convent that she established is dedicated to St. Mary. 55 Aubigny is a located 15 kilometers northwest of Arras on the road to St. Pol. 56 St. Kilian was an Irishman, who spent his missionary career during the 680s in eastern Franconia in the region around Würzburg, and was martyred there in 689. His feast day is 8 July. 57 The Latin name is mons Sancti Eligii (Mount Saint Eligius) and is located eight kilometers northwest of Arras. 58 The author’s discussion of the fate of this monastery indicates the difficulties faced by even those ecclesiastical institutions with immunities when the government required their wealth to support fighting men. In this case, the monastery of St. Vindicien had an immunity, and the royal fisc nevertheless took its properties. Moreover, even when the brothers were able to make the case that they had an immunity, they were only able to recover a portion of their estates. 59 We have not been able to locate these places. 60 In both this chapter and the previous chapter, the term used by the author is vires militares. 61 Billi-Berclau is located on the Deule River about 19 kilometers southwest of the city of Lille. See the discussion by Steven Vanderputten, Monastic Reform as Process: Realities and Representations in Medieval Flanders 900–1100 (Ithaca, 2013), 105. 62 Abbot Leduin of St. Vaast (1022–1041). 63 This is probably the synod held at Aachen in 1022, which was attended by Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. See Concilium Germaniae vol. 3, ed. P. J. Hartzheim (Cologne, 1760), 61. 64 Douai is located 25 kilometers northeast of Arras and 25 kilometers northwest of Cambrai. 65 See book one, chapter 23 above. 66 See book one, chapters 81, 82, and 90 above for the changes in the possession of the estate at Lambras. 67 The original charter was issued by Charles III on 20 December 911 to Bishop Stephen of Cambrai. See Recueil des Actes de Charles III, nr. 67. In this case, the counts Garnier, Thierry and Létard interceded with King Charles to permit Bishop Stephen to establish a fortification at Lestorf on the Sarie River, which was located in the county of Andenne south of the Meuse river in the region of Huy. Létard was the count in Andenne. The purpose of the fortification was to allow Bishop Stephen to establish a better defense in the calamitosi temporis angustia, that is the calamitous dangers of this time. The grant also included permission for Bishop Stephen to establish a mint in this new fortification. It should be noted that Bishop Stephen required the king’s permission to construct this fortification. 68 Cf. Gregory of Tours, Histories, 4. 51, who states that it was Sigebert and not Childebert who was buried there. 69 See book one, chapter 93 above. 70 St. Vulganius was an Irish missionary in the region of Arras. He died in 704 and his feast day is 3 November. 71 This place is located 11 kilometers west of Lens and is today also called Hénin-Beaumont.

180  Book 2 72 This might be Robert the lord of Bethune, also known as Robert of Arras, who died in 1071. 73 The identity of this place is not known. 74 The author is distancing himself from this account because he does not appear to trust his informants. 75 The author would seem to be claiming here that the entire region of Belgica gained its name from this little district. 76 Hasnon is located 12 kilometers northwest of Valenciennes. 77 Marcellinus and Peter were two Christian martyrs during the reign of Emperor Diocletian. They are thought to have died in 304 and their feast day is 2 June. It is not clear what connection these two saints had with the diocese of Cambrai. Einhard, Charlemagne’s biographer, obtained relics of these two saints for his new church at Seligenstadt c. 830. See the discussion by Julia Smith “Einhard: The Sinner and the Saints,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 13 (2003), 55–77, here 66–67. But it is not clear how or whether the relics then made their way from Seligenstadt to Hasnum. 78 This observation is at odds with the general tenor of the Gesta that lauds Bishop Gerard’s beneficial work in reviving the church of his diocese. 79 Marchiennes is located 40 kilometers east-northeast of Arras. 80 Rictrudis was not a virgin in the traditional sense, as she had five children with her husband Adalbald. See book one, chapter 23 above. 81 This is Count Baldwin V of Flanders (1035–1067). 82 Hamage is two kilometers east of Marchiennes. The monastery at Hamages was established at some point between 635–639, and separated from the monastery of Marchiennes in 644. 83 Denain is located between Douai and Valenciennes, 20 kilometers east of the former and 15 kilometers west of the latter. 84 Haspres originally had belonged to the monastery of Jumièges in Normandy, but was abandoned following the sack of this house by the Vikings. Haspres is located 18 kilometers northeast of Cambrai. 85 The kingdom in this case is Lotharingia, indicating once more the author’s sense of his region having a common political identity dating back to the mid-ninth century. The author’s use of Normans here is anachronistic, but does indicate the author’s effort to associate the modern Normans with their Viking ancestors. 86 This is probably a reference to Rollo, a Viking chief, who made an arrangement with Charles III of West Francia to settle his men at the mouth of the Seine River in 911. However, if this was the author’s intention, the date is wrong, because the sack of the monastery of Jumièges took place in 841 according to the monk of that house William of Jumièges, Historiae Nortmannorum, 1.6. See the edition of this text in The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni, 2 vols., ed. and trans. Elisabeth M. C. Van Houts (Oxford, 1992–1995). 87 Abbot Aicadrus of Jumièges died in 697. 88 This may be St. Hugh of Rouen (died 730), who was a grandson of Pepin II of Herstal and a monk at the monastery of Jumièges. 89 The author is describing Cambrai as his city. 90 That is Jumièges. 91 St. Philbert (died 684) established the monastery of Jumièges in 654 with property that he received from the Merovingian king Clovis II (639–658). 92 This is not correct. Hugh (died 730) was the son of Drogo (died 708), who held office as dux of Champagne and mayor of the palace in the Merovingian kingdom of Burgundy. Drogo’s father was Pepin II of Herstal (died 714), who was the dominant political figure in the Merovingian kingdom from his victory at the battle of Tetry in 687 until his death in 714.

Book 2  181 93 Hugh entered the monastery of Jumièges as a monk in 718. He became bishop of Rouen in 722, but gave up this office before his death and returned to his earlier life as a monk. 94 There is an anonymous Vita of St. Aicadrius written at Jumièges around 920. See the discussion of this vita in Jacques LeLong, Bibliotheque historique de la France, revised edition (Paris, 1768), 749. There are also two ninth century vitae of Saint Hugh. The Gesta Hugonis archiepiscopi Rotomagensis in the Gesta Abbatum Fontanellensium, ed. Samuel Löwenfeld in MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum 28 (Hanover, 1886, reprinted 1980), 26–28; and “Vie inedité de S. Hugues évêque de Rouen,” ed. Joseph van der Straeten in Analecta Bollandiana 87 (1969), 215–260. This passage indicates that the author of the Gesta traveled as far as Jumièges to do research for his text. 95 The reference here is to Haspres. 96 This is Abbot Thierry II of Jumièges (1014–1028). He is mentioned by name later in the chapter. However, this is likely an error by the author 97 That is Abbot Thierry II of Jumièges. 98 That is the monastery of Jumièges. 99 See the discussion of this exchange by Vanderputten, Monastic Reform as Process, 97. 100 This exchange illuminates the wide-spread nature of the property holdings of important monasteries. 101 Duke Richard II of Normandy. 102 This exchange took place in 1024 and was ratified at Rouen on 13 January. See Un cartulaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Vaast d’Arras, codex du XIIe siècle, ed. Adolphe Henri Guesnon (Paris, 1896), 23. In return for Haspres, the monastery of St. Vaast transferred the priory at Agincourt to the monastery of Jumièges. 103 The idea is that the restoration of the monastery in physical terms was accompanied by a moral restoration as well. 104 This is Count Arnulf of Valenciennes and Cambrai seen above. He died in 1012, and so this foundation must have been established before this date. 105 Salvius was the bishop of Albi (574–584) and friend of Pope Gregory I. 106 The remainder of this chapter is taken from the Vita of St. Salvius, which is recorded in Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, 7.1. 107 The implication is that there were two books about St. Salvius, his Vita, which is quoted here by the author of the Gesta, and also a passio. These texts do not appear to have survived independently. 108 The passage from the Vita of St. Salvius ends here. 109 See book one, chapters 3, 27, and 73 above. 110 This means that he chose to take his vows as a monk and begin a life of prayer away from the secular world. 111 The implication of this claim is that Huntbert had a privilege from the pope to establish this monastery. The foundation took place in 652. See book one, chapter 27 above. 112 This is an error. The author mentioned in book one, chapter 68 that King Charles III gave this monastery to Cambrai in the time of King Stephen, in 921, and quoted the charter in which this transfer was made. 113 This is either Wallers-St. Hilaire or Wallers en Fagne. The first is 10 kilometers west of Valenciennes and the latter is 75 kilometers south-southeast of Valenciennes. 114 According to Folcuin, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, 4, it was not Landelinus who established the monastery but rather Ursmarus. 115 This place is located near Avesnes approximately 100 kilometers northwest of Cambrai.

182  Book 2 116 An Irish saint named Hetto worked as a missionary in the region near Cambrai during the seventh century. His feast day is 10 July. 117 Hautmont is five kilometers southwest of Maubeuge and a dozen kilometers from the current French border with Belgium. 118 Saint Vincent originally was named Madelgarius and held public office before making a religious conversion and becoming a monk. See book one, chapter 19. 119 Waltrude was the daughter of Walbert and Bertilia and the sister of Aldeguna of Maubeuge, all three of whom were recognized as saints. Waltrude became a nun in the early 640s when her husband Madelgarius (Vincent) became a monk. 120 This paragraph is drawn from the Vita Autberti, 10. 121 The author uses the term vita regularis, which refers to living according to a monastic rule, such as the Benedictine rule. 122 This may be a reference to Vikings. 123 The claim here seems to be that although the house originally was intended as a monastery in which monks would living according to a monastic rule, by the time Gerard became bishop, there were only canons, that is priests, living there, who did not follow any rule. 124 Emperor Henry II. 125 Hermann of Eename was the margrave of Eename (c. 997–1029). He was the son of Count Godfrey I of Verdun and the brother of Count Godfrey II of Verdun, who also held office as the duke of Lower Lotharingia. After 1017, Hermann gained the comital office in Eifelgau and in two counties in Westphalia in Saxony. 126 The author uses the expression in fisco here, indicating that the property in question was part of the property attached to Count Hermann’s office, often denoted in sources as his comitatus. 127 Folcuin was named abbot of Hautmont in 1018. However, the initial reform of the monastery was undertaken by Richard of Saint Vanne, which is mentioned below in book three, chapter 6 but not here. See the discussion of Richard of Saint Vanne’s abbacy at Hautmont by Steven Vanderputten, Imagining Religious Leadership in the Middle Ages: Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Politics of Reform (Ithaca, 2015), 112–113 and 135. 128 See book one, chapter 17 above. 129 The remainder of this chapter is taken from the Vita Autberti, 12. 130 See book one, chapters 63 and 106 above. 131 See book one, chapter 39 above. 132 The remainder of this chapter is taken from the Vita Autberti, 4. 133 According to Folcuin, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, 4, Ursmarus did not do this until 697. 134 Ursmarus (died 713) was appointed as abbot of Lobbes by the Carolingian mayor of the palace Pepin of Herstal (Pepin II). 135 During the Merovingian period, preaching generally was reserved to bishops. In this case, Ursmarus was not appointed bishop of a see, but rather was given the authority to serve as a missionary with the rank and office of bishop. 136 This wooded region is located in Picardy. 137 The borrowing from the Vita Autberti ends here. 138 Erminus (died 737) was the second abbot of Lobbes. He was appointed to his position in 713 after Ursmarus was appointed to serve as a bishop. 139 The following paragraph is taken from the Vita Sancti Ermini, an edition of which can be found in Acta Sanctorum Aprilis III (Paris, 1866), 378–380. 140 Literally odor, perhaps suggesting the sweet smell that often is reported when the tomb of a saint is opened.

Book 2  183 41 1 142 143 144 145 146 147

The borrowing from the Vita Sancti Ermini ends here. We have not been able to identify this place. Mons is located 20 kilometers due north of Maubeuge. The following section is taken from the Vita Autberti, 12. The borrowing from the Vita Autberti ends here. See above book one, chapter 19. This passage borrows from Vita Autberti, 9. Ghislain arrived and founded her convent circa 640. 148 For her Life see Vita sancti Ghisleni Prima, ed. J. Ghesquière in Acta Sanctorum Belgii vol. 4 (Brussels, 1787), 375–384. 149 See book one, chapter 68 above. 150 See book one, chapter 68 above. 151 The original grant was made by the Carolingian ruler Charles III. However, after Lotharingia was acquired by King Henry I in 923 it appears that the East Frankish/German ruler revised the existing property agreements with various ecclesiastical institutions, and seized control over some estates, including this monastery, for use by the fisc. In this case, the lands were granted as benefices to men serving as soldiers, i.e., vires militares, in the king’s military household. 152 Condé-sur-l’Escaut is located about 30 kilometers due west of Mons and about 15 kilometers north of Valenciennes. 153 Leuze-en-Hainaut is located in Belgium, 10 kilometers east of Tournai, 25 kilometers northwest of Mons and 30 kilometers north-northeast of Valenciennes. 154 The monastery of Vezelay is located the department of Yonne in Burgundy. 155 Renaix (Flemish Ronse) is located 18 kilometers due north of Leuze-en-Hainaut. 156 Hermes was an early second-century martyr and saint. His relics came to Renaix in the ninth century after first resting at the monastery of Kornelismünster near Aachen. 157 Emperor Louis the Pious (814–840), the son of Charlemagne. Inda is another name for the monastery at Kornelismünster. The charters of Louis the Pious have not yet been published in a full edition, and so it is not clear whether this grant survives. 158 This the comital seat of Hermann of Eename. 159 This is Count Godfrey I of Verdun who died in 1002, so the author is exaggerating when saying that this house was founded in contemporary times. There is no surviving royal charter from the Ottonian kings for Count Godfrey to establish the market, toll, port, or fortification. This fortress was, however, an imperial property. See the discussion by Vanderputten, Monastic Reform as Process, 164; and Ludo Milis, “Abbaye de Saint-Sauveur a Eename,” in Monasticon Belge Tome VIII, Province de Flandre orientale (Liège, 1977), part two, 11–52, here 25. 160 Hermann von Eename, noted above in book two, chapter 35. 161 King Henry II of Germany faced significant opposition in Lotharingia from the descendants of Reginar, including the counts of Leuven and Mons, the Luxemburg counts Ezzo (died 1034) and Hezelin (died 1033), as well as Count Gerhard of Alsace who was the uncle of the future king of Germany Conrad II (1024–1039). Count Godfrey II of Verdun was loyal to Henry II, and played a major role in securing this king’s position in Lotharingia because he held office as duke of Lower Lotharingia. The monasteries established by Godfrey’s family, therefore, had to bear the brunt of the attacks by the king’s enemies. 162 Soignies is located 20 kilometers northeast of Mons. 163 See book 2, chapter 35 above. 164 The remainder of this chapter draws from the Vita Autberti, 8.

184  Book 2 165 Bishop Landericus of Meaux (641–650) was the eldest son of Madelgarus (St. Vincent) and Saint Waldetrudis. 166 Mechelen (Frence Malines) is located halfway between Brussels and Antwerp, about 25 kilometers from each. 167 The dates of this saint and martyr are not known, although he is often associated with Guntmar, who established a monastery at Lier in Belgium in the late eighth century. See book three, chapter 48 below. 168 It is not clear which kings made grants to this monastery. The property at Mechelen is noted as belonging to the diocese of Liège in a charter issued to this church by Lothair I. See Die Urkunden der Karolinger vol. 3: Die Urkunden Lothars I und Lothars II, ed. Theodor Schieffer (Berlin, 1966), Lothair I nr. 191. It is also not clear when or how this property came into the possession of the diocese of Cambrai. 169 The monastery at Lier, located 13 kilometers northeast of Mechelen, was founded c. 775. Guntmar was one of the members of the court of King Pepin I.

Book 3

Regarding the Deeds of Bishop Gerard 1. As we mentioned above, Lord Emperor Henry, following the unanimous counsel of his leading men, granted the gift of the bishopric to his chaplain Gerard, who up to that time had been a deacon. The emperor did so at the estate of Erwitte in Saxony on the first of February.1 Gerard was born to parents who were of not insignificant status in Lotharingia and in the lands of the Carlings.2 While Gerard was still a youth, Archbishop Adalbero of Rheims3 took him away, with the permission of Gerard’s parents, both because of Gerard’s relationship to him by blood and also because Gerard possessed lands in hereditary tenure in the diocese of Rheims, which he had from his mother. The king saw that in addition to his education, Gerard also maintained a standard of religiosity that was fitting for the church, and also had a sufficient training in secular values. The emperor kept with him the man to whom he had given the bishopric that day and the next, that is the feast of the purification of Mary, the glorious mother of God.4 On the third day, the emperor gave Gerard permission to depart.5 He ordered Abbot Richard6 and Abbot Berthold of Inda7 as well as Count Hermann8 to accompany him so that they could convey Gerard as his companions to the city that had been committed to his care.9 When Gerard had almost reached the stronghold at Valenciennes with these companions, Count Baldwin, who had learned how matters had turned out, hurried to meet them and to join their company.10 So, supported by this great host, Gerard arrived at the city and was received with joy and the most attentive celebration by the people and the clergy. Meanwhile, the royal representatives11 heard about the aforementioned savagery of Walter, and angrily seized him with great indignation. They asked what demon or evil intentions led him to presume to occupy the episcopal residence. Walter quickly offered a false defense, and mendaciously claimed that he had not acted for the sake of taking plunder, but rather for the sake of offering protection against an attack by Count Baldwin, by whom he, himself, was suspected.12 However, the king’s representatives responded that this was far from the truth, and that Walter sought refuge in trickery rather than in honesty. This was especially the case because Walter had left his own property

186  Book 3 untouched, but had consumed the bishop’s property with unusual gusto. In the end, they judged his error harshly and warned him to improve and to bring his insolent behavior to an end. Then, after correcting his faults, he was to keep faith with the bishop henceforward. Walter immediately promised under oath to do this. However, as will be clear in many ways below, he then dishonored the loyalty that he had promised.13 2. A short time later, after Lord Gerard had put his affairs in order and bound his vassals14 and clerics to himself through oaths, he traveled to the royal estate at Nijmegen. Gerard led a group of other faithful supporters of the emperor with him, including Count Baldwin. At Nijmegen the emperor granted the estate of Walcras15 to Gerard as a benefice.16 The emperor also had Lord Gerard consecrated as a priest in this place in his presence.17 He then granted Gerard permission to depart, but ordered him to join him on Easter day at the church of Liège accompanied by Walter. So Gerard returned and again found many evil things. He was saddened by the plaintive cries of the poor, some of whom Walter had physically attacked and others of whom he continually harassed with exactions that were not customary. Rebuking Walter for his tyranny, the bishop emphasized the dangers to his soul. However, even after being warned, Walter listened without any obedience, and perverted all of the bishop’s exceptionally salutary advice. However, as Easter neared, the bishop prepared to go to serve the emperor, as he had been ordered, at the aforementioned church along with his own faithful men. So he ordered even Walter to be prepared to set out with him. When Walter refused, the bishop hurried along with his men to join the emperor at the city of Liège at the aforementioned time.18 There, the bishop demonstrated the appropriate obedience, and then complained about the injury that Walter had done to him and about Walter’s disobedience. After this, the emperor urged Gerard to come with him to the dedication of a new bishopric, namely in the city of Bamberg, and there be ordained a bishop in his presence by the emissaries of the apostolic see, and by the numerous fellow bishops and abbots who were supposed to gather there for the dedication of the new church.19 Even though Gerard understood with the shrewdness of a Lotharingian that it would be more honorable and appropriate to his station to be ordained with all of the ceremony of the royal court, he nevertheless was bound by the love of the place in which he had been raised. So he responded that he did not wish to be ordained by anyone other than by his metropolitan, the archbishop of Rheims.20 Gerard certainly was considering this matter cautiously and appropriately in order that he not appear to be acting against the customs of the metropolitan see, like Lord Bishop Erluin, who had received his ordination at Rome because of the aforementioned conflict.21 However, when he heard this, the emperor realized that Gerard was following a higher counsel, and freely agreed. The emperor gave Gerard permission to depart and also gave him a book containing services for consecrating clerics and ordaining bishops so that he would be ordained using

Book 3  187 this text and not be ordained in an irregular manner using the disorganized customs of the Carlings.22 So Gerard returned home with honor and success. Not long after, he made preparations for a journey along with his leading men, with the exception of Walter, to go to Rheims and be ordained as bishop with the greatest reverence.23 Then, having been raised to this status, he returned as soon as possible to the sheep entrusted to his care so that they would no longer be savaged by Walter’s insolent actions. But his ears did not ignore the complaints of the poor, namely those whom Walter, as noted above, had tormented with injuries, those who were in bad straights after losing their small bits of property, and those whom Walter had placed in chains. The emperor, who was again aroused by the charges made by the bishop and by his recollection of the disputes of this type with which Walter had harassed Erluin for such a long time, now became enraged. So he dispatched the illustrious counts Godfrey,24 who later became duke, and his brother Hermann25 to the city, and commanded that they take action against this man for his enormous cruelty. The king marveled that although Walter said he was the castellan and advocate of the city, he had never come to the royal court.26 The counts, who were obeying their lord’s commands, met with Walter. They held him accountable for casting aside the earlier reconciliation with the bishop, of being guilty of insolence, and also for failing to remove the causes for indignation against him. However, they were most indignant that Walter not only had failed to live up to his promise to mend his ways, but that he had provoked the bishop’s anger even further by extending his tyranny. Walter had completely usurped all power over everything, and had left nothing to the bishop other than his name and the appearance of his office. The counts warned Walter that he was acting against the commands of the emperor. Walter was terrified by this, and pretended to undergo a most spectacular penance so that you might believe he would never lapse again. He gave his oath, handed over hostages, piled up prayers, and committed himself with utter humility to offer every kind of satisfaction. He did this to such an extent that even the lord bishop, himself, was overcome with pity and softened the anger of the counts with his prayers. The counts were mollified by the bishop’s request, and overcame their suspicions. They accepted five high-value hostages, and then agreed to grant Walter’s requests. Thus, they made an agreement that unless Walter satisfied the bishop at the assembly that was to take place, he would have to go before the emperor to be judged. Moreover, both Walter and the hostages swore before all of the people that if Walter in any way undermined this agreement, then the hostages would join the bishop and would desert him completely. 3. Not long after these events, Walter not only broke his promise, but increased the onslaught of his fury in an even more terrible way. For while Bishop Gerard remained for some time with the emperor during his siege of Metz,27 Walter suspected some sort of evil. So he violated his oath, and

