Dalits' Struggle for Social Justice in Andhra Pradesh (1956-2008) 1443894664, 9781443894661

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Dalits’ Struggle for Social Justice in Andhra Pradesh (1956-2008)

Dalits’ Struggle for Social Justice in Andhra Pradesh (1956-2008) By

Akepogu Jammanna and Pasala Sudhakar

Dalits’ Struggle for Social Justice in Andhra Pradesh (1956-2008) By Akepogu Jammanna and Pasala Sudhakar This book first published 2016 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2016 by Akepogu Jammanna and Pasala Sudhakar All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-9466-4 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-9466-1

CONTENTS

Foreword .................................................................................................... vi Dr. A. Chakrapani Preface ...................................................................................................... viii Acknowledgements .................................................................................. xiv Chapter I ...................................................................................................... 1 Dalits’ Struggle for Social Justice Chapter II ................................................................................................... 29 Untouchability and Deprivation of Dalits Chapter III ................................................................................................. 79 Dalit Movements in India Chapter IV ............................................................................................... 127 Influence of Ambedkar’s Ideology on Dalit Movements Chapter V ................................................................................................ 156 Progress and Prosperity of Dalit Movements in Rayalaseema Chapter VI ............................................................................................... 210 Recent Dalit Movements in Andhra Pradesh Chapter VII .............................................................................................. 268 Summary and Conclusions Bibliography ............................................................................................ 275

FOREWORD

The problem of untouchability has driven many social thinkers to consolidate the unprivileged to raise their voice against suppression. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar launched a lifelong crusade to liberate the untouchables and under-privileged sections of society from their centuries-old enslavement and ostracism. In the context of their historical reluctance to acknowledge the caste question as their problem, this slight shift in the understanding becomes utterly inconsequential for the victims of the caste system. The present book, Dalits’ Struggle for Social Justice in Andhra Pradesh, reflects the entire socio-economic and cultural problems faced by the Dalit community in this region. Dalit movements in contemporary India follow more than one path under different banners. However each one of them projected issues affecting the whole community or its one or the other stratum, and expresses the Dalit identity. Social issues and the new Dalit identity are more important than economic issues. It is evident that Dalits were forced to struggle for their existence and identity even in modern day society. Social inclusion of Dalits into mainstream of society has become a misnomer. Particularly the problem of caste and class discrimination is prevailing in all walks of life. Eradicating caste bias and suppressing the Dalit community in the name of their social disadvantage is again a morbid culture. Dalits are easily targeted even in this independent nation where the contribution guarantees equal rights and privileges to every citizen. On this account, Dalit movement and struggle has been classified as reformative and alternative. The dominant Dalit movements in different parts of the country at local and regional levels are still within the ideological framework of the caste system. The prevailing cultural system and ethos on the one hand, and sluggish economic development on the other, work in their favor. The post-independent Indian state has also undertaken many ameliorative programmes but still caste remains a massive deadweight on Indian society in general, Andhra Pradesh in particular. In this book, several important issues have been discussed at length. It is noticed that the first event in the beginning of the agitations in the state was an indication of the Dalit upsurge, symbolically resulting in the capture of the post of Chief Minister of State. The major counters of the protest movements, which are an extension of the anti-Brahmin struggle from the

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combined Madras presidency, appear to have social equality. This has facilitated the emergence of the leadership of Damodaram Sanjivaiah, a great scholar and politician. The achievements of the Dalit movements are impressive, and one too often overlooked. They have given birth to a tradition of struggle in many areas, not only on cultural and ritual issues, but also not breaking feudal bonds. Dalits emerged as a strong force to articulate against atrocities and to press for equality and social justice. Many books and writings on Dalits’ struggle for social justice have been appearing in the print media. In this context, a book authored by Dr. Akepogu Jammanna and Dr. Pasala Sudhakar, Dalits’ Struggle for Social Justice in Andhra Pradesh becomes noteworthy. It is rightly pointed out that any genuine change can be traced through social justice. For that, the emancipation of Dalits, by a restoration of self-respect, is very much needed. So it is the duty of all progressive forces and rights organizations to assimilate for the establishment of genuine social justice. Dr. A. Chakrapani Chairman Andhra Pradesh Legislative Council

PREFACE

The study of the Dalit movements and social consciousness has attracted scores of social scientists over the past three decades in India and abroad. The 20th century has seen a plethora of publications on Dalit consciousness and movements for self-respect, resulting in the growing literature on Ambedkar, Dalit politics, and the Dalit movements. Ambedkar’s idea of social justice is woven into a single thread. This runs continuously through his writings on equality, liberty, fraternity, human rights, socio-economic democracy, and the state of minorities. It appears that Ambedkar’s various theoretical positions, with particular reference to social justice, are so close to each other that they could lead to misinterpretation if not carefully differentiated between using the dialectical method, which is available in Ambedkar’s writings. Historically speaking, justice in the Indian context was seen as an important social value in as much as it consisted in the strict observance or enforcement of Hindu law, which was based on the four Varnas and elaborated caste system. Ambedkar maintained that the established order was based on graded inequality and was legitimized by Hindu law, which completely negated equality, fraternity, liberty, democracy, and human rights. Ambedkar was of the view that the system of graded inequality was not notional but legal, and penal. Thus, it can be argued that at the philosophical level, justice in the Indian feudal order had three characteristics: First it has always preferred hierarchy to equality. Secondly, this concept of justice underlined the importance of respecting traditional rights, and performing concepts of justice underlined the importance of respecting traditional rights and performing traditional duties. Finally, Hindu law means different things to different castes and people. The concept of justice does not contain any notion of equal treatment by all human beings. In other words, the function of justice in this kind of situation was to preserve the existing hierarchy, rather than to provide criterion for social reform. This concept of justice has been used at the ideological level by the upper castes and classes just to deny deprived sections the essence of justice. Justice in the Indian context served to validate societal stratification and perpetuate casteism. As is clear from the political practice of the Dalit movement, Ambedkar used all just forms of

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protest: from launching temple entry and boycotting of Hindu practices to the conversion of Dalits into Buddhism for establishing social justice, and preferential treatment to untouchables in the fields of bureaucracy and politics with the intention of protecting their interests. The Dalit social protest of the 1930s, under the leadership of Ambedkar, focused its attention on entering the savarna temples, and tried to improve the status of Dalits. The Dalit movement arose before and after independence, but they varied in intensity. The early Dalit movements were to seek human parity in social and religious relations, but the movements that arose after independence were more of the nature of Dalit assertion for a specific identity, for a share in political power, or for a show of solidarity in expressing anguish over atrocity, deprivations that were happening sporadically. The complete alienation of Dalits, from resources like land, water, and agricultural implements also led for the collective demand for their just share in the productivity. Moreover, the sense of relative deprivation, which emanated as a reaction to the upper-caste restrictions against the Dalits, adopting certain high-caste social norms had led the Dalits in the later 1930s to overcome it through collective mobilization. Dalit movements had emerged in Andhra during the 1920s, with Dalits constituting an economically, socially, and radical anti-fundamentalist force, which resisted absorption into either a strong Hindu or Muslim identification. Agitation for rights to land ownership and fair wages, and demand for equal rights was in the forefront of the agenda of the Dalits. The post-independent Indian state has undertaken various ameliorative programmes however still caste remains a massive deadweight on Indian society. In spite of the constitutional guarantee and safe-guards to the Dalit community, they never had an opportunity to enjoy privileges like social equality, access to economic standardization, and participation in the political and public life. In different parts of the district, atrocities and attacks on Dalits have become a common phenomenon. The oppressive methods imposed on Dalits, once again establish the upper caste dominance and political empowerment of caste Hindus in rural areas. This clearly speaks; mere constitutional guarantees do not serve any purpose, unless and until the state and civil society feels it is a very important aspect to uplift the Dalits. The upper caste people are insensitive towards untouchables i.e., Dalits due to the heavy influence of Hindu Dharma, which advocates a scrupulously caste ridden hierarchical form of social system. The Dalits are mostly dependent on agriculture labor for their livelihood. Since the Dalits have been denied for their just right and

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livelihood in society, the protest movement of the Dalits asserted the demand for self-respect, social dignity and equity, and gave a new direction to liberation struggles in their respective societies. These movements did not depend on any kind of patronage from the dominant groups, they sought confrontation. Basically, the protest movements and ideology of Dalit movements centered on socio-economic and cultural dimensions, rather than economic and political disabilities. Of the many forms of caste baiting, the two-glass system of having separate glasses for Dalits in teashops is common in many parts of the Kurnool district. Dalit entry into the villages is still banned. In the year 1984, in Gudipadu village in the Kurnool district, the dominant caste of people denied Dalits entry into the temples. Dalits being bonded laborers in the house of dominant caste people resulted in the Dalit masses taking a collective decision to discontinue generations-long Jajimani relations. As a result of the land ceiling act and distribution of surplus land to the landless poor, certain Dalit families were able to get some land for cultivation. Access to land and agriculture activity turned them to stand on their own for their day-today survival and livelihood. Today these Dalits have their own land and self-respect and dignity in society. Even in some places in Kurnool district in the year 1984-1985 there were incidents of denial of temple entry to Dalits. Poverty and penury made the Dalit dependent and vulnerable to oppression. The problem for the Dalit is discrimination of high order next to the problem of recovering their manhood, in every nook and corner of the country. The Dalit face utmost discrimination and gross injustice as a daily routine and lack of resources made the Dalits vulnerable to economic and social boycott. As a result of that, most of the Dalits are continuing to languish under the yoke of untouchability. The state has the duty to prevent atrocities and protect them from the dominance of the caste Hindus. Dalits have, for many centuries, occupied a deeply ambiguous place within Indian society. Especially in Andhra Pradesh, it is more rampant because of the ignorance and lack of social exposure, resulting in atrocities on Dalits through the ages. The Dalit community is facing a serious threat from the caste Hindus across the state. As Dalits certainly occupy a subaltern position in Indian society, the series could have had a significant impact upon our understanding of Dalit history. Caste clashes, which normally take place between the untouchables and the village dwelling castes, have only helped the Dalits strengthen their identity and caste movements against the others. Dalit movement is particularly antisystematic, rather than basically reformist in nature. Dalit movement has

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questioned the caste dominance and meaning and identity of the nation, when hierarchical divisions exist within it. We have made an earnest effort to portray the significance of the Dalits’ struggle for social justice in Andhra Pradesh from 1956 to 2008. Dalit movements after independence were aimed against the marginalization and annihilation of rural Dalits. The complete exclusion of Dalits from resources like land, water, and agricultural implements, and exclusion from political participation led to resurgence among the Dalits to mobilize themselves, to articulate their grievances, mould public opinion and to plead for social justice. The post-independence Dalit movement gathered more momentum and gained popularity in the fight against the atrocities and deprivation, which existed in spite of the provisions of the Constitution that safeguard protective discrimination. Different Dalit movements highlight different issues related to Dalits with regard to different ideologies. All of them, however overtly or covertly, assert for the Dalit identity. Identity is concerned with the self-esteem and selfimage of a community-real or imaginary-dealing with its existence and role. However, the difference in the nature of Dalit movements and the meaning of identity notwithstanding, there has been a common quest in all these movements for equality, dignity, and for the eradication of untouchability. It is a dominant factor that is still continuing in the matter of social relationships, and discrimination takes the form of barriers against bathing, eating, drinking, worshiping, and having access to common properties. It places a ban on all common modes of participation. The untouchables are among the very bottom elements of Indian society in both status and economic terms, and they have undergone a profound change in the context of socialization and social identity. Political fragmentation and linguistic regional insulation; hierarchical social division and institutionalized inequality; cultural, ethnic diversity and social tolerance, and the primacy of the group over the individual were the basic characteristics of traditional India. These multiple dimensions have given rise to and shaped the nature and type of social movements. These movements attempt to negotiate with the state, market, and civil society, and the root cause of the denial of due spaces for marginalized peoples and regions in the development process. The outcome of a movement could be seen in terms of social, political, and economic change, sometimes structural and also non-structural. However, the state has the power to formulate new public policies or to modify the existing public policies within the constitutional framework in response to the demands of different social movements. Thus, social movements through the state and actions initiated by the state on its own, irrespective of any

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social movements, can determine public policy. But, the question is why some movements continue to recur despite the response. Protective discrimination and political safeguards for depressed classes as guaranteed in the Constitution led to the struggle for their identity and social transformation. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was indeed a symbol of social justice. He played a major role in reforming the vertical hierarchical Brahminical social order and establishing humanitarian social order based on the principles of equality, liberty, fraternity, and collective welfare. Brahmins were the earliest beneficiaries of the concept of reservation by a peculiar method. Instead of directly reserving the positions for them, by way of Varnashrama Dharma, they disqualified and eliminated all the others from contesting. The Varnashrama Dharma fortified the Brahmins alone to enjoy all the power and control all the positions and offices, which made them dominant in Indian society for many centuries. His struggle for social justice and political equality and especially for the oppressed class in Hindu society has remained the keystone of the Indian democracy. Therefore, his ideology makes the Dalits realize the importance of Ambedkar and his contribution. Caste dominance and atrocities on Dalits, which is a common phenomenon in Kurnool district is discussed with a good number of examples. Besides that, the role of Dalit organizations, democratic and rights organizations, and the influence and impact of Dalit movements in the district were also examined, to substantiate the very purpose and central point of the book. The struggle and movements led by the Dalit groups significantly changed the very mindset and attitude of the upper caste people to restrain themselves and not to resort to any discrimination or humiliation of Dalits. Of course, it is only for a short period, time and again the practice of suppression and humiliation continues to be in force. Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) and its struggle for social justice, movement to categorization, and counter movement by Malamahanadu is another significant development that attracted the attention of national political parties and leaders of opposition parties. Categorization and its impact in Andhra Pradesh, judicial interference, maintenance of status quota in SC reservations, the role of the government, people’s response, and the response of the political parties were discussed. The changing scenario and the recent developments after keeping the G.O M.S.No:68 in abeyance for want of clarity in statistical data and rationalization of reservations within scheduled castes brought lot of changes in Andhra Pradesh politics. Madigas got categorization of scheduled caste reservations after a persistent struggle and movement for social justice. In the light of recent developments, it is very much essential

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to assess the characteristics of the movement for social justice and counter movement to snub the genuine demand made by Madigas. Akepogu Jammanna Pasala Sudhakar

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s crusade against caste discrimination and struggle for social justice inspired us to take up this account. We deeply acknowledge the contribution of academicians, scholars, social scientists, intellectuals, activists and social workers across the country that helped us to take a number of insights from their activities and writings. Akepogu Jammanna Pasala Sudhakar

CHAPTER I DALITS’ STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE

Indian history starts along with the history of the caste system, and is also based on differences according to religious beliefs. The Vedas and the Manusmriti (10:58) tell us about the (mythic) origin of the caste system and the duties of the various castes, however they do not reveal much about how and why untouchability came into existence. The Manusmriti explains that untouchables are those born of a defiled womb, which means that untouchable castes originated from the intermixture of the different pure Varna colours. From a traditional Hindu point of view this might be a sufficient explanation, but for social scientists, something is lacking in the equation. It is true that exploitation is the defining factor, but that still leaves the question of why these people were singled out for the most oppressive and degrading positions in a system of structural inequality. There is no consensus response to this question. The various answers proposed go hand in hand with different religious beliefs and interpretations of historical information. Every society has several contradictions, but just because they exist, they cannot be and need not be resolved without consideration of their stages of development. Dialects teach us that contradiction can only be successfully resolved when they reach their irreconcilable peak. At any stage of development, thus, there will be a single principal contradiction that craves for resolution through a revolution. Castes in this understanding are just one of the contradictions in society, not a primary or principal one, which may either get resolved in the course of the class struggle, or may be dealt with in the post-revolution society. In the context of their historical reluctance to acknowledge the caste question as the problem, this slight shift in the understanding of the left over eight decades becomes utterly inconsequential for the victims of the caste system. The caste system is a comprehensive organization of the Indian society, encompassing its structural and super-structural aspects; it has been an indisputable part of the production organization. Castes ordained the entire process of social production and reproduction (Anand, 2005).

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The Dalit movements in contemporary India follow more than one path under different banners. Each one of them raises issues affecting the whole community or it is one or the other stratum, and expresses the Dalit identity. For some, social issues and the new Dalit identity are more important than economic issues. The new identity that they want to evolve is distinctively different than those of the caste of Hindus; others do not adhere to the dichotomy. Their new identity of being Dalit i.e., oppressed and exploited, is in the making, for that, they do not wish to erase the traditional identity, but have both co-exist. The Buddha and Ambedkar are their prophets and heroes. Their struggle for equality and eradication of untouchability is irrespective of their religion persuasion. There was no scope for the Dalits to organize and start movements to voice their grievances until 1920. Prior to 1920 the problems and plight of the Dalits were pathetic and unenviable and it can be neither measured nor compared to others in any part of the world. The Indian social system with its oppressive caste system is a feature that knows no parallels in history. Manudharma is the root of the evil caste system in India. Before we analyze the Dalit movements at different periods, let us take a look at the origin of the word Dalit, and its definition. The word ‘Dalit’ was first used in the1930s. The Hindi and Marathi translation of the word Dalit is depressed class or caste. ‘Depressed’ means low-lying and broken. This word was first used by Mahatma Jyothi Rao Phuley, and later also by Dr. Ambedkar. An English translation of Dalit is untouchable. Dalit Panthers revived the term Dalit in 1973 as it refers to include the schedule tribe, Neo Buddhists, the working people, the landless, and poor peasants, women, and all those who are being exploited politically, economically, socially, educationally, etc., in the name of religion. There are different views about Dalits. To put it briefly, Dalits are the people within Hindu Society who belong to the untouchable communities of India. Untouchability is for the Hindu religious consideration, based on the hereditary occupations. Their occupations are field laborers, leather workers, scavengers, watchmen, and village manias. History of Dalit movements enables us to understand about the Dalits and their profession. Of course, it is subject to re-examination. J.H. Hutton, commissioner of the 1891 census, made Dalit castes to be included as per their occupational categories. All the castes are included in the 1935 Federal Act of India. Since then, they have been called scheduled castes. It is very familiar after 1950s. Anyhow Dalits are schedule caste and schedule tribe of India, as per the Constitution. The people of the present study are limited to schedule caste only. Let us analyze their movements.

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The very word ‘movement’ means people are mobilized to the existing arrangements, and seeking new social and political order. Deprivation, discrimination, inequality, and social unrest are the major factors of social movement. If, we go back to the history of India until 1920, the conditions of Panchamas, untouchable i.e., present schedule castes/Dalits were in the worst condition at all points of their life. They were excluded from mainstream Indian society. Their dress is restricted, their food is different, and they were not allowed onto the streets, they have their separate wells and tanks, their houses are different. They were not allowed to build the houses with bricks. However they have to serve the basic needs of the entire society with their sweat and blood. In short, they were the personification of the dehumanized sector, devoid of everything, including social status. From 1920 onwards, remarkable changes took place not only in the history of India, and also in the position of the Dalits with the latter becoming increasingly assertive and independent. The word ‘Dalit’ is employed to identify the people who belong to those of an outcaste background in the Indian context. Dalit refers to the caste oriented idea, and not simply the suffering people of any community. They were addressed by several other names, and the Dalit community heard it with resentfulness. Nevertheless, this word is well approved by the entire community, because it does not undermine their dignity, and group them under one fold. ‘Dalit’ is a modern term for the untouchables of India, who have been exploited and subjected to atrocities due to the social stratification of Indian society. In many cases, Dalits are easily targeted, even in this independent nation where the Constitution guarantees equal rights and privileges to every citizen. Throughout the centuries they have been victimized religiously, socially, culturally, and, most of all, economically. The immediate cause of such discrimination according to the Tamil Roman Catholic priest L. Stanislaus is the caste system, promulgated by Aryan Dharma (Stanislaus, 1999). The questions are: Should this social group, the Dalits, be oppressed and tyrannized in this land? Are they not part of this vast Indian nation? How is it that this vast community has become so dejected and rejected? The importance of the study is obvious. Dalits were addressed by many names, and James Massey (1995) points out that these have been changed occasionally, in most cases to despise them or to show contempt. They were considered outside Chaturvarna, the four caste system, they were labeled out castes and untouchables, and were alienated from the mainstream of the society. Manudharma Scriptures called them slaves. Nisada, Malicha, Chandala, and Achuta imply the sense of physical impurity. Narasihma Mehta

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introduced Harijan, a popular title propagated by M.K. Gandhi (Michael, 1979, 1996, 1999) however, says that the Dalits refused it because they believed that it would demean them as illegitimate children of Devadasis. In 1985, the Government of India prohibited the terminology. In order to define Dalits, anthropologists and sociologists have adopted two dominant perspectives. The Marxist, subaltern view emphasizes the class analysts of the Marxist ideology, including all the exploited and working class proletarians (Webster, 1979, 1996, 1999). This focuses on the wide range of the working class. The Dalit Panthers also support this stand to a certain extent. Professor G. Pantawane explained Dalit as follows: Dalit is not a caste. Dalit is a symbol of change and revolution. Dalit believes in humanism. He rejects the existence of God, rebirth, and the soul, sacred books that teach discrimination, fate, and heaven, because these have made him a slave. He represents the exploited man in the country. Also, there is the traditional communal view. This view explains the Dalits as being people groups included within Hindu society who belong to those castes that Hindu religion considers to be polluted by the virtue of hereditary occupation. To identify a Dalit, two factors must be considered. The historical documents and testimonies related to the classification of the society must be examined. Interestingly, all these records are supporting the traditional view. From 1881 to 1931, six consecutive Census Records, except 1891, were all based on castes (Webster, 1979, 1996). Three factors make the discussion of the origin of Dalits difficult. Firstly, the disagreement among scholars (Stanislaus, 1999); they differ about the origin of Dalits, and Dalits fear it as a global conspiracy of the non-Dalit historians. Secondly, the inadequacy of Dalit literature due to their illiteracy and social backwardness they could not edit their history. However, Massey (1995) observes that the absence of right material to write a Dalit history is the most difficult task, yet there are some archaeological and literary sources that can enable us to formulate some possible historical conclusions on Dalits. Finally the manipulation of history. In the land of the five rivers, mentioned that history is the key to the solution of many world problems of the present day. It is not true with the history of Dalits in India because in history, Dalits are not properly represented. They are always focused objectively. Some historians do not even regard Dalits are part of the so called Indian civilization. Romila Thapar, in her work, Interpreting Early India, argues that the Vedic Aryan culture became the foundation of Indian culture. Thus, the aborigines were denied a place in the civilization of their land. Moreover, myths and stories have been fabricated to maintain Aryan dominion in the society. Hindu

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scriptures like Ramayana and Mahabharatha, more specifically, Srimad Bhagavat Geetha presented Dalits as object. Manusmriti has the worst reference about Dalits: The dwelling Chandalas and Suapakas as (should be) out of the villages; they should be deprived of dishes (apapatra), their property (consists of) dogs and asses, their clothes (should be) garments of the dead, and their ornaments (should be) in broken dishes and they must constantly wander about. The impure intermixture of the four varnas, Michael (1999) after surveying the Sutras, confirmed this theory. The second theory is related to the unclean and menial occupation. Some believe that they were despised because of their mean job allotment. Thirdly, the pure-impure principle. Von Fuerer-Haimendrof, an eminent anthropologist believes that untouchability is because of urban development, and is the result of an unclean and ritually impure occupation. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar surprised scholars with his new theory. He opined that the distinction between the Hindus and untouchables in its original form, before the advent of untouchability, was the distinction between tribe men and the broken men from alien tribes. Broken men who subsequently came to be treated as untouchables, he identifies the two roots from which untouchability has sprung: One, contempt and hatred for the broken men, and the continuation of beef-eating by the broken men after it had been given up by others (Michael, 1979, 1996). However, Stanislaus (1999) discovers the origin had an economic base i.e., division of labor, and a definite function in society; later social and religious legitimizations were given to them. However Dalits were neglected until 1930 when Dr. B.R. Ambedkar came in to the picture as a national leader and Dalit saviour, because of the Dalit movement. For example, Dalit movements, led by Dr. Ambedkar at Nagpur (Bombay), Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, and Mysore are glaring examples. Nagpur had become the launching pad for the rise and development of the Dalit movement and political awakening. In spite of the liberalization tendencies, legal abolition of untouchability, reservation, and preferential policies to benefit to the untouchables living at the bottom of the economic ladder, what the Dalit leaders had done or are doing for the development of Dalits in India is the main concern of the present study. The Dalit movements are not on the line of Dr. Ambedkar’s ideology for their political leadership is to safeguard the interests of Dalits in India. As a result, the Indian political system got distorted. The state of affairs prevailing in large states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar are proof of this trend. How Dr. Ambedkar’s ideology and social philosophy is suitable to the present day conditions of liberalization, globalization, and

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privatization of world politics is that it shows all the issues to be discussed in a clear cut manner. Dalitism essentially implies conditions of subjugation such as economic, political, social, and cultural. Dalitism also embodies different degrees of marginalization. It includes not only a marginalized status in the economic sphere but also in cultural, political, religious, and social domains. That means Dalitism symbolizes marginalization. It is a well known fact that marginalization denies basic human rights and social justice (Punalekar, 1995). Different Dalit movements highlight different issues related to Dalits around different ideologies. All of them, however, overtly or covertly assert for Dalit identity, though its meaning is not identical and precise for everyone. Identity is concerned with the selfesteem and self-image of a community, real or imaginary dealing with the existence and role. However, not withstanding differences in the nature of Dalit movements and meaning of identity, there has been a common quest in all these movements: the quest for equality, dignity, and for the eradication of untouchability. The Dalit movements can be classified as (i) reformative, and (ii) alternative. Reformative movements focus mainly on the changes in the caste system and the institution of untouchability. Issues relating to conversion to other religions like, Buddhism, Islam, or Christianity, through education, economic status, and political power. Also it was highlighted that M.K. Gandhi as an ardent champion for removing untouchability within the Hindu Chaturvarna framework. Ilaiah’s experience of everyday life gives a platform to take revolutionary steps to criticize the Hindutva ideology. The idea that Hinduism is a religion of humanity is totally rejected by the followers of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, and later by the Dalit Panthers. Movements in the 1970s, Dalits are stigmatized from birth as spirituality defiling, and therefore potential polluters of clean, high caste people. India’s untouchables have lived for centuries in segregated haunts and villages. High castes have denied them the use of public wells, as well as entry to schools, shops, and high caste shrines, and have forced them to perform the most despised and defiling jobs of society, special occupations according to the Registrar General of India, scavenging, cleaning latrines, carrying off dead animals, and exhausting unskilled physical labor. The dominant Dalit movements in different parts of the country at local and regional levels, both in the past and present, are still within the ideological framework of the caste system. They have appealed and mobilized a large mass of Dalits for collective action. The prevailing cultural system and

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ethos on the one hand, and sluggish economic development on the other, work in their favor. Untouchables also share principles of purity and pollution, although different than those of the Hindu caste. They have their own deities, but also worship deities of the Hindu religion. Michael Moffat argues that the Untouchables do not necessarily possess a separate sub-culture. They are not detached or alienated from the rationalization of the system. Untouchables possess and act upon a thickly textured culture, whose fundamental definitions and values are identical to those of more global Indian village culture. The view from the bottom is based on the same principles and evaluations as the view from the middle or the view from the top. The cultural system of Indian untouchables does not distinctively question or re-evaluate the dominant social order. Rather, it continuously recreates among untouchables a microcosm of the larger system (Michael, 1979). The problem of Dalits is not new, it is an age-old problem, as long as the caste system prevails even in its rudimentary form in India, the problems of Dalits will persist and the goal of establishment of democratic and egalitarian society remains unachieved. Dalits using political means in an attempt to better their condition and empower themselves in the process in an open democratic polity is a fascinating subject of study both from the point of academic exercise and socio-economic and political relevance to understand contemporary Indian society. In this book attempts have been made to describe and analyze the process by which the struggle of Dalits for social justice in Andhra Pradesh, and above all aims to identify and describe the manner in which the Dalit communities participate in the political process for improvement of their social conditions. To understand the nature and pattern of how political leadership evolves, we will assess political skills and capabilities acquired and finally underscore, if any, the type of hurdles faced in their assimilation in the broader political culture of the nation and suggest ways and means for the political advancement of the Dalits in the country. Dalits account for about a quarter of the population of India. They are at the bottom rungs of society. They are the most depressed, degraded, segregated, and exploited people in society. Their plight is not comparable to any deprived social group anywhere in the world, and their living conditions are worse than the American Negro of the pre-emancipated era. Hence, there is an imperative need and urgency for the study of Dalits by the academicians and social scientists from a holistic socio-economic perspective, against the backdrop of the contemporary political setting in the country. For proper analysis and understanding of Dalit movements and their struggle for social justice in different dimensions, Dalit

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movements can be divided into two phases, the pre-Ambedkar period, and the post-Ambedkar period. The Dalits are yet to challenge legally or politically the existential arrangements of land reforms, the on-going programmes of privatization, the principles of reservation in joint sector or private sector companies, and the larger issues of Dalit human rights, the casteism in India, and a host of other issues crucial to the survival and growth of the Dalits. But not much is being done by them in these fields, as infighting takes a lot of their resources and energy, e.g., the feud between Malas and Madigas in improvements in their lives. A common political and social platform exclusively to cater for their needs will catalyze Dalit unity, in turn bringing about greater political victory through more positive self-image and greater individual achievements. Continuous variations take place in cultural and linguistic characteristics, which means there are in effect no boundaries between the different Dalit groups, but there may be differences of languages, religion, or family patterns, or temporary occupational divergences. It is, therefore, desirable to emphasize ethnicity and ignore the divergences, give importance to similarities and overlook differences, and highlight positive images and minimize negative ones. Dalit social identity should not be negative. Production and distribution of economic principles lies with the productive castes of Dalits. Caste was based on the principle of occupation, which is productive in nature. The untouchables are the real tools of production, but have no right to consume. Hence the theory of David Record and Malthus is necessary in this study. Their philosophy of Hindu religion is very important to analyze the problems of untouchables. Hindu religious studies are necessary to understand the problems of Dalits in India. Therefore there is a need for socio-economic and religious interdisciplinary study. However, in the 19th century, there was a tremendous move among the Dalits. The Bhatki movement helped Dalits, particularly in spiritual matters. Though many movements could not bring any significant social change, they reformed and revitalized the Dalit community. Few eminent leaders, like Mahatma Jotirao Phule and B.R. Ambedkar, voiced for the total uplift of Dalits (Webster, 1976, 1999). In the independent India, national rulers continue the Aryan negative attitude towards the Dalit community, though the Constitution proclaims special privileges. Now there is an awaiting menace against it, because the ruling coalition at the centre, the Brahman dominated government, is sponsoring the Constitution review panel, for bringing changes in the fundamental rights and privileges, especially of Dalits, thereby revoking the old Aryan

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suppression in secular India. The natives possessed an advanced civilization. Although, they are reduced to an insignificant people, they inherit a glorious past. They were hard working, self-reliant, civilized, and sincere. They were caring for the rest of the society while the priestly class concentrated on feeding their deities, the Dalits had to work in the field to feed the rulers and their military. They inherited cultural programmes like folk dance and traditional entertainment. Rev. Theophilus Appau of the Tamil Nadu Theological Seminary, Madurai, has analyzed Dalit sociology with his own code: Economic, Political, Social, Ideological, Psychological, Ecological, Gender, Spiritual (EPSIPEGS). Appau clarifies that the early ancestors of Dalits were rich and never depended on anything for their meals. They had financial stability in society. Nevertheless, Stanislaus (1999) has rightly pointed out that the caste system has brought the Dalits to the unfortunate economic conditions. Hindu religious laws did not permit them the right to make property, education, and complaints, but only to serve the upper castes. Dr. Ambedkar argued that the caste system has its economic manifestation: First of all, it divides laborers, secondly it disassociates work from interest, thirdly it disconnects intelligence from manual laborers, fourthly, it prevents mobilization, and above all, it deprives Dalits of all economic avenues of employment and puts him nearly in the position of a slave. Some economic changes have taken place during the British rule. Since 1947, Dalits are provided with some constitutional privileges under Article 46. The state shall promote with special care the educational and economic interest of the weaker section of people, and in particular SC/ST, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. However the reports prove that the provisions are only in the paper. Dalits maintained equal social status in their community. In the early Dalit society, the family ties were very warm and delicate, and the women were given due respect. In a small Dalit family, intimacy is comparatively higher. Unfortunately, now Dalit women are not liberated duly, their psychological expressions and emotions are instant and sometimes out bursting. Usually they are not hard hearted, and never hatch any rivalry. They are loyal and least corrupted in the society. Besides that, they have a deep sense of environment. Though they are the sons of the soil, their place of living is very small, and most of them possess only a piece of land because of oppression. Yet their animals, children, and relatives live closely and utilize the rest of the land for vegetation. Formerly they worshipped the nature and offered sacrifices to her. They preserve the dignity of gender relationships. In Dalit society, there is an equal respect for both sexes. The mother is respected highly and symbolizes a goddess.

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Dalits value spirituality. Every action is the outcome of one’s faith. In Dalit festivities, they enjoy complete transcendence by the way of singing, dancing, and playing musical instruments throughout the night. They were relieved from their burdens of hard work by participating in their religious gatherings. They adored anything for their utmost satisfaction, and hated hypocrisy. In the area of the judiciary, the report reveals that their share is negligible. In March 1982, the scheduled caste judges were a little more than one percent. Now, within two decades, the figure has not changed much. With the help of reservation, a few got into the government services, and there are stories of negligence and misrepresentation of them. Often, special recruitment and concessions is only a public gimmick. Recently, the Supreme Court of India was very concerned about the creamy layer of the down castes. The intention behind such a move is alleged as a Brahman conspiracy to divide the marginalized economically into small fragments, and abrogate their nominal benefits. The Communist regimes have succeeded in achieving many benefits to the depressed. After sixty years of independence, the country is not serious about the groans and needs of these people. Aleyamma Zachariah (2003), comments that the Dalit problem is a combination of economic, social, and religious issues. Unless there is a movement that tackles all three areas of suppression fully, Dalit liberation may not be possible. The marginalized must strive together to cast down the thresholds of castiesm. Now the Brahmins are keen to re-convert many of them who uphold other faiths. Dalits should reject Aryan Dharma, which made them condemned and come out of their villages where they are despised and limited and settle down in the urban culture in order to share the advantages of technological progress, and create the economic stability needed for a better and more prosperous future for themselves. For the overwhelming majority of Dalits lived in hopeless and helpless conditions of their virtues and their jati membership were placed socially, economically, culturally, and politically at the very bottom of a hierarchical society. That was their permanent place. Every effort was made to keep them there, through enforced poverty and social degradation, and they know it. They were not Dalits out of choice. They were Dalits because it suited the higher castes of society to keep them at the bottom. Dalits lacked the power, and the government lacked the necessary will to change that. The evidence available indicates that the Dalit accepted the hierarchal ordering of society. And those who did not accept their assigned place in the social hierarchy directed their efforts towards improving their place within it. However things began to change when the simmering

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dissent made Dalits rise and organize their masses to lead the revolt against society to change their unequal status. These mass movements are what are generally known as Dalit movements. So far so much work has been done by distinguished scholars on the Dalits struggle for social justice and emancipation. A good number of theses are produced on Dalit issues. Dr. Ambedkar’s speeches and writings are referred to in libraries. Nationwide and statewide problems of Dalits and their issues were discussed. They are available in the form of books and dissertations. Besides that, fact-finding reports and interviews with human rights activists also helped a lot to collect first hand information on Dalit problems. The contribution of Dalit intellectuals across the country has been made use of in studies like Galanter (1984), Nandu Ram (1988), Oommen (1990), Gupta (1991), Jogdand (1991), Michael (1999), Chalam (2007), Thorat (2008), and Hardtmann (2009) which tried to throw light on the Dalits in modern India. Few studies tried to establish a link between the emergence of Dalit movement and relative deprivation, social mobility, and reference group theory, though it is inadequate in understanding the Dalit movements in its totalitarian perspectives. Glanter (1984) in Competing Equalities: Law and the Backward Classes in India explores whether a democratic society can pursue a policy of compensatory discrimination without forsaking equality or sliding into a system of group quotas. For over thirty years, India has been engaged in a massive effort to integrate untouchables and other oppressed peoples into the mainstream of Indian life. This book is the first comprehensive study of the Indian experience with policies of systematic preferential treatment. Galanter includes a discussion of the relation of the Courts to public policy in his analysis of the choices and tensions in the Indian policies of compensatory preference. Rajshekar Shetty (1987) in Dalit: The Black Untouchables of India shows how every hour two Dalits are assaulted, every day three Dalit women are raped, two Dalits are murdered, and two Dalit houses are burnt. Dalit is not only forbidden to enter the home of a Brahmin, but he must also not draw water from the same well, nor eat from the same pot or plate. He must not glance at or allow his shadow to fall on the Brahmin. All these acts will pollute the pure Brahmin. Also Dalit is not only Untouchable, but also unseeable, unapproachable, unshadowable, and even unthinkable. Dalit: The black untouchables of India is the first book to provide a Dalit view of the roots and continuing factors of the gross oppression of the world’s largest minority. Over 150 million people through a 3,000 year history of conquest are in slavery, apartheid, and worse conditions. Rajshekar (1987) offers a penetrating, often startling

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Chapter I

overview of the role of Brahminism and the Indian caste system in embedding the notion of untouchability in Hindu culture, tracing the origins of the caste system to an elaborate system of political control in the guise of religion imposed by Aryan invaders on a conquered aboriginal/ Dravidian civilization. He exposes the almost unimaginable social indignities that continue to be imposed upon untouchables to this very day, despite the outlawing of untouchability with the complicity of the political, criminal justice, media, and educational systems. Oommen (1990) in Protest and Change: Studies in Social Movements analysed protest movements as sources of social change. He argues that until now the basic sources of change have been taken to be the economy or those watersheds in human history labelled as agrarian, industrial, or information revolutions. By contrast, political revolutions have been accorded too little attention. In the first part of this book, the author explores the theoretical, conceptual, and methodological issues in the study of social movements. He then goes on to examine specific methodological problems faced by analysts of on-going movements, and explores the relationship between movements and institutions. In part two, he examines social movements in the macro context of the nation-state, while the final part considers the micro dimensions of social movements, focusing on protest by specific social categories. Upadhyay (1991) in Reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes shows that the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes of India remained socially, economically, educationally, and politically backward since the beginning of caste stratification of Indian society. There is a close relationship between caste and occupation. The caste system has not allowed weaker sections to shift more productive occupations. After independence, there has been a growing tempo of developmental activities for them to facilitate their mobility. The impact of change appears more striking against a backdrop of relative immobility for centuries. These factors created a definite awareness about social climbing in the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. In this book, an attempt has been made to improve the condition of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes through reservation facilities. Apart from various constitutional safeguards, a number of voluntary organizations started providing various facilities to the weaker sections of society for their proper upliftment. The Constitution of India based upon the principles of liberty, equality, fraternity, and being essentially egalitarian with certain fundamental rights to the citizens for free self-expression and development of personality. The author gives valuable suggestions to improve the socio-economic conditions of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. This outstanding book will be of

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immense use to researchers, students of various disciplines and policymakers of the country. Kshirasagara (1994) in Dalit Movement in India and its Leaders (18571956) objectively analyzed, properly interpreted, and systematically arranged in a consolidated form of Dalit movements. It would be useful as a ready reference to the scholars, interested in undertaking intensive research on individual leaders, and their role in the movement. It would be beneficial to those activists who prefer to take lessons from their past. Gail (1994) in Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India traces the history of the Dalit movement from its origins to the death of its most famous leader, B.R. Ambedkar in 1956. Focusing on three states: Andhra, Maharashtra, and Karnataka- the author skillfully analyzes the ideology and organization of the movement and its interaction both with the freedom struggle and the class struggles of the workers and peasants. Gupta (1997) in Social Stratification discusses social stratification in India with an interdisciplinary approach. It contains both classical and new writing on caste. It profiles the variations and the social importance of this system. The work also examines class and its dynamics, highlighting the urgency of the topic, considering all the complexities of current social and political life in India. Oliver Mendelsohn, Marika Vicziany (1998) in The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty, and The state in Modern India gives an account of the lives of those at the very bottom of Indian society, authors explore the construction of the untouchables as a social and political category, the historical background that led to such a definition, and their position in India today. The authors argue that, despite efforts to ameliorate their condition on the part of the state, a considerable edifice of discrimination persists on the basis of a tradition of ritual subordination. Even now, therefore, it still makes sense to categorize these people as untouchables. The book promises to make a major contribution to the social and economic debates on poverty, while its wide-ranging perspectives will ensure an interdisciplinary readership from historians of South Asia, to students of politics, economics, religion, and sociology. Michael (1999) in Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values discusses the aspirations and struggles of the marginalized Dalit masses, and looks forward to a new humanity based on equality, social justice, and human dignity. Within the context of Dalit emancipation, it explores the social, economic, and cultural content of Dalit transformation in modern India. These Articles, by some of the foremost researchers in the field, are presented in four parts: Part I deal with the historical material on the origin

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and development of untouchability in Indian civilization. Part II contests mainstream explanations and shows that the Dalit vision of Indian society is different from that of the upper castes. Part III offers a critique of the Sanskritic perspective of traditional Indian society, and fieldworks-based portraits of the Hinduisation of Adivasis in Gujarat, Dalit patriarchy in Maharashtra and Dalit power politics in Uttar Pradesh. Part IV concentrates on the economic condition in the Dalits. Smita Narula (1999) in Broken People: Caste Violence against India’s Untouchables discusses about the caste, class, gender, poverty, labor, and land. For those at the bottom of its hierarchy, caste is a determining factor for the attainment of social, political, civil, and economic rights. Most of the conflicts documented in this report take place within very narrow segments of the caste hierarchy, between the poor and the not so poor, the landless laborer, and the small landowner. The differences lie in the considerable amount of leverage that the higher caste Hindus or non-Dalits are able to wield over local police, District administrations, and even the state government. Robert Deliège, Nora Scott (1999) Untouchables of India: The subjugation of millions of people in a caste system that is a radical form of apartheid has long had its critics, both from within India and from outside it. Although the government has introduced equal opportunity legislation in an effort to right some of history’s wrongs, untouchability is an accident of birth that continues to stigmatize and ostracize more than one hundred and forty million people. Untouchables remain at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale and are found, more often than not, in unskilled, lowstatus occupations. They are forbidden to enter temples, often beg for their food, must leave their chests uncovered and silently endure public humiliations and insults. They remain on the fringes of society, and it is even said by some that their shadows pollute passersby. This excellent book addresses the problem of untouchability by providing an overview of the subject, as well as penetrating insights into its social and religious origins. The author persuasively demonstrates that untouchability is a deeply ambiguous condition: neither inside nor outside society, are revealed yet indispensable, have untouchables constituted an original category of social exclusion. This is reflected in the various social movements they have led over the last century and more. The situation of untouchables is crucial to the understanding of caste dynamics, especially in contemporary circumstances, but emphasis, particularly within anthropology, has been placed on the dominant aspects of the caste system, rather than on those marginalized and excluded from it. This important book redresses this problem and represents a vital contribution

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to studies of India, Hinduism, human rights, history, sociology, and anthropology. Michael (1999) in Untouchable, Dalits in Modern India explores the enduring legacy of untouchability in India. This book challenges the ways in which the Indian experience has been represented in western scholarship. The authors introduce the long tradition of Dalit emancipation struggle and present a sustained critique of academic discourse on the dynamics of caste in Indian society. Case studies complement these arguments, underscoring the perils and problems that Dalits face in a contemporary context of communalized politics and market reforms. Vasant Moon, Gail and Zelliot (2000) Growing up Untouchable in India: A Dalit Autobiography: In this English translation, Moon’s story is usefully framed by apparatus necessary to bring its message to even those taking their first look at South Asian culture. The result is an easy to digest short-course on what it means to be a Dalit, in the words of one notable Dalit Journal of Asian Studies. Sudha Pai (2003) in Dalit Assertion and The Unfinished Democratic Revolution: The Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh examines the emergence, ideology and programmes, mobilization strategies, electoral progress, and political significance of the Bahujan Samaj Party against the backdrop of a strong wave of Dalit assertion in Uttar Pradesh. Based upon extensive fieldwork in western Uttar Pradesh, government reports and interviews with Dalit leaders, while highlighting the BSP considerable achievements, explores the reasons for the party’s failure to harness the forces of Dalit assertion in Uttar Pradesh. Webster (2002) Religion and Dalit Liberation: An Examination of Perspectives: This work is a revised version of three lectures on the views of Dr. Ambedkar on Dalits. Ghanshyam (2001) in Dalit Identity and Politic examines the many facets of on-going Dalit struggles to improve their position. Focusing on identity assertion and collective action, the contributors discuss the nature of Dalit politics, and the challenges and dilemmas that they face in contemporary India. Chinna Rao (2003) in Dalits Struggle for Identity deals with the familiar story of Dalits from a new perspective. Often, social scientists in general and historians in particular interpret Dalit consciousness as false consciousness, undermining their radical political self-assertion. This work mainly deals with the Dalits political self-assertion and political consciousness, their struggle for identity, and the manner in which they rose from a stage when they could develop their own self-definition and roles within the dialectics of the nationalist anti-colonial struggle. The

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strength of this work lies in drawing upon vernacular sources and in presenting an insider’s perspective. Ramesh Chandra and Sangh Mittra (2003) Dalits Identity in the New Millennium (set of 10 volumes): This 10 volume set covers a wide variety of themes, ranging from the caste system in India, to the spread of Buddhism, to the biographical speeches of some of the eminent Dalit leaders, and would go a long way in establishing the identity of the Dalits on a firm footing, and in eradicating the notion that the Dalits occupy an inferior position in society. Vol.1: Caste system in India; Vol.2: Buddha: A Revolutionary and Reformer; Vol.3: Phases of Dalit Revolt; Vol.4: The Ambedkar Era; Vol.5: Jagjivan Ram and his times; Vol.6: Dalits and the Ideology of Revolt; Vol.7: K.R. Narayanan: Crusader of Social Justice; Vol.8: Dalit Leaders; Vol.9: Dalits and their Future; Vol.10: Untouchability and the Law. Naik (2003) Thoughts and Philosophy of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar: All observations of change in masses, and outlook and impact on social relationships can be reduced to a point, whether it’s the steeply rooted fort of inequality being demolished brick by brick to adopt the fraternal relationship in its social system one by one or not. The problem thus reduced has further practical issues of the inexorable rule of inequality inbuilt in genetic, traditional, and charismatic individualism. However this problem is not insolvable. It can be resolved by assuming reality and value as inseparable as an interrelationship of equality and inequality, the former dictating what principle should be held in treating all individuals of society, and the latter telling what the state of affairs actually exists. Then, by upholding fraternal equality as the reigning principle in behaviour and being aware of existing odds against it, the problem may be resolved and the one man one value oriented dream of Dr. Ambedkar can be brought about in our national life. The present book, thoughts and philosophy of Dr. Ambedkar stressed the philosophy of equality, liberty, and fraternity, as expounded by Dr. Ambedkar himself under the caption of my personal philosophy, originally in Marathi, translated into English by this author. It deals with the Buddhist development in the east and west since 1950; Ambedkarism in the world; Punjabi speech on Ambedkar by Balley translated into English; Marathi Articles of Babasaheb translated into English; and the author’s own contributions such as Education and Ambedkar, Ambedkar as a Great Relevance to a New Millennium, and so on. Raj Kumar (2003) in Essays on Dalits discusses on the Dalit controversy, weaker sections during the Mauryan period, sudras in ancient Hindu law, Ambedkar’s perception of justice, the Dalit psyche and the

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Gandhian response, Gandhi and the Dalit question, Gandhi and untouchability, Dalit emancipation, Gandhi and Dalits, the politics of conversion, the temple entry movement, empowering the powerless, Dalits and the state, the Chandala/Maangas in Kathasaritsagara, Dalits and the power structure, the weaker sections of Madhya Pradesh, the evil of untouchability, Ambedkar and the Dalits, Ambedkar’s quests for social justice through constitutional rights and safeguards: an analysis. Prakash Louis (2003) in The Political Sociology of Dalit Assertion attempts to identity the factors that respond against the age-old bondage of diverse and varied discriminations and exploitations, and build the Dalit assertion for emancipation and determine the path for liberation. Bharat Singh (2004) Dalit Education: Despite all of the boasting and tall claims by the government and various organizations, Dalits, the weaker people in our society, are still backward in the field of education. No doubt a lot has been done for the betterment of their education. This book covers all aspects related to Dalit education and examines various schemes and plans, made for the promotion of education for Dalits in our country. On its merit, this is an exclusive work on the subject, equally beneficial for sociologists, educationists, and scholars working on the subject. Mamta Rajawat (2004) Encyclopaedia of Dalits in India (set of 7 volumes): Dalits, or the downtrodden section of our society, are a unique Indian entity, which you do not find in any other country or nation in the world. The word, Dalit, as per the Oxford Dictionary, means a member of the lowest caste; however, it is now used as a term for the scheduled castes in our country. Dalit is a relatively new term, while scheduled caste is a statutory term used for those castes that have been included in a particular schedule in the Indian Constitution. In fact, various castes of Hindus, traditionally known as Sudras, who were considered backward culturally, socially, and economically had been listed in that category. The Indian Constitution has bestowed some privileges and concessions upon these castes, and they have been allotted quotas in education, training, and services, which is known as reservation. Backed by the Constitution and the law of the land, the scheduled castes have enjoyed special privileges and relaxations in various competitions. A lot has been done for their empowerment and emancipation since independence, yet the majority of these castes still lag behind in many areas of life. Hence, much more has to be done. Dalit community is a part and parcel of our social fabric, and the nation cannot really progress unless this vast section develops along with the others. The government has special plans and schemes for the upliftment of the Dalits, and various non-governmental voluntary

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organizations are also committed to serve them. However it is a long journey and every sane and responsible citizen has to contribute his or her bit. The intellectuals and scholars have a special responsibility of awakening the masses and making them aware of the real state of affairs. This encyclopedia on Dalits and the Dalit world presents an entire gamut of information categorized under seven volumes. This study is research based and is the result of painful and toilsome working hours. This comprehensive, exclusive, and exhaustive work would be accepted and acknowledged by scholars and academics, engaged in concerned areas. Swapna Samel (2004) in Dalit Movement in South India (1857-1950): attempts to bring together the history of the Dalit movement during 18571950, in four southern states i.e., Andhra, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Kerala. Based on intensive and extensive archival work, each chapter provides valuable insights into genesis of the concerned movement and leadership, event structure, internal dynamics, and the social and cultural consequences. The author has focused on a brief history of the states, caste system, socio-economic conditions of Dalit leaders, organizations of the Dalit movement, educational efforts made for Dalits, and temple entry movement in South India. This is not a study of Dalits alone, but an attempt to present a social and political history of a fascinating area in a time of rapid change, and also a contribution to the regional history of South Asia. Das (2004) Indian Dalits: Voices, Visions and Politics: This book is an analytical study of the socio-cultural consciousness and political participation of the Dalit community. Dalit assertions for social identity or for political participation often confront hostility. The Gandhian project, which involved renaming them as Harijans alongside campaigns to eradicate untouchability, not only remained confined to the idealistic level, but it affected the liberal Sanatani Hindu more than it did the Dalit. Equally, the Ambedkarite legacy, which focused essentially on the secular realm resources, education, jobs, and power, remained limited. The gradual regression from a radical Ambedkarite movement to a Dalit political reformist movement under the leadership of BSP has compromised with upper caste elites to achieve power by the mid 1990s. This has mainly been due to its impatience to gain power by whatever means, to introduce changes from above rather than wage a long struggle at the grassroots. Mamta Rajawat (2005) Dalits and Law: Dalit is a relatively new term, while scheduled caste is a statutory term used for those castes that have been included in a particular schedule of the Indian Constitution. Backed up by the Constitution and law of the land, the scheduled castes have

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enjoyed special privileges in various competitions. A lot has been done for their empowerment and emancipation since independence, yet the majority of these castes still lag behind in many areas of life. The book gives a comprehensive study of various legal measures for ameliorating the condition of Dalits. Contents: statutory protection; special provision; solution by law; prohibition of untouchability; significant provisions; the safeguards statutory privileges; special transitional and temporary provisions; other safeguards; role of the police; reserved vacancy recruitment; concessions and relaxations; promotions; scheduled castes and scheduled tribes orders (amendment) Act,1976; scheduled castes and scheduled tribes orders (prevention of atrocities) Act 1989; specified scheduled areas; scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, religious groups, etc. Mamta Rajawat (2005) Development of Dalits: The Dalit movement finds its origin in the 19th century when Dalits began making concerted efforts to change their lives, and Dalit aspirations began to be taken seriously. This book is addressed to all crucial issues concerning the development of Dalits. Supported by facts and figures related to historical background; socio-economic factors; Dalit economy; land and agriculture; policies and plans; the upliftment; living conditions; housing pattern; health conditions; creamy layer; statistical data; industrial workers at a glance. Raka Ray and Mary Fainsod Katzenstein (2005) Social Movements in India: Poverty, power, and politics: Social movements have played a vital role in Indian politics since well before the inception of India as a new nation in 1947. During the Nehruvian era, poverty alleviation was a founding standard against which policy proposals and political claims were measured; at this time, movement activism was directly accountable to this state discourse. In the first volume to focus on poverty and class in its analysis of social movements, a group of leading Indian scholars shows how social movements have had to change because poverty reduction no longer serves its earlier role as a political template. With distinctive chapters on gender, lower castes, environment, the Hindu right, Kerala, laborers, farmers, and biotechnology, social movements in India will be attractive to students and researchers in many different disciplines. Mamta Rajawat (2005) Dalits: Role of Education: Dalits remained neglected segment of society for a long time. Poverty-ridden and oppressed, their condition worsened instead of improving. With the access of education (though very little), awareness and consciousness spread. And they strived for self-identity and human dignity for themselves. This book portrays the role of education in the upliftment of Dalits. Contents:

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Evolution and development; current scenario; basic problems; role of society; school education; college education; the deserters; special provisions; role of religion; statistical data: Dalit education at a glance. Meena Anand (2005) Dalit Women: Fear and Dscrimination: Marginalism and racial exclusion of Dalits is a burning issue today. This book on Dalits goes back into the past and looks at the history of Dalit alienation. Issues like racial conflict, racism and justice, relevance of human rights to Dalits; caste colour prejudices, etc., are described in the book. Anand (2005) Hindutva and Dalits: Perspectives for Understanding Communal Praxis: Why did Dalits join forces with the Hindu rights that unleashed the terrible riots in Gujarat against the Muslims in 2002? Why indeed are Dalits, the primary targets of the Hindu caste system, prepared to accept Hindutva or the political philosophy of caste Hindu supremacy? As the editor says that the Hindutva has declared Muslims as their enemy and extended a hand of friendship to Dalits as us allies. In this pathbreaking collection, the contributors, all eminent in their fields, consider the many issues raised by the Hindutva overture towards Dalits. The question of Dalit women vis-a-vis Dalit men and others is also discussed. It is divided into two parts; the first discusses the theoretical perspective, while the second considers Hindutva in operation. The views presented do not offer a consensus simply because none exists. A thought provoking and incisive analysis of Hindutva, this book makes an invaluable contribution to the current debate and takes it forward. Gail (2006) in Dalit Visions: the Anti caste Movement and the Construction of an Indian Identity explores and critiques the sensibility that equates Indian tradition with Hinduism, and Hinduism with Brahmanism; which considers the Vedas as the foundational texts of Indian culture and discovers within the Aryan heritage the essence of Indian civilization. It shows that even secular minds remain imprisoned within this Brahminical vision, and the language of secular discourse is often steeped in a Hindu ethos. The tract looks at alternative traditions, nurtured within Dalit movements, which have questioned this way of looking at Indian society and its history. While seeking to understand the varied Dalit visions that have sought to alter the terms of the dominant order, this tract persuades us to reconsider our ideas, listen to those voices that we often refuse to hear, and understand the visions that seek to change the world in which Dalits live. Mary Grey (2010) A Cry for Dignity: Religion, Violence and the Struggle of Dalit Women in India: This book tackles caste based violence by focusing on the position of Dalit women in India. Of 200 million

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Dalits, nearly 50 percent are women, often referred to as thrice Dalit, as they suffer from the triple oppressions of poverty, being female and being female Dalits. They are frequently let down by both the Dalit movement itself, as well as the women movement in India that focuses more on social problems like dowry deaths more relevant for caste women and not those outside the caste system. Many Dalit women are denied access to education, to meaningful employment, health provision, and are the first to suffer the negative effects of globalization. Access to upper caste wells is forbidden. Worst of all, Dalit women are exposed to many forms of violence (including temple prostitution) and are frequently raped as a way to humiliate Dalit men. The degrading work of scavenging (removing human excrement) falls mostly on Dalit women, since men are more likely to be upwardly mobile. Despite all of this, a new strength now emerges in challenging caste boundaries, contributing to self-esteem and a stronger sense of identity. The strong spirituality of Dalit women has sustained strength through songs and stories and in some cases by subverting patriarchy through ironically re-shaping traditional myths. The book focuses on Dalit women movements, leadership and achievements, and will set the struggle in an international arena, including Dalit discrimination in the United Kingdom. The book ends in suggesting forms of action from Church, society, and feminist theology to show solidarity with and effect social change for Dalit women. Chalam (2007) in Challenges of Higher Education looks at the challenges faced by the higher education system in India in the modern context. All aspects have been comprehensively dealt with, starting with the development of education during post-independent India, right to modern times. While enumerating these problems, useful suggestions have been given so that higher education in the country is able to meet the challenges of the 21st century. Srivastava (2007) Dalit Movement in India: Role of B. R. Ambedkar: Ambedkar, a born rebel, is the builder of modern India. He drafted independent India’s Constitution. Educated in the United States of America and United Kingdom, he is that rare combination of a scholar, revolutionary, and statesman, who fought for the socio-political rights of millions of untouchables. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar shines like a luminous star in the galaxy of great men. He played a crucial role in shaping the destiny of free India, and left indelible imprints on our national life and state organization. Vidya Devi (2008) in Dalit and Social Justice provides a detailed and comprehensive account of the status of Dalits in India. This book provides information about Dalit movements in India, their mode of organisation,

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engagement in politics and contribution to processes of democratization and egalitarianism. It explores the social, economic, and cultural content of Dalit transformation in modern India. The detailed conclusion outlines the policies required to facilitate the empowerment of Dalits. This book covers the aspirations and struggles of the marginalized Dalit masses and looks forward to a new humanity based on equality, social justice, and human dignity. Sadangi (2008) in Emancipation of Dalits and Freedom Struggle gives an account on various social, religious, and political movements of Dalits, chiefly Mahar community of Maharashtra, India. Sadangi (2008) Dalit: The Downtrodden of India: This book represents a detailed scholarly analysis of the Dalits situation, but aims to isolate and present the central issues pertinent to this long oppression. It comes as an ongoing plea for the ear of the world, from a courageous representative of one of the most exploited and oppressed populations on earth, victim of a centuries old experiment in forced political integration under conditions of segregation and cultural assimilation. It would be the choice for Dalit activists, students, professionals seeking to arouse public indignation against this most outrageous of indignities against humankind: the notion that the very touch of some might be polluting to others. Because it says all that most of us need to know in regard to this social crime against humanity. And there remains so much to be achieved in the Dalits struggle for human dignity. Zelliot (1992) From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on the Ambedkar Movement: On the Dalit movement started by Dr. Ambedkar, Muttaiah’s Articles (1993) on classification of scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh, and Rantam’s (1998) writings on Dalit movements in Andhra Pradesh also helped to draw certain inferences on the Dalit perspectives and approaches. It is clear that the Dalit organizations are quite aware that the political parties are not helpful for the emancipation of the Dalits. However they have chosen to support them in the elections only to fulfill the interests of their community or the movement. Needless to say that their perceptions and support of the political parties is not constant and subject to change since there is growing consciousness among the Dalits. It is thus clear that the political parties are losing their support base among the deprived communities. This may be one of the reasons, of late, for the failure of political parties in getting majority seats in the legislatures, leading to coalition politics. Thanks to Dalit movements, the weaker sections are no longer weak in politics. They have learnt to bargain in politics for their advantage and act accordingly. The political parties can regain the

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confidence of the Dalits only when they come out of the narrow perceptions of electoral politics and make a dedicated effort to solve the Dalit problems and work for their development. It was in this context that the Dalit movements developed before independence as an isolated revolt of the weakest and most oppressed sections of the population. The isolation had serious consequences. For it meant that instead of organizing as the most revolutionary section of a unified movement, Dalits developed a separatism in which they made demands of nationalists, as well as of the British. Hostility developed to communism and class analysis, which was put forward in such a way as to appear to Dalits as excluding considerations of caste, which continues to have serious consequences today. Still the achievements of the Dalit movement are impressive, and are too often overlooked. They have given birth to a tradition of struggle in many areas, not only on cultural and ritual issues, but also on breaking feudal bonds. They have mounted powerful pressure on the national movement, resulting in the constitutional provisions for reservations, and laws making untouchability an offence; unsatisfactory as these have been, they have still provided weapons in the hands of low caste organizers. They have created a deep seated conviction of quality and self-confidence that is inevitably making it heard. If this has not yet achieved a revolutionary transformation in the life of the most exploited sections of society, it is because of the incompleteness of the revolutionary and democratic movement itself. If this is to go forward, the Dalit movement will inevitably be a part of it. We attempt to focus on the Dalit movements and their struggle for social justice, and its influence on the socio-economic life of the people in Andhra Pradesh. Any social movement has to grapple not only with the dimensions of genesis, ideology, collective mobilization, organization, and leadership, but also with conceptual problems relating to social change. This book is limited to the socio-economic conditions of the Dalits in Andhra Pradesh. The period taken for this study is from 1956-2008. The starting year of the study i.e., 1956 is important because, on 14 October 1956 along with his millions of followers, Ambedkar took refuge to Buddhism and opened a new era of revolutionary socio-religious movements in India. A large number of neo-Buddhists on the day of Vijayadashami come together at Nagpur’s Dikshabhoomi (the place where Ambedkar was converted) and pay their tributes to Ambedkar. This has become an important ritual or occasion for the neo-Buddhists, especially in Maharashtra to demonstrate their cultural capital and social strength as a unified community. The Buddhist conversion movement, as a substitute to it, argues for the annihilation of the caste based social system. It upholds

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an ideology based on social justice and equal opportunities, and represents a new moral life for the individual citizen in public to claim the benefits of liberal democracy. Moreover, it constructs a positive collective culture of people based on fraternal and rational ethos, and finally it symbolizes a vision for the reconstruction of society by bringing the issue of social democracy in the mainstream debates of political development. Conversion movement further incorporates the potential values to change the public discourse from politics of caste to the evaluation of the Hindu religion with a secular perspective, upholding the need moral religions in the public domain. The agenda of establishing social democracy through radicalizing the orthodox religious domain is sidelined under the broad consensus to the largely ineffective political democracy. Modern Dalit politics thus has a blurred, narrow and a power centric perspective, having limited effects on the social, cultural, and economic status of the community. Secondly, being the representative of particular caste/castes in politics, it operates in the circle of hierarchal relationships, without actually breaking the permanent pure-impure dichotomy. Many sub-national movements also emerged for the fear of exploitation by dominant regions and linguistic groups within independent India, leading to the reorganization of states on a linguistic basis in 1956. The linguistic basis for state formation has not served as a binding factor as visualized because of unevenness in resource development, cultural identities, and political power. The struggle for civil, political, and economic rights within the constitutional framework, and negotiating with the state for the restoration of rights through the judiciary is another approach of social movements to address the concerns of the people, especially of the vulnerable sections. All these movements are aimed at acquiring due space for different sections of populations and regions, which have been denied the same historically in economy, society, and polity in the development process. These movements attempt to negotiate with the state, market, and civil society, and the root cause of the denial of due spaces for marginalized peoples and regions in the development process. The outcome of a movement could be seen in terms of social, political, and economic change, sometimes structural and also nonstructural. However, the state has the power to formulate new public policies or to modify the existing public policies within the constitutional framework in response to the demands of different social movements. Thus, social movements through the state and actions initiated by the state on its own, irrespective of any social movements, can determine public policy. In implementing the universal human rights and the rights and protections guaranteed by the Constitution, SC, ST (prevention of

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atrocities) Act 1989 is a milestone. The Act itself came with the backdrop of inhuman incidents such as Kilvenmani, Tchunduru, Karamchedu and Vempenta, which shocked the nation in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The Indian Constitution, under Article 17, prohibits untouchability, whereas Article 15 prohibits any kind of discrimination on the grounds of caste. The social and democratic awareness fueled by the anti-emergency struggle in the country widened the ambit of civil rights followed by the increased activism of Dalit advocacy groups, apparently those who headed such groups are the first generation beneficiaries of opportunities under reservation policy that succeeded in differentiating between civil rights and atrocities. The Dalit movement of late 1970s and early 1980s centered around self-respect, apart from graded equality self-respect movements fueled by inhuman atrocities such as mentioned above, which paved the way for new debates about protecting the Dalit rights and at the same time, protecting the Dalits from atrocities unleashed against them. Thus the necessity for a new Act came up, and parliament at that time acted promptly in recognizing this need, thus, the prevention of SC, ST atrocities Act came into existence, which empowers the state to use its power to see that the perpetrators of atrocities do not go unpunished. The conflicts debated at that time and redress or remedial mechanisms outlined in these Acts are basically individual centric, despite these guarantees and protections, 21st century India is witnessing an increase in atrocities against SC and STs. The major change that needs to be recognized in these atrocities is that they migrated from the individual sphere to the social sphere. In another sense, atrocities against groups are increased, just like against individuals. This change is particularly evident in the case of developed states such as Maharashtra, Haryana, and Andhra Pradesh, as well as the states where predominantly feudalistic social relations are intact in terms of how Dalit struggles are taking place and how the Dalits are facing dexterous problems related to caste, creed, untouchability, social deprivation, caste discrimination, atrocities, etc., in Andhra Pradesh. New observations have been found by us from 1956 to 2008. Herein we employ a combination of historical, descriptive, empirical, and analytical approaches, in addition to the time tested case method. We have looked into different parameters and paradigms of Dalits struggle for social justice, and also the role played by various Dalit groups in consolidating their position and safeguarding their identities and interests. The data related to scheduled castes and the division within the caste groups, their sub castes and identity crisis will be looked into. Taking into consideration the recent movements like Madiga Reservation Porata

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Samithi (MRPS), popularly known as Dandora and Mala Mahanadu and their impact on sub-sects is another important point to draw certain inferences out of these movements. In this book, an earnest effort is made to portray the significance of Dalits struggle for social justice in Andhra Pradesh (1956-2008). Keeping in line with the main objectives of the research, the proposed work is organized into seven chapters including the introductory and concluding chapters. Introductory chapter sets the aim and scope, and review of literature. Dalit movements were aimed against the marginalization and annihilation of rural Dalits. The complete annihilation of Dalits from resources like land, water, and agriculture implements, exclusion from political participation led to resurgence among the Dalits to mobilize them to articulate their grievances, mould public opinion, and to plead for social justice. The post-independence Dalit movement gathered more momentum and gained popularity to fight against the atrocities and deprivation, in spite of the provisions of the Constitution, which safeguards protective discrimination. Different Dalit movements highlight different issues related to Dalits around different ideologies. All of them, however, overtly or covertly assert the Dalit identity. Identity is concerned with the selfesteem and self-image of a community real or imaginary dealing with the existence and role. However, not withstanding differences in the nature of Dalit movements and meaning of identity, there has been a common quest in all these movements for equality, dignity, and forth eradication of untouchability. The second chapter deals with the origins of untouchability, social stratification, social deprivation, poverty ridden conditions, and inequality in all spheres of social life. Above all, inaccessibility to resources, and discrimination from providing opportunities for their dignified livelihood and survival as human beings. Untouchability is a dominant factor still continuing in the matter of social relationships, and discrimination takes the form of barriers against bathing, eating, drinking, worshiping, and having access to common properties. It puts a ban on all common cycles of participation. The untouchables are among the very bottom elements of Indian society in both status and economic terms, and they have undergone a profound change in the context of socialization and social identity. The chapter three discusses the social movements, Dalits in pre and post-independent India. This chapter tries to throw light on the various movements and struggles led by different leaders, and their contribution and impact on the social system to create awareness for self-respect in the community. Political fragmentation and linguistic regional insulation; hierarchical social division and institutionalized inequality; cultural, ethnic

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diversity, social tolerance, and the primacy of the group over individuals were the basic characteristics of traditional India. These multiple dimensions had given rise to and shaped the nature and type of social movements. These movements attempt to negotiate with the state, market, and civil society, and the root cause of the denial of due spaces for marginalized peoples and regions in the development process. The outcome of a movement could be seen in terms of social, political, and economic change, sometimes structural and also non-structural. However, the state has the power to formulate new public policies or to modify the existing public policies within the constitutional framework in response to the demands of different social movements. Thus, social movements through the state and actions initiated by the state on its own, irrespective of any social movements, can determine public policy. However, the question comes as to why some movements continue to recur despite the response. The chapter four is an attempt on the influence of Ambedkarism, Dalits reaction and resistance against caste Hindu dominance, and their struggle for social justice. Protective discrimination and political safeguards for depressed classes as guaranteed in the Constitution led for the struggle for their identity and social transformation. Dr. Ambedkar was indeed a symbol of social justice. He played a major role in reforming the vertical hierarchical Brahminical social order, and establishing humanitarian social order based on the principles of equality, liberty, fraternity, and collective welfare. Brahmins were the earliest beneficiaries of the concept of reservation by a peculiar method. Instead of directly reserving the positions for them, by way of Varnashrama Dharma, they disqualified and eliminated all the others from contesting. The Varnashrama Dharma fortified the Brahmins alone to enjoy all the powers and control all the positions and offices, which made them dominant in Indian society for many centuries. The struggle for social justice and political equality, especially for the oppressed class in Hindu society, has remained the keystone of Indian democracy. Therefore, his ideology makes the Dalits to realize the importance of Ambedkar and his contribution. The chapter five looks into the transformation and assertion of Dalits and their position and status in the social spectrum in Andhra Pradesh. Caste dominance and atrocities on Dalits, which is a common phenomenon in Rayalaseema Districts, are discussed with a good number of examples. Besides that, the role of Dalit organizations, democratic and rights organizations, and the influence and impact of Dalit movements in the District were also examined to substantiate the very purpose and central point of the thesis. The struggle and movements led by the Dalit

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groups significantly changed the very mind set and attitude of the upper caste people to restrain them, not to resort to any discrimination or humiliation of Dalits. Of course it is only for a short period, time and again the practice of suppression and humiliation continued to be in force. The chapter six is an attempt to explain how the emergence of different movements led to sub caste division and categorization within scheduled castes and the socio-economic profile of the movements in Andhra Pradesh. Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) and its struggle for social justice, movement for categorization, and counter movement by Malamahanadu is another significant development that attracted the attention of national political parties and leaders of opposition parties. Categorization and its impact in Andhra Pradesh, judicial interference, maintenance of status-quo in SC reservations, the role of the government, people’s response and the response of the political parties were discussed. The changing scenario and the recent developments after keeping the G.O M.S.No:68 in abeyance for want of clarity in statistical data and rationalization of reservations within scheduled castes brought lot of changes in Andhra Pradesh politics. Madigas got categorization of scheduled caste reservations after a persistent struggle and movement for social justice. In the light of the recent developments, it is very much essential to assess the characteristics of the movement for social justice and counter movement to snub the genuine demand made by Madigas. The seventh chapter is a conclusive chapter presenting different paradigms of Dalit issues; social relevance of Dalit struggles, various view points and observations of Dalit intellectuals and other sections of people who intended to bail out the Dalits from the age-old problem of discrimination, suppression, and annihilation in the context of Dalit assertion and the reaction of civil society.

