Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae, Volume Five: -H-I-: 30/5 (Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1 The Near and Middle East / Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae) 9004250972, 9789004250970

Citation preview

list of plates, plans and maps

Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae

i

ii

list of plates, plans and maps

Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik Section 1, The Near and Middle East Edited by

Maribel Fierro (Madrid) M. Şükrü-Hanioğlu (Princeton) Renata Holod (University of Pennsylvania) Kees Versteegh (Nijmegen)

Volume 30 Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ho1

list of plates, plans and maps

Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae Volume Five -H-I-

By

Moshe Sharon

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013

iii

iv

list of plates, plans and maps

The publication of this volume was supported by the Fondation Max van Berchem, Geneva. The Max van Berchem Foundation is a scientific foundation established in Geneva, Switzerland, in memory of Max van Berchem (1863-1921), the founder of Arabic epigraphy. Its aim is to promote the study of Islamic and Arabic archaeology, history, geography, art, epigraphy, religion and literature. It subsidizes the Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae since 1997. Library of Congress Cataloging-in Publication data Sharon, Moshe.  Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum Palaestinae (CIAP) / by Moshe Sharon.    p. cm. v. : ill., maps ; 30 cm.— (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe und der Mittlere Osten, ISSN 0169-9423 ; 30. Bd. = Handbook of Oriental studies. The Near and Middle East Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe und der Mittlere Osten ; 30. Bd.) Includes bibliographical references and index.   ISBN: 90-04-11006-2  ISBN: 90-04-10833-5 (v. 1. : cloth : alk. paper) 1. Inscriptions, Arabic—Palestine. 2. Epitaphs—Palestine.  PJ7599.P19S53 1997  492.7—engara—a-is—

97019195

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN 978-90-04-25097-0 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-25481-7 (e-book) Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from copyrights holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

list of plates, plans and maps

v

To Joshua Blau

vi

Inhoud List Of Plates, Plans And Maps Ix Acknowledgements Xi Foreword Xii Hebron (Al-Khalīl) 1 Is. Gr. 160 103 (N. Is. Gr. 210 603) 1 Haifa 262 Is. Gr. 148 971 (N. Is. Gr. 198 991 745002) Ḥajjah 270 Is. Gr. 162 179 (N. Is. Gr. 212501 679024) Ḥalḥūl 278 Is. Gr. 160 109 278 Hammat Gader (Al-Ḥammah) 283 Is. Gr. 212 232 (N. Is. Gr. 262 762) 283 Hūnīn 289 Is. Gr. 201 291 (N. Is. Gr. 251 791) 289 Ibn Ibraq (Ibrāq) 294 Is. Gr. 133 160 (N.Is. Gr. 183 660) 294 Iksāl 297 Is. Gr. 180 232 (N. Is. Gr. 230 732) 297 Ikzim (Ijzim) 303 (Carmel) 303 Is. Gr. 149 227 (N. Is. Gr. 199 727) 303 ʿIrāq Al-Manshiyyah 305 Is. Gr. 129 112 (N. Is. Gr. 179 612) 305 List Of Inscriptions According To Sites Bibliography 313 Glossary 319 Index 321 Index Of Qurʾānic Verses 331 Figures 1–113 333 Inscriptions 333 Figures P1–P76 447 Sites 447

list of plates, plans and maps

262 270

311

list of plates, plans and maps

vii

contents

List of Plates, Plans and Maps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   ix Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    xi Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xii Hebron (Al-Khalīl) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  1 Haifa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 262 Ḥajjah. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  270 Ḥalḥūl. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  278 Hammat Gader (Al-Ḥammah). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  283 Hūnīn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Ibn Ibraq (Ibrāq) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294 Iksāl. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297 Ikzim (Ijzim) (Carmel). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 ʿIrāq al-Manshiyyah. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  305 List of inscriptions according to sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  311 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  313 Glossary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  319 Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 Index to Qurʾānic Verses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331 Fold-out: Map 1. Hebron: Mader’s plan legend based on his original German. Source: Fondation Max van Berchem Geneva (MvB copy) Figures  Inscriptions 1-113 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333  Sites P1-P76. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447

viii

list of plates, plans and maps

list of plates, plans and maps

ix

LIST OF PLATES, plans AND MAPS Plates Pl. 1. Plan of the Hebron Sanctuary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  xvi Pl. 2. Hebron 1918 air view . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    2 Pl. 3. al-ʿAyn al-Jadīdah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   7 Pl. 3a. Sanctuary air photo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   17 Pl. 4. Sanctuary, entrance to subterranean spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   21 Pl. 5. North canopy over aperture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   23 Pl. 6. Ḥaram subterranean spaces and passage plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  24 Pl. 7. Inscription no. 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   27 Pl. 8. Hebron 484a (detail): the word aḍ-ḍālimūn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   34 Pl. 9. Hebron 484a (detail): end of line 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   35 Pl. 10. Hebron 484a (detail): the word darar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   36 Pl. 11. Hebron 484a (detail): the word ʿuqbā . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   37 Pl. 12. Hebron 612 and 694-700, joint waqf inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   42 Pl. 13. Section of Mader’s map showing Jabal Rumaydah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   46 Pl. 14. Hebron 652 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   48 Pl. 15. Plan of Dayr al-Arbaʿīn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   49 Pl. 16. Path leading to the tomb of Saqāwatī . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   51 Pl. 17. Tomb of Saqāwatī . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   51 Pl. 18. Mader’s map, Ḥaram section . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   53 Pl. 19. Jerusalem 681 ar-Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   56 Pl. 20. Qalāwun siqāyah courtyard and water basin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   57 Pl. 21. Sanctuary of ʿAlī al-Bakkā . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   60 Pl. 22. Gateway to the Sanctuary of ʿAlī al-Bakkā . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   61 Pl. 23. Hebron 681 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   63 Pl. 24. Hebron 681 a water tank . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   65 Pl. 25. Greek inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   75 Pl. 26. Greek graffito, open court . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   78 Pl. 27. Canopy over aperture to the cave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   82 Pl. 28. Yaqīn inscription . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   89 Pl. 29. Tomb of Joseph: sample of Qurʾānic text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  122 Pl. 30. Joseph’s tomb southern gate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  135 Pl. 31. Fragments of two inscriptions from Jerusalem and Hebron . . . . . . . . . .  136 Pl. 32. Hebron 764, MvB report and reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  149

x

list of plates, plans and maps

Pl. 33. Hebron 789 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  154 Pl. 34. Jerusalem 789 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  155 Pl. 35. Hebron 796 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  167 Pl. 36. Mader’s map (section): Ḥaram surroundings (1914) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  205 Pl. 37. Hebron 1008 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  209 Pl. 38. Hebron 1008 artist’s signature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  210 Pl. 39. Gate of old Qazzāzīn mosque . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  212 Pl. 40. Mader’s map, S/W of Ḥaram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  218 Pl. 41. Khān al-Khalīl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  220 Pl. 42. Hebron 1030 ʿAyn as-Sitt, Hussieni’s report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  222 Pl. 43. Hebron 1172a drawing over letters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  227 Pl. 44. Plan of Shiblī mosque compound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  238 Pl. 45. Hebron 1300, Tughrā . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  245 Pl. 46. Hebron 1313 artist signature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  249 Pl. 47. Zāwiyah of Arzrūmī, Hussieni’s report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  260 Pl. 48. Ḥajjah 722, Exterior south wall of mosque . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  272 Pl. 49. Modern reading of Ḥajjah 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  273 Pl. 50. Ḥajjah 723 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  274 Pl. 51. Ḥajjah 735 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  275 Pl. 52. Ḥajjah 749 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  277 Pl. 53. Ḥalḥūl 355 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  280 Pl. 54. Ḥammah, Greek inscription 662 ce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  285 Pl. 54a. Greek inscription from al-Ḥammah (Di Segni) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  285 Pl. 55. Ḥammah, Arabic fragments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  287 Pl. 56. Ḥammah 122AH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  288 Pl. 57. 57a-57d Hūnīn 1166 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  291–292 Pl. 58. Iksāl castle, plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  299 Pl. 59. Iksāl castle, arrangement of inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  300 Pl. 60. Ikzim, MvB report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  304 Pl. 61. Map of ʿIrāq al-Manshiyyah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  309 Plans and Maps Mader’s hand drawn plan of Hebron 1914—attached Pl. 1. Hebron plan of sanctuary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .   xvi SWP Plan of the vicinity of Hebron (end of No. 45) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .  153

foreword

xi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The research on the Arabic inscriptions in Palestine is sponsored by the Israel Academy for Sciences and Humanities. It received the financial support of Fondation Max van Berchem in Geneva matched by a grant of the Authority for Research and Development of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. The Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) gave permission to use its archives and publish from them information as well as original photographs of both locations and inscriptions. Fondation Max van Berchem granted permission to use its archives and publish information and photographs from Max van Berchem’s files and carnets. The Foundation also extends its financial support for the publication of the volumes of the CIAP. The Palestine Exploration Fund, London opened its archives and gave permission for the usage of the material relevant for this research.

xii

foreword

FOREWORD

The fifth volume of the CIAP is the sixth book of the Corpus, since Volume Three was followed by the CIAP Addendum published in 2007, which was the fourth book. The present volume covers the sites whose names begin with the letter H-I but in fact is dedicated, except for a few entries, to the inscriptions of Hebron and for this reason these inscriptions come first before the inscriptions of Haifa, Ḥajjah, Ḥalḥūl, Ḥammah, and Hunīn. Hebron houses the Abrahamic sanctuary (al-ḥaram al-khalīlī) that gave the city its Muslim name—al-Khalīl—which the Muslims regard as one of the Two Noble Sanctuaries (al-ḥaramayn ash-sharīfayn) in the Holy Land. Hebron contains a few more sites, some of which, though less remarkable but still venerated—mosques, saints’ shrines, cemeteries and other Islamic edifices; markets, fountains, caravanserais and various civilian institutions, all of which yielded almost 100 inscriptions. Not all the inscriptions of Hebron survived, since some of the medieval buildings around the ḥaram were intentionally erased in 1965, and many of the inscriptions from the Sanctuary itself had been removed in the course of repairs in various times in the past. Many inscriptions were discarded, or found their way into storage places no more accessible. Large number of the inscriptions of Hebron belong to the Mamlūk period, when the city attracted the attention of sultans and governors. However, inscriptions from the pre-Mamlūk period, few as they might be, are of extreme importance; such as the Fāṭimid inscription on the minbar of the Sanctuary, which was already studied in CIAP I, and is studied in this volume again. Following the method established in the previous volumes, the inscriptions of each entry are introduced with a study of their sites. Naturely the introduction to the entry of Hebron is the longest and most detailed. The inscriptions are arranged chronologically (not according to their monuments) and studied, whenever possible, in their historical and cultural context. In order to enable the reader to follow the inscriptions according to their location in Hebron, a special list of sites and their inscriptions has been provided. It should be noted that many inscriptions are not in situ, and therefore inscriptions, which are listed under the name of a certain site, do not necessarily belong to this site. This issue has been dealt with whenever possible in the individual discussions of each inscription. This volume contributes to the history of the Holy Land under Islam and, similar to the former volumes, its historical span is quite extensive, covering the Islamic era from early Islamic centuries until the late Ottoman period. But since many of the inscriptions come from important Muslim sites, chiefly but not solely the ḥaram,

foreword

xiii

with its deep cultural, historical and religious background, the discussion of the backgrounds, which accompany the reading and translation of the inscriptions, form the central part of this volume. The method and the final product is the same as the former volumes. I did not include in this volume addenda to the previous volumes and I left out, for the time being, the inscriptions of the Bahāʾī cemetery in Haifa, most of which are from the 20th century and deserve a special study. I plan to deal with them in one of the coming volumes. I wish to take this opportunity to express my deep gratitude to those readers who added a few pairs of eyes, so much needed for the work of the epigrapher. Sometimes, in cases of an unsatisfactory reading of an inscription on my part, I still publish its reproduction hoping that in the future, other eyes will be more successful than mine. In referring to the sites, I usually, but not always, use the modern names, as they appear in the present maps, followed by older names. The usage of the name Hebron is the most widespread not only in Western sources but by most of the Muslim sources. The names of the city were studied in the introduction to the entry on Hebron. I also indicate the current colloquial pronunciation of the Arabic names and words, next to the classical version. Throughout the book, I used the word sultan, as accepted in the European languages and on the whole I used the word vizier instead of wazīr for the same reason, but I always followed the spelling of amīr not emir. A few sites do not exist any more, but there are references to inscriptions discovered in them by the inspectors of the Department of Antiquities of the British Mandatory Government. Some of their reports contain photographs, and sometimes the reading of inscriptions in situ. I have always referred to these photographs by their number, and have referred to these readings, now in the files of the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA). In the last years of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, Max van Berchem prepared a survey of many Islamic monuments in Hebron, read many of the important inscriptions, and compared his reading with the readings offered about two decades before him by Sauvaire (published in M. le Duc de Luynes, Voyage d’Exploration a la Mer Morte … 1874). He also left many photographs of sites in Hebron which are non-existent now, and his photographs are their only visual record. I have used his photographs of both sites and inscriptions as well as his notes kept in the archives of Fondation Max van Berchem in Geneva and referred to them as “MvB Coll.” This is an opportunity to thank the Foundation and professor Charles Genequand, the President of its Scientific Committee, for their support and encouragement. Special thanks are due to Mrs. Antoinette Harri for the invaluable help she has extended to me during the writing of this and the previous volumes of the CIAP. From the third volume of the CIAP onwards I use two grid references to the standard map (scale 1:100000), one is the usual Is. Gr. (Israel Grid) and the second is N.

xiv

foreword

Is. Gr. (New Israel Grid). The new grid system appears now on all newly issued maps. According to the new system, the value of the longitude was increased by 50 and that of the latitude by 500. When the latitude is above 500 it is decreased by 500. In this manner, mistakes are avoided when longitudes and latitudes, according to the old system, have the same, or nearly the same, values. I take this opportunity to extend my thanks to the IAA, and its Director General Y. Dorfman for allowing me to use the archives at the Rockefeller Museum in Jerusalem, and to reproduce photographs and other information from these archives, which include all the material from the time of the British Mandate. Credit is rightly due to Ms. Yael Barshak of the IAA, who saw to the prompt supply of the needed photographs from the archives. Ami M. Schrager my student and assistant has made a remarkable contribution to the Corpus and to this volume in particular, searching for source material, typing, arranging the visual material, checking for errors, and composing the index for this volume. He deserves all words of praise. Thanks are due to Dr. Yūsuf Abū Maizar of Hebron. By profession a dentist, he is a systematic collector of photographs of sites in Hebron and elsewhere in country, as well as oral information, genealogies and documents from official and semi-official sources about the town, all properly catalogued. He supplied me unreservedly with information as well as with scores of photographs from which I chose many for this volume. He also related to me oral information for which there is no verification from any written text, and which I sometimes used referring to him as its source. I felt that this material, which represents local tradition, should be recorded.

foreword

xv

When I conducted the survey of Hebron in 1970-71, I was favorably received by the municipality of Hebron and the waqf authorities in the city, gestures which are deeply appreciated. At all times I was accompanied by many inquisitive children who volunteered to join me in looking for inscriptions, and when locating one they would virtually drag me to see it. It was a delightful experience which I decided then that it was worth recording. (See insert). My wife Judy, a professional translator and English editor, read and edited the whole manuscript, and besides attending to language and style, expressed many wise comments about contents, which I always accepted. Any mistake is due to my shortcoming not to hers. Most of all, she is responsible for providing me with the proper environment to conduct my research. Many colleagues, friends and students have extended their help during the preparation of the material for this volume. Thanks and gratitude are due to M. Ben Sasson the president of the Hebrew University who extended the financial help of the University funds matching the grant of the van Berchem Foundation, and thus enabled the uninterrupted work on the present volume; to Reuven Amitai on whose professional help concerning Mamlūks and Mongols I could always rely, to ʿUmar Badrieh, Amikam Elad, Leigh Chipman, and Isaac Hasson each ready to extend, whenever asked, collegial help and valuable professional advise, and to Yohanan Friedman and Benjamin Z. Kedar whose fight for the survival of the project of the Corpus is deeply cherished, appreciated and valued. Bernard Lewis, and Jack Lassner, Michael Cook and the late Oleg Grabar always extended their support and unreserved encouragement and professional assistance. My sons (Arch.) Daniel and Jonathan Sharon contributed the plans and maps for this as well as for the previous volumes. May they all be blessed. M. Sharon Jerusalem, December 2012

xvi

foreword

kitchens and bakeries of the Simāṭ free meals

Pl. 1. Plan of the Hebron Sanctuary (al-ḥaram al-ibrāhīmī). Drawing: Jonathan Sharon 1. Bāb Yūsuf—NW entrance of the Sanctuary. 2. Gate of the sacred enclosure. 3a, 3b, 3c. Gates of the main mosque (al-Iṣḥāqiyyah). 4. Main mosque—former Byzantine and Crusader church. 5. Vestibule between Abraham’s and Sarah’s chambers (al-ḥaḍrah al-Ibrāhīmiyyah—the Revered Presence. Gate 3b: bāb al-ḥaḍrah) 5’. Wooden door wings of the gate leading from the open court into the vestibule, with copper inscriptions. 6. Abraham’s chamber with cenotaph. 7. Sarah’s chamber with cenotaph. 8. Isaac’s cenotaph. 9. Rebecca’s cenotaph. 10. Jacob’s cenotaph. 11. Leah’s cenotaph. 12. Miḥrāb al-Mālikiyyah 12’. Vestibule (Mujīr, 1283:57). 13. Women’s mosque. 14. Vestibule between Jacob’s and Leah’s chambers 15. Original lumber room. 16. Oil storage room (al-mazyatah). 17. Stairs to terraces. 18. Open court. 19. Portico. 20. Original location of guards. 21. Passage to the kitchens and bakeries of the simāṭ free meals. 22. Jāwliyyah—mosque of Sanjar al-Jāwlī. 23. Passage to the northern and eastern quarters of the town. 24. Arrow pointing in the general direction of the original site of the mūristān and the ribāṭ al-manṣūrī (see N). 25. Wall of the demolished castle. 26. Joseph’s cenotaph on the level of the cave. 27. Joseph’s upper cenotaph on the level of Patriarchs’ cenotaphs. 28. Ancient, most likely Herodian wall; For the Muslims: “the Solomonic wall”. 29. The aperture leading to the underground chamber and grotto. 30. Blocked entrance into the underground passage leading to the grotto. A. Inscription of the amīr Aḥmad al-Yaghmūrī. B. Inscription of Barqūq’s waqfiyyah (perceived by Mujīr ad-Dīn over the gate). C. Inscription of al-Mustanṣir on the minbar. D. Inscription of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad and Tankiz. E. Inscription of the governor of Damascus, 1172/1775: restoration of the porch. F. Greek inscription. Conder, PEFQ, 1882:203; 3:339; Cl. Ganneau, EAO, 1:143). G. Fragment of a Greek inscription. Conder, PEFQ, 1882:205; Bagatti, 2002:72. H. Inscription of al-Jāwlī (Ah 720); above, the inscription of Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā I—i. Long band resembling the one over the miḥrāb in the main mosque. J, K, L. Three Qurʾānic inscriptions painted red. M, M’. Minarets. N. Arrow pointing to original site and inscriptions of ribāṭ al-manṣūrī and al-maṭharah. O. Sabīl as-Sulṭān Īnāl and inscription. P. Portico of the original main entrance to the Sanctuary (Presently, the southern staircase leading to it does not exist). Q. Corridor (dihlīz) between the Sanctuary and Jāwliyyah. R. Sabīl ʿUthmān. S. ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī.

hebron (al-khalīl)

1

HEBRON (Al-Khalīl) Is. Gr. 160 103 (N. Is. Gr. 210 603)

Hebron—Qiryat Arbaʿ One of the most an­cient towns in the Holy Land. The Biblical statement: “Now Hebron was built seven years before Zoan in Egypt” (Numbers 13:22) more than stating the fact that Zoan-Tanis, once the capital of Lower Egypt on the Tanitic branch of the Nile (today the village Ṣān al-Ḥajar), was built after Hebron, wishes to emphasize the antiquity of Hebron. Its name appears about a thousand years later on a signet found in the excavations of Lachish, (with an inscription written in old Hebrew letters: ‫“ למלכ חברן‬to the king of Hebron” (insert below left), which means that the city was part of the political system in the Holy Land, well-known from the Biblical records, where even small towns were ruled by “kings.” The ancient city of Hebron (also: Qiryat Arbaʿ and Mamre, Gen. 23:19) on Jabal ar-Rumaydah (pl.2 and see map) was partly uncovered in a series of archaeological excavations carried out in the south-west of the hill as well as in a few places on the eastern slope near the summit. Various stages of settlement were found from the early Bronze and Middle Bronze ages, including the strong walls of a fortified city. Among the finds were a cuneiform clay tablet written in Akkâdian, and a jar handle with yet another inscription reading: “to the king of Hebron;” both finds attesting to its status as a city-state. In a recent excavation that was conducted near the summit on the northern part of the tell, during the 1990s, a section of a main street and a flight of stairs were uncovered as well as two stages of the city wall. The flight of stairs led to the city gate. A residential area was also uncovered to the south of the street and the city wall, representing another stage of the settlement, all belonging to the early and middle Bronze age. Hebron-Qiryat Arbaʿ reached the pinnacle of its prosperity in the 11th-10th century bce, but towards the end of the 10th

2

hebron (al-khalīl)

Pl. 2. Hebron 1918 aerial view; major sites indicated. Note Jabal Rumaydah on the left, site of the ancient city, empty except for Dayr al-Arbaʿīn. The medieval city in the valley (wādī al-khalīl) and the modern city beginning to grow on the mountains to the east and north-west of the Sanctuary.

century the city deteriorated. The new settlement, from the Persian period (middle of the 6th century bce) onwards, was built in the valley, and was never protected by a proper wall. (NEAEHL, 2:475-478) After the Islamic conquest the city changed its Byzantine-Christian character and slowly developed around the Sanctuary which was transformed from a Byzantine Basilica to a mosque and a Muslim shrine. Until the Crusader period, a sparse settlement had developed to the north of the Sanctuary, but in the post-Crusader period, particularly under the Mamlūks, it grew in other directions mainly in the north, around the mosque of ʿAlī al-Bakkā, in the north-west and the south. However, until modern times, the old city of Hebron with all its markets was concentrated in very crowded, built-up area in the valley of al-Khalīl, as we can see in the aerial photograph from 1918. (Pl. 2) Hebron—City and Its Surroundings Hebron is situated some 32km. to the south of Jerusalem and has been the major and only urban and commercial centre in the southern Judean hills. Prior to the Islamic conquest, in the Roman, and more so in the Byzantine period, the Oak of Mamre (ar-Rāmah) some 3.5km. to the north of Hebron, was identified as the

hebron (al-khalīl)

3

Biblical site of Abraham’s residence and his altar (Genesis 13:18), and was both a religious and important commercial centre successfully competing with Hebron. (See Elad, 1996: 21ff.) However, due to the presence of the tomb of Abraham and the other Patriarchs in the city it has never lost its importance as a major site of worship and pilgrimage, which reached new heights after the Islamic conquest when its identification as the one and only “City of Abraham’s oak (impression). 19th century Our Master Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl” became uncon­etching. tested. It gave its name to the entire mountainous surroundings known as Jabal al-Khalīl. According to Muqaddasī (middle of 10th century), the hilly area surrounding the city was called Jabal Naḍrah. In the later Middle Ages and in modern time to this day, the whole plateau is called Jabal Qays (Colloq. Jabal Qēs) due to the fact that the villagers in the area are regarded as having pertained in the past to the Qays tribal confederation. However, this tradition was already lost long ago, and the fellahin in Palestine, who fought each other on the basis of the enmity between Qays and Yaman, had no idea about the historical background of their wars. (Finn, 1876, 1:226f.) Nevertheless, the terms remained alive, and for this reason, in the Bedouin Arabic dialect of the region the word qēsī (pl. qēsiyyeh) (with derogative undertone) means a peasant from the Hebron plateau. (Cf. Volney, 1787, 2:194-195) The city of Hebron is the highest in Palestine and one of the highest in the Middle East, 945m. above sea level. The modern parts built in the 20th and early 21st centuries are over 1000m. high. It is situated in the northern reaches of Wādī al-Khalīl, a tributary of Wādī Beersheba. The extremely fertile soil of the city and its immediate environment, and the fair amount of rainfall (up to 850 mm. (320 inches) a year), have made its region one of the most flourishing in the country. Its fertility is admired in the Bible: the spies whom Moses “sent to spy out the land of Canaan … ascended the Negev and came unto Hebron … and they came unto the Brook of Eshcol, and cut down from there a branch with one cluster of grapes, and they bore it between two upon a staff; and they brought of the pomegranates and of the figs.” (Numbers, 13:17-23) The Brook of Eshcol is identified with Wādī at-Tuffāḥ to the north-west of the Sanctuary; a very fertile area today as it was then. In the middle of the 4th/10th century, Muqaddasī, referring to the fertility of Hebron, wrote: All the country around Hebron, for the distance of half a stage is filled with villages, and vineyards, and grounds bearing grapes, and apples. The district is called Jabal Naḍrah. There is nothing like it. Its fruits are exported to Egypt and the country around. At times, here, apples of good quality will sell at a thousand for a dirham …

4

hebron (al-khalīl)

And while speaking about the prosperity of the city (which he calls qaryah—a village) he describes the free meals served in the Sanctuary; a charity dependent on the prosperity of the villages endowed for this purpose. In the Sanctuary of Hebron is a public guest-house, with cooks, bakers, and appointed servants thereto. They present a dish of lentils with olive oil to every poor person; it is also offered to rich people if they take it.

Muqaddasī adds that most of the people think that these free meals came from the original guest-house of Ibrāhīm the friend of Allah. In fact this was a waqf attributed to Tamīm ad-Dārī, the companion of the Prophet Muḥammad. Although Muqaddasī himself said that he had reservations about accepting these free meals, he acknowledged that the custom of Abraham, who was famous for his hospitality, was best observed at his Sanctuary, and that the management of that charity was the best in all the lands of Islam. (Muqaddasī 1906:172-173; 1987:147-148; Ranking (translator) 1897:282-283 and additional text in pp. 282 n. 3 and 283 note 1; Le Strange 1890:309. See also the report of R. Obadiah of Bertinoro from 1488 about the free meals which, according to him, were also offered to poor Jews and Christians “in honor of our father Abraham” Eisenstein, Compendium, 1926:116) Taking advantage of the natural conditions, the Hebronite farmers developed especially the cultivation of vines, and learnt how to prolong the grape season for about six months a year (July to December). Prior to the coming of Islam, and the imposition of the ban on the production and consumption of wine, Hebron was a major producer of wine in the country. After the decline of the wine production, the Hebronites turned fresh grapes and grape syrup into their main cash crop and became the main suppliers of grapes, as well as other fresh fruit, to Egypt. Originally, the city of Hebron was built on the hill to the west of Wādī al-Khalīl today called Jabal ar-Rumaydah (colloq. Rumēdeh). It is difficult to know at which point in time the town on ar-Rumaydah was destroyed (but see below). At any rate, we have the report of R. Benjamin of Tudela from about 1162: “The ancient city of that name (Hebron MS) was situated on the hill, and lies in ruins at present; whereas the modern town stands in the valley even in the field of Machpelah.” (Benjamin of Tudela in Wright, 1848:86) A tomb called qabr ḥabrūn used to be shown on the eastern slope of Jabal Rumaydah not far from a local sanctuary of unknown origin called Mashhad al-Arbaʿīn or Dayr al-Arbaʿīn (Mujīr 1283:427; 1973, 2:80). Muslim popular tradition speaks vaguely about 40 martyrs buried there, and the Jews identified it as the tomb of Jesse, King David’s father. This identification cannot be very old. There is a report from 1496 in an itinerary of an anonymous Jewish traveller describing the site on Jabal ar-Rumaydah: Opposite Hebron on the top of the mountain is the tomb of Jesse David’s father. It is a pretty building with a small window leading into a tunnel which goes down to a cave. They

hebron (al-khalīl)

5

say that once a cat was thrown in and came out from a hole in the Machpela cave. There is half a mile between the two sites. (Eisenstein, op. cit. 135)

As usual in such cases, imagination was em­­ployed overtime to produce fantastic stories. The Names The Arabic name al-Khalīl is shortened from the description of the city as balad sayyidinā Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl—the city of our master Ibrāhīm the Friend. However, the names used by all the Islamic sources, particularly in the Middle Ages, are some variation on the ancient Biblical name, Hebron. Abel thinks that this name is “no doubt” derived from that of the Ḫabiru-Hyksos, which is very doubtful (Abel, 1938, 2:346). The Hebrew word ḥaber—friend—is concealed within the Biblical name which found its way into the New Testament as well (James, 2:23). The title of Abraham in the Midrsash is ḥaber ha-naʾeh—the good, delightful friend (Genesis Rabbah, section 84:13-14) and it is clearly derived from Hebron (not the other way round). However, the idea expressed in Isaiah 41:8 defining Abraham as the close friend of God (Abraham ohabī), using the synonym oheb for ḥaber, is independent and has nothing to do with the name of the town, but it establishes the status of Abraham as the Friend of God. (See also 2Chron. 20:7). The ancient Biblical name of Hebron— Qiryat Arbaʿ—is not mentioned in the Arabic sources that are very well informed about the original name of the town, which they repeat in many versions: Ḥabrūn, Ḥafrūn, Bayt Ḥabrūn (Yāqūt, Dār Ṣādir, q.v. al-Khalīl, 2:387b: “its original name is ḥabrūn and it is said ḥabrā;” Dimashqī 1923:201; Qalqashandī, 1:335; 4:102; Abū al-Fidāʾ, Taqwīm, 1840:241). Muqaddasī, a native of Jerusalem, calls the city Ḥabrā (or Ḥibrā?) alone saying: “ḥabrā is the village of Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl, peace be on him— ḥabrā hiya qaryat ibrāhīm al-khalīl ʿalayhi as-salām. (Muqaddasī 1906:172; 1987:147; Ranking 1897:281-282) We also find Mazraʿat Ḥabrūn (Muṭahhar b. Ṭāhir al-Maqdisī 3, 1903:53), Bayt Ḥabrūn (Abu al-Fidāʾ, ibid.) and Arḍ Ḥabrūn. Mujīr ad-Dīn indicates that “the name of the city is Ḥabrūn (Mujīr, 1283:424; 1973, 2:76) but he also repeats the name Ḥabrā (or Ḥibrā) (idem, 1283:34, 40, 44; 1973, 1:35, 42, 46). The name Qiryat Arbaʿ (literally: the Town of the Four) probably hints to four settlements in the city and its environments. (cf. B. Mazar, in Avisar, Sefer Hebron (Hebrew), 1978:20f.) Later, in the Islamic literature, we also find four names: Ḥabrūn, Marṭūm, Bayt ʿAynūn, and Bayt Ibrāhīm. According to a famous tradition, which appears as early as the 2nd/8th century, the Prophet bestowed these quarters of Hebron on his friend Tamīm b. Aws ad-Dārī (summed up well by Mujīr, 1283:428429; 1973, 2:81-82). Earlier sources, however, mention two localities: Ḥabrā and Bayt ʿAynūn (Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, ed. Sachau, 1(2):75; 7(2):129-130; cf. Bakrī, Muʿjam, 2:420; Ibn Durayd, Istiqāq, ed. Hārūn Cairo, 1958:377). Balādhurī added a third one to these

6

hebron (al-khalīl)

two: Masjid Ibrāhīm. (Futūḥ, 1866:129; also in Wāsiṭī 1979:77; cf. Qalqashandī 1:335: “bayt ḥabrūn.”) The name Marṭūm, which must have existed as well in this or a similar form, appears in later literature and was mistaken by Nāṣir-i-Khosrow (in corrupted spelling: Maṭlūn) as the name of the whole town (Safar Nāmih, 1977:41; cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 1890:310, and note. Qalqashandī, 13:120 has ar-Ruṭūm).