188  Book 3 devastated the lands of the bishop that were located outside of the city, and then even burned down a suburb of the city. When this news was brought to the bishop, he was astonished as to why Walter had done this, especially because he had done nothing to Walter, and expected that he would keep his oath until the time for the assembly had arrived. However, Walter, who although he feigned penance in order to gain the settlement, had given considerable forethought to what would happen with a cunning that was appropriate for his presumption. Consequently, as much as he recognized that he had given grave offense to the bishop, he sought in the same measure to gain shelter from a more powerful protector. For he acquired King Robert28 and Count Eudes29 as his intermediaries and helpers, and succeeded in having them appease the bishop on his behalf, and request forgiveness for his rashness. But these two were thoroughly engaged in some other business, and so dispatched Bishop Harduin of Noyon30 along with other priests31 to Bishop Gerard as their representatives. It was during the time when it was normal for bishops to expect penitents, that is during the beginning of Lent,32 that they came to entreat Bishop Gerard bringing Walter with them. They mollified the anger of the bishop through their entreaties, and then they all knelt in prayer. The bishop, whom you might think would be utterly resolute and inflexible, decided not to scorn their requests. Instead, after lamenting the distress suffered by the members of his household due to the calamities imposed on them by Walter, Gerard agreed to the requests of the bishops, and made an agreement after receiving an oath from Walter’s friends. 4. During this time, many precious relics of numerous saints were discovered next to the altar in the monastery of St. Mary in Arras.33 Through God’s mercy, knowledge of their merits was spread far and wide through numerous signs and prodigies. For almost two whole years, a great multitude of reports about these events came not only from those nearby but also from those in far off regions as well. 5. It was at this same time when Baldric received the honor of the bishopric of Liège after Bishop Notker of blessed memory.34 Baldric decided that it would be a good idea to establish a friendship with Count Lambert both because he was a kinsman, and also so that he would act as a supporter of the fatherland in the future.35 However, Bishop Gerard made clear to Baldric the perfidy that he had experienced at the hands of Lambert, and urged Baldric not to associate with him because he was underhanded and devoid of faithfulness. Moreover, his cunning was to be feared. What happened afterward proved this to be true. For when the bishop undertook to establish a fortification at the estate of Hoegaarden36 for the purpose of keeping the peace and terrifying evildoers, Lambert saw this as an obstacle to his own evil ambition. So Lambert set aside his oath, and gathered a large force of men, even gaining the support of Count Robert of Namur, and did not blush to attack the bishop.37 Everyone had fled, with the exception of Count Hermann,38 for whom it would have been shameful to flee. Then Hermann

Book 3  189 went into the church of St. Gorgonius because he no longer had any hope of resisting now that everyone had fled. Lambert then handed Hermann as a captive to the custody of Count Robert. Although this act would be suspect to Robert’s friends, because they would complain a great deal, Hermann would not be held for a long time.39 Nevertheless, divine clemency, which is superior to human wishes, made matters turn out for the better.40 As it turned out, the mother of Count Robert,41 using her good sense, promised that she would go and see to it that Hermann was returned to his friends if in exchange, Hermann’s friends would regain the grace of the count’s other friends and also of the emperor whom Robert had offended. So, when Bishops Gerard and Baldric joined the emperor at a place called Coblenz, where he was attending a synod and discussing the bishop of Metz,42 who had joined with the emperor’s enemies, they approached the emperor and requested his grace on behalf of Robert just as the countess had demanded.43 As a consequence, Count Hermann was released from captivity without the knowledge of Lambert. 6. There is a monastery in the county of Hainaut in an estate called Hautmont where, as was made clear above to the reader, St. Vincent was transformed from his lay status into becoming a monk by the preaching of St. Aubert.44 Vincent established this place under a monastic rule with his own property and it flourished for many years under royal protection. However, for a number of reasons brought about by a variety of calamities, about which we have read,45 this monastery was handed over as a benefice to counts. For this reason, this place gradually declined and the monks were oppressed by poverty with the result that the monastery was handed over to the custody of a small number of clerics.46 As time passed, it happened that this placed was granted as a benefice to Arnulf, the father of the Lord Bishop, by Count Hermann.47 When Arnulf learned about the antiquity and the great veneration for this place, he wished to bring it back to its earlier condition, as any sensible man would. However, because of the grasping demands of war, he was not able to do so. After Arnulf’s death, the monastery came as part of his inheritance to the son.48 Through divine mercy, Arnulf’s son agreed with his father’s desire to improve this place. It was during this same time that his brother Gerard was elevated as bishop. With the bishop’s aid and support, he removed certain canons and returned the place to a monastic rule under Lord Abbot Richard.49 Afterward, Richard decided to appoint Folcuin as abbot in his place. Therefore, the lord bishop Gerard along with Abbot Richard made a presentation to the emperor that the monastery should be given to this man. For it is the law that no one other than the emperor or a bishop may grant a monastery although the advocacy of monasteries can be granted by laymen.50 Thus, Folcuin was appointed and following a great deal of effort and with the bishop’s aid, he strengthened the monastery that he had found as a desert, both with a cloister and other buildings, as well as with the service of brothers living under a rule. After the house had been renewed, the lord bishop

190  Book 3 consecrated it on the first of May in honor of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, as it had been before.51 The abbot would not have been able to withstand the attacks of the clerics who had been expelled if the lord bishop had not restrained them with his own strength. 7. At the same time Godfrey, who was noted above, gained the office of the dead duke Otto, the son of Charles, through the intercession of Bishop Gerard and the agreement of the greater faithful supporters of the emperor.52 Godfrey and Count Lambert had already been engaged in a violent dispute for a long time. Although Bishop Gerard was well aware of Lambert’s mercurial sense of faithfulness and his unstable personality, he nevertheless sought to bring about friendly relations between the two men out of fear that Lambert would use some kind of trickery to hinder Godfrey in his new office. Godfrey, for his part, after being advanced to such a high office, carried out his faithfulness to the emperor with the greatest honor and virtue. No one did a better job of bringing peace to the fatherland, and ending conflicts. With Godfrey’s sound advice, the emperor subjugated the necks of the arrogant and defeated his enemies.53 8. There is a little spring near the fortification at Mons that was protected with great veneration by the inhabitants of St. Waltrudis. It is here that the ill are bathed and brought back to health through the merits of the holy Virgin.54 When a woman traveled there during this time to go into the water because of her infirmity, it seemed to her as if she were covered in fresh blood, and while she was bathing, her face appeared to be covered in blood. This prodigy led the bishop to predict that war was imminent, and this turned out to be true, as the following events make clear.55 9. After some time had passed, the aforementioned Lambert joined with his nephew Reginar, the son of Reginar,56 broke his earlier agreement, and again initiated hostilities against Duke Godfrey and the latter’s brother Hermann. The struggle increased on both sides as they struck at each other and escalated to the point that they met at the field of Florennes and committed themselves to a harsh battle.57 However, by the just judgment of God, Lambert along with many of his men fell, having been killed in defeat. Afterward, however, Reginar and Henry, the son of Lambert, fully imitating the customs of their fathers, launched many attacks on the faithful supporters of the emperor, and badly offended the emperor through their actions and their insolence. However, Bishop Gerard, realizing that the lord emperor was engaged in other affairs, wisely took precautions, to the extent that he could, for the safety of the fatherland.58 So, joining with Bishops Adalbald59 and Haimo,60 Gerard gained the emperor’s favor for these malefactors by bringing about peace. 10. After this was accomplished, Reginar sought to reinforce this friendship by seeking to marry the daughter of Count Hermann.61 This suggestion was very displeasing to Bishop Gerard because such as marriage would be illicit on the grounds of consanguinity.62 Drawing on the counsel of his fellow bishops, however, Gerard remained silent on this point, albeit unwillingly,

Book 3  191 because of instructions gathered together by Saint Gregory for his disciple Augustine.63 When Augustine was educating the Angles by preaching the word of God and bringing them to the Christian faith, Gregory warned him that if he found that a man and woman were connected in the fourth or fifth degree, for the sake of propagating the new Christian faith Augustine should permit this if these people did not wish to be separated.64 Their offspring would be better able keep the law in the future. It was better to agree to be obligated in this matter so that there would not be some loss to timehonored Christianity. If Reginar became the son-in-law of a such a great man, he might be a hope for peace, but otherwise he would be the cause of shipwreck for the fatherland.65 11. There was a certain count named Gerard, who was quite arrogant about his status in the secular world, and irritated the emperor with his frequent attacks.66 All of the rebels and unfaithful subjects of the emperor, carried out all of the evil deeds for that man as if he were the chief and lord of all of the bad men. Gerard mobilized a large force of armed men and headed toward the region where Duke Godfrey was located, thinking that he might catch the duke unaware and savage his lands with fire and pillaging on a specific day. But the duke was suddenly informed by messengers, and deployed those men whom he had with him against the enemy because of his faithfulness to the emperor and confident in the mercy of God. After the battle was joined, Gerard fled, and his only son67 was captured after he was wounded. He later died, and Godfrey had the victory.68 This result struck great fear among the remaining unfaithful men, and brought the tranquility of peace and quiet to the fatherland.69 12. After this,70 there was a battle at the field of Florennes where Count Lambert died, bringing an end to his tyranny along with the deaths of numerous men on both sides.71 The lord bishop frequently mentioned how amazing and memorable an event this was, so I thought that it would be appropriate to note it. For that same night, when he was about to go to Florennes to participate in the battle, there was a lustful man72 who slept with a certain nun at Nivelles.73 She gave him precious relics that she bound into the brooch of a nightgown so that through their merits he might escape danger in the coming battle. When the time came, he placed his coat of mail over his other clothing, and as is the custom of fighting men, he placed the brooch under the hood of his mail coat.74 With the relics tucked away skillfully in the broach and relying on this protection, he took part in the battle and was immune to iron until, by the will of God, the holy relics suddenly burst out from the middle of his clothing and through his mail coat. They sat enwrapped in a little white cloth piled up on a stone some distance away. The count was immediately bereft of his strength and fell down dead. One of the men following the count learned how the relics leapt out, and ran off quickly after placing them in his greave, while his fellows killed the enemy. After the battle, the man who had found the relics returned home and began to suffer a grave illness in his hip. He was compelled by

192  Book 3 his worsening sickness to confess that he had found the holy relics. When word of these events reached Count Hermann, whose soldier was involved, he eagerly sought out the relics. Afterward, he gave them to the emperor, who asked for them. However, the lord bishop could not believe the account about this lewd man until he carefully investigated the case alongside Bishop Baldric in that same convent.75 Here, the nun became red in the face and then confessed her guilt. 13. After this battle with Gerard, the lord bishop and Duke Godfrey along with other faithful supporters of the emperor were able to subdue, after a great deal of effort, the rebellions that the sisters-in-law of the emperor76 frequently aroused against the wellbeing of the kingdom.77 Afterward they asked for the duchy on behalf of Duke Hermann of Bavaria, who had been deprived of this office.78 14. During this same period, Bishop Baldric of Liège died. Wolbodo was appointed to replace him and, at the emperor’s command, he was led to this same church by Bishop Gerard, and enthroned with the gift of the bishopric.79 This man was conspicuous for his religious devotion. He offered justice to his people, and left behind a model of justice through his behavior and the innocence of his life. 15. At the same time there was a monk named Engebrand who led the church of the monastery of Lobbes.80 But he pursued a secular life under the cover of his monastic habit and brought dishonor to his office. For he did not provide instruction in the faith within the monastery and in the world outside the monastery he shamefully dissipated its goods. As a consequence, the two bishops, namely Gerard and Wolbodo, discussed with each other what ought to be done, the former because the church was in his diocese, and the latter because the monastery, itself, was in his diocese. They decided to expel Engebrand, and they were at last able to bring their plan to fruition and drive him out, but not without a great deal of effort.81 Afterward, Engebrand claimed that he had been deposed without a legal judgment, and levied numerous complaints against the bishops. So the bishops came together with a number of abbots at an assembly that had been summoned for this purpose and deprived him canonically and legally of his office in front of all of the people, for by this point he was defeated and had confessed his sins.82 They replaced him with Richard, a man of the greatest piety, as had been preordained by God’s grace.83 He nourished the monks with spiritual teachings, and strove to expand the property of the monastery, as can be seen today. 16. During this period of tempests, Abbot Richard let everyone know that he would take on this burden84 so that he could serve God more freely, because he strove for heavenly rather than human ends. He removed himself from the rule of the church of Arras and, with the counsel of Bishop Gerard, chose Leduin to serve in his place, a man who had left his secular life to become a monk for the sake of his religious piety.85

Book 3  193 17. Following the death of Heribert,86 the venerable bishop of the church of Cologne, Pilgrim87 was summoned to take his place, and he was ordained in this same church on the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul in the presence of the emperor and many other bishops, including Lord Bishop Gerard.88 After Pilgrim’s ordination, the emperor set out for Nijmegen. There, the emperor along with his men decided to go to the aid of those whom the raging Greeks were oppressing in the region of Apulia, namely in the cities of Salerno, Benevento, and Capua.89 After preparing supplies, the emperor began his journey, taking Lord Gerard the bishop with him to the monastery of Sains-les-Marquion.90 There the emperor honored him with great and amazing gifts, including gold, vestments, and a valuable vessel made of silver, and then permitted him to return home with the emperor’s love and good will. Then, following a very lengthy journey, the emperor attacked the Greeks, and enclosed the city of Troia with a siege.91 While there, the emperor thought about the lord bishop Gerard and sent him gifts again, clearly demonstrating his great kindness.92 18. When the bishop’s father died, the lord bishop, himself, was at Florennes out of reverence for the place where he had been born, and also for the salvation of the soul of his father. And so he completed the construction of a monastery dedicated to St. Gengulf, which his father had left incomplete.93 He then established another monastery in honor of St. John with his own property and the property of his brothers, which was distinguished not only by the beauty of the buildings but the painstaking care of the work.94 Then, with the agreement of Bishop Baldric of Liège, in whose diocese the monasteries were located, Bishop Gerard dedicated the houses, one with clerics and the other with monks. He then gave the rule over this monastery to Lord Abbot Richard, and this was confirmed by the authority of the great emperor Henry.95 Then this monastery began to thrive more and more, by the grace of God, and flourished both with regard to the abundance of its properties as well as the holiness of its monks. 19. There was a place, called Merwede by the inhabitants, which was uninhabitable because of woodlands and swamps there. The Meuse and Waal rivers flow from the Rhine and converge in this place.96 In earlier times, no one other than hunters and fishermen lived here, and the hunting and fishing rights were held jointly by the bishops of Trier and Cologne, and also by some abbots. But then Dirk, the son of Arnulf of Ghent, who held a share of the monarchy97 over the Frisians, withdrew into this region because he blamed the Frisians for the death of his father, as it was they who had killed him.98 He then established a new settlement there, and acting as a foreign invader, he presumed to hold the territory and to impose a very heavy tax on merchants who sailed there.99 Emperor Henry was moved to action by the outcry, especially by Bishop Adalbald to whom the emperor had granted a major part of the commonly held rights in the region.100 Then further urged on by warnings from Duke

194  Book 3 Godfrey as well as the bishops of Cologne, Utrecht, and Liège, he commanded that they mobilize an army.101 When they then set off on their campaign, according to the king’s command, a prodigy took place about which I do not believe that it is appropriate to remain silent. Bishop Baldric established a crypt in a neighborhood of Utrecht in the monastery of St. Mary, and then constructed an altar over it. And on the same day that he departed, after giving a sermon, and was supposed to get in a ship and head off with the army, this altar collapsed and the entire work was destroyed, miraculous to say. Many people believed that this was a bad omen for either the private or public affairs of the bishop. Subsequent events would show that this was true. For he was soon prevented by an illness, as were many others, from continuing on the journey that they had begun. So Baldric remained at the estate of Herwerden.102 The others, however, continued on with a great multitude of men. They attacked Dirk and the few Frisians whom he had with him, clearly believing that they would be victorious.103 Who could doubt that such a powerful army would prevail, especially when they had superior experience in war and better military training and had undertaken this effort for the purpose of pleasing the emperor? When the two sides came together someone, it is not clear who, was overcome by a diabolic impulse, shouted out twice in a horrifying voice: flee! flee! The Lotharingians were terrified by this, and because of some secret judgment by God, of which I am ignorant, they all fled. They suffered a great and miserable slaughter that is not part of present business to explain in more detail. However, they were overcome not so much by the weapons of the enemy as they were by fear, and they endangered themselves further as they fled among the ships. “For just as it is written clearly: how can one man chase a thousand and two chase ten thousand.”104 However, Duke Godfrey, who was inflamed by the fortunes of war, decided that it would be shameful to flee, despite being surrounded on all sides, and rushed into battle alone despite the fact that his fellows had fled. He killed those whom he faced but was attacked from the side, and then was captured after he was wounded. However, Dirk was afraid to hold such a powerful man as a captive. And so, acting against his own rash impulses, Dirk agreed to permit Godfrey to depart if the latter would obtain he emperor’s grace on Dirk’s behalf. That same day, indeed, as many people have concluded, on the very hour that the battle took place, Bishop Baldric left his human form at the aforementioned estate.105 He was then carried to Liège for burial. Lord Gerard the bishop was summoned by a messenger to attend the burial. He did not delay his departure but rather rode quickly throughout the night, led by his fraternal love. Up until the point that Gerard reached the fortress at Mons he was ignorant of what had happened at the battle.106 It was there that he first learned about the battle and the capture of the duke. He was saddened by this double portion of bitter news and quickly renewed his journey. Every time he met someone along his route, he asked for information about the battle. Before Gerard reached Liège, the rumor reached

Book 3  195 him that the duke had returned. For the bishop and many others, the rapidity with which matters developed, transformed the bitterness that they felt at the death of the bishop into joy about the safety of the duke. After his rapid journey, the bishop arrived at the fortress of Argenton, where he was received with honor, and heard an account of the entire battle.107 It should be noted that a comet was seen almost four months before this battle, which was even more amazing than normal because it had the appearance of a great beam of light.108 20. In those days an abbot named Simon was the leader of the monastery of St. Ghislain in the estate of Cella, which we mentioned above.109 He lived a secular life and dissipated the resources of the church. By the time of his death, he had brought the monastery to such a state of poverty that hardly four monks remained there. Anticipating this, however, the lord bishop sought out an abbot and was successful in having the emperor grant this office to a holy man named Wenric. Although the monastery was poor and in dire straits, it was supported by the king’s hand.110 After Wenric had become the abbot and arrived at the monastery that had been committed to his care, he marveled at all that had been dissipated. He was disturbed not only by the current losses, but also was struck by the many incursions made by thieves who lived in great numbers in the area. One of them, a man named Aldo, was a notorious plunderer and inflicted many losses. He was puffed up in his arrogance to such a degree that he even launched raids and used arms within the cloister, itself. For this reason, the bishop made frequent complaints to Count Reginar.111 But it was as if Reginar were deaf, because he, himself, was also a plunderer and was accustomed to favor other thieves.112 However, it happened that the bishop113 passed by this monastery while going to another one. When the bishop arrived there, he found the aforementioned thief, and then handed him over as a captive to Bishop Adalbold of Utrecht. After a year had passed, the views of the lord bishop were mitigated by the prayers of many people, and he permitted Aldo to return, but only if he promised and swore a sacred oath that he would end his plundering and remain a faithful supporter of the church with complete devotion.114 But this was an error because Aldo did not cease his insolent behavior. Shortly afterward, however, through God’s mercy, Aldo died. He was buried in that same cemetery,115 because of many prayers by his supporters. But this was done without the knowledge of the bishop. Divine clemency demonstrated how evil Aldo had been. When his grave was dug up after two years by some people, there was nothing left of his entire body other than a single shoe. Because of this, everyone understood just how great the damnation is for those impious men who are carried off to hell. 21. After the death of Abbot Wenric, Count Reginar replaced him with two abbots in turn. He did this presuming that he could sell the monastery in some way.116 Because this was against the law, the lord bishop rejected Reginar’s action on the basis of his own authority because, as we said above, no one other than the emperor or a bishop is able to commend someone as

196  Book 3 an abbot.117 After receiving advice from the bishop, as is appropriate, the emperor appointed the man whom he wished, namely Herbrandus, who holds the office today.118 This abbot suffered many evils from Count Reginar. 22. In all of this discussion, there is one thing that must be committed to memory. The Lord bishop regularly told us about an event that took place in those days in one of the districts of the diocese of Utrecht that he assured us had been related to him by Bishop Adalbold.119 It was the custom of the sea-going Frisians, who lived near his diocese, that very few of them, or indeed, none of them wished to consume the Eucharist on the Easter feast. On that day, a priest in one of the districts in this same diocese was going to provide the people with the heavenly nourishment, and took care to summon the least of the people so that they would come and receive the sacrament of heavenly life. As all of them were delaying there, as was their custom, one of them, who was the bailiff over the others, was seized by some diabolical impulse, and did not fear to blaspheme the mystery of Christ.120 He said that he would prefer it if the pitcher were full of beer rather than the banquet from the heavenly table. Then, in order to increase the hesitation among the others, he added that anyone who received the heavenly nourishment on this day would die in the coming year. It is no wonder that everyone became terrified and abandoned the Lord’s table, acting as the country bumpkins that they were. This blasphemer then set off for some tavern, as was his custom, and drank too much beer.121 Then, when he was drunk, he mounted his horse and set out with his armed companion.122 Soon, however, he was struck by a divine judgment, and falling off his horse, he broke his neck and breathed out his soul. But he was buried in the cemetery there because he was the bailiff of this estate. Just a short time later, divine mercy showed just how great his evil was. For it should not be passed over in silence that the bailiff’s armed companion was struck blind by God’s will in the same hour that his lord fell from his horse. But he later was penitent and recovered his sight through God’s mercy. During this time, Bishop Adalbold was with Emperor Henry in Saxony.123 But when he heard about what had happened, and learned about the burial of this blasphemer in the cemetery, he groaned deeply, and judging that this man, who was an infidel, was not worthy of sharing space with the faithful dead, he ordered him to be exhumed at once.124 But no one dared to do this out of fear of this man’s family. So the bishop, himself, departed from the side of the emperor and traveled to this district and had the blasphemer exhumed. He then had the exhumed man, who was bound in death, dragged by his foot to a spot far away. While he was being dragged away, even though he had lain buried under the ground for fifteen days, he vomited out the beer, marvelous as it is to say, for a space of a mile as if he had just recently drunken it. Because the bishop often told this story, I decided that it was correct to write it down so that it is not hidden from posterity. Let the infidels shake with terror and the faithful take pleasure in his just deserts.