CHAPTER II UNTOUCHABILITY AND DEPRIVATION OF DALITS

Untouchability, an ancient form of discrimination based upon caste, is a complex and pervasive problem within India, although its practice is not limited to India alone. For millennia, the practice of untouchability has marginalized, terrorized, and relegated a sector of Indian society to a life marked by violence, humiliation, and indignity. The discrimination is so pervasive that many Dalits come to believe that they are responsible for their own suffering and exclusion, internalizing the beliefs that perpetuate the practice of untouchability. As India emerges as the world’s largest democracy and one of the largest and most developed economies, the practice of caste discrimination remains in stark contrast to the image of progress that the Government of India seeks to promote within the international community. Thus, like a shameful secret, a hidden apartheid, untouchability remains an extremely sensitive issue within India. Its practice is never fully defined, never fully explored and, thus, never fully understood. What is known is that untouchability is a lived experience of all people in India either as survivors and challengers (approximately 164.8 million Dalits), or as beneficiaries, perpetrators, bystanders and witnesses (approximately 862.2 million non-Dalits); sanctioned by the dominant religion in India, Hinduism, in its most important texts (e.g., the Vedas and Manusmruti), but in practice, all major religions in India participate in the perpetuation of untouchability; it has been abolished and its practice prohibited by the Constitution of India, as well as by some of the most important legislation in India (the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1976, and the Prevention of Atrocity Act 1989); and one of the most divisive issues in the country’s history, bringing into conflict one of the most important political leaders in the history of India, Dr. Ambedkar. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar is one of the most famous Indians of the last century. Father of the Indian Constitution and one of the greatest Indian intellectuals and political agitators, Ambedkar was born into an untouchable caste. After 2,000 years of Manu’s anti-human laws, when

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India needed a new lawgiver, she turned to one who was born an untouchable. In 1956, Ambedkar with half a million other Dalits, converted to Buddhism. Dr. Ambedkar’s interpretation of Buddhism is a modern and humanistic one. Such is the intensity of the problem and the yearning for dignity that many Dalits are converting to Christianity and thereby foregoing the meager advantage of educational and job reservations for Dalits that are denied to those who convert to Islam or Christianity.

Origin of Untouchability Dalits are the lowest of the Indian caste system and are also called untouchables or outcastes. They are the oppressed and crushed victims of the traditional caste system. They account for almost a quarter of the Indian population (over 250 million people). They are not allowed to worship at temples, never had educational opportunities, and were forced to do work that no one would ever do. The recent uprising against the historically oppressive structures both religio-cultural and socio-economic is resulting in conversion of Dalits into more egalitarian religions like Buddhism and Christianity. Although the analogy reveals something far deeper, that the system of untouchability in India continues to operate as though a form of legal apartheid were effectively still in place. In many ways the Dalit condition naturally invites such comparisons, and in others it is a singular category, cutting across the Indian subcontinent, but categorically different than discrimination on the basis of race. To begin with, the visual cues that accompanied apartheid in South Africa, or racial discrimination in other parts of the world, are lacking in India. Caste is like oxygen, it is both invisible and indispensable (Rajshekar, 1983). Untouchability is a dominant factor still continuing in the matter of social relationships, and discrimination takes the form of barriers against bathing, eating, drinking, worshiping, and having access to common properties. It puts a ban on all common cycles of participation. In the use of public facilities, the spirit of discrimination manifests itself in the exclusion of the Dalits from schools, wells, temples, means of conveyance and access to land, water, and other livelihood resources. Public administration is also deeply entrenched in discrimination against Dalits. It has affected law Courts, government departments, banks, and particularly the police. Discrimination against Dalits in the matter of securing land, credit, jobs, etc., exists in the most rampant form (NCDHR, 2006). A recent study of untouchability in rural India, covering 565 villages in 11 States, found that public health workers refused to visit Dalit homes in

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33% of villages, Dalits were prevented from entering police stations in 27.6% of villages, Dalit children had to sit separately while eating in 37.8% of government schools, Dalits did not get mail delivered to their homes in 23.5% of villages, and Dalits were denied access to water sources in 48.4% of villages because of segregation and untouchability practices (Shah, 1990). The untouchable comes from the jobs that people of the lowest caste held. Road sweepers, garbage collectors, or toilet cleaners and so on were looked upon as unclean and so were forbidden to come into contact with members of the higher castes. If contact was made, even accidentally, then the affected person had to take a bath to purify them. This also applied to houses and temples, many of which are still offlimits to Dalits. Untouchability is not unique to India; it was practiced in parts of Europe until a few centuries ago, and Japan still has a large number of untouchables, called the Burakumin. But it is in the Indian sub-continent that this system survives, closely bound with culture, religion, history, and contemporary politics. Today, over 170 million men, women, and children in India are considered untouchable, and improvement in their lot has been slow, despite legal safeguards and government programmes (4 Nov, IHN 2005 International Humanist). In the 1500s, during the rule of the Marathas and the Peshwas in today Maharashtra state, untouchables were not allowed within the gates of the capital city Poona between 3.00 pm and 9.00 am. The reason was that during this time their bodies were likely to cast long shadows, with the attendant danger that the shadow of an untouchable might fall on a Brahmin and pollute him. An untouchable had to carry an earthen pot around his neck so his spittle may not pollute the earth. In Maharashtra an untouchable wore a black thread either in his neck or on his wrist for ready identification, while in Gujarat a horn had to be worn for identification. The untouchables constitute 15% of the total population of the subcontinent and have been referred to as depressed classes, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Local names for the untouchable communities vary in different parts of India: Bhangi, Pakhi, Chandala, and so on. M.K. Gandhi called them Harijans or children of God. Now they are called Dalits, which means broken people. The popular way of describing how untouchability came into existence is narrated in the Ramayana. Trishanku, who is a native king, is brave and good. He was also a handsome person. Therefore, he wanted to reach heaven (remember this is an Aryan narration) with the same body. Since Vasistha, whom he approached for help, advised him against attempting anything like that, Trishanku approached the sons of Vasistha. Unable to bear his insistence,

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the sons of Vasistha cursed him and said, be you a Chandala. What is a Chandala? Ramayana narrates that further. The next morning Trishanku woke up a different person altogether, an untouchable, ugly of form, attired in dirty clothes. He was driven out of his kingdom and Vishwaamitra took pity on him and said O, king, I have heard of your righteous rule. I offer you refuge; be not afraid. I will arrange for the sacrifice, which will enable you to enter heaven in your own body. And in this very Chandala form you shall reach heaven despite your Guru’s curse. Of this you are sure (words of C. Rajagopalachari, Governor General of India). Vishwaamitra transfers all the powers of his Tapas to gain entry into heaven for this Chandala king, who is, in his Chandala body, raised to heaven. The world saw the power of Vishwaamitra’s Tapas. However, as soon as Trishanku reached heaven, Indra pushed him down saying who are you, entering heaven with a Chandala body? Trishanku fell from heaven, head facing downwards, screaming, O Vishwaamitra, save me! The paradigms of Brahminization of the country, as well as of identity transformation for the people of this land are manifested: x They are not supposed to look good and have a beautiful body. If ever they happen to have a beautiful complexion then the Aryans will change them into ugly looking ones through their curse. x The other side of the paradigm is that the darkish, ugly looking natives have been cursed by the heavens. x The native people should never aspire to go to heaven on par with the Aryans. Not only this land but the next world also belongs to them. The natives belong neither here nor there. That is why when Trishanku fell from heaven Vishwaamitra stops him on the way and the Chandala king is hanging between heaven and earth. x If the native kings or their people aspire to reach heaven it is possible only through the austerities of the Aryans. Only through their power can something be done in the heavens and with the gods. However, even if they manage to reach the heavens, they will not be acceptable to the gods and will be pushed down. The natives can at the most reach a place in between heaven and earth and can remain as the stars in the sky. The development of such a paradigm of objurgation was purported to assure the complete submission and co-operation of the Dalits. One after another the native kings were either subjugated or were killed, and there was a design behind this.

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Definition of Untouchability The untouchables, or Dalits, are stationed at the bottom of the hierarchal stratum of the caste system. In Hinduism the religiously based hierarchical prototype only recognizes four castes (Kirpal, 1999), with the untouchable level representing those individuals who are deemed to be impure. Historically, Dalits are referred to as the fifth caste. As a fifth caste, they are positioned below the lowest of the caste levels; they are a non-caste. It has been argued that they have been labeled as such for the purpose of isolating them from caste status (Michael, 1979). Various authors (Gaikwad, Rao, Singh, Ghurye) have argued that the caste structure has several distinguishing features that separate it from other forms of social organization. Ghurye, a social philosopher, has divided these features into six important categories: (a) a segmental division of society; (b) an established hierarchy; (c) a restriction on feeding and social intercourse; (d) civil and religious disabilities and privileges of the different sections; (e) a lack of unrestricted choice of occupation; and (f) a restriction on marriage. These six categories represent the variety of restrictions and other features that scholars have utilized to define and categorize the caste system in India. Among these categories, it has been argued that the occupational restrictions of untouchability attribute the most to the unclean status that defines untouchable populations. Referred to as the occupational theory, this argument states that the untouchables have become connected with impurity since they have historically been relegated to low status, manual occupations associated with dirt or unclean tasks. Because of their involvement in these unhygienic occupations, the individuals engaged in the activity become seen as impure and contaminated as well. Social activists alike have refuted this theory regarding the emergence and continued existence of untouchability in India. Among the first to address this issue was Dr. Ambedkar, the father of the Dalit movement. Dr. Ambedkar disagreed with the view that such occupations were the cause of untouchability. He argued that such occupations are prevalent in all human societies, and yet have not resulted in caste systems elsewhere in the world (Jatava). Therefore, while occupational status is an integral component in defining untouchability from a social perspective, its role as the primary catalyst for the creation of the caste system is greatly disputed. Another theoretical framework used by academics to explain the origin and creation of the caste structure in India is the creation of another. The concept of creation refers to the establishment of a pair of opposing counterparts or binary oppositions. In many societies, oppositions imply or

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are used in such a way that privileges are granted to one of the terms of the opposition, thus creating a hierarchy (Ayer, 1946). At the root of all social oppositions is intent to define oneself through identifying what one is not. For example, in India Dalits are conceptually opposed to the highest level of the caste system, the Brahmans. Because of this opposition, Dalits become defined as impure and unholy, while Brahmans are considered the most pure and holy of all castes. Untouchables are placed outside of the village and are excluded from many social and religious practices, while Brahmans are situated at the center of the social and religious life of the village. In this way, untouchability becomes the other. It becomes what Brahmanism is not. This desire to define oneself by defining what one is not has been a powerful influence on the initiation and continuation of the caste system. The Government of India Act of 1935 defined scheduled castes for the first time. This Act stated that scheduled castes were defined as untouchables who accepted the caste system (Gaikwad, 1999). The definition established by this document was the first step to opening up a dialogue on enhancing the social, economic, and political opportunities for Dalit populations. This Act of definition made Dalits a unique and separate population that was worthy of individual consideration and eventual legislation. Another piece of state legislation enacted concerning the Dalit population was in April of 1936 when the British government issued the Government of India Order of 1936. This legislation identified specific castes, races, and tribes as scheduled castes and scheduled tribes existing in the following provinces of India during the 1930s: Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces and Behar, Madras, Orissa, Punjab, and United Provinces. During this historical period, castes were referred to as depressed classes, denoting the class poverty that commonly coincided with low caste status. J.H. Hutton, the Census Commissioner of India at the time, was responsible for ranking these classes in accordance with their social and economic productivity. Eventually, this system of ranking was used by the state to enact affirmative action legislation, which was then further supported by the Constitution of India. Affirmative action legislation was undertaken for the express purpose of uplifting the backward classes of citizens to levels of equality with the rest of the country. It was argued that the backward classes were unable to compete effectively for open selection on the basis of merit (Kshirsagar, 1994). Therefore, the government enacted to reserve a certain number of positions in places of learning and public services in favor of scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, and other backward classes. This body of legislation was referred to as the reservation system. Ultimately, the

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purpose of reservation policy was to eradicate the social, educational, and economic disparities caused by purposeful societal discrimination in the past. While the Indian state has continued to refine its definitions of untouchability and address the oppressive characteristics of the caste system, many popular social movements have also risen to simultaneously redefine and combat these issues. Historically, the Bhakti movement of the 6th and 14th centuries is the earliest known controversy over caste and gender structures in India. Bhakti means to revere. It embraces devotion and an intense personal attachment to God. According to Hindu thought and philosophy, Bhakti focuses on the individual’s ability to reach God outside of the restrictions of the rigid caste system (Jatava, 1997). The concept of Bhakti attempts to override obstacles such as language, caste of birth, religious beliefs, and racial diversity. Although Bhakti was an important religious and social movement, its influence was not successful in ending India’s internal weave of religious and political conflict. Primarily this is because the movement tried to directly counteract the supremacy of the Brahman clergy. It attacked the caste system from a purely spiritual level. It distrusted and challenged the Brahmans principle means of control, purity and the authority to allot untouchability. Because the Bhakti movement was extremist and restricted to a criticism of the spiritual plane, minimal achievements for social egalitarianism resulted (Zelliot, 1992). Recently, untouchables have attempted to redefine their social position by adopting the name Dalit in order to refute the notion of desecration and impurity. This change in name has also become the title of a new social movement in India, the Dalit movement. The word ‘Dalit’ denotes a nuance of a coalescence that has enabled advancement toward egalitarianism. It makes reference to an unprecedented phase in the advancement of India’s untouchable population; the ability to define one’s self-power. Dr. Ambedkar was the leader of the Dalit movement in the 20th century. He actively worked to establish a place for the Dalit population within the established hierarchy, and forcefully spoke out against the oppressive nature of the caste system. He was also involved with the engineering of India’s Constitution. Discussions on the content of India’s Constitution took place at the Round Table Conference in London from 1930 to 1931. This conference included primary agents representing a variety of communities in the Indian sub-continent, including Dr. Ambedkar. They assembled to confer and form a union on the major issues that needed to be incorporated into the Constitution. These issues would allow for an independent and autonomous India.

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During the conference, Dr. Ambedkar wanted and demanded equal rights for all with total eradication of the carrying out of untouchability. There was fervent resistance to his demands by the prevailing caste members involved in the conference. Those opposed to his efforts tried to dissuade him from discussing such issues until the British had left the continent. He was not amenable to this approach, as he had great insight and perceived that the presence of the British may work in his favor to the benefit of all Dalits (Gail, 1994). As a result of Dr. Ambedkar’s influence on the formation of the Indian Constitution, the document ensured the end of caste discrimination in India. As a result, some reform policies emerged to speak about the issue of untouchability; the most effective of these being the reservation system. Unfortunately, no direct acts were taken to defy the existence of the caste system. Entrenched caste bigotry, infighting among oppressed groups, and increasing debates over affirmative action legislation continue to restrict the success and limit the influence of the Dalit movement. The high caste communities feel discriminated against by the government policy to reserve positions for oppressed populations. In many cases high caste members compete for a few places, while members of oppressed populations do not have to compete at all because of the large number of reserved places for them compared to the candidates. Sometimes, in order to fill the quota, candidates from the lower castes are accepted even though they are not suitable. Additionally, some reserved positions may remain unmanned because there were no qualified candidates from the lower castes. These debates have caused increasing tensions among the castes.

Untouchability: Forms of Practice and Penalties The type of reign of terror that is perpetrated on the Dalit people generally gives the picture of the forces that boasts of a superior culture but is truly in need of civilization. For those who live in the cities, blissfully unaware of what is happening to millions of their fellow beings around the country, the following may be shocking. It is important to remember that we are speaking of things that are taking place in 1998 and we are only a year and a half away from the 21th century. Dalits are prohibited to participate in different kinds of denial activities in India. When that fails there follows a social boycott of Dalits, which is practically an economic boycott. In the event of a boycott, Dalits will not be allowed to walk through the main streets of the village, will not be given any provision in the shops, and will not be allowed entry into the

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flour mill to grind their grain. Dalit women will not be allowed into the fields at dusk to ease themselves, and will not be given any work in the fields until Dalits agree to the terms and conditions of the dominant caste of people. If anyone gives the Dalit people jobs in their field, he/she will have to pay a fine (Raj, 2001). In India, caste Hindus have traditionally considered Dalits members of society located below the caste system as being religiously polluted because of their hereditary occupations. Dalits were and for the most part still are confined to do the worst work in India. Though India is one of humanity’s oldest civilizations, the Republic of India was founded in 1947 when it gained independence from Great Britain’s colonial control. For Dalits, the ratification of the Indian Constitution in 1950 marks the watershed moment for their legal rights. With the ratification of the Constitution, Indian society formally recognized the need to address the historic oppression of many groups, including the Dalits, which plagued Indian society for thousands of years. Many provisions were included in the Indian Constitution to address the discrimination that Dalits faced. According to Government of India statistics, in 1986-1987 only 21.38% of Dalits were literate, 16% lived in urban areas, 48% were agricultural laborers, 4% were employed in industrial occupations, and 50% lived below the poverty line (compared to 30% of the entire population living below the poverty line). Half of Dalits are landless agricultural laborers, and only 7% have access to safe drinking water, electricity, and toilets. A survey of forty-one Indian higher education institutions showed that Dalits constituted only 0.61% of professors, 1.04% of associate professors, and 3.16% of lecturers. In a society still marked in many places by deprivation and destitution, Dalits are the most deprived and destitute.

Characteristics of Untouchability It is generally observed that untouchability is not an independent institution in itself, but that it is a corollary of the caste system. According to B.R. Ambedkar, the idea of pollution is by no means a peculiarity of caste as such. It usually originates in priestly ceremonialism, and it’s a particular case of the general belief in purity. Consequently, it is necessary connection with caste may be completely denied without damaging the working of caste (Dr. Ambedkar 1979). The caste system is based on Veda, Manusmurthi, and other religious scriptures, whereas untouchability is based on traditional contempt of Buddhism, and the continuation of beef eating by the so called untouchables (Intra caste system) prescribes certain

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rules of internal behavior as a distinct unite, as with other castes, whereas untouchability is a rule of external behavior with so called lower castes. The caste system divides Hindu society, originally into four Varnas, and later on into thousands of castes and sub-castes, whereas untouchability divides the Hindu society into a touchable and untouchables caste system that is comparatively more ancient than the institution of untouchability. However, the caste system has consolidated the institution of untouchability by enforcement of several disabilities and restrictions under the fictitious belief of purity of the so called high caste, and impurity of the so called lower castes. As such, caste and untouchability are so intertwined with each other such that one cannot easily bifurcate them. Nevertheless, minute observation reveals that both are separate institutions, at least at their inception (Kshirsagar, 1986).

Prevalence of Untouchability Today A common discourse that is produced and dispersed with an evangelical zeal is that caste discrimination is a thing of the past and that all stories of caste atrocities are concocted. It must be stated here that such a discourse is in fact fabricated as a self-defense. The reality of India, as reflected even in the caste dominated media, is that caste discrimination, and the terrorist practices attached to it, continue even today in as crude forms as used to exist centuries ago. x The latest in a series of caste killings is the one in the Kurnool District of Andhra Pradesh. The nation-state is an active collaborator in perpetuating such heinous crimes against the Dalit people in different parts of the country. x An example of such a state of affairs is the cleansing of the chamber of B. Prasad, a Dalit and additional District Judge in the Allahabad High Court, with water from Ganga by Ashok Kumar Srivatsava who took over from the Dalit Judge. If such a thing could take place in the places where justice is expected to be meted out to the Dalit people, one can easily imagine other areas where the state is involved. The matter went up to Parliament for discussion, and was given a ceremonial burial after some ritualistic protest. All the accused in the Karamchedu murder case of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh were acquitted recently for lack of evidence. Compare this with the case of Shankar Guha Niyogi, whose murderers were also let free for lack of evidence. The state, which has to file the case in all such events,

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makes a weak case to be presented to the Court with intended loopholes, so that in the course of time the dominant powers could get away scot-free. On the other hand, the police would not bestir themselves. The minions of law and order, rumor had it, even partook of the sweets distributed by the tycoons men as soon as Guha Niyogi’s murder was an accomplished fact. It was a most curious spectacle. The identity of those who actually shot him through the window of his bedroom and those who financed them was no secret; some of them bragged openly about what they had done. The police however would not even register first information reports. The prosecution of the case, it is obvious from the observations of the judges, was most shoddily done, and the evidence adduced had wide gaps; the government, it seemed, could not care less whether the guilty ones were brought to justice or not (Sandanshiv, 2006). The atrocity on the Dalit settlement in Kodaikanal by the state machinery because Dalits decided to boycott the elections is representative of the way the state represses democratic dissention of the Dalit people. Add to this the caste bias of some judges as is evident from the Ganga cleansing. This is not a case in isolation to be dismissed as an aberration. Speaking of the Supreme Court of India, R.K. Garg writes that the citizen is often shocked; why did the Supreme Court lean in favor of vested interest? The reason is simple. Laws are enacted to recognize or to create old and new rights. These rights become vested rights defended by vested interest. The Courts are there to enforce these rights. By habit, training, and equipment, judges get used to paying an awesome respect for vested rights, which are the bedrock of the legal framework given to them for administering justice.

Occupation and Untouchability The perpetuation of untouchability cannot be attributed to the Dalits problems of illiteracy, or ignorance, or poverty, or lack of political power, as such problems are common even among other caste groups. The main reason behind the perpetuation of untouchability is the continuous association of Dalits with the unclean occupations like scavenging, night soil carrying, disposing of dead animals manually, and other such activities. For centuries, the association of Dalits with such defiling occupations has been subtly guarded and perpetuated in the name of Dharma and Karma by all those who were in power in different periods of time. Manu has prescribed for Sudras to meekly serve the upper castes. A Sudra who has fallen from his duty becomes an evil spirit feeding on mouths. If a man of a lower caste follows an occupation of a higher caste,

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Manu laid down the injunction that the king shall deprive him of his property and banish him (Ghurye 1969). Manus version of the caste system seemed to have been endorsed by the King Rama, as stated earlier, in the Ramayana, the killing of a Sudra, Samvuka by the King Rama is a classic example. The King Shivaji also seemed to have acted on the same lines.

Theories of the Origin of Untouchability Untouchability, as a social practice, is the culmination of various factors that resulted in an extreme form of social phenomenon. Caste as a pervasive system is specific to the South Asian subcontinent. The theories on the origin of untouchability are numerous. They range from theories based on taboos, and Manudharama to theories based on race and occupation (Nesfield, John, 1885). The origin of the caste system has been studied by Europeans and caste Hindus. The former, not being a part of the systems, took a comparatively detached view of the society, while the latter were bound by their own prejudices. Such impediments could not pave the way for a proper understanding of the phenomenon of untouchability. Dalits and non-Brahmans developed their own theories, with the specific focus on using them as a guide for achieving the abolition of caste and the exploitation it involved. These theories confronted two types of ideologies used to legitimize caste based society. First was the traditional religion based ideology, developed primarily by the Brahmans, going back to the laws of Manu and the creation hymn of the Rigveda, expressed, elaborated, and ideologically glossed in the Puranic myths and renditions of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata? At this level they debated both the validity of the sacred texts (Sastras and Smritis) and what they really meant. Nineteenth and twentieth century upper caste social reformers like Rammohan Roy, Agarkar, and M.K. Gandhi argued for scriptural justification for a change or abolition of the Jati and Varna systems, whereas social revolutionaries like Phule, Periyar, and B.R. Ambedkar argued with the conservatives that the Hindu scriptures necessarily implied observation of caste hierarchy, and used this premise to denounce them as irrational and exploitative (Gail, 1994). The Aryan theory of race originated in European orientalists writings, propagated by British administrators in their census reports and provincial studies of castes groups, and was picked up by early modernist Brahmans as a way of asserting their equivalence with the white-skinned conquerors, and their superiority to the dark skinned low castes. This was taken up by Jotiba Phule, Ambedkar, and later radicals. Ambedkar rejected Aryan/non-

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Aryan race theory. These theorists agreed that the majority, comprising the middle and low-castes, that is to say Sudra and Atisudras, or out castes in the Varna interpretation, were descendants of non-Aryan original inhabitants, while Brahmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas were descendants of their Indo-European (Aryan, Vedic) conquerors. But they argued that this meant the opposite from what the Brahmans claimed that the Sudra and Antisdras who embodied the values and the national integrity necessary for a new India (Gail, 1994). That the proto-untouchability theories of pollution were peculiar to the Dravidians is an established fact. It is observed that a tendency towards closed group formation and puritypollution hierarchies had its origin among these peoples who were perhaps the most ancient in the subcontinent. Sangam literature gives some interesting indications because of the relatively low Aryan impact in this period (Hart, 1975). The origin of purity-pollution hierarchy is intrinsically linked to the notion of sacred power. Among those called low, there is one factor that virtually all share; they are regarded as dangerous because of the sacred power with which they come into contact in their occupations. The leather worker is infected by the soul of the cow, whose skin he works; the man at the funeral by the spirit of the dead man; the washerwoman by the dirt (especially the menstrual discharge) on the clothes she cleans, and the pulsitti by the dangerous deities who possess her. The drummers and bards were rendered dangerous by gods who were thought to reside in their drums and lutes, and by their occupations, which involved controlling dangerous forces by playing during battle. This process clearly had its beginning with the largely Dravidian based Indus civilization, but it developed only with the impact of the invading Aryans on the indigenous culture, and the gradual emergence of the Brahmans as a group, systematizing the notions of purity and pollution and developing a caste hierarchy with themselves at the top. It climaxed with the Varnashrama Dharma as a dominant social structure of medieval feudal state societies during the sixth to ninth centuries. Untouchability solidified during the fourth to sixth century however its roots can be traced almost as early as caste. Second, we have broken men theory, proposed by Dr. Ambedkar, and also we have an outcaste model image, which is basically drawn from Dalit mythological explorations. Denying the theories based on race and occupation, Dr. Ambedkar hypothesized two reasons for the origin of the untouchable caste: contempt and hatred of the broken men (untouchables) as Buddhists by the Brahmans, and the continuation of beef eating by the broken men after it had been given up by others. Thirdly, two

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anthropologists proposed different theories of origin. Hutton locates the origin of the position of the exterior castes as partly racial, partly religious, and a matter of social custom (Sambamurty, 1992). He believed in the ritualistic origin of untouchability, while denying a racial theory. Another anthropologist, Fuerer-Haimendrof, perceives that untouchability is an urban development and is the result of an unclean and ritually impure occupation. A non-Brahman Maratha intellectual, V.R. Shinde proposed that untouchability is multicausal (Shinde, 1976). This hypothesis is basically an admixture of the above-mentioned theories. Untouchables were those who were engaged in filthy occupations; defeated in wards; followers of Buddhism and atheism (basically followers of non-Brahminical gods); those who were leading a tribal life; and the children of Prathiloma marriages. South-indian social structure, particularly in the Telugu speaking areas of the erstwhile Madras presidency, witnessed only three divisions: (i) Brahmans, (ii) non-Brahmans, and (iii) the untouchables. In other words, the whole society can be divided into three social groups, namely, the privileged, the under-privileged and the unprivileged (Lakshmanna, 1973). In the course of time, a number of sub castes (Upajatulu or marriage circles) emerged, following the lines of the Chaturvarna system (Dubois, Abbe, 1953). This was probably due to the growth of new crafts and geographical expansion. During the 19th century, the village community in Andhra was a combination of many caste groups, based on ritual hierarchy. Each caste followed its hereditary calling and enjoyed a fixed social status. In Hindu society, the hereditary untouchables were assigned such low functions as scavengers, removers of dead cattle, and others. They are socially and legally debarred from any other profession. They had no right to study or enter the temple. They had to live in a separate area in the village or town and had no freedom to use public wells and tanks that the caste Hindus used. Untouchables were punished for crimes, by the law of the Hindu state or village tribunal composed of the caste Hindu, more drastically than a caste Hindu who committed the same crime. A pragmatist to the care, B.R. Ambedkar believed that in the absence of economic and social justice, political independence would not bring about either social solidarity or the national integration; therefore he laid emphasis on the liquidation of the hierarchical structure of society on the basis of Chaturvarna. He advocated the abolition of privileges on the basis of caste status, and vigorously fought for the liberty and dignity of the individual. At the same time he was equally forceful in his advocacy of the unity of the nation.

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Untouchability was initially introduced for the purpose of segregating what Indian society perceived as two individual races. Vedic literature classified India into the Aryan race and the Anaryas or Dasyus race. The segregation of the two was based upon specific phenotypic differences such as skin pigmentation, the shape of the lips, and the nasal bone. As time passed, skin pigmentation became the most distinctive racial dividing line, and continues to remain so today. Of the two races, the Aryan populations are light skinned, and traditionally formed the first three varnas of the caste system. These three original levels represented class and social distinctions within the Aryan race. For example, the highest members of society were part of the Brahman caste, the next highest were part of the Kshatriya caste, and so on. It is suggested that around BC 2,000 partial Aryan descendants, known as the Sudras, were also allowed entry to the caste system in an extremely restricted sense. They were made the fourth and last caste of the Aryan community. In this manner the caste system was first formed. In opposition to the Aryan population, those labeled as Anarya/or Dasyus were dark skinned, and traditionally functioned as a slave class. Because of their low status in the Indian social structure, this group of people was shifted and isolated away from the Aryan houses and living areas. As a result they were separated physically and socially from caste members. They were given the names of Antya, Antyaja and Antyavasin, which mean untouchable, isolated, and non-caste. This was the initiation of untouchability in India (Rao, 2000). Untouchability has been practiced in Hindu society for many centuries. The most notable justification for the continuation of this practice is the desire of Brahmans to maintain purity and to avoid pollution. In an effort to preserve caste structure, the ancient Manusmriti details thousands of rules describing acceptable social intercourse among different castes. The Code of Manu is an ethical code maintained by classical Hinduism. It teaches that the caste system is divinely ordained and the only means of transcending the caste system is through repeated incarnations (Massey, 1999). The laws include descriptions of what items can or cannot be accepted by a person from a particular caste, what one can and cannot eat, with whom one can or cannot eat, and, perhaps most importantly, who one can and cannot touch. Untouchables were so called because the mere sight of their shadows was thought to be polluting. In contemporary India, 16 percent of the total Indian population claims the status of a Dalit. The 1991 census estimates that the Dalit population in India totals approximately 138 million people (India, Ministry of Home Affairs, Registrar General and Census Commissioner, 1993). Dalits are

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kept socially and physically separate from caste members in a number of ways. Occupation and physical appearance often differentiates the Dalit from members of the caste system. In addition, the Dalit population is commonly clustered together in segregated hamlets at the edge of a village. They are usually a small and assailable minority in any given region. This position of vulnerability makes resistance to exploitation and violence difficult. The befouled status of the lower castes has encumbered the Dalit population with years of subjugation, and such conduct has resulted in widespread intolerance of the untouchables. For example, the female Dalit is restricted from entering places of public worship in most Hindu villages. She is not allowed access to watering places, public charitable institutions, or many footpaths and roads. The Dalit female is restricted in terms of the use of fineries and jewelry, and is not allowed admittance to hospitals, educational institutions, and public employment. They suffer from discrimination and prejudice at public places and institutions and are expected to perform low status jobs (Ghosh, 1995). Dalit women live in permanent tension. They have to take water from upper caste wells, go to the nearby fields of the upper castes for defecation, and are often beaten by upper caste women when they do not want to work for them as slaves. They live in permanent fear that they might be beaten or burnt, or that something might happen to their husbands and children (Krishnan, 1993). The Dalit woman has also been subjected to violent atrocities that are acts of revenge for having tried to exercise their legitimate rights as dictated by the Indian Constitution (Kshirsagar, 1994). The Constitution of India acknowledges the existence of bigotry and untouchability and forbids such practices. The Constitution of India’s chapter on fundamental rights is adamant in terms of endorsing parity. Article 14 in particular disputes all categories of prejudice, and Articles 15 and 16 contest the subsistence of caste discrimination. Also, Article 17 is quite specific in terms of obligating to eradicate untouchability against Dalits (Gaikwad, 1999). Despite these constitutional guarantees, virtually 200 million Dalits in India still suffer from sub-human conditions, and this persists as a significant human rights matter. The Constitution of India has not been able to obstruct this practice, as Dalits continue to be deprived of the right to own land, the right to education and health care, and are constantly subjected to torture and degrading treatment (Singh, 1996). Dalits represent not only a socio-cultural group, but often represent an economic group as well. In 1971, the census figures indicated that over half of the Dalit workforces were landless agricultural laborers, as compared to 26%

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of the non-Dalit workforce. Dalit women mostly work for an average wage of Rs. 15-25 per day in fields. Higher caste women, however, work in their family’s fields and supervise female field hands. Because these upper caste women families own the land, they receive all the benefits of the crops yield. Upper caste women do not typically have to seek out wage labor on farms. Limited access to land and land ownership continues to be a major concern for many Dalit individuals. Research also reveals that 90% of the Indian population that died of starvation and diseases were Dalits (Khan, 1995). Rigid caste rules have also excluded the lower castes from education and occupational changes. As reported by Dunn (1993), in many rural areas, 90-99% of Dalit women are functionally illiterate. In addition, a number of studies cited by Dunn have revealed that Dalit women compose a large portion of the prostitution population. As indicated, the untouchability and poverty tend to sustain each other. Despite the oppression experienced by Dalit individuals, they do not accept themselves as abject individuals. Dalits view themselves as an oppressed nationality. Dr. Ambedkar, known as the father of the Dalit movement, coined a slogan, Educate, Unite, and Agitate. This slogan represented Dr. Ambedkar’s message to the Dalit community of India. He tried to communicate the need for Dalit education in order to fully understand the predicament of the so called fifth caste. Uniting meant converging in numbers. Agitate represented the perseverance needed to fight for egalitarian status within the Indian society. Dr. Ambedkar spent his time advocating for the Dalit population and tried to inspire this population to speak out aggressively for change. As a Dalit himself, Dr. Ambedkar felt that increased access to education, in conjunction with a united front of social protest by the Dalit population, could represent a clear cut solution towards Dalit enfranchisement. The prolonged social struggle that burdened the Dalit population for centuries continues to filter into the day-to-day struggles of this population. Education, upward mobility, and opportunities that might be available for other levels within the social hierarchy of contemporary India, are still inaccessible to Dalits. Today in India there are some organized groups that attempt to address the plight of the Dalit population through various programmes designed specifically for this purpose. Dayto-day survival and lack of education in terms of social awareness, however, precludes participation by the majority of Dalits. Change, when it has come to the Dalit population, has come slowly.

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Visible Forms of Untouchability Practiced in Andhra Pradesh Denial of access to common water sources, until completion of dominant caste usage, cutting off of water supply to Dalit localities, cutting off of electricity supply to Dalit localities, compulsory use of separate drinking vessels in hotels, prohibition to sit on par with the dominant caste in public or private places, denial of common meals until conclusion of public functions, denial of common dish-washing services after meals at public functions, denial of entry into temples, denial to sit on par with non-Dalits in churches, prohibition to wear footwear in dominant caste locality, prohibition to open umbrellas in dominant caste locality, prohibition to wear nice or expensive clothes in dominant caste locality, must rise from a cot in presence of dominant castes, must rise from a bus seat in presence of dominant castes, segregated seating in buses, segregated seating in schools, prohibition to sit in Raccha Banda (meeting place of the village council), denial of opportunity to rent/or purchase of houses in dominant caste locality, insult and abuse by caste name, compulsory drum playing at dominant caste funerals and religious ceremonies, preventing exercise of franchise, removing names from voter list, intimidation in elections, compulsory bonded labor, denial of right to livelihood, denial of minimum wages as per law, prohibition of Dalit religious processions through dominant caste locality, denial of irrigation water, denial of cultivation rights, preventing elected Dalit leaders from exercising powers of offices to which they were elected, denial of stream access except below dominant caste locality for clothes washing, segregated ghats (bathing spots) at common bodies of water, refusal of common hair cutting services, humiliation of well-dressed and educated Dalits, compulsory labor (removing carcasses, removing human excrement by hand), denial of right to change occupation, compulsory, unpaid, traditional labor services during dominant caste religious ceremonies.

Dalits and Social Stratification in India The various disadvantages faced by the Dalits in the caste system and various social mobility options that were available to them have led to the generations of many ideologies against inequality in the caste system and identity processes of Dalits. The process of social mobility has been an opportunity for the Dalits in reinterpreting their past, as well as visualizing a future with self-respect and dignity as the main components. The various attempts at understanding the past had democratic and egalitarian goals as

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the axis. The caste system in India is not only a structure of cultural values, but also a certain pattern of inequitable distribution of power and wealth of different kinds along the lines of caste hierarchy (Nagaraj, 1993). Similarly, Pimpley argues, the inequalities within the caste system are not merely religiously ordained, but are a consequence of the unequal distribution of power and privileges in the society. Accordingly, high castes have a monopoly over scarce goods, or have relatively greater access to power and privileges. Raj (1998) argues that the opposition to globalization is manifold, asserting the right of people over the economic and political system, safeguarding of local cultural identity, self-assertion of indigenous and marginalized people and various environmental, Dalit, female, and peasant movements, and so on. He observes that the Dalit community, despite having been subjugated for 3,000 years, continues to be distinct and vibrant to pose challenges to the forces of globalization and objurgation. Khare (1984) proposes that the untouchable possesses a distinct ideology, identity, and pragmatism from the Hindu. He states that the untouchable discovers a ground from which to consolidate his positive self-definition. A positive cultural ideology and identity are always very precious gains for the socially deprived. The more pronounced the deprivation, the more socially sensitive, coveted, and contested are these gains generally. Above all, for identifying the untouchable’s ideological categories, it is crucial that a distinction be maintained between the Hindu and the earlier pre-Hindu roots of civilization. The situation in which widening social gaps and rising conflict between the caste Hindus and the untouchable are making the untouchables’ present initiatives difficult is crucial in understanding the cruel caste system. Throughout the history of the caste system the various attempts made by the untouchables to regain a respectable social position for themselves in the society, through submission and opposition, have made them more rebellious, and the caste Hindus more aggressive towards the untouchables. Khare (1984) articulates their distinctive cultural perspectives, as well as a serious awareness of their changing role in Indian society. Received knowledge from ancestors and their own day-to-day experiences guide them to formulate their opinions about the society. The untouchable is expressing himself through a distinctive culture, which negates the Hindu order in order to claim spiritual as well as material equality. Sharma (1986) observes that the system of protective discrimination has granted free education facilities and reservation of a certain percentage of jobs in various government organizations, and public undertakings to the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes. It appears that the

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assumption behind this policy is that, through free education and reservation in jobs, their social mobility in the class system may be enhanced. Thus, either caste status would become irrelevant for their life chances and social intercourse or, through an improvement in their class status; a change in caste status would also be achieved. By and large, the members of the scheduled castes are rejecting birth as the criterion of social status in general and caste status in particular. A process of destruction has begun. Referring to Rams study, he observes that 82.9% of respondents acquired middle-class status, while 7.5% of respondents reached upper-class status on the basis of objective criteria. In addition, their perception is more or less on the same lines, i.e., 77% and 5.5% respectively. For it is through an improvement in class status that the scheduled castes are succeeding in acquiring the desired social status. Moreover, the reverse is occurring in three stages: (1) Birth as the sole criterion, (2) A section of scheduled castes reject birth as a criterion for social status and insists on education, employment, and interaction as criteria for caste status. At this stage there is a divergence between the theory and practice, and (3) Rejection of birth totally, where divergence is removed. Roy and Singh (1987) observed that in a society like ours where inequitable distribution of resources follows more or less the hierarchal order of the caste system, even acquired attributes (elite position) are monopolized by a section of society that is already placed high on ascribed statuses., Prasad (1970) describes the social mobility is usually taken for flow of people, events, and ideas. It therefore refers to two important social phenomena: movement and change. Movement is the transition between lower and higher positions (vertical mobility). Change is the extent of invention and innovation, which takes place in their institutions, ideas and cultural forms of a society. Mobility in the caste system was possible through individual movement (mostly downward mobility) and mobility through an entire caste changing its status (into equal plane due to essential/ or necessary circumstances). The mobility of individuals and castes in Indian society is not a new phenomenon. The mobility of intermediary castes, for scheduled caste from one occupation to another occupation, and taking on the name of another caste was permitted in the past. Beteille and Srinivas (1969) named this process, Sanskritization. Upward mobility of the lowest castes or outcastes was taboo in the traditional caste order, with several restrictions imposed to crucial changes in their occupations and lifestyles. There were no changes in the positions of the two poles- the top and the bottom ones in the caste hierarchy. The Dalit community located at the

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bottom of the hierarchy could not raise their social status until the caste system was attacked from the outside by British and modern social reformers. Under British rule, Dalits were employed in secular jobs, and, for the first time, were brought into continuous contact with caste Hindus. The social reformers mainly tried to educate Dalits and implant awareness among them, in addition to attacking the caste hierarchy. Roy and Singh (1987) observed that the impact of modernization created spaces for the scheduled castes to become elite. The world view acquired from the British period transformed their status from passive subjects to active citizens, and it set up a new goal to be achieved i.e., equality democratically. Raj (1998) suggests that the awareness and assertion among Dalits and their consequent transformative struggle continues to make a fundamental difference to the caste based, hierarchically divided society of India. He further adds that the awareness coverts itself into the act of community and then on to rebellion to shake the very foundations of the system. Social inequality is a universal phenomenon in all societies. It can exist either in the form of a hierarchy of groups or individuals, or it may exist without the creation of a hierarchy. In the former case it is called social hierarchy. While in the latter case it is known as social differentiation, for in almost all societies men and women are treated unequally. If social inequality manifests itself in the form of a hierarchy involving the ranking of groups, then it is known as social stratification, thus social stratification is a particular case of social inequality. Social stratification is essentially a group phenomenon. The process by which individuals and groups are ranked in a more or less enduring hierarchy of status is known as stratification. The social stratification is an arrangement of any social group or society into a hierarchy of positions that are unequal with regards to power, property, social evaluation, and psychic gratification. According to Lundberg, a stratified society is one marked by inequality by differences among people that are evaluated by them as being lower and higher.

Approaches to the Study of Stratification The conflict approach, under which Karl Marx and Weber’s theories come, and the functionalist approach, under which Talcott Parsons and Davis and Moore’s theories fall. According to Karl Marx, in all stratified societies there are two major social groups: a ruling class, and a subject class. The ruling class derives its power from its ownership and control of the forces of production. The ruling class exploits and oppresses the subject class. As a result, there is a basic conflict of interest between the

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two classes. The various institutions of society, such as the legal and political system, are instruments of ruling class domination and serve to further its interests. Marx believed that western society developed through four main epochs, such as the primitive communism, ancient society, feudal society, and capitalist society. Primitive communism is represented by the societies of pre-history and provides the only example of the classless society. From then all societies are divided into two major classes, viz., master and slaves in ancient society, lords and serfs in feudal society, and capitalist and wage laborers in capitalist society. Weber sees class in economic terms. He argues that classes develop in market economies in which individuals compete for economic gain. He defines a class as a group of individuals who share a similar position in market economy and, by virtue of that fact, receive similar economic rewards. Thus a person’s class situation is basically his market situation. Those who share a similar class situation also share similar life chances. Their economic position will directly affect their chances of obtaining those things defined as desirable in their society. Weber argues that the major class division is between those who own the forces of production and those who do not. He distinguished the following class grouping in capitalist society, viz., the propertied upper-class, the property less white collar workers, the petty bourgeoisie, and the manual working class.

Functionalist Theories Talcott Parsons believed that the order, stability, and cooperation in society are based on value consensus, which is a general agreement by members of society concerning what is good and worthwhile. The stratification system derives from common values that it follows from the existence of values that individuals will be evaluated and therefore placed in some form of rank order. Stratification is the ranking of units in a social system in accordance with the common value system. Those who perform successfully in terms of society’s values will be ranked highly, and they will be likely to receive a variety of rewards and will be accorded high prestige since they exemplify and personify common values. According to Kingsley Davis and Moore, stratification exists in every known human society. The all-social system shares certain functional prerequisites that must be met if the system is to survive and operate efficiently. One such prerequisite is role allocation and performance. This means that all roles must be filled. They will be filled by those most able to perform them. The

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necessary training for them is undertaken and the roles are performed conscientiously. Davis and Moore argue that all societies need some mechanism for insuring effective role allocation and performance. This mechanism is social stratification, which they see as a system that attaches unequal rewards and privileges to the positions in society. They concluded that social stratification is a device by which societies insure that the most important positions are conscientiously filled by the most qualified people. Social stratification can be classified into four forms such as slavery, estates, caste, and class.

Slavery System It is an extreme form of inequality in which some individuals are owned by others as their property. The slave owner has full control, including using violence over the slave. L.T. Hobhouse defined a slave as a man whom law and custom regard as the property of another. In extreme cases he is wholly without rights. He is in a lower condition than freemen. The slaves have no political rights, they do not choose their government, and they do not attend the public councils. Socially, they are despised. They are compelled to work. The slavery system has existed sporadically at many times and places, but there are two major examples of slaverysocieties of the ancient world based upon slavery (Greek and Roman), and the southern states of USA in the 18th and 19th centuries. According to H.J. Nieboer the basis of slavery is always economic because with it emerged a kind of aristocracy that lived upon slave labor.

Estate System The estate system is synonymous with Feudalism. The feudal estates had three important characteristics. In the first place they were legally defined; each estate had a status with legal rights and duties, privileges and obligations. Secondly, the estates represented a broad division of labor and were regarded as having definite functions. The nobility were ordained to defend all, the clergy to pray for all, and the commons to provide food for all. Thirdly, the feudal estates were political groups. An assembly of estates possessed political power. From this point of view the serfs did not constitute an estate until the 12th century. This period saw the emergence of third estate burghers, who were a distinctive group within the system. Thus the three estates, clergy, nobility, and commoners functioned like three political groups.

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Caste System Caste is closely connected with the Hindu philosophy and religion, custom, and tradition. It is believed to have had a divine origin and sanction. It is a deeply rooted social institution in India. There are more than 2,800 castes and sub castes with all their peculiarities. The term ‘caste’ is derived from the Spanish word ‘casta’, meaning breed or lineage. The word caste also signifies race or kind. The Sanskrit word for caste is Varna, which means color. The caste stratification of the Indian society had its origin in the Chaturvarna system. According to this doctrine, the Hindu society was divided into four main Varnas, viz., Brahmins, Kashtriyas, Vaishyas, and Sudras. The Varna system, prevalent during the Vedic period was mainly based on division of labor and occupation. The caste system owes its origin to the Varna system. Ghurye says any attempt to define caste is bound to fail because of the complexity of the phenomenon. According to Risely, caste is a collection of families bearing a common name claiming a common descent from a mythical ancestor professing to follow the same hereditary calling and regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community. According to Maclver and Page, when status is wholly predetermined so that men are born to their lot without any hope of changing it, then the class takes the extreme form of caste. Cooley says that when a class is somewhat strictly hereditary, we may call it caste. M.N. Srinivas sees caste as a system of segments. Every caste for him is divided into sub-castes, which are the units of endogamy whose members follow a common occupation, social and ritual life, and common culture, and whose members are governed by the same authoritative body, the Panchayat. According to Bailey, caste groups are united into a system through two principles of segregation and hierarchy. For Dumont, caste is not a form of stratification however it is a special form of inequality. The major attributes of caste are the hierarchy, the separation, and the division of labor. Weber sees caste as the enhancement and transformation of social distance into a religious or a strictly magical principle. For Adrian Mayer, caste hierarchy is not just determined by economic and political factors, although these are important as described below briefly.

Features of Caste System The caste system hierarchically divides the society. A sense of highness and lowness, or superiority and inferiority, is associated with this gradation or ranking. The Brahmins are placed at the top of the hierarchy

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and are regarded as pure or supreme. The degraded caste or the untouchables have occupied the other end of the hierarchy. The status of an individual is determined by his birth and not by selection, nor by accomplishments. Each caste has its own customs, traditions, practices, and rituals. It has its own informal rules, regulations, and procedures. The caste Panchayats or the caste councils regulate the conduct of members. The caste system has imposed certain restrictions on the food habits of the members; these differ from caste to caste. In North India, Brahmin would accept pakka food only from some castes lower than his own. Although he would not accept kachcha food prepared with the use of water at the hands of any caste except his own. As a matter of rule and practice, no individual would accept kachcha food prepared by an inferior caste man. The caste system put restriction on the range of social relations also. The idea of pollution means a touch of a lower caste man would pollute or defile a man of higher caste. Even his shadow is considered enough to pollute a higher caste man. The lower caste people suffered from certain socioreligious disabilities. The impure castes are made to live on the outskirts of the city, and they are not allowed to draw water from the public wells. In earlier times, entrance to temples and other places of religious importance was forbidden to them. Educational facilities, legal rights, and political representation were denied to them for a very long time. If the lower castes suffer from certain disabilities, some higher castes like the Brahmins enjoy certain privileges of conducting prayers in the temples. There is gradation of occupations also. Some occupations are considered superior and sacred, while certain others are degrading and inferior. For a long time occupations were very much associated with the caste system. Each caste had its own specific occupations, which were almost hereditary. There was no scope for individual talent, aptitude, enterprise or abilities. The caste system imposes restrictions on marriage also. Caste is an endogamous group. Each caste is subdivided into certain sub castes that are again endogamous. Inter caste marriages are still looked down upon in traditional Indian society.

Functions of the Caste System The caste system is credited to ensure the continuity of the traditional social organization of India. It has accommodated multiple communities, including invading tribes in the Indian society. The knowledge and skills of the occupations have passed down from one generation to the next. Through sub-systems like the Jajmani system, the caste system promoted interdependent interaction between various castes and communities within

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a village. The rituals and traditions promoted co-operation and unity between members of the different castes.

Dysfunctions The caste system promoted untouchability and discrimination against certain members of society. It hindered both horizontal and vertical social mobility, forcing an individual to carry on the traditional occupation against his or her will and capacity. The status of women was affected, and they were relegated to the background. The caste system divided the society into mutually hostile and conflicting groups and sub-groups.

Dominant Caste A caste is dominant when it is numerically higher than the other castes. In the Mysore village, the peasant Okkaliga, composed of nearly half of the population, made up of nineteenth Jati group. The Okkaliga were the biggest landowners. The chief criteria of domination of a caste are: economic strength, political power, ritual purity, and numerical strength. The dominant caste also wields economic and political power over the other caste groups. It also enjoys a high ritual status in the local caste hierarchy. The dominant caste may not be ritually high, but they do enjoy high status because of wealth, political power, and numerical strength. The presence of educated people and a high occupation rate also play an important role in deciding its dominance over other caste groupings. Sometimes a single clan of dominant caste controls a number of villages in areas. The dominant caste settles disputes between people belonging to their own and other Jati. The power of the dominant caste is supported by a norm, discouraging village from seeking justice from the area, government official, the Court, or police located outside the village. The members of the dominant caste, particularly those from the wealthy and powerful families, are representative of this village in dealing with the officials.

Social Deprivation The persistence of educational deprivation among children in India is due to socio-economic deprivation in general; however, it remains debatable as to whether the remedy lies in making the schooling provision universal. The failure to provide the people of India with adequate food, clothing, shelter, and the basic means of self-fulfillment undoubtedly

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constitutes the most serious failure of public policy in independent India. When India became independent in 1947, the most conspicuous feature of the Indian economy was that hundreds of millions of people lived in conditions of appalling deprivation- in conditions of hunger, ill-health and avoidable disease, illiteracy and homelessness, and were subject to different forms of class, caste, and gender oppression. Fifty years later, despite the substantial progress made in many fields, that fact remains unchanged. The failure to provide the people of India with adequate food, clothing, shelter, and the basic means of self-fulfillment, constitutes undoubtedly the most serious failure of public policy in independent India, and is perhaps one of the most tragic failure stories of public policy in the post-war world. In a society where poverty is so pervasive and visible, it is not surprising that social scientists, particularly economists, set themselves on the task of trying to understand the nature and extent of poverty and social deprivation early of trying to capture, by means of economicstatistical indices, the orders of magnitude of this terrible social problem. Normative theories of social arrangements put emphasis on freedom, equality, and justice in social order in the society (Sen, 1992). Among these, the most influential in the 20th century is John Rawls’ A Theory of Justice. It proposes the universal access to what is called social primary goods (like liberties, opportunities, self-respect, etc.) for all individuals in the society equally. One of the important primary goods, though not explicit in his theory but implicit, which has to be ensured to every citizen of the society, is education (Bojer, 2004). Moreover, it assumes primary significance in the perspectives of human capital, human development, and human rights, the educational deprivation of children can have severe negative implications. But the crude reality is that even today many children in the developing society are deprived of the opportunity to go to school. In this context, herein an attempt is made to scale the levels of educational deprivation of children, inequalities involved across social groups, and its associated factors in India.

Deprivation: Dalits Plight of Landlessness and Social and Physical Vulnerability As regards change in terms of the decline in the incidence of deprivation over the period 1993-1994 and 1999-2000 across states, most of the states show a positive change of decline, except Bihar, Jammu, and Kashmir. The extent of the decline reckoned in terms of percentage points during the given period has been the highest in Andhra Pradesh and the lowest in Delhi and West Bengal. Interestingly, Andhra Pradesh is the one

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of the major Indian states that had incidence above the national average in 1993-1994; the incidence dramatically reduced to below the national average by 1999-2000. The rate of decline in the level of deprivation has been sharp in Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan, which all had high levels of deprivation in 1993-1994. The above analysis is about the aggregate levels of the incidence. Table 2.1: The level and change in the incidence of educational deprivation of children across social groups in India: NSSO Level and Change Ranking Social 19991993- Change 19991993- Change Group 00 94 00 94 1 Rural SC/ST 43.1 55.5 12.4 1 1 1 Female 2 Rural Others 33.0 39.0 6.0 2 2 2 Female 3 Rural SC/ST 31.4 37.3 5.9 3 3 3 Male 4 Urban 25.6 30.6 4.9 4 4 4 SC/ST Female 5 Rural Others 25.6 24.4 1.7 5 5 6 Male 6 Urban 19.4 21.3 1.9 6 6 5 SC/ST Male 7 Urban 16.3 16.9 0.6 7 7 7 Others Female 8 Urban 13.0 12.9 -0.1 8 8 8 Others Male Total 27.3 31.2 3.9 Figures refer to children of 5-14 age group; 2. Col 6 and 7 refers to ranking in terms of levels where the lowest number indicates the highest levels of deprivation; 3. Col 8 refers to ranking with respect to change where the lowest number indicates the relatively highest change over the period. Source: Estimations using unit record data of NSSO (1993-1994 and 1999-2000) 50th and 55th Rounds Employment and Unemployment Survey. S.No

As we mentioned above, aggregates always conceal the distribution more than it reveals. Attempts were made to see the aggregate index reflect the extent of group inequality across the sub-population group differing by their socio-economic character. Given the importance of gender (male/female), caste (SC/ST and others) and location (rural/urban) in the

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Indian context, we categorized children into eight mutually exclusive subpopulation groups. Based on these characteristics, Table 2.1 presents the levels in educational deprivation of children and change during the 1990s across the social groups. We can summarize the observations in the following manner. Firstly, the incidence levels vary across the social groups, where the relatively highest incidence is found for children of underprivileged social groups. Secondly, over the period, the change in terms of decline in the incidence is relatively the highest in the groups, which are identified with the highest incidence in initial period (19931994). Thirdly, although remarkable change is observed for the underprivileged group, the ranking of the group remained intact and there still remains a significant level of variation across these sub-population groups. Fourthly, among the three characteristics (location, caste, and gender), the difference according to each of the attributes while keeping the rest of the attributes fixed, is significant, and the difference in each attribute (for instance gender) varies with the other two attributes (location and caste). Fifthly, it seems the location effect dominates the gender and caste effect with respect to the educational deprivation of children. Table 2:2 provides the evidence where keeping caste and gender intact, the difference between rural and urban children is relatively higher than keeping location and caste (or gender) intact while looking into the difference between gender (or caste) groups. Table 2.2: Difference in the Levels of Educational Deprivation by Gender, Caste, and Location Gender Caste Location 1993- 1999- Group 1993- 1999- Group 1993- 199994 00 94 00 94 00 Rural 11.7 18.2 Rural 10.1 16.5 SC/ST 17.5 24.9 SC/ST Female Female Rural 10.4 14.6 Rural 8.8 12.9 SC/ST 12.0 16.0 Others Male Male URban 6.2 9.3 Urban 9.3 13.7 Others 16.7 22.1 SC/ST Female Female Urban 3.3 4.0 Urban 6.4 8.4 Others 9.6 11.5 Others Male Male Figures refer to the difference in deprivation levels in percentage points. Source: Calculated based on the figures presented in col.3 and 4 in the above table. Group

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Social Exclusion, Dalits, and Human Deprivation: Emerging Evidences from India The nature and dimensions of exclusion-linked deprivation of socially disadvantaged groups in Indian society are to be explored next. This phrase elaborates the concept and meaning of caste and ethnicity based exclusion, and its implications for human development of excluded groups. The issue is that of inter-social group inequalities in human development and human poverty, and exclusion-linked deprivation of socially disadvantaged groups in Indian society. It is an attempt to address three interrelated issues. First, it tries to conceptualize the nature and dimensions of exclusion-linked deprivation of socially disadvantaged groups in Indian society. It elaborates the concept and meaning of caste and ethnicity based exclusion, and its implications for the human development of excluded groups. Second, it maps the status of disadvantaged groups of scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and nonSC/STs with respect to human development and human poverty, and captures the inter-social group inequalities. Third, it tries to analyze the economic and social factors for high deprivation of socially disadvantaged groups in terms of lower access to resources, human capital, social needs, and also the lack of freedom to develop through restrictions (or nonfreedom) to civil, social, cultural, political, and economic rights, which are closely linked with societal processes and institutions of caste and untouchability (Thorat, 2007). Before independence, Dr. Ambedkar’s endeavors led to a national agreement on reservation in electoral seats and other commitments in exchange for his sacrifice of separate electorates for the SCs, under the Yeravada Pact, negotiated by a fasting Gandhi and him. Promulgation of SC lists was based on the criterion of untouchability, and reservation for them in electoral seats under the Government of India Act 1935, and, in 1943, reservation in posts, Post-matric Scholarship and Overseas Scholarship Schemes. All these soon became available to the STs also. This background and the egalitarian philosophy of the nationalist movement influenced the Constitution of India in 1950 piloted by Dr. Ambedkar. Its Articles with a direct bearing on Dalits constitute a sublime edifice within the grand structure of the Constitution. Its foundation is in Article 46, which commands and mandates the Indian state to promote the educational and economic interests of SCs, STs, and other weaker sections, and to protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. All other provisions for the Dalits flow from it. Articles 341, 330, 332 and 334; 15(4); 335, 16(4); 23; 17, 338 and subsequent

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amendments, including the 93rd amendment of 2005, cover economic, educational, social, and political aspects. Thus equipped, India could have been radically transformed, but this powerful equipment was put to suboptimal use. We will illustrate with two or three of the innumerable instances of post-independence distortion. The pre-independence slogon of Land to the Tiller could have led to the provision of land to every rural Dalit, which would have released the SCs from their age-old agrestic thralldom. But the various Land Reforms Acts, enacted half-heartedly and slowly in different states, left Dalits in largely the same plight of overall landlessness, agricultural labor, and social and physical vulnerability. Limited land distribution could not bring the Constitution mandated qualitative change and Dalits economic and social liberation. The crying need, considering the debarring of education for Dalits over centuries and even in British times, for an all-out national drive to reach high quality education at all levels and in all fields to all Dalit children was neglected. By forcing Dalit masses to continue in agricultural and other servitude, education, especially higher education, was made inaccessible to most Dalits, possibly rendering reservation benefits unavailable to them. Article 17, abolishing untouchability, required immediate enactment of a law and its thorough implementation. However at every stage there was delay and half-heartedness, and, when enacted, deficiencies in the act have been compounded by severe implementational deficits, reducing enforcement to a farce. With the growth of Dalit awareness and resistance to discriminations and atrocities, assertion of rights have emerged as the new instrument of oppression of Dalits who remain vulnerable, as a major segment of agricultural wage laborers, but a minority in the population. The common juxtaposition of a local caste of agricultural laborers (SC) with a landowning dominant caste provides an explosive situation, ignitable by any spark. This situation has been compounded by the state. It has left the pioneering SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act (POA Act) with some critical weaknesses, and failed to ensure that even this defective act is effectively implemented. The fact that the trial in the Chunduru massacre (1991) is incomplete; that the trial of the Kumher massacre case (1992) has not even been allowed to start; that most cases drag on, petering out in massive acquittals; and that there are few convictions under the Act, acts as a green light to more atrocities. Implementation is marked by weaknesses and deliberate distortions at every stage, as in the case of the Prevention of Civil Rights Act (PCR Act). Though the Act has given some sense of security to Dalits in some areas, its effectiveness is not

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equal to its potential and purpose. This is because of the deficiencies in it and the slow progress of trials and large scale acquittals.

Poverty Ridden Conditions We examine the changes in achievement indicators that capture the sum total of the improvement in the level of living of Dalits with respect to some basic needs such as food, health, education, and housing. These basic needs, which capture the cumulative achievement, include poverty, education, health, and housing indicators. The data on most of these indicators by social groups is available from the early 1980s to late 1990s at various points of time. However this data is available for the period, which by and large coincides with three periods of NSS, namely 19831984, 1993-1994, and 1999-2000. We therefore examine the change in human poverty by analyzing the trends in selected achievement indicators such as consumption poverty, literacy rate, life expectancy, and under and malnutrition across all of India. Next we will look at the poverty ratio for SCs and others (non-SC/ST) for 1983-1984, 1993-1994 and 1999-2000 at the all India level (the poverty estimate is based on modified methodology of planning). The incidence of rural poverty among the SCs has declined from 58% in 19831984 to 48% in 1983-1984, and further down to 35% in 1999-2000. The percentage of rural SC poor reduced at a per annum rate of 2.9% during 1983-2000, the rate of decline is however by 1.9% during 1983/1993, and 4.6% during 1993-2000. Thus, the rate of decline is higher during the 1990s. This is due to (i) the problem associated with the 55thround; these results have to be taken with lot of caution, (ii) the incidence of poor among the SC urban household has also declined from 56.5% in 19831984 to 49% in 1993-1994, and further down to 36.6% in 1999-2000, that is by about 2.6% per annum during 1984-2000. The rate of decline is relatively high during the 1990s (4.2% per annum) compared with the 1980s (1.23%), and (iii) there are however, differences in the direction and rate of change in rural and urban poverty between SC and non-SC/ST. On all India level the rural poverty has declined both in SCs and other groups. There is however a difference in the rate of decline between the two groups. During 1983-2000, the rural poverty among the non-SC/ST declined at a slightly higher rate (3.3%) as compared with SC (2.9%). In the 1980s there is not much difference in the rate of decline among the two social groups. In the 1990s the poverty among the SCs has declined at a lower rate (4.6%) as compared with non-SC/ST groups (5.9%), the difference being 1.3% points.