Pottery water pipe

Water Supply Water supply was the major problem of the city, particularly since, in addition to the local population, it was frequented by many pilgrims and visitors as well as customers and merchants who frequented its markets. Having the ancient Sanctuary in it, Hebron “combined the attraction of a market and a shrine” (Smith, 1968:214) and was always in need of a fair amount of water. There were quite a few springs in the vicinity of the town, but almost all of them produced small quantities of water. The water of three of them, ʿAyn al-Qanāt (also called: ʿAyn al-Fuṣayl), ʿAyn Sārah and ʿAyn Qashqalah, to the north and north-west of the Sanctuary, was brought to its vicinity by aqueducts or canals. The first report about such a canal is Muqaddasī’s who also pointed out the presence of many pilgrims and visitors in the city in this context. Speaking about the enclosure of the tombs of the Patriarch (the Sanctuary), which was converted into a mosque, he adds: “and built about it are rest houses for the pilgrims and on all sides the Sanctuary is hemmed in with buildings. A small water channel has been conducted to the town.” (Muqaddasī loc. cit.; Ranking loc. cit.) The water channels which were built and rebuilt must have existed from the time before Islam. The one channel mentioned by Muqaddasī remained, so it seems, the only one until the time of the Mamlūks who renovated it and added subsidiary aqueducts to it at the beginning of the 14th century to add more water from other springs. From the remnants that we can observe, the ­Ottomans

hebron (al-khalīl)

7

replaced the open canals with pottery pipes (see inserted picture). In addition to the above mentioned springs and a few others scattered around the city, a special aqueduct led water to ḥammām al-khalīl (the bathhouse of al-Khalīl) the source of which was in Wādī at-Tuffāḥ, about a mile to the north-west of the Sanctuary, and ʿAyn Ḥabrā about which Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283:428; 1973, 2:80) says that it “appeared recently, about twenty years ago” (ẓaharat qarīban min naḥwi ʿishrīn sanah). Another spring, whose name al-ʿAyn al-Jadīdah (the New Spring) is very misleading, is on the eastern slope of Jabal Rumayda. It was either inside or in great proximity to the ancient city of Hebron and has all the features of being its major water source. The stairs leading down to the water, which is abundant in comparison to all the other natural springs around Hebron, give the impression of antiquity even if they have been renovated during the ages. (Pl. 3)

Pl. 3. al-ʿAyn al-Jadīdah. Water source of ancient Hebron. Stairs leading to the water. (Photo: Abū Maizar)

However, all the natural water sources were not sufficient to supply the city’s needs and the needs of the simāṭ kitchens and bakeries, to which one should add the needs of the pilgrims who passed through Hebron on their way to perform the ḥajj in Mecca, combining the fulfillment of the Islamic duty of pilgrimage with the visit to the “Two Noble Sanctuaries” in Jerusalem and Hebron. To answer these needs, two large reservoirs were built, one about 200m. to the south-west of the Sanctuary, and the other about 300m. to its north-west (See pl. 2 above). The southern, and the largest one, is Birkat as-Sulṭān (“the sultan’s reservoir”). It was built by the sultan Qalāwun (see below), but is not mentioned by Mujīr ad-Dīn. The second is called Birkat al-Qazzāzīn (Fig. P1), a local name referring to the quarter in which it is situated. In the Ottoman period they were rebuilt and enlarged. It seems that the repair of the larger one, the “reservoir of the sultan,” could well be the work of the

8

hebron (al-khalīl)

Ottoman Sulayman I, though like the reservoir to the west of Jerusalem bearing the same name, it was the work of other Muslim rulers before him. This big reservoir is mentioned in the itinerary of an anonymous traveller who visited Hebron in 1522. After visiting the Sanctuary, into which he could not enter, he writes: Nearby I saw a very large reservoir with four massive square pillars. The reservoir is deep and remarkable, with a staircase enabling descent into it. It is said that it was the ablution bath of Sarah our mother, peace be on her” (Eisenstein, op. cit., 1926:135)

Saints and Sanctuary According to the Bible, Hebron was the burial place of the Patriarchs and their wives (Genesis 50:29-32) and the first capital of King David (2Sam. 5:5; 1Kings, 2:11). The Biblical tradition about the burial place of the Patriarchs was followed by Christianity and Islam. Jewish and Islamic tradition added Adam and Eve to the buried Patriarchs (Mujīr, 1283:34, 55; 1973, 1:35, 59). Other traditions assert that Ādam, being an extremely tall man, was buried in such a way that it combined the holiness of Jerusalem and Hebron. His head was in Masjid Ibrāhim (Hebron) and his legs at the rock of Jerusalem’s Temple Mount. This distance, says a tradition, was not enough to bury him stretched out, and he had to be bent to fit into this space. (Waṣiṭī, loc. cit.) Islamic tradition added Joseph to Adam and Eve, and the three Patriarchs. There is no question that the sepulchres of these holy men and women are the most important feature of the city of Hebron; they turned it into the second holy city in the Holy Land next to Jerusalem. Its sanctuary, built over the traditional “Double Cave” (the Biblical “cave of machpelah” Genesis 23:9), and the Sanctuary in Jerusalem, built on the Temple Mount, are called by the Muslims in the post-Crusader period, “the Two Noble Sanctuaries (al-ḥaramayn ash-sharīfayn);” a term that, until then, was reserved for Mecca and Medina alone. Under the Mamlūks, a special function with elevated status was created to administer them and given a title that represented both authority and honour: “the Inspector (or Superintendent) of the Two Noble Sanctuaries (nāẓir al-ḥaramayn ash-sharīfayn).” In a way, Hebron surpassed Jerusalem as a site of pilgrimage. True, the Temple Mount in Jerusalem had a long history of holiness being the site of Solomon’s Temple (haykal sulaymān), and subsequently identified as the Aqṣā Mosque of Q, 17:1 and the site of Muḥammad’s night journey, gaining the position of the third holy site in Islam after Mecca and Medina (e.g. Wāsiṭī 1979: 5-7). Nevertheless, the fact that Hebron was the resting place of such great saints made it very attractive for believers of all the three monotheistic religions, who sought the proximity of holiness and blessing, which is always attached to the veneration of holy tombs. Pilgrimage to Hebron became very popular, contributing to the development of the medieval city

hebron (al-khalīl)

9

around the Sanctuary, a fact which was closely connected with the unique social and economic activity that developed around the Sanctuary from the early centuries of the Islamic rule. The major part of this activity involved the supplying of free meals from the kitchens and bakeries that were situated next to the Sanctuary and were supported by a large number of endowments. These free meals, known by the names of as-simāṭ al-khalīlī or ʿadas al-khalīl, the earliest account of which is that of Muqaddasī (quoted above) in the middle of the tenth century, must have existed much earlier since this Jerusalemite geographer speaks about it as an established feature of Hebron. The simāṭ, which exists to this very day, was an impressive enterprise. At the height of its development, during the Mamlūk period, fourteen even fifteen thousand loaves of bread were baked daily and distributed three times a day with meals made according to a special recipe called dashīshah. In the evening, the distribution of the meal was accompanied by music played by the local military orchestra, the ṭablkhānah. Strictly orthodox Muslim religious leaders and scholars, particularly those representing extreme piety, neither agreed with the distribution of the simāṭ meal, nor even with visiting the interior of the Sanctuary or praying in it. A ḥadīth attributed to the Prophet ruled against praying in cemeteries (Muslim, Ṣaḥīḥ, Masājid, nos. 16-22) and the site of the Sanctuary of Hebron was defined as a cemetery. There is only one grave where the Muslims are allowed to pray, the grave of the prophet Muḥammad in Medina. In fact, this is the attitude of the Ḥanbalī school of law to this day, and the Ḥanbalī scholars in the Mamlūk period led the objection to the veneration of the Sanctuary of the Patriarchs. Attributing a meal of lentils, or porridge of crushed wheat (dashīshah) to Abraham, who used to feed his guests with fat meat, seemed to them a disrespectful practice. Entering into the building of the Sanctuary without knowing the exact locations of the Patriarchs graves could cause the worshippers to step over the real graves. The existing cenotaphs, these pious scholars said, were erected by the Christians haphazardly, not over the real sacred graves. (See in detail for instance, Ibn al-Ḥājj al-ʿAbdarī, al-Madkhal, 1972, 4:258; Ibn Taymiyyah, 1389:439) The tradition about the false sepulchres was already circulating in the Crusader period; it is reported in the itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela (around 1163). (See Wright, 1848:86; Eisenstein, compendium, 27-28) Until the 13th century, the Sanctuary was open to Jews and Christians, but from the time of the Mamlūk sultan Baybars (658/1260-676/1277), Jews and Christians were barred from entering the Sanctuary, and, until 1967, the place remained an exclusively Muslim holy site. The holiness of the Abrahamic Sanctuary in particular, and the city of Hebron in general, seemed more concrete than Jerusalem, for after all it was firmly believed that the actual bodies of so many saints (men and women) were in the grotto under the magnificent and imposing building of the Sanctuary, the construction of which was attributed to no less than King Solomon, or to the demons, which he controlled.

10

hebron (al-khalīl)

Describing Hebron Muqaddasī says: “In it there is an impregnable fortress, which was built, so it is said, by the jinns. It was built with huge ashlars, well dressed, in the middle of which there is a great stone dome over the tomb of Abraham from the Islamic period. The tomb of Isaac is in front of it, in the covered part of the building, and the tomb of Jacob is at the back. Opposite the tomb of each one of these prophets is the tomb of his wife.” (Muqaddasī, ibid. Ranking, ibid.) Another legend told to a Jewish traveller from the 12th century says that the building (“a great shrine”) was the work of Abraham. (Eisenstein, op. cit., 1926:56) It is only natural that the actual earth of Hebron gained an air of sanctity, and it is not surprising that the famous Jewish scholar R. Obadiah of Bertinoro wrote, in 1490, that “there is a tradition accepted by the local inhabitants that burial in Hebron was better than burial in Jerusalem.” (Eisenstein, ibid., 123) As to Adam (and Eve), also buried in Hebron next to the Patriarchs, from the Christian sources we have the reports of Arculf (c700: “tomb of Adam”) and Sæwulf (1102: “where Adam, the first of mankind is also buried.” Wright, 1848:7, 45) agreeing with both the Jewish and Islamic traditions. (Cf. BT Soṭah, 13a; Harawī, 1953:30 who also adds Noah-Nūḥ and Shem-Sām to the former. See also Mujīr, 1283:18-20; 1973, 1:18-20) In the early 14th century, in the Christian legends about the association of Adam and Eve with Hebron, we read in the report of Sir John Maundeville (1322) following his visit to Hebron: “In the same place was Adam formed and made.” “And Adam wept there a hundred years for the death of Abel his son whom Cain slew.” He and Eve lived in the cave after they had been driven out of Eden and, when they died, they were buried in that same cave together with the Patriarchs (thus completing the list of the four couples buried in the cave: Adam, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob and their wives Eve, Sarah, Rebecca and Leah. Wright, 1848:161) The story that Adam was made from the soil gathered around the Sanctuary, which Maundeville heard in 1322, was already in circulation in the 12th century and probably much earlier. The Jewish traveller, Nathaniel son of Jacob heard “that in that place was the earth from which Adam was created; they take soil from there to build houses without diminishing anything from it and all the time it remains full.” (Eisenstein, ibid., 61) The addition of Joseph to these saints seems to be Islamic, since the Biblical report states: “And the bones of Joseph which the Children of Israel brought up out of Egypt buried they in Shechem … ” (Joshua 24:32). Harawī, however, represents the view that agrees with the Biblical tradition and accepts the identification of the tomb of Joseph near Shechem (modern Nābulus) saying: “Balāṭah is a village belonging to the region of Nābulus and in it the field of Joseph the Just, and the tomb of Joseph in this place next to the tree, and this is more correct” (wa-huwa al-aṣaḥḥ. Harawī, 1953:24, 31; cf. CIAP, 2:8) The tradition of Joseph’s burial in Hebron found its way to the Christians in the Crusaders’ period (in spite of the problematic Acts, 6:15-17). Sæwulf (1102), ­describing

hebron (al-khalīl)

11

the Sanctuary in Hebron, wrote: “But the bones of Joseph, which the children of Israel, as he had charged them, brought with them out of Egypt, are buried more humbly than the rest, as it were, at the extremity of the castle.” (Wright, 1848:45) Sæwulf described the impressive building of the Sanctuary as a castle. (See below the chapter on the cave introducing inscription No. 1) Another aspect of the Islamic sanctification of Hebron is connected with the Prophet himself and is similar to the process which led to the exclusive Islamic sanctification of Jerusalem. The Aqṣā mosque in Jerusalem was sanctified by a tradition (interpreting Q, 17:1), which transferred the Prophet, in person, from Mecca to Jerusalem where by his presence he accorded the city, and particularly the site of the Temple Mount, Islamic sanctity. This tradition also enabled, through some modifications, the sanctification of places by which the Prophet passed en-route to Jerusalem. Thus parallel traditions were created according to which the archangel Gabriel, who guided the Prophet in the Night Journey, said to him when they were flying over Hebron: “This is the grave of your father Ibrāhīm, go down and pray on it,” and then: “This is Bethlehem the birthplace of your brother Jesus (ʿĪsā) go down and pray on it.” (Wāsiṭī, 1979: 62 and all parallels there.) The strict orthodox scholars reject this Ḥadīth altogether as a lie, but accept the one which speaks about the prayer of the Prophet on that night only in Jerusalem. (Ibn Taymiyyah, 1389:438) However, other scholars, considered no less orthodox than the Ḥanbalis, reject all the latter objections to the simāṭ, to the visit of, and prayer in the Abrahamic Sanctuary and to the extended version of the Night Journey tradition. (Abū al-Maʿālī, 1995:331, note 1 to section 578 for many parallels.) Another method to sanctify Hebron was by assigning it a place on the Day of Resurrection, according to a tradition which says that Allah said to Hebron on the day of Abraham’s death: “You are my holiness (anti qudsī ) and my temple (bayt maqdisī),” adding that it would be the scene of resurrection. The attachment of the terms quds and bayt al-maqdis—two names which are the exclusive names of Jerusalem—to Hebron is clearly intended to place Hebron as the twin city of Jerusalem in holiness. Another tradition says that Hebron was divinely chosen to be one of the four mountains on the Day of Resurrection. It will then be, like the other three, a shining pearl radiating intense light. (Abū al-Maʿālī, 1995:233) Stories about people who succeeded in entering into the cave grew with the help of very creative and prolific imaginations to which Jews, Christians and Muslims contributed their shares, and before long detailed descriptions of the “sleepers in the cave” circulated, were recorded, and kept growing almost until this very day. One such story that circulated widely, in which imagination was over-employed, is quoted by Mujīr ad-Dīn (who copied it from earlier sources) as proof that the Patriarchs are actually buried in the cave, if there were any doubts. However, he also wished to emphasize that, being holy men, real death and decay could not affect them. The story is related by Ibn ʿAsākir quoting Muḥammad b. Badrān, the qāḍī of

12

hebron (al-khalīl)

Ramlah under the Caliph al-Muṭīʿ bi-Allah (322/934-329/940) at the very beginning of the latter’s rule in 322, on the authority of the transmitter’s own sources. The narrator of the story is no less than the famous scholar Abū Bakr al-Iskāfī, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad, known by the nickname al-Athram. (died after 260/873. Dhahbī, Tadhkirah, 2:570-572; Ibn al-ʿImād, Shadharāt, 2:141-142) He says that since he was sure that the Patriarchs were actually buried in the cave, he wanted to see the place with his own eyes. He bought the friendship of the keepers of the Sanctuary, by donating large sums of money to it, and they let him go into the grotto. They approached a stone between the tomb of Abraham and the tomb of Isaac, peace be on them, and they removed it. One of them—a man of great piety, gentleness and decency— called Ṣuʿlūk, descended and I descended with him. He walked, followed by me, and we went down seventy-two stairs. I suddenly saw on my right a huge bier built of black stones (similar to a merchant’s shelf in the bazaar) and on it there was an old man, with a sparse but long beard, lying on his back. He was dressed in a green mantle. Ṣuʿlūq said to me: ‘This is Isaac peace be on him.’ Afterwards we proceeded a short distance and there was a bier larger than the former, and on it there was an old man lying on his back with white hair between his shoulders; his head and beard his eyebrows and eyelashes were white. Under this whiteness of hair he had on him a green mantle which was wrapped around his body, and the wind was playing with his white hair moving it to the right and to the left. Ṣuʿlūk said to me: ‘This is Abraham the Friend (al-khalīl), the best of blessing and perfect peace be on him.’ I fell on my face and praised Allah for what he afforded me. Afterwards we continued and reached a pretty bier and on it a graceful old man, with very red hair and thick beard. Under his shoulders there was a green mantle which enveloped his body. Ṣuʿlūk said to me: ‘This is the prophet Jacob’. Then we turned left to look at the women section … A scream came from the direction of the women section saying: ‘Avoid the ḥaram (or: ḥarīm) may Allah have mercy on you.’ We fell on the ground unconscious, and then we woke up having despaired of living. The company waiting outside also despaired of us (returning alive).  However, both Iskāfī and Ṣuʿlūk died shortly afterwards. (Mujīr, 1283:43-44; 1973, 1:44-45)

Prior to Mujīr ad-Dīn, al-Harawī reported the same story (with a few unimportant variations) which he heard in 570/1174 (Harawī, 1953:30. Le Strange, 1890:322-324. For more versions of the same story, see Abū al-Maʿālī, 1995:345 and note.) A Christian legend developed more or less along the same lines. According to it, after the Crusaders occupied Hebron, they found the entrance to the burial cave, and saw the Patriarchs standing there. Their mantles, or shrouds, decayed, but not their bodies, and Baldwin II, King of Jerusalem (1118-1131) gave an order to prepare new garments for them with which they were clothed before the burial cave was sealed. (See Latin text in detail, Huygens, 2005:131-155) The Christian story reached ʿAlī al-Harawī (ibid., 31) who repeats it (in addition to the Islamic legend just quoted), and says that it took place in 513/1119. In his time, the room above the cave was open to visitors. With such and other legends circulating, it is understandable that the town attracted pilgrims as well as mystics. Quite a few ṣūfī teachers, who established

hebron (al-khalīl)

13

zāwiyahs in it were sought after by disciples, and added, by their mere presence and certainly after their deaths, more members to the family of saints in the city, though of lower degree than the Patriarchs. The ṣūfī presence in Hebron will be discussed in connection with the inscriptions, which commemorate this ṣūfī activity. History Historical information about al-Khalīl in the Arabic literature is very sparse since the city, like the rest of Palestine, was never the centre of any meaningful political activity, except for in the Crusaders’ period. Traditions about its sanctity are, however, abundant and they began to circulate in the 8th century ce, but the major work about it only appeared in the late 9th/15th century when the qāḍī Mujīr ad-Dīn wrote his book on the “history of al-Quds and al-Khalīl.” It seems that he was the first to collect the material about the city systematically and to classify it properly. The other sources say nothing about its conquest, and are silent on the whole about the town, except for the legend about the Prophet’s iqṭāʿ of Hebron to Tamīm ad-Dārī, descriptions of the Sanctuary, and a few references to the agricultural products of the city and its environment. From Muqaddasī in the tenth century, we learn that the Muslims changed nothing in the Byzantine Basilica which they turned into a mosque, nor with the arrangement of the cenotaphs representing the tombs of the Patriarchs: Isaac’s and Rebecca’s inside the Basilica, Abraham’s and Sarah’s at the entrance, and Jacob’s and Leah’s on the other side (north) of the open court (Pl. 1). This arrangement was established at least at the end of the 3rd century ce if not earlier. (Sefer Hebron, 1970:288) In 425/1033 the Sanctuary suffered some damage from the strong earthquake that destroyed large parts of Ramlah and Nābulus. (Mujīr, 1283:269-270, 1973, 1:304) It went through extensive alterations under the Crusaders who occupied Hebron in 1099 and converted the mosque into a church, supplying it with a slanting roof, which is the present building. (See Le Strange, 1890:311 and notes) In 1100, Godfrey of Bouillon bestowed it as a seigneury fief on Gérard d’Avesnes (d. 1102), and lastly on Baldwin. It has been mentioned above that a Frankish Chronicle described the discovery of the sepulchral cave by the monks in Baldwin’s time (11191120) in detail, repeating the legend about the preserved bodies of the Patriarchs. (Le Strange, 1890:318) It seems that Baldwin and his successors were the governors of Hebron, first under the King of Jerusalem and later, from about 1155, under the lord of Karak. In 1168, Hebron was made a bishopric and the Crusader convent of ʿEin Gedi was subordinate to it. (EI s.v. “al-Khalīl;” Rey 1883:384; cf. Smith 1968:185; Huygens 2005, ibid.) ʿAlī al-Harawī, who visited Hebron in 567/1171-72, relates how he met a knight from Bethlehem who told him that, as a boy of 13, he had entered cave and “saw Abraham

14

hebron (al-khalīl)

Isaac and Jacob; their heads were uncovered”. “If this is true—says Harawī—then I saw the person who had seen Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, awake not in a dream.” If we remove the legendary part of the story, it is not impossible that people entered the cave since it was open at the time (allatī tuzār alʾān. Harawī, 1953:30-31), and there might be much truth in the less fantastic story which says that the monks, who discovered the entrance to the cave, collected the bones which they found therein, washed them and buried them properly. It is possible that during the reign of Baldwin II, in addition to the slanted roof and other restoration works that took place in the Sanctuary, which was restored to its former Byzantine function as a church, the much needed castle was also built, taking into consideration that Hebron was like a Christian island in a Muslim sea. (See below introduction to No. 50) Hebron was captured by Saladin, according to most sources, after the fall of Ascalon. (See mainly Ibn al-Athīr, Kāmil, 1982, 11:546) Maqrīzī (1, 1956:95) maintains that it was conquered in the same year, (583/1187) but before Ascalon. According to Mujīr ad-Dīn, the wooden minbar, which had been built by the Fāṭimid vizier and general, Badr al-Jamālī, for the martyrion of Ḥusayn’s head in Ascalon, and had been kept intact in its place during the 34 years of the Crusaders’ rule in the town, was transferred to the Sanctuary in Hebron prior to the razing of Ascalon to the ground in 588/1192. (See introduction to No. 2 below, and inscription with all the references). After the death of Saladin, Hebron passed to the domains of al-Malik an-Nāṣir Dāwud with the support of his father al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā. After the latter’s death in 624/1227, his domains were claimed by his uncle al-Malik al-Kāmil of Egypt. A crisis developed which threatened to engulf all the Ayyūbid princes in war, but at the end of the year they reached an agreement which re-divided the Ayyūbid territories between them, leaving Hebron and large parts of southern Palestine to al-Kāmil of Egypt. (Maqrīzī, vol. cit. 235) However, sometime later, Hebron came again under the rule of an-Nāṣir Dāwud until 642/1244. In this year, following yet another war among the Ayyūbids, Hebron and the rest of the south fell into the hands of the Egyptian sultan al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb, who was helped by the Khwārizmians. Shortly afterwards, the latter changed sides and helped an-Nāṣir Dāwud to recapture Hebron (ibid., 318-322). In 658/1260, a Mongol detachment captured the city for a short while (ibid., 425). This was also the year in which the offensive of the Mongols was checked, and, after about fifty years of battles, Mamlūk rule was well established in Syria. Hebron as well as Jerusalem drew the special attention of the Mamlūk rulers—both sultans and governors. Hebron came under the jurisdiction of the governor (nāʾib) of Jerusalem and its waqfs, and other endowments were supervised by a special functionary: nāẓir al-ḥaramayn ash-sharīfayn, as already mentioned above. In one case, a special nāʾib is mentioned for Hebron. (Maqrīzī, vol. cit., 699; cf. Qalqashandī, 4:199) In 664/1266, the sultan aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars visited Hebron and issued an order banning Jews and

hebron (al-khalīl)

15

Christians from entering the Sanctuary. Until then, they could enter in return for a certain payment. (Maqrīzī, vol. cit., 544) In subsequent years, the Jews got reports about the interior of the Sanctuary from their wives who entered the mosque veiled like Muslim women. (Itinerary of Meshullam of Volterra (1481) in Eisenstein, op. cit., 1926:98) In 666/1268, Baybars allocated large sums of money and rich waqf property to the Sanctuary and ordered extensive repairs to be carried out there. (Mujīr, 1283:434; 1973, 2:88; Kutūbī, Būlāq 1299, 1:89; Nujūm, 7:194) He also ordered that the free meal (simāṭ, ḍiyāfah) should be distributed some distance from the Sanctuary. (Maqrīzī, vol. cit., 565) In 679/1280-1, the sultan al-Manṣūr Qalāwun built a ribāṭ to the east of the citadel and the Sanctuary, called it after himself ar-Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī (See No. 8 below), and a year later dedicated a hospital also called after himself, al-Bīmāristān al-Manṣūrī. (Mujīr 1283:435; 1973, 2:89) To answer the need for water in Hebron, especially for the visitors and the pilgrims that passed through it, he gave orders to build the large water reservoir mentioned above. Orders were issued in 682/1283 that the poll tax of the dhimmīs in Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Bayt Jālā and Hebron should be dedicated for this purpose. The construction was entrusted to the hands of the amīr ʿAlāʾ ad-Dīn Aydughdī ar-Ruknī. (Ibn al-Furāt, Taʾrīkh 7, 1942:259; Maqrīzī, vol. cit., 712) Another water project was completed when the amīr ʿAlam ad-Dīn Sanjar al-Jāwlī (d. 745/134445) completed the building of an aqueduct that brought water from a few natural springs to Hebron. It is very possible that the water was conducted to the fountain of ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī (The Eunuch’s Fountain) next the north-western corner of the Sanctuary, although no inscription commemorating the work survived. The first inscription about such a water project that was attached to the wall of the latter fountain is from the year 800 (No. 49 below), but it is clear from this inscription that there was an earlier aqueduct there, since it speaks about the renewal (tajdīd) of the aqueduct “after its remnants disappeared, and (after) unlawful hands were stretched to (take) the income of its endowment.” The passage in Maqrīzī, speaking about this water project, is short and clear: “In this year (713) the royal post arrived (in Cairo) with the news that the amīr ʿAlam ad-Dīn Sanjar al-Jāwlī caused the water of a spring to flow to Hebron.” (Maqrīzī, op. cit., 2, 1971:131) It is pretty sure that the aqueduct in question brought the water of ʿAyn al-Qanāt (ʿAyn Fuṣayl), about a mile to the north-west of the Ḥaram, to the said aṭ-Ṭawāshī fountain, because this is the aqueduct whose restoration is commemorated in inscription No. 49, from the year 800: The same amīr built between 718 and 720, from his private funds, a big and beautiful mosque adjacent to the north-eastern wall of the Sanctuary (Pl. 1, no. 22) named al-Jāwliyyah after him. (See below, introduction to No. 23 and references there) Next to the Jāwliyyah are all the facilities of the simāṭ: the mills, the bakeries, the kitchens, and the storage places for the wheat, barley, and lentils; as well as the other products needed to keep the institution of the free meals running. (Ibn Ḥajar, Durar, 2:171; Manhal 6:75) The walls of the covered mosque were

16

hebron (al-khalīl) overlaid with marble by the amīr Tankiz, the viceroy (nāʾib as-salṭanah) of Syria in 732/1332. (See below No. 38) The citadel (qalʿah) of the town, where the sanctuary of Joseph is situated, was renovated and dedicated as a madrasah by the sultan an-Nāṣir Ḥasan (748/1347-752/1351. Mujīr, 1283:426; 1973, 2:78). In 796/1394, during the reign of Barqūq, the small mosque of the Mālikiyyah (miḥrāb al-mālikiyyah) and the Women’s Mosque (masjid an-nisāʾ) was built to the west of Abraham’s chamber (Pl. 1, Plan, 12) by Shihāb ad-Dīn al-Yaghmūrī, nāẓir al-ḥaramayn ash-sharīfayn and nāʾib as-salṭanah under Barqūq. This sultan dedicated the village of Dayr Istiyā in the vicinity of Nābulus solely for the expenses of the simāṭ. Additional endowments for the ḥaram were ordered by al-Ashraf Īnāl (859/1454) and aẓ-Ẓāhir Khushqadam, who also renewed the marble tiling of the walls of the Jāwliyyah. (867/1462-63) Qāyit-Bāy (872/1468901/1496) also showed great interest in the sanctuaries of Hebron and Jerusalem and used to inspect any work that he had ordered to be carried out in them, in person. Thus, when he disliked the madrasah al-ashrafiyyah in Jerusalem, he ordered its demolition and rebuilding according to his specifications. (Sakhāwī, Ḍawʾ, 6:205; Mujīr, 1283:647; 1973, 2:314-315)

The proximity of Hebron to the desert put it and its environs in constant danger from the Bedouins. The routes leading southwards out of the town were almost constantly under attack and travellers could rarely pass through them safely without securing the consent of the relevant tribes. The Bedouins in Syria and Palestine were closely involved in the Fellahin wars between Qays and Yaman. The two factions were in a constant state of enmity, which broke out from time to time into open hostilities and involved attacks on the sedentary areas. The Mamlūks could not keep the Bedouins in check all the time, and their military expeditions against them were only temporary remedies. (Sharon, 1975:11-17. On a large Bedouin eruption in 750/1349 see Maqrīzī, op. cit., 2:709, 804) Sometimes, the Bedouins (al-ʿashīr) were invited to take part in the fighting between local factions in Hebron itself which caused great destruction. The Bedouins who “entered the town at the invitation of both sides (in this case the inhabitants of two quarters, the “Dāriyyah” and the Kurds—“Akrād”) plundered everything in it, almost to the last item, and the residential places were destroyed.” (Mujīr, 1283:632-633; 1973, 2:298-299) The Ottomans occupied Hebron in 921/1517 and made it the administrative centre of a sub-district (nāḥiyah) in the sanjaq of Jerusalem. (Heyd, 1960:86, n. 1) Muslim inhabitants were exempted from government taxes (ibid., 71-72), and like the Mamlūks, the Ottoman sultans regarded the maintenance of the Sanctuaries of Hebron and Jerusalem, and to a lesser extent also those in other parts of the country, as their major obligation. Large numbers of pilgrims from all over the empire visited these two holy cities, and they had to be looked after and cared for. Frequent orders were issued from Istanbul concerning the keeping of the sanctuaries in a state of good repair and proper management. In case of a lack of sufficient funds, more land property was dedicated as waqf for their bene­fit and artisans from Damascus were sent to carry out special professional works in them. (Ibid., 15) A document from 959/1552 speaks of an order issued to repair the domes over the chambers of

hebron (al-khalīl)

17

Pl. 3a. The Sanctuary of Hebron (Air photo courtesy Jewish Community, Hebron).

the Patriarchs which had not been attended to “since the time of the Circassian sultans” (ibid., 155). A very interesting document, dated 991/1583, speaks about the fact that the wardens of the Ḥaram (türbetdār) and the door keepers were traditionally eunuchs so as not to disturb the women in their prayer (ibid., 157-158). It is not impossible that this was also the situation under the Mamlūks, which explains the references to eunuchs in Hebron in names of sites and inscriptions, either as ṭawāshī (pl. ṭawāshiyah) or khādim (pl. khuddām). In 950/1543, the citadel of Hebron, which had been transformed at the time of Mujīr ad-Dīn into a residential building, was repaired by Sulaymān I, and used until the invasion of Ibrāhīm Pasha (1831-1840), to house the local military force stationed in the town. (See below No.60) In 879/1571 the economy of Hebron was significantly enhanced when saltpeter was discovered in the vicinity of the city and a local industry of gunpowder for the Ottoman army swiftly developed in it. (ibid., 129, 137-138) Large amounts of this gunpowder as well as big quantities of firearms, some smuggled directly from the arsenals of the army in Istanbul, reached the Bedouins and other rebels in the country. Hebron continued to suffer from its Bedouin neighbours as well as from the constant fighting between the Qays and Yaman factions in which it was also deeply involved (belonging to Qays). The Ottomans tried to keep the Bedouins in check, particularly in order to safeguard the pilgrim routes. The measures which they took included

18

hebron (al-khalīl)

the building of fortresses along the roads with soldiers stationed in them, the taking of hostages from the Bedouin tribes and nominating 40 timār and ziʿāmet holders to see to the safety on the roads, exempting them from participating in the wars of the empire. All to no avail; Hebron and its vicinity remained at the mercy of the Bedouins until modern times. The passage through the Bedouin areas in the Judean desert was possible only in return for a special payment (khuwwah). However, since Hebron was the only meaningful urban centre of a large area and the main market for Bedouin products as well, it was not attacked so frequently except for when the Bedouins were directly involved in the local strife. As a result, in spite of the relative insecurity, the city prospered economically. At the end of the 18th century and during the Napoleonic wars when the coastal towns of Palestine were annihilated, Hebron emerged as the most important commercial centre in the country, since the caravans from Egypt preferred the relatively safe southern route through Sinai and Hebron northwards rather than the coastal route, provided of course that the Bedouins were kept satisfied with special passage payments. Glass manufacturing developed quickly in the town for which it is famous to this very day, and a whole quarter, ḥārat al-zajjājīn (mistakenly called al-qazzāzīn) was named after this occupation of its inhabitants. Other industries which developed in the town were soap, hide, skin bags, and cotton spinning. Sodium hydroxide, also known as caustic soda, for the production of soap in Hebron and elsewhere (mainly Nābulus), was supplied by the Bedouins, who produced it from the ash of a certain tree growing on the shores of the Dead Sea. Hebron started to deteriorate during the occupation of Palestine by Ibrāhīm Pasha (1831-1840). While the coastal towns, protected and free from the Bedouin danger, began to prosper, the mountain areas that opposed the Egyptians suffered. Hebron, which took part in the rebellion of 1834 was besieged; its castle was destroyed by gunfire, and was never reconstructed (see Figs. P28, P29), and the city was occupied and ransacked. Additional destruction hit it soon after in the massive earthquake of 1837. Towards the end of the Egyptian rule in 1840, a rebel from Dūrā, ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān al-ʿAmr killed the Egyptian governor of Hebron, proclaimed the Ottoman sultan and made himself the governor of the city, terrorizing the inhabitants, particularly the Jews and the Christians, from whom he extorted heavy taxes. In 1846, the Ottoman army, in pursuit of him, destroyed part of the city by gunfire and the troops looted it. The rebel was not caught and he continued to infest the area for a long time as we learn for the reports of the James Finn, the British consul in Jerusalem and the only source of help for the non-Muslims in Hebron during the 1850s. (Haymson, 1939, 1:168-69,171-72, 198ff.) The improvement in the security in the country in the second half of the 19th century, with the growth of European interest in it after the opening of the Suez Canal

hebron (al-khalīl)