Book 3  197 23. We do not wish to pass over in silence a miraculous event that took place during the time of Count Adalbert of Vermandois, the brother of the current count Eudes, that is worthy of being recalled by God’s grace.125 We learned about the event from the discussion of it by the lord bishop. It is well known that the count was given to every kind of evil. He exercised the duties of his office by engaging in slanderous speech, in perjury, in buffoonery, and in every kind of depravity. After acting in this manner for a long time, he finally was struck by God’s just judgment, and suffered from a grave and unbearable illness. He feared punishment, and he was terrified when he thought back over his evil deeds. Then, following the pious warning of the monk Waleran, who was then provost of the monastery of St. Homblières126 under Abbot Richard and is now, by the grace of God, an abbot of good reputation, the count donned a false penance, saying that he would serve God in a monastic habit.127 So, he had his head tonsured and adopted the habit and quickly recovered from his illness. However, soon after he was seized by some demonic impulse, which filled him completely, and returned to his vomit.128 Following the advice of his mother and his other supporters, who said he had acted because of madness, he exchanged his cowl for a return to a military cloak. He was then immediately seized again by the unavoidable illness, and as appeared to be an appropriate recompense for his merits, the count found that his tongue burned with divine fire. When the hour of his death arrived, the stupid canons brought him the body of the Lord.129 But when he had consumed it, Adalbert soon breathed out his spirit with these last words: “it is iron” he said, “that the clerics have brought to me, it has killed me.” When the aforementioned monk came again to visit the count, he wanted to find out about the fire in his mouth. He opened up the mouth of the dead man with some difficulty using a knife and clearly revealed to the count’s mother and brother and others standing by that the tongue, a miserable sight, had been burned right up to the roof of his mouth. This clearly showed God’s judgment and was an appropriate compensation for the merits of this man because as long as he lived, he had disfigured his tongue with every kind of evil. Because the teller of this story is known, namely that it is the monk, himself, who shared it with the bishop, I have committed it to memory in honor of our Lord Jesus Christ so that any dishonest men who hear about it will be terrified and the good shall rejoice in what is right.130 24. During this time, the lord bishop was with many of his fellow bishops at the consecration of Bishop Berold of Soissons in the church of Soissons.131 Here, Bishop Azelin of Laon132 very cunningly charged bishop Harduin of Noyon with fraud. He furthermore exclaimed in the presence of his fellow bishops that Harduin was both an excommunicate and unworthy of attending this fraternal gathering. As proof of his claim, Azelin presented letters to them that were sealed falsely in the name of the apostolic lord,133 and contended that these letters showed that Harduin had been excommunicated

198  Book 3 for his many crimes. Azelin thought he could strengthen his position with some of the bishops with this fraudulent sham, and even thought that he could convince the lord bishop.134 But the lord bishop rejected this scheme. Although Gerard was not unaware of Harduin’s failings, and had long differed with him, Gerard also was convinced that Harduin should not be condemned by the man whose advice had led Harduin to carry out his criminal actions. For Gerard had learned from the chaplains of the two men that Harduin had carried out certain shameful acts at the urging of Azelin. Trouble had been brewing between the two men for a long time, and finally developed to the point that, compelled by some demonic impulse, their hostility burst into flames and drove the two men to arms. The lord bishop then attempted to bring calm in this most difficult of times, in part by offering verbal blandishments, and in part by striking both men with the rod of the canons.135 25. When Archbishop Arnulf of Rheims died,136 Azelin of Laon proposed a certain layman named Ebulo as his candidate for the see.137 Ebulo previously had been Azelin’s close advisor and was a participant in his sharp dealings. Then Azelin sought through fawning entreaties to gain the king’s consent.138 In truth, Ebulo had no education, and had no knowledge of literature other than a few syllogistic arguments that he used to mock idiots and simpletons. But a long time earlier, Ebulo had gained a great reputation with the appearance of a deep scholarly knowledge, and had built up expectations along with a great quantity of money, which he had amassed shamefully through usury.139 Azelin had earlier sought to use Ebulo in order to pursue his own devious ends more freely, and now accelerated his efforts in this regard. The lord bishop was summoned to Ebulo’s ordination and consecration, but instead he strongly protested that this action was unworthy, as later events would show to be true, and was done against the word of God as stated by the apostle: “let him not be a recent convert.”140 Ebulo’s life was a contradiction of his status. 26. After some time had passed, and it became clear that the situation could not be remedied,141 Bishop Gerard was convinced by the urgings of his brothers and joined with his fellow bishops at a synod that they were going to hold at Mont-Notre-Dame.142 There, not surprisingly, Azelin, who feared the reproaches of Harduin whom he now distrusted, sought to turn the latter’s charges against him. So Azelin presented a letter, which he had written about Harduin’s crimes, to one of the bishops in attendance for him to read out loud. When this letter was read out in a loud voice in the midst of the bishops, they heard that an excommunicate stood among them, namely Harduin, who was standing right there. The synod was greatly disturbed by this public reading, and a major dispute arose. But then the decision was made to discuss this matter more carefully in another synod. 27. During this same period, Bishops Berold of Soissons and Waleran of Beauvais143 realized that the state of the realm was declining, that law was being disrupted, and that the customs of their ancestors and every type of

Book 3  199 justice were being profaned because of the king’s weakness and the general level of sinfulness.144 They thought that the public good would be greatly enhanced if they followed the judgment of the bishops of Burgundy.145 These bishops, who lacked any authority to do so, issued a common decree that bound them and all other men under oath to protect peace and justice.146 The aforementioned bishops were roused up by this scheme, and conspired with their fellow bishops from the upper reaches of Gaul,147 and even urged Lord Bishop Gerard to join them. But Gerard, knowing the facts stated above, decided to keep his distance.148 He realized that this idea was both impossible and destructive in every way, and refused to give any support at all. He responded that their idea seemed to be both impossible and inappropriate, because they had presumed to take over themselves what was a matter of royal law. This idea also overthrew the basis of the holy church, which is supposed to be governed by twin actors, namely the royal and the priestly. The latter prays for the former, and the former is bound to fight on behalf of the latter. It is therefore a matter for kings to suppress rebellion by force, to end wars, and to support the expansion of peace. It is a matter for bishops to urge kings to fight manfully for the safety of the fatherland, so that the bishops shall have the ability to pray. The decree of the bishops, therefore, was very dangerous to everyone because everyone was required either to swear to join in the decree or be subject to excommunication. Everyone would be tied together in the common sin if they participated in a scheme of this type. As a consequence, the other bishops condemned the dissenting bishop with secret castigations, saying that he was not a friend of peace, and that he refused to work with those who favored peace. Later, however, after he had been deluged with frequent exhortations by his own people, especially by Abbots Leduin149 and Roderic,150 he was overcome by their entreaties, and remained quiet, although unwillingly. But Gerard’s earlier claims about this were proven correct by subsequent events. Very few of the participants were able to escape the crime of perjury. 28. In this way, just as the lord bishop was shielded by his holy learning, and manfully protected the laws of the church as he was able, so too did he remain unconquered blocking all those who opposed him. He justly argued against the archdeacons from Liège who, motivated by their love of money and the desire for the thanks of their friends, had agreed that men who had been excommunicated after spending their entire lives, from childhood onward,151 participating in every kind of depravity, could be buried alongside faithful Christians. In order to convince the archdeacons that they should shrink from this, he warned them with fraternal correction in the following manner: “Gerard, although unworthy, bishop by the grace of God, to the archdeacons of the church of Liège, the nature of this office demands that I come to the aid of customs that are untrammeled. Because I have always shown my concern, with fraternal affection, for those acts that pertain to my love for you, I wish to warn you, at the same time that

200  Book 3 I preserve my declaration of love for you, that you not attempt to bring about any type of irrational novelty on account of which you might be seen to be in disagreement with the customs of the church and apostolic teaching. This is especially the case when a custom is confirmed, without any scope for contestation, by the authority of the prophets and gospels, as well as the apostles and the holy fathers. In this case, those who from their childhood onward spent their entire lives engaged in depraved acts and raging against the holy church of God with insane fury, and who were never able to tame their evil intentions and never showed any transformation in their manner of life even at the ends of their lives, and who rejected any penance for their own correction, and who were hardened and excommunicated and faced the ends of their lives fixed in their own depraved will, such people are excluded and deprived by just judgment from the bosom of the holy mother and the burial that is owed to faithful men. But I say, you ought not to judge they should be given the grace of being buried among faithful men in an undivided community. I trust that you did not do this without reason. If you have accepted consecration into this office and intend to accept the entire law pertaining to the observance of your duties, then it is the see of St. Peter the Apostle that is the mother of your priestly office, and also should be the mistress of your understanding of the church. For the sake of the worry that my own weakness feels in the present circumstances, I urge you toward the conclusion that you ought to uphold, pointing out a few of the arguments made by the prophets and the gospels that have been set out before, and which ought not to be avoided now. For what is more clearly and effectively against your point of view than what the Lord ordered to be denounced by the prophet Ezekiel: “If the just man turns away,” he said, “from his just acts, and if he carries out the same abominations that the impious man is accustomed to do, shall he live? None of the righteous acts that he has done will be remembered. He will die in his lies in the very same way that he lied and he will die in sin in the very same way he sinned.”152 A little later he added, “He will died in the injustice that he has done.”153 Consequently, I urge you to consider that if the just acts that these men had done earlier and then cast aside did not suffice to remove the blemish that arose from their later evil acts, how much less would this be case, indeed there is no chance at all, for men who never in their lives did any good deeds, and who never ceased from their evil actions. But as the Lord of the prophets, Himself, and the mediator between God and men was asked by St. Peter about the proper manner of correcting a brother who had sinned, he gave his decision in this manner: “if it is not possible for one man to be warned through his own self, let one or two others be given to him. If he does not listen to those who have come, then let him know that the matter should be brought to the attention of the church straight away. And if he refuses to listen to the church, let him be treated as if he were a pagan or a tax collector.”154 The Lord then immediately added: “Truly I say to you, whomever you have bound on earth, they will be bound in heaven,” and

Book 3  201 “again I say to you, that if two of you agree about some matter on earth, whatever you shall seek on earth shall be granted to them by my Father.”155 Therefore, from the incontrovertible truth in heaven this is fixed through those who have been chosen for the highest office of heavenly law by God’s authority such that they accept the authority of binding in God’s place. Who would be so rash in his thinking and misled in his conceptions that he would presume to claim (although I state that he certainly does not have the power to make it true) that this judgment of binding was an error? Indeed, it often does happen that a pastor is moved either by hatred or by grace with respect to someone with whom he has a close relationship. It was correctly said by the prophet: “They have killed the souls that were not dead, and brought to life the souls that were not alive.”156 It was on this account that St. Gregory said in his Homilies that “He certainly kills one who ought not to die when he condemns a just man; and he tries to bring to life one who ought not to live when he attempts to absolve him of a crime because of a supplication.”157 The evidence is to be weighed and then the power of binding or loosing is to be exercised. It must be determined what the crime is, and what penance should follow from this crime so that Omnipotent God may grant them the grace of compunction and absolve them through the judgment of the shepherd. There is true absolution from the Ruler when it follows from the judgment of the internal judge. This is shown clearly by the restoration from death after the fourth day that demonstrates the Lord had earlier summoned and brought to life the dead man, saying: “Lazarus, come outside!” After he emerged alive, he was unbound by his students. Thus, the students unbound the living man whom the master had brought back from the dead. For if the students had released Lazarus while he was dead, they would have shown that he stank rather than that he was virtuous. It is on this basis that it must be understood that we ought to loose with our pastoral authority those whom we recognize The Founder has brought back to life through His resuscitating grace. As a counterpoint, it must be noted that our decision alone is not capable of loosing those whom an internal judge has not brought back to life with the spirit of making amends.158 I say that we ought to listen to what John, the blessed of the Lord, said about such matters. He said: “Anyone who hates his brother is a murderer.”159 He said, “This is the faith that I have for the Lord because whenever we seek according to His will, He hears us. We know that we shall receive what we ask from Him. If someone knows that his brother has sinned, but has not sinned mortally, let him seek that God give him a life of sinning that does not lead to death.”160 He then added right after this: “there is sin that leads to death, and I do not say that someone should pray for such a person.”161 And if he says he is praying a sinner who does not sin to his death, this is in accordance with His will, because He does not wish the death of the sinner. And he proved this subsequently when he said: “because he hears us.” But on the other hand, He added: “there is sin that leads to death, and I do not

202  Book 3 say that someone should pray for such a person.”162 By this He wishes to be understood that it is against the will of God to pray for such a person. As St. Augustine said: “To pray openly for the impious, what is this other than to provoke God to anger?”163 For the Lord said through His prophet: “I shall judge each person in his own ways.”164 In another place the prophet said: “How I shall find you, that is how I shall judge you.”165 Moreover, St. Gregory said in his dialogue:166 “just as each one departs, this is how he will face judgment.” Although a short time later he added that certain lesser crimes, such as idle speech or immoderate laughter, can be forgiven. And scripture states:167 “whether a tree falls to south or to the north, it will remain in the place where it fell.” The psalmist made clear in a terrifying manner what it means for the soul to pray for someone of this sort, saying: “may his prayer lead him into sin.”168 And the Lord, when considering the Jewish people, restrained his prophet from praying for such people, saying: “Do not raise up any plea or prayer for them.”169 Moreover, there is no doubt that you know well what the apostle wrote in his first letter to the Corinthians:170 “I wrote,” he said, “to you in my letter that you ought not to mix with fornicators. But I was not writing of the fornicators and the greedy and the swindlers of this world.” He then added, “If someone is called your brother, and he is a fornicator or a plunderer, do not eat with him.”171 One must consider in this context that if the apostle offered such strict rules against consorting with men of this type, with what kind of hopeful judgment do we conclude that such a man can be restored to the community of the faithful? I speak of a man who up to the very end of his life never was free from any kind of evil, who never held his hand back from rebellion, the shedding of blood, from arson, from sacrilege, and plunder. Rather, a man who at the very end of his life gave up his soul, empty of any kind of nourishment from justice, but with his belly full of rapine. I am speaking of man who clearly was struck by God’s judgment and did not merit the venial grace of confession, and did not receive last rites. In the case of such a man, whom we urged frequently to make satisfaction because of his weighty sins, but obstinately refused, we ought to strike him with the rod of apostolic authority. When, in the end of his life, did such a man show any sign or give any indication of contrition? In order that we not belabor you any further, let your charity take note of what Pope Leo said in his decretals about such men, that is those who were excommunicated and then died:172 “The judgment of such men,” he said, “is reserved to God, in Whose hand it is, so that the death of such people is to be deferred until they receive the remedy of communion.” We did not communicate with them when they were alive, and we cannot communicate with them when they are dead. But perhaps it is possible for someone to be so depraved that he thinks that he ought to seek payment for absolution and burial, and then use the money or property on behalf of the church, thereby claiming that he can build palaces with such assets and that churches can be built with them.

Book 3  203 But Ambrosius Autpertus argued against this view.173 Hear a little of what he said: “We respond truthfully to those who say such things,” he said, “because then the palaces crash down and the churches are overthrown, as would be clear if they stood according to your view. It is in this manner that one people conquers another and one kingdom overcomes another, and there is destruction, and hunger, and devastation, and then crises abound. When the ruler on earth is appeased, the Lord of the heavens is provoked to anger.”174 Thus it should not escape your notice that certain important men from our own time also gave the appearance of acting for right and justice. I come to you my brothers, and most of all to our dearest Lord John,175 so that he not claim that he is keeping to this evil custom on the basis of the authorities.176 For those men cannot be called authorities who do not retain those things which were handed down by the Lord and the holy fathers as intrinsic to the holy church, but rather claim that those things should be kept that come from their own desires or will. Rather, one ought to consider what the Lord said to the scribes and the Pharisees who were complaining that His disciples were violating the commands of their elders: “Why,” he asked, “do you break the commandment of God for the sake of your tradition?”177 A short time later he added, “It is for no purpose that they worship me, teaching the doctrines and commands of men.”178 But if perhaps you object that this is your diocese, and you claim that you have the power, without limitation, of absolving by this grace, you should take note of what was ratified at the council of Meaux where the proposal was made that:179 “With respect to those who have a benefice or hereditary property within a diocese and are the parishioners of another bishop: if they plunder or carry out other depredations while traveling from one place to another while on a journey, it is our will that they shall be excommunicated, and that they shall not depart from the diocese where they carried out these acts before they make proper amends. The excommunication of such people shall be made known to their superior180 and to their bishop, so that they, in turn, will not receive the perpetrators before the latter return to the place where they carried out their pillage, and make full satisfaction.”181 But this is enough said about that matter for the present. Now we urge and ask you, with the love of fraternal charity, that just as you have maintained up to the present time the good customs and everything that pertains to the general maintenance of your ecclesiastical offices, that you also ought to use the remaining time to strive with the greatest diligence to keep the nobility of the ancient religion from being replaced fraudulently by some new invention. Do not be persuaded by your superior, although he is our brother and fellow bishop by the grace of God, to choose something other than what is right and good. It is perhaps the case that he has not been as cautious as he should be up to this point. We find fault, legally, with regard to the man who was healed by you,182 that is with respect to Erlebold whom, as you know, we excommunicated after we were warned

204  Book 3 by your superior and our fellow bishop about the incest that he committed with a nun, and for the many other evil acts that he committed while he was in our diocese. Our brother bishop has now accepted this same man into communion as absolved of his sin without our advice or consent. Moreover, our parishioners, whom we have banned from communion because of the churches that they burned and the robberies that they committed, were transported from our diocese into yours, to Nivelles, and were buried there over our objections. In addition, people from your diocese about whom we have complained to you, and whom we similarly have excommunicated for arson and other crimes, still lie buried in the same place without, however, having been purged through satisfaction and or being given absolution. 29. He then corrected in the following manner Bishop Adalbero of Laon183 who had undertaken to sell the bishopric where he held office to the cleric Wido, a nephew of Bishop Berold,184 and thought about placing Wido alongside him in the bishop’s seat: “To Lord Adalbero, bishop of the holy church of Laon, Gerard fellow bishop by the grace of God. Up until now, we have not been moved by the various common rumors about you, while we saw that you cultivated ecclesiastical learning and the conduct of the public administration with considerable care. Now, however, a certain stupefaction disturbs our mind, and I say, almost stuns us, namely that we have heard that such an unbelievable crime, an unjust abomination has been carried out by you in the holy church. This is that the governance of one church is passing to two shepherds, and that you have asserted for yourself the right of choosing your successor. You know well yourself that this was never permitted to anyone in the entire body of the Old Testament or in the apostolic church. But even if we had heard that one of the saints had made an announcement of his successor in a spiritual sense, it is not for us to follow this example because, as St. Gregory said, the miracles of God are not taken as examples, but rather are to be admired.185 We implore your charity that inasmuch as you fear to act against the commands of God, do not consider this plan that must result in damage to your office. Do not subordinate scripture to yourself, but rather subordinate yourself to scripture. Otherwise, you run the risk in loving your own ideas so much that you offer to those coming after you the opportunity for usurping the priesthood. In fact, you might give this opportunity to someone who could gain the office through the profits of his sedition. For we judge that there will not be anything left if this practice grows. Not only will ecclesiastical sees be available for purchase and the highest priestly office will be put on sale at a profit in the market place, but the wealthy shall each aspire for the highest pastoral office. All this, however, we say to you in the spirit of fraternal charity, and I beg that you not become indignant. 30. He wrote in a similar manner to Archbishop Ebulo,186 who had agreed with this plan: “To Archbishop Ebulo, Gerard, his fellow bishop of no merit. We have heard that a certain new type of execrable usurpation has taken place within your province, namely that one church shall