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The decline in the rural poverty among the SCs is generally lower during the overall period 1983-2000, and also during the 1990s, while it is about the same during the 1980s. The urban poverty among the SCs has also declined by less per annum compared with non-SCs/STs during the overall period, and also during the two periods. The urban poverty declined at a per annum rate of 2.36% for the SCs, compared to 3.91% for non-SCs/STs during 1984-2000. Similarly, urban poverty declined at the per annum rate of 1.23% and 4.2% during the 1980s and 1990s respectively for SC and non SCs/STs, as compared with 2.42% and 6.4% for SC and non-SCs/STs during the 1980s and 1990s respectively (Thorat, Venkatesan, 2004). Yet, despite this growth, 260 million people live below the poverty line, 150 million people live in slums, and one out of three of the worlds malnourished children live in India. The world’s largest slum, all 432 acres of it, is located in Dharavi, Mumbai; the following table shows the overall poverty in India over various years given by the tenth five year plan. Table 2.3: Poverty Ratio Year 19771978 19831984 19871988 19931994 19992000 2007

Poverty Ratio (%)

Poor (in Millions)

Rural 53.1

Urban 45.2

Combined 51.3

Rural 264.3

Urban 64.4

Combined 328.9

45.7

40.8

44.5

252.0

70.9

322.9

39.1

38.2

38.9

231.9

75.2

307.1

37.3

32.4

36.0

244.0

76.3

320.3

27.1

23.6

26.1

193.2

67.1

260.3

21.1

15.1

19.3

170.5

49.6

220.1

In India, of our famous one billion people, 260 million are officially below the poverty line. This figure means nothing because poverty is comparative. In India, poverty is hunger, real hunger, and never having even three basic meals a day. Poverty is hearing and children cry themselves to sleep because there is no rice and dal or a few chapattis to give them. Poverty is a lack of shelter. In an urban area it might be fear of a slumlord. In a rural area it could be a creditor, the forest department

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waiting to evict you, or an alcoholic husband signing away the one fragment of land you live on to drink his last drink. Poverty is being sick and not being able to afford a doctor. Poverty is not being able to send your child to school and not being able to read. Poverty is not having a job, and insecurity and fear about the future. Poverty is living one day at a time. Poverty is watching your child die a senseless, needless death from malnutrition or diarrhea brought on by unsafe drinking water. Poverty is powerlessness, lack of representation, and lack of freedom. Poverty is shrinking from the contempt of others merely because you were born you. Dalits are the victims of the feudal political structure where they prove voiceless and choiceless. Unequal distribution of resources and exploitative relations of production have compelled most Dalits to live as paupers, landless, and homeless. The problem of untouchability does not allow them to improve their economic conditions, as many of them are not allowed to sell milk or engage themselves in tea stalls, hotels, restaurants, etc. It is also due to the inequality in the caste system that the Dalit people are left to engage in polluting occupations. This is so because the Chamar or Sarki is entrusted with the function of tanning of hides, removal of dead animals, scavenging and shoe making. Similarly, the Dhobi is made to wash the clothes, and the Dom/Halkhor caste sweeps the streets and removes the filth. Interestingly, a woman in almost all the Dalit castes works either alone or jointly with her husband, even outside their house. The wife of the Chamar, called Chamain, performs the work of a midwife, removes the filth during the birth of a child and engages herself in oilmassage of the mothers. The wife of the Dhobi also washes clothes along with her husband. A woman from Dom/Halkhor sweeps like her husband. Basket weaving by the Dom caste of people is a joint activity of man and woman. A study conducted by the Foundation for Economic and Social Change (FESC) in the Saptari District of Nepal shows that 78% of Dalits are in extremely difficult situations due to the lack of adequate land for housing, food, education, employment, ability, and capacity to spend on treatment. The study result shows that Dalits do not even hold 1% of agricultural land. In order to supplement the family income, the Dalit women have to work in agriculture and various other sectors. In the rural areas, the food grain that a Chamain earns ranges between 10 kg and 20 kg per household per year, which is too little to scratch a living off. Of the total population below the poverty line, the majority belongs to the Dalit caste. Nearly 80% of Dalits have to live below the poverty line. Per capita income of the Dalits is US $39.6 against the per capita income of the nation of US $210. The market forces were promoted in the name of liberalization and

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privatization haphazardly, which adversely affected the interest of Dalits. In the name of liberalization, imports of goods from outside were promoted, which displaced the traditional occupation of Dalits. For example, the import of shoes from different countries in recent years weakened the traditional shoe-making jobs of the Chamars/Sarkis. Privatization of Bansbari Leather and Shoe Factory gave a death blow to many of the Sarkis who were working in the factory. Similarly, the proliferation of the plastic industries and the import of such items from outside have given stiff competition of the Dom caste of people in the Terai who are skilled in making artistic basketry items from bamboo. These people find it difficult to compete with attractive and cheaper plastic items. As liberalization and privatization are part of the global regime, it is not possible to live under the protectionist regime when Nepal has become a fully-fledged member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). It would, however, be wrong to say that the market forces operating in the national economy had all negative impact. With the development of markets in both urban and rural areas, caste based discrimination has declined, particularly in hotels, restaurants, teashops, factories, etc. In one recent study conducted by Action Aid Nepal, it is found that in all eight study areas, many Dalit respondents opined that the forced labor system was non-existent among them.

Inequality Indian society is characterized by a high degree of structural inequality, based upon the organization of people into caste and ethnic groups. The former, known as the caste system, is the social organization of Hindus, who comprise more than 80% of the Indian population. In this system, people are divided into social groups of castes and are assigned hierarchal and unequal social positions and rights, which are predetermined at birth. The caste system is highly exclusionary in nature; exclusion is integral to the system, and thus a consequence of its basic features. Social exclusion between caste groups is ensured through the practices of endogamy and social separation. In retrospect, every caste except those at the top of the caste hierarchy has suffered from unequal and hierarchal assignment of rights (Ambedkar, 1987). The erstwhile untouchables, also known as the scheduled castes (SCs), having been located at the bottom of the caste hierarchy, are the ones who suffered the most. For instance, apart from manual labor and some occupations that were considered impure and polluting, the erstwhile untouchables were denied the right to do business or own property. They

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were even denied the right to education and civil, cultural and religious rights. Besides, they have been made to suffer from residential segregation and social isolation because they are considered impure and polluting and not fit for social association by the high castes (Thorat, 2005). Another source of exclusion is linked with ethnic identity, from which groups like the Adivasis. This group has been subjected to isolation, exclusion, neglect, and underdevelopment, owing to their geographical location and cultural exclusivity. Social exclusion in the case of this group has taken various forms, including denial of the right to resources around them as a result of the policies of the government and the societal processes. Deprivation arising out of caste and ethnic exclusion is suffered by these two groups of people, even though they constitute one-fourth of the Indian population. In 2001, the SCs and the STs (Adivasis) accounted for 17% and 8% of the Indian population, respectively. Together they constituted one-fifth (250 million) of India’s population: SCs, 167 million and STs, 86 million. There is another category of erstwhile untouchables who have either converted into the Sikh, Buddhist, or Christian religion. They account for about 4% of India’s population. Though technically they are outside the matrix of the Hindu social caste system, they continue to suffer from caste based discrimination in certain spheres, and are known as the exuntouchable castes. The government has made efforts to provide them with certain benefits that they previously enjoyed, but not all. For instance, the ones who have converted into Sikhs and Buddhists continue to benefit from the affirmative action policy of the government. However, the Christian converts have been kept outside the safety net of affirmative action; hence their petition for the consideration of inclusion on the list of those eligible for reservation still remains in the Court. A third social group termed as the other backward castes has recently been awarded reservation in government jobs and educational institutions. This policy also encompasses a group of backward Muslims. However, we confine ourselves to studying the SCs and STs, owing to the lack of data on the economic status and employment situation of the Muslims in the government services. The historical nature of exclusion (and continuation of the same in some traditional forms if not all) of the excluded groups is responsible for the severe deprivation and poverty suffered by them. This is manifested in their lack of access to income earning capital assets (agricultural land and business); education; employment; lack of civil, cultural, and political rights; and finally, in poverty and malnutrition. In general the SCs have limited access to ownership of capital assets and employment; they are

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less educated, suffer from a high degree of poverty, and are denied full civil, political, and cultural rights, even today. About 70% of SCs live in rural areas. In 2000, about 16% of SCs were self-employed cultivators, and another 12% were in non-farm business. Therefore, about 28% had access to capital assets much lower than the 56% for non-SC/ST groups. The per household asset that is reflective of the disparity in wealth worked out to Rs. 49,180 for SCs as against Rs. 134,500 for non-SC/ST. Due to lack of ownership of assets, more than 60% of the SC households depend on casual wage labor, much higher than the 25% for others. The unemployment ratio among them is 5.5%, nearly twice that of other groups (i.e., 3.5%). Only 51% are literate, as compared to 62% for others. The cumulative impact of deprivation is reflected in the high incidences of poverty, 37% among SCs as compared to 20% among others only. High poverty leads to high infant and child mortality among the SCs (83% and 39%, respectively), as compared to others (61% and 22%, respectively). At least 56% of SC women suffered from anemia. More than half of the SC children suffered from either malnutrition or under nutrition. The literacy rate among the SC population was 52% as against 63% among others in rural areas in 2001. The corresponding literacy rate for urban areas was 68.5% and 81.5%, respectively. During 1991-2001, about 81,786 cases of atrocities were registered with the police by the SCs under the anti-untouchability Act (or Civil Rights Act) of 1955, and the Atrocity Act of 1989. In total, 285,871 cases of discrimination and violence had been registered. However, the actual magnitude is much higher, as is reflected in the primary studies (Thorat, 1999). In the case of STs, about 46% of the tribals were poor, as compared with 20% for the others. The literacy rates among them were much lower, 45% as compared to 62% among others in rural areas, and 69% and 81% for urban areas. The child mortality rates among them were the highest, 46% as against 22% among non-SC/STs. One of the main problems with scheduled tribes is land alienation and displacement induced by development. So far about 7.5 million ST people have been displaced; which constitutes 40% of the total people displaced. Out of this, only about 1.85 million are resettled.

Historical Perspective of Untouchability The origins of untouchability are obscure and its developments are difficult to trace, but it is clear that untouchability and the presence of the untouchable caste in India is based on the concept of purity and pollution (Ambedkar, 1948). The earliest Indian text, the Rigveda (Thaper, 1966) does not mention untouchability. Later Vedic texts refer to the prototype

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of the untouchable, the Chandala, only in such references as Chandogya Upanishad, one whose actions are evil will be reborn as a dog, a boar, or a Chandala. Later on, the Arthashastra of Kautilya lists occupations for Chandalas as work in cremation grounds, punishing offenders in criminal cases, and the guarding of new settlements, and enjoins them to live separately and to marry within their own groups (Sharma, Sastry, etc.). But by then the untouchable, hated and deemed unseeable, unspeakable or unapproachable, constituted an integral part of society. The concept of purity and pollution is elaborated in Manusmurthi as one becomes pure by bathing if one has touched a Chandala, a menstruating woman, someone who has been outcast for sin, a woman who has just given birth, a corpse, or one who has touched a corpse. The despised castes, explains the Pali texts, particularly the Nishadas and the Chandalas, were treated as untouchables, and were known as Antyas or Bahyas i.e., people living outside the villages or settlements (Sharma, 1958). The Dharmasutras note that the Chandalas are the progeny of the most hated of the reverse order of the mixed unions: that of a Brahman female with a Sudra male (Kane, 1974). Kautilya, who notes a number of these so called mixed castes, agrees with the Dharmasutra writers that the mixed castes that arise from the unions in the inverse order are a violation of Dharma, yet looks upon all of them as mixed castes (Buhler, 1882). He has no objection if they treat themselves as Sudra, but he too regards Chandalas so low that he advises all other mixed castes to avoid the Chandalas (Ghurye, 1969). The untouchables are usually termed as Chandalas in the later Vedic literature such as the Brahmanas, Dharmasutras, and Dharamshastras. According to these, the Chandalas are of two kinds, karma Chandalas and Janma Chandalas, that is, Chandalas by bad conduct and Chandalas by birth (Hanumanthan, 1997). The Chandalas as an ethnic group are referred to in late Vedic literature. Vasistha recognized them separately as Antyavasin, being a progeny of a Vaisya female and a Sudra male. According to Manusmurthi, the Antyavsin was of much more deprived origin, being the progeny of a Chandala male and a Nishada female. All the Brahminical texts including Dharmasutras show that these anuloma (inverted order) connections between these inter-varnas, in the Chaturvarna scheme of stratification, were relegated to the position of untouchables (Sharma, 1958). These castes were often annexed to the Chaturvarna scheme by giving them a wholly arbitrary genesis (Fick, 1920). According to Kautilya, the untouchables were not included in Chaturvarna, however Panini seems to have included them. Manu

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categorically states that there are only four Varnas, and distinguishes an Antyaja from a Sudra in his law of evidence. By the fifth century, the stern injunctions of the theoretical legal texts seem to have become a reality. Foreign travelers and writers have made significant observations that the untouchables were engaged in specific occupations considered lowly, and lived in the outskirts of the villages and towns. The Chinese traveler Fahien observed Chandalas dwelling apart from others (Giles, 1923), and Huan Tsang listed butchers, fishermen, public performers, executioners, and scavengers as marked castes livings outside the city. The eleventh century Muslim scholar, Al-Beruni notes that the Chandala and three other groups were not members of any caste or guild, performed dirty work and were considered a single class, distinguished only by their occupations (Sachau, 1914). During the Mauryan period, as the Arthashastra of Kautilya states, these untouchables were engaged in carrying messages (Ahmad, Qeyamuddin, 1993). A number of non-legal sources from Buddhist times on, however, indicate more liberal views. Theragatha (Basham, 1953) records the entry of two cremation ground watchmen into the Buddhist order. The Sanskrit play Mricchakatika introduces two humorous, articulate executioners who declare that the true low born are those who do violence to a decent man (Kale, 1982). During the Gupta period there seems to have been not only an increase in the number of untouchables, but also intensification in the practice of untouchability. Fahien informs us that when the Chandalas enter the gate of a city or a market place, they strike a piece of wood to give prior notice of their arrival as a caution to avoid them. He also informs us that the Chandalas, fishermen and hunters sell flesh and meat (Legge, 1886). However the Chandalas are mentioned by Kalidasaas separately to fowlers and fishermen, although they all belong to the same class (Upadhyaya, 1947). All these Brahminical texts portrayed the untouchables in very disparaging terms, allegedly characterized by impurity, untruth, theft, heterodoxy, useless quarrels, passions, wrath, and greed. Mixed castes, as well as diverse lowly occupations, account for the proliferation of untouchability in Hindu society. The Jain texts also speak of Jati, jungitas (born untouchables) and Karma Jungitas (untouchables in body). Hunters, pointers, fishermen, tailors, and acrobats are classified as untouchables by birth. Those who reared birds like peacocks and fowls or animals like pigs, those who practiced hunting, acrobatic exercises, and barbers work as vocations are called untouchables by conduct. Dumb, crippled, and hunch-backed people, dwarfs, and one-eyed persons are classified untouchables in body. All these peoples are shunned as

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untouchables by a holy Jain (Jainm, 1947). Even Buddhist works (Moris, Hardy (eds.), 1985-1990) speak of Hinajatis or degraded castes such as Chandalas, Venas (basket makers), Nishadas (fishermen), Rathakars (chariot makers), and Pukkasas (hunters). The idea of untouchables by birth and by conduct, found in the Dharmasutras, is incorporated into the Sanskrit (translated from Pali), and Buddhist texts. The doctrine of Ahimsa and Hindu ordained taboos seem to have played an important role in the proliferation of untouchability in India. No literary evidence of any kind is available in Andhra until the eleventh century. Only a few inscriptions containing words and sentences in Telugu occur before A.D 800. Later, by the tenth century, inscriptions containing Telugu verses indicate the beginnings of poetic composition in Telugu (Sitapati, 1969). Even a cursory glance at Telugu literature reveals that literature was mainly confined to the educated sections (primarily Brahmans). The period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century is claimed to be the Augustan age in Telugu literature (Rao, 1954). The poets of Prabhandha style, such as Allasani Peddana (Manucharitram), Nandi Timmana (Parijatapaharanamu), Durjati (Kalahastisvarasatakamu), Pingali Surana (Kalapurnodayam), Bhattumurthy (Vasuchritra), etc., followed the same line. There was no dearth of either poets or patrons. Religion was the predominant theme and, irrespective of their cult, poets competed among themselves to please their patterns and procure more gifts and an agraharams (Rao, 1992). A striking feature of Telugu literature, until the sixteenth century, was the societies, although the societal aspects of life were never the subject or the object of literature. The Brahmans not only monopolized education, but also filled the libraries with their religious works, thus strengthening their superiority over the remaining sections of society. If Dalits were ever mentioned it was with hatred and contempt. They referred to the taboos and rules with details on how to avoid, and how to punish, the untouchables. A revolutionary change occurred with the onset of the Bhakti movement (18th - 19th century). The untouchables were honored as saints and poets, Nandanar (18th century), a saivite saint from Tamil Nadu, and his contemporary Tiruppan, one of the twelve Vaishnavite Alvars; Chokkamela (13th - 14th century), a Chamar (cobbler) in the north; and Kabir from Varanasi with Hindu-Muslim background. They inveighed against untouchability. The heterodox Lingayat movement in Karnataka (11th century), the unorthodox Mahanubhav movement in Maharashtra (13th century) and the Sikh movement in Punjab (15th century), each one attempted to do away with caste (Panikkar, 1988).

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The Bhakti movement is of historic significance in the context of Dalit history. The period witnessed the religious revolt of the untouchables against socio-religious hierarchical values that ran parallel to the Bhakti movement, if not as part of it. In contrast to some elements of the Bhakti movement, which were to give a new orientation to Hinduism and were largely responsible for extinguishing the last flicker of Buddhism, the untouchable saints and poets led a radical movement ridiculing the religious and social hypocrisy of the orthodox. This rebellious movement was the inspiration for non-conformity and revolt in the Dalit movement, undertaken by the educated and enlightened sections of the Dalit community later in the modern period. Its significance also lies in the fact that it underwrote a common consciousness among the untouchables; they took cognizance of their inhuman conditions and tried to identify the rationale of their subhuman existence. It laid a firm basis for religious inquiry and the subsequent religious reformation, which is inevitable for social reform. As religion was the dominant ideology, it was not possible to undertake any social action without coming to grips with it. The reform movement laid a tradition of protest, non-conformism, and common consciousness, prerequisites for movements aspiring to change the entire social structure. For the first time in Telugu literature, Vemana (mid 17th and 18th century, who belonged to the Reddy community) reflected on contemporary social issues. Be it religion, caste, tradition, or custom, Chandidas in Bengali, Kabir in Hindi, Nanak in Punjabi, Sarvagna in Kannada, and Vemana in Telugu wrote poetry against the practice of untouchability (Rao, 1988). The peculiarity in this case is that Vemana addresses himself, unlike the other poets who address a deity or their patron. While questioning society he asks (Rao, 1969): If we look through all the earth, men, we see, have equal birth Made in one great brotherhood, and equal in the sight of God Food or caste or place of birth cannot alter human worth Why let caste be so supreme? It is but folly’s passing stream. Viler than the meanest way is the man before whose face other only Sudra are hell for him, shall need unbar. Empty is a caste dispute; all the castes have but one root. Who on earth can ever decide whom to praise and whom to deride? Why would we at the Paraiah scorn, when his flesh and blood were born like ours? What caste is he who does dwell in all we see?

Telugu literature was influenced by the West by the end of 18th century. Religion was the main subject in Telugu literature until the 19th

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century, with the exception of Vemana. The issue of untouchability or untouchables was never a subject. Scant references in literature save the mention of endless lists of punishments to be given to them, added to further marginalization. This is not to negate their contribution to society they concentrated only to reform Brahminical Hinduism. Untouchables in India, however, did constitute communities with caste occupations, mythologies, and culture of their own, and a sense of their place in the social hierarchy. When change came to specific castes in the 19th and early 20th centuries, it was mainly related to the hereditary occupations of those castes. Modern concern for the untouchables began in a threefold way during the 19th century. Christian missionaries admitted untouchables into their fold and their schools; some caste Hindus, began to speak against the evil of untouchability; and untouchables began to assert themselves. These aspects will be discussed in the following chapters. It was only in the 20th century that social historians, sociologists and anthropologists tried to trace the origin of the untouchables and untouchability and hypothesized their understanding of the subject. In the modern period, Dalits in Andhra decided to give a new orientation to Dalit history and culture. In their literary works, they questioned the religious myths, and exposed the evils of superstition. Literature produced by Dalit people became the most blatant criticism of Hinduism, radical in approach, vigorous in nature, tempered by a spirit of inquiry and sarcasm. The issues that concerned them centered on the origin of Aryans, the cultural hegemony that ensued and the evils of society that followed.

Historical Context of the Untouchability in India The untouchables, today officially known as SCs and popularly known as Dalits, formed the fifth order beyond the four-fold order of Hindu society. They were also known as Panchamas, Avarnas, Antayajas, AntiSudras, and anti-Hindus. The impureness of these millions of outcastes had been always permanent. The caste Hindus, who touched them and became polluted thereby, could become pure by undergoing some purificatory ceremonies. Nevertheless there was nothing that could make the untouchables pure. They were born impure, they were impure while they were alive, they died the death of, and they gave birth to the children who were born with the stigma of untouchability affixed to them. As such, there had always been a permanent impureness regarding them, which was, in the words of Dr. Ambedkar, based on the rule once impure, always impure (Bakshi, 1991). The institutions of untouchability in India were a

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unique phenomenon that was perhaps unknown to people in others parts of the world. Nothing like it was founded in any other society be it primitive, ancient, medieval, or modern. Though slavery in Rome, in England, servility (against Jews) in Germany, and slavery (against Negroes) in USA were similar institutions, untouchability was worse than all of them (Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 5). There has been controversy among historians and social scientists on the genesis of untouchability. It is, however, generally believed that it was the institution of caste that later on gave birth to the notion of untouchability. Many theories have been developed by historians and social scientists on the genesis of caste, but until now the history of caste and untouchability has not been fully explored. As R.S. Sharma (1991) has pointed out, most of the theories on the subject are suffering from prejudice and pre-conceived notions. B.R. Ambedkar’s work entitled The Untouchables was the first research that directly dealt with the problems Dalits. The Buddhists and beefeaters were regarded as untouchables by the Hindus during the course of history (Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 7). Some historians and sociologists, like Ghurye (1956), believe that the idea of pure, whether occupational or ceremonial, led to the emergence of caste and subsequently untouchability. Nevertheless the present day historians do not believe in this theory. The so called Varnasankra theory, sketched in the Dharamshastras, which says that the issues of a Sudra male and Brahmin female were known as Chandala while the issue of a Brahmin male and Sudra female were known as Nishada, and so on seems artificial and lacking historical evidence. The most controversial theory on the origin of caste is the Aryan race theory. This theory was put forward by European orientalists, and propagated by British administrators (Gail, 1994). Some modern Brahmins picked up this theory as a way of asserting their equivalence with the white skinned British and their superiority over the comparatively dark skinned lower castes. This theory was also taken up by Jyotirao Phuley and other lower caste and Dalit radicals. They agreed that the majority of low caste Dalits and Sudras were descendants of non-Aryan original inhabitants of the land, while Aryans (Brahmins, Vaishyas and Kshatriyas) were descendants of their Indo-European conquerors. It was clearly visible that the imperialist historians intensified caste, religion, and cultural differences through every possible way in the political conquest of colonial India. They denied that India was in the process of becoming a nation and believed that what was called India was in fact constituted of different religions, castes, languages, and interests, and other evil things, like untouchability. Consequently, they never

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believed that Indian groups would be transformed into a nation. The imperialists argued that theses prescriptive groups were based on the different castes and religions. Thus colonization for India meant a political organization that shaped the traditional caste feudal structures and Mughal bureaucracy to the needs of the new British corroborated colonial state. Untouchability ideology employed here deliberately includes everyday life notions and experience, elaborate intellectual doctrines by the consciousness of social actors, and the institutionalized thought system, which was a historical process. Consequently, the marginalized got the official fascination one side and Indian bourgeoisie attention on the other, with the centrality of caste, and untouchability. That was dual in nature within the bourgeoisie, one reformist critique of caste, and untouchability on the other would unfold (Nicholas, 2003). On the question of the caste and untouchability, the first faction recognized the caste of untouchables, as part of tradition and culture, in terms of this; different contradictory ideas came across in the notion of the Indian liberation movement: Aryan theory of race, non-Aryan theory, Verna Dharma, Purity and impurity, which gave importance to scriptural authority of tradition. Traditional revivalists like Raja Ram Mohan Rai to M.K. Gandhi extensively used this idea of tradition. And the recitalists of lower caste reformers propounded and supported the non-Aryan theory and condemned the scriptural legitimacy by Jyotirao Phule and Ambedkar. By questioning the complex system, both the ideological factions could draw their legitimacy from the scriptures. The British persuasion of the majority of marginalized people was colored with polity in their ideological struggle, as a part of divide and rule for their political, materialistic hegemony. However Dr. Ambedkar took another dimension to endeavor the nature of caste. He says that Caste in India is as artificial as chopping off the population into fixed and definite units; each one prevented from fusing into another through the custom of endogamy, thus the conclusion is inevitable that endogamy is the only characteristic that is peculiar to caste. The superimposition of endogamy on exogamy means the creation of caste (Vasanth Moon, 1982). According to the Hindu law code, the Candalas (presently untouchables) were created in ancient times by Prathiloma marriages that were the progeny of a Sudra father and a Brahman mother, the offspring of the most condemned Prathiloma marriage. However, this theory of the origin of the untouchables is the product of the Varna conception of the orthodox Brahmans, and was not based on historical facts. Every caste Hindu believed in Vedas, the theory can be observed and propounded by Indian intellectuals and activists like Anne Bescent and

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Balagangdhra Tilak by giving a call go back to Vedas towards revival of tradition. Gandhi believed in Varnadharma the old form of the caste system, and tried to convince people to accept Dharma, which was followed in their entire national movement. On the question of untouchability, Tilak followed the means of the Suddhi movement, where it is nothing but a belief of purity and impurity and acceptance of the hierarchy of society, or in other words, the social hierarchy. The above mentioned concepts, which were performed and practiced by leaders, drew legitimacy from the mystified scriptures. It was stated in the Purushasukta, a part of Rigveda, that the Brahamin, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra were created by God respectively from mouth, arms, thigh, and feet. The untouchables however were not. Savarnas were known as Avarnas; hence in the hierarchy of the caste system they were more degraded and treated as outcastes that were considered to be profane (Kotani, 1999). Vivekanda Jha, a modern historian on the subject, has tried to interpret that some well known untouchable groups like Chandala, Nishada, Shvapaka, etc., were initially non-Aryan tribes inhabiting India in pre-Vedic times. He holds that when the Aryans came into their contact, they tabooed them in social intercourse during the course of time. The social organization of Hindus inherited from the pre-British period had many oppressive and undemocratic features. The segregation of a section of the Hindus as untouchables, who were prevented from such elementary rights as the right of entry to public temples or of the use of public wells and tanks, and the touch of whom contaminated a member of higher castes, constituted a most inhuman form of social oppression (Desai, 1959). The untouchables were the outcastes of Hindu society. Though belonging to Hindu society, they were its prescribed parts. Historically, untouchability was the social fruit of the Aryans conquest of India. In the process of social interaction, a portion of the indigenous conquered population was incorporated into the Aryan fold. The most backward and despised section of this incorporated population, it appears, constituted the hereditary caste of untouchables. For centuries, untouchability persisted in Hindu society. Even extensive and profound humanitarian and religious reform movements such as those started by Buddha, Ramanuja, Ramanand, Chaitanya, Kabir, Nanak, Tukaram, and others, hardly affected the inhuman and age long institution of untouchability. Hallowed with tradition and sanctified by religion, it continued to exist in all its barbarous vigour for centuries. History has known hierarchically graded societies of various types in different epochs and among different peoples. All these societies were based on social privileges and inequalities. However, no hierarchically graded society can

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compare with the Hindu society in its extreme gradation of ranks and inequalities of right. In Hindu society, the hereditary untouchables were assigned such low function as those of scavengers, of removers of dead cattle, and others. They are socially and legally debarred from any other profession. They had no right to study or enter the temple. They had to go to a separate area of the village or town, and had no freedom to use public wells and tanks that the caste Hindu used. Untouchability was punished as a crime by the law of the Hindu state or village tribunal composed of caste Hindus more drastically than a caste Hindu who committed the same crime (Ambedkar, 1989). The social oppression of the untouchables had religious sanction. As such, it was more firmly entrenched. Thus, man was so deeply humiliated and crushed under the concept of untouchability. The outranging of human personality and human dignity reached its high watermark under it. It was but natural that the elimination of such an atrocious social phenomenon as untouchability became one of the main planks of the platform of all social reform movements in India. Though different motives and considerations prompted various groups of social reformers in their campaign against untouchability, all recognized it as an institution to be destroyed. It is true that a good proportion of the Hindu community, its numerically strong orthodox section, tenaciously opposed the abolition of untouchability and general disabilities from which these depressed classes of Hindu society suffered. However, the tendency was towards its increasing elimination. The Mahad Satyagraha for the right of water led by Dr. Ambedkar was one of the outstanding struggles of the untouchables for equal social rights. So he stood against the gross social injustice from which the depressed Hindus were suffering (Robin 1964). Ambedkar, from the case of his heart, fought relentlessly to establish a society based on the democratic idea of liberty, equality, and fraternity. Echoing the philosophy of Lord Buddha, Ambedkar said that the main evil plague to the life of mankind is Dukha (sorrow). However unlike Buddha, who sought solace in Nirvana, Ambedkar endeavored to eradicate sorrow (in other words injustice and exploitation) from human life, through the reconstruction of social and economic order, which rendered the majority of people as sufferers of veritable servitude in economic prosperity. This could be made available to every human being by progressively releasing him from want and fear of the cause of Dukha (Busi, 1997). A pragmatist to the core, Ambedkar believed that in the absence of economic and social justice, political independence would not bring about either social solidarity or the national integration; therefore he laid emphasis on the liquidation of the

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hierarchical structure of society on the basis of Chaturvarna. He advocated the abolition of privileges on the basis of caste status, and vigorously fought for the liberty and dignity of the individual. Untouchability is not unique to India; it was practiced in parts of Europe until a few centuries ago, and Japan still has a large number of untouchables, called the Burakumin. But it is in the Indian sub-continent that this system survives, closely bound with culture, religion, history, and contemporary politics. Today over 170 million men, women, and children in India are considered untouchable, and improvement in their lot has been slow, despite legal safeguards and government programmes.

Social Change It can be said that the reformation of the Indian population was as confusing as its thousand year social structure. Even though we can say that the first motivation of the reforms came from the need to become like the British imperials. This is very ironic when it is considered that the foreigners or non-Hindus we reaccepted as worse than even the untouchables, as they were seen as a polluting existence for the Brahman religion. However history proves that this rule becomes absolute if the foreigner is an invader capable of displaying his force. This time the difference was that the new rulers were thinking that the occupied people were backward and in need of teaching. Whether it is true or not, this approach was accepted by the occupied nation too. The British rule showed the way for the breaking of some thousand year rituals, which were somehow unacceptable to the ordinary people. Sati, or widow burning, is one of them. We remember that Ram Mohan Roy’s first motivation was the loss of his sister in one of those rituals. Equality and justice had always been a reason for the Hindus to change their religion. This can also be verified with the fact that nearly half of the Indian population (including the Muslim states of Pakistan and Bangladesh) is Muslim. It is possibly true that most of their ancestors were from lower classes who sought equality and justice. Christianity was unable to achieve this status within Hindu society. It was certain that the Western invasion collided with a period where religion itself was under question at its homeland. The church was under a great pressure that was never seen before. The 16th century witnessed the emergence of new Christian sects other than Catholicism and Orthodoxy. In nearly two centuries, importance of religions in western societies passed away, leaving new ideals in its place (Barbara). It is also interesting to see that most of the modern Christian population of India lives around Goa

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today, the famous Portuguese port where Jesuit missionaries preached Christianity in its medieval form. The British never became successful in spreading the religion, nor were they interested in doing so. The period when the British became the major foreign force in the subcontinent was the time for new ideas i.e., equality, justice, and nationalism. The first two were also preached by the major religions. But this time, the ideals of enlightenment came through, especially after the French Revolution in 1789. India, as we have seen, had always been a very complex society, with dozens of religions, sects, and thousands of Jatis. Most of these social groups can be observed in any society. Nevertheless in India, with the effect of Brahmanism, these social groups became concrete and independent entities within society. So the reactions of these concrete social groups were completely different from each other. The Indian society that accepted the Muslim influence a millennium ago was again ready for a change during the 19th century. We would also be right to say that Hinduism was also another factor for society to be affected by foreign ideals. The loose structure of Hinduism, where every clan can take their old deities with them to the religion and where no prophecy or religious authorities exist, must have had an important role. Within the borders drawn by these factors and with the emergence of self-consciousness as it is defined within the 19th century nationalist context, a new Indian society became to be established. The new institutions demanding reform were, in reality, western institutions. And it was probably the first time in history that a social consciousness of being Indian was born. It is much more visible when we look at the big picture of social change in India from the beginning of the 19th century to the midst of 20th century. In the beginning the change began with the demands of people who felt pressure under traditions and religion, and also who wanted to be like their British masters. Then we saw more demands, especially from the lower castes, and a caste consciousness linked to the daily reality of being humiliated by the upper castes. It is also interesting to see that the intellectuals and movements that began with a more liberal manner turned into a much more religious one in time. This was parallel to the rise in national consciousness, especially against the British. The lower castes, which were in favor of the abolishment of the religious traditions that put them through two millennia of pain, were also affected from this process. Because of the upper caste movements, which began liberally, had turned into a religious one. Religion must have been the easiest way to be defined as different from the colonialists. Also Brahmans had no problem with the religion. Some of the problems were already solved under the British rule.

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The 19th century, or simply the British, must not be seen as the only way of social revolt against the harsh rule of the Brahmans over the rest of the society; there had been various clashes before. Most of them were between the Kshatriyas and the Brahmans for the control of power. But without the help of the lower castes, the Kshatriyas probably would not have the chance to stand against the Brahmanic power. The more basic opposition, however, was not that between the Kshatriyas and the Brahmans, who divided power and status at the top of the system, but between the twice born castes (Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas) and the Sudras, tribal people, and untouchables, who generally had neither power nor status. These had both a status interest in revolts that promised to negate the caste hierarchy, as well as economic motives for discontent since they were mostly poor peasant and artisan groups. Without a Sudra basis, in fact, no Kshatriya revolt had a chance of succeeding. For example, the King of Travancore had sought to build up a populist basis for his rule, and the right-left divisions of south India had developed first among middle level castes; Brahman, and the top, Vellarar (the most powerful ruling group), had attempted at first to remain above it, but were drawn in later. Similarly, it was in south India, where no true Kshatriyas were said to exist, and even very powerful groups were considered to be of the Sudra Varna that the strongest movements of cultural revolt existed; here the Kshatriya-Brahman and Sudra, twice born oppositions tended to merge. We can say that in the process of Indian social change, religion became a primary step to build a virtually united nation. Nationalism followed later. Here it would not be hard to find the same pattern, considering the western and Middle-Eastern examples. In that region, religion was a much more organized institution for thousands of years. So we can say that reformist movements and the parties including Satyashodhak Samaj should also be accepted as some kind of religious organizations gathering masses under their umbrella. We know that even the Dalit movement, whatever complaints they had about Hinduism, utilized some of the Hindu gods. This shows that religion was important for people to legalize their movements. Because of this process, Indian nationalism became as related to religion as it is today, and this must also be the cause of the MuslimHindu separation, where a religion meant a nation. So, two nations were born from one society. The interesting point is the fact that lower castes with their much more rooted opposition to the Brahman religion were never able to form another nation, although they tried. Here we must remember that beginning with the Phule, Dalit intelligentsia tended to accept themselves as the others, the people who were enslaved during the

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raids of the Aryans. Because of that belief, Phule defined the lower castes as non-Aryans, just as Ambedkar did. So, during the 19th century, they tried to establish a new national identity against the ruling classes. They claimed that during the Aryan invasion, which was probably 3,500 years ago, the native people of India, who were also a mixture of various races like mongoloids, aborigines, etc., were enslaved and forced to become the foot of the god Brahma. Nevertheless the realities of these theories are highly arguable, as they were mostly depending on the emotional needs for the masses that felt pressure. This was true for the Dalit community, who were feeling Brahmin pressure, but also true for the upper classes, who felt the superiority of the British Empire. So, the Aryan theory was a good tool to be manipulated by each side of the story, where the Europeans find three thousand years of historical background to legalize their control over the world, the Brahmins find a way of overcoming the superiority of the ruling British by claiming that they were relatives, and the Dalits find an answer to how they became such a humiliated class for such a long time. Also, these efforts of searching for historical links spent by the various classes of Indian society shows us how a classical society reacts to redefining itself in modern terms. This was the major change and also challenge that Indian society was passing through. All of these arguments about identity based on religion, caste system, and nationalism formed in 20th century India. Untouchability is not unique to India; it was practiced in parts of Europe until a few centuries ago, and Japan still has a large number of untouchables, called the Burakumin. But it is in the Indian sub-continent that this system survives, closely bound with culture, religion, history, and contemporary politics. Today over 170 million men, women, and children in India are considered untouchable, and improvement in their lot has been slow, despite legal safeguards and government programmes.

CHAPTER III DALIT MOVEMENTS IN INDIA

There is a growing literature on social movements with reference to Dalits in India. The theory of social movements takes into consideration those agitations that are sustained through institutional structures. There are several explanations in the use of the term social movement. It is said that the social movement is an extra institutionalized collective political action that strives for or resists social and political change. It is an illegal public protest, according to David Bailey. However a protest or agitation turns out to be a movement when it is sustained through collective action. Rudolf Heberle defines movement as collective attempts to bring change or create new social order. The term social movement became currency in European languages in the early 19th century. This was the period of social upheaval. Political leaders and authors who used the term were concerned with the emancipation of the exploited classes and the creation of a new society by changing property relationships. Their ideological orientation is reflected in their definition. However, since the early 1950s, various scholars have attempted to provide a thorough going definition of the concept of social movements. The works of Rudolf Heberle, Neil Smelser, and John Wilson are important; though each ones definition is not without difficulties. Paul Wilkinson (1973) gives the following working concept of social movement: Social movements are clearly different from historical movements and tendencies. It is important to note however that such tendencies and trends, and the influence of the unconscious, are irrational factors in human behavior, and may be of crucial importance for illuminating the problems of interpreting explaining social movement. A social movement is committed to change and/or founded on conscious volition, normative commitment to the movement’s aims, and active participation on the part of the followers or members. This particular characterization of social movements, in terms of volition and normative commitment, is endorsed by something approaching a consensus among leading scholars in this field. Rudolf Heberle, for example, conceives these belief systems as

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being an expression of the collective will of the people among whom they are accepted. He is emphatically effective. It is the conscious volition of individuals acting collectively that brings about the embodiment of ideologies in social movements. Oommen (1990) visualizes three possible relations between the state and social protests. First, the authoritarian regimes most often oppress, or attempt to oppress, all protest movements that challenge state authority. However, to deflect the attention of the opposition, state authority may encourage people to protest against a foreign enemy. Most of the nondemocratic authoritarian regimes in the Middle-East actively encourage popular protest against the USA and Israel, while brutally suppressing any other forms of popular action at home. Second, one-party systems oppress most of the protest movements but sponsor some to their advantage to sustain and strengthen state power. For example, Maoist Chinas support for the Red Brigade movement. Third, a large number of protests in society originate and flourish in the democratic system, but the state mostly takes action only against those who pose explicit threat to its very existence. Undoubtedly, multi-party democracy provides a fertile setting, which permits a variety of protest movements to emerge and operate. Social movements rarely emerge around poverty per se, and social movements of the chronically poor are even rarer in large measure because the chronically poor are so asset deprived that engaging in organization, mobilization, or political action would demand time, social networks, and material resources that they do not have. The reasons why the poor (rather than the chronically poor) rarely organize protests are somewhat more complex. It appears that much of the adversity of being poor is accepted, and households follow individualized strategies to improve their opportunities. Social movements do, however, emerge in response to forms of social relationship and dynamics of capital accumulation that are implicated in the creation and reproduction of poverty, chronic and otherwise. Movements also emerge to resist acts judged to be oppressive by the participants. The poor, including the chronically poor, are drawn into social movements that respond to perceived needs, interests, and social affiliations, and, in some cases, social movements are involved in specific issues that motivate them to seek to involve the chronically poor in their campaigns, and activities generally with the objective of securing greater representation within a given population, and hence greater political strength (Bebbington, 2006). Three distinct types of social movements can be identified:

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(1) Those that act against exploitation through patterns of market accumulation (e.g., those related to extractive industries, trade liberalization and labor markets). These movements involve those in particular trades and industries, as well as networks of social and environmental justice activists. (2) Those that have emerged around, and affected, political debates on existing patterns of asset distribution and the regulations governing these distributions especially rural land, urban land, urban basic services (water, sanitation). Members often share a strong neighborhood and District base. (3) Those that have tackled, and affected, the relationships of prejudice, be it based on gender, ethnicity, race, or any other factor. These movements have a particularly strong basis in shared social identities. First we explore the relevance of these types of movements to the chronically poor, whilst in the following section we focus specifically on issues of inclusion and representation. The section identifies the levels at which the social movements discussed here are active, a theme which bears directly on a further topic discussed later in the overview, the relationship between movements and government, political systems and structures at local, city, provincial, and national levels. Social movements are processes of constant change and transformation. Despite their ever changing nature, they have enabled the building of wide ranging alliances that have led to tremendous social, political, and economic changes. Through women movements, women have built alliances and coalitions across the divides of class, race, language, ethnicity, and other diverse identities, and have engaged in collective action that has changed policies and decision making structures so that they may better address issues of gender discrimination. A critical part of this activism has addressed the subordination of women. Understanding the experience of both the action and the analysis that make this type of collaborative work among women possible therefore becomes critical in terms of developing women participation in political processes. The issues of dignity and selfhood are centrally related to the question of culture. Dalits laid claim to such resources as language, religion, symbols, and traditions, and on their basis attempted to carve out a distinctive cultural autonomy for their future. This legacy, which it shared to a great extent with the self-respect movement, remains in tatters today, as a succession of ruling regimes have attempted to own these resources and tried to use them and reproduce their dominance over Dalits. Besides,

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Dalits through their movement have generated their own cultural resources. However a fragmented Dalit movement has not been able to effectively make use of these resources. A number of concerns that the social movement of Dalits has raised closely reflect on their search for a self, which can elicit its due recognition and anchored in an egalitarian community (Jammanna, 2014). Social justice, as envisaged by the Indian Constitution, implies a reduction of social and economic inequalities. It is distributive justice (or redistributive justice), which includes distribution of resources, benefits and burdens in society in accordance with needs, worth, merit, and work. Professional education and government jobs constitute significant aspects of distributive justice in India. Hence, seats and posts are reserved for the deprived social sections. It is based on two premises: first, the premise that an egalitarian society is a worthy ideal, and second, that reservation is an efficient means to achieve an egalitarian society, and that this policy will in due course of time bring the depressed classes up to a reasonable level of equality when compared to the rest of society. Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution of India express constitutional values that include protective discrimination for the leveling up of backward classes, namely, scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs), and other backward classes (OBCs). In fact, there was a very significant event in the pre-independence movement in the form of the Poona Pact between M.K. Gandhi and B.R. Ambedkar about the so called concessions given to Dalits to become a part of mainstream society. It is almost similar to that of the Jammu and Kashmir issue (Article 370). Once the pact came into operation after the Government of India Act 1935 and became a part of the Constitution, it was inevitable for the state to continue the caste based reservations for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. The issue of other backward classes arose because of the implementation of the communal government order (GO) in the Madras Presidency in 1925-1926, and the demand for its continuation in the post-independence period. The backward class leadership fought for social justice within the Constituent Assembly and outside, forcing the Assembly to adopt Article 340 and 15(4). Further, castes that identify as SCs in some states (based on untouchability) are categorized as backward classes in other states. Therefore, it was inescapable for the state to implement cast based reservations for all. It is now clear that in a majority of cases, caste and educational backwardness have converged. This does not mean that all low status castes are socially and educationally backward. It is precisely for this reason that the Havanur Commission in Karnataka excluded some sections of Lingayats who are considered to have a low status but are economically

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and educationally advanced. It all depends upon the methodology of the Commission in devising criteria to select the really backward and leave the undeserved. It is also argued that caste based reservation was aimed at countering social injustice and reposing social justice, and not mere economical backwardness. Viewed in the historical perspective, we find that the constitutional provision of reservation is, in fact, the driving force of the process of social change. This provision was not only a means of removing backwardness, having identified historical inequalities; it has a step in the direction of resolving them. Backwardness is directly related to the process of development and reservation to the questions of human rights. Caste based reservations, therefore, need to be understood now in the paradigm of human rights and social inclusion (Chalam, 2007). As regards efficiency and reservations, there appears to be a lot of confusion about the concept of social efficiency and the implication of reservations. Efficiency is generally considered to be the relationship between inputs and output. In the case of education, the inputs of the students are the home background, tradition of education in the family and language codes, and the output is the achievement scores. The inputs of weaker sections in general are so low as compared to the students of the traditionally literate families, and the output of any score in this case will be higher than their inputs, signifying their efficiency in the system. Further, there is very little discussion on how social efficiency is affected by capitation colleges for the children of the rich with money and power manipulating academic merit. Social efficiency does not ignore considerations of social objectives that should govern the selection of individuals in the educational institutions and in bureaucracy. Technical efficiency is one aspect of social efficiency. Even in this respect, the selection process should not be neutral to the social background of groups in power. There are also other aspects of social efficiency that are often ignored in discussion of the question of reservations. These include social justice and the need for correcting the imbalances in the formation of elite classes in a stratified society. Even the Constitution of India speaks about the provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens, which in the opinion of the state is not adequately represented in the services under the state. The word ‘represented’ was originally inscribed by the drafting committee, under the chairmanship of Dr. Ambedkar, under Article 10(3). The committee, in fact, opined that the word ‘backward’ was not to be inserted before the class of citizens in the above sentence (Moon, 1994). The democratic principle of the representative form rather than the pure participatory form seems to have

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guided the well of Constitution makers. If one is inclined to read a little more than this, the Constitution makers were anticipating capitalism based on private property. Therefore, justice is to be pursued within the framework of liberal democracy. It is interpreted by libertarians that justice in liberal democracy ought to protect personal property. It is further argued that democracy must accommodate dissent even if it amounts to pricking social justice. These dissenters constitute a strong lobby and are managing the government. Thus, democracy in India is reduced to that of a few privileged castes who manage individuals to control all institutions. Therefore, it has become, in practice only, an oligarchy of castes, and not a truly representative form of democracy. As a result, the spirit of democracy to ensure social justice is lost. It is necessary to restore the true spirit of democracy in India. Can the compensatory principle be examined in the framework of Amartya Sen’s entitlements? As India has chosen the path of market economy, these entitlements should work an entitlements referring to the set of alternative commodity bundles that the person can command in a society using totality of rights and opportunities that he/she faces in a market economy. These entitlements will provide claims over primary goods to the individuals. It is assumed that these ultimately create capabilities in people. However, these entitlements alone may not generate the declared capability to ensure justice. Amartya Sen (1992) argues that it is the actual freedom that is represented by the person capability to achieve various alternative combinations of functionings that will decide justice. It is important to distinguish capability representing freedom actually enjoyed (i) from primary goods (and other resources), and (ii) from achievements (including combinations of functionings actually enjoyed, and other realized results). To illustrate the first distinction, a person who has more primary goods (in the form of income, wealth, liberties, and so on), but less capability (due to handicap). To take another example from poverty studies, a person may have more income and more nutritional intake, but less freedom to live a well nourished existence because of a higher basal metabolic rate, greater vulnerability to parasitic diseases, larger body size, or simply because of pregnancy. The arrangements such as cast reservations and quotas for women, used in India as entitlements, need to be assessed from the above logic. These entitlements must be sensitive to the respective impacts of the different systems on aggregative and distributive aspects of people’s effective freedom and capabilities. These capabilities include education, health, and income. It is found that elaboration of the principle of justices as fairness by or its extension by Amartya Sen and others is done within the framework of liberal

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capitalism. India being a liberal capitalist state is expected to ensure these capabilities from reservations or quotas in education and employment. These are possible within the framework democracy.

Ideology and Identity Another set of conceptual problems in social movements relate to ideology and the kind of identity the concerned groups establish. While Marx located ideology within the class structure, considered it as a means of discrediting an adversary. In the context of the sociology of knowledge, his treatment of ideology acquired a pejorative connotation. However, Geertz lifted it out of this connotation by viewing it as a system of interacting symbols. As a symbolic system, it acts as a bridge between source analysis on the one hand, and consequence analysis on the other. It interprets the environment and projects self-images. It codifies and organizes beliefs, myths, outlook, and values, defines aspirations and interests and directs responses to specific social situations. Thus, it is not only a framework of consciousnesses, but also a source of legitimating action. The formulation of ideology is an important aspect of any social movement. The leaders work out different themes by which the concerned section in the movement attempts to improve its self-image, respect, and honour. For instance, we have identified a number of different themes in the ideology of backward classes movements: withdrawal of selforganization (as exemplified by the Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana movement in Kerala and the Veerasaiva movement); claiming a higher Varna status (Yadava movement) as a variation of the re-interpretation principle, and extolling the virtues of the Dravidian culture as against Aryan culture (DMK movement) and negating Hinduism altogether and embracing Buddhism (Mahar movement) as variations of the rejection principle. Then there is the Marxian ideology of class conflict, combined with an anti caste anti-Hindu bias (Dalit Panthers). We would like to add two other themes based on relative deprivation. They are the Marxian ideology of class struggle without an ethnic component, and the millenarian ideology. Many peasant movements have the class struggle as their ideology. However, within this ideology, one can identify several variations ranging from left radicalism to the extreme left position. At this point, peasant movements, like trade union movements, get affiliated with or involved in sharply defined political parties and movements. The millenarian theme has been the dominant expression of relative deprivation among many tribal movements. Here, the future state of affairs

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to come (which will see a complete reversal of the present state of deprivation) acts as the motivation force for action in the present so as to prepare for the millennium. The millenarian ideology is the opposite of the ideology of the Yadava movement, in which the past glory of the Yadavas acts as a motivating force for action in the present. The millenarian ideology is characteristic of colonial situations where the deprived groups feel helpless in regard to their perceived capabilities in being able to alter the existing situation. The leaders of a movement selected different elements of relative deprivation and combined them in different ways to formulate an ideology. The organizational principles so selected depend upon the objective conditions of deprivation, the way the leaders perceive the situation in the context of wider interacting forces, and the assessment of their resources of capabilities to meet the challenges. An important aspect of the ideologies based on relative deprivation is establishing identity in relation to other groups. The concerned deprivation sections draw boundaries based on the ideology of their movement. While the boundaries tend to be soft with regard to cognate groups, they tend to be hard with regard to reference groups to which the deprived sections are opposed. Opposition reference group implies that the deprivation sections do not just imitate the style of, and adopt the privileged customs of, the reference groups. But that they attack the monopoly of the reference groups in the use of economic, educational, political, and religious goods and services. They attempt to take away these privileges from them. They not only attempt to lower the ceiling of the privileges enjoyed by the upper castes and classes, but also raise their floor level through a conflicted relationship with the privileged sections. It is not a situation of social mobility characterized by gentlemanly passing, but one involving confrontation and conflict, which is the characteristic of the notion of opposition reference groups. The imagery for the movement led by Dr. Ambedkar is often seeing him as the sun, and the creator of a total new world. In his lifetime, Dr. Ambedkar did indeed give birth to a movement that encompassed all the needs of human society economic, social, cultural, political, and spiritual. He sought a total transformation and in doing so, attempted to make use of the best scholarship, the greatest insights of his time. Yet, like other social movements, the post-Ambedkar Dalit movement, a term many use for the Dalit movement in independent India, has today come under an eclipse. It is floundering without a total vision.

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Social Movements Sociological theories distinguish social movements along two axes, whether they seek radical or limited change, and whether they focus on the entire society or on specific individuals. Alternative social movements see limited change among specific individuals, largely through remodeling lifestyles and behavior (e.g., the hippie movement). Redemptive social movements try to change certain spheres of society (e.g., religious conversions). Reformist social movements attempt to change the entire society, but in limited ways, while revolutionary social movements, finally, attempt radical change of the entire society. In terms of this paradigm, the anti caste movement, which began in the 19th century under the inspiration of Jotiba Phule and was carried on in the 1920s by the nonBrahman movements in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, and then developed under the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar, had characteristics of all four types of social movements, though at its best it was revolutionary in terms of society, and redemptive in terms of individuals. In partial context, the post-Ambedkar Dalit movement has had revolutionary practice. It has provided alternative ways of living, at some points limited and at some points radical and all encompassing, ranging from changes in behaviour such as giving up eating beef, to religious conversion. It has focused on changes in the entire society, from radical revolutionary goals of abolishing caste oppression and economic exploitation, to the limited goals of providing scope for members of scheduled castes to achieve social mobility. However, on the whole, looking at the 60 years since independence, the Dalit movement in India has been reformist movement. It has mobilized along caste lines, but made only half hearted efforts to destroy caste; it has attempted and achieved some real, though limited, societal changes, with gains especially for the educated sections among Dalits, but it has failed to transform the society sufficiently to raise the general mass out of what is still among the most excruciating poverty in the world. Though this movement has carried forward the challenge of empowerment and brought anti caste issues into the political agenda, it still seems unable to become a decisive political force, leaving Dalits and other suppressed caste groups forced to bargain for concessions with the dominant political parties it characterizes as Manuwadi, dominated by upper castes and the ideologies of Brahmanic Hinduism. The day promised by the new sun still seems far away. To understand what has happened, we can begin looking at some aspects of Ambedkar’s transformatory anti caste movement.

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Ambedkar’s Movement Ambedkar made his entry into the political and social life of India in the period immediately after the First World War and the Russian Revolution. It was an era marked by social and political upheaval, and the increasing hegemony of Marxist socialism in movements for social liberation. Though Ambedkar organized and led one of these movements as an autonomous movement for Dalit liberation, rejecting the leadership and ideological hegemony of non-Dalit socialists, he was influenced by Marxism throughout. His own theory, which begins from the heritage of indigenous radicalism and stands in the tradition of Phule’s revolutionary challenge, can appropriately be compared to it. Marxism was a totalistic and unified theory of change. The industrial working class, according to it, was both the most oppressed class in society and at the same time the most capable of leading other social groups to revolution. During much of his social and political life, roughly from the late 1920s to the 1940s, Ambedkar accepted most of the economic analyses of Marxism, and even attempted to organize along these lines, creating a radical movement of Mahar and Kunbi peasants against landlords, allying with Communists in the working class struggle. These were years in which the pages of Janata, Ambedkar’s weekly, were filled with reports of the struggles of workers and peasants against capitalists and landlords, as well as the fights of Dalits against atrocities. Ambedkar did not have much time for theoretical writing in this period of tumultuous organizing, but his programmes and speeches indicate that he broadly accepted the Marxist analysis of class struggle, so far as economic issues were concerned. What this led to, though, was a kind of dual systems theory, which saw capitalism and Brahmanism (casteism) as separate systems of exploitation, one to be fought by class struggle, and the other by caste struggle. There are, in our view, two enemies that the workers of this country have to deal with. The two enemies are Brahminism and capitalism. By Brahminism we do not mean the power, privileges, and interests of the Brahmins as a community. By Brahminism we mean the negation of the spirit of liberty, equality, and fraternity. In that sense, it is rampant in all classes and is not confined to the Brahmins alone, though they have been the originators of it. The climax of this approach, in many ways, came with the writing of states and minorities, proposed to be a draft of sections of the Constitution. Here, Dr. Ambedkar gave a severe critique of capitalism, and called for the nationalization of land and basic industries, explicitly calling this state socialism. In a sense, the term state socialism indicated his difference with the Communists in that, in contrast to a revolution under working class

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leadership, the state ownership was to be written into a democratic Constitution. At another level, the phrase simply made the assumption of a mechanical Marxism that socialism or collective ownership of the means of production was equivalent to state ownership. There were, however, many problems with the dual systems of Brahmanism and capitalism. These became clear in state and minorities, which seemed to contain two rather disparate sections, one advocating land nationalization and state socialism, and the other calling for separate village settlements for Dalits. The connection between the two was not clear. The problems of any dual systems theory remained; seeing separate systems of class and caste exploitation left the mechanical Marxist assumptions of a class analysis unchallenged, and accepted the idea that class system of exploitation of Dalits was an economic issue, while the caste system of exploitation was a cultural and ideological (super structural) issue. The dual systems of capitalism and Brahmanism provided useful rhetoric and a rule of thumb for analysis, but it left the question of the connection between the two systems completely unresolved. And if the other systems of oppression (for instance, patriarchy and national oppression) were also included, then such an approach simply would yield to an unwieldy amalgam of many disparate systems of exploitation. In other words, the dual systems theory could not give an integrated and holistic explanation. It reflected Ambedkar’s initial grappling with Marxism when he insisted that caste be added to a class approach (and even in that it should have priority) but did not develop an overall alternative theory. As a result of this, and some disillusionment with communism after the end of the Second World War, Ambedkar moved away from this analysis at the end of his life. As he moved closer to Buddhism, he reinterpreted it and sought to use it. In the Buddha and his Dharma, he gave it a modernistic, liberation theology interpretation, which interpreted dukkhas’ exploitation and called for a Sangha oriented to social welfare, while in a draft essay on Buddha and Karl Marx he tried to give a broad outline of what might be called Buddhist economics, seen as a conscious alternative to Marxist socialism. Society has been aiming to lay a new foundation, as was summarized by the French Revolution in three words: fraternity, liberty, and equality. The French Revolution was welcomed because of this slogan. It failed to produce equality. We welcomed the Russian Revolution because it aimed to produce equality. But it cannot be too much emphasized that, in producing equality, society cannot afford to sacrifice fraternity or liberty. Equality will be of no value without fraternity or liberty. It seems that the three can co-exist only if one follows the way of the Buddha. Communism can give one but not all (Ambedkar

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1987, Gail 1996). Finally, in a long historical essay such as Revolution and counter revolution in Ancient India, he offered broad ranging analysis that linked Buddhism, Brahmanic Hinduism, and cultural exploitation to large scale political changes in India (Ambedkar, 1987). All of this implied the creation of a theory that sought to be a totalistic and all encompassing alternative to Marxism, wedding the ideals expressed in the French Revolution, liberty, equality and fraternity (for gender purpose here, we will substitute community), with his analysis of the role of Buddhism and Brahmanism in Indian history, and with an economic approach that groped towards a social market economy.

Republican Party of India and Buddhism In the last years of his life, Dr. Ambedkar gave a beginning to two institutions he saw as necessary for the liberation of his people and the welfare of the country: Buddhism and the Republican Party, a spiritual force and a political platform. Both were seen more than the vehicles of the ex-untouchables. For religious and cultural change, he hoped that all of India would become Prabuddha Bharat and experience a cultural renaissance. For political struggle, he hoped that the Republican Party would be a vehicle for all who sought to achieve the great goals, surpassing the narrow confines of the Scheduled Caste Federation. This was not to happen. Ambedkar himself could not really establish either the Republican Party of India (RPI), or the organizational form of Buddhism. The RPI itself was formed with a constitution that emphasized its broad approach, projecting itself as a party of all the oppressed sections. Yet it was little more than a change of name for the already existing Scheduled Caste Federation. The dilemma of how Ambedkarite Buddhism (now as Navayana Buddhism) would be carried on was, in many ways, even greater since there was not even any existing institution. The main Buddhist organization in India, the Mahabodhi Society, was mainly staffed by Sinhalese Buddhist monks, but was headed in India by (of all people) Shyam Prasad Mukherji (thus giving credence to the Hindutva position that Buddhism was only a form of Hinduism, and Buddha was the ninth avatar of Vishnu). Dr. Ambedkar could only reject this, and in the vacuum it was English based Buddhist converts who took up the task of consolidating Buddhism among Dalits immediately following Ambedkar’s death and formed the Trailokya Bauddh Mahasangh. However Buddhism in India and the Republican Party of India remained not simply Dalit institutions, but institutions limited to specificities among Dalits, Mahars in Maharashtra, and scattered groups of Chamars (known as ajatavas in the

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20th century) in Uttar Pradesh. Buddhist conversion allowed for a tremendous change in the consciousness of ex-untouchables, but it did not produce much of a change in their social identity. Almost no caste Hindus followed them in converting, and the result was that Buddhism itself became rather untouchable in India. In the case of the RPI, though it had enough of a base in Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere to achieve the status of an all India party (its elephant symbol today, though, has been taken over by the Bahujan Samajwadi Party (BSP), in Maharashtra it not only remained a party of Mahars, but factions within it were based upon sub-castes. The RPI had genuine radical moments, under the leadership of Babasaheb Gaikwad, when it joined socialists and Communists in land satyagrahas in 1956 and 1965, aimed at gaining access to forest land and common lands for cultivation by Dalits and other landless. Nevertheless by the late 1960s, it had subsided into a co-opted and stagnant party, with some alliance with the Congress Party in exchange for patronage, and with membership and leadership drawn only from ex-Mahars. Thus, even in Maharashtra, the centre of Ambedkar’s efforts, the Dalit movement remained confined within the boundaries of jati. The creative and transformatory potential of the Dalit movement, however, was shown by the fact that it took only a little over 10 years after Dr. Ambedkar’s death for the stalemate to be shattered. Following the stagnation in the first decades of independence, about the same time as the upsurge of Naxalism in the 1960s, came the beginnings of a powerful poetry of protest in Maharashtra, the Dalit Sahitya movement. It was sacrilegious (one day I cursed that mother fucker god), defying cheap patriotism (shout victory to the revolution, but burn, burn those who strike a blow at tradition), renouncing fundamentalism and expressing the raw urge of the rebellious youth.

Dalit Panthers and the New Dalit Movement We do not want a little place in Brahman galli; we want the rule of the whole land. Our revolution will flash like lightning. So, proclaimed the 1972 manifesto of the Dalit Panthers, born in the slums of Bombay but spreading to cities and villages throughout the country, proclaiming revolt. The manifesto, the Dalit Panthers intervention in electoral politics to help the defeat of Congress Party, and their readiness to engage in street fighting against the Shivasena, hurled them into fame. It was a defining moment of the post-Ambedkar Dalit movement in India, a moment that was an upsurge, giving inspiration to all of India. Along with the Naxalite movement, the Dalit Panthers emerged as a symbol of mass revolt. Will

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the caste war turn into a class war? It was the massive stirring of the Dalit rural poor in village ghettos throughout the country that was the basis of the conflicts seen as the caste war that many hoped would turn into a class war. The Dalit Panthers, with their fervor of raw revolt and their poetry of hope, born in response to a deadened Republican Party and taking the ideology of movement far beyond that, gave this symbolism and ideology. Following the Dalit Panthers, the Dalit movement throughout the country took on a multifaceted expression. In Karnataka, Dalit students and youth organized themselves after a rioting incident provoked by the statement of a Dalit minister that upper caste dominated Kannada literature was only Bhoosa (cattle feed); the Hindu caste students attacked Dalits, and Dalits not only retaliated physically, but also with a poster war (throw the Brahmins into the gutter along with the Gita), and also organized themselves in a series of local organizations that finally formed a state wide Dalit Sangharsh Samiti in 1974. In Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, the rural Dalit upsurge was organized by Naxalites, and it is clear that along with economic issues of claiming a share of the village commons, higher wages or trying simply to counter the dominance of landlords, issues relating to caste and gender self-respect were paramount. The Bihar struggle had dated from the 1967-1971 work of a poor village school teacher, Jagdish Mahto, who is said to have read Ambedkar before he had come across Marx, and organized Dalits in his own town to demand Harijanistan. As Arun Sinhalater described this movement as This man has risen from the grave; he seems to have gone berserk and is frenziedly chopping the branches of feudalism. His desire is to see the 2,500 year old tree felled here and now. So far he has only been humiliated, whipped and slain, denied the status of a man; his wife treated as a prostitute. Then, one day, somebody brought him news of Naxalbari, and things began to change. The Harijan died, the Koen was burnt; the new man who rose from the flames felt that he was neither a Harijan nor a Koeri, but a man. Thus, while Naxalism often provided for the independently minded Panthers as well as the Dalits in their own organization, an overall language of semi-feudalism for the struggle, the issues of concern clearly involved those of anti caste self-respect as much as economic issues. These were interwoven with gender issues, or more explicitly, with the concerns of love and sexuality, which had been, for so long, structured and confined by caste and power. On one hand, Dalits fought against the casual claims of upper caste men over Dalit and other poor women; on the other, the sparking event of many atrocities, mass attacks on Dalits, or socially organized murders and beatings of many Dalit youth, was very often the defiance of caste restrictions occurring even in villages when upper caste girls fell in love with Dalit boys and the entire society fell on them with fury.

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The Dalit upsurge then found varying issues, the desire for recognition as human beings, the urge for education and a share in development, and the aspiration to political power. It took varying forms, efforts to gain power through the gun, through the schools, through the ballot, through marches in the streets, and rallies and meetings in slums and villages everywhere. It also included a wide variety of organizations, ranging from participation in left party campaigns and organizations to autonomous organizations that usually characterized themselves as organizations of Dalits. Sometimes, attempts were also made to include other former Sudra castes (popular term, Bahujan). The new movements achieved much. Moving beyond just waging a defensive battle, they showed that Dalits were no longer willing to suffer silently, that their interests had to be taken into account and their voices heard for any movement to succeed, and for any government to be stable. The challenge to caste and the rise of the low castes were put firmly on India’s political agenda. In spite of atrocities, even rioting against Dalits, they were putting their stamp on India’s institutions, from universities to government offices. In spite of upper caste oppositions, reservations were not reversed but extended, from SCs and STs to OBCs. They expressed support for the upsurge of other low castes, OBCs or Bahujans. However ultimately, there were serious failures. Again, the fading of the Dalit Panthers symbolized them. It was not simply that the Dalit Panthers died away within a couple of years, split into the Ambedkarite (or Buddhist) and Marxist factions. The deeper problem was that in spite of their all encompassing revolutionary rhetoric, the Dalit Panthers failed to move forward to the kind of total transformation that Babasaheb had envisaged. Their rhetoric and most of their theory were borrowed from the Naxalites and were in that case ignored by most of the slum youth who said, we did not read the manifesto, we only knew if someone puts his hand on your sister, cut it off. Beyond militancy, the Dalit Panthers failed to elaborate a vision for the socio-economic program of a new society and a strategy for moving forward. The militant Naxalite movement could not do this either. While it expressed the Dalit upsurge in some of the most backward rural areas, it never allowed a real Dalit vision to fertilize Marxism in India. The Naxalites remained stuck in the theoretical bankruptcy of borrowed Maoism; even to the end, they could see Dr. Ambedkar has no more than a petty bourgeois misleader and could not admit the reality of caste as a social structure. By the 1980s, leading Dalit cadres of the Peoples War Group had resigned, charging the leadership with being Brahminical. As for the Dalit Voice, though it began with the proclamation of combining

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class and caste struggle, class issues began to be completely neglected. It provided a widely read and often sparkling journalism, and its Editor, Rajshekhar, managed to write the only humorous political tract in India, Dialogue of the Bhoodevatas, but its thrust was vitriolic and ultimately negative. On the one hand, Rajshekhar claimed that the Dalit movement was the core social movement in India that could take leadership of all others; on the other, he only poured scorn on environmentalism, feminism, and other social movements without any serious discussion of their issues, or attempts to provide alternatives. This was symptomatic of a larger failure. Until today, sadly, the Dalit movement as a whole has failed to evolve its own perspective on the problems of environment and women, though Dalit women have been active from the very beginning of the movement, and Dalit and Bahujan feminist organizations have begun to emerge.