19

in 1869, brought recovery to Hebron and its population grew from 8,000-10,000 in the 1870s to 14,000 at the close of the century. This trend continued after the establishment of the British Mandate over Palestine, when, in 1922, Hebron was made the capital of a sub-district in the southern district. In 1929, the mob, inflamed by the muftī of Jerusalem, Ḥajj Amīn al-Ḥusaynī, and local agitators, attacked the Jewish quarter in Hebron massacring 64-67 Jews, wounding and mutilating some 400 others. The entire Jewish quarter was ransacked, and the long presence of the Jews in the city came to an end. After the Arab-Israeli war of 1948-49, Hebron came under Jordanian rule. The Jordanian department of antiquities, accepting the advice of an Egyptian expert, decided to remove all the ancient buildings around the Sanctuary in order to emphasize its magnificence and importance. Consequently, all the Mamlūk buildings, including Qalāwun’s Mūristān and Ribāṭ as well as the remnants of the castle, were removed. Fortunately, the photographs of the inscriptions, as well as of these buildings, were preserved in the archives of Max van Berchem in Geneva and in the files of the IAA, and are studied below. (For more about Hebron under Islam, see my article “al-Khalīl” EI2 , on which the above description is based, and detailed translations into English and French of the Arabic and Persian sources in Le Strange, 1890:309-327; Marmardjī, 1951:48-50, 59-70) The Cave The Biblical name of “the Cave of Machpela (=makhpelah)” was adopted by the European languages. The name denotes a double cave, either one on top of the other or one next to the other. The story in the book of Genesis (23: 1-20) about the Patriarch Abraham’s (Ar. Ibrāhīm) purchase of the cave and the field around it is one of the most famous stories in the Bible, and is sometimes referred to as a fine example of market bargaining in the east. The story was copied into the Islamic sources, either directly or via oral stories (Mujīr, 1283:40; 1973, 1:42 copying others). The cave, whose present identification must have existed since ancient times, was accessible even after Herod (as it is currently accepted) built the wall around it with huge ashlars. This wall still constitutes the original outer wall of the present Sanctuary, to which later additions were attached as the building changed its function. The Muslims, amazed by the size of the incredibly large ashlars, attributed the building of the Sanctuary to King Solomon’s jinni servants, and hence referred to the outer wall of the building as the Solomonic Wall—as-sūr as-sulaymānī. (Mujīr, 1973, 1:26, 59, 62. Muqaddasī, 1408/1987:147 under the entry of “Ḥabrā”). A Byzantine church was built within the compound, and it was then that the tombs of the Patriarchs and their wives seem to have been identified. The tombs were divided into three groups: Isaac’s and Rebecca’s cenotaphs were built inside the basilica

20

hebron (al-khalīl)

(Plan 8, 9), the cenotaphs of Abraham and Sarah were erected in the narthex (Plan 6, 7)1 and those of Jacob and Leah were placed far back, beyond the open space of the court separating the basilica from the northern wall of the Herodian enclosure (Plan 10, 11). The space of the Sanctuary was thus divided between the area allocated to the Jews, next to the tombs of Jacob and Leah, and the church with the tombs of Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebecca allocated to the Christians. (See summary of the sources relating to the historical development of the Sanctuary SWP, 3:342-366; Vincent–Mackay, 1923:150ff; Yeivin 1985-6:125ff; Bagatti, 2002:75ff). The situation at the end of the Byzantine period can be learned from the report of Arculfus who visited Hebron in about Ad 670: The tombs of the Patriarchs, he says, “were enclosed by a square low wall. Each one of the tombs is covered with a single stone … ” the tombs of the Patriarchs wives were far simpler, and simple as well was Adam’s grave buried further to the north of the other tombs. (Wright, Early Travels, 1848:7) The present mosque is, in fact, the original Byzantine basilica (with some additions by the Crusaders) built over the subterranean cave, or caves into which there was access as we learn from the following passage in Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283:58; 1973, 1: 62):

‫غ ةت ف‬ ‫أ ض‬ ‫� ا �ق�� ا �لخ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫خ‬ ��‫���لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا م �م� ن� د ا ��ل ا �ل��ب ن���ا ء ا �ل���م�ع����ود ��س���ل ال� ر �� �م���ا ر � ��عر‬ ‫وب ج�و ر بر‬ ‫�خ ا � ن � �ة‬ ‫�ا �ل��س د ا ��د ا خ����له�ا �ا �ل��ط�� ف ���ن ت��ه ل ا �ل���م ن���� �ق�د �ن�ز ��ل��ه �� ض‬ ‫ع���� ا �ل�د م�� م�د‬ ‫بر و‬ ‫� ب ب� ي� ي � �ي �إ ى‬ ‫ل �إ ي ب‬ ‫ب ر ب� ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ً ‫ف ف‬ ��� �‫حو ا �ل����سن����ة �ل��س�ب��� � و ج��� �ذ �ل�ك و�هو ن‬ � ‫�قر ����ة‬ � ‫�خ���ص�ا �م�عت��وه �م� ن� ا �ل��ف�����ق را ء ��س��ق��ط �ي���ه ���ن�ز ل �إ ��لي��ه‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ب‬ ‫�إ‬ ‫يب‬ ‫ن ت‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ح� ت� ا �ل��ق������ة ا ��ل�ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫ح�ا ل لى ا �ل���م�� ب��ر‬ � ‫�ل‬ ‫ن �ل‬ � ‫ج �م�ا ع� �م�� ا ��د ا م ود ��لوا �م�� �ه� ا اأ��لب��ا ب� ��ا ����هى ب���ه�م اأ � �إ‬ �‫ب ي‬ ً ‫�ذ ن�ز ن � ن‬ ‫� ع�د ت�ه خ��م��س��ة‬ �‫ع��ل �ع�م�د ا �لر خ��ا ب ج‬ ‫�وا ر ب���ي� ت� ا �ل‬ ‫�خ��ط�ا ب��ة و� خ�ب��ر �ن�ي ا �ل� �ي� � ل � ��ه ع�ا‬ � ‫ي� ��س�ل�م�ا �م� ن� ج�حر‬ ‫ى‬ ‫آ‬ ‫�ة من ن آ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ظ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫غ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ش‬ �‫ع���ر د ر ج�� �م��ب�� �ع���د � �ر �ه��ذه ا �ل���م���ا ر � �م� ن� ج‬ ‫���ه� ا �ل���� ب���ل� و��د ��س�د ب�ا �ل��ب���ا ء �م� ن� � �ره ��ا �ل���ا �هر‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ن �ذ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � � � ‫ل‬ .�‫كا � ع���د ا ل���م�� ب��ر �م���ه ي��و�ص�ل �إ ى ا ل��سرد ا ب‬ � �‫�إ � �ه� ا ا ��لب��ا ب‬ Next to the tomb of al-Khalīl, peace be on him, inside the vaulted building, under ground, there is a cave known as sirdāb, inside which there is a fine gate and a passage which leads to the minbar. Quite recently, about a year ago, some of the Sanctuary servants descended into it for a reason. A poor, and mentally disturbed, person fell inside, and group of the servants entered to find him through this door and (as they walked) they reached the minbar, under the dome supported by the (four) columns of marble next to the chamber of the preacher (bi-jiwār bayt al-khiṭābah). And the person who entered therein told (me) that he saw a staircase of stone built at the southern end of this subterranean passage numbering fifteen stairs, the end of which was blocked by a built construction, and it seemed that there was

1  Throughout the book the word “Plan” refers to Pl. 1

hebron (al-khalīl)

21

  

Pl. 4. Ḥaram: Entrances to the subterranean spaces. Left: canopy over S blocked opening to staircase. Right: Canopy over the opened N aperture. an opening near the minbar which gave access to the cave (via this staircase).

This description of Mujīr was completely verified in 1968 and 1981. By then, the only possible access into the subterranean space seemed to be through a narrow hole (diameter, 28cm) in the form of a cistern mouth under the dome, supported by four marble columns against the northern inner wall of the mosque next to the cenotaph of Abraham (Plan 29; Pl. 5. Fig. P9). One night, on 9th October, 1968, Michal Arbel, a 12 years old slender girl, volunteered to be lowered down through this opening.2 She found herself in a spacious chamber in which she saw three stelae standing against the northern wall, the middle one taller than the other two was inscribed and decorated (see below). They would be described later by Moshe Dayan in his short, 1976 article in Qadmoniot 36. A hewn subterranean passage led from this chamber in a south-eastward direction. Walking through the passage (17.5m. long, 1.06m. high and 0.60m. wide, Kedar-Barbé, 2009: *180) she reached a staircase with 15 stone stairs and, exactly as it had been described to Mujīr ad-Dīn about 500 years earlier, the top of the staircase was blocked with a large stone and cemented wall. 2 Today (2012) Dr. Michal Arbel is professor of Hebrew literature, University of Tel Aviv.

22

hebron (al-khalīl)

The entrance into this passage is marked by a canopy (without a dome) on the southwestern end of the main mosque to the right (west) of the minbar, as Mujīr indicated (Plan 30). In 1981, members of an archeological mission used this entrance, and the subterranean passage, to reach the chamber under the canopy at the other side of the mosque, where they discovered a hewn opening in the rock leading to a double cave. In its inner section, they found human bones, pottery and stone vessels dated to the First Temple period. This proves the accuracy of the sources which mention the fact that Jews used to bring the bones of their dead to bury them in the cave. (Kedar-Berbé, 2009:*179-*183; Dayan, Qadmoniot, 36, 1976:130; Yeivin, ibid., 125-129; idem, Haaretz Museum Year Book, 2-3, 1985-1986:53-63, *9-*10; Chen, Liber Annuus, 37, 1987:291.) Sometime later, in October and November of the same year, the waqf authorities entered into the subterranean structures twice and prepared a further report of the place with some fresh photographs, but with no particularly new findings. (Tamīmī, 1405/1985:295ff) After the Muslim conquest around 17/638, the Byzantine church became a mosque which was named after the Patriarch Abraham, Masjid Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl (The mosque of Abraham the Friend). Although the sites of the tombs of the Patriarchs had already been ‘identified’ and some kind of cenotaphs had been built by the Byzantines over them, as we have just seen, there is a Muslim account saying that the Umayyads built the chambers housing the cenotaphs of Abraham and Sarah, Jacob and Leah (which are outside the church—now mosque). “I was told” says Mujīr ad-Dīn that “domed chambers over the tombs attributed to al-Khalīl and his wife Sārah and Yaʿqūb and his wife Līqā (Leah) were built by Banu Umayyah.” (Mujīr, 1283:57-58, 1973, 1:61). There is no support for this report from earlier Muslim sources. After the conquest of Hebron in 1100 by the Crusaders (who called it “Saint Abraham”) the Sanctuary was entrusted to the canons of St. Augustine. The mosque was again turned into a Christian church to which the present roof was added, and most probably also the present cenotaphs. In 1136, the entrance to the underground caves was discovered by accident and the monks, who served the church, lowered themselves into the subterranean passage on the southern end of the church, and through the passage going north-westwards they reached the subterranean chamber, the roof of which was punctuated with the aperture under the small dome above (built by the Muslims much later). In the chamber they discovered the entrance into a double, interconnected cave where they found many scattered bones, which they collected and washed with wine. (Bagatti, 2002:78 referring to Vincent et al., Hebron, 1923:166-176) It seems quite sure that before the building of the annex to the west of the Sanctuary’s outer wall, called Qabr Yūsuf, in which Joseph is said to have been buried, there was access to the cave from the outside through an entrance in the western wall.

hebron (al-khalīl)

23

The cave was not opened to the public after the Muslims recaptured Hebron following the battle of Ḥaṭṭīn (Ḥiṭṭīn) in 1187, but the entrance into the subterranean passage and the chamber to which it led could be reached in times of emergency. However, it is learned that the cave itself was considered to be concealed and that the only contact with it was through the aperture which acquired some degree of holiness as the “gate” to the Noble Grotto (al-ghār ash-sharīf). For this reason, an octagonal structure similar to a cistern mouth was built and was surmounted with a slab of marble that was perforated in the middle exposing the aperture which gave access to the cave. The present ring of marble is shaped in the form of a flower with twelve petals.

Pl. 5. North Canopy: note cistern-mouth type of aperture and the 12 petal flower-like cover. (Photo: O. Badrieh)

The aperture was further honoured with the beautiful canopy: a dome supported by four marble columns built over it. (Pls. 4, 5 above. See inscription No. 16 below). Another canopy of the same nature was built on the opposite side over the tiling stone through which there was access to the stairs that led to the subterranean passage which is now cemented (Pl. 6). Checking the photographs of the stone which blocks this passage from the inside at the top of the staircase, I could see faint Greek writing on it, similar to the writing of the Greek inscription in the main mosque. One

24

hebron (al-khalīl)

Pl. 6. Ḥaram, Plan subterranean spaces, and passage (courtesy B. Z. Kedar).

word ABRAHAM is visible (See below No. 13). This could well be part of an inscription commemorating the Patriarch in the cave itself, or graffiti made by one of the builders from the Byzantine period, since the incised letters do not seem to be deep. Now we have a complete idea about the un­­derground complex. The antechamber with the aperture under the canopy (Plan 29) is easily accessible through an opening in the floor to the west of the minbar, a staircase of 15 steps and a 17.5 m. long passage. In this antechamber, which had been built like the cisterns and chambers under the Herodian platform on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, there is an opening to the actual double burial cave. Since the Herodian walls of the Sanctuary were built against the slope of the mountain, to support the platform without levelling the rock, and to allow access to the burial cave, the chamber (together with other similar structures) was built partly hewn with a domed roof supporting the platform above (as seen in the diagram). According to the report of Captain Conder from 1882, it was said that there had been another sealed entrance to the cave next to Rebecca’s cenotaph (Plan 9; at B in his plan SWP, 3:334). However, if there was such an opening under the flags of the flooring in that place it must have led to another underground cavity. (Apparently there was yet another access to the underground structures near the canopy of Abraham). Commenting on Conder’s description of the Ḥaram complex, Lieut. Colonel Wilson rightly commented that the chamber in which “towards the south-east a doorway could be distinctly perceived which has never previously been described, is said to lead to the western cave, and it closely resembled the square doorways

hebron (al-khalīl)

25

which give access to the ancient rock-cut tombs in Palestine” (SWP, 3:337). During the century that passed since this report, this doorway was partly concealed under heaps of earth, and rediscovered in 1981. However the perforated chamber was not completely sealed. Devout visitors and pilgrims have always thrown slips of paper with supplications for help from the Patriarchs through the aperture in the floor under the north-western canopy, and oil lamps were lit in it. From time to time the custodians of the Sanctuary must have gone down to clean the chamber and whitewash the walls. The remark of Lieut. Colonel Wilson in this regard is trustworthy. In the comment on the detailed description of the Ḥaram by Conder (ibid., 333ff) Wilson says: As regards to the question of an entrance to the cave, it may be remarked that the whitewash on the walls of the chamber … was white, clean and apparently of no great age; and that the paper on the ground did not seem to be old. From this it may be inferred that the chamber whence there is an entrance to the cave, is periodically visited and cleaned by the guardians of the mosque (Ibid., 346).

Wilson thought that by removing the cistern-like stone-mouth, a wider hole in the floor could be exposed to enable the lowering down of these guardians. The access to the room via the flight of stairs on the south-western side of the mosque was unknown to him. At any rate, in 1981 when the members of the Muslim waqf authorities visited the chamber, they photographed the inscribed slab of marble of the middle stele found in the subterranean chamber (mentioned above and described below). It is not clear whether it was removed and placed with other inscription fragments in the oil storage room (Plan 16) called “al-mazyatah” described by Conder in the SWP 3: 341: The … chamber behind the shrine of Leah contains two circular cells or copper-like hollows, which are said to be now used for storing oil. The shafts in their roofs were seen in the floor of a chamber reached by steps from the vaulted apartment in north-east angle of the Ḥaram as shown on the plan.

1 Qurʾānic Text c. 5th/11th A fragment of a slab of marble, 1.2x0.6m. found inside the subterranean chamber in which there is a passage into the double cave (Heb. machpela Ar. al-ghār ashsharīf—“the Noble Cave”) believed to be the sepulchre of the Patriarchs. The fragment, broken in two, none of which is lost, is one of a long monumental inscription made up of five slabs which, according to Dayan, decorated the Mosque of Ascalon

26

hebron (al-khalīl)

(ʿAsqalān), four of which are in the Museum in Cairo and this one that reached the underground chamber. Dayan does not give a source for this information (Qadmoniot, 36, 1976:129-130). Monumental angular floriated script, no points, no vowels, letters ornamented with so­phisticated decorations of leaves and flowers; in relief. Fig. 1. Publication: Ruqūm, 175-177.

َّ �‫�ل�هُ �َم�ا ف‬ ‫ِ�ي‬

ٌ ْ َ‫تَأْ خُ�ذُ ُ نَ�ةٌ َ اَ ن‬ � ‫] �� �� ه ����س��� ل‬....[ ‫ِ و وم‬

(Allah—there is no god but He, the Living the Eternal;) slumber affects Him not nor sleep; to Him belongs whatever is in (the heavens and whatever is in the earth … ) Q, 2:255 (a fragment. Trans. Bell Q, 2:256)

Possible Date Due to the particular nature of this script and its decorations it is plausible to date it around the middle of the 5th/11th century. During this century, Syria was struck by a few earthquakes. The major ones, which caused great damage to Ramlah, Jerusalem and Hebron, took place in 425/1033 and 460/1068. Mujīr (1973, 1:304), speaking about the 425/1033 tremor says that in that year:

‫ت أ‬ ‫ت ت‬ ‫ا�ش ف‬ ‫�ث ا ن‬ ‫�ث �ة‬ ‫�ث�� ت ا �ل�زلا�ز‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ش‬ � � � � ‫�ك‬ ‫�ك‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ء‬ � � ‫ل����ا ����ه�د �م�� � ���ي���ا �ي��ر و م�ا � ح�� لرد ��� �ي��ر و ���ه�د‬ � ‫ص‬ � �‫��م‬ �‫ك ر‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ر‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ً ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�م� ن ا �ل �م�ل��ة ث���لث���ه�ا وت����ق����ط ج��ا �م��ع�ه�ا ت����ق����ط�ع�ا و خ� ج � �ه���ل�ه�ا �م ن����ه�ا �� ��ا �م ا ��ظ���ا �هر �ه�ا ث����م�ا ن����ة � �ا ث� ��س ك ن‬ ‫وب‬ ‫� ر‬ ��� �‫ر‬ ‫ي يم م‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ح ا د ا د �ق ��ط�ع��ة‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫ض‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ح��ي��ط�ا � ���� ا �ل���م�����د ��س و و�� �م� ن م‬ ‫ا �ل‬ � ����‫ح�ا ل ���ع�ا د وا �إ ��لي���ه�ا و��س� ��ط ب��ع‬ � �� ‫�ر ب� و‬ ‫ب �ي‬ � ‫ع‬ ‫���ل�� ع��ل��ه ا � ص� ا �ة ا �ل��س� ا �ق ��ط�ع��ة‬ ‫��ي��ر�ة و�م� ن� �م��س�� ج��د �إ ب�ر ا‬ �� ‫�ه�م ا �لخ ي ل ي ل��� ل و ل‬ ‫ي‬ ‫�كب‬ ‫م‬ There were many earthquakes in Egypt and Syria that caused great destruction and a large number of people died under the wreckage. One third of the city of Ramlah was demolished and its mosque fell to pieces, its inhabitants left (the town) and stayed outside in the open for eight days. Then, when the situation calmed down, they returned. Some of the walls of Jerusalem collapsed and a large portion fell from miḥrāb dāwud and a portion from the mosque of Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl, blessing and peace be on him.

Even greater damage and loss of life were caused by the earthquake of 460 (early 1068). The Fāṭimid Caliph al-Mustanṣir came to power in 427/1036, two years after the first major earthquake, beginning a long reign of 60 hijrī years. His name appears on the magnificent minbar, now in Hebron, built originally for the shrine (mashhad) of Ḥusayn’s head in Ascalon, in 484/1091. (CIAP, 1:154ff) I imagine that the inscription

hebron (al-khalīl)

27

fragment under discussion belongs to a long inscription which commemorated some repair work in the Hebron Sanctuary ordered by the same caliph sometime after his accession, or following the second violent earthquake. This assumption would only be correct if the inscription originated in Hebron. However, if the inscription’s origin is Ascalon one may assume that when Ascalon was occupied by Saladin on 4th September 1187, he transferred the beautiful Fāṭimid minbar from the shrine of Ḥusayn’s head in Ascalon to Hebron together with this piece of the monumental inscription from the same shrine which was destroyed with the rest of the city at his order. It is possible that the rest of the inscription was saved at the same time, and sent to Cairo. (See below No. 2). Once in Hebron, the fragment was given the shape of a tombstone by turning it vertically and adding to it two pieces of marble cut in a semi-circular fashion on top (Pl. 7). Two similar, plain tombstones, one of which is said to have a Latin inscription “JACOB” on it, (Tamīmī, 1405/1985:97, doubtful), were placed on both sides of it in the subterranean chamber against the northern wall, probably to symbolize the sepulchers of the Patriarchs.

Pl. 7. Hebron no. 1. 4th-5th century. inscription fragment. Note scraps of paper and paper money thrown into the ­chamber.

28

hebron (al-khalīl)

Q, 2:255 The “Verse of the Throne” of which only this fragment remained, is held in great esteem by all Muslims. Islamic tradition attributes magical powers to it, particularly to ward off demons (shayāṭīn) and genies (jinn). (See e.g. Būnī, Shams al-Maʿārif, 114ff.; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, 1407/1987, 1:312, quoting a tradition that defines it as “afḍal āyah fī kitāb allāh—“the most excellent verse in the Book of Allah”). It is regarded as equal to one quarter of the whole Qurʾān, and is frequently quoted in inscriptions, either on its own or as part of a longer text. (For more details see CIAP, 1:148-149, 312-318) The Minbar from the Sanctuary of Ḥusayn’s Head in Ashqelon The beautiful wooden minbar in the Sanctuary in Hebron belonged to the shrine dedicated to the head of Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī in Ashqelon (Ascalon, ʿAsqalān). It was built and placed in the shrine by the order of the Fāṭimid caliph al-Mustanṣir, in 484/1091, and remained intact in the city even after it fell to the Crusaders in 1153. The two inscriptions on this minbar, numbered here as No. 2 and No. 3, although being independent inscriptions, each finishing with a date (the same, 484/1091), should be read together. These inscriptions represent the finest and most developed example of floriated and highly sophisticated Fāṭimid script. In CIAP, 1:138-138; 141-142, I supplied more details about the Sanctuary of Ḥusayn’s head which I repeat here (with some minor additions) for the benefit of the readers. Ashqelon and Ḥusayn’s head According to some Islamic traditions, the head of Ḥusayn, the Prophet’s grandson, was sent, following the massacre at Karbalāʾ, in 61/680, to the Umayyad Caliph Yazīd I (680-683) in Damascus, after which, so the story goes, it was smuggled to Ashqelon, and buried there. About the year 484/1091, the head was “miraculously discovered,” and the grand vizier, Badr al-Jamālī, ordered the building of a Sanctuary (mashhad) for the head, which became one of the most venerated Shīʿite sites of pilgrimage. Some reports add that the Sanctuary was completed by Badr al-Jamālī’s son, al-Afḍal. (Ibn Khallikān, 2:450; Maqrīzī, Ittiʿāẓ, 3:22) At the orders of the vizier, a magnificent wooden minbar was built for the mashhad with 6 and 12 line inscriptions engraved in relief on the lintel above the stairs leading to its top platform (inscription No. 2 Hebron 484), around its gate and on its two banisters (inscription No. 3 Hebron 484a). The first inscription records ­factually

hebron (al-khalīl)

29

the building of the minbar. The second, which is much longer, narrates the miracle of the discovery of Ḥusayn’s head in detail. It opens with dramatic formulae that attribute the preservation of the Prophet’s family, and the emergence of the Fāṭimid imāms, to Allah’s special favour and divine providence. The inscription then speaks about the discovery of Ḥusayn’s head in a certain place in Ashqelon where the “tyrants” had hidden it “in order to obliterate his light.” But it was Allah’s wish to bestow His benevolence on his “fortunate friends, and to cause his Shīʿah believers happiness, and to expose the wickedness of the oppressors.” Allah therefore presented the Fāṭimid Caliph, the Imām Maʿadd Abū Tamīm al-Mustanṣir bi-Allah, with a servant who enjoys exceptional qualities; he is the Sword of Islam and Commander of the Armies (sayf al-Islām amīr al-juyūsh) Badr al-Jamālī, in whose time Allah purposefully caused Ḥusayn’s head to appear. “He took it out of its place (fa-istakhrajahu min makānihi)” and treated it in the most dignified manner and reverence. Badr al-Jamālī instantaneously proceeded to construct this minbar for the mashhad which he had built as the burial place for Ḥusayn’s head. Thus the place became not only an illustrious place of prayer, but also a holy site for those who came from afar to seek Ḥusayn’s intercession. The vizier also established rich endowments with a permanent income for the maintenance of the Sanctuary “for ever.” The inscription further asserts that the vizier bought the endowed property from his own lawful private funds “for the sake of Allah, asking His mercy...” The inscription ends by invoking “everybody who believes in Allah and the Last Day to honour and watch over the affairs of this Sanctuary, to repair that which needs repair, and to keep it always pure and clean.” The date of both inscriptions is 484/1091, which is therefore the correct date of the building of the minbar and the building of the mashhad. The tradition about the miraculous conservation of Ḥusayn’s head must have been ­created around this date, for it is not mentioned, to the best of my knowledge, in any earlier source. After the Crusaders conquered Ashqelon, the minbar was preserved intact. When Saladin occupied the city of Ashqelon in September 4, 1187, and prior to demolishing it, he transferred the minbar to the Sanctuary in Hebron, where it is kept to this very day. As for the head, when the Franks occupied Ashqelon, in 548/1153, the head was transferred to Cairo by the governor and the qāḍī of the town. (Maqrīzī, Khiṭaṭ, 1:427, 2:293; idem, Ittiʿāẓ, 3:207 n. 3; Qalqashandī, 3:361) The historicity of the traditions relating to Ḥusayn’s head in Ashqelon is evidently questionable, and Ibn Taymiyyah, a strict Sunnī theologian, who at any rate was totally opposed to the worship of graves, regards them as worthless fables. (Van Berchem, 1978:633-645; cf. Devonshire, 1926:46) When Victor Guérin visited Ashqelon early in 1852 and 1863, he saw two sanctuaries outside the eastern gate of Ashqelon. Nearer to the gate there was a weli (walī) dedicated to “Shaykh Muḥammad,” probably a local saint. “More to the east the eye is attracted by the ruins of a small mosque over a sand mound.

30

hebron (al-khalīl)

This Muslim Sanctuary is locally called “Masjid al-Ḥasan.” (Guérin, Judée, 2:142) The mosque appears on the maps of Ashqelon from the 19th century. The building has since disappeared, but the Shīʿites have preserved the memory of its location in the garden of the Barzilai hospital in modern Ashqelon, and identified it with the burial place of Ḥusayn’s head. 2 Construction Text

484/1091-92

A wooden board 0.89x0.27m. over the “gate” of the minbar. 6 lines, monumental Fāṭimid floriated angular script, small characters, no points and no vowels; in relief. Figs. 2; P2, P3. Origin: the Sanctuary of Ḥusayn’s head, in Ashqelon (Ascalon). Publication: Van Berchem 1915:298-310 (=1978, 2:633-645); RCEA 7:259-260, No. 2790; CIAP, 1, 1997:154-156; Ruqūm 585-586. In what follows I reprint the texts which I published previously, with a minor correction.

‫ح� ن���ص ٌ �م� ن ا �ل�ل�ه ف�ت���� ٌ �ق � �ل�ع���د ا �ل�ل�ه ��لّ��ه �م�ع�د ا � ت‬ � ‫حن‬ � ‫��م� الا �م�ا‬ � ‫ب‬ ِ ‫و ح ري ب� ب‬ ‫ب�ي ي‬ � ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لر �م�� ا �لر يم � ر‬١ ِ‫و و ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ا ئ ا � �ه � ن ا �ن ئ ا � �ة‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ؤ‬ )٣ ‫)ا �ل���م��س������صر ب�ا �ل�ل�ه ا �مي��ر ا �ل���م �م��ي��� �ص�لوا � ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه وع��لى ب�ا ��ه ل��ط�ا ري� و ب��ا ��ه لب��ر ر‬٢ ‫� �م�� ن �ص�لا �ة �ا �ق����ة ا ل � ا �ل�د � ن‬ ‫ي� �م���م�ا ا �مر ب��ع���م� �ه��ذ ا ا �ل���م ن�� ب��ر ف�ت���ا هُ ا �ل����سي���د الا ج�� ا �مي��ر ا �جل‬ )٤‫���يو‬ �‫الا كر ي‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ب ي ى يوم‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ف� �ق ة‬ � �‫� �ا � ا �ل���م��س�ل�مي�� ن� و�ه�ا د �ي� د ع�ا � ا �ل���م�ؤ �م ن��ي�� ن� ا ب�و ا �ل ن���� ج‬ ‫كا �ل ���ض‬ � ‫�ش�� ����سي��� الا ��س�لا ن�ا �صر الا �م�ا‬ ‫م َّ َ م‬ ‫ق م‬ َ‫ن ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ؤ‬ � � � ‫� �د ا �ل�ل�ه ب��ه ا �ل�دي� وا �م�� ب���طو ِل ب������ا ��ه ا �مي��ر ا ل���م �م��ي��� وا د ا �د ر ��ه‬ ‫)�ع���ض‬٥ �‫ب��د ر ا �ل���م��س�� ن����صر �ي‬ ‫ع‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ش ف‬ ‫� ق ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ؤ‬ ‫�أ ع��ل ك�ل�مت���ه �ل�ل� ش‬ � � � � � ‫م�����ه�د ا‬ ‫ع��س���لا � �م��س�� ج �د مو لا �ا ا �مي��ر ا ل���م �م��ي��� ا �ب�ي ع ب���د ا ل�ل�ه‬ )٦ ‫ل���ر�ي��� ب�ث� �غ�ر‬ ‫و ى‬ ‫ح��س�� ن � ن ع�� � ن ا � ط�ا �ل� ص�ل ا ت ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل��ه� م�ا ف� �ش ه ����سن����ة ا � ث�� م�ا ن�� ن ا � �م�ا �ة‬ ‫ا �ل‬ � )!( �‫ر ب و �� �ي� و ر ب ي‬ � ‫ب� � و‬ ‫ي � �� �ي ���� و ر‬ ‫ي� ب� ل�ي ب� ب�ي‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬

Basmalah. Help from Allah and a near clearing-up (Q, 61:13. Trans. Bell) to the servant of Allah and His friend, Maʿadd Abū Tamīm the imām al-Mustanṣir bi-ʾllāh, the Commander of the Faithful, Allah’s blessings be on him, and on his pure ancestors and his pious and venerable descendants, a permanent blessing until the Day of Judgment. Of what has ordered to be made, this pulpit, his (al-Mustanṣir’s) slave, the illustrious lord, the commander of the armies, the sword of Islam, the helper of the imām, the defender of the qāḍīs of the Muslims and the guide of the missionaries of the believers, Abū an-Najm Badr al-Mustanṣirī. May Allah support the religion through him and benefit the Commander of the Faithful from the lengthening of his life, and perpetuate his power and elevate his authority, for the noble shrine (mashhad) in the frontier town of Ashqelon, (namely) the mosque of our lord, the Commander of the Faithful, Abū ʿAbdallah al-Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī b. Abū Ṭālib, Allah’s blessings be on them both, during the months of the year 484 (= 1091-92).

hebron (al-khalīl)

31

This inscription has already been dealt with in the CIAP 1 (ibid.), under the entry of Ashqelon (ʿAsqalān), the original site of the minbar. See edition, translation and full discussion there. On all the titles attached to the Caliph see CIAP 1: 169-170. ‫ة‬ ‫ف� �ق ة‬ ‫كا �ل ���ض‬ L.4: �‫� �ا � ا �ل���م��س�ل�مي�� ن� و�ه�ا د �ي� د ع�ا � ا �ل���م�ؤ �م ن��ي�� ن‬ � . See discussion of this title ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � � �����‫ ا ب�و ا �ل���� ج � ب��د ر ا ل���م��س‬The authors’ note in the Ruqūm in CIAP 1: 175. �‫�صر �ي‬ ‫م‬ (p. 586 asterisk) says that in the inscription the patronymic begins with abī in the genitive instead of with abū in the nominative and that they corrected the text in their reading. There is no place for this note since a close examination of the inscription shows that there is no mistake and the word is abū. The reading abī is the mistake! L.5: MvB ‫ا د ا‬. Read ‫ وا د ا‬as in RCEA.