Book 3  205 have two bishops, and that the first shall have the unfettered choice about establishing the second as his successor. Such an act, it is agreed, cannot have any weight of authority. We seem to be witnessing a kind of open pit from which the steam of arrogant usurpation is bursting forth. This portends a burning chasm that will appear and tear the church from its unity of peace as these disagreements continue onward. Because we have heard that you have offered no agreement to this plan, we give thanks to God, by whose gift it is that no one has been able to drag you to this precipice of heresy. Consequently, calling upon Him Who wishes that we be pastors, although unworthy, in His church, we urge that you our father never offer your agreement to this invention that is against the command of the Holy Spirit and the organization of the entire Catholic Church. Regarding that matter that you recently commanded that we gather together to discuss, we consider that this should be decided at your discretion.187 Moreover, we believe that these discussions should be handled more quickly because so many of the problems of the holy church of God arise when we thoughtlessly deliberate together about what is best for the church.188 31. To the bishop of Soissons regarding the matters above: “To Berold, by name and merit a bishop, who is outstanding for his blessed manner of life, Gerard his fellow bishop of no merit. We have heard that a certain execrable new custom has grown up inside the holy church, namely that one church has two bishops and that the first shall have the unfettered choice about establishing the second as his successor. Such an act, it is agreed, cannot have any weight of authority. We seem to be witnessing a kind of open pit from which the steam of arrogant usurpation is bursting forth. This portends a burning chasm that will appear and tear the church from its unity of peace as these disagreements continue onward. Because we have heard that you have not yet offered any support for this novelty, we urge you our brother, calling as a witness Him, Who desires that we be the servants and shepherds of His church, that if this matter should arise in your discussions, that you consider what weight should be given to divine command rather than basing your decision on your own judgment. Let earthly love not lead you to evil, but rather let spiritual passion carry you upward with zeal for righteousness. Moreover, never allow anyone to drag you to this precipice of heresy, and do not offer your consent to this novelty that is against the command of the Holy Spirit and the organization of the entire Catholic Church.” 32. “Gerard, bishop in name but not by merit, to Abbot Leduin and the entire congregation of our holy father Vaast serving under him, and to all of those reading this document faithfully, may life and peace be multiplied by God who is life and glory to all who believe in Him. Because we recognize that you are a son of the holy mother church, and that you imitate your Father, merciful God, who created in you His adopted son and an imitation of His goodness, we rejoice greatly in God and in your charity. Even

206  Book 3 more than the other sons, you have shown the honor due to this mother church, through the compassion of your spirit, even though at present she is afflicted by the judgment of God. As we read in the book of kings, King David and the prophet blessed the men of Ja’besh Gilead who buried King Saul although he had been cast down and reproved by God, saying: “You are blessed in the Lord because you have shown mercy to your lord Saul, and buried him.”189 For if such men earned a blessing from the king and prophet David when they showed mercy to Saul although he had been cast down and reproved by God, so much more have you earned praise who have shown mercy to your lady mother, namely the holy church. For if the charity of God the Father is demonstrated in the Son who offered his soul through the death of his body on behalf of mankind, the image of the Son is seen in him who feels pity for his neighbor in need. If the grace of charity is available to the one who consoles a neighbor, how much more is this the case for one who mercifully honors the church, as the mother of the faithful, and in addition Mary the mother of God, the redeemer of all? “But so that my meaning shall no longer be hidden from you, I shall reveal it to you in a few words. Fear and sadness are creeping into me more than is customary, for although I have experienced these for a long time, they have become new as they increase in strength. If at one time I pondered the way that my life has gone, now I am drenched in bitterness because I lack for good things, and I endure through evils. If once I lifted my mind’s eye to consider the things of this world, now I see that everything is touched by malignancy. I consider clearly how much the world is savaged by the sword, and how the people are ruined by great blows. Moreover, I fear that even greater disasters will come because I believe that those so far have taken place because of our priestly sins. For as it is written, according to the testimony of St. Peter the Apostle: “Since it is the judgment of the house of God to begin”190 and in Ezekiel, “begin at my sanctuary.”191 This is made clear by the grace of the Word in the present day at the church of St. Mary at Arras. On the 30th of July a fire came from heaven and burned it completely as everyone stood watching.192 “I fear greatly that this was a judgment of divine chastisement on the sons of man just as one time before the Advent of the Lord, we read that two white fleeces fell down in this place as a sign of His mercy. Thus the burning of the church is a sign of divine vengeance that will fall on the sons because of their lack of faith. The fire comes with sulfur193 to warn the elect that they should be terrified so that they might have a chance to flee from the face of the bow194 and that He might consume with fire the impious and the sinners who always pull the sons of the church away from Christ. “For they are accustomed to say about us as servants of the church: ‘They are shepherds of the people, who are not truly shepherds but rather wolves. They devour the sins of the people because they received the fruits of the church in their daily wages. But they make no effort in study of prayer or in preaching.’195 Because of this, whatever bad things happen in the world,

Book 3  207 whether death, pestilence or hunger, they say that these were caused by and began in the sanctuary. And truly they do begin in the sanctuary because according to the prophecy of Jeremiah the stones from the sanctuary are scattered at the heads of all of the streets.196 But if a heretic or false Christian should hold this up to the faithful, let the response to him be what St. Peter said in his letter: ‘For if it begins with us, what will be the end for those who do not accept the good word of God? If it is difficult for the righteous to be saved, what will be the fate of the impious and the sinner?’197 And again, they should add what the Lord said to the Galileans in the Gospel who informed Him that Pilate had mixed their blood with the sacrifices to the idols, when he responded to them saying: ‘Do you think that these Galileans were worse sinners than all the other Galileans because they suffered in this way? No, I say to you. But unless you repent, you too will all perish.’198 And again, they should give as an answer what the Lord said about the eighteen upon whom the tower in Siloa fell and killed: ‘Do you think that they were more guilty than all the others living in Jerusalem? No, I say to you. But unless you repent, you too will all perish.’199 What more can I say? Dear brothers, according to the gospel of God and the Apostle Peter, it is necessary for us to respond to their stupidities because of our faithfulness and for the honor of the church. “But also, we cannot deny that even as they are insulting us on a daily basis, many of the things that they might hesitate to say in slandering us actually are true. For as St. Gregory says: ‘The world is filled with priests, but they are rarely found in God’s mass.’200 He also said: ‘As is the people, so too is the priest.’ We draw the conclusion from this that because the flock of Christ rushes to its ruin because of the example of our lives, it is through the merit of our lives that the flock might be recalled to Christ. Thus, by preaching the Gospel, all those who have fallen into sin might do penance. You, therefore, dearest brothers, who have renounced the secular world, and are standing in the gateway of the Lord, come to the aid of us laboring in the sea, beseeching God with your prayers and fasts so that the judgment of an angry God does not come upon us.” 33. “Gerard, bishop in name but not by merit, to G abbot may you be strengthened by an increase in your virtues.201 The archdeacons of Liège recently had a meeting about Hezilo and our niece, who is called his wife.202 And we were amazed after we learned the truth of the matter that they had made some sort of judgment among themselves. For we heard that this same Hezilo was now saying for the first time that he once had had intercourse with her, a fact that he had kept quiet up to this point even though he had been questioned about this issue at numerous meetings. Indeed, he repeatedly returned from these meetings stained with a blush of shame because of the impossibility of remaining silent in this manner. In fact, his silence was nothing other than offering agreement to those speaking against him. This matter ought to have been heard in an episcopal council where there would be a careful inquiry by the masters at the council, and the truth would be

208  Book 3 demonstrated, or the false testimony would be refuted. But supposing that he once had intercourse with her, what does this mean? For he has been with her for more than eight years, and he no longer recognizes her, nor is there any hope that anything different should be expected in the future. In considering these matters, one ought to take account of what the doctor of the church the apostle Paul said when writing to the Corinthians: ‘Let a man return what is owed to his wife, and similarly let the wife return what is owed to her husband.’ Then he continues, ‘Do not deprive each other except by mutual consent and for a time so that you can devote yourself to prayer. Then come together again so that Satan will not tempt you because of your lack of self-control.’203 What conclusion might those considering such matters present to us, namely what does the apostle wish to be understood when he says, ‘unless by consent’? Can the debt owed to the wife be paid by joining together once in eight years if this is done with her consent? If they are able to advance further, let them hear what else the apostle said: ‘Are you testing Christ who is speaking through us?’204 We think that you ought to write that you clearly propose this apostolic judgment to those individuals who know that they have not given a legitimate judgment about these matters. They either ought to concede to her, or if they reject her testimony, they ought to present what they found in a more suitable manner.” 34. “To Lord Bishop Fulk of Amiens,205 Gerard his fellow bishop of Cambrai by the grace of God, may you have innocence in this life and glory with the heavenly angels. Because our brother Bishop Drogo of Thérouanne206 has been driven out with great loss by Count Baldwin,207 this act should be deplored not only by us his brothers, but by all the Christian faithful. Based on what we have learned with certainty, we can scarcely bear from the perspective of fraternal charity what he has suffered. For who is so savage or hard-hearted that he does not weep about an ecclesiastical see that has been widowed while her pastor yet lives? Therefore, in the name of God, we urge and warn you to hurry to provide aid to our cast out brother in whatever ways that you can. For no one, thanks be to God, is better able to do so. Moreover, you certainly ought to because he was once your cleric and gained the grace of this great office with your support. It is therefore fitting for you to recall how repugnant it is to the canons and also to the apostolic decrees for anyone, who is able to help, to fail to aid any bishop who is in difficulty. Thus, we humbly implore your charity that you summon together, alongside the lord archbishop, your fellow bishops, and that you all strongly rouse up the king in aid of your brother. Certainly, you ought to make clear to the king that if he permits the holy church to be mutilated, the anger of heaven shall tear apart his kingdom.” 35. During this time when Emperor Henry208 was discussing both ecclesiastical and secular affairs in the palace at Aachen, the bishops also celebrated a synod of the provincial church.209 It was here that a major conflict arose between Archbishop Pilgrim of Cologne and Bishop Durandus of Liège210 about the monastery of Burtscheid.211 Both contended that it was

Book 3  209 located within their respective dioceses. In order to quash this legal controversy through his testimony about the truth of the matter, Lord Gerard the bishop spoke up in a loud voice and said that the bishops of Liège had consecrated five abbots of this monastery without any objection by the archbishop. Moreover, he, himself, at the request of the emperor and the Bishop Baldric of Liège, had ordained the clerics of the aforementioned monastery in the presence of the lord emperor in the church of St. Mary at Aachen. Moreover, he had consecrated this same monastery alongside Archbishop Poppo of Trier212 and Bishop Haimo of Verdun. On this basis, it seemed to him that the monastery was properly under the authority of Liège rather than Cologne. When others had testified in a similar manner, the archbishop departed, overcome with anger rather than with reverence for the synod. 36. But it also should not be forgotten that at the time when the synod was being held, there was such a great drought and unusual heat that many who died at this time are thought to have been overcome by the excessively hot weather. There was also a sudden mass death of animals that were overcome as well. On the other hand, the marble columns of this church were seen to sweat unusually great quantities of moisture to such an extent that it was almost possible to wash one’s hands with it.213 The marble floors were awash with such a large quantity of liquid, as if they were bubbling, that it seemed that they were being washed by the custodians of the church. Many wise men were astonished by these events because they did not know what they presaged. But they did presage, beyond human foresight, that the ruin of certain great men was imminent, princes whose deaths should be mourned by all of the faithful of the church. And this assuredly did happen. A short time later, first the duke and then the emperor died.214 As we shall explain below, their deaths caused the church to suffer equal desolation. 37. Then the emperor departed and went to the very beautiful estate at Ivois, which was made illustrious by the birth there of Géry.215 The emperor was accompanied by the leading men from among his courtiers and was going to have a meeting with King Robert there. The emperor intended to discuss the state of the empire but not only about secular matters but also ecclesiastical affairs. The emperor also wisely chose to come to this place where he knew that the most blessed Géry had been born in order to celebrate his joyous feast day, which falls on the 11th of August. Inasmuch as one was more important and the other was less important, the emperor decided that he would go to meet King Robert when the latter came to him at the estate of Mouzon on the feast of St. Laurence, and then on the next day, that is the feast of St. Géry, the emperor received the king with the greatest reverence when the latter came to him.216 This meeting was of such great importance and such considerable solemnity that my skill is insufficient to provide the details. The princes and satraps217 of diverse nations, exceptionally important and illustrious men, as well as both bishops and abbots, thronged together in great numbers. So many gathered together that they marveled at the imperial office whose

210  Book 3 reputation garnered such high praise. There the highest matters of peace and justice were treated,218 and a renewal of mutual friendship was concluded. They also discussed with great care the peace of the holy church of God, and how they might better support Christianity that seemed to have suffered so many falls. Then they discussed among themselves where they ought to meet again and have with them the apostolic lord219 along with bishops from both this side and other side of the Alps. They realized that no place was more fitting than Pavia. When these tasks were completed, and they were preparing to depart from one another, who could begin to estimate the great number and great weight of the gifts that the king and the emperor gave to each other, and that they received from the archbishop of Cologne,220 and from Lord Gerard the bishop, and from Duke Godfrey.221 The king was hoping that the emperor would give gifts. So the king offered whatever gifts he could, so that he might receive them in turn. However, the emperor, after giving away everything as an act of grace, because he was exceptionally wealthy, did keep the tooth of St. Vincent so that it would not appear as if he were ungrateful. But the emperor did not believe that only the king should receive gifts. He loaded down all of the bishops, abbots, and magnates with precious gifts so that there was almost no one left who was not a recipient of his largess. All those who gathered there recognized the imperial munificence, and marveled at what they had seen. They said that they saw more than rumor had suggested. I will dare to venture that no king of the Persians or of the Arabs could be compared to him, although I have read that they surpass all other peoples in their wealth.222 38. Then the emperor set out again heading toward Verdun to celebrate the birth of St. Mary.223 Several royal legates travelled with him. At Verdun, they heard the response of Count Eudes, and how he defended himself against the charges of King Robert by whom he had been accused.224 That same day, the lady empress225 gave the lord bishop a stole studded with gold and gems because he had placed her on his right in the procession.226 While there, the lord emperor quieted the anger that had burned for some time between Eudes and Theodoric of Toul.227 After destroying the fortifications that Eudes had constructed unjustly,228 the emperor brought peace. The emperor then gave gifts to the monasteries throughout the city, and then to a certain leader and then to the others.229 After this, he departed for Metz, and distributed great wealth to each of the monasteries, and no good man, or cleric, or monk was left without a gift. It was as if he had some foreknowledge that the day of his death was coming and was very close. Right after this, the emperor provided supplies to Lord Gerard the bishop so that he could return home. He also gave him a large quantity of gold,230 and then afterward, as he was wishing him farewell, the emperor gave him two altar covers to carry to the church of St. Mary, one of which was simple and other of which was marked with a golden cross. 39. Thus, the lord bishop returned home and was subjected in no small degree231 to the customary evils of Walter. Among many other matters,

Book 3  211 Walter began little by little to develop a hatred for a certain young man named Robert, who was outstanding both for the nobility of his family and because of his own great virtue, because Walter believed that Robert was planning to oppose his tyranny. Walter did not leave him in peace, despite the fact that Robert was under the protection of the bishop who was trying to bring about peace between the two of them. Ultimately, Walter killed Robert while the latter was protected by a truce, and even on a Sunday.232 Because of this and many similar acts, the bishop drove Walter from the city. But a short time later, because of the sins of the Christian people, the emperor died, and the bishop was compelled by other concerns to agree to receive Walter at Câteau under an agreement that was supported by an oath.233 But because Walter often committed perjury, and frequently returned to his customary crimes, and very cunningly made many agreements with the bishop in order that he might be reconciled to him, we think that it is right that these agreements, therefore, should be included here.234 In this way, the pitying reader might admire the patience of the bishop, and also deplore in wonder the immense savagery of that tyrant. These are the commitments made by Walter: 40. “I promise that I shall keep faith with you, and as long as I am yours and I protect your interests, I shall set aside the customs of the Carlings, and I will keep such honor toward you as Lotharingian soldiers show toward their lords and bishops.235 And if I should sin against you, and having been warned by you to make satisfaction, I shall give such justice to you, unless you grant me an indulgence, as the aforementioned Lotharingian soldiers give to their lords and bishops.” 41. This is the oath taken by Eudes, Robert, Anselm, and Lambert236 at the request of Walter: “From this hour onward, we will not be with you in any injury, to life, or to limb, regarding the bishopric of Cambrai, regarding your lands, your fortresses, or your other goods that you hold today, or that you may acquire in the future through our advice, saving the loyalty that we owe to our lords, whom we have today. We shall not gain any lord or acquire the service of any soldier for the purpose of destroying this agreement. Moreover, if Walter should sin against you, and if he shall not have made amends within the space of twice forty days, he will not have our aid against you. And if you give us warning following the proper forms of trust, then we shall aid you without any evil design.” 42. The agreements are known to all, which we have again with our Walter. “Just as we once set aside the unheard-of crimes that Walter committed against us because of our love of God and of our own friends, we have made this agreement so that Walter will maintain his loyalty toward us, just as he and his friends have sworn to do. And although he violated his promise earlier in a fearsome and unheard-of manner, we again granted our grace to him because of our love of God and at the request of King Robert and Bishop Harduin237 and Count Baldwin238 and Count Eudes239 well as Eudes, Robert, and Walter’s other friends who organized this assembly so

212  Book 3 that Walter might keep these promises better than he kept his earlier promises. He will be as obedient to us in all matters as he promised in our first agreement. He will act with reason and judgment toward the clerics and laymen of our church if they should have some complaint against him. He shall either follow the law or come to an agreement in a legal decision and judicial judgment. In addition, we will be able to impose a just settlement on him regarding these matters, and he shall seek justice through us if he and his friends have any complaints about all of these matters. Moreover, he will not use our city as a base from which to carry out any military action that might cause injury to us and our bishopric, unless he has our license to do so.240 If he should violate his promise, and is warned in an appropriate manner, he shall give compensation within twice forty days, as has already been said, in the presence of two or three of his friends who organized this assembly. And if some difficulty should keep him from doing so, let this be proven, and we will wait for him at an assembly within another forty days. Both sides will keep this agreement in true faith without any evil design.” 43. “If this son of Walter, who is now our hostage, should die, Walter will give another to us in his place. Walter gives a hostage in this manner so that we may be sure of his faithfulness. Whatever unjust actions that he commits against us, after he has been warned by us, shall be adjudicated according to the judgment of our faithful men. If Walter dies, and if Walter’s son is still in our power at this time, we will hand him over to his soldiers along with the goods of this holy church that the father properly holds.241 However, this will be done while preserving the agreement that Walter swore to us and to our lord emperor that he would keep. And if he maintains his faithfulness to me, then his pledges for security shall be returned. And if it happens that I Gerard, called bishop, should die before the son is returned, let him be returned to his father. However, the aforementioned agreement shall be kept and if Walter offers assurances to the king of Lotharingia, then he will be able to have security.”242 44. But Walter did not keep his promises for long. Instead, he rushed from bad to worse, and disrupted and trampled upon the church that was committed to my care. He rose up against me, and besieged me for three days in this city, strengthened by his men, so that none of my people dared to attempt leave. Because of these events, Heihampus243 came to me, while I had Count Hermann with me,244 and asked that I pardon Walter for these actions. I agreed to his request and the request of his friends, and set aside all of these issues. I conceded all of the legal claims regarding those crimes for which he made amends, and I commanded that he restore to the poor all that he had taken from them unjustly. Walter agreed, but then did not follow through. Then again, as he had done before, Walter promised his faithfulness to my lord and to me under oath and swore that he would obey me just as Lotharingian soldiers obey their lords and bishops. 45. Walter, who was accustomed to evil, set aside all of his oaths, and did worse afterward than he had ever done before. I endured his evil for a

Book 3  213 long time and I constantly warned him that he must correct his manner of life. When he realized that I would no longer tolerate such behavior any longer, he brought Count Eudes with him to a meeting between him and me. He was brought to reason after so many evil acts, and again having been vanquished and restoring everything, he again promised, just as he had done before, that he would restore all of the property to the poor, and that he would be subject to me such as Lotharingian soldiers are subject to their lords and bishops. Therefore, at the request of Count Eudes, I set aside all of the legal ramifications for Walter by making this agreement so that he would no longer fail to keep his obligations toward me. However, if he should fail in his duty to me, and having been warned to come to offer justice, he shall justify himself to me within three weeks. It is for this purpose that Count Eudes handed over Godfrey and Ivo to me as hostages, namely so that if Walter did not keep these provisions, he would not have any help from Eudes. If, however, the count, himself, violated this agreement, then the hostages, themselves, if they had been summoned, were to come into my custody.245 At the command of Count Eudes, each of the hostages confirmed this to me under oath. According to this agreement to which Walter had agreed, and to which his men had agreed because of him, those acts that he had committed against me are set aside from this day forward under the condition that if he transgressed against me further and either did not wish or was not able to make amends for this matter, then all of the judgments that previously were set aside would now be enforced, and the judgment that his equals previously had made about his benefice would stand,246 and he would be excommunicated without delay. However, those matters that relate to penance and to Christianity are not set aside, but rather are part of this agreement, and Walter and his men must make a reckoning. 46. Count Eudes swore, in his own hand,247 to God, and to St. Mary and to the bishop, that if Walter ever transgressed in any way again from this hour forward against the bishop and the church committed to his care, and either did not wish or was not able to make amends, then Walter would never receive aid, counsel,248 or shelter from the count or his men that might cause damage to the bishop or to the church committed to his care. Eudes further promised that Walter was not one of his men, and that Eudes would not hold Walter’s benefice without the agreement of the bishop.249 He then swore that he would see to it, keeping his promise without any evil design, that his subordinate would know this. Ivo swore that Count Eudes would not put aside this oath by his advice, but rather that he would keep the aforementioned oath.250 Moreover, if the count did seek to abandon his promise, Ivo would seek to convince him, if he could, to keep to his oath in good faith. And if the count were to commit some crime, for which he either did not wish or was not able to make amends, then Ivo would not offer him any counsel, aid, or refuge, which could cause loss to Bishop Gerard or to the church that was committed to his care. Ivo would keep this oath in good faith without any evil design, saving only his loyalty to his own lord.251