Problems of Jati Identity Politics The Dalit Panthers represented non-parliamentary militancy; the political parties expressed the same aspiration within the political system. A political party should express a broader political agenda, and in their own ways, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Bharatiya Republican Party (BRP) not only sought to fulfill Dr Ambedkar’s saying that we must become a ruling community, they also represented moments of breakthrough from the stagnation of being only a Dalit movement. Both sought to give Dalit leadership to all the oppressed. The BSP claimed to represent the exploited 85 percent of backward castes including Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs, and minorities; its most significant slogan in many ways was jati todo, samaj jodo. The first actions of the BRP were to organize a campaign against the Maharashtra sugar barons’ control of sugar factories; later, it formed the Bhumiheen Hakk Sarankshan Samiti to take up the interests of all the landless. Both had some notable political success in becoming important players in the political scene. The BSP, in particular, made a mark in northern India by becoming an ally to the government, first with Mulayam Singh, then after breaking with him (on the basis of BJP support), producing the first Dalit female chief minister in India. Yet, not only did both of them fail in crucial ways to achieve the goals of overall liberation and political leadership, they did not even attempt Ambedkar’s most far reaching goals. Whereas Ambedkar always had a broader economic, social, and cultural program backing his political thrust, and took positions on all the crucial issues of his day, the BSP was content to have a one point programme of political power, arguing that everything

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else would automatically flow from this. And the BRP, in turn, seemed content to remain a Dalit (Mahar) party; even when it sought to promote a Bahujan identity; it did so by helping the formation of a separate Bahujan Mahasangh. It was in one sense a major step forward to encourage the independent political action of the OBCs. But at another level, it was an admission that the BRP would remain a party of Dalits only, and that the other oppressed castes needed a separate organization. Prakash Ambedkar even justified this with an Article entiled “Every Caste a Nation” and in fact, the mid 1990s have seen a retreat to caste based politics in many ways, as well as the politics of jati identity. The principle of separation seemed to be at work everywhere. The reaction to the hegemony of Buddhists in Maharashtra, Malas in Andhra, etc., was for the smaller, less liberated Dalit castes to emphasize their own identity and sometimes a Hindu identity, distinct from others. Acceptance of this by the leadership of Dalits gave endorsement to a process that many social scientists thought was happening anyway, in which the caste system was being transformed through the solidification of jatis, competing partly with each other as vote banks and achieving some social mobility without a loss of caste identity. This was representative of the failure of vision for the entire Dalit led anti caste movement. And it was put forward as a principle by Rajshekhar of the Dalit Voice, who argued that Brahmanism should be fought by maintaining and strengthening jati identity, rather than destroying it. The result can be seen in the parliamentary elections of 1998. Dalits have moved forward in politics in many states from simply being vote banks controlled by Brahman bourgeois political parties (usually the Congress) to becoming autonomous voting blocs, acting on their own and bargaining with the larger parties. But these have proved to be jati based blocs. The united RPI in Maharashtra (where Prakash Ambedkar was finally forced to merge his BRP with the other Republican faction) could get four candidates elected in open seats through its alliance with Sharad Pawar’s Congress, but these are all Buddhists and the other Dalit jatis (Matangs, Chambhars) are already unhappy and mobilizing on their own, liable to be won over by the BJP, Shivasena Hindutva forces. In Uttar Pradesh, BSP vaulting ambitions took a crash; with no allies, it won 25 percent of the votes, but only four seats in UP drawing a blank in both Punjab and Madhya Pradesh, and Kanshi Ram himself losing. In UP, this was a result of the failure to make the necessary Dalit-OBC alliance with Mulayam Singh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party; the effect was to throw the state to the BJP. In Tamil Nadu, Dalits in the southern Districts organized an independent party after a long and bitter conflict with the OBC Thevar

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community. When the DMK-TMC front refused to accommodate them, they put up their own candidates, winning enough votes to give several seats to the Jayalalitha led saffron alliance. Thus, the overall result of Dalit political assertion in 1998 has been highly ambivalent and fragile. It is a genuine assertion and represents a step forward, but if it stops there, the Hindutva wave is likely to go on prevailing. It was clear by 1998 that it is not enough to say that we must become a ruling community, a political movement has to have a broad agenda and a vision of transformation or development; it has to say why it should rule and what it has to offer. To go back to the comparison with Marxism, the proletariat as vanguard was presumed to be qualified because it promised socialism, equality, and development, and advance of the productive forces to all sections of society. What do Dalits promise, besides reservations and a claim to equality, or a warmed over version of Marxism interpreted as state socialism? This has never been made clear in the postAmbedkar era. And this was not what Ambedkar intended. The anti caste movement, a cultural revolutionary movement spearheaded by Mahatma Phule in the 19th century and Ambedkar in the 20th century, and with all its aspects of being an alternative way of living, of working for reforms, of redeeming Indian society from the hold of Brahmanism, was basically a transformative social movement. It sought to deal with the problems of caste and Brahmanism, and went beyond this talk of issues of development in a way far different from either the Nehruvians, or more dogmatic Marxists, or the village romantic Gandhians. Liberty, equality, and fraternity, social transformation, political power, economic philosophy, and cultural transformation were all on its agenda. The post-Ambedkar Dalit movement was ironically only that in the end a movement of Dalits, challenging some of the deepest aspects of oppression and exploitation, but failing to show the way to transformation. This failure of one of the potentially most powerful social forces in Indian society has left a gap. In terms of economic and political transformation, the only powerful ideological currents seem to be either an unadulterated acceptance of capitalist transformation, or the new wave of swadeshi Hindutva. Latter, while opposing Western commercialism and globalization in the name of the sacred Indian culture seeks to maintain a closed economy to serve the needs of bureaucrats, big industrialists, Brahmans and Banias. The rejection of the modern world, seen in Gandhian ecological fundamentalism, or the weak voices of left nostalgia for Nehruvian statism have proved no alternative; they have in fact only fed the flames of swadeshi. In spite of their promises, there is little room

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for a transformation in the interest of Dalits and low castes in this, and this has provided the gap for a rising Hindutva. Viewing the scheduled caste agitations in Andhra Pradesh from this angle makes the problem difficult, as the struggles in the state appear to not be qualified to call them movements. They are sporadic, momentary, and issue based. Therefore, we have refrained from using the term social movement to understand the Dalit agitations in Andhra Pradesh. We have also not used the term Dalits a collective of all socially deprived groups. There is no social cohesion among the 59 identified scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh. Furthermore, a separate agitation for the identity and share in the benefits has been spearheaded for the last two decades in the state. In fact, the colonial identity of the scheduled castes or exuntouchables is lost long back with protracted war against the indigenous culture of the native Indians. The settlers have done this deliberately, both in the past and in recent times. Interestingly, the native Indians themselves have played into the hands of their enemies by denying their own cultural identity once they are converted into a different faith. It is almost disappeared in to the mainstream Dalit consciousness in Andhra Pradesh except in a few pockets in Telangana and other under developed regions of the state (Balagopal, 1998). Andhra Pradesh was formed as a separate state in 1956, the year in which Ambedkar passed away. Therefore, the scheduled castes agitations in the state need to be viewed as post-Ambedkar agitations. Though Andhra Pradesh has administratively emerged as an independent entity, it is in fact made up of four distinguished regions. Each region has its own socio-economic and geographical identity. But, in mainstream literature, the dominant region of coastal Andhra is projected as Andhra Pradesh. This has inhibited the unique nature of scheduled caste problems in Telangana, Rayalaseema, and North Andhra. The so called social movements and protest movements, as depicted and explained by scholars, relate to coastal Andhra Pradesh only. In fact, the region had a unique advantage of conversions by 1931. It was estimated by D.B. Forrester that 20 percent of depressed classes in Godavari Districts, 32 percent in Krishna and 57 percent in Guntur had been converted to Christianity by 1931. It was in this region that the Ambedkar movement originated. Except in the studies of Gail, who has studied the Ambedkar movement separately for Telangana and coastal Andhra, none of the scholars paid any attention to the diversity in the problems of scheduled castes in different parts of the state. The social movements in the Telangana region are absorbed in the left and radical left struggles from 1950, before the formation of the state. The Rayalaseema region has a unique problem of

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factionalism, and the scheduled castes are the active players in this game (Chalam, 2004). There appears to be no unanimity in the use of a single method to study the agitations, struggles, and movements of the scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh in particular, and social movements in general. Several approaches have been followed by scholars to study the social movements. There are broadly three approaches that are popular in the study of Dalit movements. (i) The revised historical materialism, which is the dialectical nature of the caste, identified as class caste, is followed by Gail (1994) in her study on Dalits and the democratic revolution. He analyzed the ideology and organization of a movement as an anti caste and class struggle with its interactions with freedom struggle. He has used the Marxist categories of class, dialectics, and ideology of base and super structure in her analysis. (ii) The institutional process of M.S. Gore, who has developed a theory of social context to place Ambedkar in an ideological perspective. (iii) The relative deprivation or the social exclusion approach as a new theory of social development in the context of globalization. This is a revised theory of the capability approach developed by Amartya Sen (2004), mostly bringing economic categories for analysis rather than the social classes of castes in India. But it can be productively used to study the situation of Dalits in the global context.

Dalit Struggles It is observed that the approaches used by scholars to study the social movements of Dalits are not uniform. Furthermore, most of the studies undertaken on Dalits in Andhra Pradesh are related to the Ambedkar period, prior to 1956, before the formation of the state. Therefore, the studies do not focus on the process of change and the issues that are generated from these struggles. Most of the studies concentrate on the Ambedkar movement as an extended ideology of all Indian character without considering the specific nature of each state and region. As a result, they have failed to bring out the shortcomings of the movements to provide insights into the problems (Chalam, 1993). The following important events are identified here, around which the scheduled castes agitations in Andhra Pradesh are concentrated.

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1962: Sanjeevaiah became the first Dalit Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh. 1969: Kanchikacherla Kotesu was burnt alive. 1983: Burning of four people in Padiri Kuppam in Chittor District. 1985: The Karamchedu massacre took place on 17 July in Prakasam District, resulting in the formation of Dalit Mahasabha. 1990: Chunduru carnage took place on August 6 in Guntur District. The breaking of Dalit Mahasabha. 1992: The Dalit writers, artists, and intellectuals collective formed in Hyderabad. 1996: Madiga Dandora was formed in the coastal Districts of Andhra Pradesh. 2000: Vempenta incident in Kurnool District where Dalits were killed through the alleged involvement of Naxlite groups. 2001: Dalit human rights organization as an NGO initiative formed to represent the Dalit issue at WCAR in Durban. 2003: The scheduled castes reservations were categorized by the government as A, B, C, and D groups.

Context of the Struggles The ten important events identified in the history of scheduled caste struggles took place over a period of four decades. This covers the major part of the period after the formation of the state in 1956. In all the events, the significant factor of dispute appears to be social exploitation and the protest against caste discrimination. It is noticed that the first event in the beginning of the agitations in the state was an indication of the Dalit upsurge, symbolically resulting in the capture of the post of chief minister of a state. The major content of the protest movements, which are an extension of the anti-Brahmin struggles from the combined Madras Presidency appear to have social equality. This has facilitated the emergence of the leadership of Dr. Sanjivaiah, a scholar politician. The Kanchikacharla Kotesu case became a landmark in the history of Dalit struggles in Andhra Pradesh. This incident helped the ruling castes to become conscious of their hegemony over the Dalits in the advanced Districts of Andhra Pradesh. The Padiri Kuppam case is the beginning of a new political regime based on the anti-Brahmin struggle and consolidation of caste power of a Sudra caste. Caste is always seen in India in its practice, otherwise it has no meaning. Therefore, when a particular caste becomes strong, it tries to show its power in relation to another caste, mostly the deprived caste, like scheduled castes. This is what has

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happened in Padiri Kuppam and in Karamchedu. The Karamchedu massacre was so brutal that two Dalit minor girls were raped and their private parts mutilated. The brutal massacre gave a conscious development of an organization to protest against the incident. The formation of the Dalita Mahasabha was a long felt need of the Dalits in the state, as the mainstream Dalit struggles in the state were confined to job reservation by the organized few until the incident happened in Karamchedu. Within five years of the Karamchedu incident, the Chunduru incident took place in the neighboring District of Guntur. However, the usual breaking into pieces took place within the Dalit Mahasabha when the Chunduru issue came up for discussion. However, these two important events moved the intellectuals and writers belonging to the scheduled castes and some backward castes to form into an organization to reflect on the woes of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh (Chinna Rao, 2003). The Madigas of Andhra Pradesh, the victims of Karamchedu, became conscious of their conditions and rights. They perceived that injustice is done to them by the Malas within the Dalit group, and therefore wanted a separate identity for their group. This helped to form a separate organization called Madiga Dandora. The Malas protested against this and formed a separate organization called Mala Mahanadu. The ghastly incident in Vempenta, where about a half a dozen Dalits were killed, passed by without any significant attention in the melee of internal bickering. Keeping the world conference against racism, the NGO sector reacted positively to take the Dalit issue to the international forum through the formation of the Dalit human rights group. The government of Andhra Pradesh has passed a government order dividing the scheduled castes reservations into ABCD groups in 2003. The Malas challenged it in the Supreme Court, and it was struck down by the Supreme Court as being unconstitutional. Interestingly, all the struggles in the state moved around the above issues and took place in the advanced Districts of coastal Andhra Pradesh. It is very significant to find that all major events in the scheduled caste struggles took place in the developed coastal Andhra Pradesh. Social scientists have identified these Districts as beneficiaries of a green revolution, with new inputs both from the government and other institutional structures. This green revolution has brought in new social relations in these Districts, which the social scientists have recorded and analyzed as a part of the general development model. No attention is paid by the scholars on the issues of caste relations in the process of agrarian change. Someone has analyzed the events as a part of class struggle or agrarian class conflicts with some attention on caste conflicts. But this

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may not help Dalit activists to arrive at meaningful conclusions for the continuation of his work with people. It is our view that so far the scheduled caste struggles were burdened with social and psychological issues, without paying much attention to the economic issues, which perhaps are responsible for the events that we have identified already. This does not mean there is a base super structure relationship here. Gail and others have employed those categories and are now disappointed.

Self-Respect Movement The Telugu speaking people of Andhra region have inherited the selfrespect movement of Madras Presidency when a separate state was formed in 1956. The Adi-Dravida and Adi-Andhra movements, initiated in Hyderabad state by Bhagya Reddy Varma, had also toured the Districts in the early 1940s and enthused the Dalit masses. All these have culminated in the self-respect and anti-untouchability struggles in Andhra Pradesh. The scheduled castes were slowly consolidating themselves as a cohesive group. The leaders among the scheduled castes have started management hostels for the educational development of the scheduled castes with state aid. This has given opportunities to some of the ex-untouchables to enter higher educational institutions and civil service. Separate Harijan elite started emerging in Andhra Pradesh.

Social Equality Struggles The emergence of a few educated Dalits in the civil society as a pressure group helped the educated Dalits to enter public sector jobs. The job holders have started organizing scheduled caste welfare organizations when they started facing discrimination, humiliation, and punishment in their place of work. In order to protect their self-respect and the constitutional rights in promotion, transfer, and appointments of their kin, these groups have slowly formed Ambedkar organizations to incorporate the support of the local Dalits. The formation of the Ambedkar associations at the District headquarters, along with the employees’ organization helped to form a network of Dalits in the state. This helped the Dalit organizations to put forward certain demands before the government. The government has to yield to these demands and allocate funds in the plan budgets of social welfare departments. Most of the demand relates to the enhancement of scholarships, opening up to new residential schools. By the end of the second term of N.T. Rama Rao, the government seemed to have realized that it is expensive to meet the

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demands of the organized Dalits. In fact, the poverty level among the Dalits in the 1970s was 65 percent and has remained at 45 percent up to 1990. It is much higher than that of OBCs and other castes. However, the demands of the Dalit organizations have accordingly contained issues relating to the amelioration of poverty and economic support programmes. We have not made any content analysis of the demands here. But, a cursory look at the protest literature created during the period contains mostly social issues. And most of the issues are addressed to the government for solution. The literacy level of the people of Andhra Pradesh is one of the lowest in the country and that of the scheduled castes is much lower than the national average. In the NSS Report (1999-2000), it is reported that out of every 1,000 households in the age group of 15 years and above, 522 among males and 772 among females are illiterate among scheduled castes. Though the Ambedkar and Dalit organizations are very active, the attention paid by these groups to the development of literacy among the Dalits in rural areas is negligible. It seems there is no relationship between the levels of literacy and crimes against Dalits in India. It is found that Kerala comes as number four in rank in terms of atrocities on Dalits per lakh of population in 1998, while Andhra comes sixth. We have made a study on the atrocities against scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh and developed a composite index of discrimination.

Social Exclusion and Alienation The levels of poverty among the Dalits clearly indicate that there is a relationship between the overall development of the state and the development of the Dalits. Though the rate of growth of the CDI among the scheduled castes is lower than the HDI between 1971 and 1991, it is found that it is increasing over the period of time. As pointed out earlier, the development of the scheduled castes is related to the overall development of the state. Interestingly, it is observed by several commentators that Dalits are socially excluded in all developmental activities today. It is because of the economic globalization process, which is structurally exclusive in nature. Scholars like Amartya Sen are emphasizing the phenomenon of social exclusion as a dangerous trend that will lead to deprivation and capability failure. The social exclusion as a new phenomenon is a part of the globalization process. It consists of inequalities, the labor market, gender, and market and food market exclusion. This exclusion will further accentuate the misery of the scheduled castes that are already structurally

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excluded from the mainstream society. The society does not care for these groups as long as they are raising issues of discrimination, without bringing issues with which others are equally interested. An interesting phenomenon of social exclusion of Dalits has already taken place in terms of urbanization. It is found that the scheduled castes urban population is declining compared to the overall increase in the proportion of people who are living in urban areas. In the scheduled castes urban population for the years 1991 to 2001 is presented. It is clear that the population has declined from 17.30% in 1991 to 17.18% in 2001. Except in the Districts of Adilabad, Ranga Reddy, Vizianagaram, Anantapur, and Chittor, where a marginal increase is found, in all the remaining Districts scheduled castes urban population declined. It is generally believed that the opportunities of employment, income, and power are concentrated in urban centers. But the data suggests that scheduled castes are excluded from the trend. This is expected from the globalization process, where scheduled castes are not considered as a social category at all. The scheduled caste organizations have also failed to prepare the Dalits for these opportunities, or even to fight against such discrimination and exclusion. The educated employees have already formed into a separate group as a federation, without considering serious economic issues of the Dalits in general. The elite organizations are trying to perpetuate and bargain perks and power for the few families that they represent. This phenomenon is also responsible for social exclusion of the majority of the Dalits who are poor, ignorant, and unorganized (Satyanarayana, 1999).

Unfinished Agenda The scheduled castes of Andhra Pradesh were one of the earliest groups to participate in the Ambedkar movement. Though the Ambedkar movement was confined to awakening coastal Districts due to mass conversions by 1931, it saw a state level upsurge by the 1970s. The Ambedkar movement was taken up in Andhra as a social upliftment and anti-untouchability struggle as a part of the missionary agenda. In fact, the ruling castes have been very sensitive to the demands of the organized scheduled castes, and introduced several schemes and programmes, such as IRDP, Food for work, etc., as a part of the development agenda to coopt the Dalits. Though Dr. Ambedkar realized the lacunae in his struggles after independence and brought the states and minorities as an economic agenda, the majority of the Dalit organizations have not taken up economic issues, including privatization, seriously. Now Dalits are excluded and alienated from the mainstream. Some critics say that there is

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only one movement that is permanent and strong, it is conversion as seen from the massive gatherings in all important towns and cities in Andhra Pradesh. But this process has alienated the Dalits from the mainstream society that is now globally integrated. Unless the scheduled castes start organizing for reform within each group through self-help and other means to strengthen their solidarity, the social exclusion from which they are suffering now will become permanent in the future.

Dalit Political Strategy Both historically and currently, Dalits have adopted four strategies, singly or in combination, in order to attain these ends. The first and most dominant has been the political strategy of gaining power either as an end in itself (if you have power, others come to you, and you do not have to go begging to them) or as a means to other ends (e.g., greater economic and educational opportunities). However, Dalits have been divided over whether to pursue political power independently of other castes or in alliance with those members of other castes and communities whose interests and ideals are close to their own. For example, there are at present Dalit members of Parliament and of State Legislative Assemblies, as well as Dalit party workers, in virtually all the major political parties, including the Prime Minister’s Bharatiya Janata Party, which, in its traditionalist Hindu ideology, is quite anti-Dalit. There are also exclusively Dalit political parties at the regional level, and two Dalit led political parties, the Bahujan Samaj Party of Kanshi Ram and Mayawati, as well as the Republican Party of India, have members of Parliament as well. The Dalit debate within and between the various parties over whether to get whatever share of power Dalits can, through whatever alliances, are most expedient or to maintain pressure from outside on those in power by maintaining some ideological and programmatic unity, at least among Dalits themselves, if not with other disadvantaged groups (tribals, religious minorities, women, the poor in general) as well, has yet to be resolved. As this brief description suggests, there is little political unity among Dalits at the present time, and many are wondering out loud whether the political process can deliver what Dalits have every right to expect from it.

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Economic Strategy The second strategy has been economic. The Dalits are extremely poor and dependent on the dominant castes for their livelihoods as agricultural or urban labor. Thus, many Dalits have sought greater economic independence, both as an end in itself, and as a means to other ends (e.g., political power, educational opportunity). During the past decade, a good number of international development agencies, both religious and secular, have also adopted this strategy by funding a variety of grassroots Dalit organizations engaged in a range of community development activities. These activities focus on such things as small scale industries, teaching new skills, educating Dalits on how to take advantage of government development assistance, developing cooperatives. However the task is enormous. Over 75 percent of the Dalit population is still rural, and so these activities have to be carried out village by village. They also face opposition within each village from members of the dominant castes who want to keep Dalits as an impoverished and dependent source of cheap labor.

Social Strategy A third strategy, which can be described as social, has two components. Education is one. If Dalits become literate (10.2% in 1961, 37.4% in 1991), or even educated, they can move beyond unskilled labor, earn more money, and so gain greater respect. The other is making lifestyle changes, which get rid of those practices considered especially low or polluting, and substituting those of the higher castes instead. The aim of education and lifestyle change has been to remove some of the more obvious reasons for anti-Dalit prejudice. The Christian missions adopted the social strategy over a century ago, and it still dominates the church’s thinking about improving the Dalits lot. Today there are churches that are not only giving special priority to Dalits in some of their institutions of formal education, but are also developing job oriented, nonformal educational projects to enhance skill development. The social strategy has also undergirded much of the affirmative action policy built into the India’s Constitution. The assumption is that if Dalits get educated, get better jobs, and earn more money so as to raise their class status, then their caste status would improve also. The problem has been that the government has never fully implemented all the progressive affirmative action legislation it has passed into law. This is a source of great resentment, especially among educated Dalits.

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Religious Strategy The fourth strategy has been religious in nature. Its moderate form involves reform from within one’s own religious tradition. For example, some Hindu sects have renounced caste hierarchy and some Hindu reformers, M.K. Gandhi being the best known; have sought to uplift the untouchables. The more radical religious option, however, has been conversion to another, more egalitarian religion. For example, over the past 125 years, so many Dalits have converted to Christianity that today the majority of the Christian population of India is Dalit. Following the induction of their great leader, Dr. Ambedkar, into the Buddhist Sangh in 1956, several million Dalits have become Buddhists. What a new religion offered to the Dalits was a new identity defined by religion rather than by caste, as well as a more egalitarian religious counterculture. This has been only partially successful. No matter what goes on in Christian or Buddhist circles, most Indians still think in terms of caste and so simply assume that anyone who is a Christian or Buddhist is a Dalit. Moreover, both Christian and Buddhist Dalits were denied the affirmative action benefits and protections granted to other Dalits; in 1990 the Buddhist Dalits became eligible, although Dalit Christians are still ineligible. By denying these to Christian (and Muslim) Dalits, the government is in fact providing strong economic disincentives to conversion and strong economic incentives to Christian Dalits to return to the Hindu fold.

Social Movements and Human Development Political fragmentation and linguistic regional insulation; hierarchical social division and institutionalized inequality, cultural-ethnic diversity and social tolerance and the primacy of the group over individuals were the basic characteristics of traditional India (Singh, 1973). These multiple dimensions had given rise to and shaped the nature and type of social movements. The nationalist ideology subsumed the divergent social movements, encompassing them into the Indian national liberation movement. Nevertheless, the nationalist spirit withered away very soon, continuing with the process of denial of access to productive resources, social discrimination, and patriarchal values into the post-independent India. Social movements continued, revived, and emerged, centering around the issues of caste, class, region, and language. Andhra Pradesh was not an exception to this phenomenon. The positive discrimination policy vigorously pursued by the state in post-independence India is a clear indication of the sensitivity of the state

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towards movements by scheduled castes and their co-option into the system. However, the benefits of such affirmative action have been cornered by a few groups, leaving the marginalized demanding for reservation within reservations. In contrast to the plains areas, the concentration of resources in tribal areas has attracted mainstream communities resulting in the alienation of these resources. Tribal movements have always been against outside forces. The uniformity and continuity in the modes of appropriation of resources across the country by these forces was the basis for tribal movements. Peasant movements have occurred historically in response to the many failures of policy, resulting in a non-egalitarian agrarian structure, ineffectiveness in making cultivation viable, and inadequacy in addressing risks due to natural calamities. Women movements continue to occur despite the series of positive state policies in legal, economic, and social realms, due to the entrenched patriarchal value system. Many sub-national movements also emerged due to the fear of exploitation by dominant regions and linguistic groups within independent India, leading to the reorganization of states on a linguistic basis in 1956 (Oommen, 1990). The linguistic basis for state formation has not served as a binding factor as visualized because of unevenness in resource development, cultural identities, and political power. The struggle for civil, political, and economic rights within the constitutional framework, and negotiating with the state for the restoration of rights through the judiciary is another approach of social movements to address the concerns of the people, especially of the vulnerable sections.

Social Movements and Public Policy Notwithstanding the different typologies of movements in the literature, we have classified social movements into women movements, Dalit movements, tribal movements, agrarian and farmers’ movements, regional identity movements, and human rights movements, on the basis of the socio-economic characteristics of the participants and issues involved (Rao,1979). All these movements are aimed at acquiring due spaces for different sections of populations and regions, which have been denied the same historically in economy, society, and polity in the development process These movements attempt to negotiate with the state, market, and civil society, and the root cause of the denial of due spaces for marginalized peoples and regions in the development process. The outcomes of a movement could be seen in terms of social, political, and economic change, sometimes structural, and also non-structural.

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Figure 3.1 Social Movements and Public Policy

However, the state has the power to formulate new public policies or to modify the existing public policies within the constitutional framework in response to the demands of different social movements. Thus, social movements through the state and actions initiated by the state on its own, irrespective of any social movement, can determine public policy (Figure 3.1). But, the issue in question is why some movements continue to recur, despite the response of the state. This may be due to inadequacies and/or limitations in policy goals and in programmes formulated to implement the policy goals, lack of legal back-up, inadequate budget provisions, ineffective institutional arrangements, and inadequate or even negative impact on the targeted social groups and regions. These result ultimately in the failure of policies to remove discrimination and to ensure due spaces in

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the economy, society, and polity to vulnerable groups and regions so that they are ensured access to decent earnings, education, and health, the three main components of human development. Hence, the emergence or recurrence of social movements can be explained in terms of the failure of the state at different levels of the policy cycle (Figure 3.2). Figure 3.2: Social Movements and Public Policy Cycle

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Andhra Pradesh has a distinct place in the history of social movements in India. It was almost a laboratory for international institutions for experimenting with economic reforms and, according to political scientists, one of the objectives was also to capture the response to such reforms from varied social groups, and those involved in social movements down the line ranging from the extreme left to autonomous groups. The state has witnessed many social movements involving marginalized and disadvantaged groups and regions. The Dalit and tribal movements in the state were the first in the entire country to demand reservation within reservation among the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. The violation of civil rights ensured by the Constitution, especially in Andhra Pradesh, where the presence of radical left parties resulted in frequent infringement of civil rights, which in turn led to the civil rights movement. The recent resurgence of the movement for land indicates the renewed demand for the distribution of land to the landless. The long survival of the movement for a separate Telangana is an indicator of the many regional identity movements in the country. Andhra Pradesh is the only state with a vibrant women self-help group movement. The presence of a strong women movement probably provided a base for this. Besides having these distinct features, the nature and impact of the social movements may vary across the three regions of Andhra Pradesh. Given the policies of the Government of India and similar policies of different governments in Andhra Pradesh to improve the socio-economic status of women, Dalits, tribals, and backward regions, these movements should ideally have made a greater difference to their status in the state as compared to the rest of India. As a result, human development levels should be better for these sections of civil society, and regional inequalities should be less in the state. Against this backdrop, this chapter addresses two issues: (i) the evolution of different social movements over time and to what extent they have expanded the space for women, Dalits, tribals, and all regions in the economy, society, and polity in Andhra Pradesh, and (ii) how far the social movements and concomitant expansion of the spaces have resulted in a higher level of human development for different social groups and regions in Andhra Pradesh? A historical analysis of social movements is presented by reviewing the relevant literature. Secondary data has been utilized to trace the impact of these movements on the spaces relating to economy, society, and polity. Human development dimensions, viz., poverty, education, and health have been analyzed with the help of secondary data available on various social groups (women, Dalits, tribals), and also across different regions.

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Contribution of Social Movements to Human Development Social reform movements questioning patriarchal values in terms of anti-sati, widow remarriages, and against child marriages in colonial times continued in independent India. The response of the state has been positive with appropriate legislative action. Women movements organized within the broad Marxist framework were repressed by the state. The response to autonomously organized women movements was in the form of legislative provisions to protect the rights of women, and institutions for their development. A series of progressive and liberal legal reforms were introduced during the 1980s. Organizations supporting individual women in distress, women in media groups, cultural forums, research centers, and departments of women studies in the universities, publishing houses in regional and English languages were some steps in this direction. This also compelled political parties to include programmes for women in election manifestos. At the same time, the sixth and the seventh five-year plans included special programmes for women for the first time. The state of Andhra Pradesh stood ninth among the states of India, the middle position in regard to gender disparity in literacy in 1991 (Govinda, 2007). As compared to the all India level, the higher sex ratio, the low total fertility rate, the higher proportion of institutional deliveries, the lower infant mortality rate, lower disparities in male female infant mortality rates and the lower maternal mortality ratio in Andhra Pradesh indicate that the social neglect of women and girls is less pronounced in the state (women and men in 2006), and that women are better placed in regard to human development compared to all of India. Dalit movements were grounded in social discrimination; hence the fight is within civil society. The response of the state was conciliatory for at least two reasons, fulfilling their constitutional obligations to the people and to nurture their political constituency. In fulfillment of these, the state formulated and implemented human development and livelihood promotion programmes from the third five-year plan onwards. Reservation in education and employment, social protection policies, and creation of exclusive institutions were adopted to institutionalize the process of development among the SCs. Because of the Srikakulam Tribal Revolt, lands in the scheduled areas were protected under the 1/1970 legislation. Besides, the state promoted institutions like ITDA and GCC to arrest exploitation by traders. The disjunction between the Adivasi Acts and the Forest Acts increased, especially in the context of economic reforms, as the tribals could not exercise their right over resources. Recently, the

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Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 has provided for title deeds to be given for lands in possession of tribals, which is a direct outcome of tribal struggles. The forest based tribes or the Adivasis face greater threat of displacement, and hence threat to livelihoods than the plains tribes. Though the level of human development of STs in Andhra Pradesh is better than in all India, in comparison to the Dalits, the Adivasis are worse off everywhere in the country (Guha, 2007). When it comes to the parameters of health and education, the literacy level of rural SCs is a little lower in Andhra Pradesh than the all India level (Census, 2001). But current attendance rates of SCs in educational institutions for different age groups (except 15-19 years) are higher in Andhra Pradesh than the all India level. For rural ST households, literacy is lower in Andhra Pradesh compared to all India in 2001. The enrolment rates in 2004-2005 for all the age groups (except 15-19 and 20-24 age groups) are higher in the state than the all-India level. Both among SCs and STs in Andhra Pradesh, the total fertility rate is lower, the proportion of institutional deliveries is higher and mortality among children under 5 is lower than the all India average. All these indicate that the status of women and girl children among SCs and STs is better than the situation in all of India. In contrast to urban areas, the incidence of poverty among rural SC and ST households is less in Andhra Pradesh than the all India level. The response of the state to regional movements has varied over time, swinging between repression and co-option. The state repressed the 1969 movement, while at the same time it co-opted the leaders of the movement soon after the assembly elections. The direct outcome of this agitation was setting up of educational institutions (NSSO, 2004-2005), and revoking regional boards. There were also attempts to co-opt the more recent movement by striking political alliances and giving positions in the cabinet to party members in the central and state governments. The movement for regional identities has always been viewed from the development perspective and hence the response of the state at all times was in the form of special packages. However, regional disparities in the levels of human development, especially in literacy, schooling, and health persist at the District level, despite some positive trends in economic growth. The BSP strategy of mobilization is based on a narrative of Indian history and society that identifies the three Hindu Brahmin, Kshatriya, and Vaishya Varnasas oppressors, and the rest of Indian society as oppressed. Quite interestingly, this relationship is not defined in socio-cultural or economic terms, but principally in terms of the humiliation suffered both historically and contemporarily by subaltern communities at the hands of

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the above communities. Thus, what is seen to be the unifying factor of an otherwise quite heterogeneous mass is the humiliation meted out by the upper varnas/jatis. This is presumed to be a feasible and practically workable strategy, given the fact that the Bahujans cannot be united on any other plank because of the absence of commonality or uniformity in their socio-economic profile or cultural identity, which is further compounded by linguistic variations in India. What is significant about the BSP discourse is the centrality of the concept of political power. In this view, socio-economic deprivation can only be addressed by capturing political power. Instead of political power, seen as a derivative of control over means of production, economic deprivation is sought to be predicated upon the absence of political power. Thus, the BSP ideology of change is premised on the proposition that once political power is captured, all other entitlements follow. Quite interestingly, the question of political power is seen essentially as one of arithmetic putting together a majority (Bahujan). The entry of the BSP into Andhra Pradesh politics in the 1994 State Assembly elections, and the rallying of the Dalit Maha Sabha, its leadership and cadre around the BSP prior to this election were important developments in the history of the Dalit movement. However, the BSP failure to make a mark on state politics, despite (or perhaps because of) sharp polarization at ground level, raises serious questions regarding the electoral potentialities of Dalit articulation vis-à-vis the hegemonic politics of the dominant political parties in the historical and political specificity of Andhra Pradesh. Needless to say, any inquiry into social movements in the context of Andhra Pradesh must address the relationship between the Dalit movement and electoral politics. In considering the relationship between the Dalit movement and electoral politics, these issues are important, viz., (i) terms of discourse, (ii) agenda setting, (iii) impact on the political parties, and their strategies of mobilization, and (iv) critical social support. In the following section, we examine the electoral process, specifically focusing on the 1994 Assembly elections. The 1994 elections are chosen as the point of departure for this analysis, because it was during this period that Dalits figured as a critical factor in the electoral calculations of the dominant political parties. The Dalit social and cultural movements have remained robust and active within civil society, drawing their strength from Phule and Ambedkar. But like the left movements, different strains have come up, often not in harmony with each other. They received international notice for their fierce protests at the International Conference on Racism in Durban in 2001, when the Indian Government refused to have the issue of Dalits included in the conference agenda. They form an important

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component of the upcoming World Social Forum in Mumbai in January 2004 (Raina, 2004). Those whose theories on social movements describe them as conscious, collective activities to promote social change, representing a protest against the established power structure and dominant norms. A main resource of such movements is the commitment and active, often unpaid, participation of its members or activists. Referring to the phenomenon that some academics and activists now call the new social movements, Alberto Melucci calls attention to the invisibility of those networks that help develop a sense of a common interest, and facilitate collaborative work and collective action. According to him, contemporary social movements are no longer guided by the sense that they are completing a universal plan. Their agenda is not shaped by long-term or fixed goals, and the mobilization they undertake is rooted in specific times and places. Thus, he refers to the actors in these movements as nomads, dwelling entirely in the present. L.J. Calman (1989) claims that such movements are more easily able to embrace a diversity of ideological beliefs and choice of tactics because they do not adhere to one single, strict ideology, or demand that participants do the same. Melucci expands on the new social movements by identifying four key features that characterize them as treating information (both factual information and symbolic resources) as a resource, acting in the present, and accepting the journey (the process) to be as important as the destination (the result); and striving for a complementary relationship between private life and public commitments. If one were to pick out the single most influential motive force of the development in Telugu society, it would be none other than innumerable small and big social contradictions that manifested and culminated social movements on various issues. The Telugu society in general and Andhra Pradesh in particular has been very dynamic and always in the forefront of all kinds of social movements is a historical fact that goes without saying. One can go as far back as possible in history to show that the Telugu society as a whole at times, and at least some sections other times, have waged courageous battles against the powers that be, and attempted to change the existing modes of survival. At this juncture one need not go into that hoary past, but restrain to the last fifty years and a little earlier to recognize that various social movements played a great role in the making of modern Andhra Pradesh and transformation of social values in all the spheres. The characteristic fighting spirit of the Telugu had acquired compressive social and philosophical viewpoints during the latter part of the 19th century. With the influence of British education on one hand and the emergence of civil society and new ideas thanks to the surplus

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generated by tamed mighty rivers and consequent modern agriculture on the other. Telugu were living under two different regimes at the time and the development in social consciousness and its expression represent some unavoidable unevenness. Andhra Pradesh was formed in 1956 by merging these two distinct political and regional entities, and both the areas separately had glorious histories of social movements. The social movements of the first part of the 20th century were waged on the issues of social and religious reform, language and cultural identity, gender equality, caste oppression, political and social assertion, amelioration of agrarian situation, egalitarian ideas, trade union rights and democratic rights, and in the process raised several radical questions. The question were radical not only in the sense that they were unconventional, original, and much ahead of their times, but also for the fact that their solutions, would have brought about radical rupture with the existing norms. This contention can be proved by taking each and every social stirring in coastal Andhra, starting with the social reform activities of Samineni Muddu Narasimham (1800-1858) and Kandukuri Veeresaligam (18481919), and in Telangana with the library movement (1921) activities. These movements were followed by Raithu Rakshana Yatra of 1937-1938, anti-zamindari struggles, particularly in Mandasa, Challapalli, Munagala, Venkatagiri, and Kalipatanam, zamindars during the 1930s, as well as the national movement in coastal Andhra and the movements led by Andhra Mahasabha, state Congress, the Communist party of India in Telangana in the 1930s and 1940s. The immediate precursors of the formation of Andhra Pradesh were the three most important movements: (i) Telangana peasant armed struggle (1946-1951), (ii) Agitations for separation of Telugu speaking areas from Madras and formation of Visalaandhra in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema areas (1948-1953), and (iii) Mulki agitations (1952) in the then Hyderabad state. All these social movements have raised radical questions in their own way and enriched the consciousness of the people, and acted as motive forces for the social development. The Telangana peasant armed struggle began as a movement against feudal practices including predominant extra-economic coercion, like vetti and highly inequitable agrarian relations, and developed into an armed struggle aiming at state power, with a significant mass base. It was not only radical in its basic questions, but also in terms of its pioneering spirit that stands as a beacon for all militant peasant movements in the sub-content, even today. The Telangana peasant armed struggle was a natural outcome of the movement led by Andhra Mahasabha (1931-1946), which began as an effort for the protection of language and culture, culminating in a basic struggle for

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land, livelihood, and liberation. The Visalandhra movement was led by the Communist party of India and joined by other forces. This movement has its roots, among others, in pamphlets written by P. Sudarayya in 1946 entitled as Visalandralo Prajarajyam. When the peasant movement in both Hyderabad state and coastal Andhra were on the rise, this visualized a peoples’ state in a united land of Telugus. One need not attribute any motive to this now, as it is usually done anachronistically, but nonetheless, the slogan and consequent demand for Visalandhra were problematic, then in a small measure, and later much more. One must concede that the ideas behind this movement were radical, at least in the 1950s. If not now for the simple fact that the ideas were informed by national questions based on language and culture, and rejection of the rules by others, which was also unconventional at that time. Thus Andhra Pradesh inherited a rich legacy of social movements with radical questions and solutions, and the following five decades also witnessed a number of social movements, and almost all social sections either participated or supported these movements. While some of these movements were spontaneous, sectional, and local, yet others were organized, comprehensive and regional, if not statewide. There are some overlapping issues, as well as separate, particular, local, or regional issues. One important factor of all these movements is that, either at the time of conception or during the course, they raised radical questions in every walk of life, and attempted to offer meaningful solutions. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the first major social struggle seems to be the peasant struggle led by the then undivided Communist Party of India during 1962-1964. There are a couple of cursory mentions of this struggle in the available literature, through which it can be concluded that this agitation was basically against the increase in land revenue and water cuss. However, some authors also described it as a land occupation struggle. It appears that this agitation was primarily in the areas where the Communists were strong, and going by the accounts, it is not clear whether this was essentially an agitation of land owning farming community or a struggle of landless for land. The agitation demanding setting up steel plants in Visakhapatnam might be another major and statewide agitation in Andhra Pradesh in its early days. When the central government announced its intention of establishing a steel plant in the public sector in the mid-1960s, people in Andhra Pradesh, basically students, unemployed youth, and the middle classes, came into the streets with the slogan Visakha Ukku Andhrula Hakku (Visakha steel is right of Andhras), and this agitation witnessed massive participation. Ultimately, the center had to concede the demand of people and setup the Visakha

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steel plant. It is another matter that even after forty years, the problem of displacement due to the steel plants is not solved. Another major social movement that challenged the basic existence of a single Telugu society and the linguistic state of Andhra Pradesh was the struggle on the demand of separate statehood of Telangana. This struggle, as mentioned earlier, has its roots in the separate existence of the Hyderabad state, away from other Telugu speaking areas for at least two hundred years. In the fifty years of Andhra Pradesh, the struggle for Telangana is most significant and even by sheer occurrence; it is the most recurring and consistent struggle. The agitation began as a demand for respecting the Telangana, accepted in the Gentlemen’s Agreement of 20 Feb, 1956; Andhra Pradesh was specifically formed based on this agreement that promised a number of safeguards to the Telangana region in return for the merger. The history of movement among writers and the consequent blossoming of ideas in Andhra Pradesh are too large to present here and needs a separate study. While there was a great polarization between writers just before the formation of Andhra Pradesh during the 1955 mid-term elections in Andhra state, the Telugu writing community has witnessed polarization and organization on an ideological basis, and practice led to widespread influence of writers, and Telugu society has seen a rare combination of active and militant participation of writers in social movements. Though the state was under uninterrupted Congress rule until 1983, it also had a strong presence of anti-Congress sentiments and thus, when emergency was imposed on 26 June 1975, it was Andhra Pradesh that witnessed a great deal of repression of political dissent and press censorship. Hundreds of political activists and intellectuals were arrested and incarcerated for months. Thousands of political dissenters were subjected to torture in illegal custody for days together. There was a widespread resentment against these emergency measures, and slowly a silent movement against emergency atrocities gathered momentum. This resulted in large scale struggles of students, youth, peasants, and workers in the post-emergency period. The situation was so inflammable that a single small incident of a death and rape in police custody led to a great mass movement and complete standstill for days in 1978. When a hapless couple, Ahmed Hussain and Rameejaa Bee, were taken into illegal custody by policemen from the Nallakunta Police Station in Hyderabad, and the policeman killed the husband and raped the wife, the entire state erupted in violence against the powers that be. The simmering discontent amongst the people against the government and the way things were going got a powerful expression in the movement. Similarly, when Nadendla Bhaskara Rao, a cabinet colleague of the then chief minister, N.T. Rama Rao,

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organized a coup and tried to dethrone the chief minister with the support of the then governor Ramlal, the entire state stood solidly behind N.T. Rama Rao and helped him regain power. Both these incidents show that Telugu society is eternally vigilant in fighting for a right cause. However, over time, the Dalit movements has seen some fissures in it and some subcastes, including Madiga, starting to question the hegemony of Malas in usurping all the benefits of reservation. Madiga Hakkula Parirakshana Samithi, holding the banner of Madiga Dandora, demanded further classification of the scheduled castes, and provision of reservation according to relative backwardness of all sub-cstes. Though the demand was democratic and seeking redress of piled up discontent, the movement nevertheless resulted in fragmentation of the Dalit movement. Though the women struggles in Telugu society have a long history beginning from the late 19th century, after the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the struggles started taking shape in the early 1970s, and the international women decade gave a fillip to women consciousness and organization. During the post-emergency period, there appeared a number of women organizations and groups that propagated the consciousness of challenging the existing patriarchal order. One of the offshoots of the women consciousness was the massive anti-liquor agitation that began from Nellore and forced the government to change its existing policy and introduce prohibition policy. While the landless and small peasants waged struggles for land and better wages, land owning farmers in Andhra Pradesh were engaged in a number of struggles on a wide variety of concerned issues. Struggles for proper seed supply and against spurious seeds, struggles for quality and reliable power supply, struggles for irrigation water, struggles for better fertilizers, pesticides, and extension services, struggles for better warehousing and marketing facilities, and struggles for remunerative prices showed these farmers efforts to get what was due to them. Of late, the farmers have realized that the faulty and proMNC government policies are behind their tribulations, and have been turning their ire against the government and traders. Despite the fact that the farming community inherits fighting spirit and solidarity, many of the farmers are also committing suicide, unable to overcome the difficulties. Tribals of Andhra Pradesh have been at the receiving end for decades without realizing their proper share in social development. But they are the most valiant fighters for their cause for over a century. Post-Andhra Pradesh formation, they were subjected to untold suffering, and it was the Naxalite movement that came to their rescue. The Naxalites organized the tribals, gave them leadership, and made them take up struggles against the traders, landlords, forest officials, and police. Repression on Savarnas and

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Jatapus in Srikakulam, Koyas, and Kondareddis in the agency spread over Visakhapatnam to Khammam, and Gonds and Kolams in Adilabad for the last four decades is horrible and needs a separate study. The killing of more than 13 Gondu tribals by policemen firing at the Indravelli of Adilabad District when the tribals came to hold conference of their association is a blot on the history of modern Andhra Pradesh. The incident showed the cruelty of the covers when it came to the assertion of tribal rights, and in fact the incident led to more militancy of tribal struggles. There have been a number of struggles by different tribal groups under the leadership of various political and non-political formations. Again, during a brief respite when the government and two Naxalite parties wanted to hold talks on various issues of social concern, the question occupied center stage. The paper entiled “Land Distribution Development of Agriculture: Our Perspective” submitted by the two Naxalite parties during the talks was radical in more than one way, but it would suffice to refer to the specific proposals where for the first time in the country’s history of land reforms, the Naxalites argued to eliminate all the absentee landlords if they had any other source of income. The paper also suggested identification of surplus land in villages rather than through an all pervasive legislation and in revenue offices. The paper also suggested beginning the distribution of land from Dalits and registering distributed land in the names of women. Though the talks failed, the government included these two suggestions. The issues of livelihood cover a wide range of hundreds of small and big, and widespread and sporadic issues, from domestic violence to state violence. The Naxalite movement has enlarged the scope of the struggles for livelihood in terms of aspirations of a better life, whether it is freedom from oppression, gender equality, or fighting against all forms of subjugation. They are radical in redefining the scope of society, whether it was the struggle against rape of Rameejaa Bee by police in Hyderabad, or the rape of a servant maid by the son of a mining officer of tendu leaf pickers in the forests of north Telangana, or a struggle for better wages for agricultural laborers, or a students’ struggle for better hostels and improved living conditions of coal miners, or a struggle against the illeffects of globalization and privatization, or a struggle for remunerative prices for farmers. Name any struggle, the influence of the Naxalite movement is there and similar movements in other states can be compared to identify the radical nature of these struggles in Andhra Pradesh. While the struggles on land and livelihood are described as economic struggles in the Naxalites parlance, the movement is marked by its political struggles. These are struggles for liberation. The Naxalites treat all their economic

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struggles as consciousness raising exercises on the way to achieve this liberation. The Naxalites think that the current political expression is democratic only in form and not in essence, and thus they think it is not a peoples’ state. In this sense, this is the most radical question that is posed to the current state, and thanks to the influence of the Naxalite movement for the last forty years, each and every subsequent movement, even if it says it opposed the Naxalites, has included the nature of the state in its discourse. Thus, the Naxalite movement not only raised a fundamental radical question, but also made all the other movements follow the same line. One could argue that the Naxalite movements’ single most significant contribution to all the social movements is its idea of questioning the character of the representation of the state in a radical way. In terms of organization and forms of struggle the Naxalite movement has also added new elements to the tradition of social movements in the state. Until the Naxalite movement came on to the scene in Andhra Pradesh, the political parties did not know that there was scope for nonparliamentary political processes, and in itself the idea was a radical posture. Brutal state repression, not mindful rights and directive principles of the Constitution, were successful in terrorizing people from joining or supporting this alternative political process openly. Gradually, space for this political process was shrunk, and the Naxalite movement and the people who subscribed to the ideology and practice had to search for alternative routes for this process, giving scope to much more illegal and clandestine activity, instead of open, legal, democratic, and the constitutional activity. In the process, this gave rise to a violence and counter violence spiral, killing thousands of people. Besides its social, political, and economic questions, the significance of the Naxalite movement lies in its radical cultural paradigm, where selfless sacrifice is juxtaposed with the all-pervasive selfishness, acquisition, consumerism, and careerism. In fact, this idea of sacrifice has become a radical touchstone for all social movements.

Conversions to Christianity As this brief analysis suggests, the present situation of Dalits in India is complex and confusing. There are no obvious agreed upon solutions to the problems that the Dalits face; the way forward in the Dalits struggle is by no means clear. However, there are a few trends visible among Christian Dalits that are quite important for Christian thinking on this subject. First and foremost among these is a growing acknowledgement that they are Dalits and that conversion to Christianity has not really changed that

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significant fact of their lives, despite hopes and promises to the contrary. Most Christian Dalits therefore have a dual social and psychological identity, Christian as well as Dalit, and have to live with the tensions built into that dual identity. A second trend is an increasing assertion of Dalit identity as a positive thing, a source of pride rather than of shame. In this, they challenge pervasive cultural norms. One expression of this assertiveness is Dalit theology; another is a harsh critique of those missionary and Indian church leaders who, in their efforts to indianize the Church, have equated Indian culture with Brahmanic instead of Dalit culture. One reason why Dalit Christians have resisted a lot of efforts to indianize the theology and liturgy of the Church is because they are fed up with the Brahmanic culture which they converted to get away from. Perhaps most obvious of all are the persistent efforts to raise the caste issue and exorcise the demon of caste discrimination (which is legion and takes many forms) within the churches themselves. Until this is done, the churches cannot embody much good news for their own Dalit members, let alone for other Dalits. Finally, there are Christian Dalits who are staunch advocates of each of the four Dalit strategies described above, and are working hard at implementing those strategies. We see no evidence that one strategy, or even one combination of strategies, has become clearly predominant in Dalit Christian circles. What does seem evident, however, is that over the past two decades Christian Dalits are working more closely with other Dalits to achieve common aims and objectives than was true earlier. Dalit solidarity is an end and means much desired but difficult to achieve; yet many Dalit Christian leaders have come to the conclusion that their Christian hopes for their own people cannot be realized in isolation from the realization of the hopes of all the Dalit people (Webster, 1976). The question of Dalit Christians is different from the issue of reservation for the Muslim community or the Muslim OBCs. Dalit Christians are those who were originally untouchables and who converted to Christianity. However, the conversion did not improve their social status, and upper caste converts continued to look down upon them. As a result, casteism continued to exist in the Church in India. In 1929, a delegation of depressed class Christians stated in a deposition before the Simon Commission that we remain today what we were before we became Christian untouchables, degraded by the laws of social position in the affirmative action in India 155 land, rejected by caste Christians, despised by caste Hindus, and excluded by our own Hindu depressed class brethren. According to social activist lawyer, Flavia Agnes, for all its homogenous appearance, the Christian community is very caste ridden. Especially the

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recent converts, the converts, largely from the backward communities, now find that they are losing out on both fronts. They continue to be sub castes without the benefit that would have been accrued to them if they had not converted. There are about 16 million Dalit Christians in India and they form over 60 percent of the total Christian population of 25 million. A study undertaken by the Jesuits in Tamil Nadu reveals that 79.6 percent of the Dalit Christians are landless, with their average annual income put at Rs. 903; 54 percent live under single layer thatched roofs. The illiteracy rate is 65 percent. Nearly 35 percent of households manage with one set of clothes. Though Dalit Christians constitute 70 percent of the Roman Catholics in Tamil Nadu, there is only one Dalit bishop and a mere 3.8 percent of priests are Dalits. Several reports submitted by various committees, Kumara Pillai (1965), Santhnam (1970), and Chidambaram (1975), apart from the two Backward Class Commissions reports of Kalelkar (1955) and Mandal (1980) of the central government, as well as the several BCC reports of the states including Andhra Pradesh (1970), Tamil Nadu (1970 and 1975), and also the Third and the Fourth Annual Reports of the Minorities Commission of the Central Government (1980 and 1981-1982), and the SC-ST Commissioners Reports, have recognized this fact and recommended remedial measures. The Mandal Commission affirmed that there is no doubt that social and educational backwardness among non-Hindu communities is more or less of the same order as among Hindu communities. Thus, both from within and without, caste amongst non-Hindu communities receive continuous sustenance and stimulus. The Dalit Christians made their demand for inclusion into the list of the scheduled castes in the early 1950s. It was not heeded. However a contemporary letter dated 7 November 1950 from Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, written from the Prime Minister’s Office in reply to C.X. Francis (President of the Catholic Regional Committee of Nagpur), who had pointed out the injustice done to the Dalit Christians by the presidential order, said that all state aid and facilities are to be given not only to the Hindu scheduled castes, but also to all other educationally and socially backward classes, whether they profess Hinduism, Christianity, or any other religion. Only in the matter of reservation of legislative bodies and Parliament, no person who professes a religion other than Hinduism shall be deemed to be a member of scheduled castes. Lately, the demand has been renewed. In 1994, the All India Christian Federation, in its memorandum to the Prime Minister, demanded that there should be an end to discrimination by the state against Christian Dalits only on the ground of religion, ignoring other evidences of their social and educational backwardness, and to grant them SC status on par with the scheduled

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castes belonging to the Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist religions (Moses, 1997). On 21 November 1995, the Christian educational institutions in most parts of the country went on a day’s strike in support of the demand for reservations for the Dalit Christians. In March 1996, the All India United Christians Movement for Equal Rights, and the National Coordination Committee for SC Christians, advised the community to vote for those political parties that would include Dalit Christian issues in their election manifestos in the forthcoming eleventh general elections. The BJPs opposition is probably based on its Hindutva considerations. Its premise is two-fold. If the Dalits of other communities, namely the Muslims and Christians, are granted SC status then it would, on the one hand, make the Hindu SCs feel insecure, for there would be more claimants on the quota, and on the other, it would discourage deChristianization of the Dalits, a phenomenon that is Affirmative Action in India 157, otherwise expected in the given situation (Michael, 1996). The party hopes that the more the Dalit Christians would be denied the SC status, the greater would be their compulsion to reconvert to Hinduism. In March 1994, many Dalit Christians of Tamil Nadu did indeed re-convert to Hinduism in order to get the SC status (Radhakrishnan, 1996). Gopal Sardesai of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) argues that the scheduled caste Christians should return to the Hindu fold and then claim the benefits of reservation.

Dalit Conversion The sociology of conversion in India has an important aspect to be taken into consideration in understanding the position of Dalits. The World War I of independence (1857), the historians tell us, was due in great part to alleged attempts to convert the soldiers to Christianity by introducing clandestinely the Bible and other Christian literature into the barracks (Wilfred, 2007). When Robert Caldwell first arrived in south India during 1838, he wrote about the overwhelming fact that, for the most part, only lower caste Nadars and even lower untouchables converted to Christianity in any systematic way. He further admitted that the lower caste initially came to Christianity for protection and material help. He was aware that one of the principal motives for conversion, particularly among the agricultural classes, was the desire of protection from oppression, a fact he found natural and remarkable. But rather than alleviating the grounds for oppression, conversion often led to new forms of struggle and difficulty (Dirks, 2002).

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Rowena Robinson, when she was talking about conversion, rightly pointed out that in many cases, though, it is likely that things worked differently, patron/client relations were employed to bring about conversion. The village leaders were converted and they in turn influenced the other caste groups, which were bound to them by ties of socioeconomic dependence. Mass conversions, as is evident, perpetuated castes, and whatever the expectations of gain of the lower social groups, the church did not attempt to radically alter existing hierarchies. Indeed, in Goa, conversion protected the privileges of the upper caste landed groups. Here, caste itself came to be largely dissociated from the notion of purity and pollution, but remained as an idiom of social discrimination, marking status distinctions and deference patterns associated with them (Robinson, 1993). In the contemporary situation, the administrators/or state perceives these groups as bogus. It is often stated that Dalits convert to Christianity with the motive of gaining material benefits. In other words, it was viewed as a conversion of convenience. This sort of an attitude from the administrators/or state further creates psychological frustrations among the Dalit Christians, and leaves them in a state of ambiguity. The affected younger generations, especially those who do not have any religious belief, challenge the situation furiously. They also raise the question of dynamism of the Hindu religion, and its impact in their day-to-day life.

Cases of Dalit Christian Converts The District Vigilance Committee, constituted at every State of India, is based on the instruction of the Supreme Court Order in order to genuinely process the community certificate of the Indian citizens. Along with the District Collector (Chairman of the Committee), the authors verified nearly one thousand cases in fourteen Districts of Tamil Nadu, India, and finalized their community status. Out of the total cases verified, the majority (65 percent) belonged to the SC community, and the plaguing issue among the SCs was conversion to Christianity. There are many studies that demonstrate how, but for the reservation, the condition of Dalits would be much worse. Now a very regrettable state of affairs is that Dalit Christians are deprived of this important means for their empowerment. The very fact of being Christian means automatically the deprivation of the educational and employment privileges enjoyed by other Dalits. Like the conversion issue, the reservation for Dalit Christians has been a much debated question.

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The present state of affairs goes back to a Presidential Order of 1950, which explicitly states no person who professes a religion different from the Hindu religion shall be deemed to be a member of a scheduled caste. After prolonged struggle from the community, an amendment was passed between 1956 and 1990 to include Sikhs and Buddhists onto the SC list. There were severe efforts from the SC Christian converts to retain their status as SCs in order to utilize the reservation facilities. Several legal cases are pending before the Court of law. The National Commission for Scheduled Castes has recently suggested that reservation for SCs should not be extended to converted Muslims and Christians. In reality, the issue of Dalits within the Christian fold is a complex one, and presents different pictures according to various contexts. In the first place, it was found that there had been a remarkable intergenerational mobility in terms of the education and occupation of the respondents. Thus, it ought to have created an impact in the social and economic conditions of life for them. The most obvious reality was that all arranged marriages occurring among the Dalit families were endogamous marriages, and this was the case neither with other SC communities listed under the constitutional category, nor within their own sub castes (Robinson, 2003). Educational, economic, and political statuses are the major criteria in selecting the spouses in arranged marriages. These families, in all their ceremonies, have strictly followed the traditional rituals. Though they have biblical names in their official documents, locally they were referred to by the traditional Hindu names that were colloquially popular. Ethnographically, the variations were blurred between the Hindu and the Dalit Christian. When discussing Christianity in the context of Indian society and culture, Robinson (2003) rightly pointed out that the boundaries between the Kerala Syrians and Hindus are blurred, as in the rituals of house building or astrology. The ceremonies of marriage and birth among the Syrian Christians also manifest many similarities with Hindus, particularly in the use of ritual substance such as sandal wood paste, milk, flowers, areca nut, and rice. Hindu symbolic codes, ideas about ceremonial foods, and presentations inform the domestic ceremonies in all life affirming rituals. In rural Tamil Nadu, untouchable converts often remain residentially segregated from higher castes. Ideas of purity and impurity persist. For instance, the Malaiman Udayan Christians of North Arcot village of Tamil Nadu do not enter the cheris (wards) of the Adi-Dravidas, for fear of being polluted (Tharamangalam, 1996). Again, other caste rankings are also maintained. The relationship between Christian Vellalas and Nadars in Tamil Nadu has been particularly contentious. Neither in Karnataka nor in Andhra Pradesh did Dalit Christians find significant improvement in their

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economic or social conditions after conversion. In the north too, marriage and social intercourse between converts from the high caste and those with outcaste backgrounds appears to have been rare (Webster, 1976). Suppression and oppression of one community over the other, one class over the other, is quite commonly seen in terms of national interest, development, and so on. In the name of modernization, homogenization and control of the economy and culture is seen. We often refuse to see alternate ways of looking at the world and environment. We also look at these ways of living as inferior. Thus, homogenization is nothing however falling in line with the dominant way of life. Alternative ways are considered aberrations on the canvas of human society, and hence have to be blurred and mixed with the background, and cannot remain distinct. The first thing that is achieved through modernization is homogenization. In spite of the constitutional guarantees to specifically uplift the socially and economically vulnerable communities, the constitutional position is often in conflict with the practical aspects of the developmental framework. Add to this the attitudinal biases and the consequent stereotypes at different levels of political and bureaucratic order. The political and social participation by the local communities to plan for and realize their aspirations remains an unrealizable goal. With the result, after more than half a century of political independence, the vulnerable groups remain vulnerable, if not more vulnerable (Hardtmann, 2003). In conclusion in this chapter an attempt has been made to analyze the harsh ground realities that result in a serious impingement on the basic human rights of SC communities because of the human wrongs committed. The contemporary social identity clarifications brought in newer ambiguity between the SC converts, and led them to further more frustrations.

CHAPTER IV INFLUENCE OF AMBEDKER’S IDEOLOGY ON DALIT MOVEMENTS

Ambedkarism has varied dimensions and interpretations. The life and mission of Dr. Ambedkar is quite well known. His economic doctrines and political and social philosophy have been widely discussed. His name is given to public and even private organizations by way of recognition of his contribution to human development in general and weaker sections in particular. Although it is a fact that he was born in a community of untouchables and strove hard throughout his life to improve the conditions of their living, his philosophy is applicable to all depressed and oppressed groups of society. Ambedkarism stands for equality of opportunities to all citizens, irrespective of caste, creed, and religion in political, social, economic, and cultural affairs. Liberty, fraternity, and equality have been the corner stones of modern democratic Constitution. Equality is the central pillar of socialism. Ambedkar stood for human dignity, freedom, liberty, equality, justice and fraternity. The difference between Ambedkarism and ideologies arise not so much about the end i.e., equality, but about the means. Ambedkar was a victim of untouchability, the worst form of inequality, and realized that it was inherent in Hindu society due to its caste hierarchy and ritualistic character. He perceived the link between caste and occupation and hence the inherent power of the caste ridden society to prevent vertical and occupational mobility. His struggles to unite the untouchables for establishing their rights to access for drinking water at Mahad, and temple entry at Nasik, are classic examples of his passion for establishing the rights of the untouchables to common property resources and cultural heritage. Ambedkar has made great sacrifices for upholding and establishing social values. He had suffered from the pangs of poverty and was made to depend upon the feudal and capitalist factors for his maintenance and advancement. Ambedkar advocated a society based on equality, fraternity, and liberty through the constitutional means and safeguards. He was an advocate of the modern western value system, and strove hard to transform

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the traditional caste based Hindu society. However he found it later as an almost a futile exercise, and finally had to embrace Buddhism. Ambedkar identified the root cause of conflict in the caste system as having been invented, imposed, and perpetuated by the Brahmanical order of Hindu society for centuries (Makwana, 2004). The Indian Constitution allows the transformation of hierarchical society, emphasizing that inequality and reconstruction are not part of a modern egalitarian society based on individual achievement and equal opportunity for all, regardless of one’s caste, religion, or race. Dr. Ambedkar rejected orthodox values and dismissed caste inequality as man made, and proclaimed that If I fail to do away with the abominable thralldom and a human injustice under which the class into which I was born has been profaning, I will put an end to my life with a bullet. We must make our political democracy a social democracy. Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy. What does social democracy mean? It means a way of life, which recognizes liberty, equality, and fraternity as the principles of life. These principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity are not to be teased as separate items of trinity, they form the union of trinity in the sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very propose of democracy; liberty cannot be divorced from equality, equality cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without equality, liberty world produce the supremacy of the few over the man. Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative, without fraternity, liberty and quality could not become the natural course of things. It would require a constable to enforce them. We must begin by acknowledging the fact that there is a complete absence of two things in Indian society, one of these is quality. On the social level, we have in India a society based on the principle of grade inequality, which means elevation of some and degradation of others. On the economic level, we have a society in which there are some who have immense wealth, as against many who live in abject poverty (Keer, 1961). The introduction of the constitutional safeguards and special confessions, extension of various facilities, means of transportation and communication, enactment of laws, and planned welfare measures in favor of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes have indeed brought about some changes in the objective conditions of life, as well as in the mental horizon of these people. The social distance between the Sudras and the dominant castes, the centuries-old gulf that has divided them into separate worlds and prevented a sort of interchange from marriage to simply eating together is too wide to be bridged in one fell swoop. Although the caste

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concept is weakening, the social system is becoming more fluid, and the gulf that separated the Sudras from the rest of the community is inexorably narrowing. Ambedkarism is relevant as long as the Hindu society is stratified and remains hierarchical, rigid, and maintains the link between caste and occupation. Untouchability cannot be abolished by mere propaganda and exhortation. Institutional reforms are needed and are being implemented by the states at different levels and in different spheres of public life. More than half a century of independent rule in India has awakened the consciousness of the people, especially those belonging to the weaker strata of society, towards their conditions of living and working. The constitutional safeguards are to be extended from time to time to bring about social equality. The development strategy adopted under the regime of planning has conferred benefits on these vulnerable sections. Nevertheless there have been several leakages, misuses, and even abuses of the resources meant for the benefit of the poor. The new economic policy being pursued, which is supposed to be market-friendly, may not necessarily be friendly to the poor, who are unorganized and therefore stand the chance of losing in the market-friendly system of governance. In several instances, the market forces are not even brought into play. Therefore, they have to organize themselves to fight for their cause in the years to come if India is to shape itself as a truly democratic nation serving its people, namely the poverty ridden masses, whether they belong to the scheduled castes or scheduled tribes, or even to other groups of society.

Ambedkar’s Concept of Social Justice We can talk about social justice from different perspectives like political, social, economic, and religious. Hence it is very difficult to give a single definition of social justice. Jatava (2006) has provided a working definition of social justice as follows: Social justice is that sort of justice that prescribes certain ideas closely related to human society; it sustains the existence and continuity of the individuals, family, society, and the nation; its implementation safeguards the interests of the weaker sections of society; this removes all the serious unjust imbalances found between man and man so that the lives of all the citizens become improved and emancipated. As a result, every man, according to his own potentiality and merit, may avail of the opportunities for acquiring the social goal of his own linking and outlook. Social justice being multifaceted deals with various aspects of human life and society, focusing on the preservation of the rights of the handicapped,

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marginalized, and depressed people. It deals with the people who are intentionally made victims of exploitation, injustice, and unsociability (e.g., bonded laborers and unpaid scavengers). Social justice critiques the laws, traditions, dogmas, customs, manners, and usages that are used to perpetrate injustice. Dr. Ambedkar accepted that there are moral and legal considerations behind the concept of social justice. He also accepted justice as a guiding and evaluative principle. His concept of social justice was based on human values such as liberty, equality, and fraternity (Ambedkar, 1987). He argued with the explanation of Prof. Bergbon, justice has always evoked ideas of equality. Rules and regulations, right and righteousness are concerned with equality in value. If all men are equal, all men are the same essence, and the common essence entitles them to the same fundamental rights and to equality and liberty. He believed that if these values were cultivated by individuals, then there would be neither caste barriers dividing them, nor any obstacles created by caste preventing the individual from a suitable career. Each individual would have sympathy and respect for others. This is what Dr. Ambedkar called social democracy. According to him, liberty shapes the human personality. It forms a person’s thought, belief, and faith, and finds expression in his action. Through liberty, the hidden talents of the individual are expressed. It enables man to make his destiny. Equality binds men together through reciprocities, co-operation, and social sympathy. Fraternity creates an atmosphere that is conducive to the enjoyment of liberty and equality. According to Dr. Ambedkar, fraternity means a sense of common brotherhood of all Indians, all India being one people. It is the principle that gives unity and solidarity to social life. Thus, these three principles jointly play a vital role in the process of social justice. D.R. Jatava termed Ambedkar’s concept of social justice as a mode of life, giving every man his right place in society. Its precepts may be; to live honorably, to respect all, to injure no one, and to give every man his due without any artificial discrimination in mind and unnatural classification in society. The other precepts of social justice are the supremacy of the constitutional rule, equality before the law, safeguarding fundamental rights, performance of duties, adherence to social and legal obligations, and finally, a staunch faith in the values of justice, liberty, equality, fraternity, and dignity of human personality. Thus, the concept of social justice does not merely mean the distribution of social wealth, but is basically a mode of life based on liberty, equality, and fraternity. In short, the essence of Ambedkar’s concept of social justice is the unity and equality of all human beings, independently of considerations of class,

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gender, and caste, with respect to respect, rights, benevolence, mutual love, sympathy, tolerance, and charity towards fellow beings, the dignity of all citizens, the abolition of caste distinction, education and property for all, good will and gentleness. Dr. Ambedkar insisted on social justice because it includes all kinds of justice, namely legal, economic, political, divine, religious, natural, distributive, administrative, and also welfare of children and women. With this elaboration of Ambedkar’s concept of social justice, we will see how he has used it as an evaluative principle.