‫م‬

‫م‬

‫�ة‬

L.6: MvB, the RCEA, Ruqūm and myself in the CIAP I: �‫ وا ر ب��ع���م�ا ي‬but now I am com‫�ة‬ pletely sure that the correct reading is in two words �‫ وا ر ب� �م�ا ي‬as it also appears in ‫ع‬ the following inscription engraved on the façade of the minbar and its banister, as we shall soon see. 3 Construction Text

484/1091

This inscription (indicated as 484a), like its sister just described, was also engraved on wood. It has two parts that are read together here. The first is a long band running around the gate of the minbar, starting, when faced, on the right (western) side, 2.45 m. long; continuing horizontally on the top of the gate, 1.10m. long; descending on its left (eastern) side, 2.45m. long; and finishing with a horizontal line on top of the gate below the main inscription, 0.93m. long. The second part of the inscription, actually continuing the one decorating the façade of the minbar, runs along and round its banisters. It begins on the western banister and finishes on the eastern one. The total length of the banister inscription is 14.67m. Monumental, highly professional angular stylized script, small letters interwoven and decorated with rich sophisticated designs of leaves and flowers; in relief. Figs. 03a, 03b, 03c, 03d, 03e, 03f, 03g, 03h, 03i, 03j, 03k, 03l, 03m, 03n. Publication: VincentMackey, 1923:233-5, fig. 85+ pl. xxvi; Wiet, Syrie, 5:219-220; Jaussen, RB, 1923, 32:586 pl. xi; MvB, 1915:301 (=1978:636); RCEA, 7:261-62, No.2791 (in full); CIAP 1:156-158; Ruqūm, 604-605. The following is a new reading attempting to correct all the former readings. The following inscription begins with the text around the gate of the minbar, lines 1-4, and continues on the banisters, lines 5-11. Since the text on the banisters

‫)‪hebron (al-khalīl‬‬

‫‪32‬‬

‫‪was engraved on the top, the bottom and the vertical wooden planks of each of the‬‬ ‫‪banisters, the reader will have to follow the photographs alongside my reading. The‬‬ ‫‪inscription moves from one side to the other.‬‬ ‫‪The first 4 lines on the front of the minbar gate are as follows: line 1 on the right‬‬ ‫‪side, line 2 on the top, above the main inscription, line 3 on the left, and line 4 under‬‬ ‫‪the main inscription.‬‬

‫ُّ‬ ‫��م�د �ل�ل�ه ح�د ه لا �ش�� ��ك �ل�ه حم‬ ‫‪���)١‬س ا �ل�ل�ه وا �لح‬ ‫��م�د ر��سو ل ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل و ل�ي ا �ل�ل�ه �ص��لى ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي���ه���م�ا‬ ‫و‬ ‫ري‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ب م‬ ‫َ‬ ‫حَ‬ ‫هَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫وع��ل ر ي�ت���ه���م�ا ا �ل���ط� َر� ����س ب������ا � �م� ن ا ��ا �ل���موا �ل��ي ن���ا الا ����م� �����س���ب�ه���م�ا جم‬ ‫��د ا و ر ��ع ر ا ي� وا ���هر‬ ‫� م‬ ‫ىج�زً َّ ق ت آ �ةً بَ َّ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ظ‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫كل و ��� و� ي� �ي��� ‪��)٢‬ل�ه� (؟) بِ���ه�ا ����ض‬ ‫� �لا �ع�� ��ي���م�ا و�ع���ا ي� و �‬ ‫�م�ع��� ا  �‬ ‫كا � �م�� �م�ع�� جِ�ِ ه ��ع�ا لى‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫سَ‬ ‫ا ظ��ه�ا ُ ه � �� �م لا ن�ا الا �م�ا ا � ش‬ ‫ل�����هي���د ا � �ع ب���د ‪)٣‬ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ح��سي�� ن� � نب� ع��ل � نب� ا �ب�ي ط�ا �ل� ب� �ص��لى ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫�ر ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب�ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫� �ا �ل���مو �(!) �ل�ع ن����ه� ا �ل�ل�ه ��س��ر وه‬ ‫ع��ل��ه ع�� ��د ه ا ���ه ا �ه� �� ت��ه� �ـ��م �ض‬ ‫كا � ا �ل���ض‬ ‫� ٍ ب��ع��س���لا � �‬ ‫ي و لى ج ِ و بي �ذو ل ب �ي � م ب آو ع‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ي���ه ا خ���ف���ا ��لن�و ر ه ا �ل� �ي� وع�د ��ع�ا لى �ي��ة لا ظ���ه�ا ر ه—�ل�ع ن����ة ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لى ا � �ظل���ا �ل���مي�� ن�—وب�ي� ِ�د(؟) ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت� ُ ُ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�خ��ف���ا ه رح�مت���هُ(؟) ‪� )٤‬ل�ه �ع� ن� د ر ر ا �ل���م�� خ��ا �ل��ف��ي�� ن� وا ظ���ه�ا ر ه ال� ن� �ش��ر��ا لا و��لي��ا ئ��ه ا �ل���مي���ا �مي�� ن� وا � ش���را‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ح‬ ‫آ‬ ‫فً‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ص�د و ر �ش����ي���عت���ه ا �ل���م�ؤ �م ن��ي�� ن�(!) ‪� )٥‬ل�ه �ع� ن� د ر ر ا �ل���م�� خ��ا �ل��ف��ي�� ن� وا ظ���ه�ا ر ه ال� � �ش��ر ‪��)٦‬ا لا و��لي��ا ئ��ه‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ا �ل���م���ا �م�� ن ا �ن ش��� ا �ص�د �ش�������عت���ه ا �ل���م�ؤ �م ن���� ن (!) ا �ل��ذ � ن‬ ‫ي� ع��ل � فص���ا �ض‬ ‫�� ���م�ا ئ�ر�هم ��ي ا �لولا‬ ‫ي�‬ ‫ور ي‬ ‫ي ي� نو ر ح‬ ‫م‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ا �ل�د � ن‬ ‫ي� وا ج�‬ ‫��ا �ز ا �ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫��م� الا �م�ا‬ ‫ح�� ج�� ع��لى ا �ل�ع�ا �ل���مي�� ن� و ر � ا �ل�ل�ه ب��ه �ع�����بى �مو لا ن�ا و����سي���د ن�ا �م�ع�د ا �ب�ي ��‬ ‫و‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫نئ‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ؤ ن ن‬ ‫ا �ل���م��س������صر ب�ا �ل�ل�ه ا �مي��ر ا �ل���م �م��ي��� �ص��لى ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه وع��لى ا ب�ا ��ه وا ب���ا ��ه ا �ل��ط�ا �هري�� ا �ل����سي���د الا ج��ل‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف ق ة‬ ‫ة �ؤ ن ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫كا ��ل ����ض‬ ‫ا �مي��ر ا �جل���يو�ش�� ����سي��� الا ��س�لا ن�ا �صر الا �م�ا �‬ ‫� �ا � ‪)٧‬ا �ل���م��س�ل�مي��� و�ه�ا د �ي� د ع�ا � ا �ل���م �م��ي���‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪��)٨‬د ًر ا �ل���م��س��ت ن����صر �� ا ���ه�ا ر ه ا ي�ا �م�ه ��ا ����س�����ر ج��ه �م�� �م ك�‬ ‫��ا ��ه و����ص�ه ب�ا ج��لا �ل�ه‬ ‫ا ب�ا ا �ل���� ج��م ب‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش ف �ذ‬ ‫ف ف‬ ‫� � �م��ق���ا �م�ه ت���ق���د �ا �ن ش����ا �ه��ذ ا ا �ل���م ن���� � ��س ا �ل� ش‬ ‫��م�����ه�د ا �‬ ‫ل���ر�ي��� ا �ل� �ي� ا � ش����ا ه ود �� ن� �ي���ه‬ ‫ك‬ ‫و مب‬ ‫و ر يم‬ ‫بر ب ر م‬ ‫� �ة ق �ة‬ ‫ة تق ن ش ف‬ ‫ت ش ف ن �ز ئ ن‬ ‫�ه��ذ ا ا �لرا ��س ف� ا �ش��ر �ف� م‬ ‫ح�ل� � ب���ل� الا �مي��ر و�ص�لا � ا �ل���م���� ب���لي��� و�����ي��ع ا �ل���م��س��������عي��� وا �ل ا �ري��‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ن ف �عَ هَ‬ ‫ا حَ �بَ سَ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ع‬ ‫وب�ن��ا ه �م� ن� ا �ِ�س�ه ا لى ع�لوه وا ب���ا �ل�ه الا �م�ل ك و ��� ‪�)٩‬م���ا ِ��� ��ا ع��لى �م�ا ر ��ه و��س�د ���ه و �م�ا ��ه‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ض‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ث‬ ‫ث‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫‪� )٠١‬ل��ل�يوم و�م�ا ب��ع�د ه ا لى ا � ي�ر � ا �ل�ل�ه الا ر �� و�م�� ع��لي���ه�ا و�هو �ي��ر ا �لوا ر �ي��� وا ������ ع��ىل‬ ‫َ لَ بَ‬ ‫��م�� �ذ �ل �م� ن ف����ض � �م�ا ات�ا ه ا �ل�ل�ه �م� ن ح�ّ �م�ا �ل�ه خ��ا �ل��� �م�ا �م��ل �ك غ َ‬ ‫��ه ا ب�ت����ا و ج�ِ�ه ا �ل�ل�ه وط���‬ ‫و ِص‬ ‫� ل‬ ‫ج يع ّ�ك � � ل‬ ‫ا ن ش �ف �ذ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ث‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�ض ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫نش‬ ‫�وا ب��ه وا �ِب��اع ر‬ ‫� وا ��ه وا ع�ل � ���ر‬ ‫� �ه� ا الا �م�ا م و ����ر ا ع�آلا �م�ه ب�����و ل ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا لى ا ����م�ا �ي�ع���مر‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ة‬ ‫كا �ة و ل ي�‬ ‫�خ ش��� الا ا �ل�ل�ه ‪)٢١‬‬ ‫�م��س�ا ج��د ا �ل�ل�ه �م� ن� ا �م� ن� ب�ا �ل�ل�ه وا ��ل�يو ال� خ�ر وا ��ا ا �ل���ص�لا � ‪)١١‬و� �ى ا �ل�ز �‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

33

‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫كا ب� ا �ل�ل�ه وعت��ر ��ي ا �ه�ل ب���يت�� وا ن��ـ�ه���م�ا ل� ن� ي���ف��ت��ر ��ا‬ �� �‫� ا ��لث�ق���لي�� ن‬ ‫و��ا ل ا �ل��نب�� �ص��لى ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه خ��� فل��� ت� �ي�� ك‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ت‬ ‫��ل الآ خ� ت‬ ‫ض‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ظ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ي�ؤ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � � ‫ل‬ � � � � � ‫حت�ى ي�ر د ا ع��ل ا حو�� �ك�ه�ا �ي��� و يج � ب� ع��لى �م�� � �م�� ب�ا ل�ل�ه وا �يو � ر ��ع�� ��ي���م�ه و ����ر�ي�����ه‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن ا �ن ش���� ء �ه��ذ ا ا �ل� م ن���� ف� ����سن����ة‬ �‫ح�ه و�ع�م�ا ر �ة �م�ا ي‬ ‫وا ��لن� ظ���ر ف� �م���ص�ا �ل‬ � � > ق��لا و ن� ا �ل���ص�ا �حل‬ � � ‫ي و‬ ‫و ر بو‬ ‫و‬ ‫�ي ي‬ ‫آ�ي‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫)ا �ا �م�ه ت���ق����� �م ن���ه ����سن��� ���س ����س���ع�� ن ����ست�����م�ا � �ص��ل ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل ����س���د ن�ا حم‬٤ ‫ا د ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫��م�د و� �ل�ه‬ ‫ع و ب ي� و‬ ‫ى ي‬ ‫ي و بل‬ ‫ي و ى‬ ‫م‬ Basmalah. Praise belongs to Allah whose grace embraces everything and may Allah bless Muḥammad and his family. Has ordered the building of this blessed hospice (and) endowed it for the poor visitors of al-Khalīl—peace be on him—our lord the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Abū al-Maʿālī Sayf ad-Dunyā wa ad-Dīn Qalāwun, the Mamlūk of al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ, may Allah perpetuate his life, and accept (this good deed) from him. In the year 679 (=1280) and may Allah bless our master Muḥammad and his family.

‫�ذ‬

‫�ذ‬

L.2: ‫ �ه� ا �لر ب�ا ط‬Instead of ‫�ه� ا ا �لر ب�ا ط‬. The missing second alif was unnoticed by Sauvaire, in de Luynes 2:195, and Ruqūm, 1989:551, but noticed by Van Berchem, who

hebron (al-khalīl)

55

added it in brackets. The omission of the alif of al after hādhā is, however, a common error in Arabic inscriptions. ‫�ق ف‬ ‫ و �����ه ع��لى‬Sauvaire (loc. cit.) leaves the text as is. Van Berchem adds wāw in brackets rendering it wa-waqafahu noting that it is “a fault of the engraver.” Ruqūm (loc. cit.) does the same. For my reading see below. ‫ف �ق �ز‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫—ا �ل������ را وا ر‬Van Berchem deleted his initial attempt to read ‫و وا ر‬. Sauvaire (loc. cit.) read wa-zuwwār without noticing, but Ruqūm (loc. cit.) added the wāw in brackets with a note to the effect that this was an engraver mistake. ‫( ا �ل��س��ل‬sic!) instead of ‫ا �ل��س�لا‬. Ruqūm (loc. cit.) and Sauvaire (loc. cit.) added the miss‫م‬ ‫م‬ ing alif, the latter without note! Max van Berchem read correctly and added “sic!” In this case, however the spelling follows that of the Qurʾān (e.g. Q, 5:16). L.3: Sayf ad-Dunyā wa-ad-Dīn. The letters yāʾ and nūn are missing. Sauvaire added the letters without a note. Ruqūm (loc. cit.) added the letters noting possible engraver mistake. MvB noted the mistake and remarked that the two missing letters are engraved very small in a narrow space at the top. ‫( ا د ا �ل�ل�ه‬sic!) One alif before Allah is missing; noted by van Berchem, not by Sau‫م‬ vaire (loc. cit.) and not in Ruqūm (loc. cit.). L.4. The year 679/1280-1281 was an eventful year for Qalāwun who came to power in the middle of 678/ end of 1279. In Damascus, his rule was challenged by an antisultan Sunqur al-Ashqar who assumed the title of al-Malik al-Kāmil. As Qalāwun was busy fighting him, the Mongols under Abaghā invaded northern Syria spreading death and devastation (Nujūm, 7:295-303). However, it seems that the pious Sultan; who like the other Mamlūks was educated on the ideals of loyalty to Islam and to his master, decided, so it seems, to adorn his rule from the very beginning with benevolent deeds. During the first years of his rule he invested in building institutions in which the poor and the infirm were looked after, in addition to substantial contributions to the maintenance and repair of the major sanctuaries in Jerusalem and Hebron. Describing his qualities and building efforts, Ibn Taghrī Birdī writes that “he built in Cairo a hospital (bīmāristān) to provide health. It was huge, larger than anything that had been built in the past for this purpose, as far as is known.” (Manhal, 9, 2002:95) He built a hospice (ribāṭ) in Jerusalem as well, about two years after his hospice in Hebron. The inscription on the Jerusalem hospice (CIA, Jérusalem, “Ville,” 1:200-201, No.65) is almost identical to the inscription in Hebron. It also contains the opening formula “Praise to Allah who has embraced everything with his grace and may Allah bless our master Muḥammad and his family.”(The word sayyidunā- our master is missing in the Hebron inscription) The inscription from Jerusalem, however, contains some minor additions which make it clearer than the inscription from Hebron, as if the writer of the inscription for the Jerusalem ribāṭ edited the text prepared for the Hebron inscription. (Pl. 19).

56

hebron (al-khalīl)

Pl. 19. Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī, Jerusalem 681.

ّ ّ‫ن م‬ ‫��م�د �ل�ل�ه ا �ل��ذ � �عّ ���ف‬ ‫ك ّ �ش��� و�ص��ل ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل ����سي���د �ا ح‬ ‫ح� ا �لح‬ ‫��م�د‬ ‫�ه‬ � ‫�ض‬ �� �� )٢ � ‫ل‬ � ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫ي� م ب‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ل ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫آب أ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫� ق �� � ش ف‬ ّ ‫ة‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ق‬ ���‫)ا �ل���م ب���ا ر ك و� و������ه ع��لى ا �ل������ را و وا ر ا ل�����د س ا ل���ر�ي‬٣ )!(‫و� �ل�ه � �مر ب��ع���م�ا ر � �ه� ا �لِر ب�ا ط‬ ‫)ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا �ل���م��ن���ص �أ � ا �ل���م�ع�ا ل ����س�� ف� ا �ل�د ن���ا ا �ل�د � ن‬٤ ‫�م لا ن�ا‬ �‫)�ق�لا و ن� ا �ل���ص�ا �ل‬٥ �‫ي‬ ‫ح‬ � ‫ي و‬ ‫و‬ ‫و ر بو أ �ي ي‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ث�� م�ا ن�� ن ����ست��� م�ا �ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ّ ‫ت‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ �‫� د ا ا �ل�ل�ه � ي�ا �م�ه و�ب����ل(!)[و ����� ب���ل] �م���ه ����س��� � ح�د(!) و �� �ي� و �� ي‬ ‫م‬ Basmalah. Praise belongs to Allah (Q, 1:2) who has embraced everything with His grace and may Allah bless our master Muḥammad and his family. Has ordered the building of this blessed hospice and endowed it for the poor and for the visitors of the noble Jerusalem, our lord the Sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Abū al-Maʿālī Sayf ad-Dunyā wa ad-Dīn Qalāwun, the Mamlūk of al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ, may Allah perpetuate his life, and accept (this good deed) from him. In the year 681 (=began April 1282).

‫قف‬

‫ة �ذ‬

In l.2 of the Hebron inscription the text reads: ‫ا �مر ب��ع���م�ا ر � �ه� ا �لر ب�ا ط(!) ا �ل���م ب���ا ر ك و������ه‬ ‫ ع�� ا �ل��ف�����ق ا ء �ز ّ ا ا �لخ‬The Jerusalem text reads: ‫ل��� ���ف‬ ‫ا ق���ف���ه ع��ل ا �ل��ف�����ق ا ء �ز ا ا �ل��ق���د �� ا � ش‬ ‫ل‬ � � � � � � ‫ل‬ ‫وو ى ر و ور‬ ‫ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫س‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ى ر‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ي‬ The minor additions in the Jerusalem text slightly change the meaning if added to the Hebron inscription. No doubt the correction of waqafahu (Hebron) to waawqafahu (Jerusalem) is necessary. The same could be said about exchanging ʿalā al-fuqarāʾ zuwwār al-Kahlīl (Hebron) “he endowed it for the poor visitors of al-Khalīl,” with ʿalā al-fuqarāʾ wa zuwwār … “for the poor people and (for) the visitors … ” (Jerusalem) The rest of both inscriptions is the same except for the date. It seems, therefore, that the Jerusalem inscription is more complete and can be taken as a model for the one from Hebron. We may safely assume that the ribāṭ in Hebron was endowed to provide for all the visitors (pilgrims) of the Sanctuary as well as for the poor. Piety and benevolence symbolize Qalāwun’s works in Hebron (as elsewhere). The surviving inscriptions indicate that he also built a drinking basin (siqāyah) next to the hospice and the Sanctuary (see next inscription), contributed

hebron (al-khalīl)

57

at least two doors to Abraham’s chamber in the Sanctuary (685/1286) and renewed its marble tiling in 686/1287 (a work continued on a large scale by his son an-Nāṣir Muḥammad in 732/1331-2). (CIAP, Addendum, s.v. “Hebron”) Siqāyah—Drinking Place—of Qalāwun The following description of the original structure is based on the reports of de Luynes (Sauvaire), van Berchen, and Jaussen. To the north of ar-Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī and facing the gate of the citadel (Mader’s map Pl. 18) there was a gate through which one entered via a vestibule into a spacious court partly surrounded by a portico with pointed arches, and wide, round corner arches, resting on elegant pillars supporting the veranda of a massive building. In the middle of the court there was a large square basin (see picture below Pl. 20), the original function of which was to provide drinking water (as the original name indicates). Later, the basin was also used for ablution (mīḍaʾah, miḍāʾah, mutawaḍḍaʾ, maṭharah). In the list of the historical monuments of Hebron (about 1934) in the files of the IAA there is the following description: “Mutawaḍḍa⁠ʾ al-Masjid: An open court with riwāqs on the three sides and an arched entrance on the E. side. In [the] middle there is a water tank for ablution.” (IAA, “Hebron,” Remarks:  SH. 276&292) The inscription was fixed above the arch of the gate. After the demolition of all the historical buildings around the Sanctuary (see previous inscription above) it was transferred to the local museum. It should be noted that Mujīr ad-Dīn does not mention this work of Qalāwun.

Pl. 20. Courtyard with Qalāwun’s Water Basin (foreground) Photo: MvB coll. late 19th century.

58

hebron (al-khalīl) 9 Construction Text

679/1280

A slab of marble, 0.53x0.45m. originally over the gate leading into the large court with the water basin (marked No. 3 in Mader’s map Pl. 18. See previous inscription.) Present location: the municipal museum of Hebron. 4 lines, provincial early Mamlūk naskhī; points, some signs, no vowels; incised. Figs. 8; P6. Publication: Sauvaire in de Luynes, 2:196, No. 12; Jaussen, BIFAO 25:26-27, No. 20, pl. vii; MvB coll. “al-Ḫalīl;” RCEA 12:257-258, No. 4788; Shiblī, 1984:36-37; Ruqūm, 1989:553-555.

‫ة‬ ‫� �ن‬ � ‫ن‬ � � ‫� ق �ة � ��ة � ن‬ ‫)ا ل���م�ع�ا ل�ي‬٣ ‫) مو لا �ا ا ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا ل���م�ل�ك ا ل���م� ���صو ر ا ب�و‬٢ �‫)ا �مر ب��ع���م�ا ر � �ه��ذه ا ل��س���ا ي� ا ل���م ب���ا ر ك‬١ ‫�ة ت‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف � �ن ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫����سي��� ا ل�د‬ )!( ���‫)�ع�ز ����صره ��ي ����سن��� ���س و����سب���عي�� ن� و����ست�����مي‬٤ ‫ي� ��لا و � ا �ل���ص�ا �ل�ح‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ع‬

Has ordered the building of this blessed drinking place our lord the sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Abū al-Maʿālī Sayf ad-Dīn Qalāwun, the Mamlūk of al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ, may his victory be glorified, in the year 679 (=1280).

MvB is right when he says that the inscription reminds him of an Ayyūbid inscription since the script presents many traits of Ayyūbid epigraphy (MvB loc. cit.). The true epigraphic definition of the inscription should therefore be: Ayyūbid-early-Mamlūk, for it actually represents the transitory stage between the two styles. ‫ق �ة‬ L.1: �‫ ا �ل��س���ا ي‬this is the correct reading (see inserted detail) not al-misqāt in de Luynes (Sauvaire), 2:196, and not al-mis­qāyah (sic!) as in Jaussen 1925:26. MvB has the correct reading. The inscription does not begin with the usual basmalah but immediately with the descriptive section. It uses the word siqāyah to describe the work of Qalāwun. Aṣ-Ṣiḥāḥ regards this object as so “well-known” that it does not bother to define it, saying: “wa-siqāyat al-māʾ maʿrūfah—and the siqāyah of the water is well-known.” (Jawharī, Ṣiḥāḥ, 6:2380). Lane brings all the existing meanings saying that siqāyah is “a place for giving to drink or watering” and that the word “signifies a place made or prepared for giving to drink to people.” (Lane, s.v.). MvB’s photograph verifies the above definition. ʿAlī al-Bakkāʾ A mosque, zāwiyah, and a whole neighborhood called after the local saint ʿAlī nicknamed al-Bakkāʾ (usually: al-Bakkā), “he who weeps”, indicating the strict piety of the saint who accompanied his devotional activity with weeping. The following information is supplied by Mujīr ad-Dīn, and is quoted by almost everyone who

hebron (al-khalīl)

59

wrote about Hebron (see, e.g. de Luynes, 2:193-194; MvB coll. “al-Ḫalīl;” Quatremère, Sultans Mamluks, I b, 242): Shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkāʾ, the patron of the Zāwiyah in the city of our master al-Khalīl, peace and blessing be on him, was famous for good deeds and piety, and for feeding any passerby or visitor who happened to cross his path. Al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalāwun used to praise him and mention that he had met him when he was amīr, and he (ʿAlī al-Bakkāʾ) predicted things which actually happened to him … Shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkāʾ died on Jumādā II, 670, and was interred in his famous zāwiyah. This zāwiyah is located in a neighborhood separated from the town of our master al-Khalīl, blessing and peace be on him, on its north.  The zāwiyah together with the entrance hall (īwān) and its attachments were built by the amīr ʿIzz ad-Dīn Aydamur, during the rule of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Baybars in 668 (=1269) before the death of the Shaykh. Afterwards, the amīr, the isfahsalār Ḥusām ad-Dīn Ṭurunṭay, the governor of Noble Jerusalem built the rest of the zāwiyah including the court and the attached parts under the rule of al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalāwun in Muḥarram 681. After that, the amīr Sayf ad-Dīn Sallār, the viceroy in Egypt and Syria, built the gate and the minaret above it in most perfect workmanship and beauty, under the supervision of the amīr Kaykaldī an-Najmī during the rule of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalāwun at the beginning of Ramaḍān 702 (=19 April 1303). (Mujīr, 1283:492; 1973,2:149-150)

From this passage we learn most of the information about the mosque of ʿAlī al-Bakkā which the chronicler defines as zāwiyah. We learn nothing about ʿAlī al-Bakkā himself except for a legend concerning the reason for his weeping which has no historical value. Apart from his first name, ʿAlī, and the date of his death no other detail was communicated. However, there is no question about his being regarded to have been a real saint, well known to the sultans of Egypt who, one after the other from Baybars to an-Naṣīr Muḥammad, contributed funds and efforts to erect and develop a very impressive edifice dedicated to him, second only to the Ḥaram itself (Pl. 21). The interest of these sultans in the saint, particularly Baybars and Qalāwun, is explained by a story which seems to contain some truth. It says that when Baybars and Qalāwun lived in exile after having fallen out with the sultan, al-Muʿizz Aybak, soon after the latter’s accession to the throne in 648/1250, they met ʿAlī al-Bakkā in Hebron. On that occasion he informed them that both of them would become sultans. (al-ʿAynī,ʿIqd al-Jumān, (1) Ḥawādith wa-Trājim, 1407/1987:182-183) ʿAlī al-Bakkā’s mosque and zāwiyah and the neigh­borhood called after the saint stood apart on the northern part of the city and to the north of the Ḥaram (see relevant section in Mader’s map Pl. 13). It is entered through an impressive gateway above which rises a tall minaret in typical Mamlūk style. The round arch of the high gate calls to mind similar buildings in Jerusalem of the period such as Bāb al-Qaṭṭānīn (CIA, Jérusalem, 3, pls.LXVII, LXXI, No. 176), the Tankiziyyah (729/132829. CIA, Jérusalem, “Ville,” 1:252ff. No. 80), and particularly the gateway to the minaret of Ramlah (dated 718/1318. RCEA, 14:127-128, No. 5401). The arch rests on two pillars

60

hebron (al-khalīl)

  Pl. 21. Sanctuary of ʿAlī al-Bakkā. Left: early 20th century (Courtesy IAA). Right: c. 1975. The dome at the back represents the first stage of the zāwiyah.

that are part of the front wall, built in the ablaq technique: courses of alternating brown and white smoothly dressed stones. The very high and elegant main arch rests on three arch segments together creating an opening about one and a half times wider than the diameter of the initial arch. From the gate one enters into an antechamber on each side of which there is a stone bench. The door itself is low, about one third the height of the majestic gate, but is surmounted by a wide lintel (or head post) resting on two ablaq style doorposts, with the inscription dated 702 engraved in a sunken field that runs as a band on the three sides of the lintel: right, left and top. (Pl. 22 below). The building of the minaret and the gateway completed the whole complex, the building of which took place in three stages and extended over some 34 years. (MvB Coll. “al-Ḫalīl”) Stage 1, 668/1269. The building of the zāwiyah, the īwān (main entrance hall) and their dependencies. We have seen that, according to Mujīr (1973, 2:150), they were built by ʿIzz ad-Dīn Aydamur prior to the saint’s death. In 667/1269 on his return from the ḥajj, Baybars passed via Karak on his way to Damascus and Aleppo which he reached at the beginning of 668. On his way back to Egypt, the sultan passed through

hebron (al-khalīl)

61

Pl. 22. The gateway to the Sanctuary of ʿAlī al-Bakkā. Note the inscription round the lintel of the inside door (Courtesy MvB coll.).

Jerusalem and Hebron, where he distributed large sums of money for alms (Maqrīzī, Sulūk, 1957, 1(2): 583). Four years earlier, in 664/1266, he also visited Hebron, took particular interest in the free meal (simāṭ) served at the Sanctuary, abolished some unjust administrative practices from which the population suffered (maẓālim), and on that occasion gave the order preventing non-Muslims from entering the Ḥaram. (Nuwayrī, 30, 1990:282 (l.12)—283(l.3))

‫�ك��� ف ا �ل� �ظ‬ ‫ �ص�ل ا ت‬, ��‫�خ��ل‬ ‫ ف��ز ا �ش‬,‫� ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل��ه‬ ‫وت�و ج��ه ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن� �ل�ز �ا ر �ة ا ��لب���ي� ت� ا �ل���م��ق���د ��س وا �ل‬ ‫��م���ا ل‬ � ‫ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫و�م�د ��س���م�ا ط ا �ل‬ � ‫كل �م���ه وا‬ � ‫ وا‬، ‫ ع��لي��ه ا �ل���ص�لا � وا �ل��س�لا‬،‫�خ��لي��ل‬ ‫ و�ر � ج��م�ل� �م� ن� ا �ل���م�ا ل‬،‫كل ا ��ل��ا ��س‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫�ؤ�ذ‬ ‫�غ‬ �‫ع��لى الا ئ����م��ة وا �ل��ف�����ق را ء وا �ل���م ن�ي�� ن� وا �ل�عوا و ي��ر�ه و ب���ل غ���ه �ع� ن� ا ��لي���هود وا ��لن����ص�ا ر �ى �ي�ؤ خ�� �م ن����ه‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف م‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ة‬ ‫���ت� �م ��س �م�ا �� م ن�� ا �ه� ا ��ذ �م��ة‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ح��ق�� ق� �ز �ا ر �ة ا �ل‬ � �‫ �ا � ك‬،� ‫ وا �ل��ن�ز و ل ��ي ا �ل���م���ا ر‬،‫�خ��لي��ل‬ �‫ل ل‬ �� ‫ و �ك ب� ر و ب‬،‫�ر �ل�ك‬ ‫�و ي‬ ‫ع‬ ‫� ق �ش ف‬ ‫�م� ن� د خ�و ل ا ل���م�����ا ا‬ .���‫ل���ر�ي‬ ‫م‬ The sultan went on to visit Jerusalem and (the city) of al-Khalīl, Allah’s blessing be on him. He performed ziyārah, abolished injustices and laid out the simāṭ of al-Khalīl, blessing and peace be on him, and he ate together with the other people. He distributed money to the

62

hebron (al-khalīl) imāms, to the poor, to the muezzins, to the ordinary people and to others. It was communicated to him that special fees are imposed on Jews and Christians for visiting (the Sanctuary) of al-Khalīl and for descending into the grotto. He resented this and wrote a decree preventing the dhimmis from entering the noble Sanctuary (all together).

ʿIzz ad-Dīn Aydamur (not Aydemir as in Sauvaire, Histoire, 1876:292. The spelling adopted here follows Manhal, 3:167-170; cf., Mayer, Heraldry, 1933:84-86.) is probably Aydamur b. ʿAbdallah al-ʿAlāʾī aṣ-Ṣāliḥī, the Mamlūk of aṣ-Ṣāliḥ Najm ad-Dīn Ayyūb. He is described as a favourite of Baybars, who nominated him as the first governor of Ṣafad after its occupation from the Crusaders in 664/1266. He was famous for his piety and justice, to such an extent that he refused, even under pain of death, to follow the sultan’s order and execute a soldier who accidentally caused a fire which destroyed military equipment. He even secretly paid for the damage from his own funds. Aydamur died in 676/1277 in the year of Baybars’ death. Although the biographer mentions no connection between him and Hebron, judging from his biography it is quite possible that he is the Aydamur mentioned by Mujīr. Stage 2, 681/1282. The building of the court and its dependencies. The builder was Ṭurunṭāy the governor of Jerusalem under Qalāwun (see below). The inscriptions in the interior of the mosque (Nos. 10, 11) commemorate this stage. Stage 3, 702/1302-3. The building of the gateway and the minaret. The builder was Sallār, viceroy of Egypt and Syria during the reign of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad. (See inscription 18 dated 702 below). 10 Construction Text

681/1282

A slab of marble, 0.55x0.86m. was embedded in the southern wall of the Sanctuary of Shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkā, about 15m. from the entrance on the left, 1.22m. above ground level, broken on the lower left side, nothing was lost. (Shiblī, 1984:39 says that he saw the inscription broken in three pieces on the ground next the gate of the mosque). 5 lines, monumental late Ayyūbid-early Mamlūk naskhī, many points, vowels, signs and some simple decorations filling spaces between letters; in relief. Fig. 9, Pl. 23. Publication: de Luynes, 2:194, No. 10; Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:27-29, No. 21; RCEA, 13:7, No. 4811; MvB Coll. “al-Ḫalīl.” This is a new reading.

ّ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ �‫ح� ا�مر ب�ا � ش����ا �ه��ذ ا ا �ل‬ ‫ا��ل ا �ل��كب�ي��ر الا ��س����ه��س�لا ر‬ ‫)ك الا �مي��ر ال ج‬٢‫حرم ا �ل���م ب���ا ر‬ ‫ب م ل� ر � ر يم‬ ‫ا � �ن ن‬ � ��)٣ ‫ا �ل���م�� ج��ا �ه�د ا �ل���مرا ب���ط ا �ل غ���ا �ز‬ ‫� ا �ل���م��ن���صو ر �ي� ا د ا ا �ل�ل�ه ا ي�ا �م�ه‬ ‫ح��س�ا ل�د‬ ‫ي� طر���ط�ا �ي� ا �ل���م��ل �يك‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ُ‫� ّ ح �ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫)ع��ل �ض� ي� ا � ش‬٤ � ‫ل‬ �‫ل�������ي���خ ا �ل���ص�ا �ل ع��ل ا �لب� ك‬ ‫)ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س��لم(!) ب�و لا ي� ا �ل��������ي��ر‬٥ ‫��ا ر �م� ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه ب�ا ���لي��ل‬ ‫ى رح‬ ‫ف ح �ي‬ ‫����ست��� م����ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ا ل ا �ل�ل�ه ع�� � ن حم‬ ‫��م د � �ش���ه م‬ � )!( ‫ح ّر ����سن��� ا ح�د(!) وث����م ن��ي�� ن�(!) و �� ي‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ل�ي ب� و �ي � ر م‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

63

Pl. 23. Hebron 681.