214  Book 3 47. Walter gave twelve hostages to Bishop Gerard, and here are their names. . .252 They swore that Walter would not fail in his obligations based on their counsel, but rather that he would keep his oath. Moreover, if he committed some crime, for which he either did not wish or was not able to make amends, within eight days after they had been informed of this infraction, they would bring him to the path of justice, if they could. And if he did not do this, then they, if summoned to do so, would keep their oaths, and would bring themselves, along with their benefices, to the bishop within eight days.253 Moreover, they would never give counsel or aid to Walter in such a manner as to damage either the bishop or the church committed to his care, and they would aid the bishop against him, keeping their oath properly. 48. This agreement was made very recently in the fortress of Schelmas.254 So that he could make this known to everyone, the lord bishop promulgated the agreement in a half-Latin sermon in the following manner:255 “Because we have excommunicated this man for his innumerable crimes, he has risen up against us with such great madness that he sought to kill certain of our people because they would not support him. He also compelled his soldiers, who were excommunicated along with him, to burst violently into the great church of St. Mary and other churches. As a consequence, great necessity compels us to suspend the celebration of the divine office in the churches. It would take a great deal of time to set out the great evil that he has done to us and to ours. Finally, I was no longer able to bear his insanity, and no longer tolerating anything from him, we expelled him from our city. But then, after he was expelled, he raged even more against us, and as far as he was able, he plundered and burned our estates and churches. Afterward, at the command of our superior,256 Walter was led by Count Baldwin and his son to Tournai, where Duke Gozelo257 and the bishop of Liège258 also were present. Here, Walter did not offer any justice to us, but rather making clear his deceit to everyone, he persevered in his evil. But when he finally found the opportunity, as necessity was impelling him, he made an agreement with us in the presence of Bishop Hugh,259 and also Count Baldwin and his son,260 as well as Eudes261 and Eustace.262 49. From this point,263 Lord Bishop Gerard first entered the city that had been committed to him. He saw that the buildings of the monastery of St. Mary were small and old, and suspecting that there were cracks in the aged walls, he soon conceived the intention of improving them if by chance, with God’s support, time gave him an opportunity to do so. But because, as we related above, he was impeded by both internal and external rebellions, he was not able to begin until the year of the incarnation of the Lord 1023, in the. . . year of his episcopate. But then, relying on divine mercy and strengthened by the prayers of the many faithful supporters of God, in which he placed his trust, he commanded that the old heaps of walls be demolished. After this was completed, and supported by every type of planning, and above all by a wise architect, the bishop pressed on carefully with

Book 3  215 the work that had been begun. However, even though he quite prudently had considered the necessary costs, he nevertheless gasped at just how difficult this task of rebuilding really was. He certainly feared that he might be overtaken by death or that some other cause might force him to leave this project unfinished. But there was nothing so difficult that it could interfere with his desire. He recognized that the transportation of columns that were located almost thirty miles from the city would be difficult. So he begged the divine clemency that He deign to offer some solace that was closer. One day, the bishop mounted his horse and searched out the hidden places in the earth in many places in our neighborhood. At last, with the support of God, Who is never absent from those who place their trust in Him, the bishop found stone columns in the exposed earth, just as he had wished. They were located in a district that was called Lesdain of old, just four miles from the city.264 But it was not only there that he found stone. Digging even closer on the estate of Noyelles,265 he was overjoyed to find another site. So he gave thanks to God, and girded himself completely for this pious labor. And so that there not be any further delay, through God’s mercy, he completed this immense project in seven years, namely in the year of the incarnation of the Lord 1030.266 Then, because he was attending, as was fitting, the bishop solemnly dedicated, or rather I should say that he dedicated with great solemnity, the church on October 19th. Who could describe adequately the splendor of such a glorious celebration? Who possesses such skill that he could encompass in words the true excellence of this event? The bodies of the saints of our diocese were gathered together with the people and clergy. The chorus of monks and canons were arrayed mixed together in formations. You could see great flowing crowds of people of both sexes not only inside of the city but in the fields outside as well. It is the highest act of piety to recall and preserve for pious listeners267 the way in which the lord bishop arranged the bodies of the saints around the altar. For the bishop, himself, along with Abbot Richard, both of whom were dressed in vestments, placed St. Géry, the greatest bishop and preeminent teacher, onto the bishop’s seat for this holy dedication, just as it had been before. They chanted praises and wept as they lifted him up with the highest veneration while the clergy and people looked on with joy. They placed next to him on both sides the saintly bishops Aubert, Vindicien, and Hadulf, who had been his fellow servants at this very altar. They also placed the staff of St. Vaast along with his other relics on the altar. Bishop Gerard then placed the others, namely the martyrs, confessors, and virgins, each according to the proper rank, in a circle around the altar, just as was fitting for each. Whoever perceived spiritually those saints who were arranged in this manner could have no doubt that they were resting there as part of a sacred consecration. But what can be said about the formal fair that was organized or the other solemn embellishments? It is easier to gaze upon these in wonder than it is

216  Book 3 to describe them. Then, after consecrating the monastery, the bishop added many adornments. He expanded the golden altar, by adding silver altars to both sides. He renewed the golden crosses, by adding fringes that were also of gold. He gave a golden chalice, coverlets, and vestments, and had repairs made to certain other appointments. He granted two manses at Anderlecht to provide for the candles of the place where the oratory of St. John was located.268 Also, when it was necessary, these manses could provide for the repairs for this oratory. He also assigned to the monastery the property at Wileve that had belonged to Bishop Fulbert.269 He also granted eight manses and his church at Letfringen270 for undertaking new projects. He also gave half of the estate of Ireneias271 along with its church for the support of the poor. He also gave a church in the estate of Maionis, which is called Fontaine, as well as an allodial property belonging to Gertrude to support prebends for the brothers.272 He granted in full possession the estate of Pescant,273 which he had inherited from his parents, along with its dependents of both sexes for the use of providing stipends to the brothers. He divided the payments from this estate into two parts. The brothers were to use half for the support of the church. They were to receive the other half on the anniversary of the bishop’s ordination, for as long as he lived, and when he departed from this world, they were to change this from the day of his ordination to the day of his death.274 He added to the bishopric the property of Raillencourt, which he had received from Ragnelinus, and another property in Brabant, located at Hautecroix.275 He also handed over a fourth part of the fiscal property at Péronne, which he had acquired from four free men, namely Robert, and Hubald, Athelinus and Seuvus, for the use of the bishop’s table at the stronghold of St. Mary, which was located nearby to this estate.276 The bishop constructed an oratory dedicated to St. Andrew there, which be built entirely from its foundations.277 He handed over the other three-quarters of the aforementioned fiscal property to the congregation of monks, whom he favored with pious solicitude for as long as he lived.278 The bishop wanted the monks to keep an allod from Mont D’or,279 which the miles Hervardus and his nephew Fulco had inherited.280 He also wanted the monks to have Watignies,281 which the aforementioned Hervardus legally possessed, and whatever Folcuin and Resinus were known to possess in Briastre.282 He also gave to the monastery the estate that is called Fontaines, and a third part of Petrosa along with a church, and property in Solman283 that he had acquired from Fagala, and another property in Bermerain284 that he had received from Gotho the miles, and similarly half a property in an estate that he wanted to call the manse of St. Andrew,285 and the church at Ferrière286 that he had acquired in an exchange from the brothers of St. Mary, and another church of St. Benignus, and the church at Ors,287 and the church of Bazuel288 and at Viseto,289 and an allodial property in Brabant called Ham along with its church, and the church of Ligny,290 and another in Furnis.291 He also gave another church in Cambrai,

Book 3  217 dedicated to St. Martin, which possessed a bake oven, as well as half of the toll collected at the new fortress along with both churches and one mill. 50. In the days after these events took place, ultimate fate set the day for King Henry of divine memory to die.292 Following his death there was great desolation for men, but in our view, it might be better said that the world was desolate in its calamities. The leading men of Saxony gathered together at Mainz and chose Conrad as their king.293 Duke Gothelo, the leader of the Lotharingians, wished to oppose their choice.294 He summoned the bishops of Cologne, Nijmegen, Verdun, Utrecht, and Liège, and received an oath from each of them, that they would not offer their hands to Conrad nor would they go to Conrad without Gothelo’s permission.295 Duke Dietrich296 and Count Reginar of Hainaut297 along with their accomplices confirmed their agreement with an oath. But the bishops, who had agreed first, also broke this agreement first after having made themselves the butt of malicious songs by the people.298 The lord bishop did not join any of these agreements, but rather attempted to steer the others toward the grace of peace. He recognized later that their plan was not very sensible. In the meantime, the lord bishop refrained from going to the king in order to avoid causing an offensive scandal to his fellow bishops. But he did send messengers directly to the king in a dutiful manner, thereby freeing himself from the stain of suspicion.299 This is not withstanding the fact that the lord bishop also strove to placate the king of the Franks by offering him gifts so that the king300 would not attempt to usurp the bishop’s position in Cambrai just as the king had received advice to attempt to usurp the entirety of the kingdom.301 In the meantime, the lord bishop restrained Count Baldwin in a limited manner so that the latter would not attempt to construct fortifications to the disadvantage of Cambrai after having been deceived by Walter’s lies. Finally, after almost a year and a half, the dukes were brought around, and Gerard went with them to Aachen, and freely placed himself in the power of the king.302 In the passage of time, Baldwin, the son of Baldwin, wishing to be the equal of his father, had a falling out with him.303 Baldwin the son went to the emperor. Baldwin hoped that with the emperor’s help, he could gain permission from the lord bishop to establish a fortification at Cambrai from which he could stage his rebellion against his father. But he was frustrated in this hope when the bishop refused. . . .304 51. Emperor Conrad summoned bishops from various parts to Trebur near Mainz to confer with each other about matters that were of utility to the kingdom and the church.305 After several of them had spoken, they agreed to this provision, namely that if it should happen that the fast of the first month306 should fall on same week as the beginning of Lent,307 as it usually does, then the celebration of both fasts can be completed with the fulfillment of a single office. The most restrained of pastors308 again warned in this case that the ancient customs of the fathers should be kept and recommended that office of the first fast should be celebrated in another week,

218  Book 3 thereby keeping the ancient custom. The view that he offered was seen to be appropriate, and they decreed that it should be kept. 52. The following decree was issued by the bishops of Francia to be kept by the people subject to them. One of them said that the letters had been delivered to him from heaven, and that they urged that peace be restored in the world.309 For this reason, he commanded the others, and gave to them these letters to be presented to the people. No one should bear arms, nor should anyone seek to recover them if they were taken. No one should act at all as an avenger of his own blood or of those close to him, but rather should be compelled to spare the attackers. They ought to observe a fast on bread and water for six days, and on the seventh eat meat and fat. Let them be content with this fast alone for the complete satisfaction of all of their sins. Let them know that no further penance needs to be undertaken by them. They should confirm under oath that they will follow these commands. Whoever does not wish to do so shall be cast out from the Christian faith. No one shall visit him as he is departing from this world, and no one shall give him a burial. They also issued as many other unbearable commands that seemed to repeat the burden. Our bishop, who was struck by this novel command, lowered himself down to the weakness of the sinners, and formulated responses to each of these demands following the decrees of the holy fathers. He demonstrated that the human race was divided from the beginning into three parts, that is those who prayed, those who farmed, and those who fought.310 Moreover, it is quite clear that each of these parts was supported by the other on the left and on the right. The efforts of those who pray are directed toward God while absent from the business of the world. It is because of those who fight that those who pray are secure in their retreat into holy quiet. It is because of the farmers and their labor that there is nourishment from food for their bodies. Moreover, the farmers are raised up to God through the prayers of those who pray, and are defended by the arms of those who fight. In the same manner, the fighters are fed from the produce of the fields and supported by the proceeds from taxes.311 Similarly the holy prayers of the pious, who are protected by those who fight, also expiate the sins of the latter. Thus, as stated above, the support for each other is mutual. Just as the Old Testament312 shows them that Abraham, Joshua, and David raised up arms in battle at God’s command, and that the priests girded the kings with the sword, so for as long as grace rules in our holy mother church, the bride of God, their office is not sinful if they lack sinfulness in their conscience.313 The apostle addressed the servants of God in this manner, saying: “For he is a servant of God, who is an avenger against anger.”314 He added, “For he does not carry the sword without cause.”315 Because the Old Testament is silent on the need to return what has been stolen, the example offered by Zacchaeus is sufficient as he said to the Lord: “If I have cheated anyone, I shall return four-fold.”316 Nor is it the case that those who

Book 3  219 strike back are sinners even though they might hear: “if someone takes what belongs to you, do not seek to get it back.”317 For we read two things: that the Lord was silent when he was questioned, and that he spoke when he was not questioned.318 His silence was not a matter of idleness, just as His word was salvific. For just as he praised Zacchaeus for returning what he had taken, He was silent about the recovery of those things that were absolutely necessary. But when He said, “do not seek back,” he was giving permission to those righteous who had made a vow to curtail their own cupidity. But he was not making a command, as I said, about necessities. So, on the one hand, he did not forbid people from recovering what was theirs, and on the other hand, he gave permission not to seek to recover what was theirs. In this context, the kings are taught by the holy fathers to establish firm laws so that the church or anyone else can justly seek to recover their property that has been taken unjustly. Furthermore, the one who has stolen is to be compelled legally to restore what he has taken. There is a similar command regarding the one who strikes a man, and the one who avenges one who is close to him. For the attacker is required to placate the avenger whom he has injured and offended by giving him satisfaction and gifts to provide the consolation for his dead friend whom he now has lost. Nor is it necessary for the avenger to offer forgiveness if he has not first been placated. For the Lord sent away from the altar the man seeking reconciliation with his offering of a gift, because he was not pure of heart.319 But he accepts at the altar with good will these things offered by the penitent man. Fasts in general should not be imposed on Friday or Saturday on everyone because not everyone shares the same state of bodily health, and not everyone is bitten equally by the contrition for sin. Nor should it be believed that this means of satisfaction is sufficient for all sinners. For crimes that grow day by day must be purged according to the decrees of the Gospels, the apostles, and the canons. So it is not right that those in positions of leadership should command the people to do other things that are contrary to these canons. Their commands ought to be in harmony with those made by the instruments of the Holy Spirit. They enunciate his words or his writing through His breath so that they not be seen to be destroyed. Moreover, those who do not wish to confirm these commands by oath should not be subject to excommunication. Since human fragility is insufficient to keep even one command, let it not be bound in perjury for having neglected all of these commands. However, when someone has to go from this world to another, it is necessarily the case that his intellect has to forget and to remember. But if the intellect is then scattered too far from itself because of the great size or novelty of the path, and for this reason little by little becomes forgetful of itself, it is necessary that it be summoned back by the consolation offered by the pious, so that the intellect might do penance for its sins even if it has been obdurate for a very long time. Moreover, I insist that mercy is not to be denied, far be it, from the one who seeks it.

220  Book 3 The dead man, however much a sinner he may be, is given to the earth. Thus speaks the authority of God, from Whom the greatest sinner of all, the murderer, heard: “You are dust, and you will go into the dust.”320 53. This is the reason why he then went to Douai.321 He responded, in that time, what he had understood from Him, Who is unchanged yesterday, today, and tomorrow to the voices of the people gathered together to establish a false peace.322 Walter had whispered in the ears of all of those who were both inside and outside that the bishop did not wish to seek peace. But Walter did not do this because he was a son of peace, but rather because he wished to be able to pursue the arts of his evil with greater freedom. He had brought together two of the statutes noted above, namely that no one should bear arms, and no one should seek to recover what had been taken.323 Walter strove to cover in silence the plunder and murder by which he had been nourished in his previous life, so that he might practice his customary evil more freely with everyone else disarmed. But the bishop understood this, and he exposed Walter’s trickery to the people who had now become quiet. The bishop, so that he might not be contrary to peace, conceded the many things that he owed to Walter only so that the people might have peace for the rest of time with respect to this matter.324 The crowd then began to bless the bishop, because they now recognized the truth that the bishop sought peace for everyone, even if this meant accepting losses to his own property, if this could bring peace. It is for this reason, as it is said, that he forgave all debts owed to him. 54. After these events, Baldwin, who was then count of Flanders, began to urge the bishop, as one who favored the people, to command them to confirm the peace with an oath. But the bishop, not lacking good sense even under these conditions, declared that he would command nothing other than what was stated by the law and the gospels. At last, however, he was overcome by fatigue as he came along with a great crowd to the designated place between Arras and Cambrai where the bodies of numerous saints had been carried. But Walter did not rest even here, and spent his time walking around, now inside and now outside, whispering that the Bishop was opposed to peace. Walter almost succeeded in moving the people to violence. But the bishop was not at all defeated by this, but rather spoke publicly in the following manner, to restrain Walter’s evil: “The painting shows the image of the devil standing at the ear of Simon, suggesting what Simon might say in his own voice as he contended against Peter the Apostle.325 In the same way, your deed will not benefit you, who stir up others to do the evil works that you cannot accomplish on your own.” Then, he calmed the people so that they would listen to him, and he taught those who wished to devour him how to seek peace among themselves. Then, after speaking about the salvation of the soul, he urged them to promise to keep, by their own will, what Christian law commanded that they keep. He added that when they went astray, they should seek penance. Thus, these things were

Book 3  221 done quickly, and accepting what the bishop said as true, they all gave their promises, and returned to their homes in peace.326 We wish to state this again regarding our own words so that some thoughtless person does not suppose that we, with insufficient clarity, have set the words of the gospels against the statutes of the bishops. The Lord gave some of his commands equally to the righteous and the non-righteous alike, and some He gave to the righteous alone. This is sufficient proof, namely that when He said to a certain youth, “You know the commandments?”327 He added, “Do not murder” and other commandments of this type, and the youth responded: “I have kept all of these since I was a boy.” Then the Lord said, “If you wish to be righteous, sell what you have and give it to the poor.”328 In another place, He was discussing eunuchs when He said, “He who is able to accept this, should accept this, for not all accept this.”329 Nor does it escape us that anyone can say that no one can enter into the kingdom of heaven unless he is righteous. But we respond to such a person with this point, namely that “stars differ from one another in brightness.”330 And I repeat the words of the Lord: “there are many mansions in the house of my father.”331 In our view, there would be no inequality if this had not been done according to His omnipotent will. So that the sum of all things might be preserved together for everyone in equality, inviolable charity is given from one person to another (whatever they have individually), which makes clear to all that if this is done, charity makes it possible for this to be sufficient for all things, whatever each person has in his own nature. Thus, in aid of our imperfections, we say something about ourselves that is similar to what the prophet stated: “your mercy is better than life.”332 Each person individually, filled with the completion of charity, will have this in their holy lives, and will have a share in the happiness of all so that there will be sufficient glory and equality. 55. Emperor Conrad went to Italy so he could carry out his own wishes with regard to that kingdom, and taking up arms, he fought.333 While he was there, Conrad acted without proper reverence and placed in chains certain Lombard bishops who supported Eudes.334 The archbishop of Milan was likewise captured, but for another reason, and flight recommended itself to him.335 The emperor then grew exasperated at the archbishop, and burned a number of places all around even though the man was not there. He did this following the counsel of the Lombards, who had decreed, the powerful along with the weak with one common oath, that they would not endure, under any circumstances, any lord who acted against what they wished.336 Finally the day of Pentecost arrived on which custom demanded that the king be crowned during the celebration of mass.337 Therefore, a search was made for a church, but none were found aside from a small one outside the city.338 But behold, that morning they began to hear the sounds of thunder, and heavy bursts of lightning flashed, so that many people in their homes grew frightened, and many others died of fear during the celebration of

222  Book 3 mass, as Bishop Brun, who was singing mass, confirmed.339 A certain secretary of the king named Bertulf said that he saw St. Ambrose, who was indignant because of the king’s evil acts.340 After this, Conrad departed, and came to this side of the Alps and leaving his business there incomplete.341 Not long after, Conrad was afflicted with an illness and ended his life at Utrecht.342 He left his son Henry as the heir to his kingdom and to his labors. The oftenmentioned bishop343 then went to Henry, and placed his hands in those of the king, alongside Duke Gothelo, who a short time earlier had been disposed to oppose Henry. The following signs preceded the death of Conrad. What seemed to be very large pillars of fire appeared between the eastern and southern reaches of the sky on the 6th of April in the year before his death. They passed in front of the sun before turning west, and then falling to earth.344 The remnants of the light could be seen for a long time afterward in the same way that clouds are held together after a storm. The year in which he died there was an eclipse of the sun on May 14th. Moreover, as I said, he died on June 4th. 56. The following August, the lord bishop came with the king to Utrecht.345 At the request of Bishop Nithard,346 the lord bishop disinterred the bodies of the holy confessors Gondulf and Monulf and received their relics for himself. Then a church was consecrated there in honor of St. Servatius. Afterward, a church was consecrated at Metz in honor of St. Stephen the protomartyr. The lord bishop was there at the request of Dietrich, the bishop of this city,347 who gave precious relics of this same martyr of Christ, himself, to him, which the lord bishop brought back home with him. 57. The lord bishop expelled from the city Aldo de Vido, who held the advocacy of the church of St. Géry, after convicting him of the many evil deeds that he had inflicted upon this church. For Aldo was exceptionally dishonest, and a stranger to the truth as well as to the loyalty that he owed to the bishop. Aldo accepted the offer of a duel in which he could recover his position. This was done in a legal manner, and Aldo was convicted and lost. 58. Lord Gerard the bishop was planning a dedication of a church in honor of Mary, the holy mother of God, and removed the altar from its proper place.348 The ground around the altar was excavated, and the remains of many saints were found there. These included the arm of Vaast, the confessor of Christ, as well as a large part of his head and parts of his other limbs. The church was consecrated there solemnly on January 4th. The body of St. Vaast and of the other saints were carried away by the monks of this place.349 59. A few days before these events took place, Leduin, who became a monk after being a layman, and then became an abbot after being a monk, departed from this world in a praiseworthy manner and arrived in another, we hope, happily.350 Those whom he left behind and whom he had instructed in all good things were saddened. I shall say this little bit about him. He showed the stupidity of the puffed-up erudition of the grammarians through