Indian Concept of Social Justice Dr. Ambedkar was indeed a symbol of social justice. He played a major role in reforming the vertical hierarchical Brahminical social order, and in establishing humanitarian social order based on the principles of equality, liberty, fraternity, and collective welfare. Brahmins were the earliest beneficiaries of the concept of reservation by a peculiar method. Instead of directly reserving the positions for them, by way of Varnashrama Dharma, they disqualified and eliminated all the others from contesting. The Varnashrama Dharma fortified the Brahmins alone to enjoy all the powers, and control all the positions and offices, and hence to dominate the Indian society for many centuries. Protective discrimination is not only economic but also irrevocable and providential. Some changes took place in the socio-economic and political system of India through the vision of Ambedkar. The period from the early 1920s to the early 1950s is a crucial in terms of the evolution of the socio-economic and political framework of the country. As a cabinet member in-charge of Ministry of Labor, Irrigation, and Power portfolio from 1942-1946, Ambedkar was instrumental in laying the foundation of India’s water and electric shape to the policy and planned development of the country’s economy. With these objectives and sect oral priorities, this plan showed the significant influence of Ambedkar’s thinking. He was indeed a multi-faceted revolutionary. He emancipated Dalits, tribals, women, peasants, workers, and other weaker sections of Indian society. He was a great liberator of humanity and the messiah of the oppressed and suppressed masses of India. He also took active part in education, organization, emancipation, and empowerment of all weaker sections until his last breath. After independence, the Government of India took up many legal and political steps to remove these disabilities in order to end exploitation of these vulnerable sections. In the hands of upper caste Hindus, the modern policy provided many protective measures in the Constitution of India, and also initiated many programmes for the social development of these castes.

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Dr. Ambedkar was a great media professional and critic of his times. He edited Mookanayak (Leader of the Dumb), Bahiskruta Bharat (secluded India), Samantha (Equality), and Janatha (People). His struggle for social justice and political equality, especially for the oppressed class in the Hindus society, has remained the keystone of Indian democracy. Thus, his ideology makes him a socialist, economist, political thinker, strategist, constitutional lawmaker, and cultural revolutionary. In the first part, we attempt to explain the contribution of Dr. Ambedkar into Indian polity and in the second part economic ideas of Ambedkar are analyzed. These ideas of Ambedkar include emphasis on capital investment in agriculture and priority for industrialization to have a more active and positive role for the state in planned development or its economy and emphasis on planning and the public sector with a definite place for the poor and socially oppressed section in the planned economic development of the country in general and the need for social policy for the downtrodden in particular.

Social Justice Trinity Dr. Ambedkar’s works are imperative for social transformation or reconstruction i.e., to uphold the need for human dignity, equality, and liberty, rights and civil facilities for the underprivileged, and this may be the gist of his social justice, which according to him could lead to social harmony, social stability, and kindly patriotic feelings. He declares that the Untouchability is not only a system of unmitigated economic exploitation, but is also a system of uncontrolled economic exploitation i.e., because there is no independent public opinion to him, defined his social ideologies by saying my social philosophy may be set to be enshrined in three words: liberty, equality, and fraternity. He concerted debate on justice, equality, and fraternity reminds people of the social justice trinity, embodied in preamble of the Constitution of India in particular, and the concept of the social justice trinity enjoined in the Constitution of India in general. Social justice, as per the Indian Constitution, has twin objectives: (1) to usher in a new social order ensuring social justice to all citizens, and (2) to protect the liberties of the people from the onslaughts of autocratic and arbitrary powers. The Constitution envisages a tripartite picture of social justice (social, economic, and political) is directed in the preamble, procured by the directive principles of state policy, and secured by fundamental rights. Both fundamental rights and directive principles aim at establishing a just social order to the entire masses of the nation, including the have nots and the handicapped, the lowliest and the lost. The freedom guaranteed under

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the Constitution is not an end in itself, but the means to Ambedkar. Any test that serves to perform this task most effectively should be treated as objective social justice. The first condition that I think is a condition precedent for the successful working of a democracy is that there must be no glaring class that has got all the privileges and another class that has got all the burdens to carry. Such a thing, such a division, such an organization of a society has within itself the germs of a bloody revolution, and perhaps it would be impossible for democracy to cure them. Social justice through protective discrimination is not a privilege given to some aliens by somebody out of mercy or magnanimity, but it is rather the rights of those who had not either realized or raised their voices so far, but were exploited and deprived for many centuries (Bhatia, 1994). The concern of these critics is mainly with regard to the employment front. In the educational sector, their problem is mainly with higher education, and very particularly with professional courses like medicine or engineering. Another criticism against reservation policy is that in the 60 years of the implementation of the communal reservation, a section of the oppressed people became elevated from their brethren. These sections are called the creamy layer of their lot, and they continue to enjoy the privileges and also become an obstruction for other underprivileged people. This argument looks at whether these critics are reasonably human and have concern for the uneducated lot of the oppressed. Hence they argue that protective discrimination has undergone a development at the upper end and stagnation at the bottom (Galantar, 1984). Therefore, the concept of the creamy layer among the oppressed is a veiled move by the opponents of the policy of communal reservation with an ulterior motive to divide and intrigue the oppressed people into rivalry. However, the recently passed the Constitution Amendment (104) Bill providing reservation for the socially and educationally backward classes, besides the SCs and STs, in private unaided educational institutions demonstrates the great change of mind among Indians, and the support of the political parties for the bill was almost unanimous. Dr. Ambedkar, while addressing the Constituent Assembly of India on 26 January 1950 said that we are going to enter into a life of contradictions. In politics, we will have equality, and in social and economic life we will have inequality. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment, or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the structure of political democracy that this assembly has so laboriously built up. He realized that in India, next only to human resources, land is the most important natural resource, and there can be no effective movement towards genuine equality, nor any real upliftment of

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the oppressed classes, without drastic land reforms and extreme economic changes. Most importantly of all, he proposed that agriculture should be a state industry. He further proposed that all subsisting rights in keyindustries, basic industries, insurance and agricultural land should be acquired by the state on payment of compensation. Agricultural industry was to be organized by the division of the land into farms of standardized sizes. The farms were to be collectivized; collective farms were formed by village groups, without distinction of group or caste, and the product was shared by them in a prescribed manner. There were no to be landlords, no tenants, and no landless laborers. The state was to be under an obligation to finance the cultivation of the collective farms, to supply water, and so on. Dr. Ambedkar explained that the purpose behind his proposal was to oblige the state to plan the economic life of the people so as to attain a high point of productivity, without shutting the door to private enterprise, and also to promote the equitable distribution of wealth. He was of the view that the system of graded inequality was not national but legal and penal, and that justice in the Indian feudal order had three characteristics. First, it always preferred hierarchy to equality. Secondly, this concept of justice underlines the importance of responding to traditional rights and performing traditional duties. Finally, Hindu law means different things to different castes and people. This concept of justice has been used at the ideological level by the upper castes and classes. To deny deprived sections the essence of justice in the Indian context served to validate societal stratification and perpetuate casteism. From the Rigvedic time, Indian society has shown deep concern for social justice. The Vedic concept of Dharma, which is the kingpin of the whole social edifice, permeates every thought and action of the individual from Vedic time onwards. In its pure form, Dharma means that which helps the upliftment of a living being. Gokulesh Sharma (1997), quoting Madhavacharaya’s commentary of Parashara Smriti, explained that the Dharma has that which sustains and ensures progress and welfare of all in this world, and eternal bliss in the other world. Welfare of all is enshrined in the concept lokaa smastha sukhino bhabantu, meaning let all people on earth be happy. Actually, the Indian concept of social justice was the crystallization and operationalization of another basic concept thath twam asi (that thou art).

Ambedkar and his Struggle for Social Justice Ambedkar’s idea of social justice is woven into a single thread that runs continuously through his writings regarding equality, liberty,

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fraternity, human rights, socio-economic democracy, and the state and minorities, it appears that Ambedkar’s various theoretical positions with particular reference to social justice are so close to each other that they could lead to misinterpretation if not carefully differentiated using the dialectical method that is available in Ambedkar’s writings. Therefore, we must first locate Ambedkar’s idea of social justice on a more visible and symmetric terrain. Second, bring out the essence of his idea of social justice that he seems to have developed through the dialectical negation of his earlier positions on this subject. Third, outline the mechanism that Ambedkar suggested for meting out justice to untouchables. Finally, we have made an attempt to critically assess Ambedkar’s concept of social justice in the modern context. Before discussing Ambedkar’s concept of justice, it would be fruitful to discuss the various versions of social justice that thinkers in India seem to have advocated from time to time, both in the pre and post-Ambedkar periods. Historically speaking, justice in the Indian context was seen as an important social value in as much as it consisted in the strict observance or enforcement of Hindu law, which was based on the four Varnas, and an elaborated caste system. According to Ambedkar, Hindu law is that of the established order, made by the touchables. The untouchables had nothing to do except to obey and respect it. The untouchables have no rights against the touchables. For them there is no equal right, no justice due to them, and nothing is allowed for them. Nothing is due to them except what the touchables are prepared to grant. The untouchables must not insist on rights. They should pray for mercy and favour and be content with what is offered. Ambedkar further maintained that the established order was based on graded inequality and was legitimized by Hindu law, which completely negated equality, fraternity, liberty, democracy, and human rights. Ambedkar was of the view that the system of graded inequality was not notional but legal and penal. Thus, it can be argued that at the philosophical level, justice in the Indian feudal order had three characteristics: First, it gave preference to hierarchy over equality. Second, this concept of justice underlined the importance of respecting traditional rights and performing traditional duties. Finally, Hindu law meant different things to different castes and people. The concept of justice contained no notion of equal treatment to all men. In other words, the function of justice in this kind of situation was to preserve the existing hierarchy, rather than provide criterion for social reforms. This concept of justice has been used at the ideological level by the upper castes and classes to deny deprived sections the essence of justice. Justice in the

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Indian context was served to validate societal stratification and to perpetuate casteism. Movements of untouchables against this kind of injustice by the Hindu social order have a long history, particularly in Maharashtra. Dalit saints are found complaining to God about the injustice that was heaped on them by the exploitative social structure (Babasaheb Ambedkaranche, 1991). However, their idea of justice was concerned with equality only in relation to God, and not elsewhere, and confined it to devotees and the common man. Ambedkar criticized this logic, the religious concept of justice on the ground was that it was limited to devotees and failed to attack the Chaturvarna system, which was mainly responsible for perpetuating the structures of inequality. He argued that Dalit saints, individually speaking, might have achieved equality in the eyes of God and hence in the spiritual realm, but they failed to attack the social inequality that subverted the material life of millions of untouchables for centuries. In our time, we have come across the position taken by Walter Kaufmann that the origin of justice has to be traced meta physically to a kind of inherent moral sense in man, to his multiple emotive faculties (Gupta, 1979). Speaking about the multiple dimensions of this unfulfilled promise, Kaufmann said that the promise may concern reward or punishment, and this may be deferred or it may never come in our own sense or in that of others, and this non-event may be met with envy or compassion, with self-pity or guilt, with indignation or concern, with ardent hope or extreme anxiety. Ambedkar, like the overwhelming majority of liberal philosophers has opposed this metaphysical concept of justice (Shobhan Lal, 1979). He was of the opinion that it was absolutely futile to expect any compassion from touchables, who were pledged to Brahmanism (Ratnakar, 1989). He said that touchables lacked social conscience towards untouchables and their sense of obligation was restricted to a limited class of people, mainly the members of their caste. He further argued that it is because of this that untouchables could not be said to belong to the society of Hindus; the upper caste did not think that they and the untouchables belonged to one society. This is the reason why the conduct of Hindus is marked by a moralistic United Nations concern. In his sharp attack on this metaphysical theory of justice, Ambedkar further said that not having conscience, the Hindu has not searched for something in him, as righteous indignation against the inequalities and injustice from which the untouchable has been suffering. He sees no wrong in these inequalities and injustices, and refuses to budge. By his absence of conscience, the Hindu is a great obstacle in the path of the removal of untouchability. On yet another occasion, Ambedkar linked up this lack of concern and the lack of

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righteous indignation to the spiritual and material interests of touchables. He was of the opinion that touchables were insensitive to the justice of untouchables due to the heavy influence of Hindu Dharma (Bahishkruit Bharatatil Agralekh). He further argued that this impact is perpetuated by high caste Hindus who would not like untouchables to share their material comforts. Thus, Ambedkar, on very material grounds, rejected this metaphysical deduction of justice from the concept of self-consciousness. He maintains that touchables have become indifferent to untouchables because of their material interests. Brahminical values are used by upper castes to deny untouchables the social justice that otherwise directly threatens their material interests. It is this caste consciousness among touchables that makes Ambedkar suspicious about the validity of the legal concept of justice, which involves punishment of wrong doing and the compensation of injury through the creation and enforcement of a published set of rules (Millan, 1979). In view of the fragmented and, therefore, discriminatory nature of Hindu law during the feudal period, Ambedkar seemed to welcome the legal intervention of the British. Their attempts to standardize the legal system in India gave effect to the concept of equality before law. For example, Ambedkar found British legal injunctions useful in declaring the practice of untouchability to be invalid. He said that it was possible under the rule of law to declare untouchability as invalid on the grounds that it was opposed to morality and public policy. But it would be of no use, Ambedkar lamented, unless it was declared to be so by a judicial tribunal. He was of the opinion that such a measure would be of great help to untouchables in their fight for civil rights because it would seem illegal to import untouchability in civil matters. However, Ambedkar maintained the view that legal justice on the formal or theoretical level would be ineffective on the practical level. As he said that it might have been through that that this principle of equal justice would strike a Dalit blow to the established order. As a matter of fact, far from suffering any damage, the established order has continued to operate. It might be asked why the principle of equal justice has failed to have its effect. The answer to this is simple. To enunciate the principle of justice is one thing, to make it effective is another thing. Whether the principle of equal justice is effective or not must necessarily depend on the nature and character of the civil services who administer the principle. If the civil services are by reason of class bias the friend of the established order and the enemy of the new order, the new order can never come into being, that a civil service in tune with the new order was essential for the success of the new order was recognized by Karl Marx in 1871 in the

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formation of the Paris Commune, and was adopted by Lenin in the Constitution of Soviet Communism. Unfortunately, the British government never cared about the personnel in the civil service. Indeed, it opened the gates of the administration to those classes who believed in the old established order of the Hindus, in which the principles of equality had no place. As a result of this fact, India has been ruled by the British, but administered by the Hindus. According to Ambedkar, upper caste administrators have a Hindu bias and an antipathy towards untouchables, which results in the denial of protection and justice to the latter. During the Mahad Satyagraha organized for establishing the right of Dalits to take water from the Chowder tank, Ambedkar proclaimed that untouchables wanted a complete overhauling of the Hindu social system. He further argued that this reconstruction must not have as its foundation the Hindu Shastra, but be consonant with justice and equality, which he later on embedded into the philosophy of Buddhism. As is clear from the political practice of the Dalit movement, Ambedkar used all just forms of protest: from launching temple entry and of Hindu practices to conversion to Buddhism for establishing social justice, and preferential treatment to untouchables in the fields of bureaucracy and politics, with the intention of protecting their interests. In this regard, it is essential to take into consideration Ambedkar’s evidence before the South Borough Committee, and later on in the first All India Depressed Classes Congress, held at Nagpur in 1930. While advocating special treatment for untouchables in the services, Ambedkar said that the power to administer laws is no less important than the power to make laws, and the spirit of the legislators may easily be violated, if not nullified by the machinery of the administrators. This is not the only reason why the depressed classes should show special concern for securing power of control over admonition. Often at times under pressure of work or under difficulties of circumstances, one has to leave a good deal of discretionary power in the hands of the heads of the administrative departments. The welfare of the people must greatly depend on how impartially this discretionary power is exercised. In a country like India, where the public service is almost exclusively manned by the people of one community, there is a great danger of this vast discretionary power being used for the personal aggrandizement of a class. The best antidote against it is to insist on a proper mixture of castes and creeds, including the depressed classes, in the public services of the country. We should demand a certain percentage in the public services to be preserved for the depressed classes, and there will be no difficulty in guaranteeing this safeguard to us by a clause in the Constitution. Such

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protection you could have dispensed with if there was any chance of the depressed classes being represented in the future cabinets of the country. However there is not the remotest chance of this in view of the fact that depressed classes will always remain in the minority. Ambedkar, while stating the importance of political reservations for untouchables said that the significance of suffrage or a political right consists in a change for active and direct participation in the regulation of the term upon which associated life shall be sustained. Now, the terms upon which associated life between the touchables and untouchables is carried on today are the most ignominious to the former and highly detrimental to the latter. To make effective the capacities of a people, there must be the power to fix the social conditions of their exercise. If the conditions are too obdurate, it is in the interest of the untouchables, as well as the touchables, that the conditions should be revised. The untouchables must be in a position to influence the revision looking to the gravity of their interest. They should get their representation as proposed in proportion to their population. The mode of acquiring this political power in Ambedkar’s scheme however, has to be located in a pluralist framework where sharing of political power is the main assumption. Ambedkar’s concept of political power was aimed at enabling Dalits to secure social justice on more equitable and honorable terms. However, it is necessary to point out here the shift in Ambedkar’s position. He started with a negation of the legal concept of justice on the grounds that it cannot be relished because its implementation is in the hands of the upper caste. On this occasion, however, he seems to be affirming this form of justice, provided the implementation of the legal provisions is vested, and justice appears to be embedded within the liberal framework. In fact, Ambedkar’s idea of social justice is tantamount to the concept of Rawls, who includes in his theory of distributive justice an element of the difference principle; in Ambedkar’s case it is the principle of special treatment. Both these principles of justice require a distribution of resources that will most effectively satisfy the needs of the worst off. Distributive justice, according to another author, also involves the principle of equality. Nevertheless in Ambedkar’s case it involves prestige and honor, along with the equality principle. The question that arises here is, Does Ambedkar’s concepts of justice remain fettered within the narrow contours of liberalism? Does it imply the reconciliation of conflicting interests in society? Does it expose the limits of both legal and political justice that Ambedkar was talking about earlier? The answer to these questions can be given in the following section. Before that it is essential to mention that Ambedkar’s concept of

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justice is not an abstract and static one; on the contrary, it is a concrete and dynamic concept to be understood in terms of the changing social reality. As we have already seen, Ambedkar’s concept of justice keeps developing out of the negation of his earlier positions on justice. It moves in a direction away from the limits inherent in the liberal notion of social justice. Though his concept of social justice involves a normative element in as much as it aims at desirability or goodness in social life, he views rather objectively the limitations of the liberal concept of justice, which does not see the contradictions between how one lives and how one can live. Ambedkar very clearly saw the conflicting interests that severely baffled the untouchable bureaucrats and the legislators who tried to mete out justice to their own caste. Ambedkar was painfully aware that, even if adequately represented, untouchables would not be able to mete out justice to their people because they would be working under the terrible pressures and conditions of socio-economic insecurity dictated by the dominant forces in the country (Gopal, 1994). Regarding political leaders and legislators, Ambedkar lost the hope that he would be able to uphold any justice for their people without the permission of their political bosses in the Congress party. Therefore, it is clear that for Ambedkar, political justice was not enough for the good of the untouchables; in fact, he gave more importance to social and economic justice. Nay, he considered socioeconomic justice as the precondition for redeeming political justice. He said that it is also clear from the above that unlike ethical philosophers who locate justice exclusively in moral terms. Ambedkar does not abstract the concept of social justice from its material base (that is, the social base). His concept of justice is firmly rooted in the synthesis of social equality involving freedom and liberty with economic equality. This is reflected in his understanding of the French Revolution and Russian Revolution. Ambedkar considers the French Revolution as the first stage and the Russian Revolution as the second stage in human liberation (Khairmode, 1987).

Protective Discrimination Protective discrimination is one of three ways in which the government attempts to deal with the problems confronting the scheduled castes. First, there are several constitutional and other legal provisions that remove discrimination against untouchables and grant them the same rights as others citizens. Second, general development and welfare programmes to aid landless agricultural laborers, municipal slum dwellers, or other low

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income groups benefit SC individuals since they are found in large numbers in such populations. In these programmes, the criteria of eligibility for benefits vary with the kind of benefits involved. The third alternative adds another criterion of eligibility to caste membership that protects the scheduled castes’ interests by making other people ineligible. That is all it does, for benefits of the third type are not automatically given to anyone. The jobs, scholarships, loans, and grants must still be applied for on the proper forms, and the applicant must present evidence that he possesses the minimum qualifications prescribed for him. In addition, he must present proper written certification that he belongs to one of the castes on the schedule, a requirement that protects his right to be considered for the benefit by making non-members ineligible (Dushkin, 1972). Another major feature of the system is that it is by definition temporary and is supposed to last only as long as it is needed. In theory, the protective caste criterion is used to ensure members of the lowest castes a share of power and opportunity for advancement until they can hold their own without it. However, no guidelines have been established for determining when this goal has been reached, and the only provision with a legal time limit on it has been extended each time it was about to expire. The benefits obviously build a vested interest in their own perpetuation. To the extent that the correlation breaks down between caste membership and actual levels of income, education, and power, the system that relies on such a correlation becomes less workable and more subject to criticism.

Social Mobility A number of constitutional safeguards have been provided, after independence, to the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes under the policy of the protective discrimination, popularly known as the reservation policy. These safeguards are primarily in the areas of their social welfare: protection from all sorts of exploitation and discrimination, and overall social and economic development. The reservation given in the areas of education, employment in public sector jobs (recently in the private sector also), and representation in the Parliament and state Legislatures is to protect the interests and to facilitate social and economic development of various scheduled castes in the country. Through the whole scheme with the concurrence of the central government, a national policy has been adopted, and the state governments are empowered to implement its various provisions in their own ways but within the overall directives laid down by the central government.

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The causes of social mobility in terms of the supply of vacant status and the interchangeability of ranks as envisaged in the theory are not directly relevant in the case of the sponsored social mobility among the scheduled castes. In fact, their mobility is greatly facilitated by the government policy of preferential treatment or protective discriminations meant for them, though the policy does generate a spirit of competitiveness or contest mobility among them to fill the vacant statuses or positions in the class structure. This also helps them to claim a higher status in the caste system in which no vacancy of statuses exist. Hence, there is no question of demand and supply of vacant statuses and interchangeability of ranks in the caste system (Schermerhorn, 1978). The mobile scheduled castes have remained in semi-limbosatiation, as they are uprooted from their family and caste, and nobody knew where they would go. They have also suffered from the stigmatized identity of being untouchables. Contrary to this, we have found that not only those who opposed the hierarchical identification and were identified at the non caste class level, but even those who believed in contra-identification were, in fact, in an identification dilemma. They were ambivalent to their identification, as their kith and kin were still a part of the Hindu caste system, and they themselves lived with their caste members, continuing their relations with them and availing themselves of the reservation facilities meant for the scheduled castes, especially when they had to face various types of prejudices and discriminations. Hence, they were opposed to the ethnocentric (caste) identification. Thus, the findings of our study suggest the emergence of a new middle class, which is an outcome of the protective discrimination, is quite different from the old middle class in the country due to its specific social background and distinct historical origin. The members of the new middle class have not yet been fully accepted by the old middle class. In addition, a sizeable number of them suffer from status anxiety resulting from an incongruity between their caste and class statuses. Further, they have an ambivalent identification due to dualism, that is, ethnocentric identification and contra-identification.

Social Transformation The transition from a feudal society to a democratic structure, and from an oligarchic state to democratic polity, is necessarily a painful, slow, and arduous process. The pre-independence colonial India was characterized by a predominance of feudal relationships, attitudes, and organization in rural areas. These feudal forces received reinforcement and support from an oligarchic state. Power was primarily in the hands of small elite groups

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comprised of representatives of the imperial government and its local allies who, with some honorable exceptions, were, to paraphrase Macaulay. Leaders of the freedom struggle had an insight into the conditions of, and were able to identify themselves to an extent with, the rural masses. This is why they succeeded in mobilizing people for the cause they espoused. Their appreciation of social realities, however, was partial; it enabled them to anticipate only certain kinds of difficulties inherent in the transition from a feudalistic society and oligarchic state to a democratic order. Leaders like M.K. Gandhi and Dr. Ambedkar had greater awareness and were able to effectively highlight the existing inequalities, injustices, and extreme forms of social discrimination, economic exploitation, and inhuman customs and practices. Though M.K. Gandhi called untouchability a sin against God and humanity, and initiated a number of measures to abolish the practice, it continued unabated in its revolting cruelty, intolerable indignity, and insufferable humiliation.

Political Safeguards The period from 1947 to 1951 was, for Ambedkar, a period of creative co-operation with the Congress government. It is interesting to note that once Ambedkar became the Law Minister of India, he fell in line with the views of Gandhi as far as the emancipation of the untouchables was concerned. He gave up the concept of separate electorates and accepted that the scheduled castes were not a minority, but an underprivileged part of Hinduism, and required safeguards for a temporary period to become an integral part of their community. The greatest contribution of Ambedkar and the Congress, which represented the views of Gandhi, for the cause of the scheduled castes, was that in the Constitution of India, the fundamental rights, including equality before the law, were made applicable to all citizens of India, irrespective of caste and creed. It should not be forgotten that Ambedkar was the only member of the scheduled caste in the Assembly who was elected on a non-Congress platform. The Assembly was dominated by the Congress party. Although Ambedkar had a major role as Law Minister in the drafting of the Constitution, all the provisions were much debated and scrutinized by various luminaries (Constituent Assembly Debate, Vol. XIV). It would not be wrong to say therefore that the provisions of the Constitution granting equal rights to the scheduled castes embodied the dreams of both Gandhi (through the Congress) and Ambedkar, who without doubt were the greatest emancipators of the untouchables in modern India. Both of them strove for the uplifting of the scheduled

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castes, but concentrated on different areas, and their work was complementary and supplementary to each other. Ambedkar worked primarily amongst the scheduled castes and fought for their political rights to secure social and economic justice for them. Gandhi worked primarily amongst caste Hindus to bring about a change of heart towards the scheduled castes and to ensure that the scheduled castes remained within the Hindu fold. In assessing their roles, it would not be wrong to say that Ambedkar was the saviour of the scheduled castes, while Gandhi was the saviour of Hinduism. In their rivalry, Gandhi emerged the winner, as even after his death, Ambedkar accepted his views. The crowning glory of their mission was the Constitution of India, which safeguarded the rights of the scheduled castes. The provisions of the Constitution, which embodied the dreams of Gandhi and Ambedkar, are highlighted below: (i)

(ii)

(iii)

(iv)

Equally before law: Article 14 provides that the state shall not deny to any person equality before the law or the equal protection of the laws. Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or birth: Article 15 provides that the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on these grounds. No citizen shall on these grounds be subject to any disability or restriction with regard to access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of public entertainment, or the use of wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads, and places of public resort maintained wholly or partly out of state funds or dedicated to the use of the general public. Article 15(4) also provides that nothing in this Article shall prevent the state from making any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens, or for the scheduled castes and tribes. Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment: Article 16 provides that no citizen shall, on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth, residence, or any of them, be ineligible for, or discriminated against, in respect of any employment or office under the state. Article 16(4) also provides that nothing in this Article shall prevent the state from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens that in the opinion of the state is not adequately represented in the services under the state. Abolition of untouchability: Article 17 provides that untouchability is abolished, its practice in any form is forbidden, and enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law.

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(vi)

(vii)

(viii)

(ix)

(x)

(xi)

(xii)

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Freedom of religion: Article 25 provides that all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right to freely profess, practice, and propagate religion. Article 25(2) provides that nothing in this Article shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the state from making any law providing for social welfare and reform, or the throwing open of Hindu religious institutions of a public character to all classes and sections of Hindus. Explanation II to Article 25(2) provides that the reference to Hindus shall profess the Sikh, Jaina, or Buddhist religion, and the reference to Hindu religious institutions shall be construed accordingly. Welfare State: Article 38 provides that the state shall strive to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in the institutions of the national life. Protection from Injustice: Article 46 provides that the state shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of people, and in particular of the scheduled castes and tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. Welfare of tribals: Article 164 provides that in the states of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, and Orissa, there shall be a minister in charge of tribal welfare who may in addition be in charge of the scheduled castes and backward classes, or any other work. Right to vote: Article 325 provides that there shall be one general electoral role for every constituency for election to either the House of Parliament or the House of the Legislature of a State, and no person shall be ineligible for inclusion in such roll or claim to be included in any special electoral role for any such constituency on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, or any of them. Adult suffrage: Article326 provides that the elections to the house of people and to the legislative assemblies of states shall be on the basis of adult suffrage. Reservation of seats for scheduled castes: Article 330 provides that seats shall be reserved in the house of the people for the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes as nearly as may be in proportion to their population, as ascertained at the last preceding census of which the relevant figures have been published. Article 332 makes similar provisions in the legislative assemblies of the states. Reservations for elections to be temporary: Article 334 provides that the reservation of seats for the scheduled castes and scheduled

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tribes shall cease on the expiry of 10 years. However, this provision has been amended from time to time and now provides for reservations to cease on the expiry of 50 years. Reservations of elections to be temporary: Article 335 provides that the claims of the members of the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of administration, in the making of appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs of the union states. Special officer for scheduled castes and tribes: Article 338 provides that there shall be a special officer for the scheduled castes and tribes to be appointed by the President. It shall be the duty of the special officer to investigate all matters relating to the safeguards provided for the scheduled castes and tribes under the Constitution, and report to the President on the working of those safeguards at such intervals as the President may direct, and the President shall cause all such reports to be laid before each house of parliament. Scheduled castes and tribes: Articles 341 and 342 provide that the President, after due procedure, may, by public notification, specify the castes, races, or tribes which shall be deemed to be scheduled castes or tribes, as the case may be. Parliament may by law include or exclude the list of scheduled castes and tribes specified in a notification of any caste, race, or tribe. Article 366 defines scheduled castes and tribes to mean such castes, races, or tribes, or parts of groups within such castes, races, or tribes as are deemed under Articles 341 and 342 to be scheduled castes and tribes. The fifth schedule also provides for the administration and control of scheduled tribes in certain areas through tribe advisory councils.

The system of separate electorates on communal lines granted by the British to religious minorities was given up; instead, a system of joint electorates with reservation of seats for scheduled castes and tribes was provided. Article 334 fixed the period of reservation as 10 years from the commencement of the Constitution. Ambedkar proposed a longer period; however, he accepted the period of ten years, which was based on general agreement among the parties concerned, stating that It was considered necessary to extend the period to the end of 10 years, it would not be beyond their capacity or their interests to invent new ways of getting the protection that they were promised here (Constituent Assembly Debate, Vo1. XI). How farsighted and right was Ambedkar, as the reservations, which were to cease after 10 years, have continued to this day. In essence,

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Ambedkar was able to secure all the political safeguards he had been demanding, except the concept of separate electorates. The safeguards provided for the scheduled castes in the Constitution of India amounted to the implementation of the Poona pact. Ambedkar had finally given up the concept of separate electorates. In a speech at the inauguration of Siddhartha College on 25 September 1947, he stated that it is also interesting to note that after independence, Ambedkar, like Gandhi, stood firmly for the unity for India. He favored centralized government, integration of Indian states with the union of India, Hindi as the optional language for every province, and joint electorates. When Gandhi talked of Swaraj, he meant the achievement of the same ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity espoused by Ambedkar, which were ultimately enshrined in the preamble to the Constitution of India. Gandhi’s endeavor was that socio-economic justice should be available to all classes, irrespective of caste, creed, or religion. Ambedkar wanted a separate identity for the depressed classes first, and Swaraj afterwards. To Gandhi this was placing the cart before the horse. To Gandhi, once Swaraj was attained, other freedoms would follow, whereas Ambedkar’s suspicion was that after independence, nobody would bother about the upliftment of the depressed classes. Gandhi wanted to remove untouchables from the hearts of the caste Hindus and absorb the scheduled castes as an integral part of the Hindu community. Ambedkar wanted the scheduled castes to organize themselves politically as a distinct entity and fight for their rights. Dushkin (1972), in The Policy of the Indian National Congress, writes Probably nowhere in the world is so large a lower class minority granted so much favorable treatment by the government as are the depressed classes of India today. This would not have been possible without the efforts of Gandhi amongst the caste Hindus and Ambedkar amongst the scheduled castes. The policies pursued by Gandhi and Ambedkar, in the ultimate analysis, worked in conjunction with each other. Both Gandhi and Ambedkar were great men. While Gandhi was the Father of the Nation, Ambedkar was the Father of the Indian Constitution. While Gandhi was an apostle of peace and non-violence, Ambedkar became a convert to Buddhism, which preached universal peace and non-violence. Both of them worked assiduously for the emancipation of the scheduled castes, though their means differed. For Gandhi, the change had to come primarily in the hearts of caste Hindus. He staked his life on retaining the scheduled castes within the Hindu fold. Gandhi wanted political freedom before the rights of various classes could be secured. Ambedkar agitated for separate electorates but showed generosity of spirit and gave up this demand to save Gandhi’s life. It is unfortunate that Gandhi died on 30

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January 1948 and could not see for himself the progress made by the scheduled castes. Ambedkar was fortunate enough to see for himself the initial progress made by the scheduled caste arising out of the safeguards provided in the Constitution. However, without a leader of Ambedkar’s stature, the scheduled castes are politically fragmented. Atrocities on them in the countryside continue, though the educated amongst them have attained high positions in government or public life, and fend for themselves. The reservations have benefited a segment of scheduled castes that are already economically better off. If the advantage of the reservations went to the economically backward scheduled castes, the situation would be different. The progress of reconstruction of their social and economic life is tardy. The actual filling of reserved posts in the governments as well as the public sector continues to lag behind on the pretext of class becoming scheduled castes. No leader of Ambedkar’s stature has emerged. The Scheduled Castes Federation and its successor, the Republican Party of Untouchability is a crime under the Untouchability Offences Act, 1955, but the Act has proved extremely difficult to enforce. To take a case to Court is expensive, and there are no central resources to assist in a prolonged lawsuit. Untouchability has not completely gone away from Indian society and is still practiced in remote villages in backward areas. Occasionally, there are reports on atrocities on scheduled castes in different parts of the country. There is, however a major redeeming feature. The condition and status of scheduled castes is not what it was half a century ago. A transformation has taken place for the better in their political consciousness, social intercourse, economic opportunity, and style of living. India still has miles to go before these centuries old disabilities disappear, but much depends on the scheduled castes too. They must develop the spirit of independence and self-help, and a sense of their own self-worth, which compels respect. They must organize themselves and produce honest and able leadership to keep the caravan going. They must exploit the politics of numbers to their advantage, and not allow themselves to be fragmented politically. The Constitution guarantees the protection and progress of the scheduled castes for an initial period of ten years, which was enshrined as a result of the life long efforts of Gandhi and Ambedkar. It was their dream that during these ten years, the scheduled castes would make adequate progress through education, employment, and political development to become an integral part of Indian society, not tainted in any way. The complete emancipation of the scheduled castes has yet to be attained, as is evident from the extension of the constitutional guarantees for the past forty years. At a time when untouchability was widely practiced in India, Ambedkar and

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Gandhi envisaged their social emancipation and worked with dedication for this goal. With each passing year, their version is nearing realization. However, the complete emancipation of the untouchables in modern India will be achieved when the constitutional guarantees are no longer required.

Historicity and Identities Like the imagined communities, the Dalit movement has its own historicity. Time lineage is perceived by the Dalit activists from the perspective of their suffering and oppression by the higher castes. Dalits themselves often refer to the Brahmanic scriptures that legitimize the caste system. The caste system is therefore something that has existed in the Indian subcontinent since the archaic past, and thus, their history is mythologized. The difference from before is that now they are engaged in social action and are struggling for a change. The history takes shape and becomes real and in Dalit activists’ perceptions since the major Dalit history landmark, Ambedkar’s movement in India during the pre- and post-independence periods. It divides the Dalit history into two periods, one being archaic and mysterious, vague and of an endless suffering, and the other one of self awareness and struggle, although still, full of pain. In India, caste is presented as something that exists even after independence, and even after having the Constitution. Most of the Dalit activists consider the Indian Constitution one of the best in the world because of its inclusive multiculturalist ideology. The Constitution symbolizes the success of the Dalits struggle and merits of their famous leader. The Constitution is also important as a legal base, and is often referred to in their rhetoric. Ambedkar was by no doubt the most prominent Dalit leader, and his contribution to the Dalits struggle for their rights is obvious. As he himself was from the untouchable Mahar community, he was, according to Zelliot, a leader of caste, a spokesman of untouchables, and a national spokesman (Zelliot, 2005). For Mahars he meant the struggle for political rights of all Indians in a democratic system. For this reason, the Ambedkar period marks a transformation in the Dalit history. Almost all the reports and publications of the National Campaign of Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) have a picture of Dr. Ambedkar. The picture is located in the preamble, the cover or the inner side of the cover of the edition. They also edit pamphlets about him and his picture can be found on the agitation posters. Most of the pictures of Ambedkar are accompanied by a quotation of his thought, and sometimes he is quoted with no picture. In addition, forewords in the reports end with

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a phrase Jai Bhim (literary meaning victory Bhim), an expression of respect for Ambedkar. In all pictures, Ambedkar is wearing a suit, and thus represents an educated elite person, as he truly was. His elite image and status was of a great importance for his own untouchable Mahar community, as it represented the new identity he sought for the Mahars. One of his main guiding principles for the eradication of untouchability was Dalits’ education and leadership by themselves. He also saw high education as a crucial precondition for Dalits to be able to represent themselves in the executive and administration (Thorat, Kumar, 2008). In addition, he sought to expand educational opportunities for Dalits and make them able to act in the highest levels of Indian urban society. As most of the NCDHR activists are educated middle class and collaborate with the Dalit elite, the images of Ambedkar in the NCDHR’s representation seem to bring more than just historical and ideological meaning. Most of the activists are Dalits themselves, who studied social work, human rights, or other relevant disciplines that are useful in working for the Dalit issue. Hence they constitute the continuity of Ambedkar’s work and leader identities. This particular wording of the disappointment about the present situation of Dalits in spite of the constitutional provisions and even 60 years after independence emerged in some of the interviews with the activists, and can be found in some reports of the NCDHR. By advocating reservations and inclusive policies for particular castes and tribes in India as early as 1930, Ambedkar could be considered a pioneer of affirmative action in practice.

Dalit Movements and Identity The Dalit movements are, in fact, scheduled caste movements. The word oppressed is almost synonymous with the word Dalit. As noted earlier, from Harijan to scheduled castes to Dalit mark the process of emergence of this word. Thus, Dalits are SCs, constituting nearly 16 per cent of India’s population. Most of them are manual and agricultural workers. While many of them are engaged in their traditional occupations, some are in white collar government and public sector jobs (Radhakrishnan, 1991). In Maharashtra, Dr. Ambedkar mobilized the Mahars and other untouchables to launch a socio-political movement against their persistent depressed status. Some scholars have compared the Dalits of India with the blacks of the United States of America (Shah, 1990). Barring some studies, such as by Bharat Patankar and Gail Omvedt

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and Ghanshyam shah (Gail, Shah, 1979), most of the research has emphasized the process of Sanskritization among scheduled castes. Ghanshyam Shah has classified Dalit movements as (a) reformative, and (b) alternative. Reformative movements focus mainly on the study of changes in the caste system and the institution of untouchability. Issues relating to conversion to other religions (e.g., Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity), education, economic status, and political power are taken up in the study of alternative movements (Gore, 1993). However, Patankar and Omvedt mention that the Dalit movements are (a) caste based, and (b) class based. In essence, all Dalit movements are anti-Brahmin, anti-upper castes, and anti-caste. Movements such as Satyashodhak Samaj, AdiDharma, the Adi-Andhra, Adi-Hindu, the Namasudra, Nadar, neoBuddhist, etc., placed emphasis on discarding the Brahminical ways of life and the practice of untouchability. In the process of mobilization, untouchables discarded their traditional occupations too for claiming an equal social status to the clean castes. In fact, Sanskritisation has been found to be the main consequence, albeit not clearly intended, of most Dalit movements. The most significant outcome of the Dalit movements has been the formation of various voluntary organizations for the welfare of the poorest of the poor from among the Dalits. Some of these are: Rural Community Development Association, Harijans Laborers Association, the Agricultural Workers Movement, Rural Harijan Agricultural Development Association, Association of Rural poor, and so on. The main objective of these organizations is to mobilize the agricultural poor from among Dalits to make them conscious of their socio-economic oppression and cultural subjugation. For Peter Robb, all movements of laborers, both tribal and non-tribal including SCs, are Dalit movements. These organizations have so far remained active in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. The message that Ambedkar gave to the bhikkhus was of becoming models of self-culture and self-service. The supporters of Ambedkar’s Buddhism and the Dalit movement considered Ambedkar’s writings on Buddhism as a religion of the oppressed, or a form of liberation theology (Robb, 1993). Ambedkar’s contribution is seen as a shift in the debates from religious to secular discourse, having the emancipator exercise at its core. The Ambedkar’s cult is perhaps in the making. A sense of liberation and freedom through the act of conversion to neo-Buddhism has captured the attention of Dalits more than any other idea. Such was the impact of Kabirpanth and Jyotirao Phule on Ambedkar that it created a sense of repulsion and hatred in him against Hinduism and the traditional caste hierarchy. He distanced himself from Gandhi and became drawn to

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Marxism. Since the early 1970s, the word Dalit has become a positive, assertive expression of pride in untouchable heritage, and a rejection of oppression. Dalit refers to all forms of social and economic oppression as it also applies to other oppressed groups like tribals, religious minorities, women, and the economically oppressed of all castes (Joshi, 1986). Many scholars, however, prefer to use the term untouchable rather than Dalit. Ambedkar’s message for the downtrodden was be a lion, be your own light. He attacked the established Indian order by calling for the destruction of culturally defined inequality and perorating economic inequality. The creation culturally defined inequality and persisting economic inequality. The creation of a counter culture, a culture of protest, was his goal. Ambedkar’s strong advocacy was for a cultural revolution and a radical social democracy. Labor must control the government and not people inspired by self serving individualism. He asked for protection against exploitation as a fundamental right. Even the Gandhian moral reform, orthodox Marxism, western economic developmentalism (both the capitalist and the socialist varieties) put together would not equal an indigenous Dalit tradition. It represents a community of communication within which individuals and organizations argue and evolve.

Approaches for the Study of Dalits Two distinct approaches are found towards Ambedkar’s basic formulations about Indian society. As illustration of these approaches, we propose to highlight briefly the views of M.S. Gore and Gail Omvedt. Gore analyses Ambedkar’s thought system about the Dalit revolt from the historical materialist viewpoint. Gore and Gail were published more or less at the same time in 1993 and 1994, respectively. Let us sum up the salient points of their perspectives on Ambedkar. Gore considers Ambedkar’s thought and action as an ideology of protest. According to Gore, Ambedkar clearly considered the outcaste untouchables to be distinct from the intermediate castes of Marathas and Kunbis, and the backward castes of Telis, Tambolis, barbers, and artisans. It was declared before the Simon Commission that the depressed classes referred to untouchable caste groups, as well as tribal communities, but he preferred to plead on behalf of untouchables only. He was also aware of the fact that untouchables were comprised of several sub castes as unequal status groups within Maharashtra and elsewhere. Despite intra-untouchable distinctions based on language, cultural context, and economic standing, Ambedkar tried to create a sense of common identity among the untouchables of India. Ambedkar identified Brahmins as the real

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adversaries of untouchables, as they were not only priests, but also the most important elite group in society, who controlled public life by holding positions in education, administration, and professions. A counter protest from Brahmins in defense of the established social order would be a natural consequence. Ambedkar hinted at the graded inequality in Indian society as the root cause of the persisting oppression of lower sections. Gore applies the Mertonism paradigm of sociology of knowledge to the understanding of Ambedkar’s ideology and its social context. The communication paradigm is also found useful by Gore in addressing questions like who protests against whom for what reasons, with what objective, and with which means. The nationalist/or larger political context inspired mobilization, but the internal division and stratification among untouchables created obstacles for the movement. The main aim of Ambedkar was to evolve a definite perspective on the problems faced by the untouchables of India. To register their protest and ensure their effective participation in the power structure of Indian society were his main concerns. The untouchables of India were seen by Ambedkar to be different from underdogs elsewhere in the world. To elevate untouchables from the underdog position, Ambedkar emphasized the role of both law and moral order. Gail Omvedt focuses on the Dalit movement as a part of a broader anti caste movement in the colonial period. The Dalit and non-Brahmin anti caste movements can be classified as anti-systemic movements, or as value-oriented movements, as opposed to norm-oriented movements. Omvedt writes: That is, they (movements) challenged and sought to transform the basic structure of the Indian social system, replacing caste and the accompanying social oppression, economic exploitation, and political domination with an egalitarian society. There were also reformist trends in the anti caste movements, particularly represented by Gandhi, Jagjivan Ram, etc., the anti caste Dalit movement imparts a revolutionary message, a will to act against exploitation, a rise from death to life, from darkness to light. Thus, the spirit of militant Marxism and Naxalism is close to the ethos of the Dalit movement. The Dalits, for steering such a movement, must have a power of thought to challenge and destroy Brahminic hegemony and Hindu nationalism. Anti caste radicals are thus distinguished from the reformers. According to Ambedkar, the Indian National Congress was controlled by upper castes and capitalists (Brahman and bourgeois). Phule gave them the name Irani Arya-Bhats, and later on others called them Shetji-Bhatji and referred to these clouts as Brahman Bania Raj. Only a left Dalit unity, having workers and peasants as its core base, can bring about the

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empowerment of the exploited sections of society. Dalit Panthers mention in their manifesto: We do not want a little place in a Brahman Alley. We want the rule of the whole country. The Dalit movement is seen by Omvedt as diversionary, and not simply in class terms or as playing second fiddle to the Congress dominated national movement (Murugkar, 1973). Omvedt suggests formulating a revised historical materialist understanding not only of the linkage between the economic base and the superstructure, but economic processes themselves. Along with economic subordination, Omvedt discusses the role played by cultural/community forms and force, and violence in the agenda she sets for an understanding of the anti caste Dalit movements. Gail Omvedt’s study provides a systematic socio-historical account of Dalits and their movements in the states of Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, and Karnataka from a well knit neo-Marxist viewpoint. With regard to the patterns of Dalit mobilization and Ambedkar, the following points may be mentioned: x As a result of Ambedkar’s leadership the Dalit movement emerged in all regions with similar trends, though with varying degrees of strength. x The movement was genuinely anti-caste, and not merely a caste reform movement. x Dalits as exploited workers, peasants, and agricultural workers were involved with economic or class issues everywhere, in all regions According to Gail, the Dalit movements emerged as a political force at the same time as the non-Brahman movement and at about the same time as the working class and peasantry were creating their organizational forms. With all this, Ambedkarism is considered by Gail as the theory of Dalit liberation. Ambedkarism outlines the following: (i) An uncompromising dedication to the needs of Dalits, which required the total annihilation of the system and the Brahminic superiority it embodies. (ii) An almost equally strong dedication to the reality of India denial of the imposition of a Hindu identity. (iii) A conviction that the eradication of caste required a repudiation of Hinduism as a religion, and adoption of Buddhism as an alternative religion.

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(iv) A broad economic radicalism interpreted as socialism, mixed with and growing out of Ambedkar’s democratic liberalism and liberal dedication to individual rights. (v) A fierce rationalism. (vi) A firmly autonomous Dalit movement having the socially and economically exploited sections (Dalits and Sudras, Workers and peasants in class terms) as an alternative political front to the Congress party, which he saw as the unique platform of Brahminism and capitalism. In 1949 Ambedkar hinted in the Constituent Assembly that the country was entering a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality, and in social and economic life we will have inequality (Dr. Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches, 1945, 1949, 1974, 1979). Ambedkar was so disgusted with the situation that he once said that I myself will burn the Constitution. In the 1970s, the followers of Ambedkar threatened to desecrate the national flag and burn the Constitution, as well as Manusmriti. Ambedkar once declared Nehru to be just another Brahmin. He referred to the Dalit movement as a class caste struggle. He viewed it as a movement for establishing an alternative identity that is explosive and revolutionary. The creation of a new Dalit consciousness is the ultimate goal of Dalit movements. Dalit literature and Dalit writers have been at the center stage in creating a sense of self-respect and dignity. The recent controversy and ensuing conflicts (including killings and suicides) over the issue of renaming the Marathawada University as Dr. B.R. Ambedkar University can be seen as an example of the ongoing power struggle between the upper castes and Dalits.

CHAPTER V PROGRESS AND PROSPERITY OF DALIT MOVEMENTS IN RAYALASEEMA

Geographically, Andhra Pradesh may be divided into three distinct regions, namely coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema, and Telangana. The coastal Andhra region is far more advanced socio-economically than the other two regions. This geographical unevenness has in turn had a profound impact on the socio-economic and politico-cultural aspects of Dalits. The four Districts that constitute Rayalaseema are the most backward and chronically famine affected drought-prone regions. The historical backwardness of Rayalaseema, in the words of G.N. Rao, is on account of the ruthless operation of the colonial interests, a hostile ecosystem and missed opportunities for agricultural and industrial advancement. The Dalits in this region have played a limited role in their socio-political assertion. The Rayalaseema is highly backward despite its rich natural resources. This region includes the southern Districts of Anantapur, Chittoor, Kadapa, and Kurnool. With an area of 67,526 km (42.00% of State area), Rayalaseema is larger than Kerala, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and nine other states in India. It has a population of 15,184,908 (2011 census), which is 30.03% of the state population. Rayalaseema borders the state of Tamil Nadu to the south, Karnataka to the west, Telangana to the north, and the Coastal Andhra region of Andhra Pradesh to the east. The region contributes 52 Assembly segments to the state legislature, and eight Parliamentary constituencies to the Indian parliament. These Telugu speaking Districts were part of the Madras Presidency until 1953, when Telugu speaking Districts of the Presidency were carved out to form Andhra State. From 1953 to 1956, the region was part of Andhra state. In 1956, the Telangana region was merged with Andhra State to form Andhra Pradesh State. Earlier, the Bellary District was part of Rayalaseema. With the formation of States based on languages, Bellary was joined to Karnataka. The city of Bellary, which has large numbers of both Kannada

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and Telugu speakers, was included in Mysore after protracted debate and controversy. Rayalaseema was ruled by Sri Krishnadevaraya. Rayalaseema was the original home of the Eastern Chalukyas, which gradually extended their sway over Karnataka under pressure from the Chola kings. Although Rayalaseema is a small region compared to the rest of the Telugu speaking areas, its contribution to Telugu, Kannada, Tamil, and Urdu arts, culture, and literature is immense. Before and around the period of Chalukya is also called Hiranyaka Rastramu. Only during and after the Vijayanagara era is it called Rayalaseema. During the British era, the Nizam of Hyderabad ceded this area to the British, and so it is also called ceded Districts. After independence, it was renamed as Rayalaseema, as Seema was an administrative unit of the Vijayanagara Empire.

However the name Rayalaseema became popular only in the 20th century. This region was known as Datta Mandalalu or Datta Seema (means ceded region), as Districts of present Rayalaseema were ceded to the British rulers by the Nizam of Hyderabad in gratitude for British help in several wars in 1802. At the beginning of the 20th century, many intellectuals of this region were under the opinion that this name was insulting to the prestige of people. On 17-18 Nov 1928, the Andhra Mahasabha meeting was held in Nandyal town. A serious discussion came about on the naming of this region among the participant leaders.

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Chilukuri Narayana Rao suggested the name Rayalaseema as the Rayala Dynasty of the Vijayanagara Empire mainly ruled this region, and a culture with a proud heritage had flourished. It was thought that this name was given by Gadicherla Harisarvottama Rao. This statement was in debate for a long time; after thorough research it was found that Chilukuri must be credited.

Source of Economy Rayalaseema is rich in minerals namely Asbestos, Barytes, China clay, Calcite, Dolomite, Diamonds, Green Quartz, Iron ore, Lime stone, Silica sand, and what not. Even the rarest metal, Purallin, is lighter than cotton and sturdier than steel is found in Mangampet, Kadapa District. It is useful in curing cancer, AIDS, and is a bullet proof material. Rayalaseema also has rich forest wealth like the rare red sandal wood that is highly economical, and main revenue source for the state, and other forest sources include non-timber resources, and medicinal plants. The region has the TTD board, the richest religious board in the country, has deposits worth thousands of crores of rupees. The region has close proximity to sea ports like Krishnapatnam port and Dugarajapatnam port; both are located within the parliamentary limits of Rayalaseema region. Especially, the Krishnapatnam port is well on its way in becoming the largest automated port for exports and imports in South Asia.

District Politics Rayalaseema is underdeveloped compared to the coastal Andhra region of Andhra Pradesh. The growing movement in Telangana to secede from Andhra Pradesh, as well as southern India’s long droughts, has caused several movements to coalesce around Rayalaseema’s grievances. All of these movements are calling for greater official attention for the region, especially in the form of new water projects, to harness the Krishna and Godavari Rivers to the aid of the regions beleaguered farmers. Rayalaseema JAC, a pressure group in the region, earnestly feels that the region’s progress and development is linked with the formation of a separate state. According to them, as long as Rayalaseema is part of the present Andhra Pradesh or bifurcated Andhra, the regions demands would fall on deaf ears. A separate state with four Districts of Kurnool, Kadapa, Anantapur, and Chittoor can be formed, and it will be a state bigger than more than 10 states in the country. With abundant mineral and forest wealth, with funds from TTD worth thousands of crores of deposits, if

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judiciously used along with the central funds, and setting up other major educational institutions like IIM, IIT, and AIIMS, it can become a state of acclaim. Rayalaseema can soon develop into a wealthy state. The construction of capital itself provides jobs to lakhs of people. They are demanding a separate state. Dalits have always borne the brunt of the caste system. The present discussion is confined to the political aspirations of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh, one of the twenty five states forming the Indian Union, and stretching on the eastern coast of its mainland. Their intense and widespread discontent is a mirror to the socio-economic reality of present day Andhra society. Here we have explained the Dalits post-independence social position and changing conditions. We have analyzed the role of independent India vis-a-vis the condition of Dalits, and how far its preferential measures have accounted for the socio-economic changes and the shaping of Dalit consciousness. Article 17 of the Indian Constitution has abolished untouchability and made its practice in any form punishable. To give force to this enactment; the Protection of Civil Rights Act was passed in 1955, and a renamed Untouchability (Offences) Act in 1976. To give a better representation to Dalits in the Parliamentary democracy, out of 42 Parliamentary constituencies in Andhra Pradesh, six have been reserved for Dalits; of the 294 Assembly constituencies, 39 seats have similarly been reserved. The enforcing of any kind of social disability, such as denying access to any shop, restaurant, hotel, public entertainment, or denying the use of any road, river, well, tank, water tap, bathing ghat, cremation ground, etc., attracts the provisions of the Protection of Civil Rights Act. The practice of untouchability, however, still persists in many villages. In some parts of the Andhra region, the Dalits live the life ayaa banchan dora (means thy servant only, lord). Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema are also not free of these demeaning concepts. The Dalits are still discriminated by the upper castes in the neighboring villages of Rayalaseema Districts of Andhra Pradesh (Report of the Commission 1986-1987). It says that the separate seating arrangements were made in the village schools; they were not allowed to draw water from the public wells, not allowed to enter into the temples and pass through the main village thorough fares. A survey conducted in Chittoor District by the Ambedkar Centenary Celebrations Committee, Hyderabad, is further evidence of the continuing practice of untouchability. It reveals that in 249 villages there were 122 eateries that kept separate glasses for the Dalits. In 80 villages, Dalits were not allowed to enter the temples. In 16 villages, they are not allowed to wear chappals

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while walking in the upper caste streets or locations. In almost all the villages the barbers do not serve them. The total economy of agriculture, industry, and the state administration is dominated by the upper castes, mainly the Kamma, the Reddy, the Kapu, the Brahmana, and the Velama, upon whom the impoverished Dalits are dependent. Dalits are predominantly agricultural laborers and continue to pursue the traditional extreme forms of Varna or caste based modes of labor like Vetti or Vettichakiri in Rayalaseema region, and paleru in coastal Andhra region. Vettichakiri is a form of forced bonded labor, in all its myriad manifestations is the most striking character of feudalism in Rayalaseema. Paleru is not confined to the Dalits alone; all other artisan classes, like toddy tapper, dhobi, and barber have to serve the upper castes for measly returns. The crudest form of paleru, imposed on the Dalits, is called jeetam. The jeetagadu (means permanent bonded servant) mostly lives half-naked, with low calorie intake, and his children can never even think of education. The counterpart of jeetam in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, though perhaps not as degrading, is palem, or permanent farm servant. Such workers are variously called kamatagadu, noukaru, jeetagadu. The paleru has to perform a wide variety of arduous services, both in the field and in the domestic sphere. They have to work in the field or look after the livestock and engage themselves throughout the day, and they feed the cattle and sleep at the cattle shed itself in the nights. Many become paleru before even the age of ten, and remain in that position even when they are sixty. These preferential policies or programmes of the government, though not far going enough, created a fundamental change in the traditional socio-economic structures, with implications for Dalit consciousness and their political mobilization. The foremost such change occurred in the traditional agrarian structure. State intervention through the commercialization of agriculture, initiation of redistribution reforms, and opening up of avenues other than agriculture, made the Dalits slowly withdraw from their traditional Varna caste based extreme forms of traditional Vetti or Vettichakiri, and patent occupations to being independent agrarian wage earners or daily wagers. According to the Census of India 1961, the proportion of Dalits as agricultural labor was 61%. The annual budget of a Mala family at the time was just Rs. 580, of which Rs. 420 were earned through agricultural labor. In 1971, the percentage of Dalits in agricultural labor had increased to 71%, and the trend continued in 1981. Also, Dalit family earnings at the time were Rs. 1,200 to Rs. 2,000 per annum earned from agricultural labor.

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The scheduled caste people are mostly dependent on agriculture labor for their livelihood. Since Dalits have been denied their just right and livelihood in society, the protest movement of the Dalits asserted a demand for self-respect, social dignity, and equity, and gave a new direction to liberation struggles in their respective societies. These movements did not depend on any kind of patronage from the dominant groups, rather they sought confrontation. The protest movements and ideology of Dalits centered on socio-economic and cultural dimensions, rather than economic and political disabilities. Of the many forms of caste baiting, the two glass system of having separate glasses for Dalits in tea shops is common in many parts of Rayalaseema. Dalit entry into the villages is still banned. In the year 1984, in Gudipadu village in Kurnool District, the dominant caste people denied entry to Dalits into the temples, who were bonded laborers in the house of the dominant caste people. With this, the Dalit masses took a collective decision to stop working in their houses, severing generations of Jajimani relations. As a result of the Land Ceiling Act and distribution of surplus land to the landless poor, certain Dalit families were able to get some land for cultivation. Access to land and agriculture activity turned them to stand on their own for their day-today survival and livelihood. Today, these Dalits have their own land, selfrespect, and dignity in society. Even in some places in Rayalaseema Districts in the year 1984-1985 there are incidents of denial of temple entry to Dalits. A Dalit MLA, Masala Eeranna, representing the Alur Constituency, was denied temple entry into Mantralaya Raghavendra Swamy Mutt. When it attracted the attention of the state and other human rights organizations, social activists, and Dalit activists, the then collector of Kurnool, Koppula Raju, took initiative in solving the issue. Even in Paupily during the 2002 Vinayakachavithi festival, Dalits were being attacked by caste Hindus for installing Ganesha idols and celebrating the festival on par with caste Hindus. The caste Hindus attacked and ransacked the Dalit colony and created havoc in the village. These types of incidents are very common in Kurnool District. Again, with the intervention of human rights forum and other rights organizations, the culprits of the issue were arrested. In July 1998 another ghostly incident took place in Kurnool District, where six Dalits were brutally killed by the upper caste people in Vempenta village. Every Dalit was shocked by this incident, and were made to realize that they have to come together in unity and mobilize as a collective force to fight against the repeated onslaughts of the upper castes.

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In January 2004, a Dalit leader, Obanna was brutally murdered by the upper caste leader, and a factionist in the Rayalaseema region. Obanna was a well known Dalit leader of the Koilkuntla area of a Kurnool District, and also the District executive committee of Kula Nirmoolana Porata Samiti. Poverty and penury made Dalits dependent and they became vulnerable to oppression. The problem to Dalits is discrimination of a high order next to the problem of recovering their manhood, in every nook and cranny of the country. Dalits faces handicaps, utmost discrimination, and gross injustice as a daily routine. The lack of resources made Dalits vulnerable to economic and social boycott; most of Dalits continue to languish under the yoke of untouchability. The state has the duty to prevent atrocities and protect them from the dominance of the caste Hindus. Dalits believe in democracy, their struggle for the constitutional rights, and their understanding of realities of power relations is in sharp contrast to the traditional caste hierarchical nature of political culture. Bureaucratic authority has not achieved rationalization while implementing the status benefits to Dalits. Caste has a significant influence on policy formulations. However, the process of socialization and limited economic changes through reservation that occurred in the state were greatly responsible for the shifts in Dalits political attitudes and orientations towards the political system. Democracy thus becomes a battleground between traditional dominant caste power elites and the transformative democratic forces of social equality, justice, and fraternity. This constitutes the central explanatory factor of Dalits democratic struggles and democratization in the caste ridden society of Rayalaseema. One has to contrast Guntur District with the Rayalaseema Districts to realize that Chundur happened not because Dalits of Guntur are more oppressed than elsewhere, but precisely because they have fought aginst oppression, through Christianity (all the victims of Chundur, as of Karamchedu, are Christians), through education, through entry to government jobs using reservations, through wage rates commensurate with green revolution productivity, and through thousands of individual acts of mini-rebellion day in and day out, and have put themselves on an unrelenting path of social and economic advancement and political autonomy. Where they have not done so, they are not killed en masse, as in the central coastal Districts, yet individual rebel men and women of exceptional courage and intelligence are isolated and subjugated by murder, rape, ostracism, and arson. Of these, rape is perhaps the most common, for it works as a weapon against the woman, as well as her

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husband, whichever of the two is politically targeted, however it is also the least reported of all the atrocities against Dalits. Chittoor, a District whose landlords felt very close to the seal of power during the reign of N.T. Rama Rao, for it is the native District of his politically powerful son-in-law, N. Chandra Babu Naidu, saw a series of assaults on Dalits during 1983-1989. The worst was at Bandlapalli where, on 27 Nov 1987, four Dalits were beaten and stabbed to death in a dispute over half an acre of cultivable waste. The murderers were a mixture of Reddys and other forward caste landowners. The sessions Court sentenced just one of them to imprisonment. At Kothapoolavandlapalli in Anantapur District, on 6 June 1990, a Madiga, Kullayappa was burnt alive by a mob of Reddys and other castes. The immediate reason is too petty to even describe in detail, however as his wife Lakshmamma says, he would not tolerate the authoritarian behavior of the village headmen, and would talk back at them. That was sufficient, given the slightest pretext, to pull him out of his house, break his bones, drag him to a public place, light a pyre, throw him into it, and stand to watch as he burned to death. At Moodurallapalli near Allagadda in Kurnool District, is a dominated region by the total feudal control of murderous armed Reddy factions, on 18 March 1991, a mob of Reddys beat to death of Yesudas, a Mala Christian. Incidentally, it is in this taluk that the fugitive murderers of Chundur are taking shelter as we write these lines. They put the dead body in a sack and kept the sack at the center of the village until nightfall, as a gruesome symbolic statement of what would happen to anyone who questioned their authority. After dark they took the sack to the neighboring hillock and burnt it. The victim’s crime? Yesudas was originally from Cuddapah District and had migrated to this region in search of work. He had settled down as a farm servant with a Reddy landlord. He was sufficiently independent of spirit to resist the total submission demanded in his new home. When a friend of his employer started harassing his wife Istaramma, he complained to his employer and made a fuss in public. That was sufficient to cause his brutal murder. The name of Y.S. Rajasekhar Reddy is the most longstanding dissident within Congress party. He is from Cuddapah, a District as much an epitome as Kurnool for bombs and guns factionalism led by gangs of Reddy warlords. A vintage warlord is the chief minister aspirant’s father, Y.S. Raja Reddy, sarpanch of Pulivcndula. The family, incidentally, are Reddy Christians, and Rajashekhar Reddy made a pointed reference in his condemnation message after Chundur to the fact that the victims were Mala Christians. Christian pity, however, has never deterred father and son

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from behaving like any other warlord. On 16 February 1990, the father personally presided over a seven hour orgy of arson with one inspector of police and two sub-inspectors at his side in his native village of Pulivendula. More than 150 houses of Erukala tribes were burnt, blown up, and destroyed in that orgy. He said later that the Erukalas were thieves, the people had burnt their houses, and he himself went there only to control and minimize the damage with the help of the police, which great duty they collectively performed by standing and watching. In truth, the Erukalas had been his henchmen from his youthful days and had done all the nasty work his faction ordered. They rigged his elections, beat up his enemies, organized bandhs and roadblocks, and obeyed all of his commands. However, the need to pamper the rest of his constituency made it inevitable that he gave the Erukalas a sound beating now and then, especially whenever there were a spate of thefts in the area and people started grumbling about big men protecting the thieves. Incident after incident! A full list of all the recent major incidents of murder and arson against Dalits, or at least such of them as have become public knowledge, is attached at the end of this Chapter. This is the present scenario as far as Chundur goes, and may tilt one way or the other in a day or two. Across the District and also neighboring Districts, the forward caste landowners are in an aggressive mood, and Dalits are in a state of apprehension. The immediate political need is a militant organization of Dalit self-defense, village by village. Nobody has, as yet, even begun to organize them, though all the democratic forces in this state have been very wholesomely vocal and active in organizing protest demonstrations and solidarity meetings. They do have an important purpose to serve, but the real organization of militant self-defense and resistance is not going to be very easy, and may indeed turn violent. However there is no option. The alternative, of trying to convince the lower middle class and middle class Savarna farmers that their material interest lies in a class unity with Dalits, is a fruitless and pedantic solution. They do not think so, and will not really think so until they witness an exhibition of the strength of a militant political movement wedded to the goal of annihilation of caste and working concretely in defense of the life and livelihood of Dalits. The unity of the working and oppressed people is not an arithmetic unity, but a political unity. It is only an arithmetic unity that starts with 50% or more of the exploited people as its basis. A political unity can very well start, and indeed must start, unless ones search for unity is confined to drawing room dialectics with the most oppressed 10%, and expand through a demonstration of its strength, staying power, and political acumen. That is likely to be a rather violent way of fabricating the unity of the toiling

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masses, but it is only the arithmetic unity of the working people, that is, a peaceful 80 percent vs. 20 percent. This would be true even without the caste system, but is particularly so in this benighted land of Manu. Despite the state initiated welfarism and the modernization process during the past decades, Dalits, particularly in the rural areas, have not witnessed any improvement in their lot. In fact, the process of modernization and development has invariably reinforced the dominance and arrogance of the upper caste landlords and the capitalists who have usurped and monopolized all the advantages. However, the various development programmes, particularly reservations in the public sector that Dalits secured at the time of the post-independence state formation, have yielded some results, beginning in the seventies. The changes in the agrarian structure also led to Dalits slowly detaching themselves from the traditional modes of bonded labor to being wage earners. A change for the better in some segments of the Dalit populace may, thus, be seen. What is more important, however, is that the flood of change has brought about a new consciousness among them regarding their identity and their rights as citizens of post-independence India, with a right to economic independence, social dignity, and self-respect.

Conditions of Dalits The Dalit people are living far away from the main village. The total Dalits are under control of one of the landlords in the village and he dictates the Dalit people. Dalits are the Madiga (cobblers), the Malas (Pallbearers), and the untouchables who have been suppressed and downtrodden for ages. They have been bonded laborers of the upper caste landlords. They are mostly illiterate and poor. The percentage of literacy among these people is below 5%. A few are educated by the missionary schools. In the Rayalaseema region, small scale marginal poor farmers make up 80 percent of the marginalized communities in the area. Each family has an average of 0.5 to 1 ha of land, but without capital, they have not been able to invest in their land. Large areas are undeveloped and lack proper measures to conserve soil and water. Between a fifth and a quarter of the land is rain fed. The region has an average rainfall of 820 mm and suffers from frequent droughts; there are streams and small rivers, but they are all seasonal (Sudhakar, 2011). These people are made to suffer by their men and local landlords, and the police. They do not know about their rights and laws, because of a lack of education and awareness. Tribal women are also living in the hill areas and they are unable to converse with others

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because of their caste conditions/ or traditions. So far they do not know government programmes. Their main occupation is to prepare the cheap liquor illegally by forest products. Because of this, they are beaten by the police and put behind the bars several times.