Basmalah. Has ordered the construction of this blessed Sanctuary over the tomb of the saintly Shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkā may Allah have mercy upon him, in the city of al-Khalīl (peace be on him), the most honourable great amīr the commander (isfahsalār) the fighter in the holy war the defender, the conqueror, Ḥusām ad-Dīn Ṭurunṭāy, the Mamlūk of al-Malik al-Manṣūr (Qalāwun), may Allah perpetuate his life. Under the supervision of the needy for Allah, the Exalted, ʿAlī b. Maḥmūd in Muḥarram 681(=April-May 1282).

L.1: The inscription relates to the second stage of the edifice which added the court and other attached structures (probably the portico around the court) to the already existing īwān and zāwiyah, namely the main domed room which had been built thirteen years earlier. However, the text refers to the whole complex (old and new) as a ḥaram emphasizing the fact that it was the Sanctuary of the saint whose tomb was in it, and attributes the whole of it to Ḥusām ad-Dīn Ṭurunṭāy (spelling see Mayer, Heraldry, 1933:240). The usage of the word inshāʾ usually refers to a new building, and the inscription attributes to Ṭurunṭāy that which he did not build. The orthography of this inscription and of the following one (No. 11), is particularly interesting, as I shall discuss in the next entry, since both inscriptions were almost certainly engraved by the same hand and show similar peculiarities, only that this one was engraved in relief, and is more monumental, and the following one incised and provincial. L.2: Only the letter yāʾ seems to be missing from the word al-ghāzī. MvB (loc. cit.) ‫غ‬ remarked that unlike de Luynes “ma copie porte ‫”ا �ل���ا ر‬. He accepted Sauvaire’s reading. However, there is no need to add the letter which can be seen as a thick line at the bottom of the beginning of line 3. L.3: According to Ibn Taghrī Birdī (Manhal, 6, 1990: 386-388, No. 1241) there is only one Ṭurunṭāy, Mamlūk of al-Manṣūr Qalāwun, who could fit here. He was one of the most influential amīrs, who reached the rank of muqaddam alf—commander of thousand in the battlefield, and excelled in the wars against the Mongols in Syria.

64

hebron (al-khalīl)

The sultan, who was both his master and friend, made him his majordomo and the viceroy of Egypt. However, when al-Ashraf Khalīl, the latter’s son, came to power he arrested Ṭurunṭāy in the citadel of Cairo and tortured him to death in 689/1290. (Khiṭaṭ, 1270, 2:386; Ibn Iyās, 1:115, 122; Ibn al-Furāt, 7:155, 207, 216-217, 239, 276; 8:35, 99-101) Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283:492-493; 1973, 2:150) says that Ṭurunṭāy who was responsible for this building project was governor of Jerusalem (cf.; de Luynes, 2:91; Quatremère, Sult. Maml. 2a:113; Jaussen, 1925:28 n. 1; Shiblī, 1984:39-42). ‫ �ض� ي� ا � ش‬. MvB added after this: ‫ ل ا �ل�ل�ه �ت�ع�ا ل‬which does not exist in L.4: ‫�ص�ا �ل‬ ��‫ل�������ي���خ ا �ل‬ ‫ى‬ ‫و �ي‬ ‫ح‬ ‫رح‬ the inscription. ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ L.5: �‫ ب�و لا ي‬not �‫( ب�ت�ولا ي‬de Luynes–Sauvaire). Mistake noted by MvB and corrected by Jaussen.

‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ )!( ���‫ ����سن��� ا ح�د (!) وث����م ن��ي�� ن�(!) و����ست�����مي‬This is the accurate reading: ‫ ا ح�د‬not ‫ا ح�د �ى‬. Cor-

rect van Berchem, de Luynes, Jaussen, RCEA; ‫�ة‬ )!( ���‫ وث����م ن��ي�� ن� (!) و����ست�����مي‬this also is the accurate reading. Correct de Luynes, MvB, ‫�ة‬ ‫ث‬ ‫ث‬ and RCEA �‫ و ����م�ا ن�ي�� ن� و����ست�����م�ا ي‬and Jaussen �‫ و ����م�ا ن�ي�� ن‬. Water Tank (Ṣihrīj) at the Sanctuary of ʿAlī al-Bakkā

The water tank near the zāwiyah of ʿAlī al-Bakkā was built next to a natural well and was supplied by it. Mujīr calls the well Biʾr Maʿīn (or Muʿīn). When van Berchem visited the place in 1911 and 1912, he noted in his carnet (VII, 32) that “they call it Bīr al-Sahrīj (sic!).” I also found: Biʾr aṣ-Ṣahārīj—the “well of the water tanks” (in the plural!), and at present it is identified as “The Qawāsmī Well (Biʾr al-Qawāsmī)” in the ash-Shaykh quarter (ḥārat ash-shaykh) called so after Shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkā. In 1912 van Berchem visited the site for the second time and prepared a squeeze of the inscription below. He remarked: “On the north-east of the mosque, about 50m. from the minaret, one can see the ruins of a large square basin.” In another note from 1911, he says that the well itself is “a square edifice leaning against the hill and the convent” but he could not ascertain if his own note meant the well or the basin. However, the inscription that he saw was “fixed on the southern face looking towards the minaret at the south-east angle on top.” It is almost sure that MvB saw the inscription at the same place I saw it and photographed it around 1975, namely in the court of the mosque on the wall of the qiblah. (Fig. 10). However, since the water tank, and the well supplying it in the Sanctuary of ʿAlī al-Bakkā were renovated or even rebuilt by Sallār, the powerful viceroy of Egypt under sultan an-Nāṣir Muḥammad, it is almost sure, as MvB remarked in his notes, that “the basin of Ṭurunṭāy and the square edifice (well) are those of Sallār.”

hebron (al-khalīl)

65

We shall soon deal with the inscription from 702/1302 commemorating Sallār’s building of the minaret of ʿAlī al-Bakkā, but no inscription survived concerning his water tank, about which Mujīr writes:

‫أن أ أ‬ ‫��ل � ئ � ن ل ن� � ض‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ا �ل���ق � �م� ن �ز ا ��ة ا � ش‬ ‫��ا ب���ر م�عي��� و�إى ج��ا ب��ه‬ ‫ل�������ي���خ ع��ل ا ب� ك‬ ���‫حو�� ��س�ب� ي��ل � � ش���� ال� �مي��ر ����سي‬ ‫و ب ر ب � وي‬ ‫�ي‬ ْ َ‫ش ة أ �ك‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ا �ل�د � ن ��س�لا ن�ا ئ�� ا �ل��س��ل��ط ن��� �ا �ل�د �ا ا �ل���م���ص � ا �ل���م���م�ا �ل�ك ا � ش‬ �‫ل����ا �مي��� ب����م ب���ا ���ر� ال� �مي��ر�ي� ك‬ ‫ب ير‬ ‫ري و‬ �‫��ل�د �ي‬ �‫ي‬ ‫ر ب‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ئ�ة ن �ن ء ا � ن �ة‬ ‫ث‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ا �ل ن��������م � د �ل� ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا ��لن��ا �ص حم ن‬ ‫ن ت ن‬ ‫��م�د �ب� ��لا و و � ��ي ����س��� ا ���ي��� و����سب���ع���م�ا � حي��� ب��ا ل���م���ا ر‬ ‫ج �ي �ي و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ع��ل �ز ا ��ة ا � ش‬ �‫ل�������ي���خ ع��ل ا ��لب� ك‬ .‫��ا‬ ‫ى وي‬ ‫�ي‬

Near the zāwiyah of ʿAlī al-Bakkā (there is a well called) Biʾr Muʿīn, and next to it there is a public water basin which was erected by the amīr Sayf ad-Dīn Sallār4 the viceroy (nāʾib as-salṭanah) in Egypt and Syria, and under the supervision of the amīr Kaykaldī an-Najmī, during the rule of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalāwūn (!) in the year 702 (begun 26 August 1302), at the same time of the building of the minaret above the zāwiyah of ʿAlī al-Bakkā. (Mujīr, 1283:428; 1973, 2:80-81)

What was this ṣihrīj? From MvB’s description it seems that it was similar to Qalāwun’s siqāyah described above under the entry No. 9. It was a large square tank filled with water from the well next to it and served as a sabīl, a water fountain for general public usage.

Pl. 24. Hebron 681a Building of a water tank. 4 In the 1973 printing of the Uns, which is full of mistakes, we find: Ibn Sallār instead of Sallār. Both text and translation are corrected accordingly. See Sauvaire, 1876:226, where the correct text was translated.

66

hebron (al-khalīl) 11 Construction Text Muḥarram 681/11 April-10 May 1282

A slab of marble, 0.61x0.42m. cropped slightly at the top, originally fixed on the eastern wall of Biʾr aṣ-Ṣaharīj (Biʾr Muʿīn), in Ḥārat al-Shaykh some 50m. across the road north-west of the mosque of ʿAlī al-Bakkā, 2.49m. above ground level. 6 lines provincial late Ayyūbid-early Mamlūk naskhī , points, some vowels and signs; incised. Fig. 10. Pl. 24. Publication: MvB Coll. “al-Ḫalīl.”

‫ن م آ‬ � ‫حن‬ �‫)ا �مر ب�ا �ن ش����ا �ه��ذ ا [ا]�ل����ص�هري�ج‬٢ ‫��م�د و� �ل�ه‬ ‫ح� و�ص��ل ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل ����سي���د �ا ح‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ى‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لر �م�ِ� ا �لر يِم ى‬١ ‫ن‬ ‫�ق‬ ّ ‫�ن‬ ‫)ا �ل���م�� ج��ا �ه�د �� ا �ل���مرا ب���ط ا �ل‬٣ �� ‫�ر� ا �ل�ع�ا ل الا �مي��ر‬ � � � � �‫ح��س�ا م�ي طر���ط�ا �ي� ا �ل���م� ���صو ر �ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ا ل���م ب���ا ر ك ا ل���م�� ر اأ ل ك� يم �ي‬ ‫�ي‬ ّ ‫ل����������خ ا �ل�� ص�ا �ل ع�� ا ��ل� ك� ن ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن ش‬ �‫)� ري‬٤ ‫ا ع�لا(!) ا �ل�ل�ه �ش��� ن��ه ع��لى �ض‬ ���‫��ا ������ع�ه(!) ا �ل�ل�ه ب��ه [و]ا �ل���م��س�ل�مي‬ ‫ح ����سي���د �ا ا � ي � ح ل�ي ب‬ ‫� ن حم ف‬ ‫����ست��� م�ا �ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫��مود ��ي �ش����هر ا �ل���م��ح‬ ��‫)ب�و لا ي��ة ا �ل��ف����ق��ي��ر ا لى ا �ل�ل�ه ع‬٥ �‫�ر ����سن��� ا ح�د(!) وث����م ن��ي�� ن�(!) و �� ي‬ ‫ل‬ �‫ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫��ا ف���ة ا �ل���م��س�ل�م�� ن‬ �‫)�غ� ��ف��ر ا �ل�ل�ه �ل�ه و �لوا �ل�د ي��ه و �ل ك‬٦ �‫ي‬ Basmalah. And may Allah Bless our master Muḥammad and his family. Has ordered the construction of this blessed water tank his Excellency, the munificent, the eminent, the amīr, the warrior (in the holy war) the defender (of the borders) Ḥusām ad-Dīn Ṭurunṭāy the Mamlūk of (al-Malik) al-Manṣūr (Qalāwun), may Allah raise his prestige—next to the tomb of our master the saintly shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkā, may Allah benefit him (Ṭurunṭāy) and all the Muslims from it. (That was done) under the supervision of the servant, the needy for Allah ʿAlī b. Maḥmūd in the month of Muḥarram 681 (=April-May 1281). May Allah pardon him and his parents and all of the Muslims.

The Script MvB, the first to see this inscription and read it, defined the script as “old Mamlūk naskhī.” However, since the inscription contains elements of the previous Ayyūbid script, I added the Ayyūbid factor in my description. But both definitions fail to reflect the peculiarities of the script. Similar to the previous inscription it was produced in a professional hand by a local provincial artist who was familiar with the basics of the late Ayyūbid script in the fashion of the time and added his own contribution to it. Thus he elongated the nūn at the end of words and once even hid it in the letter yāʾ as in wa-thamanīn in l.5. The letter yāʾ in the middle of the word was raised up as in al-amīrī in l.2 and al-muslimīn in l.4. The letter yāʾ at the end of the word was pulled backward in a peculiar way as in al-ʿālī al-amīrī in l. 2 and in al-mujāhidī in l.3. Even when there is no need for the addition of two points under

hebron (al-khalīl)

67

the yāʾ (when used as alif maqṣūrah) two points were added as in ʿalā in l.3. The engraver of the inscription did not plan it properly and had to squeeze l.6 under l.5. The letter mīm was always written as a loop or a small circle under the letter preceding it (see the previous inscription where this phenomenon is very clear), and sometimes it is so small that it almost disappears in places where the inscription was slightly damaged as in [wa]-al-muslimīn (end of l.4) or when the space was limited as in wa-kāfat al-muslimīn, the second mīm in the last word in the inscription in l.6 can hardly be seen. These and other peculiarities in the orthography of this inscription lead me to conclude that it was a close imitation of the written text from which it was copied, with an attempt to impose some of the general elements of the late Ayyūbid epigraphic style on it. Thus words like shaykh, ḍarīḥ, ʿAlī, aṣ-ṣāliḥ, in l.4 and a few others are imitations of the handwritten text. This is particularly obvious in the word (i)bn (l.5). The influence of the Ayyūbid epigraphy is obvious in the lāmalif, and the tā marbūṭah. Contents The inscription testifies to the fact that the building of the Sanctuary of ʿAlī al-Bakkā and the public water basin were done simultaneously and by the same people. Ṭuranṭāy al-Manṣurī was the initiator of the project, and ʿAlī b. Maḥmūd was the man on the spot who supervised it. About the latter we have no information. Ṭuranṭāy was discussed in the previous entry. l.4: [wa]-al-muslimīn. MvB added wāw and alif �‫ [وا]�ل���م��س�ل�مي�� ن‬in square brackets. In fact only the wāw is missing, but it certainly was there in the area which appears to be rubbed out. The alif is clearly there. The sentence is an invocation to Allah to cause the water basin to benefit the builder and the other Muslims. It is clear that the project of building the Sanctuary also included the construction of facilities for supplying water to the visitors. The presence of a natural source of fresh underground water obviated the need to bring the water from a distance. Maqām ash-Shaykh Yūsuf A small domed tomb chamber built with roughly cut, small stones (Husseini, IAA files, Report No. 294), named after a certain local Shaykh, described in his epitaph as the “servant of al-Khalīl.” It is adjacent to the mosque of ʿAlī al-Bakkā, 50 meters to the east, on the road, and next to the water basin of Ṭurunṭāy (see above No. 11).

68

hebron (al-khalīl) 12 Epitaph of a Muslim

10 Jumādā I 685/4 July 1286

A slab of limestone, 0.93x0.36m. damaged at the bottom right corner, embedded in the wall of the maqām on the north side of the entrance looking north. Present conditions: measurements 0.63x0.36m., because the lower part is sunk into the asphalt of the road (Fig. 11a). Originally 8-9 lines; provincial Ayyūbid-early Mamlūk naskhī, a few points, no vowels; incised. The inscription was badly planned so that the first six lines are lavishly spread out and the last lines are crowded and display a primitive script. For this reason it is difficult to ascertain whether line 8 is one or two lines. It seems that the stone was damaged at the bottom right corner before the writing of the inscription, and the end of the text was packed into a very small space in the left corner. The best existing photograph of the inscription comes from the archives of the IAA showing the whole stone and date clearly. This is the inscription that van Berchem saw in 1911-1912, ascertained its date, Jumādā I, 685 (MvB Coll. “MvB Coll. “al-Ḫalīl”), but did not leave its reading. A decade or so later it was seen by Jaussen who read it until the middle of line 7. Fig. 11 (= IAA photo). Publication: Jaussen, BIFAO 25:34, No. 26. MvB coll. (ibid.) described but not read; partly read by Husseini, Iaa Files “Hebron” Report No. 294 dated 29 November 1943.

‫)�ذ و ا �جل‬٣ ]‫ك �م� ن ع��لي���ه�ا ف��ا � و���ق و ج��ه ر ب��ـ[�ـ�ك‬ ‫�را‬ ‫��لا ل والا ك‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫ب‬ � ‫) �ل‬٢ ‫ح�م‬ ‫ّ نٍ يب ى‬ ‫م‬ ّ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ّ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ح ��ا د ����س���د �ا ا �ل‬ ‫)�يو��س� ا �ب�(!) ا ��س‬٥ ��‫)�ه� ا �ض� ري� ا �ل�ع ب���د ا �ل��������ي��ر ا لى ا �ل�ل�ه �ع و ج‬٤ � ‫ي‬ � ‫���لي��ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ح‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ن‬ � � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � � � ‫ل‬ ‫ال‬ � � � � � ‫)ع��لي��ه ا ����ض‬٦ ‫) م�� ج �م�ا د ى � و ل‬٨ ‫)ا ى حي��� و �ا ��ه و و �ي �ي ا ل�ع���ر‬٧ ‫� �ل ا ل���ص�ل وا ل��س�ل م‬ ‫ن �ة خ‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ث ن ن‬ ‫ت‬ (a few words)... �‫)ي‬٩ ‫����س��� ��م��س و ����م�ا �ي��� و����س�����م�ا‬ Basmalah. Every one upon it passes away, but the face of thy Lord, full of glory and honour, doth endure (Q, 55: 26-27. Trans. Bell.). This is the tomb of the slave, the needy for Allah the Glorified and Exalted, Yusūf b. Isḥaq the servant of our master al-Khalīl blessing and peace be on him, up until his death. He died on 10th Jumādā I, 685 (=4 July 1286) …

L.2: ‫ وي���قى و ج��ه ر ب��ك‬not in Jaussen. ّ ّ ‫ب‬ ‫ت‬ L.4. ‫ �ع�ز و ج��ل‬is clear. Correct Jaussen: ‫��ع�ا لى‬ ّ L.5: ‫ ����سي���د ن�ا‬inscribed on top of the line except for the last two letters nūn and alif at the end of the line. Not in Jaussen. L. 7: The continuation of the line and the rest of the inscription which is missing in Jaussen are clear. The existing photographs do not permit the sure reading of the last few words which must have been some blessing formula.

hebron (al-khalīl)

69

Yūsuf b. Isḥāq’s name does not appear in Mujīr ad-Dīn’s book or in any other Arabic source. It is clear that his description as “the servant of al-Khalīl” does not represent any official post. The official post referring to Hebron and Jerusalem was nāẓir al-ḥaramayn ash-sharifayn—the inspector of the two Holy Sanctuaries. The term khādim in the context of holy sanctuaries was one of the titles of the sultan (al-alqāb as-sulṭāniyyah) who was “the Servant of the two Holy Sanctuaries” in Mecca and Medinah. (Qalqashandī, 6:46) It should therefore be assumed that Yūsuf b. Isḥāq in this inscription spent his life, or at least the last part of it, offering a service of some kind in the main Sanctuary and earned locally the epithet of khādim al-khalīl, and the honour of a holy man. The simple tomb chamber represents many similar tombs of local saints scattered throughout the country, consisting of a raised (usually) plastered tomb over which a primitive domed structure is built. The chambers of Abraham and Sarah The cenotaphs representing the tombs of Abraham and his wife Sarah were erected in front of the entrance into the principal hall of the mosque, in the narthex of the Byzantine church. Abraham’s cenotaph is the western one (Plan, 6), and Sarah’s is the eastern one (Plan, 7. Mujīr 1281:40; 1973, 1:41). These are first to be met on entering the Ḥaram through the main gate on the east (Plan, 2). Each one of the two cenotaphs is within its own chamber (similar to a chapel) creating an independent Sanctuary: “al-ḥaḍrah ash-ṣharīfah al-ibrāhīmiyyah—the Noble Abrahamic Presence.” There is a vestibule between the two chambers through which one passes to reach the gates leading to the cenotaph of Abraham on the right and that of Sarah on the left. The entrance into the vestibule from the open court and a porch, is through a gate leading to “bāb al-ḥaḍrah” (Plan, 3b), representing the fact that it leads to the Sanctuary of the “noble presence” of Abraham (al-ḥaḍrah ash-sharīfah). Three gates lead into the main mosque from the north, this being the middle one. (wa-huwa al-awsaṭ fayantahī ilā al-ḥaḍrah ash-sharīfah. Mujīr, 1283:57; 1973, 1:61) The open court in front of the porch forms a division between the sanctuaries of Abraham and Sarah and those of Jacob and his wife Leah. The arches of the porch, in front of the original narthex, rest on heavy, square pillars built with rows of alternating red and white ashlars in the ablaq Mamlūk style. On the other (southeastern) side of the vestibule there is another gate opening into the main mosque (originally the nave of the Byzantine church)—al-isḥāqiyyah—where the chambers of Isaac on the west (Plan, 8) and Rebecca on the east (Plan, 9) are located; they stand free in the great hall. The chambers of Abraham and Sarah and the vestibule between them are decorated with Qurʾānic verses, such as Q, 16:123; 38:45-47, and other similar verses in

70

hebron (al-khalīl)

honour of the Patriarchs which are in monumental Mamlūk and Ottoman script the like of which can be seen throughout the Ḥaram. The northern gate into the vestibule has two wooden door wings painted green which, according to the inscriptions attached to them, were fixed to the gate in 685/1286—as we shall soon see. The measurements of the door wings are as follows: left door-wing is 2.85m high, 0.87m. wide; the right door wing is 2.85m high and 0.93m. wide. Each one of the door wings was supplied with a door knocker above the middle of the door and 0.19m. from the edge, and two inscribed copper bands, one 0.44m. from the top of both doors and the other 0.38m. from the bottom of the left door and one 0.46m. from the bottom of the right door. The brass door knockers have the shape of an almost round, perforated leaf and are mounted over round, inscribed plates (“rings”) (Figs. P7, P8). Vincent-Mackay and Juassen thought wrongly that the inscriptions on the “rings” were identical. The inscriptions on the copper bands begin at the top of the right doorwing and continue at the top of the left one, then on the lower right and the lower left. The upper bands bear a Qurʾānic inscription and the lower bands are historical. However, the inscriptions of these bands represent one unit, beginning with the verses and finishing with the date. More details about these fixtures are supplied in the introduction to the inscriptions in what follows. 13 Construction Text

685/1286

Two copper bands attached with large copper nails to each of the two door wings in the gate leading from the porch on the north-east into the vestibule between the chambers housing the cenotaphs of Abraham on the right (west), and Sarah on the left (east). The upper bands: right door wing 0.93x0.14m; left door wing 0.87x0.14m.; total length 1.80m. Lower bands: right door wing 0.93x0.125m.; left door wing 0.87x0.125m.; total length 1.80m. One line, very fine, monumental, early Mamlūk naskhī, medium size letters, engraved against background free of decorations, in flat relief. Very fine border lines run along the whole inscription. Figs. Top inscription, right and left: 12a, 12b (Qurʾānic text). Bottom inscription right and left: 12c, 12d, 12e, 12f, 12g, 12h (historical text); P7 left door, P8 right door). Publication (only the historical text): Vincent-Mackay, Hébron, 210, No.7; Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:4-5, No. 2; RCEA, 13:51-52, No. 4876; Shiblī, 1984:44-45; Ruqūm, 691-694 (Qurʾānic text), 701-704 (historical text). Cf. Jaussen, ibid., 6; Vincent-Mackay, 216; CIA, I, Egypte 2:37, n. 3. Upper bands:

:Left

ً � �‫�ه‬ ‫ا� ا‬ ‫ح��ن ي�� ف���ا‬ ‫ب ر يم‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

َ‫َ ه‬ ‫ح����س نٌ ا ت�� �م�َّ�ة‬ ‫����هُ �ل�ل�ه و�ه َو م‬ � ‫َو�َم� نْ� ا‬ �‫ح����س نُ� د ي�نً��ا �ِم� َ��م� ن� ا ��س��ل و ج‬ �‫� � و ب ل‬ ‫ف أع‬ ‫� � �ه� خ اً � مف‬ ‫� � ال �ض‬ ‫ت‬ � .� ‫ و ل�ل�ه �م�ا �ي ا �ل��س���م�ا وا �(!) و م�ا �ي � ر‬: ‫ا ل�ل�ه ا ب ر ا يم ���لي��ل‬

71

َ‫تَّخَ�ذ‬ � ‫وا‬ ��

:Right

Who is better as regards religion than he who surrenders himself to Allah, doing good meanwhile, and following the creed of Abraham as a Ḥanīf? Allah took Abraham as a friend. To Allah belongs whatever is in the heavens and whatever is in the earth (Q, 4:125-126. Trans. Bell, Q, 4:124-125)

Lower bands:

‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ه� ا �ل‬ ‫� �ل ا �ل���ص�لا �ة وا �ل��س�لا‬ ‫ ا �مر ب��ع���م�ا ر �ة �ه� ا ا ��لب��ا ب� ع��لى �ض� ري� ا ب���ي ن��ا ا ب�ر ا‬:Right ‫�خ��لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا ����ض‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ف �غُ م‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ق ا ن ا � �ل� �ق ا � ا � �ؤ � ن ن � � �ة‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ن‬ ‫��س�م مي��ر ل���م م��ي��� �ي ر‬ ‫ [�ل��س�ـ]�ـ��ل��ط�ا � ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا �ل���م� ���صو ر �ل و � ل���ص�ا ح�ي ي‬:Left ‫�مو لا �ا ا‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ش����هر ر ج�� ب� ا �ل��ف��رد �م� ن� �ش����هو ر ����سن����ة ��م��س وث����م�ا ن�ي�� ن� و����ست�����م�ا ي��ة �ع�ز ن����صره‬ Has ordered the building of this door (which is located) at the tomb of our father Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl, may the most excellent blessing and peace be on him, our lord the sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalāwun the Mamlūk of (al-Malik) aṣ-Ṣāliḥ the associate of the Commander of the Faithful in the first day of (ghurrah) Rajab “the single” (al-fard), in the year 685 (=23 August 1286), may his victory be glorified.

The term ghurrah refers to the first day of the month and al-fard is an epithet of the month Rajab because it is the only holy month that has stood on its own among the four holy months of the year since pre-Islamic times. The holy months dhū al-qaʿdah, dhū al-ḥijjah, and muḥarram follow each other (thalāthah sard) and Rajab the seventh month is single (fard). During this month, all acts of war stopped, and special sacrifices and other acts of piety and devotion used to take place in it. Some of these practices were adopted by Islam and have ample references in Islamic tradition. (Kister, 1971:191-223) The title qasīm amīr al-muʾminīn was one of the oldest titles in combination with amīr al-muʾminīn. It was only used in the protocol for the sultan throughout the Mamlūk period. (Qalqashandī, 6:65, 108) It was Baybars who installed the Caliph al-Mustanṣir, Aḥmad Abū al-Qāsim, in Cairo in 659/1261 with great pomp after the Mongols put an end to the ʿAbbāsid Caliphate in Baghdād (656/1258). By claiming that the Caliph continued to enjoy his caliphal position and exercise his supreme authority over the Islamic community, Baybars could claim full legitimacy for his rule since he received confirmation (in fact “nomination”) from the caliph himself. Therefore, the title qasīm amīr al-muʾminīn was more than an ordinary honorific title, for it established the Sultan’s “partnership” in the caliph’s authority. Although this authority was only nominal, it was deemed important to emphasize it as a necessary source of legitimacy. The title appears for the first time in an inscription

72

hebron (al-khalīl)

in al-Madrasah aẓ-Ẓāhiriyyah in Cairo from 660/1261. (CIA, 1, Egypt, No. 74) All the Mamlūk sultans after Baybars made sure to receive nominal confirmation of their rule from the resident caliph. When the title of qasīm amīr al-muʾminīn was coined, a whole series of “combined titles” (alqāb murakkabah) containing amīr al-muʾminīn had already been in use before the Mamlūk period, such as burhān—proof, khalīl— friend, sayf—sword, shihāb—spark, and so on, all followed by amīr al-muʾminīn. (OM, 1:441-442) Most of them became part of the protocol in the Mamlūk sultanate, and were used for military officers of high rank, below the sultan. (Qalqashandī, 6:108-109. For more sultanic titles see also CIAP, 2:79-80. For a short biography of Qalāwun see Manhal, 9, 2002, No. 1890) Alleged inscription on Abraham’s Sanctuary—a literary testimony The following information, concerning an inscrip­tion which was supposed to have been written on Abraham’s tomb, was recorded by Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283: 41; 1973, 1:43). The information should not be taken at face value.

‫ق‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�خ��ل�� ع��ل��ه ا �ل��س� ا �م��كت� ًا ح��قل����ة‬ ‫�ه� ا �ل‬ ‫ ا �ص �ب�� ت� ع��لى � ب��ر ا ب�ر ا‬:‫و ر و �ي� �ع� ن� و�ه� ب� � نب� �م��ن ب���ه ��ا ل‬ �‫و ب‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ل‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف� ج�ح‬ :‫�ر‬ ‫�ي‬ َُ‫ت غ ن ن ي‬ ُ ‫أ‬ ُ ‫ًأ‬ َ ‫�غ‬ ‫ت‬ ّ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ �ِ ‫ي����مو� �م�� ج��ا ء � ج��ل�ه    ل�� ����� �ع���ه‬ �‫   � ر ج‬ ‫ح���ل�ه‬   ‫���هولا � �م�ل�ه‬ ‫ي‬ ‫�ز ا د �� ض‬ : ‫ع���� ا �ه�ل ا �ل�ع��ل‬ ‫ب‬ َ‫مح‬ ُ ُ ُ‫ف� ا �ل��ق���� الا �ع�م�لُ�ه‬ ‫  وا �ل���مرء لا �ي���ص��� ب���ه   �ي بر‬

It is told on the authority of Wahb b. Munabbih (d. 110/728 or 114/732) who said: “I happened to find on the tomb of Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl, peace be on him, written on a disc(?) in a stone: The hope of the ignorant deceived him. None of his devices avail him.

He whose fixed time comes—dies.

One of the scholars added: And man is accompanied only by his deeds in his grave.”

It is certain that such an “inscription”—a poem containing the usual aphorisms about life and death, and the importance of piety and good deeds—was never written on Abraham’s tomb. The attribution of the information to Wahb b. Munabbih, one of the early tābiʿīn, and a “source” of a great number of traditions, is intended to give the quotation credibility. In spite of that, it is important to include it here since it is described as an “inscription,” and I make the effort to quote literary reports

hebron (al-khalīl)

73

as well in the CIAP, even when I think that they are forgeries, or the product of an overactive imagination. The “inscription” is an almost word for word quotation of a poem attributed to ʿAlī b. Abū Ṭālib (Ibn Abū al-Ḥadīd, 1379/1959, 2:320) which runs as follows:

َُ‫أ ج‬ ُ‫ت‬ ‫� �م� ن� ج��ا ء � ��ل�ه‬ ‫ي�مو‬ ُ‫حيَ���لُ�ه‬ �ِ ‫ل �ت غ��� ن� �ع ن���ه‬ ِ ‫م‬ ُ‫ق��د �غ�ا � �ع ن���ه �أ َّ �لُ�ه‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب‬ ُ َ َ‫م‬ ُ‫ف� �ق�� ه لا �ع� �ل�ه‬ ‫�ي ب ِر �إ‬

The hope of the ignorant deceived him.

And whoever approaches his death There is no existence for an end And man is accompanied only

ُ ‫ً أ‬ �‫�غ� َّر ج‬ ‫���هولا � �م�ل�ه‬ � �‫و�م� ن� د ن�ا �م� ن‬ ‫حت��فِ�� ِ�ه‬ ‫�م�ا ���ق���ا ء �آ خ‬ � ‫و ب‬ ‫ِ ٍر‬ ُ ُ‫حُ���ه‬ ‫وا �ل���مرء لا �ي���ص��� ب‬

He whose fixed time comes dies.

none of his devices avail him. when its beginning is obscured by his deeds in his grave

Mujīr’s report was copied from earlier sources. Ibn Kathīr (al-Bidāyah, 1417/1996, 1:255) quoting Ibn ʿAsākir, also attributes the report about the poem (with a small variant: alhā istead of gharra) to Wahb. The ascription of the poem to ʿAlī should not be taken seriously. Abū al-ʿAtāhiyyah is the better candidate for the authorship of the poem. (See Khālid Sayyid ʿAlī, Ṣayd al-Qalam 1418/1998. ch. 29) There is a variant quoted by ad-Daylamī (8th/14th century) in his Iʿlām ad-Dīn, attributed to Abū Nuwwās (146/743-198/813) which runs as follows:

‫أ‬ ‫  �م ت‬ ‫� �م� ن� ج��ا � ج��ل�ه‬ ‫يو‬ � ‫  ل �ت غ��� ن� ����عن���ه‬ ‫حي���ل�ه‬ ‫أ‬ ‫م �غ‬ ‫ ��قــ�د �ا ب� �ع ن���ه � و �ل�ـ�ه‬ ‫ د نـ��يـــ�ا ه �إ لا �ع���م�ل�ه‬

The hope of the ignorant deceived him; And he who approaches his day And how (can) the last remain And man is accompanied from

‫ً أ‬ ّ �� � ‫��غ�ر ���ج�هولا � ��م�ل�ه‬ ‫و�م� ن� د ن�ا �م� ن� �يو���م�ه‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫و �ك‬ �‫������ي� ي� �����ب�ق�ى � ���خر‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ���‫لا �ي���ص‬ ��‫ح� ب� الا ���س�ا � �م‬

he whose fixed time comes dies. his devices are of no avail to him. when its beginning is obscured. his world only by his deeds.