Book 3  223 his own divinely inspired and untaught wisdom. He carefully avoided all that was of this world, and as a faithful worker, he carefully fulfilled those things that related to God. He introduced Abbot Richard,351 that most holy of men, and Frederick,352 the uncle of Count Baldwin, a most prudent and just man who had left the secular world and taken on a religious life. It was through Frederick that this place began to grow in both holiness and in material strength. When Leduin took his place, the monastery remained, as is fitting, noble and with all good things. Leduin then restored the monastery from its foundation, and increased all of its assets, and lived his life, without any complaints, following the precepts of the Lord. After God lifted up Leduin to himself, John353 succeeded as abbot, after being elected by the brothers, and with the support of Lord Bishop Gerard and Count Baldwin.354 60. “To Lord Henry, the most serene of emperors, Gerard, the least of bishops and servant of the servants of God,355 may you have the gift of peace and eternal salvation. Because of my sins, I consider that whatever solace I may have offered to myself, bound as I am now in old age, regarding you, it is God, against whom I sin incessantly, and not you who will take it away from me at the end of my life. However, I do briefly offer a suggestion to your ears because I am not held by you at fault in keeping faith regarding the state of the community of the realm. We have spent thirty years living in our city among the swords of the people of our county.356 Our church has given many things to them, indeed there is a daily distribution. But those properties that were conferred upon my predecessors as bishop and on me by Otto and Henry, kings of divine memory, that is those properties that are part of our patrimony,357 these are not to be given away. For just as your liberality has a treasurer who pays out daily expenses as matters arise, in the same manner I am their treasurer.358 It ought to be possible to bring about a delay of this death, not to say a restful life for those who are with me.359 This is something that the rod of your discipline ought to do. Indeed, whose task is this other than the grace of the kingdom? But rather than that, the strike of your hand weighs heavily on us because you consider our weakness to be less suitable. But I say this to my lord, namely whatever evil things that he may think about me, he ought not to turn pious ears to just anyone regarding my usefulness and the cause, so to speak, of my foresight, but rather should consult those who are knowledgeable about my homeland and my family.360 He ought to give more credence to my usefulness than to whispers about me. For it is not fitting for the royal personage to have as his intimates those who are the enemies of peace, but rather he ought to cast such men out relying on those who are his particular source of strength. Believe me in this matter, their advice is false not true, and for this reason I delay in obeying you because there would no longer be any rest for you or for us. I would not be surprised if, because of this matter, you are more indignant at me than is appropriate. It was the same with Maurice against Gregory, although I am far below Gregory.361 The rod of

224  Book 3 authority, to which Maurice submitted, is to be respected and is eternal, and we possess it as well.362 We pray through Him who formed and united the church from His own side, that you not tear her apart and dissipate her. Let it not happen that you are found outside of her, purged by the winnowing fork of God. Do not admit the talkative young men with Rehoboam,363 but rather act through the silent young man of Chusi.364 David, the wisest leader among the three, as if you. . .365

Notes 1 Erwitte is located in the current German state of North Rhine-Westphalia, in the west of medieval Saxony. 2 Gerard’s father was Arnulf, and he founded a monastery at Florennes in modernday Belgium. His mother was Ermentrude. The reference to the origins of Gerard’s parents indicates that members of the social and economic elite did not regard the boundary between Ottonian and Capetian ruled lands as impermeable with respect to marriage arrangements. 3 Adalbero held the office of archbishop in Rheims from 969–989. 4 This feast is on the 2nd of February. 5 The requirement to obtain the king’s permission before departing from court dates back to the late Roman Empire. 6 This is Abbot Richard of Saint Vanne of Verdun who was appointed to this office in 1004 and held the abbacy until 1046. Richard was one of the leading monastic reformers of the first half of the eleventh century and has received considerable attention from scholars. See, for example, Steven Vanderputten, Imagining Religious Leadership in the Middle Ages: Richard of Saint-Vanne and the Politics of Reform (Ithaca, 2015), and the extensive literature cited there. 7 This is the monastery of Kornelismünster, noted above in book two, chapter 44. 8 Count Hermann of Eename. See book two chapter, 35 above. 9 By sending Gerard in the company of these local magnates, Emperor Henry was hoping to ensure the smooth transition of authority to Gerard, and to overawe any local opposition to the new bishop. 10 This is Count Baldwin IV of Flanders. 11 The author uses the term regii missi here to denote the two abbots and the count whom Henry II had dispatched to accompany Gerard to his new diocese. This usage recalls the Carolingian practice of sending high-ranking officials (missi dominici) to undertake tasks on behalf of the king. 12 The last part of this sentence seems to be a comment by the author of the text. 13 The implication here is that Walter engaged in treasonous or treacherous plots. 14 The author uses the term vassalus here to distinguish the secular retainers of the bishop from his clerical retainers. It is noteworthy that the author does not use the term milites here, as this term continued to have the functional meaning of soldier rather than the broader all-purpose term for men in episcopal service. 15 This may be the estate of Walecorn, located nearby Valenciennes, which Emperor Henry II originally had granted to Count Baldwin IV in 1007. See Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 6.29. 16 The royal charter for this grant has not survived. 17 Henry II’s appointment of Gerard as a bishop clearly did not depend on Gerard’s prior ordination as a priest. 18 In 1012, Easter fell on 13 April. The emperor’s stay at Liège at Easter in 1012 is recorded in the Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. G. H. Pertz in MGH SS 3 (Hanover, 1839) as well as the Annales Leodienses, ed. G. H. Pertz in MGH SS 4 (Hannover, 1841).

Book 3  225 19 The author uses the term encenia (encaenia), which is a Graecism meaning to establish or found. 20 At this time, the archbishop of Rheims was Arnulf, who held the see for the second time (999–1021) after being deposed and replaced by Gerbert of Aurillac (991–999) in 991. 21 See book one, chapter 111. The implication here is that because Gerard’s predecessor Erluin had acted in an unusual manner when he was consecrated by the pope at Rome, it was important for Gerard to go back to the traditional model of being ordained by the metropolitan bishop of his archdiocese. See the discussion of this point by Heinrich Sproemberg, “Gerhard I., Bischof von Cambrai (1012–1061),” in Idem, Mittelalter und demokratische Geschichtsschreibung. Ausgewählte Abhandlungen, ed. Mangabeira Unger (East Berlin, 1971), 103– 118, here 109. 22 It is noteworthy that the emperor gave as a gift a text containing ordination rituals. It is also important to note the bias implicit in the account of the author that the church of the German kingdom was organized on better and more regular lines than the church in the kingdom ruled by the Capetians. 23 According to the Chronicon S. Andreae Castri Cameracesii, ed. C. L. Bethmann in MGH SS 7 (Hanover, 1846), Gerard was ordained as bishop on 27 April 1012. 24 This is Godfrey, the son of Count Godfrey the elder of Verdun. He later became duke of Lower Lotharingia. 25 Count Hermann of Eename, whom Henry II commanded to accompany Gerard to Cambrai when the latter first was appointed as bishop. 26 The implication here is that holding an office of this type required royal approval, and this, in turn, required that the king know the man who held the office. 27 The reference here is to Henry II’s siege of Metz in August 1012, which took place during the king’s campaign in Lotharingia to end the rebellion by the relatives of his wife Cunegunda. King Henry besieged this city twice, in 1009 and in 1012. The bishop of Metz during this period was Dietrich II (1006–1047), the brother of Henry II’s wife Cunegunda.These sieges are recorded in Gesta episcoporum Mettensium, ed. Georg Waitz, in MGH SS 10 (Hanover, 1852), 543, ch. 5; Miracula S. Pirminii Horbacensia, ed. O. Holder-Egger in MGH SS 15.1 (Hanover, 1887), 33–4; Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 6.51 and 6.74; and Alpert of Metz, De diversitate temporum, 1.5. 28 King Robert II of France. 29 Count Eudes II of Blois and Champagne (1004–1037). 30 The bishops of Noyon in this period had their see at Tournai. Bishop Harduin held this see from 1000–1030. 31 The Latin term here is oratores. 32 It was a well-established idea in both canon law and in lay practice that individuals confessed their sins to their local parish priests in the period before Easter so that they could participate fully in the celebration of Easter mass by receiving the host. See the discussion on this point by David S. Bachrach, “Lay Confession in the regnum Francorum: The Evidence Reconsidered,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54 (2003), 3–22; and idem, “Lay Confession to Priests in Light of Wartime Practice (1097–1180),” Revue d’histoire ecclesiastique 102 (2007), 76–99, and the literature cited there. 33 This happened in 1013. Also see the discussion in book two chapter, thirteen above. 34 Notker was bishop from 972–1008 and Baldric II held the see from 1008–1018. 35 Lambert was one of the two sons of Count Reginar III, who had been expelled from Lotharingia by Duke Brun of Lotharingia and Emperor Otto I, and subsequently participated in a rebellion against Otto II during the 970s. See book

226  Book 3 one, chapter 96 above. Lambert had become count of Leuven, located in modern Belgium, in 994 and held this office until his death at the battle of Florennes on 12 September 1015. Lambert’s political success despite his earlier opposition to the German kings was due, in part, to his marriage to Gerberga, the daughter of Charles, the Carolingian duke of Lower Lotharingia. 36 Hougard is located near Tirlemont about 50 kilometers west-northwest of Liège. 37 This assault took place on 10 October 1013. 38 This is Count Hermann of Eename noted above in book three, chapter 1. 39 Count Robert’s mother Ermengard was the sister of Geberga, the wife of Count Lambert I of Leuven, making Lambert the uncle of Robert. 40 This is an authorial commentary. 41 Ermengard was the daughter of Charles, the Carolingian duke of Lower Lotharingia. 42 Bishop Dietrich II (French Thierry) of Metz (1006–1047). 43 This synod also is discussed by the author of the Annales Quedlinburgenses, anno 1012, who stated that Henry II came to Coblenz on the feast of St. Martin and held a large synod there for the purpose of discussing the actions of Bishop Dietrich of Metz. 44 See book two, chapter 35 above. 45 The author is again drawing attention to the information that he obtained from reading textual sources. 46 This description of the fate of the monastery established by St. Vincent illustrates the ecclesiastical concern about placing laymen in charge of ecclesiastical institutions. 47 The possession of the monastery by Count Hermann of Eename as a benefice, and the subsequent granting of the monastery to Arnulf indicates the way in which the German king used ecclesiastical lands to provide economic support to his officials. In this case, Hermann was the brother of Duke Godfrey of Lower Lotharingia. Having made the decision to appoint Godfrey, King Henry II then gave his new duke the authority to use the resources of the royal fisc to provide support to his own men, including his brother. Count Hermann then used part of the resources assigned to him, to provide for his own supporters. But it must be emphasized, as the following passage makes clear, that it was ultimately the king who controlled all of these assets, and that they could not be alienated from the royal fisc without his permission. 48 This is Bishop Gerard’s brother Godfrey. However, it is noteworthy that the author does not use the term ius hereditas to denote the transfer of the property, but rather says that it fell to him through inheritance, i.e., hereditarie cessit. The distinction is important in this case because the monastery was part of the royal fisc and did not actually belong to Arnulf, or to Count Hermann, who had granted it to him. Consequently, it was as part of his father’s office rather than as part of his father’s property, that the monastery came into the possession of Arnulf’s son. 49 Richard had been abbot of the monastery of St. Vanne in Verdun since 1004. He became abbot of Hautmont in 1016. 50 The author is making clear here that Count Hermann and subsequently Bishop Gerard’s father and brother only held the advocacy of this monastery rather than possession of the monastery. The advocate was supposed to represent the monastery in secular affairs, but it often happened that advocates despoiled the institutions that they were appointed to protect. 51 The year of the consecration is not specified, but it is likely at some point after 1016. 52 Duke Charles of Lower Lotharingia held this office from 977 until 993. He was succeeded in 993 by his son Otto, who held this office until his own death

Book 3  227 in 1012. These are the last Carolingians to hold major offices in Lotharingia. Godfrey was the son of Count Godfrey of Verdun and the brother of Count Hermann of Eename, noted in the previous two chapters. Godfrey held the office of duke of Lower Lotharingia from 1012–1023. It is notable that the author of the Gesta sees the agreement of emperor’s magnates as important in the process of selecting the new duke. 53 It is noteworthy that the author presents King Henry II as the driving force in maintaining peace and stability in the kingdom, and Duke Godfrey as his assistant in carrying out these duties. 54 In the nineteenth century, this place was still called the fountain of St. Waldetrude and was located in the forest of Mons to the right side of the road that led to Brussels. It was located one mile from the city of Mons nearby the ruins of the walls of the medieval fortress. See the discussion by L. C. Bethmann, the editor of the Gesta in MGH SS 7, 468 n. 76. 55 A typical feature of historical sources written in the early eleventh century is the reference to prodigies as predicting war. See, for example, Alpert of Metz, De diversitate temporum, 2.20. 56 Count Reginar III had two sons, Lambert and Reginar IV. The Reginar mentioned here is Reginar V, the son of Reginar IV. 57 Florennes is located 35 kilometers southwest of Namur in the modern Belgian province of Namur. The battle of Florennes took place on 12 September 1015. This battle also is mentioned by Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 7.46. 58 During this period, King Henry II of Germany was engaged in a lengthy and difficult war against Duke Boleslav Chrobry of Poland (992–1024, and king 1024–1025), and consequently was forced to leave affairs in the western regions of the kingdom in the hands of his trusted officials, such as Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. 59 Bishop Adalbold II of Utrecht (1010–1026). 60 Bishop Haimo of Verdun (990–1024). 61 This is Hermann of Eename, the brother of Duke Godfrey. 62 This means that the prospective husband and wife were too closely related to each other. 63 The reference here is to Pope Gregory the Great (590–604) and Bishop Augustine of Canterbury (597–604) whom Gregory dispatched to convert the AngloSaxons to Christianity. 64 The degree of separation is based on individual direct relationships, i.e., a parent to child is the first degree, an uncle to a niece is the second degree, first cousins are connected in the third degree, and second cousins are connected in the fifth degree because they share a great-grandparent. 65 In this passage, the author is making clear that Christian teaching on some subjects, such as marriage, was negotiable in pursuit of a higher end. 66 This is Count Gerard of Alsace (died c. 1024), who was married to Eva, the sister of Cunigunda, the wife of King Henry II of Germany. Consequently, Gerhard was Henry II’s brother-in-law. 67 Count Gerard of Alsace’s son was named Siegfried, who died in 1017. 68 This battle, which took place on 27 August 1017, is also discussed by Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 7.45. 69 The author seems to be drawing on the Augustinian notion that peace follows from victory. 70 The battle of Florennes actually took place two years before the events described in the previous chapter. 71 This is the same battle noted in book three, chapter 9, which took place on 12 September 1015 and is out of order with the events recorded in chapter 12. The use of the first-person singular by the author in this passage, i.e., estimavi, in

228  Book 3 contrast to the first-person plural that is found throughout books one and two and much of book three suggests that this is a later interpolation. 72 Riches, “The Peace of God,” 222, identifies this lustful man as Count Lambert, himself. This is certainly possible, as the man is identified later in the passage as a count. 73 Nivelles is located 100 kilometers west of Liège and 100 kilometers westnorthwest of Cambrai, approximately halfway between the two episcopal seats. 74 The description of the soldier’s armor and the way in which he donned it, indicate that the author, or his informant Bishop Gerard, had considerable experience with these matters. The brooch seems to serve a double purpose, both the jewelry containing the relics, and the fasteners that held the headpiece to the mail coat. 75 This is Bishop Baldric of Liège. 76 The sisters of Cunegunda, Henry II’s wife, along with their husbands and sons, caused trouble for the emperor. In addition to Eva’s marriage to Count Gerhard of Alsace, Cunegunda’s sister Liutgard married Count Arnulf of Holland, and her son Dirk III engaged in a war against Henry II as well. 77 It is noteworthy that these rebellions are described as being against the public good, i.e., status regni, rather than against the person of the king. 78 The author has made an error here with regard to the identity of the duke. Count Henry of Luxembourg, the brother of Queen Cunegunda, was appointed as duke of Bavaria by King Henry II in 1004. The king deprived him of this office in 1009, but restored it to him in 1017. 79 Wolpodo held office as bishop of Liège from 1018 to 1021. 80 Engebrand was elected as abbot of Lobbes in 1007 and was deposed in 1020. 81 These events are discussed by the author of the Gesta abbatum Lobbiensium continuata, ed. Wilhelm Arndt in MGH SS 21 (Hannover, 1869), ch. 4. 82 It is not clear to which council the author is referring here. 83 Richard had been abbot of St. Vanne at Verdun and St. Vaast at Arras. See book three, chapter 1 above. 84 That is the burden of governing the monastery of Lobbes. 85 See book two, chapters 20, 26, 28, and 29 regarding Leduin’s service as abbot of the monastery of St. Vaast in Arras. 86 Archbishop Heribert of Cologne (999–1021). 87 Archbishop Pilgrim of Cologne (1021–1036). 88 The ordination took place on 22 September 1021. 89 The Greeks, in this case, refers to the Byzantines who were undertaking military operations in southern Italy against allies of the German kings. It is notable that planning for this military operation should take place in Nijmegen, which is some 1,700 kilometers north of Apulia. 90 This place is located 26 kilometers southeast of Arras. See book two, chapter 12 above. 91 This siege took place in May 1022. See Die Annales Quedlinburgenses, anno 1022; Herimanni Augiensis Chronicon, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz in MGH SS 5 (Hannover, 1844), anno 1022; Arnulfi Gesta Archiepiscoporum Mediolanensium, ed. L. C. Bethmann and W. Wattenbach in MGH SS 8 (Hannover, 1858), ch. 18; Leonis Marsicani et Petri Diaconi chronica monasterii casinensis, ed. W. Wattenbach in MGH SS 7 (Hanover, 1846), ch. 40; and Rodulfi Glabri Historiarum Libri Quinque: Rodulfus Glaber Five Books of Histories, ed. and trans. John France (Oxford, 1989), p. 100. 92 The author’s emphasis on the emperor’s good will toward Gerard may be intended to make clear that the bishop’s lack of participation in this military campaign was not the result of, or the cause of the emperor’s hostility toward him.

Book 3  229 93 Gengulf was a mid-eighth-century Burgundian saint whose cult was most widely celebrated in what is today Belgium and the Netherlands, that is in the regions of Lotharingia. 94 Sigibert of Gembloux, Chronicon sive Chronographia, ed. L. C. Bethmann in MGH SS 6 (Hannover, 1844), noted under the year 1010 that monks replaced clerics who lived in the monastery at Florennes. Sigibert added under the year 1015 that Bishop Baldric of Liège acquired a monastery at Florennes. The Vita Balderici episcopi Leodenensis, ed. D. G. Waitz in MGH SS 4 (Hannover, 1841), ch. 5, notes the bishop’s acquisition of monastery at Florennes. 95 Richard of Saint Vanne was made abbot of the monastery of St. John at Florennes in 1015. 96 The author of the Gesta is partially correct here. The Waal is a distributary rather than a tributary of the Rhine River. However, the Meuse river system is separate from that of the Rhine. 97 The author uses monarchia here, which is the only time he uses this term in the text. It would appear that the author is suggesting that the rule exercised by Arnulf and his son Dirk was distinct from the type of royal rule exercised by Henry II of Germany and Robert II of France. 98 Arnulf of Ghent became count in Frisia in 988, but was killed in battle at Winkel in the western region of Frisia in 993. At this point, his son Dirk (also called Dietrich as he is by the author of the Gesta) was still a child. Dirk’s mother Liutgard, a sister of the German queen Cunegunda, served as his regent form 993–1005. Dirk subsequently held office as count of Frisia until his death in 1039. 99 Count Dirk receives considerable attention from Alpert of Metz, De diversitate temporum, 2.20–21. 100 Bishop Adalbold II of Utrecht. The following events are discussed in detail also by Alpert of Metz, De diversitate Temporum, 2.20; and Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 8.13. 101 These are Archbishop Heribert of Cologne, Bishop Balderic of Liège, and Bishop Adalbald II of Utrecht. It is noteworthy that the author of the text presents the king as the one who had the responsibility and authority to mobilize the army. This same point was made by Alpert of Metz, De diversitate temporum, 2.20. 102 Herwerden is located 60 kilometers due west of Utrecht. 103 The battle took place on 29 July 1018 at Vlaardingen near the town of Shiedam on the right bank of the Meuse River where it flows into the sea. 104 Deuteronomy 32.30. The full phrase is “how can one man chase a thousand and two chase ten thousand unless their rock has betrayed them, unless the Lord has abandoned them.” 105 That is Herwerden. However, Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 8.13, says that Baldric died at the town of Tiel. 106 It is 70 kilometers from Cambrai north-northwest to Mons, meaning that Gerard would have needed to change horses at least twice during his journey to continue throughout the night. 107 It is 70 kilometers from Mons due east to Argenton, which is located halfway between the cities of Gembloux and Namur. From Argenton, Gerard was still some 200 kilometers due south of the battle site at Vlaardingen. 108 Alpert of Metz, De diversitate Temporum, 2.20 also commented on a comet appearing before the battle. 109 See book two, chapter 40 above. 110 This monastery was part of the royal fisc. In 1018, Henry II issued a charter on behalf of the monastery of St. Ghislain, confirming its properties. See Die

230  Book 3 Urkunden Heinrichs II., nr. 386. The charter makes clear that at least some of the properties held by the monastery, which dated back to the reign of Charlemagne, had been granted out as benefices, and that the monks only had access to a tenth of their revenues, i.e., decima omnium feodorum. However, the charter also makes clear that the author’s claims of extreme poverty are an exaggeration. The charter was issued to the monastery of St. Ghislain after the emperor received a request from both Bishop Gerard and Reginar V who held the comital office in Mons. 111 This is Count Reginar V of Mons (died after 1039), the son of Reginar IV and the nephew of son of Count Lambert, who was killed at the battle of Florennes. 112 This passage provides insight into the efforts of the author the Gesta to blacken the image of the political enemies of the bishop. In light of the charter issued by Henry II on behalf of St. Ghislain in 1018, it is clear that Reginar and Bishop Gerard worked together, and both sought the security of the monastery. 113 Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. 114 Aldo’s fate suggests that he came from an important family and could not simply be killed out of hand for his criminal activity. 115 This is the cemetery of the monastery of St. Ghislain. 116 The term for selling an ecclesiastical office is simony. Eliminating this practice would become a major goal of church reformers later in the eleventh century. 117 See book three, chapter 6 above. 118 Herbrandus held the office at St. Ghislain from 1025 until his death in 1045. 119 This is Bishop Adalbold of Utrecht (1010–1027). 120 The reference here is to the sacrament of the eucharist, whereby the bread and wine are transformed into the body and blood of Christ. 121 The author uses the neologism inconcare here. 122 The author uses the term armiger here to denote the armed man with the horse. It is noteworthy that he does not use the term miles to denote this man, because it is evident that he was an important man from the neighborhood but not the member of a military household. 123 In 1016, Bishop Adalbold witnessed a royal charter issued at Dortmund on behalf of the church of Paderborn, and in 1019, Adalbold was at Goslar witnessing a royal charter on behalf of the church of Münster. See Die Urkunden Heinrich II., nr. 343 and 402. 124 This story presages the letter that Bishop Gerard sent to the archdeacons at Liège urging them not to accept for burial in consecrated ground those who had been excommunicated. See book three, chapter 27. 125 Count Adalbert II (980–1015) and Count Eudes (1015–1045) were the sons of Count Heribert III of Vermandois (953–1015). 126 This monastery is located near St. Quentin. Waleran became abbot of Homblières in 1025. 127 This took place in 1010. 128 Proverbs 26.11. 129 This is the consecrated host that is normally given as part of the sacrament of last rites. 130 The author is making a very clear claim here about the value of eyewitness testimony that can be tested and confirmed by the author of a historical work. 131 The date of Berold’s consecration is not known, but he held the see until 1052. 132 The bishop of Laon at this time was Adalbero (977–1030), but he was also called Azelin. He was the first cousin of Duke Godfrey of Lower Lotharingia. Adalbero’s uncles included Count Godfrey of Verdun and Archbishop Adalbero of Rheims, the brothers of Adalbero’s father, Count Reginar of Bastogne. 133 This is the pope.