Economic Background The main occupation of Dalits is agricultural labor. This depends on monsoon rains from June to September. When these fail, there will be drought and famine. The villagers suffer from drought and famine every alternate year. As agriculture is seasonal, there will be agricultural work for six months in a year. The rest of the time, people are without work, most of the agricultural land is owned by the high caste landlords, and others are agricultural laborers who get meager daily wages Rs. 100-150 per day, which is not sufficient to maintain their large families. So they migrate to urban areas to work in factories, as most of the industries are dependent on market demands. This region has not developed industrially. During the period when there is no work they approach the village landlords to borrow money at heavy interest. When they fail to repay the loan money, the landlords will forcefully take their lands. Sometimes bonded labor is continued from generation to generation.

Social Condition The social conditions of Dalits are poor and pathetic. Being untouchables, they are forced to live in small hurts at the outskirts of the village. They do not enjoy good roads and sanitation and drinking water facilities. They cannot freely mix with other upper caste people. Their children are discouraged from receiving education in village schools. The upper caste landlords do not want schools for Dalit children. The upper caste landlords tell to the Dalit parents not to educate their children. If they are educated, the landlords think, they may not be in their control.

Political Condition Dalits are not awakening politically, even they do not know what their rights are and they cannot freely express their right to vote at the time of elections. They are strictly instructed or warned by the landlords to whom they have to vote by swearing on their gods and goddesses. Many times they are asked to abstain from voting, and someone will vote on their behalf. So rigging is quite common in villages. Now, the government has

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made provisions for their election by reserving certain seats for the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes both for men and women. Even after Dalits are elected, they remain political laborers in the hands of upper caste landlords and fraction leaders. Dalits are not fully aware of their civil and political rights, on account of their ignorance and lack of education. Even if some know they are afraid of thinking out loud for fear of the upper caste landlords. They are not well organized to assert their rights because there is no one to make them realize their rights and privileges, given by the Constitution of India. The economic concessions like subsidies, margin money, and bank loans are enjoyed by upper caste landlords by forcing the poor Dalits to sign the relevant documents.

Economic Condition The bonded labor is prohibited by the government of India, but is still practiced in a subtle way. Most people are not even aware of this. A few know about bonded labor, they are helpless as there is no one to report to the government and take legal action against the offenders.

Child Labor The child labor is abolished by the government of India, as well as the state government. But there is no one to implement it. It is due to poverty, the child labor is available very easily. So there must be a third party that acts as a watchdog and the report the matter to government for taking necessary action. The poor parents must also be helped economically for the loss of income. The government effort to rehabilitate the child laborers is proud to be a failure. Only a few non-governmental organizations could do something in this regard. Wages are low as most of the agricultural laborers are illiterate and disorganized to represent to the government.

Social Condition This was abolished 50 years ago by an act of the law. Under the Prevention of Atrocities Act, it is an offence to abuse any one by caste name. However this is quite openly violated everywhere and no action is taken, as the victim is afraid to register a case against the upper caste landlords as there is no one to support the victim and file the case in a Court of law. Under the law, Dalits cannot even eat snacks and food or drink coffee or water in the hostels as any other citizens. Nevertheless in

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some villages these Dalits were forced to wash the plates and glasses after they were finished their meal as they were still treated as untouchables. There is no one to report and file the case, or to pursue it to the end. For many years, the Dalits were forced to live on the outskirts of villages. No Dalit can build a house in the locality of the caste people. Nobody dares to defy the practice, so it is still continuing. Even in towns and cities, these Dalits are denied houses for rent. Dalits cannot directly take water from the village wells. Some people will bring water from the wells and pour into Dalits water containers. The village barbers do not give haircuts; their clothes are not washed by village washermen, they are not allowed to enter Hindu temples, and so on. In certain parts of Kurnool District, the Basivi system or devadasi system is practiced. The women in certain sections of the Dalit community are forced to practice prostitution as it has come from generation to generation. Many parents give away their daughters to the temple at a very young age; these girls cannot marry and so have to remain unmarried by practicing prostitution. This practice is regarded as a holy and divine call. The government is trying to wean away these women away from this profession by granting lands and other self-employment facilities. However due to their ignorance, and the connivance of the landlord, they are unable to extricate themselves from the practice.

Political Condition Dalits cannot vote freely at the time of elections. Generally landlords promised to give Dalit votes to certain dedicated politician. It is done by threat or by swearing in before the picture of a deity or goddess. Most Dalits are threatened from approaching polling booths to exercise their votes. They are asked to remain at home and somebody will vote on their behalf. This kind of rigging in elections is quite common in the Rayalseema region, and nobody dares to complain to the government or the Election Commision.

Harassment by the Police Dalits and the tribals are generally harassed by the police on insinuation by landlords in the villages. They often refuse to register the complaints made by these Dalits. The landlords can easily influence the police and government officials through political power and money. As Dalits are poor and without any political influence, they remain helpless, as the majority of them, especially women are illiterate and poor. They do

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not have the legal knowledge or legal aid to rescue them from the violators of human rights. The word ‘Dalit’ came into prominence by the strong desire of Messiahs of the Dalits, who thought prior names, significant status in the name itself, and the scripture of the Indian Constitution gave a hand to the exploited and neglected human race in the coming generations, whatever mythology the caste system evolved, and the practical way human birth occurs by the union of male and female. Animals are also of the same phenomena. The same mother being brings the child into sight (gives here bodily produced milk). The economy, that prevailed against the individual, the conditions that lead to exploitation and negligence, and the ruled-out differences caste wise. Hence many people have pointed out that this is the case.

Development Developments are going to the dogs as the first step of not touching one another physically is still continuing in some places. People of some higher castes, still continuing the two glass system, do not allow entry into some of the temples. The practice of untouchability is the root cause for social segregation, denial of opportunities for educational, economic, and cultural pursuits. The above two instances of glass and temple entry are only the gross violation of human rights that have assumed diabolic proportion in independent India, rather than receding. Enforcement of any disability is a crime against human rights, and the Constitution entails the wrongdoer with punishment. An attempt is being made to look into two incidents that occurred in the last decade of this century, asserted that the term disabled has resulted in the elimination of the disabled by the abled. The two incidents are the Chundur massacre of Dalits, and the Vempenta burnings of Dalits. The two incidents are neither the first of this kind, nor are they going to be last, given the situation. Nevertheless these two incidents show the limitation of the fundamental rights (Article 14) of the Constitution, which ensures the equality, freedom and, more important, a right to live that includes the means of livelihood. From Belchi to Karamchedu, and Lakshmanpur bathe, to Chunder, to Vempenta, there is one storyline; the dominant castes intolerance to yield to just aspirations of Dalits. Let us look first into the incidents of Chundur. Chundur is a big village and by Indian standards is well developed, where in the Chundur; the Mandal headquarters is located about 15 km from Tenali, a town on the Tenali-Madras railway line. This has a population of about 5,800 people, with Dalits and upper castes in almost equal numbers (Sudhakar, 1998). The most dominant among the upper castes are the

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Reddys, with nearly 800 families, who also own most of the land among the scheduled castes, the largest group belongs to the Malas, with nearly 400 families, where there are about 100 Madiga families, unlike in other villages, and Dalits of Chundur are better educated. Some of them have gained political positions, and good numbers of them are employed. On the other hand, numbers of the upper castes, particularly the Reddys and the Telagas, are less educated, and most of the youth do odd jobs like tractor drivers or farming (APCLC, The Chundur Carnage 1991). Enlightened by education, the Dalit youth have begun challenging the right attained by birth. This was the cause of the constant friction between Dalits and upper castes. Despite their education, Dalits are economically way behind the upper castes, as most of the farm land belonged to the latter. Despite their economic backwardness, Dalits could emerge as a successful group politically. It is the social emancipation, among Dalits that turned as an eyesore to the upper castes who felt that their dominance in the village was slowly being eroded. The upper castes gave vent to their seething anger over the self-assertion of Dalits following an incident at the theatre on 7 July 1991. Ravi, a postgraduate Dalit youth, rested his foot on the seat in front of which was occupied an upper caste boy, Srinivasa Reddy. A minor altercation ensued between them when the latter abused the Dalit youth in the name of his caste. The next day, Ravi’s father Bhaskar Rao, a school teacher working in Munnagivari Palem, was forcibly taken away by a group of upper caste people, who tortured him brutally to reveal the whereabouts of Ravi. The upper caste managed to track him down after falsely alleging that Ravi had fled to Chundur, after stealing some gold ornaments from a house. Ravi was mercilessly beaten up and forced to consume liquor. Later he was admitted to the government hospital in Tenali with bleeding injuries. The police took no action against the upper castes, and the latter was implicated in a case of theft. At 60 years old, Sampurna, related to the victims, on hearing the cries of their men, near the jasmine grove, pleaded with the police to protect them from Reddys. However the police brushed aside her request. The brutality of the upper castes, on Dhanray (18 years), Sambaiah (50 years), Jakaraiah, and two others who were fleeing from the village were attacked by upper caste people armed with axes, knives, and iron rods was inhuman. On 7 August, the bodies of Immanuel Mathaiah and Subba Rao were the first to be traced by Dalits. The body of Rajamohan was stuffed in a bag and found in the drain. At a little distance, the body of Isaac Jaladi, also stuffed in a duffle bag, was found in the canal. The bodies of Samson and Jayaraj were fished out from the irrigation canal, near Intur

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about 10 km from Chundur. The body of Ramesh was found in a branch canal on the Modukur-Alapadu Road. Most of Dalits, including women, fled Chundur, and took refuge in a Salvation Army church at Itanagar. Dalits have held protest meetings and observed mass hunger strikes, demanding the arrest of all those culprits involved in the attack on Dalits without the active connivance of the police forces. By chasing Dalits away from the village, the police made them easy prey for the upper castes. None of the policemen made any effort to prevent the massacre. Though the incident took place in broad daylight, the police did their best to hush up the killings until the next day and made no effort to apprehend the culprits. In all the incidents that took place during the month that preceded it, the police never tried to take action against the upper castes. Even when Dalits were attacked by the upper castes, cases were registered only against Dalits. Another incident occurred in July 1989 in Vempenta village of Kurnool District. Here also, brutal killings of six Dalits have taken place. The majority of the population in the village is from Dalits and backward classes. Among the scheduled castes, the largest group is the Madigas. From the backward classes, the Gandla community occupies prominent position. The land struggle, led by Madiga youth, resulted in the occupation of endowment lands of nearly 140 acres, and was distributed among 7,656,106 beneficiaries belonging to Madigas, Malas, backward classes, and others. The self-assertion of Dalits, however, is unpalatable to the landlords that led for a gang war on Dalits. Political gangsterism and upper caste intolerance of Dali self-assertion can be seen behind every incident of atrocities on Dalits (Ilaiah, 1998). The incident at Chundur and Vempenta clearly demonstrates that the assailants were not just some people belonging to the upper castes, but were people with close kinship or political ties with those in power. It also shows there was prior history of tension between the assailants and Dalits, and police were well aware of that fact however they failed to prevent the assault. Even at Chundur, police were present at the scene, but did nothing to prevent the assault. Even after the incidents, the police were equally lethargic. The police never made any serious attempts to apprehend the principal assailants. Even if they made the arrest, the investigations were made in a very casual manner (resulting in the discharge of the accused, the Karamchedu case being the best example of this). However, these integrated social and material conditions are always mediated through various processes. They are not given to translate naturally into solidarity between the movements in the course of struggles; they need to be discursively articulated. The civil liberties movement pleaded for

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democratic space, referring not only to the space between the state and civil society, but also between the various movements within civil society. Again, the Dalit movement introduced novel combinatory language, such as Dalit Communists struggling against a Hindu feudal order for a new Dalit democratic revolution. These articulations are representative of the transformation of both traditional Dalit and Naxalite politics (Jammanna, 2014).

Development Process Andhra Pradesh is the state that has spent the longest time under the rule that had given priority to human values. They are trying their best to mitigate the gap that arose between casteism across the centuries. On the other hand the actual agents of government authorities, as well as the cohumans, are rarely self-confident in terms of their work, especially the coexistence part. People have not come to a stage where all are equal, especially, of course, economically. Conditions that the individual gained of ancestry or by workmanship may differ. It is absurd (as we are) to say taking food. The methodology to bring all on a common platform will take some time. There is a difference between mechanism and fieldwork. If we arrange every necessity to a machine, definitely it works. Where in fieldwork, everything depends upon circumstances; there is no guarantee of an estimated result, likewise with the programmes that the administration implemented reaching the subject at a decimal point. That care has to be made practical by announcing the methods of upliftment. No doubt, the care pattern of authorities on moral grounds only. The subjectivity of co-existence is to be marginalized. It occurs by the value of education but most people in our state are uneducated. Secondly, the passion towards others is lacking. Selfishness and domination (of those born into the high castes) is ruling most corners of the state. First of all, this trend must be abolished. That way of thinking (all are equal in the creation) must be practiced. How an administration looks out for people through equal living gives equality, and we are thankful to the authorities for finding equality between the poor and downtrodden people versus the high living castes or the wealthy. Yet still there is heavy work to do, to bring the soil, into fertility. Yes, it will be done in the coming days, by the grace of the almighty.

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Impact of Reservations Reservations are necessary to bring equilibrium in status. Where the subject is lacking is potentiality in the matter of standardness. It is not by casteism. There are so many people in higher castes also, where they are hesitated to ask. Philosophy says that unless we ask, the mother does not give priority in their living (economic standards). Exploited and neglected, in our Indian terms i.e., most SCs, STs, and the people of downtrodden stands on the front line, the tradition brought these cadres into untouchability, not due to equal status with the caste ridden but through the term reservation. This must be economical, and the reasons for not forwarding them onto a common level may be observed. There, the meaning of term reservation is fulfilled. Writing pages on the topic of reservations may be the talent of the writer, whereas the real one, in our thought is not by the birth of casteism but due to the living condition. The skill and workmanship are competitive in the caste system, which they possess. It leads to unhappiness, among the equal suitors of the race. We never say giving hand to the caste bitten people is wrong. The doctrine of reservations has to be scrutinized. These groups are in certain cases omitting (thronging out) people because they are full. The need for keeping an eye on male birds (in Telugu language Dega) is quite necessary.

Political Empowerment Politics are likewise when one person says the bull has given birth, another person says why cannot you fasten it to the system (place where the gross is given) of vote banks. Some political parties say we will give that one free. Some others say that one free manifesto on record will not be good, but they will provide reservation (specialty) in whichever way we like. How the future generation yields from the ranking of reservations is by racing against one another. We say frankly that political empowerment is a play (drama) that (takes place) functions during a 3 to 4 hour period of time. After the drama the screen appears. The service to humanity is the agenda of so many political parties. If people trust and vote for them, when they gain power (administrative ability) they set back the agenda and try to fill their pockets. Those who believed them have to observe the scenario, and if they fight with people, they get told that we paid money to get your vote you are not allowed to question them. Here is one thing we have to keep in mind. To know the right person to choose, we have to use our practical experience and knowledge of the individual pulse of

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socialism, it is of course difficult. However taking into account one political candidate’s personal life (not inducted on crime or offence) is essential.

Social Identity Being born on this soil, we are confirmed as Indians. Indian mythology brought forward this caste system, the Brahmins, the Kshtriyas (kings), and the others who do traditional works, like Sudrulu, who wash clothes, who cut hair as barbers (mangali), who weave clothes as weavers and the lost category who do the work, not done by above. All are treated as untouchables. Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes are not allowed not to learn/or even listen Vedas like as Pandits and Brahmins, and Brahmins also take shelter with kings (Kshatriyas) where they dominate the kings also under their control. The castes having land adjusted the below cadres as laborers or workers. Their yield by land (grains of crop) can be eaten but their physical touch with them is prohibited. So many murders and burnings alive, took place in spite of their sitting side by side and with the cause of doing prayers in the temples in some villages (now somewhat changed) when a big person of high caste coming in front these downtrodden are not allowed to pass by. They have to remove their footwear and be kept aside while the person of high caste is passing by. What a tradition it is for animals that have no brain, higher caste people have no co-operation with their race. The almighty gave minds and knowledge to humans and left the co-borns aside. If this matter extends, the subjectivity of the exposed is examined. Therefore we will instead put a stop to the topic. Anyhow, this nation brought forward some activists, like Jyothi Rao Pule, and Dr. Ambedkar, who condemned the policy of Manu, the creator of castiesm. These backward groups slowly gain knowledge through education and take a step forward in terms of economic status and asking for human rights. The wheel of socialreformation started passing to the target of equilibrium. First of all, the human sentiment treating others as untouchables or providing them only to labor must be ruined. The day will come soon.

Atrocities on Dalits Though the country had got independence 60 years back untouchability is still continuing in Kurnool District. Now also, 28 divisions in Dalit and tribal castes in Kurnool are facing this social evil of untouchability. Even though the Justice Punnaiah’s Commission supported

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it, they failed in action. Nearly 1,000 villages are there in Kurnool District, 280 of these villages do not allow Dalits and tribal castes into temples. In 92 villages there is a no barber system, 120 villages still continue two glass systems, where the subjects are Dalit and tribal castes. Kouthalam, a Mandal near the Karnataka state border, maintains a three-glasses system i.e., SCs, BCs, and forward castes of the Nandyal constituency, Gospadu Mandal, Jellela village, still stand as examples of those, SCs and STs are not allowed to have the work done by barber. If they complain there is no action from the police. In the Nandikotkur constituency, Jupadu Bangalow Mandal, Lingapuram witnesses no entry into the temple and do not allow SCs and STs to sit on the conference stone. In Porumanchala, Thoodicherla, Tarigovula, Kothapalli, Mandals belonging to the villages of Yeduru, Lingapuram, Mittakandala, SCs are prohibited from entering into temples and do not allow Lingamayya (to sit) on the conference stone, nor do they allow them to fetch water from the common well, as well as not allowing entry to the Pagidyala temple. Pratakota, Nandikokuru and Alluru are some other places where SCs and STs are not allowed to sit on the conference stone. Of the many forms of caste baiting, the two glass system, or having separate glasses for Dalits in tea shops, is common, and entry into the village’s main temple is still banned. These two instances of two glass system, and deniel of temple entry are only the symptoms of the gross violation of human rights that has assumed diabolic proportions in independent India, rather than receding. Enforcement of any disability is a crime against human rights, and the Constitution entails the wrong and does away with punishment. The practice of untouchability is the root cause for social segregation, and denial of opportunities for education, economic, and cultural pursuits. The assertion of the disability has resulted in the elimination of the disabled by the abled. (i) Intolerance to yield to just aspirations of Dalits. (ii) Limitation of the fundamental rights (Article 14) of the Constitution, which ensure the equality, freedom, and more importantly a right to life, which includes the means of livelihood. (iii) Enlightened by education, the Dalit youth have begun to challenge the rights attained by birth, which was the cause of the constant friction between Dalit and the upper castes. Despite of their education, Dalits are economically way behind the upper castes, as most of the farmland belongs to the upper castes. Despite their economic backwardness, Dalits could emerge as a successful group politically. The Chunder MPP is a Dalit.

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Dalits were also elected as the MPPs of the adjacent Mandal s like Atmakur, Ponnur, Nagaram, and Intur. All of them are reserved constituencies. It is social emancipation among Dalits that turned into an eyesore, to the upper castes, who felt that their dominance in the village was slowly being eroded.

Atrocities An incident occurred in 1998 in the Vempenta village of Kurnool District. Brutal killings of six Dalits took place. Vempenta, a village in the Pamulapadu Mandalin faction ridden Rayalaseema, has a majority of the population in the village of Dalits and the backward classes. Among the scheduled castes, the largest group belongs to Madigas. From the backward classes, the Gandla community occupies a prominent position. The land struggle led by Madiga youth resulted in occupation of the endowment lands nearly 140 acres of extent and was distributed among 7,656,106 beneficiaries belonging to the Madigas, the Malas, the backward classes, and others. The self-assertion of Dalits, political gangs, and the upper caste intolerance, self-assertion can be seen behind every incident of atrocities on Dalits (Ilaiah, 1998). The dominant castes, led by Bomma Sivaiah, wanted the public auction of the endowment lands. This Sivaiah had the backing of Budda Vengal Reddy, a landlord and ex-MLA of Atmakur, there was a feud between Swarna Pullaiah and Bomma Sivaiah, who belong to the Gandla community and established their dominance in the village. Sivaiah was the root cause for the crisis where he used his influence and prevented Dalits from entering the occupied lands. A long drawn battle, where the militants had no other option but to advance their struggle in a militant way only. This resulted in the death of Sivaiah on 15 July 1998. The landlords, who were just dying for the chance, made all necessary preparation and launched attacks on the Madigawada on the night of the 15 July 1998. Those who attacked include the followers of Vengal Reddy, Sivaiah, and others. These brutal killings continued till the early hours of the 16 July 1998, where nine people were killed. Among the killed were six Dalits and three backward caste people. Those who were killed were thrown into the fire, leaving absolutely no evidence of the killings. Not satisfied with the killings, the bassoonists destroyed nearly 90 Dalit houses. Though the police were well aware of the incident, they did not hurry to the scene; when the police visited there was corpse lying unattended. The DSP promptly asked the villagers to throw those into the still burning fire in order to hush up evidence. This

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incident at Vempenta has left many questions unanswered. In the aftermath of the killings in the village, there were unbelievable scenes. It was expected that the culprits would flee the scene, but on the contrary, the killers began ruling the villages and those kith and kin of the killed left the village and are taking shelter at Atmakur. Even to this day, the police have not booked cases against any of the prominent people involved in the killings, at least under the SC/ST Atrocities Prevention Act, the cases have not been booked. This attitude of the police clearly demonstrates where sympathies of police lie.

Yerragudi Incident Venkata swamy, belonging to the Yerragudi village of Banaganapalli Mandal, was a Dalit, and made up his mind to build a house by the earnings of hard work. To construct the house naparallu were necessary. To have that type of stone, he gave Rs. 1650 to Chandra Sudhakar Reddy, who was an ex-sarpanch, on 16 February 2008. He had to transport it across eight trips, each trip cost Rs. 200, and however Reddy only brought two trips worth. To get the remaining stones to the place, he asked many times, but he got no response. When the housing work stopped due to lack of stones, he pressed Reddy to transport the stone. By asking like that, Reddy became angry and scolded Venkataswamy by exposing his caste, which in our region is not respected. Venkataswamy felt ashamed by this, and tried to report it to the police. They have not registered the case, and mislead him as saying they would do it tomorrow. As he roamed towards the police station up to the stage where his cheppal turned, there had not been any action from them. Disgusted by the response of the police station and authorities, he made a phone call (spending only one rupee) to the SP, Shakebratha Bagche, who after hearing the story of Venkataswamy (Dalit), he called on him to Kurnool, to bring about the right significance for the cause, and he allotted Dhone DSP to investigate. Again, Venkataswamy met SP, but the same SP is going to higher studies, by taking permission from the government (long leave). As Venkataswamy was told that SP was going on long leave, he was disgusted, and tried to end his life by drinking pesticide, which he brought along with him. Because of this, SP Bungalow staff sent him to the Hospital. This is the point where a Dalit, who was tried for justice in the police station, became vexed, and made up his mind to condemn his life.

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Peapuly Incident The struggle arose when Dalits of Peapuly took away the Ganesha statue to dip it into the water (nimajjanam in Telugu language). They were protested against by non-Dalits, and told that the statue of Ganesha belonging to Dalits should not come through their street. By this, the Dalits of Peapuly town condemned the act of other non-Dalits and attempted Rasta roko, and made emotional speeches. This made other nonDalits become angry with them. They rose against police, smashed the police jeep and broke the Ganesha statue into pieces. To streamline the situation, the police brought a new statue to SCs and kept it in MPD office. Because of this, the second chapter of the battlefield started. It was believed that the immersion of the Dalit statue would begin on the Tuesday; the non-Dalits from the morning assembled in groups, carrying big sticks and swords with them. The plan of arranging the next trial of dipping of the Ganesha statue made the non-Dalits spring into anger. The collector (Ajay Jain) and the SP (Sanjay) went to see the spot where the first statue was smashed and the police force was attacked by stones. With big sticks and with hunting sickles, they stood on the top of the houses, made vigils, and scolded the police force. Not ending it there, if they do not go away from the spot, they will take suitable action against them. They came straight against the collector and the SP. By this, the officials and the police tried to run away from the spot, and people accompanied them up to a mile away. Continuing with the same anger, they came near the national highway and burnt up six cheppal shops of Dalits community, three bunks, and three moving carts. Collector, SP, and the DIG of police tried their level best to bring calm among non-Dalits. But it was of no use, non-Dalits burnt the shops of Dalit community when they saw all these dignitaries. Thinking the position would only get worse, they tried to disperse the mob using lathi-charge. Yet people responded twice as hard. They threw stones from top of their houses. Then, police ordered open fire, and SP released so many bullets into the air and then the crowds altered.

Kanapakunta Village During the Panchayat elections (2003), one man by the name of Chitti Peddaiah sat on a chair, near the polling booth. He had studied M.Sc., B.Ed and was the third son of Thimmakka, of Kanapakunta village, Dhone Mandal of Kurnool District. When he was sitting there, some higher caste people, Ranga Reddy, Madhusudhan Reddy, Sekhar Reddy, Murali

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Mohan Reddy Sudhakar Reddy and Ramachandra Reddy have passed through that way. However, Peddaiah, had not observed them, and sitting as he was. These higher caste people have a kind of agony, and their way of treating other lower caste people as being downward, and not adjusting to the sentiment of these people. They also arranged a complaint upon him, as if he sent their animals into the crops of these fellows in error, scolded him in filthy language, beat him with sticks on his head, stretched him on the main road, fastened him to the electrical pole, removed his clothes, and injured him by striking him with their legs, cheppal, sticks, and with stones. They openly declared in the village that this was the situation that came in rescue of him. When that man’s position was worst, i.e., he was going to die, his son, Maddaiah, complained to the police. Faced with the case, STs of the police station registered a case against the people involved in the attempt. These higher caste people came straight to the houses of the witnesses, frightened them, and caused bruises on the head, legs, and on the cheeks. They scolded the mother and the wife of people (such filthy words cannot be written), and frightened them to make them not to attend Court to bear witness. This was all done by the disparity among the caste system and the state of higher learning in Madiga caste people. They did not even coincide in sitting equally in public place, and also, with their political status or by high power dignity, they cunningly registered cases against the mother, and attacked her with hunting sickles.

Chinna Kothili Village One person, by the name, Prema Raj was a Madiga living in Chinna Kothili village of Nandavaram Mandal, Kurnool District. He was a daily laborer. On 4 June 2003, Hanumanthu (son of Karre Naganna), Somanna (son of Narasanna), and Vankatesu (son of Beerappa), were in the same village. As they were drunk, they attacked Prema Raj when he was in Nagaladinne village by saying, you, son of a Madiga prostitute, how dare you cultivate the porumboke land? They drove a two wheeler in front of him. They beat him and told him saying, if you look towards that land next to this, we have committed acts of creating dead bodies by striking them with cheppals. They did not hear the words of Chinna Obulesu and Danappa, who were there at that time. Prema Raj went straight to Nandavaram police station to complain. As the above people had vehicle benefits, they attended earlier than Prema Raj and complained against Prema Raj and his brother Jayaraj, who they said had behaved illegally with Ramulamma, wife of Hanumanthu of Chinna Kothili village. While a completely false statement without the signature or thumb impression of

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that woman, Prema Raj went to the police station. The SI, Venkatapathy, asked him, are you Prema Raj, you and you brother Jayaraj, tried to rape Ramulamma, wife of Hanumanthu? How dare you to come straight before me and sit in the police station? As you can see, people who have money and influence make the case indifferent, as Prem Raj was made a criminal. It is important to note here that after the incident happened to Prema Raj, he came directly to Nandavaram police station, without going to his village, Chinna Kothili. His brother Jayaraj was a handicapped person who was not in the village at all, as he was preparing to appear for his B.Ed. exams in Yemmiganur. How were the attempts of rape real when the two pieces of evidence prove that the allegation was false? Again, the SI remanded him in the police station on the night that the complaint was booked. After learning of this matter, relatives came to the station and witnessed that the complaint that was booked against Prema Raj and his brother was false. Significantly, he was not in the village; he came straight to Nandavarm police station, as he was attacked by the other villagers, Hanumanthu, Somanna, and Vankatesu. First, the complaint was given without a signature (thumb impression), which was filed afterwards. Because of this, the SI came to the village and enquired about the attack on Ramulamma, which was planned against the brothers, who were envious of Prema Raj. Though the SI found the issue was corrupt, he would often send policemen to the village to arrest them. Due to this, he went away from his wife and children to safeguard himself. Though he and his relatives had gone to Kurnool city and prayed before SP (Sanjay), he endeavored to find out the real story (CI, Sanbasivarao, DSP, Sreenivasa Reddy). From the enquiry by CI, he understood the matter and told people about how wrong the complaint was. It had no truth in it. He said that he will arrange to be peaceful about Lok-Adalat interference. He also failed to get the PCR cell, IG, Madanlal, to hear his suffering on 1 November 2003.

Gang Rape and Brutal Murder Venkata subbalakshmi of Uyyalawada Mandal headquarters was raped by a group of men and murdered. The matter was because Dalita Dudenna of Reddypalli village of Sanjamala mandal came to Uyyalawada to earn a livelihood. As he fell sick two years back and he died. She, Venkata Subbalakshmi, with no one to her rescue, continued to lead the family by doing odd jobs, residing in a small hut that she arranged near to the wall of the ICDS office. On Tuesday night, nine people belonging to the same village by the name of Ramudu, Yerranna, and four others, came to the hut

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of Venkata subbalakshmi and arranged a liquor party in the home. They brought with them food from Obulamma, who was living nearby with Venkata Subbalakshmi’s daughter, Jyothi, who was in the home. Meanwhile, Ramudu, who had given her Rs. 500, demanded the money back. She told him that at present, she did not have to return. They pressed her to drink with them. After that, they slept for a while with her and went to their homes. After 11.00 pm, Ramudu and Yerranna came to the house and raped her. She was not alert. They beat her with pointed stones found nearby and made her unconscious (dead). They threatened her daughter Jyothi, saying that this death was not deliberate. Her eldest son, Sreeram, was working as a lorry cleaner in Hyderabad. Jyothi and her brother Hussein were living with their mother. As their mother was dead, they became orphans.

Boycott of a Labor Family In Kurnool District, Kothamadugula village of Atmakur Mandal, there lived a person by the name of Gumpula Chinna Sekhar who belonged to the Dalit community. He was leading a normal life as a daily laborer, with a wife and two children. The government had selected this Duddyala village Panchayat for a Nirmal rural award. That is why the villagers were ordered to clear up, to make it 100 percent neat, by way of constructing new latrines that they needed. Chinna Sekhar belonged to Kothamdugula village, and started constructing the lavatory. At the first stage, sarpanch Raghurami Reddy, according to the rules and regulations, prepared a digital photo of the latrine, and paid Rs. 500, by Lakshmi Devi, his wife. At that time, Chinna Sekhar asked the sarpanch, Raghurami Reddy, about his father’s old age pension. He became angry because he was asked about the pension. He said to him some words that were not recorded. As he was troubled, he asked the sarpanch to write the matter on the record, and to repay the amount. By this, the head of the village irritated and tempered the application. He scolded him by highlighting his caste and ordered him to leave the village before the next day.

Attack on a Dalit Woman In Kurnool District, Kothamadugula village of Kothapalle Mandal, Vardhana Yesuratnam’s wife, Prameelamma, was attacked by the upper caste people, Pedda Pulla Reddy, Nadipi Pulla Reddy, Chinna Pulla Reddy, Alivelamma, Balamma, Ramasithamma, and Chandra Kalavathi, who beat and injured her. In the attack, her blouse was torn and her sari

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was blood spattered. On the same day she walked 5 km to Lingapuram, from there she went by an autorickshaw to Kothapalle to complain. Police said, come by the morning of the next day. She registered against the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, however they were not arrested due to political pressure. She again applied to the High Court to arrest them. Justice D.S.R. Varma (14 March 2005) ordered the DSP to enquire about the matter. He was not responsive. Again she filed a case against the DSP for not following the orders of the High Court. The statement was recorded before Nandikotkur, a first class magistrate on 5 November 2005. Prameelamma fought from Kothapalli police station to the High Court and arrested the defendants. Prameelamma and her husband Vardhana Yesuratnam came to that village 15 years before the incident took place. They mingled with poor people closely and educated them. They awakened people to their existence. They also tried to sanction funds for the construction of 30 houses with the then collector, Koppula Raju. They conveyed so many free health camps. They had taken up so many developmental activities. To give empowerment to women, by the recommendation of Nehru Yuva Kendra they started a stitching machine center in the name of Mother Theresa. On that day, the Andhra Bank manager also attended the function. They invited Prameelamma on to the Dias. This all angered the upper caste people. They were in a mood to attack her on certain movements on 16 October 2004, in the evening at about 4.00 pm, they attacked her directly. She rebelled against them and argued with them, saying why you are scolding and beating me? They became angrier and rallied against her son Raju also. From that day she fought against them firmly and with self-confidence, and arranged the arrest of criminals by the help of police.

Murder of a Dalit Cobbler Late Dalit, Hanumanthu belonged to Kowthalam, of the Kurnool District. On 17 April 2005, Linganna killed Hunimanthu, as he refused to give him the shoe that the culprit had demanded. The culprit used the scissors to kill Hanumanthu as he was using them. The culprit himself agreed that he had killed the victim. The victim had been harassed psychologically and physically and was injured to death. As the victim, Hanumanthu, was the major bread winner and source of income for the family, they had now lost him, and were not in a position to survive. Even in modern society there is also no hope for Dalits to live with dignity and with lives. Who will give a solution for this? Society? Officials? Neraniki village is at the foot of the northern hills of Holagunda Mandal, Kurnool

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District. It is 11 km away from Mandal headquarters. Since this village is in the borders of Karnataka state, all the people of this village speak Kannada, along with the Telugu language. Though there are 13 different castes, the majority of the population is illiterate Dalits. Though they have the majority, they have no economic or political rights, or social status. Geographically, there are red and black soil lands in the north side of the village, but Dalits have control over very small bits of land, and most of Dalits are wage laborers. The politically, economically, and socially dominant caste is the Boya. Since they have cheap liquor business, they kept all the powers of the village in their hands. Coming to the social scenario, there is a famous Mala Mallanna Swamy temple, but Dalits and non-Dalits have separate temples. They have divided the god also, as the Dalit god, and the non-Dalit god. Even today, the social evils like the Basivini system and Jogini system still prevail to exploit innocent Dalit women in the name of age old customs and traditions. The two glass system is there in every hotel, of this village. This is considered as being a morbid culture.

Vempenta It took another major massacre against Dalits for the earlier aborted debates to revive. However, the context this time around was much more complex, and was symptomatic of multiple levels of contradictions. The Dalit movement had to negotiate not only with the Mala groups, but also the internal demand for autonomy from the sub caste groups. The sub caste movement raised issues similar to the demands made previously by the Mala movement. It was in 1995 that the Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) came into existence. Both, the important leaders of this movement, Krishna Madiga and Krupakar Madiga, were previously associated with the Naxalite organizations. MRPS raised the issue of classes within caste groups that got consolidated due to the disproportionate appropriation of reservations by the Mala community, and demanded that a 15 percent quota, allotted to the SCs in the state, be subdivided, and fixed quotas allotted to properly identified sub-groups of the 59 Dalit communities. In Vempenta, a village in the Kurnool District of the Rayalaseema region in Andhra Pradesh, factionalism was the dominant culture. The entire economic, political, and social life of the village was under the control of factions, led by the landlords, who had direct links (either as MLAs or through control of the representatives) with either the TDP or the Congress party. Sometime around 1980, CPI (ML) Peoples War Group

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entered this village to build a struggle for land and increase the wages. Around 1996, under the party’s leadership, the landless laborers occupied temple lands. This land was redistributed among 80 Madigas, 56 Malas, and 129 backward caste and lower class (which included some upper caste) families. Each family got half an acre of land. As there were more landless families among the Madiga community, more land was distributed to them. These struggles and access to land gave an increasing sense of confidence and dignity to the Madiga families in the village. The Madiga families were forced to organize their own market to sell their harvest, as well as their own Panchayats. This further sharpened the conflict between the landlord, the Malas, and the OBCs on the one hand, and PWG and Madigas on the other. Along with this, as part of an organizational rivalry in the village, Pratighatana, another ML organization, ironically joined hands with the landlords to weaken the hold of PWG, which was by then very strong over the landless laborers (mostly Madigas) of the village. Responding to this growing conflict, the PWG killed the ex-sarpanch who belonged to a backward caste. In reaction, the village that had already been polarized across caste class lines now flared up in a brutal massacre by the landlords (with the active support of the Malas and OBCs) on 16 July 1998, of men and women of the Madiga community. After brutally killing them by chopping off their hands and heads, the landlords threw nine Madiga men into a lit pyre. It does however have to be acknowledged that all these organizations spontaneously formed a united front to protest against the incident (i.e., primarily against the landlords and the connivance of the state). This united front included the Dalit Bahujan Maha Sabaha, KNPS, BC Welfare Association, PUCL, APCLC, PDSU, POW Sri Vimukti, AIPRF, and VIRASAM. On 2 August 1998, they organized a joint state level convention on the incident. This convention was meant, for the first time in the history of the social movements in Andhra Pradesh, to discuss the differences and the possibility of consensus between these organizations. This step towards forming a united front was possible immediately after the incident, in spite of the differences between these mass organizations, as all of them could perceive the emerging commonality of concerns and the evident overlap of issues. While class based issues were now part of the sub caste movement internal to the Dalit movement in the state, ML groups were becoming increasingly answerable and open to debate and discussion on caste based violence. The caste organizations such as the Dalit Bahujan Mahasabha have argued that one of the important dimensions of the incident was the caste blind politics of the PWG. They could not foresee the possibility of

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mobilization on caste lines by the landlords. Not only could the landlords mobilize the Reddy families, but also other OBC and Mala communities. The caste differences make collective mobilization and hatred easy. Some Dalit writers have argued that Vempenta was always a Communist village, but the reason behind the absence of such incidents was that the leadership of the Communist organizations remained with the Reddy Communists, who therefore enjoyed the close patronage of the Reddy landlords. The Communist groups and the landlords entered into a conflicting situation because the leadership shifted into the hands of Dalits. It is interesting to observe that these leaders of the PWG belong to the Madiga community, which could very well be a reason why they had more followers from among the Madigas. The Dalit writers have also recognized that there was a caste contradiction between the SCs and the OBCs. They have argued that it was because of this complex and graded situation that Ambedkar had believed violence had only a partial role in socio-cultural transformation. They also argued neither squad action nor individual annihilation could be a solution for any of the problems, as they reflect an apolitical-militarist approach, which could not handle caste contradictions. As a method of resolving caste conflicts, the Dalit organizations suggested the distribution of land and wealth in accordance with the population percentage of different castes and making the Dalit Bahujan groups part of the state power. However, as ML parties were struggling to negotiate with their earlier caste blind politics, the Dalit movement also failed to evolve a clear perspective and would appear, therefore to have been largely a sub caste blind movement. The PWG, in its reply to the accusations of leading a caste blind struggle, argued that there were not only Madiga men and women among those killed, but also four men belonging to the BC community. It was also a fact that the majority of those who took part in the massacre were men from the OBC community who were the followers of the ex-sarpanch, other than a few Mala men who were traditionally with the faction of landlords. Moreover, they argued, land could not be distributed on the basis of caste but on the basis of landlessness. For instance, there were powerful landed factional leaders from the BC community. How does one characterize these Bahujans? Replying to a phrase used by one of the Dalit writers, they described the Vempenta massacre as Manus justice, but implemented by an ex-sarpanch who was of the BC caste. ML organizations argued that it was only by recognizing the classes within these caste groups (V. Guruvayya, Vempentta Maranakanda, 1999). A perspective very close to the sub caste movement was whether unity could be achieved among the Dalit Bahujans. As the

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Dalit movement was experiencing internal pressures vertically between the OBCs and the various constituents within the SCs that exposed the limitation of exclusive identity based struggles, and the need for a more nuanced caste class approach, the Naxalite movement also began to experience similar internal dissent, owing to its inadequate conceptualization in integrating caste with class politics. The Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee, which worked for the rights of the ML activists and against state violence, began to gradually expand its scope, and bring in violations at the civil societal level. This in effect, over the course of time, meant taking a more critical view of both the violence indulged in by the ML groups, and also the denial of rights by these groups to individuals of various vulnerable social groups. It began by investigating lock up deaths of common people and atrocities on women, such as dowry deaths and domestic violence. It investigated atrocities on Dalits, and brought out reports on Karamchedu and other massacres. It was also concerned with environmental issues such as the pollution of water tanks by industrial wastes, as well as about famine conditions and hunger deaths in various Districts. During this phase in the growth of the civil liberties movement, it expanded by investigating various issues that were brought into relief by various autonomous social movements, outside the fold of the Naxalite movement. At the beginning of the 1990s, however, the issues of various social movements began to emerge in a more complex and inter-connected manner. The very essence and nature of the civil liberties movement now came under scrutiny. The movements and their issues were independent of each other, but in recognizing the mutual conflicts that these movements entered into and the multiple contradictions, which unfolded simultaneously. In many ways, the starting point for this could be traced to the Koyyur kidnap on 30 January 1993, when a tribal MLA was kidnapped from the Visakhapatnam District by the PWG. Here, the issues of Dalit rights and use of anti-democratic means came into conflict with the revolutionary movement on the one hand and the expanding civil liberties perspective on the other. The APCLC intervened to resolve the crisis, demanding the release of the kidnapped. They, however, emphasized the necessity for the autonomy of the APCLC, in order to be able to negotiate in such a situation in clearer terms. Thus, the then president of the APCLC noted that many people felt aggrieved that the principle of reservation was not extended to kidnap and abduction … the tribals in and around Koyyur felt that Balaraju is a good tribal leader, as he was consistently working for the upliftment of the tribals. The democratic consciousness made starker by

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the autonomous Dalit movement, made the leaders and members in APCLC struggling for human rights answerable. Similarly, APCLC, as an organization using various democratic and legal means, had to oppose the contours of a civil liberties perspective, in particular such methods as kidnaps and abduction: The practice of taking as hostage people unconnected with the specific issue between the government and the PWG is a practice we in APCLC never approved of. We have been human rights activists against this type of political practice. Whether the police hold people in illegal custody or the Naxalites kidnap and take as hostage people unconnected with the specific issue involved our stand has been the same. Further it argued that the means used for the attainment of an egalitarian society are as important as the end goal. This in many ways kicked off a serious debate on both the essence of these arguments and the limits of a civil liberties organization. Gradually, many common people who had been affected in various ways began to approach the APCLC for justice. Initially it was argued that such issues (i.e., democratic rights of individual vis-à-vis democratic movements) fell beyond the purview of the APCLC. Pressure from autonomous Dalit and women organizations also increased on APCLC. For instance, there was the issue of SCs, STs, and BCs being killed as police informers. It was argued that most of Dalits who surrendered from the party had no social network through which they could return to mainstream social life and settle in respectable positions, as most of the upper caste surrendered, Naxalites did. It was possible, therefore, for the police to pressurize these vulnerable people in its attempt to convert them into informers. The question was, if the revolutionary movement was oblivious to this underlying logic of unequal social conditions and targeted Dalits as police informers, was it correct for organizations such as the APCLC to ignore the issue of the democratic rights of Dalits? Various female activists within the APCLC raised the issue of various forms of domination on women within the Naxalite groups, which was often undermined as the internal matter of the party, with no fact finding committees being constituted. It was argued by these activists that the democratic consciousness that personal is political needs to be incorporated into the civil liberties movement and they cannot turn a blind eye on such incidents. The demand for protection of an independent democratic space for APCLC now became imperative. APCLC negotiated not only conflicts over the issue of democratic rights of Dali sand women vis-à-vis the ML movement, but also about inter-group rivalry between various revolutionary groups. This was possible only due to an independent human

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rights perspective. During the APCLCs convention in Kurnool, in 1993, the issue of expansion of the civil liberties movement with an independent perspective over various forms of violence in civil society was debated and remained inconclusive. Later, discussion papers were printed and circulated, and all the units of the APCLC in most of the Districts in Andhra Pradesh debated on these two emerging and contesting perspectives for well over a year. Those activists that are sympathetic to the ML movement argued that the violence cannot be understood in neutral terms and all forms of violence cannot be equated. They argued that state violence has to be distinguished from that of transformatory or revolutionary violence, and the primary purpose of APCLC should be to fight for the rights of democratic (revolutionary) movements and expand the space available for them to struggle, so that an egalitarian society could be achieved. In essence, there cannot be a human rights perspective distinct from that of a revolutionary perspective. The second most important difference that the HRF sought from the APCLC was on a characterization of the state that was acceptable to all three (caste, class, and gender) movements. In fact, the state class framework that unconsciously guides our thinking of rights has come from militant left party movements, and the problems of suppression that they have faced from the state and the exploiting classes. These movements have mostly sought to empower themselves by making use of and enlarging the democratic political space and the political and civil rights available in the present state and the political system (Pamphlet, Human Rights Forum, 2000). Finally, they argued, we believe that unjust and unfair use of violence, even by a popular movement, must be openly condemned, not because it is violence, but because it is unjust. Thus, an independent human rights group was formed out of the demands for autonomy that were internal to the Naxalite movement. The semblance of a unified Dalit movement is increasingly threatened by the rise of conflicts with the OBCs or Bahujans on the one hand, and the rise of an independent sub caste movement on the other. These internal protest movements are a result of the gradual withdrawal of the Dalit movement from its initial caste class perspective, and consequent neglect of economic demands for land and wages, undermining agitating militant strategies against the state and reluctance in arriving at combinatory ideological postures around Ambedkarism and Marxism. As E.P. Thompson suggested, productive base itself exists in the shape of social, juridical, and political forms. With the internal-external dynamics movements increasingly realize that the economic sphere has to be seen as reembedded (or continuously embedded) in non-economic social processes;

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a wider outlook requires us to conceptualize aspects of force and violence, ideological hegemony, community, culture, and sexuality as central to the economic process. It is therefore economic upliftment of Dalits in Karamchedu that leads to cultural assertion for self-respect and dignity, reflecting the purport of characterizing caste in a combinatory mold as both base and superstructure by various Dalit writers (Gail, 1998). However, these integrated social and material conditions are always mediated through various processes. They do not tend to translate naturally into solidarity between the movements in course of struggles; they need to be discursively articulated. As Althusser argues, discourses do not reflect an already existing social reality, but constitute social reality for us. Theory/or discourse cannot be regarded as an intellectual domain, while practice is seen to be rooted in a concrete terrain. Internal external dynamics against create the necessity, or in fact get articulated, through a new political discourse. While the PWG rearticulated the famous Marxist dictum to read all hitherto history of India of class and caste struggles; the civil liberties movement pleaded for democratic space, referring not only to the space between the state and the civil society, but also between the various movements within the civil society. Again, the Dalit movement introduced novel combinatory language such as Dalit Communists struggling against a Hindu feudal order for a new Dalit democratic revolution. These articulations are representative of the transformation of both traditional Dalit and Naxalite politics. The PWG not only organized separate anti caste mass organizations, but also fought for legal and socio-economic benefits, such as implementing reservations in the private sector, yet carried ideological propaganda against privatization itself. Similarly, the Dalit movement not only waged legal battles for welfare policies, but also recognized the need for militant struggles to protect their self-respect and the dignity of their women against both the state and private armies of the landlords. Unless militant struggles are not combined with making use of available democratic institutions, the process of social transformation might be distorted with either the establishment of totalitarian regimes, or the localization of struggles. In other words, the emerging internal external dynamics seem to provide yet another historical opportunity for the Dalit and the Naxalite movements to strengthen their mutual solidarity.

Untouchable Ganesha What is the caste of Ganesha? The Savarna caste Hindus decides the caste identity of individuals in Indian society. They believe that the

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Ganesha of the Dalits is an untouchable. Dalits of Peapuly village in Kurnool District brought Ganesha to their wada to celebrate Vinayaka Chaviti. The Ganesha was made to sit and eat in the Dalitwada. When the Dalits wanted to send Ganesha off, the Savarnas stopped the procession and destroyed the Ganesha. The Savarnas told Dalits that the polluted, untouchable Ganesha should not be taken away through their streets. This happened on 1 September 2002. Dalits complained to the police, asking for protection. The District SP and collector bought another Ganesha for Dalits and tried to take out for the procession on Tuesday 2 September. The Savarna castes, the Boyas, the Reddys, and the Telagas got together and prevented the entire revenue, and the police personnel, including the SP and the collector, from passing through their street. They pelted stones and injured several policemen. They burnt down petty shops, chappal repair shops and some houses belonging to Dalits, in the presence of the police. The police opened fire to control the Savarna caste crowd. They failed to control the Savarnas and postponed the procession to the next day. On 3 September, the procession started again. The SP, the collector, the Inspector General of the police, Rayalaseema zone, and also the minister for minor irrigation, K.E. Prabhakar, tried to lead the procession. The Savarna castes refused to allow the procession. The minister and the top District officials re-directed the procession to go through Dalitwada to a nearby tank, where they immersed the Ganesha. This is the plight of the untouchable Ganesha in the hi-tech regime of Chandrababu Naidu. In March 2003, violence erupted once again at Peapuly in Kurnool District, where trouble started over the immersion of the Ganesha idol the previous day. Three people sustained bullet injuries as the police opened fire to control the violence. Three constables also received injuries from thrown stones. The violent mob indulged in arson and looting and attacked police parties with stones. Two shops were set on fire, one shop was looted and three kiosks, all belonging to scheduled caste families, were damaged. The house of SC community, which was close to the main town, was also attacked. The police fired over 70 rounds and dispersed the mob. The Superintendent of the police, Sanjay, who was camping along with the collector, Ajay Jain, and the DIG of the police, Satyanarayan, ordered for curfew was clamped in certain sensitive areas of the town, while prohibitory orders under section 144 of Cr IPC were in force in the remaining areas. The trouble started when the upper caste people reportedly objected to a procession being taken out by the SCs through their locality. Roads in the upper caste localities were blocked, and violence started when the police tried to remove the obstacles. The mob

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damaged the idol, which led to tension. The police arranged another idol and proposed to escort the procession. The promise had further enraged the upper caste people. The people in upper caste localities, who moved in groups, allegedly attacked police and tried to assault journalists too, accusing them of sympathizing with the SCs through their reporting. At one stage, the senior officers were held up at the police station and could not enter the town. After the additional troops joined them, the police resorted to action and opened fire. The gangs dispersed after the firing. Damage to shops and houses of the SCs was estimated at Rs. 67,000. The injured were shifted to hospital. The Dalit families, whose population was around 1,000 out of total population of 13,000, feared for their lives. They expressed fears that they may not be able to return to their homes immediately, as the upper caste people were crying for vengeance. The MRPS leaders who gathered at the place to support SCs could not take up any agitation except to sympathize with them after seeing the violent mood of upper caste people, especially the Boyas, the Telagas, and the Reddys. Attacks were allegedly carried out on the houses of few Vysyas, who sympathized with the SCs. The government has deputed the Commissioner for Social Welfare, Ajoyendra Payal, to Peapuly in Kurnool District, on a fact finding mission of the incident in which the upper caste people prevented and attacked a Dalit Ganesha procession, causing injuries to many. Payal, who rushed to the spot, is expected to submit his report to the government by the next day, sources in the government said. CPI demanded compensation. Meanwhile, CPI demanded action against those responsible for the Peapuly violence, and blamed local TDP leaders for the incidents. In a statement here, the State CPI Secretary, Sudhakar Reddy, also demanded compensation of Rs. 50,000 for each shop destroyed in the violence. He accused the police of failing to take precautionary measures. It was told that the town remained peaceful today. The Minister, K.E. Prabhakar, in whose constituency the town falls, the collector, Ajay Jain, the IG, Sivanarayana, the DIG, Satyanarayan, and the SP, Sanjay, camped there and reviewed the situation. The police rounded up a few people responsible for the violence, taking the total arrests to over 80 people. The police cleared the obstacles created in the upper caste localities. A few women from the upper castes protested, saying they were harassing their men while the SCs were left untouched. They sat in dharna when the police were bringing the damaged jeep. Officers pacified and dispersed them. Meanwhile, the ministers and officials offered prayers at the Ganesha idol installed by the authorities after the first was broken. The idol was immersed in a tank on Gooty road and the procession was routed

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through another lane, bypassing the upper caste locality. The SCs did not show much enthusiasm in the function, and most of them stayed away from it.

Atrocities against Dalits Continue Unabated It is more than half a decade since the Constitution had declared that untouchability was abolished across India. For all these years, the rulers have been boasting that they are taking various measures to improve the socio-economic conditions of the socially depressed classes vis à vis scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. It is also being propagated that in the present age of highly technologically developed 21st century, the country has achieved considerable progress in the economic and social sectors that led to the modernization of Indian society. Despite all these tall claims and high propaganda, the condition of Dalits remains as depressed as in the past. The hollowness of the welfare measures or the constitutional provisions for reservations and their futility in providing the right to live with dignity and the right to economic justice for Dalits are being highlighted with the daily incidents of brutal atrocities perpetrated against Dalits throughout our country. Dalits still remain vulnerable for social and economic repression of the socially and economically dominant upper castes. They are still being subjected to various offences, indignities, humiliation, and harassment. In several brutal incidents of atrocities they are even being deprived of their lives and property on various pretexts. While this horrific violence is being perpetrated against Dalits, the police are flagrantly intervening on the side of oppressors, either directly or indirectly. Mainly, these atrocities being committed against Dalits are based on the land relations of our semi-feudal society. While many Dalits are landless, the small marginal land holdings in the possession of some Dalits have also been falling into the rule of non-Dalits, due to which the Dalits are forced to remain as agricultural laborers at the mercy of landowners. Besides, the fact they are illiterate, ignorant, and suffering with acute poverty is making them more vulnerable. Improper or nonimplementation of the SC and ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989, and the other related Acts too are a cause for the increase of atrocities against Dalits. The following few incidents will enlighten us as to the seriousness of the problem, besides various aspects of the Kurnool District. Again in Andhra Pradesh on 28 June at the Salakalakonda village of Adoni Mandal of Kurnool District, a local drum beater, belonging to the Dalit caste Bangarayya, was killed by one local faction of tyrants because he played

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his drums in the function of the commencement of cultivation for the opposite faction of tyrants. After staging attacks on the houses of the drum-beating community with iron rods, they killed Bangarayya, and injured others. Thus, for every imaginable absurd reason, Dalits are chosen targets for persecution and violence, with gross unfairness and inhumanity. While the rulers are pursuing the policies of vote catching to the ascendency of power and ignoring the brutal atrocities perpetrated against Dalits, the law implementing authorities, including the police, are taking the side of the Dalit oppressors, who are economically and socially dominant with power. Even the Courts have been rejecting many of these cases of atrocities on the Dalits community, saying they have no caste angle, and thus perpetrating injustice on Dalits. The crime rate of raping the Dalit women is on the increase, and attacks on the Dalit community about land related issues are also on the increase. Atrocities like stoning people to death, parading women naked, burning the houses and property of Dalits, and subjecting Dalits to social boycott are on the increase, to discourage Dalits from asserting their rights. Whichever political party may be in power, the atrocities against Dalits continue unabated. Thus, even after 60 years of much landed independence to our country, Dalits are still at the receiving end. The fundamental nature of our socioeconomic political system, as in the semi-feudal system of ours, is the root cause of this brutal, inhuman condition of our society. Unless this root cause is rooted out, the real right to life and dignity for Dalits cannot be instituted through the so called schemes of welfare implemented by our present rulers.

Atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Apart from poverty and land alienation, the atrocities against the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes provide the grounds of growth of Naxalism. Whether it is in the case of the massacre of Dalits at Chundur village in Guntur District in 1991 or the brutal murder of a Dalit leader, Obanna, at Koilkuntla of Kurnool District on 22 January 2004, perpetrators often go unpunished. Although, the government of India adopted the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989, the Andhra Pradesh government had established only 12 special Courts by 2003. The conviction rate for offences against the SCs and STs remain extremely low, primarily because of the caste bias that permeates the executive and judiciary. The Kurnool District Special Court, under the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, rejected 39 cases registered under the Act between 29 May to 3 September 1999 on the

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grounds that the crimes, which included murders, assaults, and rapes were not committed on account of the victims being Dalit, but on account of enmity and lust. The judge in his orders did not give any reason as to how he arrived at this conclusion. Out of the 1,805 cases of atrocities against SCs and STs registered in 1998, 1,897 cases in 1999, and 1,912 cases in 2000 according to then state Home Minister, Devender Goud, only 27 people were convicted by May 2001.

Dalit Killed in Lock up Tension prevailed for some time after the alleged lock up death of Madiga Tirupal of Bandiatmakur of Kurnool District. He was taken into police custody on charges of gambling. The body of the victim was found lying on a grave in the fields adjacent to the police station. However, police were contending that the victim was not tortured, and he had committed suicide by consuming pesticide. People laid siege to the police station for over three hours seeking explanation. The victim was arrested along with Ramachandra Reddy, Khaja Hussain, and E. Subrahmanyam on 10 October 2001. The accused were let off after a stringent warning to come to the station again on Wednesday. However, police had to intervene again after they failed to turn up. Witnesses stated that the victim was seen riding the pillion of a constable on the Wednesday night. He was found dead in a lock up on the next morning. The body of the victim bore bleeding scratches, indicating that it was dragged through a fence erected around the field. Blood marks were also found on the floor, giving credence to the contention that the victim was killed in the lock-up and was dragged to the field.

Rally against Atrocities In March 2002, in Chinna Kambulur village of Rudravaram Mandal, a rally of 400 Dalits was organized in protest against an attack on four Dalit families by the local police. The issue was later referred to the municipal/magistrate Court, and the Court ordered the police to arrest the accused. After three months, the police came and apologized to Dalits. On 16 October 2002, in Krishanpuram village, non-Dalit communities attacked 40 Dalit families and imposed a social boycott in the village. Dalit Samakhya organized a rally and dharna at Mandal headquarters, in which nearly 2,000 Dalits participated. Dalit Samakhya submitted a memorandum to the District collector and SP for social justice. The District administration ordered an enquiry into the incident, and later

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arrested 42 non-Dalits under the SC/ST (PoA) Act. Furthermore, District administration gave compensation to victims. About 12.5 acres of land for quarry for the livelihood of 16 families, 71 families milk animals (each family got Rs. 20,000), houses for 20 families under the Indira Awas Yojana Scheme; two houses occupied by non-Dalit communities were acquired and given back to Dalit families; 3 km of road was laid under food for work scheme, which gave 39 days work for 40 families. Another significant achievement was that six families that were forced to leave the village 10 years were brought back to the village.

Restrictions for Dalits • • • • •

The Dalits should not take processions. Although they do them, it should not be through main streets, but in some other way. Dalits should accept the two glass system. Dalits should not beat drums at the time of worship. Dalits should not come out from the wada, and should also not go for wage labor. Injured victims should not go for treatment, and should not file cases in the police station.

After meeting one of the elders of the Dalit community, he appealed to them not to restrict Dalits regarding wages, since they have no other livelihood option, and he asked them whether Dalits should live or die. However Dalits did not scold them for using abusive language and saying that nowadays Dalits became fatty and did not listen to the non-Dalits. Some of them said that all this is due to (using abusive language) Seekanna (one of the elders of Dalits), so they beat him with cheppal. They also beat Seekanna with chappal, and chased the other Dalit people with rods and sticks. People ran away from them to save lives. Though they ran, most of them were injured. Seekanna, in order to escape, went out, and was rescued in Chakali Kondayya’s house. As they thought, he was not in the house; they went to Dalitwada and threatened the women. They wandered the streets with rods and sticks. This was not a one day plan. All non-Dalits planned earlier. In the Past Kuruva people beat drums in the Dalit temple. Dalits had not taken processions in the main streets. At present, Dalits taking of processions in the main streets and beating drums was by their own people. This made non-Dalits unhappy. Timmappa, Eeranna, Mallaya, Ramayya, and Pakkirappa arranged boya people from Kothapeta village to beat them. Though they had beaten them they had taken their procession. By this, all non-Dalits shouted, using abusive

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language about the dead bodies lying in streets, and they scolded Kothapeta boya people for leaving them. Since Seekannna complained in Holagunda police station about discrimination in his village, Rajaratnam, the SI of the station warned them on the issue of discrimination. They took everything to heart and wanted to kill him, and warned him that they would kill Seekanna and collect Rs. 5,000 from every family of non-Dalits to wing up the case filed for murder, and they challenged that the DSP or anybody could not be able to help in this matter. While escaping Seekanna from them, they had not also taken women into consideration. They had beaten Malamma, and Nadiminti Seekamma. They had guarded the four zones of the village with rods and sticks. Since there were 30 on each side, they have not found any way to come out of the village, and they were in the village for three days. After three days, somehow Seekanna managed to escape from the village, and filed a case in Holagunda police station.

Capacity Building and Strengthening of Dalits Organizations Efforts were made to strengthen the Dalit networks at the local, regional, and national level. We engaged with the community to promote Dalit participation in local governance, with a special focus on participation of women in democratic decision making processes. Our alliances, Dalit Samakhya and Dalit Mahila Samakhya (Dalit women organization), in Andhra Pradesh have broadened their base, and around 52 organizations have joined the struggle. We also worked towards strengthening cross regional alliances, for example, the Musahar Vikas Manch and Musahar Vikash Pahel in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, respectively. The strengthening of the Dalit Hakk Abhiyan in Maharashtra and Dalit Adhikar Abhiyan in Madhya Pradesh are some other efforts undertaken during 2008 towards alliance building processes. Dalits are getting ready for collective action at the national level, demanding land for Dalit women for the first time in India. Dalits are raising their voice in unison to put an end to the age-old inhumane discrimination and atrocities against on Dalit women land rights. Why are Dalits insisting on land ignoring when several welfare programmes are being promised by successive governments? While land is property for upper caste people and a way of controlling Dalits, it is a dignity and issue of life for Dalits (P. Anjaiah, National Team Leader, Dalit Rights). Anjaiah said that it would also come out with a manifesto expressing its vision, objectives, purpose, and identity to sustain the struggle for land rights of the Dalit

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women for a longer time. The successful land struggles that have enabled the Dalit women to get ownership of land in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka, have particularly inspired the Dalit activists. The credit goes to Katta Swami Das, founder of Andhra Pradesh Dalit Samakhya (APDS), who first put forward the demand of land for Dalit women in Nandyal of Kurnool District in Andhra Pradesh in April 2001. A demand was made for the first time in India that every Dalit woman should be provided with five acres of dry land or 2.5 acres of wetland. It was followed with a cycle rally, covering more than 2,000 km in Kurnool District, and the Dalit dignity rathyatra in five Districts covering 3,500 km. He has trained over 1,500 cadres in these five Districts, four Districts of Rayalaseema and the most backward Mahabubnagar District. With the involvement of this cadre of community leaders, mass based struggle was built up, who identified available temple lands, government waste lands, and lands given as pattas to Dalits, but grabbed by others. During the 2004 elections, the charters of demands were put before all the political parties with one lakh signatures. We came out with a common application. About 25,000 Dalit women applications from 1,500 villages were submitted by the village revenue officer to the chief minister. The success of Swamy Das in providing 8,002 acres to about 5,000 Dalit women has inspired Dalit activists all over the country to launch a national campaign (Nagendra, 2008).

Violations of the Rights of the Dalits In 2007, Andhra Pradesh ranked fourth worst in atrocities against the Dalit community. According to the NCRB, 3,383 cases of crimes committed against Dalits were reported, representing 11.3 percent of total such cases in India. These included 46 cases of killings, 105 cases of rape, 25 cases of abduction, 17 cases of arson, 122 cases registered under the Protection of Civil Rights Act of 1955, and 1,200 cases registered under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act of 1989, among others. Our organization is our strength; to protect my land I will continue to be a part of it said Lakshmi Devi, a 25 year old Dalit woman from the Kondavanipalli village of Kurnool District. She used to work as a daily wage laborer, weeding, ploughing, sowing seeds in fields, or digging and constructing roads, and earned Rs. 40. Lakshmi Devi joined APDS five years ago to rescue her land. In 2002, due to her father’s sickness, she took a loan of mere Rs. 1,000 hoping to repay it. What she did not know was that the upper caste money lender had made her sign five acres of land away with a thumb impression. As campaigners, she and other fellow

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activists of the collective identified vacant land in and around their village, and filed applications for land allotment to the revenue officer and senior functionaries. Last year, using the Right to Information Act, Lakshmi and her fellow activists found 110 acres of vacant land, and lobbied hard for it to be given to Dalit women. In November last year, sixty women got one or two acres of fertile land worth Rs.100,000 per acre. She said that this is small but we say that it is a significant victory.

Feudal Practice Bheemanna, an elder from the barber community, told the activists that they were willing to undertake the job if protection was given to them from the landlords who wanted to enforce the age-old feudal practice. Bheemanna trimmed the hair of Samuel and Moshe and received remuneration for the service. Dalits of the village expressed happiness for breaking the age old caste system and joining the mainstream of social life. Historical reasons, along with globalization and market economy, are pushing the Dalit communities towards more vulnerability and impoverishment. They are losing control and are denied access to whatever small land holdings they possess. On the other hand, the government is allocating large tracts of land to various companies for SEZs. However, within the policy framework there is an opportunity to ensure that Dalits may own and access land and other resources. Taking a recent government order as a starting point, the Andhra Pradesh Dalit Samakhya is intent on making rights that are currently on paper a reality for hundreds of thousands of impoverished Dalit households. Available data in Andhra Pradesh itself suggests that around 7 million acres of land can be distributed to the landless poor, particularly to landless Dalits for agricultural purposes within three months from the date of receipt of the application. With this background, Dalit women and men, assisted by Andhra Pradesh Dalit Samakhya (APDS) and Action Aid India, launched a campaign demanding land for every Dalit woman. Through this campaign, 27,025 applications were submitted by 27,025 landless Dalit women in five Districts. The impact was quite significant, as thousands of women took to the streets and protested in front of the office of the District collector, demanding immediate allocation of land. The participation of the people and response of the authorities to the campaign were overwhelming. A total of 4,895 Dalit women were allotted 7,929.86 acres of land in four Districts. Further actions of follow up are being considered to address the remaining land being distributed to women. The struggle has just begun, and APDS plans in 2009 to approach all the 21

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MLAs and 7 MPs before the forthcoming general elections. Memoranda have already been submitted to five MLAs, and their support sought to make this campaign a success.

Rally against Hunger and Practice of Untouchability A cycle rally was organized involving thousands of Dalit youth, including a large number of young Dalit women, to create awareness and build solidarity among Dalits. A 29 day cycle rally was organized across 254 villages, covering more than 1,850 km. During the cycle rally, several issues related to land rights, indebtedness, abuse, practice of untouchability, denial of entitlements, no access to government welfare services, incidents of sexual abuse, lack of water, lack of housing, and denial of basic rights, etc., were highlighted and discussed in the public meetings, demanding for social justice. The rally took up several issues and submitted petitions to the concerned government officials and police officials. The rally’s impact on Dalits could be observed in terms of enhanced self-respect, self-dignity, and rights and entitlement assertion. During the rally, around 12,500 petitions were given to Dalit Samakhya. They are related to housing (1,500 families), ration cards (1,300 families do not have the cards, ration cards are available for 2,600 families, but no coupons were given to families), land (landless families 5,026), pensions (1,002 persons) house site pattas (1,500 families do not have house site pattas), 136 families have pattas but no land was given to them, 74 land garbing from Dalit families, and 82 cases related to attacks, abuse by caste name, and counter cases, etc., widows (452 persons) and 2,665 petty cases at the local level. Following the cycle rally on 10 December 2002, the Dalit Samakhya organized a public meeting, in which around 10,000 people participated, including a large number of women and children. This has demonstrated strength, power, and confidence of the Dalit communities at the state level. The following charter of demands was declared in the public meeting. • • • • • •

To put an end to 120 forms of the practice of untouchability and caste based discrimination. For effective enforcement of the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act for speedy justice. To provide two acres of land to landless Dalit families. To implement minimum wages Act. For entitlements and basic rights of the Dalits. To put an end to hunger.

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Full protection for the Dalits to participate in the Panchayat Raj institutions and other democratic institutions.