In other words, a typical well-known poem was incorporated into a report which says that it had been seen by Wahb, emphasizing its antiquity in this way. I have shown elsewhere that a poem of Abū al-ʿAtāhiyah was actually used on a gravestone in Gaza (CIAP, 4:41ff. No. 01). In this case, however, the story is an outright invention precisely because it is attributed to times preceding Wahb b. Munabbih who

74

hebron (al-khalīl)

died in 112/730 or 114/732, some twenty years before the birth of Abū al-ʿAtāhiyyah. (“Wahb. B. Munabbih,” EI) The attribution of the poem to Abū Nuwwās, the “poet of liquor” (shāʿir al-khamr), who was born some 40 years after the death of Wahb, makes this story even more unlikely. Addendum: Greek inscriptions Contribution of Leah Di Segni, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem Even more puzzling for the Muslims was the Greek inscription found in the Ḥaram near the southeastern corner of the left aisle of the main mosque opposite Rebecca’s cenotaph. It is on a slab of marble, 0.56x0.275m., now painted brown within a frame added to it. 6 lines in capital letters; incised. The inscription was seen and copied (with only few mistakes) by Lady Herbert (in Cradle Lands. London, Bentley, 1867:177). It was also copied by Vincent Mackay 1923:161 and published several times (see SEG 8:240). There is a worthless publication in Arabic with no Greek text offered, and no bibliography (Ruqūm, 369-372), where it is stated that somebody “who is familiar with the Greek language in Jerusalem” read the inscription and translated it into Arabic. It is clear from the ridiculous “translation” that the “expert” from Jerusalem was not exactly familiar with Greek. Fig. 12i; Pl. 25 .AΓIE ABRAAMA BωHΘI TON AOY  〚☩〛ἅγιε Ἀβράαμα, βωήθι τὸν οῦΛON COY NIΛON TON ΔMAPMA  λον σου Νῖλον τὸν (πρώτο)μαρμαPAPHN KAI AΓAΘHMEPON  ράρ(ο)ν καὶ Ἀγαθήμερον KAI ΥΓIAN KAI ωmabic kai Θω  καὶ Ὑγίαν καὶ Ὠμάβις καὶ ΘωMACIAN KAI ABΛAΛA KAI ANA  μασίαν καὶ Ἀβάλα καὶ ἈναCTACIAN  στασίαν. Saint Abraham, have pity on your servant, Nilus the master marble-worker, and on Agathemeros, and Hygia, and Omabis, and Tho–masia, and Abdallah and Ana–stasia.

(See Bagatti, 2002:76-77)

Ll.2-3: The Greek should read AMARMARARION. Alpha for proto- is common, and the spelling -in for -ion was also very common already in the Roman period and still more in the Byzantine. The same happens with the ending -ios, which becomes -is: for instance, you will mostly find Eusebis for Eusebios, Porphyris for Porphyrios and

hebron (al-khalīl)

75

Pl. 25. Greek inscription (Image courtesy of Holy Land Photos).

so on. In this case we have two additional complications. First, the marble-cutter engraved a delta instead of an alpha (at least so it seems to me both from the sketch and from the photo). It is not an uncommon mistake, for the stonecutters did not know how to read and write and just copied from a text written for them on a piece of parchment or papyrus or on a potsherd so they could easily confuse alpha and delta, alpha and lambda, lambda and delta (they could just as easily forget to cut a theta and make it into an omicron, or take a scratch in the original for a line and engrave theta instead of omicron). The second complication is the iotacism: eta was pronounced like iota, so you often find iota instead of eta or eta instead of iota: for instance, SPOUDI instead of SPOUDH, or the opposite, as in this case, MARMARARHN instead of MARMARARIN (=marmararion). As is usual in epigraphy, in the diplomatic copy I give the letters exactly as they appear on the stone, and in the transcription I correct the mistakes in angular brackets and the omissions in round brackets. A lost letter (in this case the lost cross) is marked with a dot in the diplomatic copy, and restored within square brackets in the transcription. L.5: About the name Abdallah: not only are there several examples in Greek inscriptions before the Muslim period, but the bishop of Elusa who attended the Council of Ephesus in 431 was named Abdallah; he signed the acts of the council alternatively as Abdelas and Theodulos. Here are the references for the council of Ephesus of 431: Theodulos bishop of Elusa, ACO I, 1, 2, p. 59, no. 87; II, 3, 1, p. 235, no. 194; Abdelas bishop of Elusa, ACO I, 1, 2, p. 4; I, 1, 7, p. 85; II, 3, 1, p. 198, no. 36. Other Christians called Abdallah in Greek inscriptions: a priest in the 6th-c. church at Kibbutz Magen SEG XXXV, no. 1552; a donor in the North Church at Avdat, SEG XXVIII, no. 1402; a pistikos (village magistrate) in the 6th-c. church of bishop Sergius at Umm ar-Rasas SEG XXXVII, no. 1597.

76

hebron (al-khalīl)

Earliest dated occurrence in my list: Madaba, 148 ce: P.-L. Gatier, Inscriptions de la Jordanie 2, Paris, 1986. No. 119. As to the date of the inscription, judging by the paleography I should say 5th c. or early 6th at the latest. (Leah di Segni, 2011) The Islamic Report This Greek inscription drew the attention of some of the more curious visitors to the Ḥaram and legends were created concerning it as one can learn from the following passage in Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283: 41; 1973, 1:43-44):

‫ح�د ث‬ ‫�خ��ل�� ع��ل��ه ا �ل��س�لا �ق�ا ل ��س���م�ع� ت� حم ن‬ ‫� ا ن� � ن حم‬ ‫� حم‬ ‫��م�د خ���ط��ي�� �م��س�� ج��د ا �ل‬ �‫��م�د � نب� ب� ك‬ ‫و‬ �‫��م�د �ب‬ �‫ب‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ل‬ ‫م‬ ‫ق‬ ‫خ� � ت � � ق ض�� أ � �ع � �ث ن � ن � ف � ن �ش �ذ ن ل �ق‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��س‬ �����‫ح�ا � ا �ل‬ � ‫حو �ي� ي�����و ل ر ج �� مع ا ل�����ا ي� � ب�ي �مر و ع� ���م�ا � ب� ج ��ع����ر ب� ���ا ا � �إ ى ب��ر‬ ‫�إ‬ ‫ف أ ق ن ث ث�ة أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫كا ن� ف� ا ��ل� ا �ل ا � ��ا ء ل ا ��لن�ق����ش‬ � ‫�ه� ا �ل‬ ‫�إ ب�ر ا ي‬ ‫���لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا م �� �م���ا ب��ه �لا � � ي�ا م ��ل�م�ا   � �ي يوم ر بع ج �إ ى‬ � ‫م‬ ‫ت ظ ت ت‬ ‫ح�ا ق ع��ل��ه ا �ل��س� ا ف��أ �م � غ‬ ‫ ر ف���ق����ة] �ز و ج���ة ��س‬،‫ا �ل���م��ق���ا ب� �ل��ق�� ب��ر ر ي���ق����ة [ر ب���ق����ة‬ � ‫ه‬ �� ‫كا ب�ت��ه‬ �� � ‫ح‬ ‫�ه‬ � ‫س‬ � � �� ‫ل‬ � ‫�� ي‬ ‫ى �ر‬ ‫لم رب‬ ‫�إ‬ ‫تق ل أ ن أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ � ��ع���ان‬.‫كا ن� �م�ع ن���ا ع��ل ا �لت�����م��ث��� ف� ن��ق����لت��ه‬ ‫و ������د ا ل ب�� � � ������ �م�ا �هو �م��ك�و ب� � ا �ل‬ � � �‫ح�� ج�را لى د ر ج‬ ‫ور ج‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ى‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫أ‬ ‫م �ي�ة ف أ‬ ‫� ن ��ل �ق أ ه ع��ل �ف‬ ‫ن ف� �أ �ق �أ ه �ل��ك ن �أ � ا �أ ن‬ � �� �‫ا لى ا �لر�م�ل‬ ‫كل ل��س�ا � ي�� ر� ي��ه ��ل ي� ك‬ ��� ��� � ‫ح� �ض�� ر � �ه�ل‬ � ‫ي�ه�م ح�د ي��� ر و ���ه�م ج �م�عو ع��لى‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫� ف‬ �‫��ي��ر ب‬ ‫�ه� ا ب��ل��س�ا ن� ا ��ل�يو ن�ا �ن�ي ا �ل��ق���د ي� وا ن���ه� لا �ي�ع�ل�مو ن� ا ن��ه ب�� ا ح�د ي����ق ر� ه �غ ي��ر �ش������ي���خ ب�ك‬ ‫ح�ل� ب� ���ع���م�د وا‬ ‫ف �ذ ق�ي‬ ‫م ن مأ‬ ‫فأ‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ � � � � � � ‫ ف��ل�م�ا‬.‫� �ا ر ه‬ � ‫�إ لى �إ‬ � � ‫ح���ض‬ ‫ح� �ض�� ر �ع���د ه � ح� �ض�� ر �ن�ي �ا ا �هو �������ي�� �كب�ي��ر � �م��لى ع��ل�ي ا ل�������ي�� ا ل���م��ح� �ض�� ر‬ ‫نق ف‬ :‫�م� ن� ح�ل� ب� �م�ا �������لت��ه ��ي ا �ل�د ر ج� ع��لى ا �لت�����م��ثي���ل‬ ‫�ذ ق‬ ‫� �ش� � ق‬ ‫�ش‬ ‫� ش‬ �‫ط�� ا �ل�ع��ل� ا �ل��ذ �� لا ي‬ � � � ‫ �ه� ا � ب��ر‬.‫ح�د‬ ‫ب���سم �إ �ل�ه�ي ا �ل�ه ا ل�عر � ا ل�����ا �هر ا �ل�ه�ا د �ي� ا ل����د ي��د ا �لب��� � يم ي‬ ‫� �ذ ئ � ن � �ة � ش ق ق‬ ‫� ا �ه� ا �لخ‬ �‫���لي�� �ص��ل ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه و��س��ل وا �ل�ع��ل ا �ل��ذ �� ب‬ ‫ح� ا ��ه م�� ج���ه� ا‬ ‫ل���ر � � ب��ر �ز و ج�ت���ه‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ى‬ ‫م ي‬ ‫�إ ب ر يم‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ق‬ ‫��س�ا �ة ا �ل�ع��ل ال� ��� ا �ل���م ا �ز � �ل��ق���� � ا �ه� ا �لخ‬ ‫���ل�� ���ر ��ع��ق�� � وا �ل��ق����ر ا �ل� �� ���ل��ه �م� ن‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫تي‬ ‫ر و م �صى و ي� بر �إ ب ر يم‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ل��� ق ق��� ا ���ل��ا �ز �ت���ه �ص�ل ا ت‬ ‫� ا �ل�ل�ه �ت�ع�ا ل ��س�لا �م�ه ع��ل��ه� � ج��م�ع�� ن‬ ‫ش‬ � � ‫ا‬ � �� ‫�ك‬ � ‫ع‬ � ‫ل‬ � �� � ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ا � ر � بر ي ي و ج‬ � ‫ى‬ ‫و‬ � ‫�ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ص‬ ‫م‬ ‫�خ‬ .‫���ط�ه‬ ‫ب‬ Muḥammad b. Bakrān b. Muḥammad the preacher (khaṭīb) of the mosque of al-Khalīl peace be on him said: I heard the grammarian Muḥammad b. Isḥāq who said, “I went out with the qāḍī Abū ʿAmr ʿUthmān b. Jaʿfar b. Shādhān to the tomb of Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl peace be on him and we stayed therein three days. On the fourth day he approached the inscription opposite the tomb of Ribqah (or Rifqah; “Rīqa” is obviously a copyist mistake MS), Isaac’s wife, peace be on him, and gave an order to wash it until the script became apparent. Then he asked me to copy that which was written on the stone onto a sheet of paper that was

hebron (al-khalīl)

77

with us by way of imitation, and I copied it. After we returned to ar-Ramlah, he assembled the speakers of every language to read it to him, but there was not even one person who was able to read it. However, they all agreed that this was written in ancient Greek, and that they do not know anybody alive who could read it except a very old man in Aleppo. They resolved to bring him over. And when he arrived at the qādī’s presence he called me, and I saw that he was indeed a very old Shaykh. This same Shaykh who was brought from Aleppo dictated (the meaning of) that which I had copied onto the scroll by way of imitations as follows: In the name of my god the god of the throne the vanquisher the guide, the possessor of great power the omniscient, the limitless. This is the grave of Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl may Allah bless him and give him peace and the cenotaph which is next to him on the east is the tomb of his wife Sārah (Sarah) and the furthest cenotaph facing that of Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl is the tomb of Yaʿqūb (Jacob) and the tomb next to it on the east is the tomb of Ilyā (Leah) his wife, may the blessing of Allah and his peace be on them all. al-ʿĪṣ (Esau) wrote this by his own hand.

Esau in the Arabic sources is called ʿĪṣ b. Isḥāq (Ṭabarī 1:354) and ʿĪṣū (Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīkh, 1:28; al-Maqdisī, al-Badʿ wa-al-Taʾrīkh, 1903, 3:63). In the Arabic sources just quoted, ʿĪṣ is the father of the Rūm, the Greeks, and more specifically the Byzantines. (No doubt influenced by the Jewish tradition that identifies Esau as Edom a general name adopted to depict Rome.) The fact that this inscription was identified as a Greek inscription, and an ancient one, found in the Sanctuary of the Patriarchs, induced the overactive imagination that offered the “translation,” to attribute it to the father of the Greeks (Rūm) who is also the grandson of Abraham, the natural author of such an inscription. According to Jewish tradition Esau’s head was buried with Jacob. The Talmudic legend relates that Ḥushīm the son of Dan cut off Esau’s head in the course of an argument which broke out between Jacob’s children and their uncle during Jacob’s funeral. The head fell into Jacob’s sepulcher and was left there. (BT, Sotah, 13a another version) The legend found its way to the Islamic sources and was recorded in some detail by Mujīr ad-Dīn who relates that al-ʿĪṣ’s head was cut either by one of his brothers or by one of Jacob’s sons and remained in the burial cave. (Mujīr, 1283:41; 1973, 1:43) There are two more short Greek graffiti that seem to be parts of longer invocations. One is on an ashlar found in the subterranean chamber (see above No. 1) under the Sanctuary floor, which must have come from the building above. Below is my copy based on a video frame:

It seems to me that the third letter from the end is an H, not a M (could well be my bad copy MS), and the word is ABRAHAM, only a rho supplanted the R. Byzantine

78

hebron (al-khalīl)

notaries were quite used to write Greek in Latin letters, in which Greek letters were sometimes mixed. In their alphabets H and eta had the same shape, and one can find cursive etas shaped like cursive M or N. This might have caused the confusion. The shape of the first letter, an A with a kind of flat roof on it, seems quite late to me (medieval?). I have seen an A like this in Crusader inscriptions at Akko (Acre). (Note by Leah Di Segni). The other is a graffito found on the north eastern wall of the open court between Abraham and Sarah’s chambers (al-ḥaḍrah ash-sharīfah) and Jacob and Leah’s Sanctuary (al-yaʿqūbiyyah). It runs as follows (pl. 26):

 

Pl. 26. N/E wall open court graffito. (Left, SWP copy; Right, Bagatti copy and reconstruction).

Vincent dealt with it in Hébron, le Haram el Khalil. He explained it as three names: [Zo]nenou, Abramiou, [P]omanous (Romanous), two names in the genitive and the third a Latin nominative written in Greek. (See Bagatti, Ancient Christian Villages of Judaea and the Negev, pp. 76-77 and fig. 9 at p. 72). According to a report by the waqf authorities in Hebron there was another block of stone, one of the three stelea found in the subterranean chamber on which there was the word JACOB. (Tamīmī, al-Masjid al-Ibrāhīmī, 1405/1985:97, 200). If indeed such a graffito existed, it is unlikely that the name was written in this modern transcript (See above, No. 1.) Copper knockers on Wooden door wings: chambers of Abraham and Sarah The wooden door wings of the gate leading to the main mosque (bāb al-ḥaḍrah. Fig. P4), the former Byzantine basilica, discussed in the former entry (No. 13), were fitted with copper knockers mounted at the centre of a wide circular copper bands resembling round plates. The inscriptions on these circular bands attribute the building of the gate to Qalāwun. The gate (Plan, 5’), as we saw, opens into a vestibule (Plan, 5) between the chambers of Abraham and Sarah (Plan, 6, 7), also described above. Similar knockers were fitted on the main gate of the Ḥaram. In the previous publication of the inscription, Jaussen (see below) thought that the text on the two wings was identical, which is not the case as we shall soon see. Although these inscriptions

hebron (al-khalīl)

79

are not dated, it is safe to place them at 685/1286, the same date as the inscriptions on the copper bands. All the inscriptions on copper on these door wings display the same script and the same decorative elements; all belong to the works of Qalāwun. The gate known as bāb al-ḥaḍrah is next to the cenotaph of Abraham (and Sarah, but refers to the Patriarch) and for this reason, the previous inscriptions as well as the following two speak about the construction of the gate “on the tomb of our father Abraham.” Since the gate existed before the time of Qalāwun, the statement in all the inscriptions must be understood to refer to the construction of the door wings fitted with the inscribed door-knockers. The noun used to describe Qalāwun’s work is ʿimārah which has the elusive meaning of building and repair. Qalāwun was one of a few Mamlūk rulers and high ranking officers who contributed handsome funds for building in Jerusalem and Hebron, the only two ancient sanctuaries in their northern province. One should remember that the Mamlūks, notwithstanding their sultans, were very pious Muslims. Islamic piety was an initial part of their education in military school and their faithfulness to Islam went together with the second principle in their education and training—loyalty to the master (ustādh) and liberator, and solidarity with their comrades (khushdāshiyyah) (Ayalon 1951. L’Esclavge du Mamlouk. Israel Oriental Society, 1:29). Muslim piety came first, and one way to demonstrate it was by making endowments for holy places, and looking after them. The chief works of Qalāwun were no doubt the building of major institutions and the tiling of the Sanctuary dedicated to Abraham. The door wings with the copper knockers were regarded as part of all the construction activity which took place in the Abrahamic chamber which, according Mujīr, was accomplished by 686/1287, a date which more or less agrees with the date on the copper bands and knockers—685/1286. Take into consideration that the inscribed copper objects were prepared some time before being fixed in place. 14 Construction Text

685/1286

Two “discs” of copper sometimes described as “rings”, diameter 0.18m. fixed at some distance above the middle of the door wings 0.19m from their edge. Very fine, monumental old Mamlūk naskhī, engraved as an inner circle close to the pivotal point to which the knocker is attached. The spaces between the letters were fully covered with floral decorative elements and the inscribed part is encircled by a decorative band in a form of a chain. The space between the “chain element” and edge of the copper strip, about 2cm. wide, is empty accept for the copper nails near the edge which attach the copper plates to the wood. Figs. 13a,13b,13c,13d,13e,13f,13g,13h.

80

hebron (al-khalīl)

­ ublication: Vincent-Mackay, 1923:211, No. 8; Jaussen, BIFAO 25:6, No. 3; RCEA 13:52, P No. 4877. cf. Vincent-Mackay, 1923:216. As mentioned already, Jaussen thought that the text of the inscriptions on both doors was identical: “The same text is repeated on the other copper ring, on the other wing of the same door.” (Jaussen, loc. cit.). This is not the case, and although there is, naturally, a similarity between the inscriptions they are not identical and therefore we shall regard them as two inscriptions: one simple (Figs. 13e,13f,13g,13h) the other more sophisticated (Figs. 13a,13b,13c,13d).

‫ن‬ ‫ ا �م ��ع� م�ا �ة �ه��ذ ا ا ��ل��ا ع�� ا �� ن��ا ا � ا �ه� ا �لخ‬.1 ‫ن‬ � ‫���لي��ل �ص��لى ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه و��س��ل �مو لا �ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا‬ ‫ر ب �� ر‬ ‫ب ب� لى ب �ي ب ر يم‬ ‫م‬ �‫ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا �ل���م��ن���صو ر �ق�لا و ن� ا �ل���ص�ا �ل‬ ‫ح‬ ‫�ي‬ Has ordered the building of this door over the (tomb) of our father Ibrāhīm, al-Khalīl, God bless him and grant him peace, our lord the sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr Qalāwun, the Mamlūk of al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ.

Jaussen read al-bāb al-mubārak. The word al-mubārak does not exist in this text.

‫ ا �م ��ع� م�ا �ة �ه��ذ ا ا ��ل��ا ا �ل� م���ا ك ع�� ا �� ن��ا ا � ا �ه� ا �لخ‬.2 ‫���لي��ل �ص��لى ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه و��س��ل �مو لا ن�ا‬ ‫ر ب �� ر‬ ‫ب ب� �� ب ر لى ب �ي ب ر يم‬ ‫م‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا �ل���م��ن���ص ����س�� ف� ا �ل�د ن���ا ا �ل�د � ن‬ �‫ي� ��لا و ن� ا �ل���ص�ا �ل‬ ‫ح‬ � ‫ي و‬ ‫ور ي‬ ‫�ي‬ Has ordered the building of this blessed door over the (tomb) of our father Ibrāhīm, al-Khalīl, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, our lord the sultan al-Malik al-Manṣūr, the sword of the world and religion, Qalāwun, the Mamlūk of al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ.

These inscriptions represent the last stage of Qalāwun’s work in the Sanctuary of Hebron, which also continued in 686, as we learn from the following inscription. Here we must note that inscription No. I in this entry was described by VincentMackay-Abel (1923:211) not as engraved on the “rings” of copper but over the round decorative marble ring covering the cistern-mouth opening into the subterranean cavern. There is no such inscription over the ring of marble which covers the only open entrance into the cavern under a small dome next to the northern, inner wall of the main mosque. The only inscription on this marble ring is dated from 1208/1793. In the RCEA (13, No.4877) the reference to the inscription in the Vincent-Mackay describes it as the one on the rings of copper. No mention is made of the circular perforated slab of marble decorating the entrance to the cave.

hebron (al-khalīl) 15 Reconstruction Text

81

686/1287

A slab of marble 1.5x0.40m. forming the inner side of the lintel of the door leading into the chamber of the cenotaph of Abraham. 2 lines, within a raised frame, divided by a band, monumental Mamlūk naskhī, slightly interwoven letters, points, vowels and some signs; in relief. Floriated decorations, painted red, fill the spaces between golden letters painted against a crimson-blue background. Fig. 14. Publication: Ruqūm, 387-388.

‫ن ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ا �م ت�� خ�� �ه��ذه ا �ل��ق������ة ا � ش ف �ة‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫)وا �ل�د�ي� ��لا و‬٢ ‫ل���ر�ي����� �مو لا �ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا ب�و ا �ل���م�ع�ا ل�ي ����سي��� ا �ل�د ن�ي��ا‬ ‫ب‬ ‫) ر ب� ر يم‬١ ‫ا � ص�ا �ل� ا �ع�ز ا �ل�ل�ه ن� ص ه �ض �ا �ع��ف ا � ه ����سن����ة ����س� ت ث�� م�ا ن�� ن ����ست��� م�ا �ة‬ ��‫ل‬ �‫� و �� �ي� و �� ي‬ ‫��� ر و� � ج ر‬ ‫� ح�ي‬

Has ordered the tiling of this noble chamber, our lord the sultan, his Excellency (abū al-maʿālī) the sword of the world and religion (sayf ad-dunyā wa-ad-dīn), Qalāwun the Mamlūk of alMalik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ may Allah glorify his victory and multiply his reward. In the year 686 (began 16 Feb. 1287).

The note in Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283:435; 1973 2:89) about the date of Qalāwun’s tiling of the Abrahamic chamber in 686/1287 is no doubt based on this inscription. The walls of the chamber are actually tiled with large slabs of gray-white marble and all along the walls above the height of the present inscription (some 2.5m. from the ground) and almost as wide, runs a ṭirāz inscription, that is to say a one line Qurʾānic inscription (containing Q, 2:124-125, 135; 4:126 and more) in beautiful, monumental late Mamlūk script painted white against a blue background with floriated decorations between the letters painted red. Canopy above the aperture leading to the underground cave A canopy on the north-west side of the main mosque, built in very close proximity to Abraham’s chamber above the aperture leading to the cave under the Sanctuary, believed to be the original burial place of the Patriarchs (cave of makhpela). It consists of a beautiful ribbed dome, decorated on top with a metal rod fitted with a ball above which rises a ring representing the crescent or full moon. The dome rests on a drum perforated with clover-like windows built over a slightly wider square structure with a cornice on top, underneath which there are four clover-like arches resting on four slender marble columns with Corinthian-style capitals. Metal rods

82

hebron (al-khalīl)

connecting the columns help to hold together the various elements of this slender construction (Pl. 27). Because of the great proximity of the canopy to Abraham’s chamber there is hardly any space to enable passage between the two edifices, and the viewing of the north- western part of the inscription. However, good photographs exist of the whole inscription enabling its easy reading.

Pl. 27. Canopy over the open aperture. Note proximity to the wall (photo: Badrieh).

16 Construction Text 693-709/1293-1310 and before 741/1340 A strip of marble slabs located beneath the cornice of the canopy and encircling it on all four sides. Total measurements: 4.2x0.2m. One line, monumental Mamlūk naskhī, gold letters on a red background, points and vowels; in relief. Figs. 15a,15b,15c,15d,15e, P9; Pl. 27. Publication: Vincent-Mackay 1923:211, No. 9, pl. IX; Jaussen, BIFAO 25:12, No. 8, pl. I; Ruqūm, 373-382.

‫اُ �مَ ا �ن ش���� ء �ه��ذه ا �ل��ق������ة‬ ‫ ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا ��لن‬٢ (WEST) ‫���ة ف� ا �ا �م لا ن�ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫ص‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ � � ‫ا‬ � �� ‫م‬ � > ‫ح�م �ه� ا �م�ا ا و���ف���ه وح��ب��س�ه و� ب�دَه و ����ص�د � ب��ه ا ب�����ا و ج��ه ا ل�ل�ه و ر ج��ا ‫ا �ل��ف����ق��ي��ر ا لى ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا لى ����سن���� ج�ر � نب� �ع ب���د ا �ل�ل�ه ا ��لن��ا �صر �ي� �م� ن� �م�ا �ل�ه رح�م�ه ا �ل�ل�ه ل ي�ن�ق����� ع��لي��ه ���ي� و و� ي��� �إ � ل‬٢ ...22� ‫)ر[َ� ] �ى ا �ل���م �م��و‬١ ِ ‫ِم‬ َ‫تَ َُّ ُ يَ يَ ْقَِ نَ َ َ أ‬ َ ُ ْ ْ َ‫َ�ذ‬ َ ‫أ‬ َ ّ ْ ْ َ َ‫��ا] ف� � نَ َ ا �ل� ُ��م نَ���ا ف���ق ن‬ � )٣ � �‫)[ا �ل ك‬٤ ...44]‫ح��يت����ه� ْ � ْوَ ���ل�� ْو ��هُ ��س�لا ٌ وَ� [ع�د‬ 48] ‫��ي��� ود � ا[�ه‬ ‫و‬ � ‫ِر‬ ِ ِ ‫ي‬ ‫ع‬ ‫م‬ ِ ‫م‬ ‫ِ م م‬

Q, 33:22, 24, 44, 48 These verses from Sūrah 33 form a coherent group. The first two verses in this selection speak about the reaction of the believers when they saw the groups of the unbelievers (the “Confederates”—aḥzāb). “They said: ‘This is what Allah and his messenger promised us; Allah and his messenger have spoken truth.’ It only increased them in belief and in (self)-surrender” (Q, 33:22. Trans. Bell) It is very possible that in the original inscription the text continues after verse 22 with verse 23, since verse 24, represented in the next fragment in this lot, continues the idea of fidelity and faithfulness which are rewarded by Allah who punishes the hypocrites. This idea continues in verses 44 and 48 that speak about the reward which the righteous receive from Allah who is the best support against both the unbelievers and the hypocrites. V. From Sūrat al-Ḥashr

َ‫ََ ج‬ ً ‫� بَ َّ أَ ْتَ ُ خَ ش‬ � � � �َ 21]‫���ل لر ي��ه ��ا[ ���ع�ا‬ ‫)ع��ل‬١ ِ ٍ ‫ى‬

One slab of marble, standard height 0.33m. Publication: Ruqūm, 282.

Q, 59:21 This verse speaks in praise of the Qurʾān: if we were to send the Qurʾān down onto a mountain it would have lowered itself, and made itself humble etc. (see translation Bell). The verse finishes with an assertion that the parables that Allah revealed have an educational message. This particular verse could fit very well in the madrasah that the sultan Ḥasan established in the castle.

hebron (al-khalīl)

121

VI. From Sūrat al-Isrāʾ

ْ َ‫ْ ف‬ ْ ً ُ ْ ‫� َ نَ َ ش‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫م‬ ‫�د‬ � ‫د‬ ‫ه‬ ‫ص‬ ��� ‫�ـ‬ ‫�ـ‬ ‫�ـ‬ ‫[�ـ‬ ‫ا‬ ] 78 ] [ ] [)٣ ... ‫ك‬ � � ‫ا �ل������ ج ِر‬ �ٍ‫� ِ ق‬ ‫�و‬

َّ‫ن‬ � ِ‫�إ‬

ُ ْ َ‫ْ ف‬ ‫) �ل ُ�د �ل ك ا[� ش‬١ � � ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ � � � ���‫ل‬ �� � � ��‫��م‬ ) ٢ ...] ‫ج ِر‬ ‫س‬ ِ ‫ْ عَو‬ َ 80] [‫����ل] �ل�ـ‬ ‫وا[ ج‬ ‫ِ ـ�ي‬

Three slabs of marble, standard height 0.33m. Publication: Ruqūm, 264-266.

َ‫قُْآ ن‬ � �‫�ر‬

Q, 17:78, 80 17:78: The verse is represented in three small fragments. It speaks about the importance of daily prayers from when the sun begins to set until night time, as well as the recitation of the Qurʾān early in the morning. From this, the commentators learnt about 5 prayers (see Jalālayn). It is possible that this lot followed or preceded lot No. III that speaks about the recitation of the Qurʾān and prayers. This inscription could also fit very well in the long band in the madrasah. VII. From Sūrat an-Naḥl

ُ ْ‫حَ �ن فً َ َْ يَ ُ نَ ْ ُ شْ نَ شَ ً أَ ن‬ ُ َ‫ْ تَ ب‬ ‫ ����اِك‬120���‫�ي‬ 121]‫��ـ[��ـ�����ا ه‬ ‫)[��ِ��ي�ـ]��ـ���ا و ل ��ك �ِم�� ا �ل���م��� ِرِك‬١ ‫��مـ[�ـ�ه]ِ ا ج‬ ِ �‫�را ل� ��ع‬ ‫م‬

One slab of marble, standard height 0.33m. Publication: Ruqūm, 263.

Q, 16:120-121 The verses extol Ibrāhīm’s faithfulness, and his being a model of faith and obedience to Allah as well as a true monotheist (ḥanīf) whom Allah chose and directed to the right path. This lot belongs after lot no. II dedicated to Ibrāhīm’s faith. It could have come from the chamber of Abraham’s tomb. VIII. From Sūrat at-Tawbah and an-Nūr

‫ا ��لئ �أ ن ن� ا � ن ا � ت � ن ف� � ت ا �ذ ن‬ ‫ا �ق ا � َّ ا �ة �تَ �ة‬ � ‫ص‬ ‫[ و] ��ك � ي� ك‬...)١ )!( ‫)[و �ا] ل��� ل ِ وَ�إ ��ا‬٢ ...� �‫ �ي بي�و‬18 9�‫�و و م�� ل����م�ه���دي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِي‬ َ‫�زَّ َ ة يَ�خَ ف�ُ ن‬ َ � ْ َ‫َ يَ�ز َ �ُه ّ ن ف�َ ْ َ َّ ُ يَ ْ �زُ قُ َ ن يَ شَ غ‬ � � � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ء‬ �� ‫ا‬ � ��� � � ‫م‬ ‫�ه‬ � � ‫م‬ ‫�د‬ � � � ‫�ض‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�ل‬ � ‫ل‬ �� 38� ‫ح��س�ا‬ 36 24 )٣ ... � ‫ا �ل‬ ‫ل‬ � � � ‫و ِ ي م ِ � ِِ و‬ ‫كا ِ� ��ا و‬ � � ‫ر‬ ٍ‫بِ ي ِر ِ ب‬

Three slabs of marble, standard height 0.33m. Publication: Ruqūm, 267-269. :

:

Q, 9:18; 24:36-38 The verses are dedicated to prayer to Allah in houses prescribed by Him. The men who pray there in the morning and night and are not detached from their devotion by daily matters, pray (keep the ṣalāt) and pay zakāt, Allah recompenses them for their devotion. This lot could well be connected to lot No. IV that speaks about prayer. Part of this lot is repeated and partly completed in lot No. XI. It also fits well in the madrasah decorations.

122

hebron (al-khalīl) IX. From Sūrat aṣ-Ṣāffāt

Two slabs of marble, standard height 0.33m. Publication: Ruqūm, 280-281.

َ‫ْ�ي‬ َ‫ن فَأَ ْق بَُ �ل‬ َّ َ َ‫تَنْ تُ ن‬ ْ � � � � � � ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ � � �� � �� � ‫��مـ]�ـ‬ 96...‫ وا �ل��ل�ه‬95� ‫ح��و‬ 94..‫�ه‬ 93 )٢. �ِ ‫)[�ِ�ا �ل� ِ ي‬١ ‫ب‬ ِ ‫و �إِ ي‬ ِ

Q, 37:93-4, 95-6 The verses are dedicated to the story of Abraham destroying the idols of his family and tribe. X. From Sūrat ash-Shuʿarāʾ Two slabs of marble, one fragment 0.31x0.33m. Publication: Ruqūm, 270. Fig. 29c; the second in situ, on the back (southern) gate of Joseph’s Tomb in the castle, to the west of the main Sanctuary. 1.46x0.33m. height of letters 0.29m.; 2.18m. above ground level. Fig. 29d; Pl. 29. Q, 26 (Sūrat al-Shuʿarāʾ):74-76 Reducing the scale of the picture of the small fragment (Fig. 29c), found in the oil storage room, to that of the long fragment fixed over Joseph’s tomb and placing the photographs of the two slabs next to each other, they fit perfectly. See No. 32.