Book 3  231 34 That is Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. 1 135 This means that the bishop threatened to punish them for violating canon law. 136 Arnulf died in 1021. 137 Ebulo was the count of Roucy, and continued to hold this office after being appointed as archbishop of Rheims (1021–1033). 138 This is King Robert II of France. 139 The author of the Gesta is claiming that Ebulo lent out money at interest, which was against canon law. 140 1 Timothy 3.6. 141 The author is returning to the conflict between Azelin and Harduin that he addressed in book three, chapter 24. 142 Mont-Notre-Dame is located just outside Bazoches near the city of Soissons, some 180 kilometers southwest of Cambrai. 143 Bishop Waleran (Guerin) of Beauvais (1022–1030). 144 The kingdom in question is France and the king is Robert II. 145 The reference here is to a gathering of bishops from the region of Burgundy who organized a peace movement to restrict violence by lay magnates, who were not being constrained by the power of the French king. See the important discussion of these events by Theo Riches, “Peace of God, the ‘weakness’ of Robert the Pious and the Struggle for the German Throne 1023–5,” Early Medieval Europe 18.2 (2010), 202–222. 146 This was a peace assembly at Compiègne in either 1023 or 1024. See the discussion by Riches, “The Peace of God,” 205–207 regarding the date. The text of the oath made at Compiègne is published by H. Leclerq in Histoire des conciles d’après les documents originaux, second edition, trans. H. Leclercq (Paris, 1911), volume 4.2, 1409–1410. 147 The reference here is to the bishops in northern France. 148 Riches, “Peace of God,” passim, argues that the author of the Gesta misrepresents both the nature of the peace assembly and of King Robert’s role in organizing the assembly because of the political concerns in the period immediately following the death of Bishop Gerard in 1051. 149 Abbot Leduin of St. Vaast. 150 Abbot Roderic of St. Bertin (1021–1042). The monastery of St. Bertin is located in St. Omer, approximately 120 kilometers northwest from Cambrai. Roderic originally was a monk at St. Vaast in Arras and was a student of Richard of Saint Vanne, Bishop Gerard’s schoolmate and friend at Rheims. These relationships may have given Roderic influence over Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. 151 The author uses the expression ab ipsis cunabulis, literally from their nests. 152 Ezekiel 18.24. 153 Ezekiel 18.25. 154 Matthew 18.16–17. 155 Ibid., 18.19. 156 Ezekiel 13.19. 157 The passage is taken from Gregory the Great, XL Homiliae in Evangelia libri duo, book 2 homily 26. For an edition of this text, see Homiliae in evangelia, ed. R. Étaix (Turnhout, 1999). 158 The author’s emphasis on inner contrition as being essential to the penitential rite goes back to the Carolingian penitential reforms of the late eighth and early ninth century. See the discussion by Michael S. Driscoll, “Penance in Transition: Popular Piety and Practice,” in Medieval Liturgy: A Book of Essays, ed. Lizette Larson-Miller (New York, 1997), 121–163. 159 1 John 3.15. 160 1 John 5.14–16.

232  Book 3 161 162 163 164 165 166

Ibid. Ibid. The reference here is not clear. Ezekiel, 33.20. Ezekiel 24.14. Gregory the Great, Dialogi, ed. and trans. A. de Vogüe and P. Lantin (Paris, 1978–1980), 4.41.3 167 Ecclesiastes 11.3. 168 Psalm 108.7. 169 Jeremiah 7.16. 170 1 Corinthians 5.9. 171 Ibid. 172 Pope Leo the Great, Epistolae, ed. J. P. Migne in Patrologia Latina 54 (Paris, 1846), here letter 92 col. 1197. 173 Ambrosius Autpertus (died 784) was a Benedictine abbot at St. Vincenzo in Volturno and a theologian. His collected works are published in Ambrosii Autperti Opera, ed. Robert Weber (Turnhout, 1975–1979). 174 Ambrosius Aupertus, Sermo de cupiditate, ed. R. Weber (Turnhout, 1979), here 971. 175 This is the archdeacon at Liège whom Bishop Gerard identifies as the man most responsible for allowing excommunicated individuals to be buried along Christians. John became provost of the church of St. Lambert in 1021 after first being appointed as archdeacon at Liège in 1018, which give us our terminus postquem and terminus antequem for this letter. 176 The reference here is to theological or patristic texts that were understood to reflect the orthodox teaching of the Church. 177 Matthew 15.3 178 Matthew 15.9. 179 The council of Meaux took place in June 845. Most of the bishops in the West Frankish kingdom of Charles the Bald took part in the council, including the entire provinces of Sens, Rheims, and Bourges. See Die Konzilien der karolingischen Teilreiche 843–859, ed. Wilfried Hartmann in MGH Concilia vol. 3 (Hannover, 1984), 61–63. 180 See the discussion in book one, chapter 10 above. 181 This passage does not appear in the surviving canons from the council of Meaux, and also does not appear to have been in any of the surviving church councils from the ninth century. Riches, “Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai-Arras,” 133 argues that this text is a modified version of a capitulary issued by Carloman II (879–884) issued in 882. See Capitularia II: 287 c.6, which was used by Regino of Prüm in his book on canon law. See Libri duo de synodalibus causis et disciplinis ecclesiasticis, ed. F.G. A. Wasserschleben (Leipzig, 1840), 327, where Regino claimed that the text came from the council of Meaux. It seems likely that Riches is correct about the source used by the author of the Gesta although the reason for Regino’s error is not clear. 182 The healing in this case refers to spiritual healing, meaning that the archdeacons at Liège had given absolution to this man. 183 This is the same bishop whom the author of the Gesta previously denoted as Azelin of Laon. 184 Bishop Berold of Soissons. 185 Gregory the Great, Homeliae in Hiezechilhelem, ed. M. Adriaen (Turnhout, 1971), here 1.2.4. 186 Archbishop Ebulo of Rheims, whom Adalbero/Azelin succeeded in having elected to this see, as seen above in book three, chapter 24.

Book 3  233 187 This seems to be a matter separate from the effort by Adalbero of Laon to appoint his successor. 188 Bishop Gerard’s refusal to attend a synod summoned by Archbishop Ebulo makes clear that the bishop of Cambrai did not accept Ebulo’s leadership of the province. Similarly, the claim that having bishops meet together in a synod has little value and has the potential to cause great harm, is contrary to the traditional ways of thinking about cooperation among prelates. In this case, however, Gerard is making a claim about the ineffective leadership offered by Ebulo as archbishop of the province of Rheims. 189 2 Samuel 2.5. 190 1 Peter 4.17. 191 Ezekiel 9.6. The full passage states, “Slaughter the old men, the young men and women, the mothers and children, but do not touch anyone who has the mark. Begin at my sanctuary.” 192 The church burned down in 1029. The fire coming from heaven may be a reference to lightening. 193 The implication is that this is fire from Satan, which reeked of sulphur. 194 Psalm 59.6. 195 Bishop Gerard is pointing here to common complaints raised by lay people about the clergy of his day. 196 Lamentations 4.1 197 1 Peter 4.17–18. 198 Luke 13.2–3. 199 Luke 13.4–5. 200 Gregory the Great, Homiliae in evengelia, 17.3. 201 Abbot Gozo of Florennes. It is difficult to ascertain the dates for his abbacy. See the discussion by Erik Van Mingroot, Les Chartes de Gérard Ier, Liétbert et Gérard II, Évêques de Cambrai et D’Arras, Comtes du Cambrésis (1012– 1092/93): Introduction, Édition, Annotation (Leuven, 2005), 337. 202 Gerard’s niece is Hadewid of Florennes. 203 1 Corinthians 7.5. 204 2 Corinthians 13.3. 205 Bishop Fulk II of Amiens (1030–1058). This letter was added to the text by the second author of the Gesta. 206 Bishop Drogo of Thérouanne (1030–1078). 207 Count Baldwin IV of Flanders (987–1035). 208 Emperor Henry II. 209 These events took place in July 1023. The reference seems to be to a synod held by the bishops of the archdiocese of Cologne. 210 Bishop Durandus of Liège (1021–1025). 211 Emperor Otto III founded the monastery of Burtscheid in 997 in what is today a neighborhood of the city of Aachen. 212 Archbishop Poppo of Trier (1016–1047). 213 This is the church of St. Mary in Aachen where the synod was being held. 214 Duke Godfrey of Lower Lotharingia died in 1023 and Emperor Henry II died in July 1024, one year after the synod at Aachen. It should be noted that this is the first reference in the Gesta to knowledge of events in period after the summer of 1024. 215 Ivois (Carignan) is located 180 kilometers southwest of Aachen. 216 Mouzon is located 7 kilometers west-southwest of Ivois (Carignan). The author of the text is making a parallel comparison between Saint Géry and St. Laurence, on the one hand, and Emperor Henry II and King Robert II on the other. Géry and Henry are more important than Laurence and Robert.

234  Book 3 Diplomatic protocol was such that the less important individual came to the more important individual. However, because Robert was a king, it was necessary to arrange matters so that he did not lose face in this meeting with Henry. In earlier meetings between western and eastern rulers, it often happened that the two men met in a neutral location and that each arrived at the same time. In this case, the arrangement was that Robert would come to Henry at Mouzon, but that Henry would go out to receive him. This took place on the feast of St. Laurence. However, on the feast day that was more important, at least to the author of the Gesta, namely the feast of St. Géry, Robert came to Ivois, and Henry received him there. According to the author of the Gesta, this arrangement demonstrated both Henry’s greater importance than Robert, and St. Géry’s precedence over St. Laurence. 217 The author is inserting an exotic term here in order to heighten the impression of the splendor of the occasion. 218 The author uses what seems to be a neologism with the term diffinitio, meaning handling or treating a subject. 219 This is the pope. The emphasis by the author on the work of the kings to protect the church is intended as a rebuke to those bishops who presumed to take on this task themselves through the Peace of God movement. 220 This is Archbishop Pilgrim of Cologne. 221 The author mentions these three magnates because they were among the leading men in Lotharingia, which hosted the meeting between Henry II and Robert II. 222 This passage illuminates the importance of royal munificence as a tool of diplomacy. 223 8 September 1023. 224 This is Count Eudes II of Blois. 225 Empress Cunegunda, the wife of Henry II. 226 The right side was the position of honor, and the bishop had given this to the empress. She then gave him a gift in return. 227 Duke Dietrich (Thierry) of Upper Lotharingia (978–1027). 228 The implication is that Count Eudes had not received a royal license to construct these fortifications. 229 The author of the Gesta uses the term capitaneus here, but it is not clear whether he means someone holding a specific office, or simply an important man. 230 The author of the Gesta uses the neologism didragmare here for “to give.” 231 The text states that the bishop minime feriatur, meaning that he was attacked very little, or hardly at all. However, the next sentence makes clear that the bishop suffered a great deal, which suggests that a negation is missing from the first sentence in the chapter. 232 This may be a reference to the so-called Truce of God, according to which potential combatants swore not to fight on Sunday. 233 The author of the Gesta denotes the meeting place simply as Castellum. 234 The tense used in this passage suggests that the first author of the Gesta was writing contemporaneously with the events being described. The subsequent addition of the agreements between Bishop Gerard and Walter II likely was undertaken by the second author of the Gesta. 235 This clause indicates that there are differences in custom between the emerging French kingdom and Lotharingia, which long has had a political identity separate from both the western and eastern kingdoms of France and Germany. See the discussion on this point by Schneidmüller, “Französische Lothringenpolitik im 10. Jahrhundert,” 1–31.

Book 3  235 236 These men would appear to be Walter’s supporters, although their specific identity is not clear. 237 This is Bishop Harduin of Noyon (1000–1030). 238 Count Baldwin IV of Flanders. 239 This is Count Eudes II of Blois. 240 It is notable that the bishop is claiming the authority both to limit the military activities of Walter, and also the authority to authorize military action. 241 The father in this case is Walter. 242 The use of the term king of Lotharingia suggests that there might be some question in the future whether the Capetian ruler Robert II might be able to gain control over Lotharingia from Henry II’s successor King Conrad II of Germany (1024–1039), who faced a number of rebellions early in his reign. 243 It is not clear who this man is. 244 This is Count Hermann of Eename. 245 The implication is that the “hostages” were not actually in Gerard’s possession, but rather had sworn that they would voluntarily go to him and place themselves in his custody if Count Eudes failed to fulfill his obligations. 246 He would be stripped of his benefice. 247 This may mean that he did this on his own behalf, or perhaps that he actually wrote a document to this effect. 248 The phrase auxilium and consilium generally is associated by scholars with the so-called “feudal” oath that a man gave to his lord in return for a benefice. Here, however, the phrase is used much more broadly, along with refuge, to show the kinds of services that important people gave to each other. 249 The purpose of this promise seems to be that Eudes will not accept an offer by Walter to transfer his allegiance and also the property that he controls to the count. 250 Ivo would appear to be the subordinate in the previous sentence. 251 Given that Ivo’s own lord was Count Eudes, it appears that the final clause of this oath offers a considerable loophole. 252 The names are not in the manuscript of the text. 253 The idea here is that these twelve men would surrender both themselves and their benefices to the bishop if they could not compel Walter to make amends for his actions against the bishop. 254 This place is located in the county of Tournai, but it is not clear where exactly this took place. Tournai, itself, is located approximately 75 kilometers north of Cambrai. It is not clear when this event took place. 255 The author uses the term semilatinus. The implication of this passage is that Bishop Gerard wanted the local Romance speakers to understand the agreement, and so issued it in the local dialect, which retained a certain degree of Latinity. It should be kept in mind that Gerard was from Lotharingia and likely spoke both a Romance dialect as well as one or more German dialects, which he used while serving as a chaplain in the court of King Henry II. See the discussion by Sproemberg, “Gerhard I., Bischof von Cambrai (1012–1061),” 106–108. 256 The reference here seems to be to King Conrad II of Germany. 257 Gozelo became duke of Lower Lotharingia in 1023, and of Upper Lotharingia in 1033. He held these offices until his death in 1044. Gozelo’s father was Godfrey I of Verdun. His brothers included Count Hermann of Eename and Godfrey, who preceded him as duke of Lower Lotharingia. 258 Bishop Reginard of Liège (1025–1037). 259 Bishop Hugh of Tournai (1030–1044). 260 Count Baldwin IV of Flanders and the latter’s son the future Count Baldwin V (1035–1067).

236  Book 3 61 This is likely Count Eudes II of Blois. 2 262 It is not clear who this is. 263 The following passage repeats information from the initial chapters of book three. 264 The distance is actually closer to 10 kilometers or 6 miles south of Cambrai. 265 This is Noyelles on the Scheldt which is located six kilometers southwest of Cambrai. 266 According to the Chronicon S. Andreae Castri Cameracesii, 1.21, the monastery of St. Mary was dedicated in 1027. 267 The reference to listeners here suggests that the author of the text envisioned his work being read aloud to an audience. 268 Anderlecht is located 5 kilometers southwest of Brussels. This is approximately 135 kilometers northeast of Cambrai, indicating the wide diffusion of properties held by this bishopric. 269 See book one, chapter 70 above. 270 This may be Ledringhem, which is a district of Dunkirk, located approximately 155 kilometers north of Cambrai. 271 This may be Ivergny, which is located 70 kilometers west of Cambrai. 272 There are a number of possibilities for the identity of this property including Fontaine-au-Pire, Fontaine-en-Beauvais, and Fontaine-l’Evêque. See the discussion by Le Glay, Chronique, 529. It is also not clear who Gertrude is, but it seems likely, given the circumstances, that she was a laywoman who wanted to make a donation to the newly renovated monastic foundation. 273 The identity of this location remains obscure. 274 This description of the way in which the revenues from the estate were to be divided indicates that the author is working from a document in which the provisions of the grant were recorded. 275 Raillencourt might be a property located near Arras. Hautecroix (Heikruis) is located 100 kilometers northeast of Cambrai in Brabant. 276 The author’s use of the term fiscus to denote this property indicates that it is actually a royal property. 277 Chronicon S. Andreae Castri Cameracesii, 1.19, provides a date of 23 September 1025. 278 The comment by the author indicates that this part of the text was composed after the death of Bishop Gerard in 1051. 279 The name used by the author is Theoderici montis, that is Theoderic’s mountain, which seems to refer to Mont D’Or near Rheims where St. Theodoric established a monastery. 280 The status of this man is not clear, and so we have left the term miles in Latin rather than translating it as soldier. 281 Watignies is located at Avesnes. 282 Biastre today is a neighborhood in Cambrai. 283 The identities of the properties at Fontaines, Petrosa, and Solman remain unknown. 284 This is a neighborhood of Cambrai. 285 The likely meaning here is that the property was to be assigned to a church dedicated to St. Andrew. There is insufficient context to suggest that professional identity of Gotho and so we have left the term miles in Latin. 286 This is located at Avesnes. 287 Ors is located 28 kilometers east-southeast of Cambrai. 288 This is a municipality in the French Department du Nord. 289 This place has not been identified. 290 This is a neighborhood in Cambrai. 291 This may be either Fourmies, which is a neighborhood of Avesnes, or Fournes, which is a neighborhood of Lille. 292 This chapter does not follow from chapter 49, as the church was completed in 1030, and Henry II died on 13 July 1024.

Book 3  237 293 There was a conflict between two cousins, both named Conrad. Ultimately, the princes decided to support the elder Conrad, who had considerable military and administrative experience, rather than his younger cousin, who actually held the bulk of the family lands. The elder Conrad, known as Conrad II, ruled from 1024–1039 and was the founder of the new Salian dynasty. 294 Other contemporary writers saw Duke Frederick of Upper Lotharingia as the leader of the rebels rather than Gothelo. See the discussion of this point by Riches, “The Peace of God,” 217. 295 The bishops were as follows: Archbishop Pilgrim of Cologne (1021–1036), Bishop Reginbert of Verdun (1024–1039), Bishop Adalbold II of Utrecht (1010–1026), and Bishop Durandus of Liège (1021–1025). Nijmegen was not a bishopric, and so this may be a scribal error. Riches, “Peace of God,” accepts the argument by Hermann Pabst, “Frankreich und Konrad der Zweite in den Jahren 1024 und 1025,” Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte 5 (1865), 337–368, here 354 that Noviomagus should be understood as Noyon whose bishop at this time was Harduin (1000–1030). 296 Duke Dietrich of Upper Lotharingia. 297 Reginar V count of Hainaut (1013–1039) was the son of Count Reginar IV, noted above. 298 The author is drawing on Lamentations 3.14, “I became the laughingstock of all my people; they mock me in song all day long.” 299 In general, the refusal to join the new ruler in person could be construed as an act of defiance or potential rebellion. Consequently, the author found it necessary to explain Bishop Gerard’s decision not to join King Conrad II immediately after the latter’s accession as king. 300 The reference here is to King Robert of France. 301 The kingdom here is Lotharingia. 302 This took place in December 1025. The author uses the term deditio, which can have a variety of meanings, including to surrender or to place under the authority of another. 303 The son is Count Baldwin V of Flanders (1035–1067). 304 The text breaks off here. 305 The author uses short-hand here of utilitas et religio. This assembly took place at Trebur in May 1036. See Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser vol. 4: Die Urkunden Konrads II., ed. H. Bresslau (Hannover, 1909), nr. 312. Trebur is located approximately 15 kilometers southeast of Mainz. 306 The reference here is to the ember days, which are four sets of Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, spaced equally throughout the year, which are reserved for fasts and prayer. 307 The term caput ieiunii, i.e., the beginning of the fast, is the name for the four days beginning with Ash Wednesday before the first Sunday in Lent. 308 This is a reference to Bishop Gerard. 309 The event inspired by this supposed letter was the peace assembly of AmiensCorbie, which took place sometime in either 1033 or 1034. Regarding the date of this peace assembly and the connection to this “letter from heaven” see the discussion by David Van Meter, “Peace of Amiens-Corbie and Gerard of Cambrai’s Oration on the Three Functional Orders: The Date, the Context, the Rhetoric,” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 74 (1996), 633–657; and Riches, “Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai-Arras,” 124–128. 310 This passage has been cited by many historians as illuminating the tri-partite organization of medieval society. See the detailed historiographical discussion by Riches, “Bishop Gerard I of Cambrai-Arras,” 122–136. Also see the discussion by Bachrach, “Milites and Warfare in Pre-Crusade Germany,” 300–313 with the literature cited there, for the misunderstanding regarding contemporary military organization which has been engendered by an uncritical acceptance of the three orders model. In this context, it should be emphasized that

238  Book 3 the term used by the author of the Gesta for those who fought is bellatores and not milites. 311 It is notable that the author sees bellatores in a public sense in that they are supported by taxes, i.e., vectigalia. 312 The term used here is vetus pagina. 313 The argument is that legitimate authority uses violence legitimately, and that the total pacifism preached by the French bishops is not appropriate or congruent with biblical or church teaching. 314 Romans 13.5. The phrase continues, “against those who do evil.” 315 Romans 13.5. 316 Luke 19.8 317 Luke 6.30. 318 Luke 23.9. 319 Matthew 5.23. 320 Ecclesiastes 3.20. This passage continues in the edition by Bethmann. However, following the guidance offered by Riches, “Bishop Gerard I of CambraisArras,” 127 n. 26, we have moved the remainder of this speech to the end of chapter 54 where it originally was situated. 321 The reference here is Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. 322 Hebrews 13.8. 323 See the previous chapter. 324 This means that Bishop Gerard disavowed any act of vengeance against Walter for the latter’s many transgressions. 325 It is not clear what picture (pictura) is being discussed here, but the conflict between Simon Magus and the apostle Peter is treated in Acts 8.9–25. 326 The remainder of this chapter has been moved from the end of chapter 52, as it appears in the edition by Bethmann, following the recommendation by Riches, “Bishop Gerard I of Cambrais-Arras,” 127 n. 26. 327 Luke 18.20 328 Luke 18.21–22. 329 Matthew 19.12. 330 1 Corinthians 15.41. 331 John 14.2. 332 Psalm 62.4. 333 Conrad II of Germany came to Italy in 1026 to be crowned emperor by Pope John XIX (1024–1032). The coronation ceremony took place on 26 March 1027, a full year after Conrad arrived in Milan. 334 These are supporters of Count Eudes II of Blois and Champagne, who had offered him the Lombard crown. 335 The reference is to Archbishop Aribert of Milan (1018–1045). The author is conflating two events here. Conrad II marched into Italy in 1026 and dealt with the supporters of Eudes in the context of establishing his own claim to the Lombard crown. In 1036, Conrad II dispatched his son Henry (III) to deal with civil disturbances in Italy that pitted the lesser against the greater landowners. The emperor took the side of the lesser landowners, and when Archbishop Aribert of Milan refused to agree, Conrad II had him arrested in March 1037. But Aribert soon escaped in May 1037, and led the resistance to the Germans from his base in the fortress city of Milan. 336 This conflict also was discussed by Wipo, the biographer of King Conrad II. See Wipo, Die Gesta Chuonradi Imperatoris, ed. Harry Bresslau (Hannover, 1915), ch. 34; and in the English translation Imperial Lives and Letters of the Eleventh Century, trans. Theodor E. Mommsen and Karl F. Morrison, 2nd edition (New York, 2000). 337 Pentecost in 1037 fell on 29 May.