Leadership Building Dalit Samakhya identified 1,700 Dalit youth (three women and three men from each village) to enhance their leadership qualities. To build their capabilities to deal with the problems they experience in day-to-day life, leadership trainings were held to increase their knowledge about various government programmes/schemes, like old age pensions, widow pensions, loans, aids, and appliances for people with disabilities, etc. On the other hand, the Dalit activists were educated to tackle the issues related to caste based discrimination and the practice of untouchability, child labor, livelihood related concerns, and so on. The Community level activists have addressed issues without any inhibitions and sense of fear. The strong leadership emerged among these marginalized communities. The Dalit community activists firmly say that we will not allow dominant caste people to abuse our women and men, exploit and take away our basic rights just because we are silent and voiceless. The impact is evident that several local issues related to securing water from community water-points (wells/hand pumps, taps), accessing government schemes, approaching government officials, ensuring effective functioning of the public distribution system, ensuring attendance of primary school teachers and health workers. This has also helped to build their confidence levels. The Dalit activists say that if we are united and firm, things will change for us.

Foot March against Untouchability Dalit Samakhya decided to wage war against evil and dehumanizing untouchability practices. They have organized Padayatras (protest march) and dharanas (picketing) to put an end to untouchability practices. Padayatra yielded good results and made an impact to the lives of the Dalit communities. Dalit Samakhya was successful in eliminating the practice of the two glass system in 121 villages; temple entry is possible for Dalits without any fear in 25 villages; Dalits are allowed to draw water from common wells in a few villages. In Chinnavanagali, Dalits are prohibited from riding bicycles. Dalits organized a protest against it. In several places, demonstrations are made in protest of these practices. Now, Dalits in several villages ride bicycles. These small achievements helped them to build their confidence levels and lead a life with dignity and respect.

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Formation and Strengthening of Labor Contract Societies (LSCs) To address the poverty of Dalits in 347 villages, Dalit Samakhya initiated a process of registering 17 labor contract societies in 13 Mandals. The purpose of the labor contract societies (LSC) is twofold: (1) to enable Dalit communities to demand a share in the market sphere through building strength and confidence, and (2) Dalits also have rights over the common property resources, and they are capable of becoming entrepreneurs in society so that they get worthwhile employment, and access and control over local resources. In 2003, the process of forming and registering labor contract societies was started under the Mutually Aided Cooperatives Act of 1995. As a result 13 labor contract societies were registered and completed all statutory requirements. The present status is that the labor contract societies have a membership of 1,020, of which 50 percent are women. Thus, Dalit Samakhya was able to prevent 205 families from its usual migration to other Districts from Pathikonda Mandal. As the families stayed back in the villages, the children are with the families, and 487 children could continue their education in school. Dalit women from labor contract societies have played a major role in getting public works by approaching concerned government authorities. Dalit women feel that their self-confidence is enhanced, as they are also able to compete with men in these villages. Further, these small efforts have helped the women and men in the 347 villages to realize their rights and assert their rights over the resources in the village. Similar efforts are being made in other villages by the labor contract societies.

Formation of Dalit Human Rights Monitoring Committee (DHRMC) The objective of the DHRMC is to monitor human rights violations committed against Dalits, and to prevent their occurrence in future at all levels. On a village level, in all the villages, a five member committee was constituted, and orientation was given to them as to how to monitor the Dalit human rights violation and also take necessary steps to prevent them in future. A coordination committee was set up at the Mandal and District level to coordinate and monitor the Dalit human rights violations. Efforts have been made to strengthen their role and functions so that Dalit atrocities will be minimized and prevented further. As of now, these committees are at various levels, and need to be strengthened further.

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However, the District level committee is playing a very important role in taking up issues of violence against Dalits.

Building and Nurturing Community Level Activists To promote and strengthen the leadership among Dalit communities to fight for their basic rights and entitlements, Dalit Samakhya identified and nurtured the community level activists at the village level. In each village there are six activists, both men and women. In all 347 villages, there are nearly 2,100 activists, of which women account for 50 percent. To build the capacities and leadership qualities of community level activists, Dalit Samakhya facilitated a series of capacity-building programmes like poverty and denial of basic rights, the role of Dalit Samakhya in fighting social justice issues, the SC/ST (PoA) Act, gender issues, common property resources, and Dalit labor contract societies on a regular basis for 508 people. Among these there are 258 young women that participated in the training programmes. These young community activists are playing an important role in sensitizing their community members and civil society on various issues and concerns faced and experienced by Dalits. The women Dalit activists are playing an important role in the process of empowering Dalit communities. The problems, Dalits experience and face on a regular basis is untouchability, atrocities, hunger, abuse of women and domestic violence, child labor, denial to draw water from common water points, denial to enter public places such as health centers, gram Panchayats, post offices, etc., and discrimination against children in schools. These community level activists started sensitizing and mobilizing around these issues, and challenged the dominant castes in their own villages. The concerted efforts yielded good results in many villages. Practice of the two glass system has been eliminated in 142 villages. In 123 villages, the Dalits are allowed to walk through the main streets. Temple entry is allowed in five villages, and Dalits are taking water from common water points in 23 villages. The efforts made by community activists have had a remarkable impact on Dalit communities. In 134 schools, children used to face and experience discrimination by non-Dalit children, and even teachers used to look down on the Dalit children. Now, the Dalit children are treated equally in government schools in 134 villages because of the efforts made by the Dalit Samakhya activists. There are 711 community level activists who are very active and dynamic. These empowered activists have taken up issues of human rights violations, gender violence, land issues, entitlement issues, etc. In 2003,

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they held demonstrations to draw attention to issues of Dalit communities in villages they were working in; Dalit Samakya has taken to address the issues of human rights violation and atrocities committed against Dalits. Around 130 Dalit human rights violations, such as atrocities, attacks, rapes, etc., have taken place in Kurnool District alone. Dalit Samakhya took the position to raise the issues with the civil society, the police, and the state. Dalit Samakhya has organized mass rallies, dharanas, and protests to sensitize the civil society and state. Dalit Samakhya has used legal means to fight injustice and atrocities. As a result of these efforts, 304 dominant perpetrators were arrested and punished under the law. During 2004, Dalit Samakhya has taken position to address issues of human rights violation and atrocities committed against Dalits. Dalit Samakhya took to raising these issues with the civil society, the police, and the state. Dalit Samakhya has organized mass rallies, dharanas, and protests to sensitize the civil society and state. Dalit Samakhya has approached the legal course to fight injustice and atrocities. As a result of these efforts, 157 people were arrested and punished under the law. Table 5.1: Human Rights violations against Dalits in Kurnool District S.No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total

Incidents Number of incidents per year Attacks, social boycotts 164 Sexual abuse 39 Gang rapes 2 Attempts to commit rape 5 Land issues and violence 3 Murder 9 Caste based discrimination and abuse 8 231

The Dalit children are encouraged to go to school regularly. A notable change is that Dalit Panchayat members demanded the implementation of programmes under a special component plan. The government allocated 15 percent of the total fund allocation for the development of Dalits. In reality, on an average 4 percent of the fund was utilized, according to a survey by Dalit Samakhya. In four Panchayats Kouthalam, Sloganeer, Upparahal, and Thimmapuram, Dalits demanded the implementation of programmes under special component plans, and as a result, they have taken up works related to infrastructure building like roads, bus shelters, and drainages, etc. Elected body members were assertive of their rights and duties and they are now respected as elected body members. The self-

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confidence of the elected members also enhanced and they are attending meetings without fail and raising their concerns. The members also organized Gramsabhas in their villages and shared the development that has taken place in their villages with the communities. Dalit Samakhya provided legal support to the Dalit victims and also mobilized resources from the state. During 2003, legal support was provided in 23 cases. In five major atrocities, Dalit Samakhya mobilized compensation from the state government.

Fighting for Land rights Dalit Samakhya has been fighting for land rights of Dalits and the marginalized communities, as land is a major source of employment for Dalit communities in the rural areas. To date, Dalits are dependent on land as a source of income inasmuch as they get to work on it as agricultural laborers. They hardly ever own the land they work on. Almost all the private land in the state, and even in other parts of the country, is under the ownership of the upper castes. As such, the continued employment of Dalits is always in danger of stopping abruptly, even on an imagined wrong. Otherwise, Dalits are considered either as slaves, or are forced into bonded labor and exploited indiscriminately; they are paid minimally and are made to work for more than 14 to 16 hours a day. Bonded labor means that at least three to four generations of Dalits have to slog their bodies to death in return for meager amounts of loans taken from the local rich, and upper caste landlords. In this context, Dalit Samakhya felt that the best way to bring Dalits out of either forced or bonded labor is to make them use the schemes and facilities through government agencies, and make them procure land for themselves. Dalits have been able to put in requisitions, and in 2004, Dalit Samakhya had initially done a land survey of where government land was, which land was under private ownership, and which was barren or uncultivated. Information was also gathered about the lands that were originally meant for Dalits and had land certificates distributed to them, but were grabbed by upper castes as it was good cultivable land. Because of the struggle and efforts by Dalit Samakhya, 750 families were distributed 1,060 acres of land. Today, women of these families work on their own lands, along with their husbands. They also have time now to concentrate on the education of their children. Now those Dalits have land to work on that is their own, and they do not have to either work as bonded labor or send their children in their place, children are free to go to school and get a proper education. After land acquisition, nearly 40 children have

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been re-enrolled into school, and this is out of 94 school dropouts, from 164 families earlier forced into bonded child labor. At societal level also, ownership of land by Dalits is not only a permanent source of livelihood, but is a visible symbol of social status and their empowerment, giving them equal status in society. Though Dalit Samakhya had initiated the process of identification of land, the community took up the fight to acquire land for them, and they became convinced that owning land was their right and they were entitled to it (Andhra Pradesh Dalit Samakya, in Kurnool District).

Empowerment of Dalits Dalits are one of the long persecuted humanities in India. Historically they have been subjugated to various types of caste oppression and discrimination based on unjust principles of purity and sacredness, as per the four fold Varna system. In earlier days they were known as sudras (untouchables). A large section of people who are not coming under this four fold Varna system have been considered as panchamas (out castes). Gandhiji adopted a new terminology for these communities by the name of harijan (people of god). According to the Indian constitutional record, they come under the category of scheduled castes (groups under the category of taking care). Apart from scheduled caste (Mala, Madiga, Dasari, Maladasari, Baindla) and scheduled tribes (Chenchu, Yerukala, Yanadi, Sugali, Neeli Shikari), the term also brings in other oppressed communities in the society such as beggars (Dokkali), scavengers, weavers, potters, barbers, dhobi, rural folk artists (Jangam), shepherds, blacksmiths, toddy-tapers, thief communities (Donga boya), agriculture laborers (Balija), village circus workers (dommari), etc. Several legal measures were taken up to protect the lives of Dalits from all kinds of atrocities, particularly after independence. But the irony is that even today the new faces of caste oppression are coming up in both direct as well as indirect ways.

Need and Strategy The need for the Dalit empowerment was felt as an internal evaluation of BIRDS revealed that it could not reach the most oppressed sections (Dalit) of the society. This was mainly due to its focus on economic development in the past decade. A joint study of Bharathi Integrated Rural Development Society (BIRDS) and by Action Aid India (AAI) on Dalits was conducted in the year 2002, to look into the reasons for disinterest of

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Dalits in the mainstream developmental process. The study covered aspects such as untouchability (its forms, severity, and number of instances), female/male relationships, sources of income, access to land (land ownership, benami lands/pattas, assigned lands forcibly cultivated by others), and the status of child rights (understanding of children’s status, child labor, and children affected by factionism). Social practices like untouchability and gender inequity deter them from joining the economic development process, apart from their inability to save single paisa on account of their utter poverty. It also revealed that evil social discrimination practices continue to exist, in spite of the promise for human rights in the Indian Constitution, as several legislations invoke the eradication of these practices. The study also revealed that the practice of illegal social discrimination practices is rampant in three Mandals (Rudravaram, Kolimigundla, and Owk) of the District, where BIRDS is already active with its MF activity. The Dalit Empowerment Program (DEP) was designed based on the outcome of the study. The main strategies were adopted to empower these socially oppressed communities (Dalits) viz., formation of Dalit Samakhya (DS), and its strengthening through training, meeting, information sharing, lobbying, and advocacy. The aim of Dalit Samakhya is fighting against hunger and untouchability for self-respect, rights, and power. The five focal issues addressed for achieving this goal were: (i) untouchability, (ii) unemployment, (iii) gender discrimination, (iv) child labor, and (v) land rights. A BIRD is implementing DEP in Rudravaram Mandal of Kurnool District. The activities in 20 villages are supported by Action Aid India (AAI). The programme is implemented in Rudravaram as part of two NGO networks viz., NOVOK network and Chetana Network. At the time of reporting, BIRDS is implementing DEP in 42 villages.

Victory on Vetted (Menial) Jobs Nakkaladinne is a remote village, located about 25 km from Rudravaram Mandalin the Kurnool District. About 276 families inhabit the village, of which 35 families are Dalits. There was practice of vetti in the village, since time immemorial. Upper caste families looked down upon Dalits and assigned them menial jobs such as burying dead human beings and animals. Though these kinds of jobs are highly hazardous to health, in return, Dalits were paid in terms of one bottle (1 L) of Sara (locally brewed alcohol), and a meal. The meal was served after everybody attending the death ceremony finished his or her turn. In the case of animal

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death also, no cash was paid for the service. Instead, Dalit was allowed to reomove the skin of the dead animal and take it to home. As part of DEP, BIRDS organized Dalits of Nakkaladinne into DS in 2003. Dalits of the village participated actively in all the motivational meetings and trainings organized by BIRDS. When Dalits were approached for burying the dead body of a high caste person, they demanded suitable cash payment in return of their service. Reacting violently to the just demand of Dalits, the higher castes attacked houses of Dalits, resulting in the fleeing of all Dalit youths from the village. High caste people then caught hold of old Dalits and made them to do the job under age old norms. The next day, with facilitation of Rudravaram DS, Dalits of Nakkaladinne registered a criminal case against the attacking high caste people. Responding positively, the Sub-Inspector of the police (SI) and Divisional Superintendent of the police (DSP) took the initiative to talk to the higher caste people, and Dalits were permitted to enter the village again. When another death of a higher caste person occurred in April 2004, Dalits went to the police station and explained to the SI and DSP about their demand for cash payment for services. Police summoned the higher caste people of the village to Rudravaram PS and explained about the legal implications of the practice, and advised them to fix a reasonable cash payment norm in the village. Having no other option, the higher caste leaders agreed to the suggestion and provided fixed cash payment for the services of Dalits. Since then, Dalits of Nakkaladinne were paid Rs. 1,200 for burying a dead human and Rs. 500 for carrying away a dead animal. This change of practice can be seen as a great achievement for Dalits of Nakkaladinne, as they could wipe out the evil practice, prevalent since time immemorial. Dalits are the poorest of the poor in India, especially in rural areas. In India there are approximately 240 million people belong to this caste, which means that almost 25 percent of the population is Dalit, and that in a country where supposedly everyone has the same rights and opportunities, one in four people is condemned to be untouchable. For many years, these people did not have access to education, or a decent occupation. Even today, Dalits are being punished and forced to live in isolation from other castes, and are doomed to perform the dirtiest and hardest jobs in society. Because of the lack of media, they do not have enough food, medical care, homes, or clothes. They are socially shy, have a lack of access to food, education, and medical care, and are kept in bondage to the upper castes or the wealthy. The Haribala Trust has become a refuge of hope for many and supporting more than 300 children in 18 villages of Kurnool District.

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These young are abandoned and/or forced to work in the field in exchange for some bread. The fate of girls is even worse since they are considered a burden to their families and are forced to perform any work. These children know that their are people in far away lands, they think of them having a generous heart, and it makes their eyes light up as they see a glimmer of hope. Haribala Drought Area Development Trust was founded in 2001 in Koilkuntla of Kurnool District. This small town is located about 300 km from Hyderabad, the capital of Andhra Pradesh (South India). Dalit Bahujan Front (DBF), a well-known socio-political organization in Andhra Pradesh, has been lost for a decade. The Dalit intellectuals, activists, and well established organizers were closely associated with the Dalit Bahujan Front. The Dalit Bahujan Front mainly works with budget land and political share to the majority of the Dalit community. The Dalit Bahujan Front has more than 800 activists in 18 Districts across Andhra Pradesh. DBF is a socio-political movement in Andhra Pradesh, formed with grass root Dalit activists, civil society organizations, and other like minded professionals. The Core activities of the DBF are the promotion of community leadership among Dalit Bahujan communities. To address the issue of Dalits, tribals, female Dalits, and other marginalized communities. And mainly protecting and promoting the human rights of Dalits. Due to heavy rains and floods in Andhra Pradesh, five to six Districts (Kurnool, Mahaboobnagar, Anantapur, Prakasam, Guntur, and Krishna) have been badly affected. Some villages have been badly affected, and some villages have totally vanished. Some people have lost their lives; some are missing, more became homeless and are suffering with hungry and ill health from fasting for five days. The agricultural land has been the worst affected, and most of the people lost their livelihood and livestock. At Kurnool District, the Nandyal and Adoni towns and the other surrounding villages are the worst hit. Roughly 500 to 600 rural villages and 30 to 40 urban colonies have been affected. At Srisailam Dam, the water level has been increased due to the overflowing of rivers, and water has been pushed back. Most of the urban colonies have been flooded where Dalits are residing. Still their houses are in floodwater. They have not had food and water for the past five days. Roughly 1,500 acres have been damaged, and the Kurnool District government has declared that 70,000 to 75,000 became homeless, 13 died, 22 are missing, 6,000 houses are fully damaged, 55,000 are partially damaged, and loss of 40, and the rivers, canals and roads are badly affected. Even highways in Kurnool District are under water. Most of the effected people are from Dalit and tribal families who depend upon daily wages. This summer they were registered with the employment

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guarantee scheme and were working. However due to sudden floods they lost their livelihood and daily wage for the whole year. Now they are totally helpless. Particularly at Nandyal Division of Kurnool District, 1.5 core worth works have been stopped due to floods; means the daily wage laborers lost this amount. At Mahaboobnagar District, Gadwal Division, Palnadu area of Guntur, the Nallamala forest area of Prakasam and Kurnool, which are under hilly areas and where most tribes particularly Chenchus and Yanadis are living, were so badly affected that the people totally lost their livelihood and shelter and became helpless. These areas are located in remote areas, where the government has not reached and is therefore neglecting them. However DBF folk reached those places and are serving them. The government is also enumerating the sufferers and is supplying food and water, and has opened relief camps, but it is doing nominal work. Most of the folk affected badly by the floods are Yanadis, Chenchus, and Dalits. It will be very helpful to us if you join with us to give immediate support to 20,000-25,000 Dalits, Yanadi, and Chenchu families who are totally affected (Venkateshwarlu, 2007).

CHAPTER VI RECENT DALIT MOVEMENTS IN ANDHRA PRADESH

Dalit struggles began in British Andhra and Hyderabad states from 1906. The Dalit liberation movement got its impetus with the dawn of democratic institutions in India during British rule. This movement had two objectives: reject the Hindu social order, and fight to reconstruct selfidentity (Chinna Rao, 2007). The Dalit movements were mainly antiBrahmin, aiming at a social order based on rationalism and humanism. These movements had a different ideology and objective when compared to the other anti-Brahmin movements. Dalits fought for structural change in the caste system, unlike the social/caste reform movements among upper castes, which were essentially non-combative and meant to affect minimal changes. The Dalit movement sought to challenge the established non-egalitarian social order, the value system, and the patterns of dominance within a rigid caste order. By the 1940s, the Congress and the Communist parties attempted to co-opt the Dalit movements, the Congress through the Harijan ideology. Movements started from the 1900s onwards in the Telugu speaking areas of Hyderabad state. The Library Movement (Krishna Devaraya Grandhalayam, 1901) in 1901 and the Andhra Jana Sangham in 1922 strived for the protection of Telugu language. Untouchability was used as a plank for conversions both by Islam and Hinduism on the plea of equality, which proved to be a myth. The process of religious conversion into Islam and re-conversion into Hinduism by the Arya Samaj brought enlightenment among Dalits that the root of their exploitation, oppression, and discrimination was grounded in the feudal system. The Library Movement, which gained momentum between 1920 and 1930, brought this awareness. The Andhra Jana Sangham later became the Andhra Maha Sabha in 1930. These sporadic and isolated movements began to take on political overtones after the 1930s. By the 1940s, political parties had become dominant, subsuming the social issues. The Communists took the lead in organizing movements in Hyderabad state by 1944. The reformist

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movement in British Andhra was a result of cross cultural interaction. On the other hand, in Hyderabad, the struggle started as a social reform movement against the practice of untouchability and the bonded labor system (vetti), and was extended to fight against the Jagirdari system and the autocratic rule of the Nizam. The movements in the first half of the 20th century in Hyderabad state had, in fact, articulated two issues, one for representative government, and the second for social and economic equality. By the 1970s, the class movements had turned into caste struggles in the emerging capitalistic mode of production in agriculture in coastal areas. Capitalist agriculture developed in coastal Andhra after the green revolution. The tenants and small marginal farmers (mostly Dalits) could achieve upward economic mobility but were still not integrated socially. The general understanding that class integration would happen with agricultural development was realized, but this also led to contradictions between different social groups, which then resulted in atrocities against Dalits once these castes began to assert their social identity. The Karamchedu carnage (17 July 1985) is an incident of an extreme form of violence and atrocity on Dalits in the history of Andhra Pradesh. When Madigas (the lowest caste among SCs) asserted themselves and questioned the hegemony of the Kammas, the Kammas attacked Madigas brutally. This was followed by several cold blooded incidents in Neerukonda, Chunduru, Timmasamudram, Chalkurthi, and Vempenta. However there is no denial of caste oppression in Telangana, Dalits had no opportunity to gain economic mobility. One of the dominant reasons could be non-emergence of capitalist relations in agriculture due to the green revolution. The presence of the radical left movement in Telangana has made the difference such that there have been no mass atrocities against Dalits. At the same time the weakening of the Communist party in coastal Andhra might have been a factor that contributed to the attack on Dalits. There is also a long history of conflicts and discrimination within the Dalit groups (Mahars and Mangs in Maharashtra, Malas and Madigas in Andhra Pradesh) themselves in one form or the other since times immemorial. This conflict has intensified in the recent past and has been manifested in identity movements by the Madigas and their allies. The Karamchedu incident catalyzed the Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh, and the conflict between the Malas and Madigas subsided for a short period (Ajay, 2007). The Madiga Hakkula Parirakshana Committee, organized under Madiga Dandora, demanded further classification of scheduled castes and reservation according to the relative backwardness of each group. The

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impact of the space created by the Dalit movement is mixed. The proportion of scheduled caste households possessing land in Andhra Pradesh is less than all of India. Labor force and work participation rates are higher in Andhra Pradesh than in the rest of India for scheduled caste households. The proportion of people unemployed is less, and the proportion of households depending on wage labor is higher in Andhra Pradesh than in the rest of India. These facts indicate that the scheduled castes are integrated with the economy more through wage employment in the state in comparison to the rest of the country. Andhra Pradesh occupied the third and fourth place among the states in India with regard to crimes committed against scheduled castes in terms of rate of total recognizable crimes, and percentage share in the total crimes in India. The economic and social assertion of Dalits could be the underlying cause of increased violence against them. The representation of scheduled castes in the three-tier Panchayat power structure is very close to their proportion of population in the state. Dalits are the suppressed people at the lost rung of the caste based hierarchy. Their inferior occupations and low levels of ascriptive status make them vulnerable to attacks at the hands of upper caste people. The organizational efforts made by the Dalit leadership for uplifting their status are known as the Dalit movement. It is a protest against untouchability, casteism and discrimination faced by Dalits. The Dalit movement indicates some trends of protest ideologies that need withdrawal and selforganization, high Varna status and extolling of non-Aryan cultures virtues, abandoning of Hinduism, and embracing other religions like Buddhism and Islam. In 1923, M.K. Gandhi founded the All India Harijan Sevak Sangh to start education and schools for Dalits. Another most important Dalit leader, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar struggled to secure basic human dignity for the Dalits. The Mahad Satyagarh for the right of water led by him was one of the outstanding movements of the Dalits to win equal social rights. The role of All India Depressed Classes Association and All India Depressed Classes Federation were the principal organizations initiated a movement to improve the conditions of the Dalits. These organizations aimed at improving their miserable conditions and spreading education among them. They worked to secure rights of admission to schools, permission to draw water from the public wells, to enter the temples, and to use the roads (Rao, 1997). There are 59 Dalit castes in Andhra Pradesh. From the scheduled caste list Madigas and Malas are two major sub castes designated in various names competing for reservation benefits. Through reservations, Malas acquired the ruling class characteristics of modern education and modern

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occupation in Andhra Pradesh. The Coordinate Committee of Arundhatheeya and allied Sanghas cited these new inequalities among major groups that strengthened Panchama hierarchy by the 1980s. There are five major groups i.e., Adi-Andhra, Adi-Dravida, Mala, Madiga, and Dakkal. Besides them there are other categories of SCs who are said to have migrated from other parts of the country. The population of these groups, according to the 1981 census, is as follows. The Adi-Andhra (8.84%), Adi-Dravida 95,156 (1.19%), Mala 31,51,378 (39.50%), Madiga 37,31,036 (46.87%), Dakkal 1,528 (0.90%), and others 1,51,674 (1.90%), in addition to these SCs there are 1,27,375 (0.67%) unspecified population not included in any one of these sub-castes. New inequalities developed within these sub-castes, as they could not appropriate reservation benefits proportionate to their population in reserved spheres of education, employment, and politics. These new inequalities strengthened divisions within Dalits by a strong feeling of deprivation of opportunities by Malas provided by reservation policy. By the 1980s, Madiga community felt that lot of injustice had been done to Madigas in the state interms of the distribution of reservation benefits. The educational facilities provided by the Indian Constitution are not equally utilized by Dalit sub castes as a consequence of internal cultural difference within them. Poverty of parents, exposure to social reform, and Christian missionary activities (Uma Ramaswamy, 1985) helped Malas in cornering reservation benefits more than Madigas. According to the 1981 Indian census, about 16.55% of Dalits recorded were literate, but there was unequal progress of literacy among Dalit sub-castes. The major sub-caste, the Madiga, recorded only 9.86% literacy rate, whilemore than 90% of its population remained illiterate. The highest literacy rate (28%) was recorded by the Adi-Andhras, who account for just 8.98% of Dalits. The literacy of Malas, Adi-Dravida, Dakkal and others is 21.75%, 20.44%, 10.28%, and 17.18% respectively. At matriculation Malas stood first (53.15%), Madigas second (28.012%), Adi-Andhra third (15.58%), AdiDravida fourth (1.33%), and the last (0.002%) is Dakkals in the ladder of education. A similar pattern of educational inequalities is found within Dalits at college levels and in professional degrees. Indian bureaucracy was characterized by the dominance of one or two castes. The same picture emerged within Dalits in the reserved sphere of employment. It is to be noted special treatment benefits have often tended to be appropriated by the more educated, articulated, and organised in scheduled communities (Sisir Bhattacharya, 1984). It was Malas who were more educated, articulated, and organised in state and appropriated the lion’s share of employment opportunities. It is evidenced from that Malas

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had a dominant position at all levels of government jobs cornering more than 75% of Jobs. Madigas secured less than 25% of jobs creating an unequal representation of all Dalit sub castes within the reserved sphere of public employment, creating new inequality in availing reservation benefits by different Dalit castes in Andhra Pradesh. There is summation of caste, class, and power in India. It implies that one’s caste position in Chaturvarna hierarchy determines and subsumes ones socio-economic and political position. It means that those who have high caste position will also have a higher position in socio-economic and political spheres (Anil Bhat, 1974). The higher is the caste status, the higher is the class and political power in India. It is also true in the case of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh. Malas have higher status than Madigas in Dalit hierarchy. Identical to their higher status, Malas have higher status in reserved spheres of education, employment, and politics, which also indicates the position of Madiga and Mala sub castes in reserved seats at different levels of politics within Dalits. Malas cornered 64.28% of political positions at all levels of political institutions, while Madigas secured less than 36.16% of political positions on average. It is very significant to note that Malas continued their dominance in the fields of politics from the days of independence and emerged as the dominant Dalit caste in Andhra Pradesh. By the 1980s Madigas realized their backwardness in appropriating reservation benefits, and demanded for the categorization of 59 Dalit castes into four groups for equitable distribution of reservation benefit among different Dalit sub caste groups in Andhra Pradesh.

Recent Dalit Movements Dalit Mahasabha was established in 1985 to fight against culprits who were responsible for the massacre of Dalits at Karamchedu village in the Prakasam District. It marked the beginning of the independent Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh. Protective measures implemented after the formation of Andhra Pradesh have generated the idea of egalitarianism in the socio-economic and political frontiers. Dalits have started raising their heads and asserting their dignity, becoming intolerable to the upper castes. They are demanding land, economic betterment, education, employment, and above all social and economic equality. However, the self-assertion of Dalits was unpalatable to the upper castes, and so they resorted to atrocities on Dalits (Chunduru Carnage, 6 Aug 1991). In Andhra Pradesh, the killing of Kotesu in Kanchika Charla in the Krishna District two decades ago was usually regarded as the beginning of this phenomenon.

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However there was a vacuum of leadership in the post-independence period for a long time to expose such incidents. The Karamchedu carnage that took place in 1985 during the rule of the Telugu Desham Party laid the seeds of an independent Dalit movement in the form of Dalit Mahasabha free from the influence of ruling political parties. The Dalit Mahasabha declared in its manifesto that the Congress and Communist parties were bourgeois parties and that they worked in their class interest neglecting the poor people. The Dalit Mahasabha resolved to strive for the annihilation of caste and class. It wanted to synthesize Marxism with Ambedkarism as their ideology for the realization of their objective (Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha). The Dalit Mahasabha felt that it is necessary to combine Marxism and Ambedkarism for the social revolution in India.

Dalit Voluntary Force The Chunduru carnage of Guntur District, in which eight Dalits were killed by upper castes, gave birth to Dalit voluntary force at the initiative of the former Naxalite leader, K.G. Satyamurthy. His entry into politics gave a new impetus to the Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh. He advocated for the synthesis of Ambedkarism with Marxism to give a death-blow to Brahminist communism (Satyamurthy, 1991). Thus he brought Ambedkarites closer to the Marxists and vice-versa, and gave a new impetus to the Dalit movement. After the Chunduru Carnage, he organized a Dalit voluntary force. The objectives of this force were: (i) to organize movements for annihilation of caste, (ii) to organize depressed castes in every village, and (iii) to organize depressed castes to protect themselves from the atrocities of upper castes and prepare them for social revolution. However this force could not be developed as mass organization, as its leaders joined the Bahujan Samaj Party.

Dandora Madigas have been fighting for equal identity and an equal share in reservation benefits since the 1980s. Arundhateeya Mahasabha was the first Dalit sub caste association in Andhra Pradesh fighting for a respectable identity propagating the love story of Arundhathi and Maharshi Vashistha projecting a high image of Madigas. Madigas believe that the genesis of Arundhathi reveals the genesis of the Madigas as they were first born on planet earth. After the independence, the Bandu Seva Mandali carried on the activities of the Mahasabha as a cultural organisation of Madigas in Andhra Pradesh. Later on, Andhra Pradesh

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Madiga Sangham inaugurated a struggle phase of the Madiga movement for an equal share in reservation benefits in 1980s. Following the programme of Madiga Sangham, Dakshina Bharatha Adijambava/or Arundhatheeya Samakhya continued to struggle for an equal share in reservation benefits in the 1990s. Later on, Dandora emerged as a fighting organisation for equal identity and reservation benefits in Andhra Pradesh. Arundhateeya Mahasabha, which was established in 1920 in the Andhra region of the erstwhile Madras presidency, and the same in 1931 in Hyderabad state, continued its activities for a considerable period. A Telugu Madiga, L.C. Guru Swamy propagated the genesis of Arundhathi and the Aborigine King Jambavantha, identifying Madigas genesis, with Arundhathi as their caste daughter and Jambavantha as their grand father. The Arundhateeya Mahasabha of the Hyderabad followed the programme of Guru Swamy in giving proud account of Madigas on the basis of their genesis relating their kinship with Arundhathi Jambavantha. These wings of Arundhateeya Mahasabha emerged with the rise of personal associations and personality classes among Dalit leaders, prior to the independence itself. Arundhateeya Banduseva Mandali, a cultural organisation of Madigas, was established in 1981 under the presidency of Dr. Krishna Lal. The members of this Mandali were opposed to use their caste name as a prefix to this organization, and named it as Madiga Seva Mandali, as the word Madiga puts across the meaning of people below us, and the very word is abusive and has a stigma attached to it. The Bandhu Seva Mandali organised Dasara Milap every year and developed kinship relations among Madigas in Andhra Pradesh, particularly in twin cities (Hyderabad and Secunderabad). For the first time, the Mandali published a book, the status of Arundhateeyas with detailed statistics, indicating disproportionate representation of Malas, demanding categorization of SCs into ABCD groups for equal distribution of reservation benefits among SCs. The Seva Mandali used the methods of prayer and petitions to ventilate their demands, and gave representation to successive Chief Ministers of Andhra Pradesh, demanding proportional representation to Madiga satellite castes in the reserved fields of education, employment, and politics. Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) entered into a struggle phase, demanding equal identity and equal share in reservation benefits in 1994. This organization was established by 20 youths at a Katcha house in a small village by the name of Eadumudi in Prakasam District of Andhra Pradesh under the leadership of Krishna Madiga on 7 July 1994. The MRPS is popularly known as Dandora, by traditional duty of Madigas in administrations as messengers. The Madigas cry in village streets beating

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drums to broadcast message of village administration. The MRPS took oath in making the caste or the word Madiga respectable, suffixing caste to their names like Sharma, Rao, Reddy, and Chaudary, which was treated abusive and polluting in a structured caste system. The MRPS used four identities Arundhathi, Jambavantha, the Madiga, and Dandora (drum) to mobilize people and capture themselves a respectable, equal identity for Madigas through the struggle. The Madigas had given etymological meaning to the term Madiga to make it acceptable and respectable like Sharma, Reddy, Rao, and Choudary. As they interpreted, the Madiga means Maha (very) + Adi (from beginning) + ga (moving). It means the Madigas are the original inhabitants of India, moving and living on the earth from the very beginning. The Madigas proudly say that the (grand father) Jambavantha was the first aboriginal king who was born much before the earth. The Madigas declared that there is nothing to be ashamed of in using their caste to their names as suffixes. The Dandora movement gave a sense of pride to the Madiga community to introduce themselves as Krishna Madiga. They are successful in forcing the society to accept Madigas as respectable by propagating the original history of the Madiga community around Arundhathi and Jambavantha through the Dandora movement. The identities that the MRPS used in the movement worked as an ideology in mobilizing the Madiga mass in lakh, and exhibited its popular strength in forcing the government of Andhra Pradesh in conceding their demand to categorize 59 scheduled castes into ABCD groups for proportionate and equal distribution of reservation benefits. The Dandora movement organized various programmes demanding categorization of scheduled castes in the last two decades. It organized pioneering programmes in history of social movements in Andhra Pradesh. The MRPS mobilized about five lakhs of Madigas for its first programme known as Chalo Nizam College and it was successful in crystallizing public opinion in favour of categorization on 2 March 1996. Surprising the residents of twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad, the state capital was flooded with Madigas on this historic day. In its second remarkable programme, which was organized on 2 Sept 1997, with a slogan Chalo Assembly of Madigas, the MRPS was successful in forcing the government of Andhra Pradesh to appoint an inquiry commission to go into differential exploitation of reservation benefits by Madiga and Mala sub castes and to recommend for the need to sub-categorize scheduled castes into groups. Third, the MRPS organized a novel programme, which is memorable in the struggle of both Madigas and Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh probably the first of its kind in the history of Indian social

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movements, and was known as Mahapada Yathra of Madigas. The convener of the Dandora movement walked for 1,052 km within 52 days, covering thousands of villages within Andhra Pradesh (Satya Murthy, 1991). The Madigas received their leader with great pride, expressing their happiness by saying that they were lucky to get a saviour of their caste. On 6 June 1997, Krishna Madiga reached the state capital with about eight lakhs of Madigas indicating the mass support to the cause of subcategorization. Witnessing support for the demand, the government of Andhra Pradesh under the leadership of N. Chandrababu Naidu issued G.O categorizing SCs into ABCD groups following recommendations of Justice Ramchander Raju’s Commission of Inquiry.

Mala Mahanadu Malas, one of the major sub castes of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh that has been cornering reservation benefits disproportionate to their population, launched a counter movement opposing the sub-categorization through different forms of protest and advancing the arguments of antagonists of reservation policy in India. The convener of Mala Mahanadu, P.V. Rao is an officer in the Department of Information drawn the support mostly from employees belonging to the Mala community. The Mala Mahanadu, which spear headed the anti-categorization movement, organized various programmes to press the government to withdraw G.O categorizing scheduled castes into ABCD groups. It has taken the support of constitutional machinery by challenging categorization in the honorable High Court of Andhra Pradesh to protect their lion’s share in reservation benefits through the list of scheduled castes provided by the President of India. Malas argued that the state government has no power to categorize scheduled castes into groups, and it is unconstitutional because the scheduling of scheduled castes is there in a central list as per the scheme of division of powers between central and state governments in the Federal arrangement. Malas repeatedly referred to Article 341 in defense of their arguments. Article 341(1) says the President can, with respect to any state or Union Territory and where as a state, after consultation with the Governor thereof by public notification, specify the castes, races, or tribes, or parts of, or groups within castes, races ortribes which shall, by means of this Constitution, be deemed to be scheduled castes in relation to state or union territory, as the case may be Article 341(2) says the parliament may by law include or exclude from the list of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes specified in a notification issued under clause 341(1) any caste, race, or tribe, or part of, or group within any caste, race, or tribe, but save as

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above said notification issued under said clause shall not be varied by any subsequent notification (Appala Swamy, 1956). On this ground, Malas challenged G.Os in the Supreme Court of India. The apex pronounced the judgment, stating that state government has no power to sub-categorize scheduled castes into groups to implement reservations in the field of education and employment in exercise of its power under Article 15(4) and 16(4) of the Indian Constitution as public employment and education. Now the Madigas are struggling to get a law passed by the Parliament of India that sub-categorizes scheduled castes into ABCD groups amidst series of protects by Mala Mahanadu.

Accommodative Politics and Dalit Movements The process of accommodating the Dalit elite into ruling parties was started before independence through reservation policy. However there has been a conscious effort by B.R. Ambedkar to preserve the independent character of Dalit politics by refusing to join ruling parties. It was made possible by Dalit asssociations competing in the first general elections held in 1952 following guidelines of B.R. Ambedkar. The United Scheduled Caste Federation (USCF) made an alliance with socialists under the instructions of party high command, Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) of J. Subbaiah instead of making an alliance with socialists made an alliance with the Progressive Democratic Front (PDF) in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh. However USCF did not secure a seat, but SCF could get five seats in the assembly and one seat in parliament. In Andhra, SCF made an alliance with the Praja Party, CPI, and secured three seats in the Assembly after independence. Dr. Ambedkar planned to form a political party at a national level. In fact, his intention to form the Republican Party of India (RPI) expressed at the same time of Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism at Nagpur on 14-15 October 1956. Both efforts were aimed at taking scheduled castes out of untouchability and inducting them into larger groups: one religious, the other political. The Andhra unit, which was under the Presidency of Bali Vadapally, and the Telangana unit under the Presidency of B. Jagannatham were united and renamed the Republican Party of India in Andhra in 1958. Bali Vadapally and J. Eshwari Bai were elected as President and General Secretary of RPI respectively. In spite of the best efforts of Ambedkar, the ruling Congress in Andhra successfully practiced accommodative politics by recruiting the emerging Dalit elite into the Congress party. B.H. Tirupathi, a Dalit leader hailing from the Andhra region and Sri Ramanantham, a Dalit leader and a close associate of B.S. Venkat Rao

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hailing from the Telangana region stated that after acceptance of political reservations, Dalit leadership concentrated on getting seats and this weakened the Dalit movement as the talented Dalit leaders were accommodated into ruling parties. It is very significant to note that the ruling Congress party had accommodated the majority of Dalit leaders in the first general elections to state legislature. All the 33 MLAs who won the first assembly elections were Dalit activists accommodated into the Congress party who worked in different Dalit associations (Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha). Meanwhile, the Bahujan Samaj Party entered into Andhra Pradesh in the political context of anti and pro-Mandal reservations in the state. Leaders belonging to Dalit and backward classes who had a troubled history of fighting against upper caste dominance and accommodative politics invited Kansiram to form a BSP unit in Andhra Pradesh in 1989. Prominent among them were Bojja Tarakam, the President of Dalit Mahasabha; B.S.A. Swamy, a leader of the Backward Castes Association; and P. Sunderaiah, a leader of Yadava Employees Union in Andhra Pradesh. Kansiram toured the state in 1989 and declared the Andhra Pradesh unit of BSP on 4 June 1989 after having been convinced that there were large numbers of politically conscious people in the state. Bojja Tarakam, President, and Katti Padama Rao, General Secretary of Dalit Mahasabha continued the Ambedkar’s tradition of anti-upper caste and independent politics by joining BSP in Andhra Pradesh. However, within a short period, they left BSP, criticizing individual decisions of the party supreme, Kansiram, and became passive leaders in Bahujan politics. The MRPS convener, Krishna Madiga planned to convert sub-caste social movement into political movement by bringing together various organizations of SCs, STs, BCs and minorities on the lines of BSP, and to continue Ambedkar’s tradition of independent politics free from accommodative politics of upper castes. He made an effort to bring together leaders of 14 sub caste organizations belonging to scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and backward castes under an umbrella and formed a political party called the Mahajan Front. It was known that Krishna Madiga was accepted as President of the Front by BCs leaders, unwillingly pleading that no.1 position of the Front should go to BCs, because BCs are a majority community in the state. The Front contested in 134 Assembly Constituencies in elections held in 1999 and secured 1.5% of votes in the state. Immediately after the elections, Krishna Madiga resigned from the Front and formed Mahajana Sangharshana Samithi (MSS), uniting SCs, STs, BCs and minorities under his leadership, and continuing his efforts on the lines of electoral strategy of Kansiram. After

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his resignation, the Mahajan Front was renamed as the Mahajan Party with the same strategy under leadership of U. Sambasiva Rao. Congress party has been pro-Mala sub caste from the days of independence, allotting more seats to Malas. Making use of unhappiness of Madigas on this aspect, TDP resolved to support Madigas allotting more seats to Madigas, and in the 1983 elections held to state assembly and emerged successful and consolidated its vote bank. For the same purpose of wooing Madiga voters and to consolidate the vote bank, the TDP government sub-categorized SCs into ABCD groups conceding the demand of MRPS. Mala Mahanadu and MRPS supported Congress and TDP respectively during parliamentary elections held in 1996. After the anti and pro-categorization movements, both Congress and TDP made efforts to accommodate leaders of MRPS, but they failed, as the leaders refused to join the ruling parties. Currently, the MSS, under the leadership of Krishna Madiga, organized SCs, STs, BCs and minorities fighting against injustice done to these sections in various fields. Reservation in the private sector has been the major demand to unite these groups and fight against upper caste political hegemony in the state. The leader stated that defeating TDP, BJP and Congress and establishing Bahujan rule in the state is the ultimate goal of MSS. He hopes that it will be made possible by increasing its votes and strengthening its voterbank, contesting in successive elections. Further, MSS is planning to compete in the forthcoming early election to state assembly in Andhra Pradesh and increase its voter bank from 1.5% to 2.5% from the total electorate in Andhra Pradesh (Kumar, 1996). The Madigas of Andhra Pradesh have been struggling for the last 25 years for sub-categorization of scheduled castes into ABCD groups for equal distribution of reservation benefits. The categorization movement of Madigas entered into a unique struggle phase with the establishment of Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi. The constitutional amendments empowered state governments to sub-classify scheduled castes into ABCD groups. The Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, Y.S. Rajasekar Reddy, promised that he would take initiative to take up necessary measures to introduce constitutional amendments in parliament and complete the legitimization of sub-classification before the commencement of this academic year. Varna Dharmic values of purity and pollution percolated down to scheduled castes and developed a Dalit hierarchy under Chaturvarna hierarchy. Striking features of Dalit hierarchy are: gradation, endogamy, hereditary occupations, and restricted commensal practices such as separate living quarters, separate well, separate place of worship,

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forbidden inter caste marriages, and distant living. These hierarchical cleavages divided Madigas and Malas long ago. Furthermore, these values are responsible for deprivation of equality in terms of reservations benefits. Social scientist, Uma Ramaswamy (1986) rightly pointed out that differential exploitation of protectionist policy has its roots in unequal placement of scheduled castes within traditional society. During the early 1980s, new inequalities in terms of differential exploitation of reservation benefits further strengthened the feeling of deprivation and developed Dalit movement on sub caste lines, giving an impression that Dalits are divided. It is notable, in process of caste assertions development of associations on sub caste lines are natural and democratic. The term ‘scheduled casts’ is not a single identity but a noun of multitude. There are four heterogeneous groups among 59 scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh. Relli satellite castes, Madiga satellite castes, Mala satellite castes, and Adi-Andhra group of communities are among SCs in Andhra Pradesh. The Madigas are untouchables to Malas i.e., Dalits within Dalits. Relli and Mahtar communities are engaged in scavenging, and the fruit and vegetable retail business. The population of scheduled castes of Andhra Pradesh is 1,23,38,400 according to the 2001 census of India. From the total population of scheduled castes, the Relli and Mehtar group constitute 2,06,053 (1.67%) of population, the Madiga group of communities are engaged traditionally in tanning the skin and trading leather goods. The Madiga group constitute 37,37,609 (46.94%) of SCs population. The Mala group is engaged in agriculture as farm laborers, and in village services. The Mala group constitutes 32,63,675 (40.99%) of SCs population. The Adi-Andhra group is a composite caste that consists of about 60% of Malas and 40% of Madigas, who belong to second and third generation of educated scheduled castes. Adi-Andhras are engaged in modern occupations created by western education. Adi-Andhra group constitutes 11,05,520 (8.96%) of SCs population. Few Mala leaders have been refusing equal status and equal share to Madigas for a long time. Bhagya Reddy Verma, B.S. Venkata Rao, and Ariga Ramaswamy belong to Mala community were considered to be pioneering Dalit leaders in Andhra Pradesh, but their pro-Mala and partisan attitude laid foundation for emergence of Arundhateeya Mahasabha in 1931 a separate organization for welfare of Madigas. Bhagya Reddy’s pro-Mala and anti-Madiga behavior was exhibited on three occasions: (1) Bhagy Reddy Varma opposed a marriage between a Madiga boy and Mala girl rescued from Devadasis. Ariga Ramaswamy took a lead and performed a marriage between a Madiga and Mala girl under his personal

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supervision. Adi-Hindus social service league under leadership of Bhagya Reddy Varma ex-communicated all the Mala leaders who attended the marriage stating that Mala tradition does not accept marriage between Madigas and Malas as Madigas are inferior to Malas in social hierarchy. (2) It was recorded that Bhagya Reddy Varma refused to encourage Madigas education in 34 schools established by the league collecting contribution from philanthropists in the name of Dalits. (3) Mala leaders refused to give due share to Adi-Hindu Bhavan for welfare of Dalits, and declared the ownership of Adi-Hindu Bhavan to Madigas, saying that Madigas did not contribute a single paisa for the construction of the Bhavan. In fact the Bhavan was constructed by collecting contributions from different philanthropists of Hyderabad for common educational purpose of Dalits in the late 1920s. To counter the Mala partisan attitude of Bhagya Reddy Varma and to work for equal rights to Madigas, the ex-communicated leaders established Arundhateeya Mahasabha for the welfare of Madigas. After the independence, few leaders of Mala Mahanadu are following footsteps of Bhagya Reddy Varma in refusing to give equal respect and share in reservation and laid foundation for separate associations on sub caste lines of Madigas and Malas (Venkata Swamy, 1954). For the first time, classification of scheduled castes was done by J.J. Hutton in Andhra Pradesh, the then census commissioner of India 1931 on behalf of the British government for providing welfare measures. This list was adopted by the government of India in 1935. After independence, the President of India adopted the same list and promulgated order in scheduled castes in 1950. Based on various tests, criteria and grounds, Hutton related to the caste system for designation of scheduled castes. The census commissioner of India had taken social, religious, and occupational disabilities suffered by untouchables for designation of depressed (SCs) classes. These restrictions are known as commensal practices adhered to by twice born castes, rooted in notions of purity and pollution. The same commensal restrictions are practiced by Malas against Madigas in Andhra Pradesh. Therefore, J.J. Hutton’s logic of commensal restrictions should be taken to a logical conclusion for the sub-classification of scheduled castes under Article 14 of the Constitution of India, which allows reasonable classification for purpose of reservations. Fifty-nine scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh, notified by the President of India, are not equally accessible to the benefits of reservation due to their equal placement within scheduled caste hierarchy in particular, and Varna hierarchy. Malas constitute only 41.43% of the total scheduled caste population, but they have been cornering more than 70% of total

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reservation benefits, and established their monopoly over reservation benefits, cornering nearly 80% of jobs. The Adi-Andhra groups of castes are also cornering reservation benefits that are disproportionate to their population. Consequently, Madiga, Relli, and Mehtar castes, which constitute more than 49.61% of SCs, tended to be deprived of their due share, which in turn renders grave injustice to these castes. This trend of growth and emergence of monopoly of one or two sub castes on the reserved sphere of education and public appointments goes contrary to the philosophical concerns of Ambedkar, defeating the very purpose of social justice policy. In response to the demand of MRPS, the then government of Andhra Pradesh appointed Justice Radmachendra Raju’s Commission of Inquiry on 10 September 1996. The Commission collected sufficient data from various departments, and established the fact that the Mala and Adi-Andhra groups of castes have been enjoying reservation benefits disproportionate to their population, while Madigas, Rellis, and Mehtars have been deprived of their due share in reservation benefits. The commission felt that categorization is nothing but rationalization of reservation policy for achieving the objective of social justice.

Inequality without Sub-Classification and Equality with Sub-Classification Sub-classification creates equality and absence of sub-classification creates inequality in distribution of reservation benefits. It is the best instrument to distribute reservation benefits equally among the four groups. The following Table is an illustration to establish the fact that subcategorization created equality, and absence of categorization created inequality among SCs during the academic year 2003-2004 and 20042005.

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Table 6.1: Comparative statement of inequalities within SCs before and after Categorization Name

Classification

Group A (Relli)

Group B (Madiaga)

Group C (Mala)

Medicine All Universities

Before Classification After Classification Before Classification After Classification Before Classification After Classification

0

82

345

Group D (AdiAndhra) 59

32 (6.58) 0

227 (46.70) 70 (28.11) 117 (46.98) 183 (36.30) 236 (46.82)

195 (40.123) 163 (65.46 ) 100 (40.16) 314 (62.30) 202 (40.07)

32 (6.58) 16 (6.43) 16 (6.43) 7 (1.40) 33 (6.54)

Engineering Two Universities M.Sc Three Universities

16 (6.43) 0 33 (6.54)

Total

486 (100)

249 (100) 504 (100)

Source: Data Collected by Government of Andhra Pradesh. Numbers in bracket are percentage.

It is evident from the above Table that Malas and Adi-Andhras established their monopoly, cornering nearby 80% of reservation benefits without classification, while Madigas and Rellis were deprived of their due share. It is also evident from the Table 6.1 that all four groups gained reservation benefits equally and in proportion to their population with subclassification of SCs. The experience proved that absence of classification creates new inequalities within the scheduled castes. Data collected through sample surveys is sufficient for the establishment of social reality as a base for the formulation of public policy. In 1996, Justice Ramachandra Raju’s Commission of Inquiry collected data from various fields and proved any quality in terms of reservation benefits. If it is necessary, the honorable commission can obtain data from heads of department, Andhra Pradesh Public Service Commission (APPSC), and universities before implementation and after implementation of subclassification policy in Andhra Pradesh, and it will certainly establish the fact that there is unequal and disproportionate exploitation of reservation benefits by 59 scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh. If the government orders, the respective heads of the departments can provide data within 24 hours, with names and castes of employees and students, and can enable the government to formulate sub-classification policy in the state.

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The strong desire of Madigas for equality and equal share in reservation is the primary motive for the emergence of sub-classification movement. By the 1980s Madigas were thrown out of leather goods production by machine-mode leather goods as the landlords stopped buying handmade leather chappal and leather goods, and started buying from urban chappal shops made of synthetic rubber. As a result of it, Madigas who depended on leather work started searching for alternative modern occupations. Besides, few of those who completed school and intermediate education in the late 1970s were thrown into the mob of unemployed people. Then Madigas started comparing themselves with Malas and found more unemployed educated youth among themselves, and more employees among Malas. With the feeling of deprivation and desire for equal share in reservations benefits, the Madigas started a subclassification movement in the state. Such a movement of Madigas is used by political parties. The fact is that the Madiga movement is created neither by TDP nor by the Congress party. Categorization period in Andhra Pradesh is the golden period of Dalit unity, as the 59 scheduled castes started living together, as their reservation benefits are distributed equally among the scheduled castes. The sub-categorization policy was formulated and implemented by the government of Andhra Pradesh for a period of four years i.e., from 1 April 2000 to 5 November 2004. During this period, reservation benefits were equally distributed among 59 scheduled castes. Equal sharing of reservation benefits as a result of sub-categorization policy laid foundation for genuine Dalit unity in Andhra Pradesh. During this period, they started coming together with contentment that every caste has its own due share in reservation benefits. For this reason, this four-year period of subcategorization is considered as a golden period of Dalit unity in the state. On the contrary, Mala Mahanadu brought back the dark age of Dalit divisions by getting struck down by the act of sub-categorization in the Supreme Court of India. The unequal distribution of reservation benefits becomes a bone of contention between Madigas and Malas, and it will be a permanent divider of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh. Sub-classification of 59 scheduled castes into ABCD groups is nothing but identification of the four groups forms the existing 59 groups. In fact, by sub-classifying 59 SCs, groups are reduced into four groups and it may be viewed as a step towards unity of Dalits. Sub-categorization of SCs is not dividing Dalits, but is a mechanism for equal distribution of reservation benefits. Justice Ramachandra Raju’s Commission of Inquiry sub-categorized scheduled castes into ABCD groups following the principle of giving first priority to the last community in the caste

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hierarchy. Therefore, Rellis community, which is considered last in the hierarchy, is placed in group A. The Adi-Andhras, most advanced in scheduled castes are placed in group D and Madigas and Malas are grouped as B and C, respectively, on the basis of their respective advancement. Following the recommendations of Justice Ramachndra Raju’s Commission of Inquiry, the government of Andhra Pradesh passed an Act entitled Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Caste (Rationalization of Reservation) Act 2000, which categorized scheduled castes into ABCD groups in exercise of its power under the Article 15(4) and 16(4) of the Indian Constitution to implement reservation in the field of education and public employment. The apex Court held that the Act is ultra vires and quashed the Act, stating that categorization of SCs is beyond the competence of state government. The Court further added that Article 341(1) of the Indian Constitution empowers only the President of India to identify and notify the list of scheduled castes. However, the Parliament of India can sub-classify scheduled castes into groups or empower the states to do so by amending Act 341 of the Indian Constitution. Keeping in view the verdict of the Supreme Court of India on subcategorization, legal experts suggest alternative procedures for subcategorization of scheduled castes. One, adding clause (iii) to Article 341 of the Indian Constitution, which would empower the states to sub-classify the scheduled castes from the list of scheduled castes notified by the President of India. Two, passing an Act in the Parliament, amending constitutional (scheduled castes) order (1950) and replacing the existing list of Andhra Pradesh scheduled castes by the list of ABCD groups of scheduled castes in part I of the order was pertaining to Andhra Pradesh. The first method is the best method because it allows the states in India to sub-categorize SCs according to local needs of state, whilst also strengthening the Indian federal structure. The second one is considered to be better to states as it allows sub-categorization limited to respective states with the consent of the Parliament of India. There has been popular support in Andhra Pradesh in favour of sub-categorization of scheduled castes, and this was expressed by unanimous resolution of the State Assembly. The State Assembly of Andhra Pradesh passed unanimous resolutions in support of sub-categorization twice in the last seven years. A very significant and positive signal is the major political parties, now we find that NDA and UPA, as allies, had supported sub-categorization in the State Assembly in Andhra Pradesh. Prominent among these parties were Congress, BJP, TDP, CPI, CPM, TRS, and BSP. It is indicative of the fact that there is consensus among major allies of NDA and UPA in favor of sub-sub-categorization of scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh. The

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government of Andhra Pradesh had sent a copy of the unanimous resolution of State Assembly to the Union Government, seeking constitutional amendment. Through the resolution of the Assembly, Madigas draw support from people of the state and continue their struggle, demanding amendment Article 341 of the Indian Constitution empowering the states to sub-categorize SCs into ABCD groups. The logic followed in reasonable classification of castes under the Article 14 of the Indian Constitution needs to be taken to a logical conclusion. The fact known is that Article 14 of the Indian Constitution allowed reasonable classification of castes for the purpose of reservations benefits. Reservations in favor of scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, backward classes, women, and the physically handicapped were made possible under Article 14, guided by the concept of reasonable classification. On the basis of the same logic, backward classes were subcategorized, and the Supreme Court of India upheld that it was constitutional in the land mark judgment Indra Sahney vs. Union of India and others. The same logic and spirit of Article 14 of Indian Constitution should be taken to logic end for sub-classification of SCs for equal distribution of reservation benefits in Andhra Pradesh. Then, only reservations in favor of SCs will be free from logical fallacy, and the reservations for SCs can be implemented for achieving the objective of social justice. The markers of the Indian Constitution preferred reservation policy in favor of SCs, STs and backward castes as a major instrument for achieving the objectives of liberty, equality, fraternity, and justice enshrined in the Constitution. However, the absence of special protection of the weakest among 59 scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh defeated the very purpose of reservation policy, creating new equalities in the state. There is deference in density and quantum of the population of each sub caste in Andhra Pradesh in the regions of Andhra, Telangana, and Rayalaseema. State level sub-classification of SCs is useful for distribution of reservation benefits for state level services and benefits, and it does not help the government in distributing reservation benefits at District and regional levels. The regional problem of implementation of reservation policy can be solved by incorporating a clause: Each group within scheduled castes enjoys reservation benefits in proportionate to its population at District, regional and state level can be added to scheduled castes order, 1950. This clause can enable the state government to distribute the reservations benefits equally among 59 castes and in three regions of the state following the principle of proportional equality among caste region.

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Fraternity, which is the synthesis of the feeling that we are all brothers and sisters, is the basis and cements unity among castes and community. Unity is not possible without equality. Referring to the relationship between equality and fraternity in his concluding speech in the Constituent Assembly of India, Dr. Ambedkar made it clear that the liberty cannot be divorced from equality; equality cannot be divorced from fraternity. Nor can liberty and equality be divorced from fraternity. Now Mala Mahanadu is keen to divorce equality from fraternity by opposing sub-classification of 59 SCs and making common reservations a permanent bone of contention, and divides the Dalits permanently. On the contrary, Madigas drew inspiration from Dr. Ambedkar’s trinity of these concepts, and believed that liberty, equality, and fraternity cannot be divorced from unity. Madigas firmly believe that sub-categorization brings about equality among scheduled castes and strengthens unity of Dalits in Andhra Pradesh. As 2007-2008 academic year already commenced and all the educational institutions have started their admission process. The most backward Madiga and Relli group of scheduled castes lose their equal educational opportunities if the law sub-categorizing SCs into ABCD groups is not passed within a short period. There is urgent need for subcategorization of for providing equal educational opportunities to all 59 scheduled castes. Political parties are delaying justice to the weakest among the SCs, and the delay in sub-categorization is doing nothing however delaying justice to Madiga, Relli, and Mehtra group of communities. The fact is that in a parliamentary democracy the parliament is the final policy making body, in accordance with the popular consent and desire of the people. If the people so desire, the parliament can make, unmake, and amend various provisions of the Constitution for achieving the objectives of it. The people of Andhra Pradesh expressed their will in favor of sub-categorization of SCs into ABCD groups by unanimous resolutions of the State Assembly twice in the last seven years. However the verdict of the Supreme Court of India was pronounced against the will of Andhra Pradesh. Therefore the will of Andhra Pradesh in favor of subcategorization should be respected by passing an Act in Parliament categorizing SCs into ABCD groups. In view of the injustice done to the Relli and Madiga groups in distribution of reservation benefits, and for achieving the objectives of the Indian Constitution, it was recommended the constitutional amendment empowering state governments to sub-categorize scheduled castes into ABCD groups. Also it is obvious that the new inequalities among 59 SCs in terms of reservation benefits among them, it was recommended for the

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sub-categorization of schedule castes on the lines of suggestions made above for achieving the objectives of the Indian Constitution and for the establishment of an egalitarian society.

Sub caste conflicts and Dalit Movement Dalit movements in Andhra Pradesh have been caught in a web of inter caste cleavages, created by Varna Dharma, and new inequities created by reservation benefits. Madigas and Malas are two major sub castes within Dalits in the state. It is known that a caste has been chief determinant of social and economic life chances of different social groups. It continues to play a similar role in detaining life chances of these Dalit sub castes in sharing reservation benefits. Madigas have been deprived of their due share in the reserved sphere of education, employment, and politics, as Malas have been cornering reservation benefits disproportionate to their population. These new inequalities among sub castes strengthened the Dalit hierarchy in the state. In turn it developed the Dandora movement, which triggered the Tudum Debba movement of Gondu tribes, the Nangara Bheri movement of Lambada tribes, Dolu Debba movement of Yadavas, and the Pusala Keka movement of Pusala castes. There have been constant efforts by leaders of SCs, STs, BCs, and minorities to convert these social movements into political movements of Bahujan on lines of BSP of Uttar Pradesh.

Dalit Hierarchy in Andhra Pradesh According to the traditional Varna scheme, there are four varnas: the Brahmin, the Kshtriyas, the Vysyas, and the Sudras. However, there is a fifth caste that was also called Chandala, or Panchama, or untouchables, that appears in early Vedic literature, several of the names of the castes that were spoken of in Smritis as Antyajas (Kane, 1974). It is evident from Kane that the fifth Varna, the untouchables are called Panchamas. They are also called Atisudras or unclean Sudras. Dalit have inherited all the properties of caste systems and successfully created a Dalit hierarchy among them under the Chaturvarna hierarchy. This hierarchy is operating as a mechanism to divide them and has deprived the lower caste Dalits of the benefits of the reservations. There are five keys based on which Dalit hierarchy is erected. They are (i) hierarchy, (ii) endogamy, (iii) hereditary occupations, (iv) commensalities, and (v) social distance. New inequalities in the form of reservation benefits strengthened the Dalit hierarchy in the

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1980s. Let us examine how traditional cleavages of caste hierarchy are put in writing in the Dalit hierarchy. Chaturvarna Hierarchy: (1) Brahmin (2) Kshtriyas (3) Vysya, and (4) Sudras Dalit hierarchy: (A) Mala Hierarchy: (1) Mitha Ayyalwar, (2) Mala, (3) Malajangam/Dasari/Pambala (4) Mala Masti, and (5) Gurram Mala (B) Madiga Hierarchy: (1) Sangari Madiga (2) Madiga (3) Bindla/Erpula/Sindu, an (4) Masti, Dakkal

Traditional Occupations The traditional occupations of these castes have been the basis for caste hierarchy. Every caste and sub caste professed an occupation of its own. Most of the traditional occupations are hereditary as they are inherited by individual social groups by the incident of birth in a particular caste. The Hindu Dharmsastras have described in detail the duties and functions of different Varnas in a four-fold division of castes. The caste division itself was based on the functions allotted to each caste in society, distinguished by recurrence to tribal wars. These functions have become traditional occupations depending upon the nature of occupations, and explained them in the notion of purity and pollution or clean or unclean occupations.

Occupation of Mala Satellite Castes The Mala satellite castes are engaged relatively in clean occupations, which finds higher place in gradation of occupations compared to Madiga satellite castes. Mala Jangam, Mala Dasari, and Mithal Ayyalwar are the priestly class of Malas. Mala Jangam and Mala Dasaris officiate over the festivals of Saivaite sect of Malas and Mithal Ayyalwar officiate ceremonies of the Vaishnaviate sect of Malas (Census of India, 1961). The traditional occupation of the priestly class of Malas is the regions mendicancy and foretelling (Census of India, 1961). Mala Jangam goes for begging, besides engaging themselves as agriculture laborers during agriculture seasons. Their traditional occupation is graded higher in traditional society. Thurston (1975) has said that the chief occupation of Malas is weaving and working as farm laborers and few cultivate their own lands, they have enough land. Malas of the western part of Telugu country are superior to

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other Dalit castes, and they have their lands, and in some castes, are wellto-do-cultivators. Traditionally they are very close to village activities. They also render village services. The village services consist of sweeping, scavenging, carrying of burdens and grave digging, the last having been their pre-requisite for long ages. It is reported that Mala, Masti people are acrobats and earn their livelihood by performing physical feats, mostly in the Mala localities (A survey report from the Department of Social Welfare, 1966). The Gurram Malas, who are considered the lowest of Malas, earn their living by begging from the Mala caste.

Occupation of Madiga Satellite Castes Madiga satellite castes were engaged in more unclean occupations compared to the traditional Mala occupations. They have been placed at a lower level in the graded occupational structure. Sangari, the spiritual advisors to Madigas, perform religious functions. Their traditional occupation is preaching to Madigas. Bindlas are also a priestly class of Madigas. Their main traditional occupation is to perform purudu (a ceremony to remove uncleanness from the home arising out of child birth), to invoke and appease the Goddesses like Muthyalamma, Ellamma, and Mahishamma. A Bindal is free to accept charity from any caste. He goes from door to door, singing songs of praise of Ellamma (the Goddess of Epidemics), and accepting alms when they are offered to him. The Madigas traditional occupation is associated with the leather goods. The main duty of Madiga is carrying the dead, tanning of hides, and manufacturing rude leather Articles, especially sandals, trappings for bullocks, and large well-buckets, used for irrigation. They are also experts in playing musical instruments locally known as Tappetalu or Dappu (Census of India, Vol.II, Part V-B (12, 1961). They play them on marriage and other religious occasions. At the time of any announcement in the villages, Madigas are asked to play Tappeta or Dappu crying in the village streets, which is popularly known as Dandora. In villages, each Madiga household is attached to a fixed number of cultivating households. The attachment to a household is called Tega, and a Madiga who is attached to the house is called Tega Madiga. Madigas used to earn their livelihood mainly from their traditional occupation, and the rest from agriculture labor. Madiga Mastu, another satellite caste, earn their living by displaying their acrobatic feats in Madiga colonies and receiving customary payments. They visit different villages and exhibit acrobatic feats. The Sindu, the entertaining caste of Madigas, earn their living from

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entertainment and prostitution among Madigas. The traditional occupation of Sindollu is to perform dances and play Veedi Bhagavatham (street ply) in Madiga colonies. They believe that they have a right to beg from Madigas. They attend all Madiga ceremonies and entertain by singing and dancing. They also maintain themselves by prostitution in Madiga colonies. The Dakkals, who are considered the lowest in the social hierarchy and untouchable to Madigas, given particulars relating to genealogy of different families of Madigas, that is, they are bards of Madigas. Every Dakkal family has a jurisdiction over 10 to 20 villages where he has a right to collect an amount from the households earmarked for them. The practice of begging and telling the genealogy of Madigas is still continuing with the Dakkals in villages.