�‫�ت�ع���د ن ا ن� ت‬ ‫ م‬75� ‫ب و‬

‫�ن‬ �‫� ت‬ �‫�م�ا �ك‬ ‫م‬

‫ن آ‬ ْ َ‫يَ ُ ُّ نَ قَ ُ ب‬ ‫ن‬ �‫ �ق�ا ل ا ف�راي� ت‬74�‫� ذ�� �ل�ك ي���ف���ع�لو ن‬ � ‫ء‬ ‫)و ج��د �ا ب�ا< >��ا ك‬٢ ‫ ��ا �لوا �ل‬73� ‫)�� �ض�� ر و‬١ ‫م‬ ‫أق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ؤ‬ 76]� ‫وا ب�ا [ك ال� ��د �مو‬ ‫م‬

Q, 26:73-74 The two verses (73-74) from which only three words remain in the small fragment but are continued in the long one, represent part of the debate between Abraham and his kinsfolk about the futility of their idols. The passage originally inscribed on the slabs began in verse 70 where the report begins with Abraham challenging

Pl. 29. Sample of Qurʾānic text—joined fragment, tomb of Joseph.

hebron (al-khalīl)

123

his father. The great part of the original inscription on the southern gate of Joseph Tomb has been reconstructed under a special entry. The position of this lot after the previous one, No. IX, seems natural since the one continues the other. XI. From Sūrat at-Tawbah, an-Nūr, and Āl ʿImrān Publication: Ruqūm, 259-261.

َ َ‫َ ي‬ ّ � َّ َ ‫�خْ ش‬ ‫� ئ أ ن يَُ نُ ْ نَ �ْ ُ ْتَ � نَ ف‬ ‫ت �ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ َ َ � � � ‫) [و]�ل��ك � � � ك‬٢ ‫) ل ْ ���� �إ لا ا ل��ل�ه �ـ[��ـ�ع��سى] ا‬١ ]‫)[وا‬٣ 36 24 ]�[ ‫ �ي ب�ي�و� ا‬18 9�‫�و�وا ِم�� ا ل����م�ه�� ِ�دي‬ ِ ‫م‬ َ‫ْ م‬ ُ ُّ َ ْ ُ� ُ ّ‫ُ �بَ ش‬ َ ْ َ‫ّ ُ �ذُ ف‬ ْ َُ ‫ّ ن‬ ‫�ظ‬ َ ‫�َح‬ ‫ ي�� ه‬174 3 ���‫� � �ع‬ ‫�ل��ل�ه ����ض‬ 21 9]� ‫� وا‬ ِ ٍ‫���ر م ر ب���ه�م بِ ر � �ـ[�ـ��ةٍ] �ِم�ـ[ـ��ه] و[ ِر �ض ن‬ ‫و ٍل ِ يٍم‬ :

:

:

:

Q, 9:18. Q, 24:36, Q, 3:174. Q, 9:21 The believer in Allah and the last day, who prays and pays zakāt is the one who frequently visits Allah’s mosques and he is one of those led in right way. This is probably the first verse after the Fātiḥah in this band, since this verse is usually used in building inscriptions to introduce a text commemorating the building of a mosque or its repair (see e.g. CIAP, 4:54, 60, 63-64, 66, 68, 70, 81, 191, 203). It was one of the most popular verses in building inscriptions of religious buildings. Q, 24:36 follows this verse which appears here, as well as in lot No. VIII. The collectors of the remnants of the inscriptions photographed Q, 24 twice (an-Nūr): once in lot No. VIII, and again in this lot. The verse belongs here naturally, since following Q, 9:18 which speaks about the frequenting of the houses of Allah by the faithful, comes the verse about prayer in Allah’s houses which is a natural continuation. Q, 9:21, speaking about the Gardens in the Heavenly Abode awaiting the believers who go to holy war for Allah’s sake, also belongs here and could well have been among the verses that opened the whole inscription. It is also very possible that this decorative band began after the Fātiḥah with verses Q, 9:18-22 (at-Tawbah) or at least large parts of them. XII. From Sūrat Fāṭir

َ‫نَّ َّ�ذ نَ يَتْ ُ ن‬ ُ َ ‫ت بَ َّ أَ ��ق‬ ً‫َّ اَ ةَ أَ ن فَ قُ َّ َ�زَ �ْق نَ �ُهْ ًّ َ َ َا نيَ�ة‬ � � � � � ٢29 ��ِ� ‫) �إ � ا �ل�ِ �ي� ���لو[�] ِكـ[��ـ���ـ]�ـ�ا � [ا ل��لِ�ه وَ� �ـ]�ـ�ا موا ا ل���ص�ل � وَ� ���������وا �ِم���م�ا ر ���ا م ِ�سرا وع�ل‬١ َِ‫َخ‬ َ‫ـــ‬ ٌ ُ َ‫نَّ َ َّنَ �َ غَ فُ ٌ ش‬ ٌ ٌ ‫) �ل‬ ‫) �إ � ر ب���ا ل������و ر ��� ك‬٣31‫� بِ��ي��ر ب[��ـ]ــ�ِ�صي��ر‬ 34]‫�و[ر‬ ِ Publication: Ruqūm, 276-278.

Q, 35:29 ,31 ,34 The verses speak about the reward awaiting the believers who read the Qurʾān, pray and pay zakāt. The Qurʾān constitutes a proof of the holy books that preceded it; it

124

hebron (al-khalīl)

was bestowed on those whom Allah chose from among His servants. They will enter the Gardens of Eden (jannāt ʿadan yadkhulūnahā) and will be bedecked with gold and pearl bracelets and will wear silk and will thank Allah who saved them from horror. These verses could well have come after those that begin the inscription. XIII. From Sūrat Yā Sīn

َ َ‫ُ ن‬ ْ ُ ُ َ َ‫َ أ ْ ق‬ َْ ّ ُ ‫ت‬ ‫ن �ذ‬ ��‫) ف����ه�يَ �إ لى ال�َ�ذ ��ا ن� ف����ه� �ّم��ق�����مَـ[�ـ‬١ �����‫) [ ف�����س ب‬٢ ...8]� ‫حو‬ ‫�ـ]�ـ�ل �ش��ي� ٍء‬ ‫ح�ا � ا �ل� �ي� ب�ي��د ي��ه �م��ل ك‬ ‫�و�][ ك‬ ِ ِ ‫ِ م‬ ِ َ‫�لَ ْ تُ ْ جَ ُ ن‬ �����‫ ���س ب‬83 � ‫و �ي�ِ�ه �ر���عو‬ ‫ح�ا‬ ‫َِ�إ‬ Publication: Ruqūm, 576-578.

Q, 36:8, 83 The first verse (36:8) deals with the unbelievers who refuse to bow down to Allah. The second verse in this lot, the last verse in this Sūrah, is a tribute to Allah who possesses kingship over everything and to whom, in the end, all shall surely return. This verse does not continue the idea of the first fragment from the same Sūrah in this lot, but its general nature makes it possible to fit it almost anywhere among verses representing piety or even an attack on unbelievers. Since the verses or parts of verses in this long band (or bands) were not arranged according to the order of the Qurʾānic text, there is no way to decide their exact order in the inscription. We have seen that parts of verses from various Sūras follow each other on the same fragment, representing a similar idea. XIV. From Sūrat Yūnus Publication: Ruqūm, 262.

‫َّ ُ َّ َ تَ َّتُ ُ ْ ف هَ َ َ ٌ آ‬ ‫خ‬ � ‫ح�ا ن��ـ]��ـک ا �ل���ل�ه� و‬ � � �����‫)[����س ب‬١ ����ِ �‫ح��ي����ه‬ 10]‫َ� [ ِ ر‬ ‫ي��ا ��س�لا م و‬ ِ ‫م‬ ‫م‬

Q, 10:10 This is the prayer of those who were rewarded with paradise. They praise Allah and finish their invocation with: “Praise Allah the lord of the worlds.” XV. From Sūrat ʿĀl Imrān and at-Tawbah Early 8th/14th c 11 fragments from a long strip of marble slabs, standard width 0.32m. Not in situ. The slabs like many other similar slabs were found in the mazyatah. Monumental Mamlūk

hebron (al-khalīl)

125

naskhī, inside a sunken field surrounded by a wide frame, points vowels, and signs, many floral decorations; in relief. Fig. 29e. Publication: Ruqūm, 246-258.

َ َ ّ َّ‫ّ َ فَ ْ أَ ن‬ ّ ْ َُ ‫آ‬ َ‫�ْ ُ ْ�ؤ � ن نَ �َّ�ذ � ن‬ ‫)[ا] �ل��لِ�ه و����ض‬٢ 68 3 ...ُ‫)[ � ] �م ن��وا َوا �ل��ل�ه‬١ )٤ �‫)[ا ل���م ]ِمِ��ي��� ا ل�ِ ي‬٣... ‫� �ل وَ� � ا �ل��ل�ه لا‬ َ‫ٍ أ‬ ْ َ‫نُ ْ نْ ُ ْ َ تَّق‬ ُ َ‫��ل‬ � � [)٦..] �‫) ا �ل�ل�ه  وا �لر ��سو ل �م�ـ[ ـ� ن‬٥ ‫ا ����ست���� ج��ا ب�و‬ �‫)[ �ه�ـ]�ـ‬٧ ...] ‫ح�ـ] ��ـ���سَ���وا  �ِم����ه� وا ������ـ[ـوا‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ َّ‫َّ ُ ن‬ َ‫َّ س‬ َ ْ َ‫َ ّ ُ �ذُ ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫)[وا] �ل��ل�ه و ����ض‬٨ ...] �� ‫ا ��لن��ا ��س �إ � ا �ل ن���ـ[�ـ�ا‬ ]‫ ي���ب ش���ر�هم ر ب��ـ�ه� ب�رح�م� �م�ـ[ـ ن��ه‬174 171 3 �‫� �ل �ع �ظِ�� ي‬ ِ ‫م‬ ‫ٍم‬ ٍ ْ ُ َ‫َ ج‬ َْ َ‫َ َ اَ تُخْ�ز نَ ي‬ َ َّ‫ْ ق يَ َ �ة ن‬ ُُ ‫و[ر �ض‬ ‫)[�ه�ـ]�ـ�ا �ر وا‬١١...‫) ا �ل��ِ�����ا �م�ِ �إ ��ك‬١٠] [‫)[ر ��س��ل�ـ]�ـ�ك و ل � �ا �و‬٩ 21 9...]�‫� وا ن‬ ِ ِ ‫م‬ َ‫أُ كَ فّ َ نَّ َ نْ ُ ْ َ ّ ئَ ت ْ َ أُ ْ خ ل‬ ْ ُ‫يَ ْ أُ �ذ‬ ُ ْ ‫أُ خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ � � ‫ه‬ ‫ ل� ]���ِ��ر � �ع����ه� ��س�ِ�ي��ا ِ���ه� و ل� د ِ���ـ‬...)١٣ ‫)ـوا �ِم�� ِد �ا رِ وَ� و وا �ي‬١٢‫وَ� ��ـ[�ـ�ر] جِ��ـ‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫م‬ ِ ُ َّ‫ن‬ 195 194 3] �‫[ـ���ه‬ ‫م‬ :

-

:

:

-

:

Fragments 1-8: Q, 3:68, 171-4. Fragment 8 end: Q, 9:21, Fragments 9-13: Q, 3:194-195

Q, 3:68—the believers have more right to Ibrā­hīm than anyone else. Q, 3: 171-174— begins in verse 169: you should not regard those who died in Allah’s path (in the holy war) dead. They are alive with Allah enjoying His grace, happy and secure in His presence. [171] Receiving bounty from Allah for He does not let the reward of the believers to be lost. Surely those who overcame suffering and came to Allah got an enormous reward for they disregarded the attempts of people to dissuade them from believing. But this only added to their belief. For all this, they receive Allah’s bountiful recompense. [194-195] the believers who suffered for the sake of their belief will be paid for their suffering since Allah does not let good deeds to be lost. The best of all rewards are the delights of paradise. Q, 9:21 continues with the same topic: Allah rewards those who come to him in spite of all difficulties with the joys of the jannah. There were two topics which guided the selection of these particular Qurʾānic verses for this decorative inscription. One was the attachment of the believers and their prophet to the Patriarch Abraham. The Qurʾānic verses chosen to convey this idea were very appropriate for the Sanctuary dedicated to his memory. Abraham was neither a Jew nor a Christian, but he was a ḥanīf, a Muslim, and therefore: “Surely the people who are nearest to Abraham are those who followed him, and this prophet, and those who have believed; Allah is the patron of the believers.” (Q, 3:68) The second topic was that of the jihād and the reward of a wonderful Paradise awaiting those who answer the call of the Prophet to fight the unbelievers. These verses from sūrah 3 and sūrah 9 represent not only this idea of martyrdom during the holy war but also fit the time when Islam was still facing the unbelievers, his

126

hebron (al-khalīl)

enemies, whether the Mongols or the Christians. The dangers from both sides eased very much during the period in which this inscription was written, early in the 8th/14th century. 30 Jāwliyyah façade Qurʾānic texts

c. 720/1320

A decorative band near the ceiling of the eastern wall of the corridor separating the Jāwliyyah from the main building of the ḥaram. It is composed of many slabs of marble, varying in sizes but with one height of about 0.40m. and height of letters, 0.30m., creating one line of monumental Mamlūk naskhī, interwoven letters beautifully decorated with elaborate floral elements, points and vowels, defaced in number of places; in relief. Figs. 30a, 30b, 30c. Publication: Ruqūm, 178-237. During restoration works which took place in the Sanctuary and the Jāwliyyah, the slabs of marble from which the band is composed were removed and re-fixed haphazardly by builders who could not read them, creating a mixed up text. Since the whole band is compiled of Qurʾānic verses it is possible, at least, to reconstruct the text by shifting the texts round into their correct places. It is, however, difficult to know with which verses the inscription began, and in which order the verses had originally been arranged in it. In what follows I shall try to rearrange the inscription in what could have been the original order, taking into consideration that some of the slabs with parts of the inscriptions have been lost. The first reading is of the inscription as it can be seen today. The fragments are indicated in running numbers. The second reading is that of the regrouping of the Qurʾānic verses into units keeping the original numbers of the fragments so that the reader can follow the process of the reconstruction of the text. The third reading represents the suggested reconstruction of the original text. The photographs, divided into sections, represent the actual inscription in its present condition. 1. Reading the Present Condition

‫ض‬ ‫)��ل�د ا ا �م ن���ا ا �ز ق ا �ه�ل�ه �م� ن ا �ل��ث���م ا ت‬٢ ... ‫ع��� ف��ا �ل��ذ � ن‬ ‫� �م� ن‬ ‫وا ن��ثى ب��ع���ض‬...)١ ‫� ك‬ � ‫ور‬ �‫� �م� ن� ب�� � ي‬ ‫ب‬ ‫� ر‬ � ‫م‬ ‫آ‬ َ‫آ خ ق َ َ ن كَ فَ َ فَأَُ تّ ُ ُ قَ ً ُث َّ أَ ْ طَ ُّ ُ َ َ�ذ‬ َ‫� نَّ َ �ئْ س‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫ا‬ � � � � ‫ل‬ ‫ال‬ ‫ه‬ � � � � ‫ل‬ � � � ‫�ل‬ ‫�ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫ا‬ � � � ‫ا‬ � � � ‫�ه‬ � � � ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ � � � ‫ا‬ � ‫ه‬ ‫م‬ � ‫م‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ � �� ‫م‬ � � ‫�ه‬ ‫ل‬ �� ‫�ض‬ � ‫ل‬ ��� �� �‫� ِر و ب‬ ‫� � � م ب� و يوم � ر ل و � ر ِ ِي ل م � �� ر �إِ ى‬ ِ‫ب‬ ِ ُ َّ َ‫ْ َ ُ �ذْ يَ ْ فَ ُ ْ َ ُ ْ قَ َ َ نَ ْبَْ ت ْ َ ُ َ َّنَ تَ قَ َّ ْ نَّ نَّ َ أَ ن ت‬ ��‫� وَ�إ��س���م�ا ِ�عي���ل ر ب���ا ����� ب���ل �ِم���ا �إ ��ك � � ا �ل��س���م‬ ���‫� �� � ا �ه� ا �ل���� ا ع�د �م� ا ��ل‬ ��‫ا �ل���م���ص‬ ِ ‫� ِ يع‬ ِ ِ ‫ِ ير وَِ�إ ر ع �إِ ب ر ِ يم و ِ ِ � �ي‬

‫‪127‬‬

‫)‪hebron (al-khalīl‬‬

‫َّ َ‬ ‫ْعَ ُ َ َّنَ َ ْ‬ ‫َ ً َ نَْ نُ َ ُ ُ ْ ُ ن َ‬ ‫� عَ ْ نَ ُ ْ مَ ْ‬ ‫كا نَ َع��َ ا �ل��نَّ ّ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا]ح�د ا وح�� �ل�ه �م��س�ِل�مو � ‪�)٤ ...‬م�ا � � ل �‬ ‫ا �ل��ِ�لي�م ر ب���ا وا ج �� ��ل��ا �م��س�ِل� ي��ِ� ‪[)٣ ...‬و ِ‬ ‫ى بِي�ِ‬ ‫حَ ف َ فَ َ ضَ َّ َ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫ح�ُ َ َّنَ َ ْعَ ثْ ف� ْ َ �ُ ً ّ نْ ُ ْ يَتْ ُ َ لَ ْ ْ‬ ‫ي�ه� ر �سو لا �ِم����ه� ���لو ع���ي���ه�‬ ‫�ِم� نْ� �َر جٍ� ِ���ي���م�ا �ر�� ا �ل��ل�هُ �ل�هُ ‪[)٥ ...‬ا]�لر ِ� يم ر ب���ا وا ب���� ِ���‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ يَ ْ �غَ ُ َ ّ ّ�ةَ‬ ‫آيَ َ َ ُعَ ُّ ُ ُ ْ تَ بَ َ ْ ْمَ�ةَ َ ُ�زَ ّ‬ ‫� ْ نَّ َ أ ن تَ َ�ز ي�زُ‬ ‫حَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ا � وا �ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ح �ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫� � وي� ِ�كي���ه� �إ ��ك � �� ا �ل�ع � ا ِك‬ ‫� �ا تِ��ك و �ي� �ِل��م�ه� ا �لِك��‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫�ي�م و�م�� �ر � ب� ع�� �ِم�ل�ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِم ِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ْ َ َ َّ َ َ ف َ نَ فْ َ ُ َ َ قَ ْ َ فَ ْ نَ ُ ف ُّ نْيَ نَّ ُ ف آ خ َ ة َ نَ َّ نَ �ذْ‬ ‫ب�ر ا ِ�هي� لا �م� ن ��س���ه �������س�ه و �ل�����د ا �ص��ط������ي���ا ه � ا �ل�د ���ا و ��ه � ال� � � �ل���م� ا �ل�� ص�ا �ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ح��‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م �إِ � ِ‬ ‫َِ�إ ِ�ي‬ ‫ِ�ي‬ ‫ِ رِ ِ � � ِِي� �إِ‬ ‫�إِ‬ ‫�قَ�ا َ ‪���)* ...‬س ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل ح�م�ـ[ـ� ن ]‪)٦ ...‬ا �ل غ���د الا ص�ا ��ا[ ] ‪ َ �ْ ] [)٧ ...‬ا �ه�ُ‬ ‫وو � لرج ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ر �‬ ‫�إ ِ ب ر ِ يم‬ ‫م‬ ‫ّ ُ ّ �ذَ كَ َ‬ ‫أُ‬ ‫بَ �ن َ يَ ْ قُ ُ يَ بَن ّ َ‬ ‫� �أ[ ْ ] ‪ّ�)٩ ...‬م� َّ��م� نْ‬ ‫�� �� ُ �َع�مَ�َ َع�ا ل (!) �م ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫�ض‬ ‫ك‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪[)٨‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫��ِي�ِ�ه و��ع����و ب� �ا ���ِ�ـ[ ـ�ي ]‬ ‫ِ يع ل ٍم ِ م ِ � ٍر و‬ ‫ِ �‬ ‫أ َ ن ُت ُّ ْ ُ نَ أَ ْ ُ�نُت شُ هَ َ �ذْ‬ ‫أَ ْ َ َ َ ْهَ ُ َ ُ َ ُ ْ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫حَ����ضَ َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫����ه �ل�ل�ه و�ه�ـ[ـو] م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫� ��س��ل و ج�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ح ِ��س�ـ[ـ��] و ‪[)٠١ ...‬وَ� ] �م��س�ِل�مو � � �ك� � ������د ا ء‬ ‫ر‬ ‫م‬ ‫�إِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫يَ أَ ْ َ ْ تَ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫قَ‬ ‫قَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫بَ‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫يَ ْ قُ بَ � َ ْ تُ �ذ � ��لبَ���ن �َ ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�د‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫�د‬ ‫��‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪.‬‬ ‫(!)‬ ‫‪)١١‬‬ ‫]‪...‬‬ ‫ا[‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��ع����و� ا ل���مو� �إِ �ا ل ِ ِ ي�ِ�ه م�ا � ب و ِ � ِ ي�‬ ‫و‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل ِ بِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ تُحَآ ُّ نَ ف ْ َ َ َ َ أُ ن�ز َ ت تَّ َ ةُ َ ن‬ ‫����ُ لاّ �م� ن �بَ�ْع�د ه �أ ف�َ� اَ �تَ�ْع��ق���لُ نَ َ�ه�ا �أ ن�ُت�ْ‬ ‫ل �‬ ‫�‬ ‫� � � � �ه�‬ ‫� �‬ ‫� ا ��ل�و ر ا � والإ� جِيل �إِ ِ � ِ ِ ل ِ و �‬ ‫ِم � ج و � ِ�ي �إِ ب ر ا ِ يم و�م�ا � ِ ل� ِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫نّ َ َّ�ذ نَ آ َ ُ ْ َ ُ ْ َّ حَ يَ ْ ْ َ ُّ ُ ْ َ ْ تَْ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��ا ت‬ ‫�هَ�ؤ ‪ ]� [)٢١ ...‬ا �ل� �ي� � �م ن��وا َو�عِ�م�لوا ا �ل���ص�ا �ل‬ ‫� ���ه ِ�د ��‬ ‫ي�ه� ر ب���ه� ب��إ ي����م�ا ِ���ه� ج� ِر �ي� ‪)٣١ ...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫�إِ‬ ‫ِ م م ِِ ِ م‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ن ت ْت ُ أ ْن هَ ُ ف جَ نَّ ت نَّ َ ْ َ �ُ ْ ف هَ‬ ‫���ـ[ تـ� ] ‪�)٤١ ...‬م� �‬ ‫�‬ ‫حِ����ه� ال� ����ا ر ��ي ����ا‬ ‫لا ء ح�ا‬ ‫ي��ا ‪)٥١ ...‬ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫� ا ��ل� ِ�عي� د �عوا هم ِ����‬ ‫ِ�‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫�ج ج م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫فَ تُحَآ ُّ نَ ف َ َْ سَ َ ُ‬ ‫ف َ َُ‬ ‫� ��ه ع ْ��لٌ َ ا �ل�ّ�ل�هُ �يَ�ْع َ��لُ َ�أ ن�ُت�ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫��م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ك‬ ‫ك‬ ‫��‬ ‫��ل‬ ‫��ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫م بِِ ِ م و‬ ‫ع��لي��ه و��س��لم ‪��ِ[)٦١ ...‬ـ[��ـ��ي���م�ا �ل م بِِ ِ م ِم ج و ِ �ي �ي‬ ‫م و م‬ ‫اَ تَ ْ َُ نَ َ َ نَ ْ َ ُ يَ ُ ًّ َ اَ نَ ْ َ ن ًّ َ َ ن َ نَ حَ‬ ‫� �ن فً �ُّ ْ لً َ �َ َ نَ � نَ ا �ْ ُ شْ � نَ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫��س‬ ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫كا � �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ���هودِي�ا و ل ����صرا �ِي��ا و �ل ِك‬ ‫��‬ ‫��م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫���‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ل ��ع�ل�مو � �م�ا �‬ ‫ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫��� �‬ ‫ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ِ و‬ ‫ِرِي�‬ ‫كا � ِ ي‬ ‫ِ�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َّ ن قَ‬ ‫نَْ بَ ُ َ نْ ُ‬ ‫نَّ أ ْ َ � نَّ �� ْ َ �ه�َ َّ�ذ � نَ تَّبَ ُ ُ َ َ �ذَ �نَّ ُّ َ َّ�ذ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�إ � � و لى ا �ل��ا ِس ب��إ ب�ر ا ِ ي �ل�ل�ِ ي� ا ���عوه و�ه�ـ� ا ا �ل� ب�� وا �ل�ِ ي� ‪�)٧١ ...‬م� ���� ح���ه �م���ه�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِي‬ ‫� ضَى َخَوِ � م‬ ‫َِِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫�ذَ‬ ‫حَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫يَ‬ ‫يَ‬ ‫�ةَ‬ ‫ّ ن �ن تَ ظ ُ َ َ بَ ت ْ ا ��ز يَ‬ ‫�� ا �ل�ّ�ل�هُ‬ ‫� ا �ل�ّ�ل�هُ ‪[)٨١ ...‬وا ت��ـ]ـبَ� �م�ل� ب�ر ا ِ�هي�َ ���ن ي�� ف��ً�ا َوا �‬ ‫�م�� ��� ِ���ر و�م�ا ��د �لوا �ب� ِ�د ي�ل ِ�ل���� ج �‬ ‫ع ِ ِ�إ‬ ‫م ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َّ َ َّ َ َ َ َ َّ ُ فَ ََّ‬ ‫ََ َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َْ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫خَ ً‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫�إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي�َ ��ِ�لي��لا ‪)٩١ ...‬و�م�ا‬ ‫كا � ا ����ستِ�� غ����ف���ا ر �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي�َ ِ لا ب�ي�ِ�ه �إ لا �ع� ن� �م ْوِع�د ةٍ� َوع�د �ه�ا �إ ي�ا ه ��ل�م�ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َبَ َّ َ أَ َّ َ ُ ٌ َ بَ أَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫�ذْ قَ َ ْ َ ُ َ ّ ْ عَ ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫حَ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ت نَ ُ ن ُ ّ � ّ ت ّ نْ ُ ن‬ ‫�ه�َ ّ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه�‬ ‫� ا ج� ���ل‬ ‫��ي��� �ل�ه � ��ه ع�د و ِل��لِ�ه ���رَ� �ِم���ه �إِ � �إِ ب�ر ا ِ يم ل� وا ه �ِ�لي�م ‪)٠٢ ...‬وَِ�إ �ا ل �إِ ب�ر ا ِ يم ر ب ِ‬ ‫َ �ذَ ْبََ َ آ ً َ ْ ُْ َ َّ أَ ن نَّ ُْ َ أَ ْ نَ َ َ ّ ّنَ ُ َّ أَ ْ �كَ‬ ‫مَ‬ ‫ن � ن ن بَ ن‬ ‫� �لَ�لْ نَ��ث�� ًا �ّم� نَ ا ��لنّ�َ�ا �� ف��َ � ن ت�َ��عَ�ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫� �إِ ���ه�� � �ض � ِير ِ �‬ ‫ِس � بِ ِي�‬ ‫�ه�ـ� ا ا �ل��ل�د � �ِم���ا وا ج �� �ب�ِ�ي� و �ِ�ي� � � ��ع ب���د ال� ��ص���ا م ر ب ِ‬ ‫فَ نَّ ُ نّ َ َ ْ َ َ ن فَ نَّ َ �غَ فُ ٌ َّ‬ ‫ح�ٌ َّ َّنَ نّ أَ ْ َ �ن تُ ن �ذُ ّ َّت َ �غَْ �ذ �زَ ْ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ك‬ ‫�س‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫د‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ب‬ ‫���إِ ��ه �ِمِ�ي� و�م� ن� �ع���ص�ا ِ��ي ���إِ ��ك � ����و ر ر ِ يم ر‬ ‫ِ � ِريِي� بِو ٍ ي ِر ِ ي� ر‬ ‫�إ‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ٍ‬

‫)‪hebron (al-khalīl‬‬

‫‪128‬‬

‫�لَ ْ ْ َ ْ �زُ ْق ُ‬ ‫ن َ بَْت َ ْ ُ حَ َّ َ َّنَ ُق ُ ْ َّ َ ةَ فَ ْ عَ ْ أَ فْئ َ ةً ّ نَ نَّ َت ْ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ِ�ع���د ���ي ِ��ك ا �ل���م���ر ر ب���ا �ِ�لي�ِ����ي���موا ا �ل���ص�لا � ��ا ج� ���ل � �ِ���د � �ِم�� ا ��ل��ا �� ��ه � ��ه� ا ��ه�‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫ِسَ � ِو ي� �إِ ي �ِ م و ر � م‬ ‫ُ نَّ�ةَ � َّ ف� َّ�ذ � نَ خَ لَ ْ ن �قَْ ُ َ َ نَ أ ْ ُ � َّ �قَ َ ً َّ قْ ُ ً‬ ‫ّ نَ ��ثَّ َ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫َ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫كا � � �مر ا ل��لِ�ه �د ر ا �م�����د و ر ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫� ‪��� )١٢ ...‬س��� ل��لِ�ه �ي ل�ِ ي� ��و ِم�� ب���ل و �‬ ‫�ِم�� ا ل� ���مر ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َّ�ذ نَ ُبَ ّ غُ نَ َ اَ ت َّ‬ ‫نَّ فَتَ ْ نَ َ َ فَتْ ً ُّ نً يَ غْ ف َ َ َ َ‬ ‫�ك ا �ل�ّ�ل�هُ �َم�ا تَ���قَ�� ّ�د َ �م� ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫ح‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ح‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫��‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪)٢٢‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ك‬ ‫بِ �ي ِ ِر‬ ‫� ا �ل��لِ‬ ‫م ِ�‬ ‫ا �ل�ِ �ي� ي���ِ�ل��و � ِر ��س�ا ل ِ‬ ‫�إِ‬ ‫�ذَ ن َ َ َ تَأَ خّ‬ ‫�ََ َ �ُ ت�َّ ن ْ َ تَ ُ َ لَ ْ َ َيَ ْ يَ َ َ ً ُّ ْ تَق ً‬ ‫��م�ا َ�يَن����ُص َ َك ا �ل�ّ�لَ�هُ �نَ���ْص ًا �عَ�ز �ي�ز ًا ُ�ه َ‬ ‫ر ِ و‬ ‫�ب�ِ�ك و�م�ا �� ر ويِم ِ��ع���م���ه ع���ي��ك و���ه ِ�د ��ك �ِصرا ط�ا �م����س��ِ����ي� و ر‬ ‫َّ�ذ أَ ن�زَ َ َّ نَ�ةَ ف ُق ُ‬ ‫ْ ُ ْ�ؤ ن نَ يَ�زْ َ ُ‬ ‫َ نً َّ َ َ ن ْ َ � َّ ُ نُ ُ َّ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ا �ل�ِ �� � � ل ا �ل��س ك � �‬ ‫�‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫� ا �ل���م �ِمِ��ي��� �ِل�� د ا د وا �إِي����م�ا �ا �مع �إِي����م�ا ِ���ِه�م وِل��لِ�ه ج���ود ا �ل��س���م�ا وا ِ‬ ‫���ي��� ِ�ي �لو ب ِ‬ ‫ي‬ ‫‪1) Q, 3:195. 2) Q, 2:126-128. 3) Q, 2:133. 4) Q, 33:38. 5) Q, 2:128-131 (first two words). 6) Q, 24:36‬‬‫‪37. 7) Q, 2:132. 8) Q, 3: 195. 9) Q, 4:125. 10) Q, 2:132-133. 11) Q, 3:65-66. 12) Q, 10:9. 13) Q, 3:66.‬‬ ‫‪14) Q, 10:9-10. 15) Fragment from a blessing to the prophet. 16) Q, 3:66-68. 17.) Q, 33:23-24.‬‬ ‫‪18) Q, 4:125. 19) Q, 9:114. 20) Q,14:35-37. 21) Q, 33:38-39. 22) Q, 48:1-4.‬‬

‫‪2. Regrouping of the Qurʾānic Verses‬‬ ‫‪The style of the inscription is monumental, elegant, Mamlūk naskhī with many‬‬ ‫‪floriated decorations thus we can probably date this script to the 8th/14th century.‬‬