Book 3  239 38 Outside the city of Milan, which Conrad had placed under siege. 3 339 Bishop Brun of Minden (1037–1055). It is noteworthy that the author points to eyewitness testimony here in order to support his claims. 340 Bishop Ambrose of Milan (374–397) is famous for refusing to permit Emperor Theodosius I (379–395) from entering the cathedral church until he had expiated the sin of killing his fellow Christians at Thessalonica. 341 This side of the Alps refers to the lands north of the mountain range from the perspective of Cambrai. Conrad came back to Germany without having captured Milan. He left Italy in August 1038. 342 Conrad II died on 4 June 1039. 343 Bishop Gerard of Cambrai. 344 The description here is reminiscent of the signs that appeared announcing the death of Emperor Otto III. See book one, chapter 114 above. 345 They actually went to Maastricht. 346 Bishop Nithard of Liège (1037–1042). 347 This is Bishop Dietrich II (French Thierry) of Metz (1006–1047). 348 This church is in Arras. 349 No year is given for this consecration. 350 Abbot Leduin of St. Vaast died in 1047. 351 This is Richard of Saint Vanne 352 Abbot Richard had appointed Count Frederick of Verdun as prior of St. Vaast, a position that he held until his death in 1022. Frederick was the brother of Duke Godfrey of Lower Lotharingia as well as the uncle of Count Baldwin of Flanders. See discussion by Vanderputten, Monastic Reform as Process, 90. 353 We have not been able to identify the length of John’s tenure as abbot of St. Vaast. 354 Count Baldwin V of Flanders (1035–1067). 355 Bishop Gerard is presenting himself as acting as the pope by using a papal title, a theme that he carries on through the letter. 356 The Latin term pagenses refers to the people who live in the pagus, that is the county. Here the reference is to the city and county of Cambrai where the bishop holds the comital office. 357 It was longstanding ecclesiastical as well as royal law in the German kingdom that properties held by the church were not to be alienated. The earlier kings were Otto III and Henry II. 358 The reference here seems to be to the assets of the church. 359 Bishop Gerard is asking for the king to stop the seizure of church lands, i.e., the death of the bishopric. 360 The “he” in this case is King Henry III. 361 The reference here is to the heated relationship between Emperor Maurice (582–602) and Pope Gregory I the Great (590–604). Maurice was assassinated in 602 by one of his army officers named Phocas, and it could be that Bishop Gerard also is alluding to this fact. 362 The vindicta here means the rod of authority, meaning the bishop’s staff. This line ties in with the Gerard’s general claims to episcopal superiority. 363 1 Kings 12.8–11. The reference is to the son of Solomon who sought advice from young men rather than the king’s wise advisers. 364 Chusi was King David’s friend who told Absalom that he should not rebel against his father. See 2 Samuel 16. 365 The surviving text of the letter breaks off here. The passage is drawn from 2 Samuel 23.8, which is a discussion of King David’s leading military commanders at the time of his death.

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Index

Ablebertus, Bishop of Cambrai 45 Adalbero, Archbishop 5 – 6, 185, 204 Adalbert of Vermandois, Count 95 – 6, 197 Adalbold, Bishop 15, 193 – 4, 196 adultery 135n325 Adventius of Metz, Bishop 66 Alberic, Bishop 58 Aldegunda, St. 47 Aldo de Vido 222 Alemanni 39 Alpaida (wife of Godfrey) 5 Alpert of Metz 20 Amalric, Count 82 Amand, St. 176 Amatus, Bishop 49 – 50, 127n162 Amaury of Tours, Archbishop 62 Ansbert of Rouen, Bishop 92 Ansoald, Bishop 48 archdeacons 109, 113, 115, 199 Arnulf (grandson of King Louis the German) 3, 23n6, 56 – 7, 74 – 6 Arnulf of Flanders, Count 89 – 90, 99 – 100, 105, 171 Arnulf of Metz, St. 1, 5, 44, 45 Arnulf of Rheims, Archbishop 110, 198 Arnulf of Toul 66 Arras 1, 31, 122nn41; destruction of Christians in 37 – 8; estates around 165 – 76; fixed boundaries set around 41; Julius Caesar at 33 – 5; Pope John and privilege regarding property of church of St. Mary at 51 – 2; reasons for foundation of 33 – 4; St. Vaast and 38 – 41; unknown founders of 33 Artold, Bishop 89 Aubert, monastery at 113, 165, 173 Aubert, St. 46 – 7, 48, 88 Aubigny, monastery at 167

audience and reception of the Gesta 17 – 18 Augustine, St. 191, 202 author(s) of the Gesta 12 – 13 Autpertus, Ambrosius 203 Azelin of Laon, Bishop 119, 197 – 8 Baldric, Bishop of Liège 192 – 4, 209 Baldwin, Margrave 170 – 1 Baldwin IV, Count 1, 21, 56 – 7, 115 – 16, 185 Baldwin V 1 Baldwin V, Count 21 Bar, François de 11 Baralle estate 165 – 6 battle of Florennes 15 Belgicus neighborhood 169 Benedict, St. 105 – 6 Berengar, Bishop 9, 89 – 91, 145n541 Berold of Soissons, Bishop 198 – 9, 204 Bertoaldus, Bishop of Cambrai 44, 46 Bethmann, L. C. 9, 11 – 12 Billi-Berclau settlement 168 Bonibertus, Bishop 53 bribery 100 Brun, Archbishop 95, 143n497, 222 Bulgio, King 83 burials 118, 161, 194, 196, 200, 202 Caesar, Julius 12, 15; at Arras 33 – 5 Cambrai 1 – 4, 9, 31; burning of 72, 85; fixed boundaries set around 41; Hungarian attacks on 82 – 5; King Chlodio in 35 – 6; lands aquired by St. John 68 – 70; murder in 50 – 1; Ragnachar in 36 – 7; reasons for foundation of 33 – 4; St. Amatus miracle 49 – 50; unknown founders of 33

252 Index Capet, Hugh 1, 23n7 Carloman II 3 Carolingian line 2 – 4 chaplains 118 – 19, 185, 198 Charlemagne 2, 58, 76 – 8, 100 Charles III 3, 4, 138n398, 179n67 Charles of Provence 2 Charles the Bald 2, 3, 138n398 Charles the Fat 3 Charles the Great 75 chastity 166, 177 – 8 Childebert, King 168 Childeric III 48 Chilperic, King 39 Chlodio, King 35 – 6, 44 Christians, destruction of, in Arras 37 – 8 Christmas 138, 150 Cicero 12, 14, 120n10 cities, reasons for foundation of 33 – 4 clemency 108, 116, 162, 165, 167, 189, 195 clerici et milites 135n324, 135n326 Clovis, King 2, 19, 36 – 7; baptism of 40; St. Vaast and 38 – 40 Codex S. Mariae Atrebatensis 11 – 12 Colveneere, G. 11 Commius 33 – 5, 121n14 concubines 109 Condé estate 175 – 6 confession 105, 117, 164, 192, 202 Conrad, Emperor 217, 221 – 2, 237n293 Crespin, monastery at 78 – 9, 175 Cunibert of Cologne 44 damnation 116 – 17, 195 David, King 38, 206 De bello Gallico 12 De diversitate tempororum 20 De inventione 12, 14 Denain district 169 devil, the 116, 163, 173 Dialogues (Severus) 12 Dido of Laon, Bishop 73 Dierkens, Alain 5 Dietrich, Bishop of Cambrai 16, 61, 62 – 5, 88 Dionysius, Pope 37, 41, 44 Dirk III, Count of Holland 20 Dodilo, Bishop 72 – 5, 106, 112, 165 – 6 Dominicus 43 – 4 Donatus of Besançon 44 Douai 1, 220 Douai, fortification at 168 Duby, Georges 9

Eaname estate 176 Easter 150, 186, 196, 225n32 Ebo, Archbishop 59 – 63, 204 – 5 Ebroin, mayor 48 Ebulo, Archbishop 2, 204, 233n188 Elbert, brother of Gerard 160 – 1 Emebertus, Bishop of Cambrai 45 – 6 Engran, Bishop 57 Episcopal career of Gerard I 6 – 8 Erluin, Bishop of Cambrai 7, 13, 20, 109 – 11, 119, 156n753, 186, 187 Erminis, St. 174 – 5 Ermintrude (mother of Gerard I) 5 estates around Arras 165 – 77 Etymologies 14 Eucharist 196 Eudes, Count 212 – 13 excommunication 197 – 200, 202 – 4 Falrad, Abbot 105 – 7, 115 – 17 Flodoard of Rheims 3, 12, 13, 133n300, 134n302 Fulbert, Bishop of Cambrai 7, 16, 79 – 81, 87 – 9, 141 – 2n468 Fulk, Archbishop of Rheims 72 – 4, 141n455 Fussiaux, monastery at 172 Gaufrid, Bishop 58 Gerard I, Bishop of Cambrai 2, 4 – 6, 12 – 13, 19, 88; agreements regarding fortifications 214 – 17; brother of 160 – 1, 226n48; commissioning of the Gesta by 8 – 9, 31; Count Hermann and 188 – 92; dating the composition of the Gesta and 10; Episcopal career 6 – 8; estates arround Arras and 165 – 73; Flodoard of Rheims and 13; granted bishopric 185, 189; information provided by 15, 16; political savvy of 198 – 200; politics of royal and episcopal authority and 18 – 21; refusal to attend synod 204 – 9, 233n188; Richer of Rheims and 14; St. Mary and 159 – 64; standard of religiosity maintained by 185; travels of 184 – 7; at Valenciennes 185 – 6; view on marriage of Reginar 190 – 1 Gerard of Alsace, Count 20 Gerbert, Pope 114 Gerbert of Aurillac 6, 154n712 Géry, monastery at 72, 81 – 5, 90 – 1; fire at 164 – 5

Index  253 Géry, St. 43, 44, 64 – 5, 72, 161 – 2 Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium 1, 2; audience and reception 17 – 18; author(s) of 12 – 13; on Bishop Godfrey I 4 – 8; commissioned by Gerard I 8 – 9, 31; dating the composition of 9 – 10; historical method and the structure of 13 – 17; manuscript traditions and editions of 10 – 12; politics of royal and episcopal authority and 18 – 21; text of 8 – 9; translation of 21 – 2 Ghislain, St. 47, 195 Gislebert, Duke of Lotharingia 4, 142n469 Glay, André le 11 Godfrey, Duke 191 – 2, 210 Godfrey II, Count 5, 19 – 20, 183n159, 190 Gonzo, Abbot 5 Gregory, Pope 12, 105, 110 – 11 Gregory, St. 191, 207 Gregory of Tours 12, 42 Greymantle, Count Geoffrey 149n613 Gundebald, King 39 Gunthar of Cologne 63 Guntmar, monastery at 176 Hadulf, Bishop 16, 57 – 8, 92 Halitgar, Bishop of Cambrai 59 – 61 Hamage estate 169 Harduin 50 – 1 Haribert, Abbot 61 Hasnon neighborhood 169 Haspres estate 169 – 70 Hautmont, monastery at 189 – 90 Hegesippus 12 Hénin-Liétard estate 168 – 9 Henry, Duke of the Bavarians 95, 103, 114 Henry I 4, 113 – 15 Henry II 7, 9, 10, 19, 20, 21, 155n748, 183n161, 229 – 30n110 Henry III 11 Heribert of Vermandois, Count 4 Herilandus of Thérouanne 73 Hermann of Eename, Count 20, 173, 182n125, 188 – 92, 226n47 Hermenarius, Bishop 48 Hermes, St. 85 Hervé of Rheims, Archbishop 76 – 8 Hetilo of Noyon 73 – 4 Hetto 172 Hidegar of Beauvais, Bishop 88 Hildebert, Bishop 57

Hildebrod, Bishop 108 – 9 Hildoard, Bishop of Cambrai 2, 58 Hilduin 65 – 6 Hincmar, Bishop 13, 37, 62 – 3, 66 – 7, 70 Historia Remensis 13 Histories (Gregory of Tours) 12 History of the Church of Rheims 3, 12 Homilies on the Gospels 12 Honnecourt estate 165 Hormisdas, Pope 40, 41 Humbert, St. 53 – 5 Hungarians 82 – 5 Imo, Bishop of Noyon 63 Ingelram, Bishop 91 – 2, 102 Isaac, Count 7, 79 – 80 Isidore of Seville 14 Jégou, Laurent 7 Jerome, Saint 38 Jesus Christ 107, 110 – 11, 117, 161, 169, 172 – 5, 196 – 7 Jewish Wars 12 Jews 104, 197 John, apostle 201 – 3 John, Bishop of Cambrai 53, 66 – 71 John, Pope 51 Josephus 12 Justin, Emperor 35 Karlmann, King 170 Lambert, St. 53 Lambert of Louvain, Count 15, 19 – 20, 95 – 6, 99, 188 – 90, 225 – 6n35 Landelinus 174 Leduin, Abbot 205, 222 – 3 Lens, monastery at 168 Leo, Pope 202 Leodegar, St. 48 Leodegar of Autun, Bishop 48 – 9 Leoncius of Saintes 44 Leuze estate 176 Lietbert, Bishop of Cambrai 9, 11 Life of St. Martin 12 Lobbes, monastery at 61, 70, 103 – 4, 173 – 4, 192 Lothair I 2, 96 – 8, 102 – 3 Lothair II 2 – 3, 63, 65 – 6, 136n349, 137n362 Lothair IV 4, 6, 23n6, 134n308 Lotharingia 180n85, 183n161; Bishop Godfrey I and 4 – 6; regnum of 1 – 4 Louis II (son of Charles the Bald) 3

254 Index Louis III 3 Louis II of Italy 2 Louis IV 4 Louis the Child 3 – 4 Louis the German 2, 3 Louis the Pious 2, 58, 75, 183n157 Louis the Stammerer 138n398 love 107, 113, 116, 162 – 3, 193 – 4, 199 – 205 Lucheul district 168 Macharius and Gundrada 68 – 70, 137n362 Maizière-sur-Oise 53 – 4 Mamertus, St. 41 – 2 Mancio of Châlons, Bishop 76 manuscript tradition and editions of the Gesta 10 – 12 Marchiennes, monastery at 169 Marinus, Lord 88 Maroilles, monastery at 78 – 9, 121n27, 171 – 2 Martin, St. 171 martyrs 165, 171, 176, 180n77 Mary, church of St. 159 – 62, 167, 214; relics discovered at 188 Maubeuge, monastery of 47, 173 Mauruntus 49 – 50 Maxelendis 50 Mechelen, monastery at 176 Medard, monastery at 62 merchants 100, 112 – 13, 150, 193 Michael, Emperor 61 miracles 99, 159, 167, 169 – 71, 174, 176, 204 Modault of Trier 44 Modegisile of Tour 44 monasticism 149 – 50, 156 Mons, monastery at 175, 190 Mont-Notre-Dame 198 Mont-Saint-Éloi, monastery at 167 – 8 murders 50, 127, 201 Muslims 151 Nicholas, Pope 65, 67 Nijmegen estate 186, 193 Notker of Liège, Bishop 103 – 4, 108 – 9, 188 Odo of Beauvais, Bishop of Cambrai 66 Odo of Paris, Count 3, 4, 138n398 Otfrid of Senlis, Bishop 76 Otgar of Amiens, Bishop 76

Otto I 4 – 6, 19, 80 – 2, 85 – 7, 89, 94, 97 – 8, 100, 102, 143n497, 144n516, 146n559 Otto II 4, 94 – 5 Otto III 4, 20; 25n55; 107 – 9, 111, 113 – 14, 153n699 pagans 37, 105, 162, 200 Pas district 168 pastors 100, 103 – 4, 118, 201, 205 Peace of God movement 12, 21 Pepin III 2, 58, 75, 153n692 Pharisees 203 politics of royal and episcopal authority 18 – 21 prayer 98, 108, 173, 187 – 8, 195, 202, 206 prostitution 115 Quentin, monastery at 74 Ragnachar 36 – 7 Ragnulf 16 Ravenna 114 Reginar I, Count 3 – 4, 95 – 6, 99, 190 – 1, 195 Reginar V of Mons, Count 19 Regino 3 regnum of Lotharingia 1 – 4 Reilly, Diane 12 Rémy, St. 38 – 42 Rémy of Rheims, Bishop 19 Renaix, monastery at 176 Rheims 3 Rhetorica ad Herennium 14 Richard of Hautmont, Abbot 19 Richard of Rouen, Duke 57 Richer of Rheims 14 Richer of Sens 44 Riches, Theo 9 – 10, 13 Riculf of Sossions, Bishop 73, 76 Robert, King of the Franks 57, 171, 209 – 10 Robert II, King of France 1 – 2, 8 Robert of Arras 169 Robert of Namur, Count 188 – 9 Robert of Péronne 118 – 19 Rodulf of Laon, Bishop 76 Rollo, Viking chief 180n86 Rothard, Bishop of Cambrai 6, 59, 71 – 2, 100 – 1, 103 – 4, 107 – 9, 171 Rudolf of Laon, Bishop 88

Index  255 Sains-lès-Marquion estate 166 – 7, 193 salvation 104, 162, 171, 193 Salvius, St. 171 Seihrus 119, 157n778 Senotus of Eauze 44 Sergius, Pope 62 Seulf of Rheims, Archbishop 76 Severus, Sulpicius 12 Sigibert of Gembloux 18 Simon, Abbot 195 Sindulf of Vienne 44 slaves 100 Soignies estate 176 St. Ghislain, monastery at 175 Stephen of Cambrai, Bishop 179n67 Stephen of Liège, Bishop 76, 79 Sulpicius of Bourges 44 Sylvester II 6 Tetdo, Bishop of Cambrai 19, 93, 95, 98, 99 – 100, 149n622 Theuderic, King 48, 51 Thierry of Lyons 44, 171 Thietmar, Bishop 130n223 translation of the Gesta 21 – 2 Treaty of Verdun 2 Treuvard, Bishop 58 Ursmarus, St. 174 – 5 Utrecht, diocese of 195 – 6, 222 Vaast, Bishop of Cambrai 19, 38 – 44, 62, 123n65; tomb of 47 – 8 Vaast, monastery at 167

Valenciennes 171; attack on 113 – 15, 130n223; Gerard at 185 – 6 Vanderputten, Steven 12 van Meter 9 Van Mingroot, Erik 9 – 10 Vedulphus 43 – 4 Vienne 41 – 2 Vincent, St. 47, 172 – 3 Vindicien, Bishop of Cambrai 14 Vindicien, monastery at 48 – 9, 50, 52 – 3, 56, 179n58 Vulganius, St. 168 Waldetrude, ST. 47 Waleran of Beauvais, Bishop 198 – 9 Wallers, monastery at 61, 172 Walter I 7, 10, 21, 117, 157n777, 185 – 8, 210 – 14, 220, 224n14 Walter II 7, 10, 21, 117 – 19, 214 Wandelmar, Bishop 59 Wasnulfus 176 Wenilo of Sens, Archbishop 62 Wenric, Abbot 195 – 6 Wibald, Bishop 19, 92 – 3 Wibold, Bishop 92 Wido of Soissons, Bishop of Cambrai 88, 204 Wigfried of Verdun, Bishop 103 William the Conqueror 1 will of God 201 – 3 Witger, Count 46 Wulfair, Archbishop of Rheims 59 Zwentibold, King 3, 112, 140n449