Social Distance The notion of purity and pollution is one of the important determinants of physical distance between castes. It is also the indicator of their social distance and their place in cultural development and social hierarchy. It is witnessed in the habitation of castes and in the location of villages, which is the center of social, economic, and political development. Andre Beteille (1969) had aptly observed that the physical structure of a village is, in some measure, a reflection of its social structure. The distribution of population is not haphazard or random, but evinces a more or less conscious plan. It brings out in a great manner some of the basic unities and cleavages in social structure of the village. People who are closed to each other in the social system tend to live side by side; people whose social positions are widely different live apart, other things being equal, physical distance can be seen as social distance. The living quarters of Dalits and other castes are not together, as they were planned to the tune of social hierarchical values. The living quarters of Dalits in all villages have to be at a respectable distance from main caste people (Census of India, 1941) at the southern side of villages. Among the depressed classes, Malas live next to Sudras. Mala and Madigas live in separate hamlets (Uma, 1986). Generally, the habitations of Madigas and its satellite castes are away from the outskirts of the villages, located at a distance of about 0.4 km from the cluster houses of washermen (Sudras). Usually the dwellings of Madigas are on the outskirts of the village, where the dirt of the village is lodged in heaps. Dakkals, the last group in the social hierarchy, live away from Madiga living quarters. Dakkals are not allowed to enter the living quarters of Madigas, but they pitch their huts of bamboo mats at a distance from

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Madiga houses. This physical distance of Dalits from upper castes and Sudras, and between their satellite castes, is the best indicator of the social and cultural distance among the different castes in Indian villages. The social distance, which is rooted in the notion of purity and pollution, is a mechanism that deprives Dalits of their opportunities in various fields. In the descending order the Dalits are deprived of opportunities as many times as there are social layers. In other words the last man, Dakkal, is deprived of the culture by its upper castes, that is, the Brahmins, the Kshtriyas, the Vysyas, the Sudras, the Malas, and the Madigas.

Caste Associations and the Dalit Movements Caste associations of Dalits came into existence in deferent parts of the state for their emancipation from caste oppression. They have been working from the early years of the 20th century to the present day. Most of the associations had declared socio-economic and political emancipation of the depressed classes as their broad objectives (Abbasayulu, 1982). Before independence there were independent Dalit movements in Andhra, the part of erstwhile Madras presidency, and in the erstwhile Hyderabad state. In the post-independence period, there are some songs of a united Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh. However these movements are dived by new socio, economic, and political opportunities generated by reservations, caste hierarchical cleavages, and leadership ambitions. Consequently, the associations are performing the ceremonial function of anniversaries of B.R. Ambedkar and Babu Jagjeevan Ram without seriously fighting for the protection and promotion of the rights of Dalits. Only after the 1980s did Dalits begin their struggle for their rights, after the Karamchandu massacre. In Andhra Pradesh many educated Dalits worked in different organizations to educate the depressed classes, and pressurized the Madras government to take up measures for their emancipation. Nandanala Hari, one of the founders of the Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Castes Welfare Association organized the Andhra Panchama Mahajana Sabha on 29 September 1917 at Vijayawada. Chundru Venkaiah, a Dalit leader, was the chairman of the reception committee. It was presided over by Bhagya Reddy Varma, a Dalit leader from Hyderabad. Some of the resolutions passed in the conference were: (1) Dalits should be called Adi-Andhras (2) The government and people should take steps to remove unsociability and to encourage education, and (3) Special representation should be given to Dalits in legislature (Sudershan, 1986). In this conference, First Panchama Andhra Mahajana Sabha was renamed as First Adi-Andhra Mahajana

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Sabha. In all conferences of the Adi-Andhra Mahasabha, the Dalit leaders reiterated these demands. The Adi-Andhra Mahasabha had achieved a number of demands, political representation being the major achievement. In response to the demands of Adi-Andhra conferences, the Madras government nominated N. Devendrudu, Chundru Venkayya and Gangadhar Sharma, who were Andhra leaders, to the Legislative Council. In the Madras Legislative Assembly there were about 11 Dalit MLAs representing the Andhra Districts. In 1920, Arundhatheeya Mahasabha was worked for the emancipation of Madiga Dalits in the Andhra region. Enlightened by education, the Dalit youth have begun challenging the rights attained by birth by the other castes. This was the cause of the constant friction between the Dalits and the upper castes. Despite their education, the Dalits are economically way behind the upper castes, as most of the farm land did not belong to them. Despite their economic backwardness, the Dalits could emerge as a successful group politically. For example, the Chundur MPP is a Dalit. Dalits were also elected as MPPs of the adjacent Mandal s like Amrutalur, Ponnur, Nagaram, and Intur. All of them are from reserved constituencies. It is the social emancipation among the Dalits that turned the heads of the upper castes, who felt that their dominance in the village was slowly being, eroded (Jammanna, 2014).

Dandora All over India, the Dalits have been organizing themselves to fight against caste based inequalities and for respectable identity for the last eight decades. Liberation movements of various Dalit sections began to take form in the 1920s in the context of strong social reform anti caste movements. The Adi-Dharm movement of Punjab, the Mahar movement of Maharashtra, the Adi-Andhra movement of Andhra, the Adi-Dravida movement of Tamil Nadu, and the Adi-Karnataka movement of Karnataka, all created a troubled history of their own during this period of fighting against the caste system. Madigas have been struggling for a respectable identity since as early as the 1920s, but entered a unique part of the struggle phase of MRPS, which is popularly known as Dandora. Madiga consciousness reached a militant phase after passing through eight decades of searching for a respectable identity. The MRPS has been fighting for the last nine years for the sub-categorization of scheduled castes into ABCD groups for equal distribution of reservation benefits among all sub castes under the leadership of Manda Krishna Madiga. Malas, one of the Dalit sub castes has been opposing categorization under

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the auspices of Mala Mahanadu, stating that categorization divides the Dalits. Malas have been advancing all the arguments of anti-reservationists in order to enjoy the lion’s share of reservation benefits in the guise of Dalit unity. In response to the demands of the MRPS, the government of Andhra Pradesh under the leadership of N. Chandrababu Naidu issued orders categorizing scheduled castes into ABCD groups. Malas challenged categorization in the Court on the grounds that it is unconstitutional and is intended to divide the Dalits. Now, Madigas are fighting for justice in the honorable Supreme Court of India. The Dandora organized various programmes to exhibit its popular strength, and high-level consciousness in fighting for their rights. Similar sub caste movements have been triggered among the tribals in the name of Tudum Debba of Koya tribes, Banjara Bheri of Lamboda tribes, and Dolu Debba of Yadavas, in the state.

Struggle Phase of Madiga Movement Andhra Pradesh Madiga Sangam was the first Dalit association established with a stigma carrying sub caste name in the year 1982, under the leadership of Vidya Kumar. It began the militant struggle phase of the Madiga movement. This Sangam gave a number of representations to the governments in the 1980s for equal share in the fields of education, employment, and politics, by providing separate quotas for Madigas. The activists of Madiga Sangam entered the State Assembly in 1982 while the session was going on and threw pamphlets from the visitors’ gallery titled separate reservation for Madiga. Consequently, twelve activists of Madiga Sangam were convicted by the State Assembly for throwing pamphlets, violating the rules of Assembly proceedings. The activists also demanded the appointment of an inquiry commission for the redress of Madiga grievances. After some time, the Madiga Sangam gave up its struggle for categorization as it felt categorization would have to be done by the Parliament of India alone. Dakshina Bharatha Adijambava/or Arundhatheeya Samakhya was established to organize Madigas of South India to fight for their rights, with Bangalore as their head quarters (Adi-Jambhava, or Arundhatheeya Samakhya). D. Manjunath of Andhra Pradesh was elected as General Secretary of the South India Samakhya. N. Venkata Swamy and M. Jagannath were also elected as President and General Secretary of the Andhra Pradesh statewing of the Samakhya. The organizers chose the mythological identity of Arundhathi and Jambavantha as a common name acceptable to all sub castes who were traditionally leather workers in

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South India. The Andhra Pradesh wing of Samakhya organized three successful public meetings. The then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, N. Janardhan Reddy promised to do justice to Madigas. The first notable meeting was held on 12 June 1992 at Gandhi Bhavan in Hyderabad. They also organized a public meeting in the Nellore District of in 1994, with one lakh Madigas, and demanded categorization of SCs into ABCD groups. A very significant meeting organized by Samakhya was held on 2 May 1994 in Nizam College grounds of Hyderabad at the instance of the Congress government headed by Kotla Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy. During those days, the Congress party organized a series of sub caste meetings of SCs/BCs/STs in the state to consolidate its vote bank after witnessing the success of the BSP and the SP confines in Utter Pradesh in that particular meeting, Congress Chief Minister, Kotla Vijaya Bhaskar Reddy criticized the BSP leader, Kansi Ram, and requested that Madigas not listen to such north Indian leaders who criticized Gandhi. Then the audience shouted that we listen, we listen, indicating the readiness of Madigas to follow the north India Madiga leader Kansiram and his Bahujan movement. A few days after this public meeting was over, Koneru Ranga Rao, a Madiga leader, was made Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh by the Congress party, with the sole purpose of retaining Madigas with the Congress party and to stop the growth of BSP in the state. It bears clear testimony to the fact that Madiga leaders of the Mandali and Samakhya worked as organic intellectuals and entered into bargaining politics and were successful in capturing some political space at various levels.

Assertion of Madiga Identity The Dandora movement emerged in the midst of changing socioeconomic and political conditions in the state. The conditions prior to the launching of the Dandora movement clearly indicate factors that shaped the Dandora movement of Madigas. By the 1980s, Madigas were released from the leather goods work that they inherited in the form of traditional occupation, as the landlords stopped buying hand made leather chappal and leather goods from Madigas, and started buying from urban chappal shops made of synthetic rubber. As a result, Madigas who depended on the leather work became unemployed. The Madiga community feels that their due shares from reservation benefits have been enjoyed by Malas. The anti and pro-Mandal movements in the State have given rise to new terms of political discourse. Mandalization of politics questioned the continuance of upper caste leadership in Marxist and non-Marxist parties in the state. Naxalites like K.G. Sathyamurthy and Gaddar, who were prominent

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leaders in the Peoples War Group of CPI (ML), left the party over questions of caste politics. Mandal discourse reduced the caste blindness of Madiga youth working in Marxist and non-Marxist parties, and it sharpened their caste consciousness. During the early 1990s, BSP slogan “Vote Hamara Raj Tumhara Nahi Chelega, Nahi Chelega” had gone to every Madiga street and enlightened them on the importance of their votes as a source of political power in India. The whole process sharpened Madiga consciousness, particularly of the youth in favour of struggling for their rights. The Madiga movement entered its struggle phase with Dandora. This phase was led by unemployed full time activists with a different outlook on disabilities suffered by Madigas in the traditional socio-economic and political structure. Most of its leaders were former Marxists who left the party as a result of Mandalization and Bhujanization of state politics. MRPS emerged as a fighting organization in these conditions with special qualities of its own in the history of social movements. The participants of the meeting worked out a strategy to develop MRPS step by step from village to Mandal, Mandal to District and from District to state level. They resolved to adopt the philosophy of Dr. Ambedkar and Babu Jagjeevan Ram as the guiding spirit for Madigas rights.

Struggle for Equal Identity and Social Justice The Madiga struggle for equal opportunities is the struggle for equal identity and social justice from the very beginning. Due to their relative backwardness, Madigas are not able to avail reservation benefits equally compared to their co-sufferers the Malas. It is a fact that the special treatment benefits have often been appropriate to more educated, articulate, and organized in SCs. As per the census of India Madigas, Malas constitute 3,737,609 (46.94%), 3,263,675 (40.99%), respectively of total SCs population. These new inequalities triggered the Dandora movement in the state. Table 6.2 gives a clear picture of disparity between Madigas and Malas in the fields of education, employment, and politics. From 107,579 matriculates, 53.15% belong to Mala caste, 28.02% to Madigas, 15.58% belong to Adi-Andhra, 1.33% to Adi-Dravida, 1.90% to other, and a negligible 0.002% to Dakkal. From 14,415 graduates, 56.28% belong to Mala, and 25.07% belong to Madiga sub-castes. From the rest of the graduates 16.21%, 1.46%, 0.96%, and 0.006% from the rest of the graduates 16.21%, 1.46%, 0.96%, and 0.006% belong to Adi-Andhra, others, Adi-Dravida, and Dakkal respectively. It is evident from data that there is glaring inequality within major sub caste groups with Mala at the

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top and Dakkal at bottom in the educational ladder of scheduled castes (SCs and STs Census of India 1981). The scheduled castes have had seats reserved in the State Assembly in proportion to their population, 39 out of 294 Assembly seats. Out of this 70.50% and 29.50% of seats were represented by Malas, Madigas, respectively. It shows, from the days of independence Malas have been appropriating political positions disproportionate to their population and maintaining their dominance over Madigas. Representative bureaucracy is one of the features of pluralism. It is a necessary condition that every social and economic group has to be represented in the bureaucracy in a plural society. Although the data pertaining to scheduled caste shows representation of Malas (75.90%) is more than in public sector, while Madigas represent less than 24.1%. It demonstrates a growing monopoly of 25% of one or two scheduled castes in the reserved quota of jobs defeating the very purpose of social justice policy. Inequality between Madigas and Malas in appropriation of reservation benefits in the reserved field of education, employment and politics in 1980s negated equal identity and social justice to Madigas. Opposing these inequalities and for equal distribution of reservation benefits, the Dandora gave a number of programmes and organized Madigas demanding categorization of SCs into ABCD groups in the last nine years. Chalo Nizam College on 2 March 1996, Chalo Assembly on 2 Sept 1997, and Maha Padayathra (long march) in June 1997 are remarkable programmes in the history of the Dalit movement in the state. In the first public meeting, Dandora crystallized the public opinion in favor of categorization of SCs into ABCD groups mobilizing about five lakhs of Madigas in the Nizam College grounds in Hyderabad. In the second program, Chalo Assembly, Dandora was successful in forcing the government to appoint Justice Rama Chandra Raju’s Commission of Inquiry to go into the differential benefits of reservation by Mala and Madiga sub-castes, and to recommend the need for categorization of SCs into groups for equal distribution of reservation benefits. The third programme, Maha Padayathra was a novel method adopted, but Dandora to shape public opinion in support of categorization. The movement spread to every nook and corner of the state. The leader of Dandora, Manda Krishna Madiga walked for 1,052 km starting from Naravaripalli, the native village of Chief Minister N. Chandra Babu Naidu to his official residence in Hyderabad. This Yathra revealed the massive response of the Madiga community to the call given by their leader. On the last day of the Padayathra (6 June 1997), he reached Hyderabad along with lakhs of Madigas, and proved Dandora to be a pioneering social movement in

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contemporary India. After having witnessed the popular support for the Madigas, the TDP government issued orders categorizing SCs into ABCD groups. It is necessary to understand the struggle of Madigas with the spirit of Dr. Ambedkar’s social justice philosophy. He desired to break the monopoly of twice born castes through reservation policy. In the Constituent Assembly of India he stated that there shall be reservations in favor of certain communities that have not had a proper place in the administration. For historical reasons, the administration has been controlled by one community or a few communities should disappear and other must also have an opportunity to get into public services. Dr. Ambedkar felt a breaking monopoly of one or two communities is necessary for realization of social justice. In precise monopoly is the foundation of inequality, whether it is the monopoly of one or few upper castes, or monopoly of one or few scheduled castes or scheduled tribes. Now Madigas have been fighting for categorization of SCs into ABCD groups to break the monopoly of one or two scheduled castes. What facilitates equal distribution of reservation benefits among 59 scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh? In fact, the struggle of Madigas is a struggle for respectable identity, equality, and social justice. It was argued, equal identity is equality, and identity cannot be diverse from equality, nor equality from social justice. Neither equality nor social justice can be diverse from identity as the equality and justice in precise identity (Muttaiah, 1993). Nevertheless the Dandora movement is a pioneering plural identity movement that triggered similar movements in Andhra Pradesh.

Plural Identity and Principles of Social Justice Every sub-caste of scheduled castes has its own identity and existence. The first classification of scheduled castes was done by J.J. Hutton, Census Commissioner of India 1931 who prepared a list of depressed classes from these sub-castes. This list was adopted by the Government of India Act of 1935 for providing special protection to the depressed classes. It is notable that the President of India promulgated scheduled castes order in 1950 based on the list prepared by J.J. Hutton, following a number of tests to designate scheduled castes primarily based on the principles of commensality practices (Marcgalaner, 1984). The Dandora movement demanded further categorization of SCs, as the list provided by the President did not ensure equal distribution of reservation benefits among scheduled castes. The logic that was followed by J.J. Hutton in the

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designation of depressed classes was taken to its logical end in the categorization of SCs. The logic of categorization of SCs in the state is based on the following principles: (a) The principle of touchable groups: The caste system divided society into touchable and untouchable groups. The Panchamas have been untouchables to all four varnas, on the basis of same traditional caste values. Malas and Madigas are also divided into two untouchable groups. In other words, Brahmanic values of purity and pollution percolated down to SCs and divided them into touchable and untouchable groups. Madigas allied castes and Mala allied castes are untouchable groups. (b) The principle of satellite living: Traditional caste values divided scheduled castes into Malas and Madigas and they are living together in Malapally and Madiga gudem (collective residence) respectively. Bindia and Mala Ayyavaru are priestly castes of Madigas and Malas respectively. The respective priests believe that they have common genes and they share common sufferings and values. These two satellite castes are considered as groups and the quantum of reservation is decided on the principles of satellite living. (c) Principle of parallels: The caste system placed different castes at different places living in various parts of the country. Castes with equal status are brought under one group even though they migrated from different states. The Mangs in Maharashtra Madigas have equal status in Panchama hierarchy by virtue of their traditional occupation. Such parallel castes are grouped together for classification of SCs. (d) Principle of common name: Common name is the feature of a tribe of people. They have common history, common God, and so on. All those castes with prefixes or suffixes like Mala, Sale, Dakkal, and Madiga are recognized as groups and reservation benefits are distributed between these groups. (e) Principle of parity in traditional occupations: The traditional occupation of sub castes has been the basis for caste hierarchy. Varna Dharma allotted a particular traditional occupation to each caste in society. The ritualistic pundits allotted particular grades to these occupations, and explained them in terms of the notions of purity and pollution. On the basis of traditional occupations, the SCs are categorized into groups for distribution of reservation benefits.

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(f) The principle of protection of grouping interest: The quantum of reservation has been decided in proportion to the population of SCs against the monopoly of one or two castes. Similarly, no single sub caste should be allowed to corner reservation benefits disproportionate to their population. Methods should be adopted for the protection of the interests of each sub-caste. There are scheduled castes with a population ranging from a thousand to lakhs of people in each group. A sub caste in a group with a lower percentage of the population should not be allowed to corner the benefits that are due to another sub-caste. For the protection of interests of each caste, the unrepresented, under-represented, and adequately represented castes should be identified. The first and second priority should be given to the unrepresented and underrepresented castes respectively in allotment of reservation benefits in each group. These priorities should be given in alphabetical order of sub castes in the respective ABCD groups. The commission agreed to protect group interests of satellite castes, but did not agree to protect the interest of sub castes within the group on the principle of priority. This principle was not accepted by the Inquiry Commission. The minority castes with ABCD groups are demanding for further categorization of groups. (g) The more the insult and humiliation, the more protection there should be: Dakkals, Rellis, and Mehtars have been subjected to isolation and humiliation both by Chaturvarnas and Panchamas who treat them as the untouchables. The population of Dakkals, Rallis and Mehtars is meager. However they deserve special protection by way of providing more benefits not necessarily proportionate in the population. The commissioner, after thorough study of the underlined principles of social structure and traditional occupation, recommended the categorization of SCs into the following four groups.

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Table 6.2: Social structure and traditional occupation of the categorization of SCs

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Source: Data on traditional occupation is collected from ethnographic notes of India 1961, and classics of Thurstion, S.S. Hasan.

Relli and Mehtar constitutes 133,689 (1.67%) of SCs population. They are categorized as Group A with 1% entitlement of reservations in public appointments and educational institutions. The commission identified the Madigas group of communities, the leather workers, as the next backward among SCs. They constitute 3,737,609 (46.94%) of the SC population. Malas are categorized as 3,263,675(40.99%) of the SC population. The Adi-Andhras are categorized as D with 1% entitlement of reservations. This is the most advanced group in terms of education and employment among the scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh.

Sphere of State Authority Categorization policy formulated by the government of Andhra Pradesh brought forth the controversy between state and central authority. In modern democratic system, state government is a legal plural authority, while central government represents monistic authority. In adjudication of categorization policy, Madigas advanced pluralistic arguments, while the Malas advanced monistic arguments (against categorization of SCs in Mala Mahanadu 1998). Malas under the auspices of Mala Mahanadu challenged G.Os issues, categorizing 59 scheduled castes in the High Court of Andhra Pradesh stating that it is unconstitutional, and categorization divides the Dalits. The state government argued that it is competent to categorize scheduled castes into four groups for equal distribution of reservation benefits in exercise of its power under Article 15 (4) and 16(4) of the Constitution of India to implement reservations in the field of education

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and employment, as this power was allocated to states in the scheme of division of powers in our federal structure. Malas argued reservation to SCs and STs is the subject matter of the Union Government alone as per the scheme of division of powers between the State and Union Government of India concerned. In India, the constitutional powers are divided into three lists, the union list (97), state list (66), and the concurrent list (47). State public services are included in list II of seventh schedules at entry 41. Education was included in list III of schedule at entry 25 in the concurrent list. Malas took procedure for identification of SCs and STs, inclusion in and exclusion out of SCs, and STs from the list to defend their argument, the Indian Constitution established a procedure for identification of SCs and STs for inclusion or exclusion of SCs and STs from the list for the purpose of reservations. Article 341(1) of the Indian Constitution says that the President of India with respect to any State or Union Territory, after consultation with the Governor, thereafter by public notification specify the castes, races, or tribes, or part of, or groups within castes, races, or tribes, which shall be for the purpose of the Constitution deemed to be scheduled caste. Article 341(2) states that the parliament may, by law, include or exclude from the list of scheduled castes specified in notification issued under clause 341(1), any caste or race, or any group within a caste. Malas argued that the government of Andhra Pradesh violated Article 341 of the Indian Constitution by categorizing scheduled castes into four groups, and further argued that the state government is not competent to formulate a policy for scheduled castes. The government of Andhra Pradesh and Madigas argued that the job of the President of India was over by identification and notification of 59 scheduled castes in Andhra Pradesh who can be deemed to be scheduled castes in exercise of its power under Article 15(4) and 16(4) of the Indian Constitution to implement reservations in the fields of education and employment and it is within the legislative competence of the states. Further, the TDP government argued that Article 341 does not diminish the state legislative competence for legislation with respect to education and state employment for this reason. And it was argued that Article 341 enables the President of India at once to specify castes, races, tribes, or parts of groups within castes that shall be deemed to scheduled castes for the purpose of the Constitution. Malas argued that the categorization of SCs amounts to inclusion or exclusion of SCs from the list of scheduled castes that is unconstitutional and violates Article 341(2) that empowers the Parliament of India to include or excludea caste or group from the list of scheduled castes. The state government argued that the President of India had bracketed

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scheduled castes, that the state government had put a small bracket within the bracketed scheduled castes, without excluding or including any caste or group from the list of SC, in exercise of the state power for the implementation of reservations under Article 15(4) and 16(4) of the Indian Constitution. In exercise of its power, the state government proposed a resolution in the State Assembly on 22 April 1998 in favor of categorization, and unsurprisingly the State Assembly unanimously passed a resolution supporting categorization. Malas advanced the true monistic argument against categorization. They said that all the specified and notified castes in the scheduleare one single unit called scheduled castes; they further argued that once a caste is specified in the list of scheduled castes they are equally entitled for attendant benefits unconditionally. Though they are heterogeneous by their caste, race, or tribe, they become a homogeneous single unit when they are included in the schedule. The stand of Malas to ignore relative backwardness and heterogeneous occupational diversity is identical to that of the ruling class in general, and is Brahmanic in their partisan attitude. The list of scheduled castes was identified on the criteria of caste, Brahmin commensality practices, and social backwardness of castes. Malas accepted the schedule thus identified, but refused to accept categorization of SCs when it takes the identification of castes to a logical end for the realization of social justice. The full bench of the High Court, after hearing the case, declared that the G.Os 68 and 69 categorizing scheduled castes is unconstitutional and violates Articles 338, 341 of the Indian Constitution on 18 September 1997. In its judgment, the High Court came to these conclusions: (1) Categorization made by state government amounts to the identification of the most backward, as notified under clause (1) of Article 341; (2) Any further clarification of SCs shall be permissible only in the manner as envisaged under Article 341 read with Article 338 of the Indian Constitution; (3) Sub-classification of SCs is a major policy matter affecting scheduled castes, as envisaged under Article 338 (9) of the Constitution of India, and the state is obliged to consult the National Commission for SCs and STs . Following the judgment of the High Court, the state government consulted the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Commission had recommended having another look at the working of reservation policy and development efforts that have to be made for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. The Commission also recommended that the Government of India, being the custodian of interests of SCs, come up with an appropriate national level policy, which

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would take care of disparities within SCs, and a new formula has to be evolved to reduce disparities within SCs and also between communities and families among the communities, and finalize it in consultation with the National Commission for SCs and STs under Article 338(9) of the Constitution. After hearing from the National Commission, the state government issued an ordinance categorizing SCs, and sent it to the President of India seeking his opinion under Article 213 (1) of the Indian Constitution. Then President of India, K.R. Narayanan assented ordinance categorization of SCs as step towards rationalization of reservations. Thereafter TDP government passed an Act in the Legislative Assembly categorizing SCs. Malas challenged the legislative competence of state government. A larger bench of the High Court heard the case and declared its judgment stating that categorization was made intelligible and discernable, and passed that rationalization of reservation for scheduled castes is valid and constitutional. Mala Mahanadu challenged the categorization of reservation for scheduled castes in the Supreme Court of India. Now, Madigas are fighting to protect categorization of SCs that ensures equal identity and social justice in the Supreme Court of India.

Judicial Interference Living apart as they do from social realities, judges sometimes come up with wrong judgments at disastrous moments. A notable feature of Indian society in recent years is that from out of disadvantaged people who are dealt with by the law as well as in the idiom of social justice as homogeneous classes (Dalits, minorities, women), categories asserting their further discrimination have emerged, seeking society’s attention to their particular plight. The situation calls for a sensitive response that will neither deny them further discrimination nor use it as a stick to beat the parent category with. Madiga campaign for subdivision of the scheduled caste reservation is a very prominent instance of this. Asserting that within the scheduled castes there is a local hierarchy of social status, worth, value (and even touchability), and also that the scheduled caste reservation is being taken disproportionately by two of them, namely, Adi-Andhras and Malas, e Madigas ran a successful campaign to persuade the state government to make a four-fold sub-division of the scheduled castes in the state, and apportion the reservation to the four sub-groups in such a manner that all may in fact get a more equitable share. Almost nobody other than a section of the relatively better placed scheduled castes has denied the fact of further discrimination within the Dalit communities, and all political parties have supported the campaign.

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However it has been founded on the law as understood by the Courts. The conclusive view of a Constitution bench of five judges of the Supreme Court is that it is constitutionally impermissible to do what Madigas wanted. We shall see below why and how the Court said so. As a general caveat it must be said that whatever may be the defects of our Constitution, and there are many, anyone who knows that document would view with skepticism any assertion of a disjoint between its prescriptions and any aspiration for social or political justice and the social or political impediments in giving effect to constitutional possibilities. The only exception to this would be the aspiration for self determination of unwilling components of what would be the Indian nation, which is irrefutably unconstitutional, as the Constitution now stands. The Andhra Pradesh order was persuaded by the vigorous campaign launched by Madigas; the state initially issued an order that was struck down by a full bench of the High Court, principally on the ground that the government had not consulted the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, but also on more doubtful grounds. Later, after completing that consultation, the government passed an Act (Act 20 of 2000) to the same effect. As before, this was challenged by people of the Mala and Adi-Andhra communities, but a five-judge bench of the High Court, by a majority of four to one, upheld the Act, overruling the other objections the previous bench had expressed. The petitioners appealed to the Supreme Court against that, for which leave was granted by the High Court, and in the Apex Court they have succeeded. A five-judge bench of the Supreme Court, in E.V. Chinnaiah vs. State of Andhra Pradesh, has unanimously held the Act to be unconstitutional, in a judgment that is poor in logic and poorer in judicial wisdom.

Against Reservations At the end what we have is a judgment purportedly against subdivision of the scheduled caste reservation quota, but which is in fact replete with arguments against reservations as such. A little more than a decade ago, in the Mandal Commission case (Indira Sawhney vs. Union of India 1992) nine judges of the Supreme Court went into the whole gamut of the reservations questioned and answered all the issues, affirming some earlier judgments, overruling some, and laying down the law in quite a satisfactory manner. It was hoped that most of the ghosts that have haunted the provision of reservations/or special provisions for the oppressed castes of Hindu society had been laid to rest. Apparently not, but then, what more do you expect when a section of the Dalits themselves

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go to Court against those below them, and employ all the arguments the Brahmins invented against reservations and special provisions for the deprived castes as such? Did they not ask for it? Everyone in Andhra Pradesh recalls the glee with which casteist society welcomed the arguments used by Malas against the demands raised by Madigas. In human affairs there is in general nothing more calculated to please than the appropriation of your arguments by your own opponent in the innocent assumption that he is protecting the right obtained against you from an encroacher. And like society, like judges, for the tortuous reluctance with which the Courts came to accept that India is a caste society and something should be done about it if we are ever to be a real democracy is evident from the history of judicial pronouncements on reservations. To the judges, one is tempted to read what a predecessor of theirs said two decades ago. In K.C. Vasanth Kumar vs. State of Mysore (1985), Chinnappa Reddy said something about how the Constitution of India, at least in its more positive aspect, may be read as we must also remember that we are expounding the Constitution born…………………………….. ……of an anti-imperialist struggle, influenced by the constitutional instruments, events and revolutions elsewhere, in search of a better world, and wedded to the idea of justice, economic, social, and political to all. Such a Constitution must be given a generous interpretation so as to give all its citizens the full measure of the justice promised by it. This probably sounds terribly like 20th century discourse, nevertheless it was 20th century aspirations that shaped the Republic of India, and there is no cogent reason for declaring that that Republic is dead.

Categorization of the SC Reservations: Madiga Dandora vs. Mala Mahanadu The Madiga Dandora based its demand for categorization on representation. It was argued that although the reservation opportunities have been provided for the Dalit group as a matter of representation, the Madigas are singled out by their under-representation in the scheme. Such a condition was an outcome of the socio-cultural and historical disadvantages suffered by them due to: (1) the caste related occupations of Madigas, especially leather making, (2) the physical location of the majority of Madigas in the Telangana region, and (3) caste based humiliations. These disadvantages prevented Madigas from accessing reservation opportunities, which, in turn, helped the better off castes, such as Malas and Adi-Andhras, to access reservation opportunities disproportionately to their population weight in the group. In other words,

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the disadvantages suffered by the marginalized translated into advantages for the better-off castes in the Dalit group. In support of this contention, the Madiga Dandora has provided data pertaining to the caste wise representations of the four major Dalit castes in the state: Madigas, Rellis, Malas, and Adi-Andhras in education, employment, and political opportunities. This data clearly establishes the over representation of Malas and Adi-Andhras. Thus, a lack of proportional representation of Madigas in the reservation opportunities provided for the Dalit group constitutes an injustice against them. The Mala Mahanadu rejected the Madiga Dandora’s claim and argued that it was not socio-cultural and historical causes but a lack of merit that prevented them from accessing the reservations. Interestingly, this is the argument that has been invoked by the caste Hindus against reservation opportunities for the lower castes at large. In the following passages, we first examine Madiga Dandora’s claim before examining the Mala Mahanadu’s response. Finally, we analyse the Dandora’s demand from the point of view of representation. In all their pamphlets and political speeches, the leaders of the Madiga Dandora support their demand for categorization by presenting data pertaining to the education, employment, and political opportunities accessed by Madigas, Rellis, Malas, and Adi-Andhras in the state. These suggest the over-representation of the latter two castes and the under representation of the former two castes in the reservation opportunities. Although the accuracy of the data in the fields of education and employment is questionable, the data on political opportunities, especially in reserved seats in the State Assembly as well as in parliament verified by us, clearly establishes the over representation of Malas. A pamphlet distributed by the Madiga Dandora in one of its mass mobilization gatherings in Ongole town in 1995 presents the following statistics relating to political reservations for the Dalits in the state.

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Table 6.3: Distribution of reserved Assembly Seats between Madigas and Malas (1952-1995) Total SC seats

39

As per population Madigas share of seats

24

Number of seats Madigas actually got Malas share in seats as per their population Number of seats Malas are Actually enjoying

12 15 27

Total number of SC seats in the firstten Assembly elections Madigas share in the total number of SC members in the State Legislative Assembly Number of seats that Madigasactually got Malas share in seats as per their population Number of seats Malas are actually enjoying

390 240

120 150 270

Table 6.4: Distribution of reservation Seats between Madigas and Malas in the Lok Sabha (1951-1995)1957 Total SC seats

6

Madigas share in the total seats

4

The number of seats Madigas Malas share in the total seats The number of seats Malas

2 2 4

Total SC seats in the first nine Parliaments Madigas share in the total seats

54

The number of seats Madigas actually got Malas share in the total seats

18

The number of seats actually gained by the Malas

36

18 36

The statistics presented as shown in the Tables were taken from the total number of Dalits elected to the first ten state Legislative Assemblies over the period of forty-five years. Of the 39 reserved seats, Malas have been represented in 26 seats, while Madigas have held merely 12 seats. If these seats were to be distributed between Madigas and Malas on the basis of each castes demographic weight, the pamphlet claimed, Malas would get 15 seats and Madigas would obtain 24 seats. Injustice had been done to Madigas in the last forty five years to the tune of 120 Assembly seats. Table 6.4 presents the number of reserved seats for the state’s Dalits in the Lok Sabha and the distribution of these seats between the two castes. Of

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the 54 seats (during the nine generalel ections between 1951 and 1995), Madigas secured 18 seats, while Malas obtained 36 seats. However, these seats had been distributed proportionally; the share of Madigas and Malas would have been 36 and 18, respectively. The under representation of Madigas, the pamphlet asserted, is a gross injustice against Madigas and other similarly placed Dalit castes, an injustice that is against the equality principle of democracy. In a similar argument, Krishna Madiga, one of the two main leaders of the Madiga Dandora, observed the following: Of the 59 Dalit castes in the state, only Malas, with their population of 45 % in the total Dalit population, have appropriated 75% of the reservations, whereas Madigas, whose percentage of population among the Dalits is 55%, did not even get 25% of reservations. This is a gross injustice against Madigas and other unrepresented Dalit castes. When would we get our share in the reservations? We want our representation in the reservations. Two aspects are clear from the above quote. First, injustice has been conceived in terms of under representation of Madigas in accordance with their proportionality in the field of education, employment, and political opportunities accorded to the Dalit group. Second, proportional representation of the under represented Madigas in these opportunities is associated with democratic equality, which is in turn envisioned as social justice. Before we proceed to discuss these ideas, we need to ask given that all Dalits, irrespective of their individual caste membership, have been granted equal access to reservation opportunities (at least in theory), why was it that Madigas in particular became under represented? Secondly, the geographical location, it has been argued by the Madiga Dandora that, of the three geographical regions in the state, that is, coastal Andhra, Telangana, and Rayalaseema, the former is one of the most developed regions in India, a region in which a large percentage of Malas and Adi-Andhras live. The development of the region and early exposure of the Dalits to education through the institutions established by the caste Hindu reformers and Christian missionaries facilitated the early entry of Malas and Adi-Andhras into the fields of education and employment. Conversely, a large percentage of Madigas reside in the Telangana region, a region that was part of the erstwhile princely (Nizam) state of Hyderabad, and known as one of the most underdeveloped regions in India. Furthermore, unlike in coastal Andhra, no social reforms were initiated either for the upliftment of the lower castes or the spread of education among the Dalits in this region. Madigas of this region, owing to their position in the social hierarchy and the underdevelopment of the region, remained one of the backward castes in the state.

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Madigas and Political Parties Malas tried their best to show that the issue of categorization is an attempt to break the vote bank of Congress party by TDP. It is an absolutely false allegation because, at the time of making the resolution in the Assembly, the Congress party was in opposition and Y.S. Raja Sekhar Reddy, was the opposition leader. He and his party members unanimously accepted the resolution of categorization. Then how can anyone say that categorization is a TDP conspiracy? Madigas did not get anything disproportional to their population at any point of time, including during the TDP government. On the other hand, Malas continued to enjoy as many extra benefits as they enjoyed during the rule of the Congress government. They enjoyed a double share of the SC quota during TDP rule. Sri Balayogi was consistently a minister in the TDP government, and was made the Speaker of the Lokh Sabha. Smt. Pratiba Bharati was consistently a minister of the TDP government and was made the speaker of the Legislative Assembly. K. Madhava Rao was made the Chief Secretary to the government of Andhra Pradesh. Justice Punnaiah was made the Chairman of the SC, ST Commission during TDP rule. Out of 39 Legislature Assembly seats reserved for SC; they were enjoying 25-28 seats. Out of the six seats reserved in Parliament, four or five seats were enjoyed by Malas.

Congress Party The Congress party, which ruled for 50 of the last 60 years after independence has the main responsibility to bring Madigas at par with the other castes. There are six parliament seats reserved for SCs: Amalapuram, Nellore, Tirupathi, Nagar Kurnool, Siddipeata, and Peddpalli. Andhra area has two seats, Rayalaseema has one seat and Telangana has three seats. The Congress party did not once allot a seat to Madigas in the Andhra area during the last 50 years, except for once in Nellore. Out of the three seats in Telangana at the most one seat is allotted to Madigas. So far elections were held 11 times to the parliament, out of which 66 SC candidates were given seats in the election, but the Congress did not allocate even 10 seats to Madigas. Similarly, in the case of the State Legislature Assembly there were 39 seats reserved for SCs. And out of 462 seats available for SCs in the last 12 Assembly elections, Madigas were not given more than 100 seats. This was particularly in the coastal Districts of Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, Guntur Prakasam, and Nellore Districts. There is no representation for Madigas. In East Godavari District there are

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three seats in the State Assembly and one seat for parliament reserved for SCs. In the 12 elections held so far, the Congress party allocated 60 seats, but did not allot a single seat to Madigas. Categorization simply means giving proportional representation according to the population. The Congress party, which declared that it was committed to categorization, gave 5 out of 6 parliamentary seats to Malas in the elections held in 2004. In the State Legislature Assembly, it allotted 28 seats out of 39 seats to Malas. It allocated three out of four seats in the Zilla parishad to Malas only. In the municipal election held in 2005, 12 municipal chairperson seats reserved for SCs were allotted to Malas only. It is evident that there is no sense of social justice in the Congress party in Andhra Pradesh. There cannot be more injustice than this. One should know that it would be strongly imprinted on the psyche of Madigas. The Congress party often declares that it is committed to categorization of reservation of SCs. They passed a unanimous resolution in the State Assembly. However the Congress party MLAs, and state ministers belonging to the Mala caste, formed groups and gave statements against the sub-categorization of SC reservation. Mala caste MLAs and ministers met the Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, and the President of Congress party, Sonia Gandhi and pressurized them not to introduce a bill for sub-categorization the SC reservations, if such a kind of act were performed by any other; they would have been suspended from the party on the grounds that they are working against the party. It seems the MLAs and ministers of the Mala caste belonging to the Congress party are immune to the party discipline, party procedures, and code of conduct. An all party committee has been formed and has twice met Sonia Gandhi, and Manmoham Singh, the first committee led by Koneru Rangarao. The all party legislature, consisting of 17 members who went on 11 August 2005 to the center, and the second committee led by the Chief Minister, Rajasekhar Reddy, where it appeared that they requested the central government to introduce the categorization bill in parliament as soon as possible. Nothing came out of the two delegations in 2007. The Mala Mahanadu is always claiming that the Congress party won power through the support of Malas, and they say that they are always supporting Congress. Let us see how far the claim is true. If winning power is in the hands of Malas, and Malas are always supporting Congress, why then was Congress dislodged from power for 15 years in Andhra Pradesh? When the TDP came to power in Andhra Pradesh, Malas claimed that they brought the TDP to power. They enjoyed a double quota during TDP rule as well. They are very clever and can convert everything in their favour. Then how can anyone say that TDP is supporting Madigas.

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The fact is that no party supported Madigas. Madigas built such a kind of movement that no party can dare to ignore them. One more point has to be made clear that Malas have never supported Congress party because Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was fully against Congress party. Dr. Ambedkar clearly told to quit the Congress party. They neither followed Ambedkar nor Congress party. Malas are distributed in all parties. Some of them are in the left parties. Gunturu Bapanaiah, ballad singers Gaddar, K.G. Satyamurty are the leaders in the left parties. Bojja Tarakam and Katti Padmarao were the BSP leaders and E.V. Chinnaiah, B.V Ramanaiah, Eswari Bai, Ganta Arun Kumar are the leaders of the Republican Party of India. Eswari Bai and B.V. Ramaiah were elected to the Assembly from RPI. The BJP supports the categorization of SC reservations, when both the ruling and the opposition parties are supporting the categorization of SC reservation, then why is there this delay on introducing the bill? The TDP considered demands of MRPS sympathetically. It took historical decisions by constituting the Justice Ramachandra Raju’s Commission, and enacting the law for categorization of reservations. The Mala Mahanadu made allegations that the TDP launched a conspiracy to divide the Dalits with interior political motives, butit failed to recognize that there is justice in the demands of Madigas. That is why, along with political representation, there is a need for a law on categorization. It is the credit of TDP that it made the act to categorize the reservations of SCs. Today, there is a need for the TDP to make efforts from its side to help in the passing of the bills in parliament, but also to take initiativein tackling the problems that arose against the bill. It is unfortunate that there is no representation of the TDP in the committee of members led by Y.S. Rajasekhar Reddy that met the central government to represent on the bill.

Left Parties CPI and CPI (M) Communist ideology is on the side of the working class. As all Madigas are working-class, Communist parties, both CPI, and CPI (M) automatically stand by the side of Madigas. As the facts and figures are very clear that Madigas are marginalized and discriminated, left parties have recognized Madigas movement for justice. They have openly supported Madigas demand for categorization, and declared that it is necessary to categorize the SC reservations to do justice. However one has to realize that most of the left party cadre and leaders are Malas. They felt that wherever they are Malas are abusing the left parties, as they are supporting the Madigas demand for categorization.

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Republican Party of India Dr. Ambedkar wanted to see his people as the rulers of this country; he said that political power is the master key that can solve all problems. Thus he floated the Independent Labor Party (ILP). Later on he converted the party into the Scheduled Castes Federation. He could not succeed and his dreams remain unfulfilled. Because he had to fight all fronts alone he could not concentrate on building the party. The Republican Party of India was established as per the dreams of Dr. Ambedkar after his death. It seems that the followers of Ambedkar did not understand the spirit of Dr. Ambedkar. It is unfortunate that the party was limited to Mahars of Maharashtra and Malas of Andhra Pradesh. They never distributed the seats to Madigas and other backward castes. They are following the method of give and take. RPI is more prepared to lose than to distribute to others, including Madigas. Hence the RPI became a big failure.

Bahujan Samaj Party Bahujana Smaj Party (BSP) has also emerged from the ideals of Dr. Ambedkar, and was founded by a Chamar of Punjab, Kanshi Ram. In the year 1982, contrary to the RPI, the BSP recognized the importance of uniting the backward castes that have never entered the Assembly. They distributed the seats to them. As a result, the party gained the confidence of those castes, and then these started voting for BSP. When BSP started strengthening, the Congress party started losing. Before this, Congress party was ruling with the votes of Chamars and other more backward castes (MBC) of Uttar Pradesh. Mayavathi, a Chamar, became Chief Minister four times to the state of Uttar Pradesh, which is the largest populated state in the country. Hitherto, people were of the opinion that the scheduled castes were also dependents. Their votes can be easily captured by attractive slogans, distribution of money, and intoxicating liquors, etc., but that was disproved by BSP. During the 2007 elections, BSP emerged as the single largest party with an absolute majority. Congress party is pushed to the fourth position.

Politics of Internal Classification The state of Andhra Pradesh was formed on 1 November 1956. The two major political parties such as the Congress party, mostly led by Reddys, and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), mostly led by Kamma community, rule these so far. We can hardly find any significant Dalit

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movements in the state due to exploitation as well as manipulation by the existing parties. In fact, two major incidents of atrocities on the Dalits by the upper caste groups held under the two different ideological political regimes. The first incident was carnage at the Karamchedu in 1985 during the TDP regime, and the second one was at Chundur in 1991 during the Congress party rule. In both cases, justice was delayed and the Dalit victims got justice after a prolonged struggle. However, there had been a strong sub caste consciousness arising among the Dalits. This led to a friction between Malas and Madigas, which attracted the attention of the Gopal Guru. He rightly pointed out that sub caste consciousness divides the Dalit community both vertically and horizontally. This may be partially true and partially not in the context of Andhra Pradesh. This is precisely because he did not adequately locate the social and economic context for Mala and Madiga conflict. Another version is that Madiga Dandora may divide the Dalit movement. It also may be valid that nonDalit forces used this friction as an instrument to liquidate the Dalit movement itself. This is what is mostly happening in the state. As per the 2001 census, the scheduled caste population literacy rate was 53.5 %, which was lower than the state literacy rate of 60.5%. The TDP government should have done better for improving literacy among the Dalit community, especially in the backward region of Telangana. Instead of working towards providing basic education for all Dalit groups, both the TDP and Congress party governments played unhealthy politics for division in order to provide admission to educational institutions for their own self-interests. On the other hand, many Dalit bureaucrats, Dalit political leaders, and other Dalit intellectuals also felt that internal classification issue was harmful to their unity and fraternity. They also felt that because of their lack of co-ordination and harmony they were unable to pressurize and bargain with the respective TDP and Congress party governments. As a result, both governments did not deliver much with regard to implementation of poverty alleviation schemes, budget allocations, and jobs and so on for Dalit empowerment. Therefore, it is high time that the government provided the Dalits with whatever rights, as well as a justifiable share from the growth process. The internal classification discourse here is that the policies of positive discrimination must be devised in away that they enhance the principle of fraternity. Reinterpreting John Rawls theory of justice in this context, Dipankar Gupta maintains that positive discrimination benefits the society as a whole, rather than any one section of people. Moreover, in the interest of fraternity, he suggests that it is necessary to extend special consideration to those who did not possess any social assets. If this is the case, Madiga

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community deserves a special consideration from the government for their social and economic uplifting. Nevertheless, B.R. Ambedkar’s policy of reservations was designed primarily to remove the social disadvantage to a particular period. It may be extended until they have achieved the goal of justice for all. In this way, the Madiga community feels that their demand is basically in proportion to their population, social, and economic backwardness. Therefore, one can also rationally think that the Madiga community’s demand is genuine, and that political parties should take it into consideration for providing justice to their community. On the other hand, one can also think and suggest a rational balanced policy recommendation to the government of Andhra Pradesh and the present Usha Mehra’s Commission appointed by the government of India. If they want to internally classify the scheduled castes, they need keep in their minds in order to achieve subdivision with equity, subdivision with distribution, subdivision with justice, and subdivision with a human face.

Adi-Andra

Adi Dravida

Mala

Madiga

Dakkal

Others

1

2

3

4

5

6

7834409 (100%)

151675 (1.94%)

1528 (0.19%)

37310339 (47.62%)

3151378 (40.22%)

95156 (1.22 %)

703633 (8.98%)

Total population

6538279 (83.45%)

125727 (82.82%)

1371 (89.72%)

3363107 (90.14%)

2465909 (78.25%)

75704 (79.56%)

506561 (72%)

Illiterates

12966130 (16.55%)

26048 (17.18%)

157 (10.28%)

367932 (9.86%)

685469 (21.75%)

19452 (20.44%)

197072 (28%)

Literates

107579 (100%)

2045 (1.90%)

3 (0.002%)

30147 (28.02%)

57194 (53.15%)

14.29 (1.33%)

16763 (15.28%)

SSC

14415 (100%)

211 (1.46%)

1 (0.006%)

3614 (25.07%)

8113 (56.28%)

138 (0.96%)

Graduates otherthan technical 2338 (16.21%)

590 (100%)

9 (1.53%)

0

101 (17.11%)

371 (62.88%)

8 (1.36%)

101 (17.11%)

Engineering

Source: (1) Census of India 1981, (2) numbers in parenthesis are percentages of respective category of educational level. Percentages of inequality in education among SCs in Andhra Pradesh

Total

Castes

S.No.

Table 6.5: Inequality in Education among SCs in Andhra Pradesh

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582 (100%)

14 (2.40%)

0

128 (21.99%)

357 (61.34%)

0

83 (14.26%)

Medicine

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Table 6.6: Inequality in employment among SCs in Andhra Pradesh S.No

Sub caste Groups

1

IAS

2

IPS

3

Allied Central Services HighCourt Advocates

4 5

Public sector Gazettedofficers andNon-Gazetted officers Total

Madiga Allied Caste 14 (20%) 3 (23.07%) 5 (20%) 5 (20%) 20,884 (24.99%)

Mala Allied Castes 56 (80%) 10 (76.92%) 20 (80%) 20 (80%) 62,655 (75%)

70 (100%) 13 (100%) 25 (100) 25 (100%) 83,539 (100%)

20,962 (25.% )

62,756 (75.%)

83,672 (100%)

Source: Report and status of Arundhateeyas, page no.9 and 10. Percentage of Inequality in Employment among SCs in Andhra Pradesh

Total

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The Dalit hierarchy and new inequalities created by reservation benefits between Madigas and Malas in the fields of education, employment, and policies. As a result of reservations, the marginal section of poor Dalits emerged as a class by acquiring modern education and modern jobs by the 1980s. The rise of a new class is clearly visible in the fields of education, employment, and politics within Dalits. Malas have emerged as the dominant Dalit caste over Madigas by acquiring modern education, modern occupation, and a disproportionate political share in Andhra Pradesh. These new inequalities strengthened the Dalit hierarchy in Andhra Pradesh by the 1980s. Table 6.7: Inequality in politics among SCs in Andhra Pradesh S.No. Political Madiga allied Mala allied Total Institutions Caste Castes 1 MPP Presidents 57 102 159 (35.84%) (64.15%) (100%) 2 ZPP Chairmen 1 2 3 (33.3%) (66.6%) (100%) 3 Municipal 6 10 16 Chairmen (37.5%) (62.5%) (100%) 4 MPs 1 6 7 (14.28%) (85.71%) (100%) 5 MLAs 16 24 39 (41.02%) (61.53%) (100%) Total 81 144 224 (36.16%) (64.28% ) (100%) Source: Report on Status of Arundhateeyas.

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The newly emerged class is sufficient to corner all the reservations benefits provided by the central and state governments. The antagonism against the newly emerged Dalit class is found among Dalit activists in the post-Dalit Mahasabha Movement in Andhra Pradesh. In the postindependence period, the Brahmins, the Reddis, the Kammas, and the Velmas continued to dominate political power in Andhra Pradesh, even in the reserved sphere of political power, the higher caste Dalits, Malas, continued to share political power that was disproportionate to their population. The summation of caste, class, and political power continued to be there even within the Dalits. The Madiga campaign for subdivision of the scheduled caste reservation in Andhra Pradesh is a very prominent instance of this. Asserting that within the scheduled castes there is a local hierarchy of social status, worth, value (and even touchability), and also that the scheduled caste reservation is being taken disproportionately by two of them, namely, Adi-Andhras and Malas, Madigas ran a successful campaign to persuade the state government to make a four-fold subdivision of the scheduled castes in the state, and apportion the reservation to the four sub-groups in such a manner that all may in fact get a more equitable share. Almost nobody other than a section of the relatively better placed scheduled castes has denied the fact of further discrimination within the Dalit communities, and all political parties have supported the campaign. However it was founded on the law as understood by the Courts. The conclusive view of a Constitution bench of five judges of the Supreme Court is that it is constitutionally impermissible to do what

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Madigas wanted. Why and how the Court said so we shall see below. Nevertheless as a general caveat it must be said that whatever may be the defects of our Constitution, and there are many, anyone who knows that document would view with scepticism any assertion of a disjoin between its prescriptions and any aspiration for social or political justice, and the social or political impediments in giving effect to constitutional possibilities. The only exception to this would be the aspiration for selfdetermination of unwilling components of what would be the Indian Nation, which is irrefutably unconstitutional, as the Constitution now stands.

Andhra Pradesh Order Persuaded by the vigorous campaign launched by Madigas, the government of Andhra Pradesh initially issued an order that was struck down by a full bench of the High Court, principally on the grounds that the government had not consulted the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, but also on more doubtful grounds. Later, after completing that consultation, the government passed an act (Act 20 of 2000) to the same effect. As before, this was challenged by people of Mala and Adi-Andhra communities, however a five-judge bench of the High Court, by a majority of four to one, upheld the Act, overruling the other objections the previous bench had expressed. Against that, the petitioners appealed to the Supreme Court, for which leave was granted by the High Court, and they succeeded in the Apex Court. A five-judge bench of the Supreme Court, in E.V. Chinnaiah vs. State government, has unanimously held that the Act is unconstitutional, in a judgment that is poor in logic and poorer in judicial wisdom. The Supreme Court says two things: (i) Apportionment of the reservations made to SCs or STs to subgroups within cannot be done by the state legislatures. Only Parliament has the competence to do so. (ii) However even Parliament does not have the competence to do so since the Constitution has intended that the SCs and STs are an indivisible, homogeneous entity. May be in fact they are not, but for all constitutional purposes they are. Both the contentions are demonstrably ill-founded. Until at least a bench of seven judges of the Supreme Court says so, or the Constitution is amended to clarify that it has been saddled with what the makers of the document never intended, all aspirations for inter se justice within the Dalit and adivasis groups aspirations, which are only now finding voice, will have to stay mute, constitutionally speaking. In fact, the

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Supreme Court has gone to the extent of saying that it is not permissible to even appoint a commission of inquiry to identify the more backward among the scheduled castes. Three separate but concurring judgments have been written by the five-judge bench, none of them more edifying than the others: N Santosh Hegde for himself, S.N. Variava and B.P. Singh; H.K. Sema for himself; and S.B. Sinha for himself. It is something of a strain to unravel the thread of the reasoning adopted by them, not because it is profound, but because lack of logical clarity and connectedness has become a very common characteristic of judicial pronouncements, even at the highest level these days, and this judgment is a classic instance. The constitutional position concerning the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe lists (there is a separate list for each state) is clear. Article 341 says: (i) The president may with respect to any stateor union territory, and where it is a state, in consultation with the governor thereof, by public notification, specify the castes, races, or tribes, or parts of, or groups within castes, races, or tribes for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be scheduled castes in relation to that state or union territory, as the case may be, and (ii) Parliament may by law include or exclude from the list of scheduled castes specified in a notification issued under clause (1) any caste, race, or tribe, or part of, or group within any caste, race, or tribe, but save as aforesaid a notification issued under the said clause, shall not be varied by any subsequent notification. Article 342 is a similar provision for scheduled tribes. Thus, the President initially declares the list of scheduled castes in consultation with the governors of the respective states, and any inclusion or exclusion thereafter is done by an Act of Parliament. Except by an Act of Parliament the SC or ST list cannot be modified to include or exclude a caste. Every other authority, including the state and central governments, is bound by these lists so declared and amended.

Argument against Equity It is trite indeed that justice must be equitable. But the rider that do justice to one group at the cost of injustice to another group is another way of perpetrating injustice, without any reference to the unequal position of the two groups, which fact is no where disbelieved by the judge, is not an argument for, but against equity. And it is an argument against reservations as such, and not just their categorization, for justice to some at the cost of injustice to others has always been the rallying cry of antireservationists. If one is to talk of discrimination in reverse, it is the

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Court’s injunction against classifying the lesser among the Dalits separately for the purpose of allotting their quota to those that deserves the appellation. For had the same Courts not held again and again that not making a classification when it cries out to be made amounts to treating unequals as equals, what would truly earn the wrath of Article 14? It is strange that the judge thinks it is the making of such a classification whose factual basis, we must reiterate yet once more, is not in dispute, but attracts such wrath.

CHAPTER VII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

Indian society was honeycombed with many castes and sub-castes, and consequently social discrimination prevailed till the beginning of the 20th century, when socio-religious reform movements were started by social reformers and philanthropists. Socio-religious reform movement aimed at removing all social evils, but mainly the caste system. It was necessitated because of the British paramountcy, and the genesis of Indian renaissance due to Christianization and modernization process. Consequently, the pyramidal structure of Hindu society began to dilapidate, and the downtrodden people began totally for emancipation. The downtrodden people were deprived of basic needs of life and placed at the bottom of the Hindu social organization. Their subjugation continued for many centuries. The Constitution of India proclaimed equal rights and privileges to all citizens, irrespective of caste, and there is no place for caste in Indian society. Laws were enacted removing untouchability and annihilating caste systems, however caste consciousness still continues as a heritage of the past. An attempt has been made to introduce the characteristic features of Dalits and their struggle for social justice in Andhra Pradesh in a broad sense of their traditional occupations and activities that are described by schedule castes that come under Dalits. However, it is not so much to evaluate the extent, to which they achieved these ends, but rather to identify and describe the manner in which the Dalit communities participate in the political process for improvement of their social conditions? It is clear that the Dalit organizations are quite aware that the political parties are not helpful for the emancipation of Dalits. However they have chosen to support them in the elections only to fulfill the interests of their community or their movement. Needless to say that their perceptions and support to the political parties is not constant, and is subject to change since there is growing consciousness among Dalits. It is thus clear that the political parties are losing their support and base among the deprived communities. This may be one of the reasons, for the failure of political parties getting majority seats in the legislatures, leading to coalition

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politics as of late. Thanks to Dalit movements, the weaker sections are no longer weak in politics. They have learnt to bargain in politics for their advantage and act accordingly. The political parties can regain the confidence of Dalits only when they come out of the narrow perceptions of electoral politics and make a dedicated effort to solve the Dalit problems and work for their development. It was in this context that the Dalit movements developed before independence were an isolated revolt of the weakest and most oppressed sections of the population. The isolation had serious consequences. For instance, instead of becoming the most revolutionary section of a unified movement, Dalits developed a separatism in which they made demands of nationalists, as well as of the British. Hostility developed to communism and class analysis, which was put forward in such a way as to appear to Dalits to exclude considerations of caste as such, which continues to have serious consequences today. The achievements of the Dalit movements are impressive, and are too often overlooked. They have given birth to a tradition of struggle in many areas, not only on cultural and ritual issues, but also on breaking feudal bonds. They have mounted powerful pressure on the national movement, resulting in the constitutional provisions for reservations, and laws making untouchability an offence; unsatisfactory as these have been, they have still provided weapons in the hands of low caste organizers. They have created a deep seated conviction of quality and self-confidence that is inevitably making it heard. If this has not yet achieved a revolutionary transformation in the life of the most exploited sections of society, it is because of the incompleteness of the revolutionary and democratic movement itself. If this is to go forward, the Dalit movement will inevitably be a part of it. When we analyze these movements in Andhra Pradesh context, Ambedkar’s influence as the chief spokesperson of an entire marginalized or deprived section in India under the colonial rule, the condition of depressed people was miserable and pathetic, as on one side they were suffering with the inexorable laws of Hinduism, and on the other, the burden of colonial exploitation. They were over worked, had shattered health, were half starved, half naked, and appeared as pathetic pictures of grueling poverty. A peculiar refinement of the untouchability theory was distance pollution, even the society feared to approach them. The colonial policies of the economy merely deprived their economic position and brought them down to the level of slaves. The caste system and untouchability, as prescribed by Brahminical Hinduism, are a dominant cause of inequality and therefore poverty in India. Many Dalits continue to live in extremely substandard conditions. International pressure on India’s elite is only a recent phenomenon.

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However, those most negatively affected by the caste system have tried many ways to break out of this system of oppressive and inhumane subordination. Increased access to education and the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar were major breakthroughs in the formation of the Dalit movements and progress towards emancipation. Conversions into many other faiths over the centuries have in some circumstances occurred as reaction to the caste system. The Indian government, perhaps realizing the difficulty of eradicating the caste system from India, is providing the reservation system to the socially and economically backward castes in the educational institutions, and in offering employment opportunities. The Indian government has enacted laws to remove untouchability among the so called lower castes, by specifically declaring untouchability as a social evil, sin, and a crime against humanity and God. It even prosecutes the offenders under the provisions of the Untouchability Act. Finally, an attempt has been made to summarize the findings of this study on the basis of the specific objectives formulated. Sixty three years of freedom for India has not bought freedom in a real sense for Dalits, who are still staggering way behind. Hundreds of the Dalits continue to face widespread caste based discrimination, extreme forms of violence, chronic hunger and poverty, and have been living, denied of even basic entitlements and minimum facilities. Despite many state provisions safeguarding their rights, the community has been subjected to systemic subjugation of rights. Our involvement with the Dalit communities has enhanced our understanding and perspective on the issues, problems, and denial of rights and dignity of this community. The core of our work revolved around the ‘right to dignity’, which has been continually denied to them through discriminatory practices. These movements did not depend on any kind of patronage from the dominant groups, instead they sought confrontation. Basically, the protest movements and the ideology of the Dalit movements are centered on socio-economic and cultural dimensions, rather than mere economic and political disabilities. The rich mineral resources are available in the state, if we properly allocate the share of mineral resources to the Dalit educated youth for their economic upliftment, then social development will automatically take place among the Dalit community. The government of India launches many programmes to alleviate rural poverty; among this NREGS is one of them, under this programme Dalits independently work in their own fields through that, self-sufficiency and process was initiated. Even today, Dalits face the age old morbid culture and social evil of untouchability. In spite of Justice Punnaiah Commission’s observations and recommendations, the

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state government fails to implement the rule of law and execute the legislation in support of Dalits. For instance, many villages in Andhra Pradesh still practice untouchability and keep Dalits out of mainstream society. Temple entry is prohibited. Dalits in many villages do not have access to make use of the service of the barbers for their regular shaving and haircut. In turn, many Dalits were forced to learn the professional skill practices of traditional barbers. The two glass system in villages is still in practice. This de-humanizing process is continuing for generations together in the state. Furthermore Dalits are the suppressed people at the lost rung of the caste based hierarchy. Their inferior occupations and low levels of ascriptive status make them vulnerable for attacks at the hands of upper caste people. The organizational efforts made by the Dalit leadership to infuse confidence in the Dalit movement are a significant change. The problems that Dalits experience and face on a regular basis are untouchability, atrocities, hunger, female abuse and domestic violence, child labor, denial to draw water from common water points, denial to enter public places such as health centers, Gram Panchayats, Post offices, etc., and children are discriminated in schools. The Dalit activists started sensitizing and mobilizing around these issues and challenged the dominant castes in their own villages, and the concerted efforts yielded good results in many villages. As a result of the sincere efforts made by the leaders, practice of the two glass system in villages was discontinued. In 123 villages, Dalits are allowed to walk through the main streets of the villages, temple entry is allowed in five villages, Dalits are taking water from common water points in 23 villages. All these developments took place in the Kurnool District because of the active role played by the Dalit organizations. The contribution of the Dalit leaders such as Damodaram Sanjeevaiah, Masala Eeranna, M. Sikhamani, Bonala Nadipisanjanna, P. Gokari, Bonala Balasanjanna, Moolinti Mareppa, Katta Swamidas, Kommupalem Srinivasulu, M. Sudhakar Babu, Newton Babu, Nagappagari Sundaraju, Patnam Rajeswari, B. Balashouri, R.J. Mallekal, Somasudaram, Bhangi Ananthayya, Akepogu Venkataswami, Labbhi Venkataswamy, Saveappagari Eeranna, Dandu Veeraiah, K.S. Babu, Reddypogu David, and P. Murali Krishna, should be mentioned in sensitizing and articulating the interests of Dalits in the District either through demonstration dharnas, fasts or through popular writing on Dalit issues in the District. Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) and Malamahanadu movements had two objectives: rejection of the Hindu social order, and fight to reconstruct self-identity. The Dalit movements were mainly anti-

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Brahmin, aiming at a social order based on rationalism and humanism. The Dalit movements had a different ideology and objective when compared to other anti-Brahmin movements. Dalits fought for structural change in the caste system, unlike the social/or caste reform movements among upper castes, which were essentially non-combative and meant to effect minimal changes. It means that those who have high caste position will also have higher position in socio-economic and political spheres. Only such a section of people would have access to political power in India. In the Kurnool District, Madigas numerically out number Malas, however still Malas are enjoying all the benefits in the field of education and employment. This irritated the Madigas and started the self-respect movement under the banner of MRPS, popularly known as the Dandora movement. The Madigas have been fighting for equal share in reservation benefits since the 1980s. The Malas, one of the major sub castes of Dalits, which has been cornering reservation benefits disproportionate to their population, launched a counter movement opposing the Madigas demand, for sub-categorization through different forms of protest advanced the arguments of antagonists of reservation policy in India. We have analyzed the impact of Dalit consciousness in the realization of their rights and human dignity, to shed light on how arduous and bitter the struggle for social justice and dignity. The incidents that occurred in Padirikuppam, Neerukonda, Karamchedu, and Chunduru, united the Dalit forces to fight against caste Hindus as a result of the self-respect movements started for their rights. Vempentta, a village in the Kurnool District dominated by two factions, is a typical example of caste ridden politics. The entire economic, political, and social life of the village was under the control of factionalists led by the landlords, who had direct links with either the TDP or the Congress party. Sometime around 1980, CPI (ML) People’s War Group entered this village to build a struggle for land and increase in the wages. Around 1996, under the party’s leadership, the landless laborers occupied temple lands. This land was redistributed among 80 Madiga, 56 Mala and 129 backward caste and lower-class families. Each family got half an acre of land. As there were more landless families among the Madiga community, more land was distributed to them. These struggles and access to land gave an increasing sense of confidence and dignity to the Madiga families in the village. The youth were attracted towards the People’s War Group. This obviously earned the wrath of the upper caste Reddy landlord family, which dominated the village, along with the ex-sarpanch, who belonged to the BC community. As a counter strategy to the PWG, both the landlord and the ex-sarpanch mobilized the OBCs and Malas of the village under the pretext that

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injustice was done to them in the distribution of the land. They went to the extent of organizing a social boycott of the Madiga families in the village, in a context where the state was already under the grip of Madiga movement. The study on Dalit movements has driven home the point that among the Dalits, Malas were the earliest to grab secular education, introduced by the British, and therefore entered bureaucracy and consequently attained socio-political mileage as Dalits during the British colonial period and later on in post-independent India until the end of the 1980s. Madigas lagged behind in all walks of life and as the most disadvantaged among the marginalized sections of society. The Dalit movement until the1980s was dominated by Malas, spearheading the marginalized sections and establishing an identity for themselves under the banner of Dalits. The decade of 1980 saw the Bhahujan movement, a collective mobilization of Dalits in sequel to atrocities perpetuated on Dalits in various parts of the state and country. This led to a strong movement among Dalits to form as a force, to articulate against atrocities and to press for equality and social justice. This has resulted in the consolidation of Dalit groups to form as a power block, which was counteracted by their categorization in 2000, which came as a clever ploy of the higher castes to weaken the solidarity of Dalits. In fact, there is a conspiracy even in issuing the G.O for categorization of SCs into the ABCD group. Several loopholes were incorporated to diffuse the very purpose of categorization. The categorization however brought social inclusion of Madigas who could emerge economically, educationally, and politically, with an identity under MRPS. It brought a crystallization of the Dalit movements to form the effective articulating body for Madigas with a definite agenda and plan of action. Nevertheless the categorization was set aside by the Supreme Court, derailing the social inclusion of Madigas. The Dalit movement is in tune with the state political scenario and affiliations. Undoubtedly, categorization has weakened the Dalits stance, and identity on one side, and tremendous mass mobilization to protest against the onslaughts of the upper caste people under the banner of Dandora on the other. The pulse of the Dalit people indicates a picture of chaos and an uncertainty with the leaders of political parties, enticing their leaders, and the commoners are in a sort of alienation, characterized by powerlessness and isolation. To be precise, they have less trust in their leaders, who are swayed by leaders of major political parties, leaving Dalits in a helpless situation. The Dalit movements that tried to emerge as a flagship for the upliftment and empowerment of the downtrodden has been successfully put in to check the higher caste political leaders in the state.

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In summary, the Dalit movement, which began with a bang in the 1980s, has reached the state of a whimper in just three decades. Dalits still have a long way to go. It is in a state of alienation hoping for revival with a forceful, honest leadership. Dalit movements traversed, in the Kurnool District have followed the same path as Dalit movements in the state are under confusion as to where to go and whom to trust. The MRPS has been all the while articulating interest of the educated Dalit youth, and it has not touched the issues of the Dalit masses sweltering in exploitation and negligence. It could only mobilize the urban based educated Dalit youth, and failed immeasurably in the mobilization of the Dalit masses for their social inclusion and social empowerment on a scale of social parity and dignity.

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