‫كَ‬ ‫‪��)٢‬ل�د ا ا �م ن���ا ا �ز ق ا �ه�ل�ه �م� ن ا �ل��ث���م ا ت‬ ‫� �م� ن �آ �م� ن �م ن���ه� �ا �ل�ل�ه ا ��ل� ال�آ خ� ق��ا ل َ �َم� ن ���فَ��َ‬ ‫ور �‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫�‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ب‬ ‫� ر‬ ‫� ر‬ ‫يوم‬ ‫� � م‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫فَ��أ �َمتّ���ُع�هُ �قَ��ل��لاً ُث�َّ �أ �ضْ طَ�� ُّ هُ لَ َع��ذَ ا � ا ��لنّ�َ�ا َ ���ئْ��سَ ا �لْ� َ��م�� ص��ُ �ذْ يَ� ْ فَ��ُ ْ� َ ا �ه�ُ ا �لْ��قَ�� َ ا ع َ�د �م� نَ‬ ‫ِ ِي م � ر �إِ ى‬ ‫ِ� ير وَِ�إ ر ع �إِ ب ر ِ يم و ِ ِ �‬ ‫ب ِ َ ِر و بِ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْبَْ ت ْ َ ُ َ َّنَ تَ قَ َّ ْ نَّ نَّ َ أ ن تَ َّ ُ ْعَ ُ َ ّ َ ْ‬ ‫� عَ ْ نَ ُ ْ مَ ْ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫� وَ�إ��س���م�ا ِ�عي���ل ر ب���ا ����� ب���ل �ِم���ا �إِ ��ك � �� ا �ل��س�ِ��مي��ع ا �ل��ِ�لي� ر ب���ا وا ج �� ��ل��ا �م��س�ِل� ي��ِ� ‪[...‬ا ��ك‬ ‫ا �ل���ي� ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫ح�ُ َ َّنَ َ ْعَ ثْ ف� ْ َ ُ ً ّ نْ ُ ْ يَتْ ُ َ لَ ْ ْ آيَ ت َ َ ُعَ ُّ ُ ُ �ْ تَ بَ‬ ‫ي�ه� ر��سو لا �ِم����ه� ���لو ع���ي���ه� � �ا ِ��ك و�ي� �ِل��م�ه� ا لِك��‬ ‫ا ن� ت� ا ��لت�وا ب�] ‪[)٥‬ا]�لر ِ� يم ر ب���ا وا ب���� ِ���‬ ‫�ا �‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫َّ َ أَ‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫ُ حَ ِ َ يَ ْ �غَ ُ َ ّ ّ�ةَ‬ ‫َ ْ ْمَ�ةَ َ ُ�زَ ّ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫� ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫��ُ َ �م� ن � � � �ع� ن �م�ل� � ا �ه�َ لا �م� ن ��سف���هَ ���ف����س�هُ‬ ‫ي�ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫َ�ز‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ا �ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ح �ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫� � � �ك‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫��‬ ‫ِ يم و � ر ب� � ِ ِ �إِ ب ر ِ يم �إِ � ِ‬ ‫و ِ وي ِي �ِ م �إِ ��ك � ِ‬ ‫َ َ قَ ْ َ فَ ْ نَ ُ ف ُّ نْيَ نَّ ُ ف آ خ َ ة َ نَ َّ نَ �ذْ قَ َ‬ ‫و �ل�����د ا �ص��ط������ي���ا ه � ا �ل�د ���ا و ��ه � ال� �ر� �ل���م� ا �ل���ص�ا �ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫حي��� �إ ��ا ل ‪ )*... )(Q, 2:126-131‬ب���س ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ ِ�‬ ‫َِ�إ ِ�ي‬ ‫ِ�ي‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫أ َ ُ ُّ ْ منَ أَ‬ ‫بَ �ن يَ ْ ُ ُ يَ بَ‬ ‫َْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ا �ل �‬ ‫ح� [ ن�]‪� [)٧ (Q, 1:1)...‬إ]ِ ب�ر ا ِ�هي�ُ �� ي�ِ�ه َو��ع��ق��و ب� �ا �ن��ِ�ـ[ ّ ]‪[)١٠ .(Q, 2:132).‬وَ� ] ن�� �م��س�ِل�مو �  �‬ ‫مِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ـ�ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ر م‬ ‫قَ ُ ْ‬ ‫ُ�نُت ْ شُ هَ َ �ذْ حَ �ضَ َ يَ ْ قُ بَ ْ َ ْ تُ �ذْ قَ َ بَ �ن َ تَ ُْ ُ نَ ن بَ ْ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫� ��ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�د �‪� .‬ا[ لوا]‪(Q,...‬‬ ‫�ك� �م ������د ا ء �إِ ��� ر ��ع����و� ا ل���مو� �إِ �ا ل ِ��ِ ي�ِ�ه �م�ا ��ع ب���د و � �ِم�� ��ع ِ ي‬ ‫اَ‬ ‫َ ً َ نَْ نُ َ ُ ُ ْ ُ ن َ‬ ‫)‪[)٣...2:132-133‬وا]ح�د ا و �‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ح�� �ل�ه �م��س�ِل�مو � ‪] [. (Q, 2:133)..‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ّ ُ ّ �ذَ كَ أَ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫� �م� ن �� ض‬ ‫ع��� ف��ا �ل��ذ � ن‬ ‫�ُ� �� ُ �َع�مَ�َ َع�ا ل (!) �م ن‬ ‫� �م� ن � � ‪ ْ )١‬ا ن‬ ‫�ض‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫�ض‬ ‫ك‬ ‫ك‬ ‫ع��‬ ‫ي� �ه�ـ[�ـ�ا ج�ر وا‪]...‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪ ِ �[)٨‬يع ل ٍم ِ م ِ � ٍر و ثى ب م � ب �‬ ‫(‪Q, (3:195‬‬

‫‪129‬‬

‫)‪hebron (al-khalīl‬‬

‫يَ أَ ْ َ ْ تَ‬ ‫َ تُحَآ ُّ نَ ف ْ َ َ َ َ أُ ن�ز َ ت تَّ َ ةُ َ ن ُ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫� �‬ ‫‪��)١١‬ل(‪� )!not in the Q‬ا � �ه�ل ا �لِك��‬ ‫� ا �ل�و ر ا � والإ� جِي���ل‬ ‫�ا ب ِ‬ ‫� ِلم � ج و � ِ�ي �إِ ب ر ا ِ يم و�م�ا � ِ ل� ِ‬ ‫فَ تُ‬ ‫ف َ َُ‬ ‫َّ بَ ْ أَ فَ َ تَ ْ ق ُ نَ َ أَ ن ُ‬ ‫حَآ ُّ نَ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ�ؤ‬ ‫�‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫ل �ن‬ ‫� ب��ه ع��ل ���ل �‬ ‫�‬ ‫ـ�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�� �ه‬ ‫ه ا ل‬ ‫� � ج�و �‬ ‫�إِ ا ِم�� ��ع ِ�د ِ � ��ل ��ع��ِ���و � �ه�ا � م َ ‪ )١٣‬ا ء ح�ا �ج ج��ـ[ م] ‪�ِ[)١٦‬ـ]��ـ��ي���م�ا ل مك ِِ ِ م مِ‬ ‫ف َ َْ سَ َ ُ‬ ‫ْ َ ّ ُ يَ ْ َ أ ن ُت ْ اَ تَ ْ َُ نَ َ َ نَ ْ َ ُ يَ ُ ًّ َ اَ نَ ْ َ ن ًّ َ َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫�� ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫َ�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ك‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫د‬ ‫ه‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ص‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫ك‬ ‫��‬ ‫�ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫��ل‬ ‫��ل‬ ‫ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�إِ ب ر ِ يم � و ِي و‬ ‫م و‬ ‫ِ���ي���م�ا �ل��ي�� �ل م بِِ ِ م و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر ِي و ِ �‬ ‫م‬ ‫َ نَ حَ �ن فً ُّ ْ ً َ َ َ نَ نَ ْ ُ شْ نَ نَّ أَ ْ َ نَّ‬ ‫ْ َ َ ََّ�ذ نَ تَّبَ ُ ُ َ َ �ذَ �نَّ ُّ‬ ‫�‬ ‫كا � ��ِ ي�����ا �م��س�ِل�م�ا و�م�ا �‬ ‫�‬ ‫كا � �ِم�� ا �ل���م��� ِرِك‬ ‫�ي��� �إِ � � و لى ا ��ل��ا �ِس بِ��إِب�ر ا ِ�هي�م �ل�ل�ِ �ي� ا ���عوه و�ه�ـ� ا ا �ل�بِ�ي�‬ ‫َ �َّ�ذ � نَ‬ ‫وا ل�ِ ي�‪(Q, 3:65-68)...‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫خَ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ َّ نْ أَ ْ َ َ َ ْهَ ُ َ ُ َ ُ ْ‬ ‫تَّ بَ َ َّ�ةَ ْ َ َ حَ‬ ‫���ن�� ف��ً�ا َ ا ت���ذَ ا �ل�ّ�ل�هُ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫����ه �ل�ل�ه و�ه�ـ[ـو] م‬ ‫‪ِ�)٩‬م���م�� � ��س��ل و ج�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ح ِ��س�ـ[ـ��] و‪[)١٨ .‬ا ��ـ]ـ�ع �ِم�ل� �إِ ب�ر ا ِ�هي�م ِ ي و‬ ‫م‬ ‫ْ َ َ خَ ً‬ ‫�إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ��ِ�لي��لا )‪(Q, 4:125‬‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ََ‬ ‫أَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َّ �َ ن �َّ ْ َ َ َ َ َ َّ ُ فَ ََّ تَبَ َّ نَ َ ُ أ نّ ُ َ ُ ٌّ � ّ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫كا � ا ����ستِ�� غ����ف���ا ر �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي�َ ل� ب�ي�ِ�ه �إ لا ع�� موِع�د ةٍ� وع�د �ه�ا �إ ي�ا ه ��ل�م�ا ��ي��� �ل�ه � ��ه ع�د و ِل��لِ�ه‬ ‫‪َ )١٩‬و�م�ا �‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م ِ ِ‬ ‫تَ بَ ّ أَ نْ ُ نَّ ْ َ َ أ َّ ٌ حَ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫���رَ� �م���ه �إ � �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ل� وا ه �ِ�لي� )‪(Q, 9:114‬‬ ‫ِ َِ ِ‬ ‫م ُ م‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن ت‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫حَ ت يَ ْ ْ َ ّ ُ ْ َ ن ْ‬ ‫�ْت ُ ْن هَ ُ‬ ‫نّ َ �ّ�ذ � نَ �َ نُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ال‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫ح‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫��م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫�د‬ ‫ه‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�م‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫ص‬ ‫��‬ ‫��‬ ‫��‬ ‫��‬ ‫��‬ ‫���‬ ‫ل��‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪)١٤‬‬ ‫�‬ ‫� � ِ ي�ِ م ر ب � م بِ�إ ي ِ �ِ م ج ِر ي� ِ � ِ �ِ م � ر‬ ‫‪�[)١٢‬إِ �] ا ل�ِ ي� � م و و ِ و � ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ف جَ نَّ ت نَّ َ ْ َ �ُ ْ ف هَ‬ ‫� �‬ ‫� ا ��ل� ِ�عي� د �عوا هم ِ����‬ ‫ي� �ا ‪ )١٥ (Q, 10:9-10) ...‬ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه و��س��ل ‪(fragment from a blessing‬‬ ‫ِ�ي ���ا ِ‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ذْ �قَ َ ْ َ ُ َ ّ ْ عَ ْ َ �ذَ ْبََ َ آ نً َ ْ نُْ ن َ بَ ن َّ أَ ن نَّ ُْ َ أَ ْ نَ َ َ ّ ّنَ ُ نَّ‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪)٢٠‬و �ا ل �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ر ب �‬ ‫�‬ ‫� �إِ ���ه��‬ ‫� ا ج ���ل �ه�ـ� ا ا �ل��ل�د � �ِم���ا وا ج �� �ب�ِ�ي� و �ِ�ي� � � ��ع ب���د ال� ��ص���ا م ر ب ِ‬ ‫م ِ‬ ‫َ َِ�إ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َّ َّنَ نّ أَ‬ ‫�كَ‬ ‫مَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ث‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫عَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫�غَ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫� �ْ �ن تُ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫�أ �ضْ �لَ�لْ ���� ا �م� نَ ا ��لن��ا �� �� � ن ت��� ن� �� ن��هُ �م ن� َ �م� نْ �ع�� ص�ا � �� ن� � ��ف‬ ‫ح�ٌ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ك‬ ‫�س‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫� � ِير ِ �‬ ‫ِس � بِ ِي� �إِ ِِي� و � � ِ�ي �إِ �ك و ر ر ِ يم ر ب �إِِ�ي‬ ‫َ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ن �ذُ ّ َّت َ �غَْ �ذ �زَ ْ ن َ بَْت َ ْ ُ حَ َّ َ ّ ُق ُ ْ َّ َ ةَ فَ ْ‬ ‫� ��عَ�ْ �أ ف�ْئ�� َ�د �ةً �ّم� نَ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ِم�� ِري�ِ�ي� بِ�وا ٍد ي��ِر ِ �ي� ر‬ ‫ع ِ�ع���د ���ي ِ��ك ا �ل���م���رِم ر ب���ا �ِ�لي�ِ����ي���موا ا �ل���ص�لا � �ا ج ل ِ ِ �‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫نَّ َت ْ‬ ‫�لَ ْ ْ َ ْ �زُ ْق ُ ّ نَ �ثَّ َ َ ت‬ ‫ا ��ل��ا ��س ���هو �� �إ �ي���ه� وا ر ����ه� �م�� ا �ل� ���مرا � ‪(Q, 14:35-37)...‬‬ ‫مِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ ي ِ ِم‬ ‫غ‬ ‫��ا[ل]‪(Q, 24:36-37)...‬‬ ‫‪)٦‬ا �ل���د و والا �ص�ا ل ر ج‬ ‫َّ ن قَ‬ ‫نَْ‬ ‫ح��بَ�هُ َ �م نْ���هُ� �َّم� ن يَ���ن تَ� ظ���ُ َ �َم�ا بَ� َّ�د �لُ ا ت�َْ��د � اً �ل يَ���� ْ�ز يَ َّ ُ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫� �� ا �ل��ل�ه ‪(Q, 33:23-24)...‬‬ ‫��‬ ‫و ب ِ يل ِ ج‬ ‫وِ � م � ِ ر و‬ ‫‪�)١٧‬م�� ضَى‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َّ َ نَ ََ �نَّ ّ نْ حَ َ ف َ فَ َ ضَ َّ ُ َ ُ ُ نَّ�ةَ َّ ف� َّ�ذ نَ خَ لَ ْ ن قَْ ُ َ َ نَ‬ ‫كا � ع��لى ا �ل� ب�� �ِم�� �ر جٍ� ِ���ي���م�ا �ر�� ا �ل��ل�ه �ل�ه ‪����)٢١‬س��� ا �ل��لِ�ه �ي ا �ل�ِ �ي� ��وا �ِم�� � ب���ل و �‬ ‫‪�)٤‬م�ا �‬ ‫كا �‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫أَ ْ ُ َّ قَ َ ً َّ قْ ُ ً َّ�ذ نَ ُبَ ّ غُ نَ َ اَ ت َّ‬ ‫�ه ‪(Q, 33:38-39) ...‬‬ ‫� ا �ل��لِ‬ ‫� �مر ا �ل��لِ�ه ��د ر ا �م�����د و ر ا ا �ل�ِ �ي� ي���ِ�ل��و � ِر ��س�ا ل ِ‬ ‫)‪to the prophet‬‬

‫)‪hebron (al-khalīl‬‬

‫نَّ فَتَ ْ نَ َ َ فَتْ ً ُّ نً يَ غْ ف َ َ َ َّ ُ َ تَ قَ َّ َ ن �ذَ ن َ َ َ تَأَ خََّ َُ ت َّ ن ْ َ تَ ُ َ لَ ْ َ‬ ‫‪� )٢٢‬إ �ا ������‬ ‫ح���ا �ل�ك ������‬ ‫ح�ا �مبِ����ي��ا �ِ�ل�����ِ��ر �ل�ك ا �ل��ل�ه �م�ا ������د م �ِم�� �ب�ِ�ك و�م�ا �� �ر و�ي�م ِ��ع���م���ه ع���ي��ك‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َيَ ْ يَ َ َ ً ُّ ْ َق ً َيَن ُ َ َ َّ ُ نَ ْ ً َ�ز ي�ز ً ُ َ َّ�ذ أَ ن�زَ َ َّ نَ�ةَ ف ُق ُ‬ ‫و���ه�د ��ك �صرا ط�ا �م����ست������ي���م�ا و�����صر ك ا �ل��ل�ه ����صرا �ع � ا �هو ا �ل� �� � � ل ا �ل��س ك �‬ ‫�‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫���ي��� ِ�ي ��لو ب ِ‬ ‫ِي‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ نً ّ‬ ‫ْ ُ ْ�ؤ ن نَ يَ�زْ‬ ‫َ ن ْ َ � ّ نُ‬ ‫ََّ ت‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫��م‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫��م‬ ‫�‬ ‫د‬ ‫د‬ ‫ا �ل���م �مِ��ي��� �ِل��‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫��‬ ‫�ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫���ود ا �ل��س���م�ا وا �‪(Q, 48:1-4)...‬‬ ‫�‬ ‫و �إِي ع �إِي ِ �ِ م وِ ِ ج‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬

‫‪130‬‬

‫‪3. Suggested Reconstruction‬‬ ‫‪(The Arabic numbers are those of the sections above. The Qurʾānic verses are in the‬‬ ‫)‪regular numbers‬‬

‫َّ ََ ْ‬ ‫�يَ غْ ف َ َ َ َّ ُ َ‬ ‫� نَ َ َ ف�َتْ ً ُّ ً‬ ‫���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح� ـ� ن ا �ل �‬ ‫ح� ]‪� )٢٢ (Q, 1:1)...‬إ ن�ا ف�ت����ح���ا �ل�ك �����‬ ‫ح�ا �م ب����ي ن��ا (‪�ِ )1‬ل�����ِ��ر �ل�ك ا �ل��ل�ه م�ا�‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫*) ب م ل� ر م�ـ[ � ر يم‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫تَ قَ َّ َ ن �ذَ ن َ َ َ تَأَ خّ‬ ‫�ََ َ �ُ ت�َّ ن ْ َ تَ ُ َ لَ ْ َ َيَ ْ يَ َ َ ً ُّ ْ تَق ً‬ ‫��م�ا (‪�َ )2‬يَن���ُص َ َك ا �ل�ّ�لَ�هُ‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ص‬ ‫م‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ط‬ ‫�د‬ ‫ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫��‬ ‫��م‬ ‫�‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫س‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫ي ك و � ِ ��ك �ِ ر‬ ‫ِ �ي‬ ‫و �ر‬ ‫������د م �ِم�� �ب�ِ�ك و�م�ا �� ر ويِم ِ‬ ‫ُ َ َّ�ذ أَ ن�زَ َ َّ نَ�ةَ ف ُق ُ‬ ‫ْ ُ ْ�ؤ ن نَ يَ�زْ َ ُ‬ ‫َ نً َّ َ َ ن ْ‬ ‫نَ ْ ً �َ�ز ي�ز ً‬ ‫���ي��� �‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫���ص ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫� ا �ل���م �مِ��ي��� �ِل�� د ا د وا �إ ي����م�ا �ا �م �إ ي����م�ا ِ���ه�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ك‬ ‫ل��س‬ ‫ع � ا (‪3‬‬ ‫)‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ�ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫�ر ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ع ِ ِم‬ ‫َ َّ ُ نُ ُ َّ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫َ‬ ‫أ ض‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ل��س� َ��م�ا َ ا ت‬ ‫�‬ ‫كا � ا �ل�ل�ه ع�ل��ي���م�ا ح ك‬ ‫���ي���م�ا (‪(Q, 48:1-4).])4‬‬ ‫� [وال� ر�� و �‬ ‫و �ِل��لِ�ه ج ��ود ا � و ِ‬ ‫يَ أَ ْ َ ْ تَ‬ ‫َ تُحَآ ُّ نَ ف ْ َ َ َ َ أُ ن�ز َ ت تَّ َ ةُ َ ن ُ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ال‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪��)١١‬ل(‪� )!not in the Q‬ا � �ه�ل ا �لِك��‬ ‫� ا �ل�و ر ا و إ� جِي���ل‬ ‫�ا ب ِ‬ ‫� ِم � ج و � ِ�ي �إِ ب ر ا ِ يم و م�ا � ِ ل� ِ‬ ‫ف َ َُ‬ ‫َ أَ ن ُ‬ ‫�جَ�ْ‬ ‫َّ ن بَ ْ أَ فَ َ تَ ْ ق ُ نَ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ�ؤ‬ ‫� ��ه ع��لٌ فَ���لَ‬ ‫�إ لا �ِم�� ��ع ِ�د ِه � ��لا ��ع��ِ���لو � (‪� )65‬ه�ا � �� �ه ‪)١٣‬لا ء ح�ا ج��ـ[ـ� ] ‪�� [)١٦‬ـ]��ـ� ���م�ا �ل ك‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ �ي م بِِ ِ م ِم‬ ‫َ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫حَ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫اَ‬ ‫َ َ نَ ْ َ ُ يَ ُ ًّ َ اَ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ يَ ْ‬ ‫ت ت ْ نَ‬ ‫نَ ف َ سَ‬ ‫�‬ ‫كا � �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ���هودِي�ا و ل‬ ‫� ب�ِ�ه ِع��لٌ َوا �ل��ل�هُ ��ع��لُ وَ� ن��ْ ل ��ع�ل�مو � (‪� )66‬م�ا‬ ‫� � ج�و � ِ���ي���م�ا �ل��ي�� �ل ك‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫نَ ْ َ ن ًّ َ َ ن َ نَ حَ �ن فً ُّ ْ ً َ َ َ نَ نَ ْ ُ شْ‬ ‫نَّ أ ْ لَ ��لنَّ �� ْ� َ �ه�َ �َّ�ذ � نَ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫����صرا �ِي��ا و �ل ِك‬ ‫كا � ��ِ ي�����ا �م��س�ِل�م�ا و�م�ا �‬ ‫��� �‬ ‫كا � �ِم�� ا �ل���م��� ِرِك‬ ‫�ي��� (‪� )67‬إِ � � و ى ا ��ا ِس بِ��إ ب ر ا ِ يم ل�ل�ِ ي�‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫تَّبَ ُ ُ َ َ �ذَ �نَّ ُّ َ َّ�ذ نَ آ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ؤ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا ل���م م��ي��� (‪(Q, 3:65-68)])68‬‬ ‫ا ���عوه و�ه�ـ� ا ا ل�بِ�ي� [وا �ل�ِ ي� � م��وا وا ل�ل�ه و �ي‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ ّ‬ ‫�ذْ قَ َ ْ َ �ه�ُ َ ّ ْ عَ ْ َ �ذَ �ْبََ َ آ نً َ ْ نُْ ن َ بَ ن َّ أ ن نَّ ُْ َ أَ ْ نَ َ‬ ‫�‬ ‫‪)٢٠‬وَِ�إ ��ا ل �إِ ب�ر ا ِ يم ر ب ِ‬ ‫� ا ج����ل �ه�ـ� ا ا �ل��ل�د � �ِم���ا وا ج��� �ب�ِ�ي� و �ِ�ي� � � ��ع ب���د ال� ��ص���ا م (‪ )35‬ر ب ِ‬ ‫َّ َّنَ‬ ‫ّنَ ُ َّ أَ ْ َْ نَ �كَث ً ّ نَ نَّ فَمَ تَ عَ ن فَ نَّ ُ نّ َ َ ْ َ َ ن فَ نَّ َ �غَ فُ ٌ َّ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫�‬ ‫� �ل�ل��ِ�ي��ر ا �ِم�� ا ��ل��ا ��ِس �� � ن� �ب���� ���إ ��ه �ِم�� و�م� ن� �ع���ص�ا ��ي ���إ ��ك � ����و ر ر ِحي� (‪ )36‬ر ب���ا‬ ‫�إ ���ه� ن� � �ض‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ ِي ِ ِي‬ ‫نّ أَ ْ َ �ن تُ ن �ذُ ّ َّت َ �غَْ �ذ �زَ ْ ن َ بَْت َ ْ ُ حَ َّ َ َّنَ ُق ُ ْ َّ َ ةَ فَ ْ عَ ْ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�إ ��ي � ��س ك‬ ‫�� �� �ِم�� ِري�ِ�ي� بِ�وا ٍد ي��ِر ِ �ي� ر‬ ‫ع ِ�ع���د ���ي ِ��ك ا �ل���م���رِم ر ب���ا �ِ�لي�ِ����ي���موا ا �ل���ص�لا � �ا ج� ���ل‬ ‫َِِ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫�لَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ش � ن‬ ‫�أ ف� ئ���د �ة �م� نَ ا ��لن��ا �� ت��ه � ���ه� ْ َ ا �ز �ق��ه� �م� نَ ا �ل��ث� َ��مَ ا ت‬ ‫� [�ل�ع���ل�ه� ي���� ك‬ ‫�ر و � (‪(Q, 14:35-37)...])37‬‬ ‫ِ ِ � ِس � ِو ي� �إِ ي �ِ م و ر � م ِ � ر ِ َ م‬ ‫�ذْ قَ َ ْ َ ُ َ ّ ْ عَ ْ ٰ�ذَ بََ ً آ نً َ ْ �زُ قْ أ ْ ُ نَ �ث َ َ ت َ آ َ ْ ُ‬ ‫�ه�‬ ‫� �م� ن� � �م� نَ� �ِم ن����ه� ب�ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫� ا ج����ل �ه� ا ��ل�د ا � �ِم���ا وا ر � � �ه�ل�ه �ِم�� ا �ل� ���مرا ِ‬ ‫‪)٢‬وَِ�إ ��ا ل �إ ب�ر ا ِ يم ر ب ِ‬ ‫م‬

‫‪131‬‬

‫)‪hebron (al-khalīl‬‬

‫َ‬ ‫َ كَ ُ‬ ‫�فَ َ ف�َأ �َ تّ ُ ُ �قَ��ل اً ُث�َّ �أ ْ طَ ُّ هُ لَ َ�ذَ ا ا ��لنَّ َ �ئْ سَ ا �ْ َ ُ‬ ‫ا ��ل� ال�آ خ� �ق�ا َ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ض‬ ‫��‬ ‫��‬ ‫� ��ا ِر و ب���� ل���م��ِ�صي��ر(‪)126‬‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ر �إِ ى‬ ‫بِ‬ ‫ر ل و � ر ِ ِي م‬ ‫َِ‬ ‫و يوم‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫�ذْ يَ ْ فَ ُ ْ َ ُ قَ َ َ نَ بَْ ت ْ َ ُ َ ّ تَ قَ َّ ْ نَّ نَّ َ أ ن تَ َّ‬ ‫ل��س���م�� ُ ا �ل�عَ��ل�ُ‬ ‫و �ر �� �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ا �ل����وا ِع�د �ِم�� ا ��ل���ي�� و ��س���م�ا ِ�عي���ل ر ب���ا ����� ب���ل �ِم���ا �إ ��ك � �� ا �‬ ‫َ�إ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ�إ ع ِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ يع ِ يم‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫عَ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫مَ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫(‪ )127‬ر ب���ا َوا ج��� ��ل��ا �م��س�ِل� ي�� ن� [ �ل�ك و�م� ن� ر ي�� ن��ا ا �م��ة �م��س�ل�م��ة �ل�ك وا ر ن�ا �م ن���ا � ك��‬ ‫�س�ا و ت� ب� ع�ل��ي ن���ا ا ن��ك‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫لَ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫يَ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫يَ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫عَ‬ ‫عَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ َ ْ ثْ ف� ْ َ ُ ّ ْ ْ ْ‬ ‫ْ ْ ت َُ ُ‬ ‫ا ن� ت� ا ��لت� ا �] ‪[)٥‬ا]�ل َّ ِ�‬ ‫ي�ه� ر��سو لا �ِم ن����ه� �ت��لو ع���ي���ه� � �ا ِ��ك و�ي� �ِل��م�ه�‬ ‫حي�مُ (‪ )128‬ر ب���ا وا ب���� ِ���‬ ‫ر‬ ‫و ب‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫َ‬ ‫مَّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫مَ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫�حَ ُ َ َ ن يَ ْ �غَ ُ َ ن ّ ّ�ة ْ َ‬ ‫�ْ تَ بَ‬ ‫� ك �ةَ َ ُ�زَ� ْ نَّ َ أ ن تَ َ�ز ي�زُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ا � وا ِح �‬ ‫ا لِك��‬ ‫� � وي� ِ�كي���ه� �إ ��ك � �� ا �ل�ع � (‪ )129‬ا ك‬ ‫�ي� و�م�� �ر � ب� ع�� �ِم�ل�ِ �إ ب�ر ا ِ يم �إ لا‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِم ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫َ َ ف َ نَ فْ َ ُ َ َ قَ ْ َ فَ ْ نَ ُ ف ُّ نْيَ نَّ ُ ف آ خ َ ة َ نَ َّ‬ ‫ْ قَ َ‬ ‫�ص�ا �ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫حي�� نَ� (‪� [ )130‬إ �ذ ��ا ل ل�ه�‬ ‫�م� ن� ��سِ���ه �������س�ه و �ل���� ِ�د ا �ص��ط������ي���ا ه ��ي ا �ل�د ���ا وَ�إ��ه ��ي ال� ِ�ر�ِ �ل�ِ��م�� ا �ل��‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِِ‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫أ ف أ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫ْ�َٰ �ه�ُ بَ��ن َ يَ ْ قُ ُ يَ بَن ّ ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫س‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫ه‬ ‫��‬ ‫‪131‬‬ ‫(‬ ‫�ـ[‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪[)٧‬‬ ‫)‬ ‫�‬ ‫�إ ب ر ِ يم ِي ِ و و ب� ِ ـ�ي �إ �‬ ‫و و صى ب �‬ ‫ر ب��ه � ��س��لم ��ا ل � � � ر ب� � ي�‬ ‫أَ ْ ُ�نُت شُ هَ َ �ذْ‬ ‫ّ ن فَ ت تُ نَّ‬ ‫َْ َ‬ ‫أَ ن ُت ُّ ْ ُ نَ‬ ‫حَ����ضَ َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ال‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫َ�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫ء‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫��س‬ ‫م‬ ‫�د‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ك‬ ‫ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ص��ط ف�ى �ل ك‬ ‫���‬ ‫‪132‬‬ ‫(‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪[)١٠‬‬ ‫ا]‬ ‫)‬ ‫�‬ ‫و م ِ و�‬ ‫� ا �ل ِ�د�ي� ��لا ����مو ��‬ ‫ر‬ ‫م م � ِ�إ‬ ‫م‬ ‫قَ ُ ْ‬ ‫ٰ‬ ‫َ ً َ نَْ‬ ‫يَ ْ قُ بَ ْ َ ْ تُ �ذْ قَ َ بَ �ن َ تَ ُْ ُ نَ ن بَ ْ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ح� نُ‬ ‫�‬ ‫� �‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا]ح�د ا و� �‬ ‫��ع����و� ا �ل���مو� �إِ �ا ل ِ�ل��ِ ي�ِ�ه �م�ا ��ع ب���د و � �ِم�� ��ع ِ�د �ي�‪� .‬ا[ �لوا ��ع ب���د ا ��ل�ه�ك ]‪[)٣.‬و ِ‬ ‫َ ُ ْ ُ نَ‬ ‫�ل�هُ �م��س�ِل�مو � (‪. (Q, 2:126-:133)..)133‬‬ ‫ََ‬ ‫أَ‬ ‫َ َ َ نَ ْ ْ َ ُ ْ َ‬ ‫َّ �َ ن �َّ ْ َ َ َ َ َ َّ ُ ف�َ ََّ تَبَ َّ نَ َ ُ أ نّ ُ َ ُ ٌّ � ّ‬ ‫كا � ا ����ستِ�� غ����ف���ا ر �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي�َ ل� ب�ي�ِ�ه �إ لا ع�� موِع�د ةٍ� وع�د �ه�ا �إ ي�ا ه �ل�م�ا ��ي��� �ل�ه � ��ه ع�د و ِل��لِ�ه‬ ‫‪)١٩‬و�م�ا �‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م ِ ِ‬ ‫تَ بَ ّ أَ نْ ُ نَّ ْ َ َ أ َّ ٌ حَ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫���رَ� �م���ه �إ � �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ل� وا ه �ِ�لي� (‪(Q, 9:114) )114‬‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ ِ ِ‬ ‫َم‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫هَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ح��س�ـ[ـ� نٌ ] ‪[)١٨‬ا ت��ـ]ـبَ� �م�ل��ةَ � ا �ه�َ‬ ‫�� �هُ �ل�ل�ه َ‬ ‫ح����س ن د �نَ��ا] �ّم� ّ��م� نْ � �ْ�س��لَ َ‬ ‫م‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�ـ[ـ‬ ‫]‬ ‫و و ِ � و‬ ‫‪[)٩‬و�م� ن� � � ي ِ � م و ج �‬ ‫ع ِ �إِ ب ر ِ يم‬ ‫حَ �ن فً َ تَّخَ�ذَ ّ ُ ْ َ َ خَ ً‬ ‫�� ي�����ا وا �� ا �ل��ل�ه �إ ب�ر ا ِ�هي� ��ِ�لي��لا (‪(Q, 4:125) )125‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن ف‬ ‫ف� � ت �ذ ن‬ ‫� ا � ا �ل�ل�ه ا � ت�ر �� ‪...‬و�ي����س ب���� �ل�ه ����‬ ‫ي�ه�ا ب��ـ]�ـ�ا �ل غ���د و وال� �ص�ا ل(‪ )36‬ر ج��ا[ل لا‬ ‫‪�[)٦‬ي بي�و‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ع‬ ‫تُ ْ ُ ت ةٌ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ي�ه� ج��ا ر � و لا ب�ي� �ع� ن� ك‬ ‫���له���‬ ‫�ر ا �ل�ل�ه ‪(Q, 24:36-37)...])37(...‬‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�ِ م‬ ‫ّ ُ ّ �ذَ كَ أَ‬ ‫ُ �َ مََ َ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫� �م� ن ��ع���ض‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�‬ ‫� ِم�� ر ‪ )١‬و ��ثى ب��ع���ض‬ ‫‪��[)٨‬ا ����ست���� ج��ا ب� ��ل�ه� ر ب���ه� ا �ن�ي لا ا] ِ�ض‬ ‫�� ي�� ع� �ل ع�ا (!) ِم�� ك‬ ‫� مك � ب �‬ ‫ٍم‬ ‫ع‬ ‫م م‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف��ا �ل��ذ � ن‬ ‫ي� �ه�ـ[�ـ�ا ج�ر وا‬ ‫لأ� ف ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�‬ ‫[وا خ�‬ ‫�وا �م� ن� د ي�ا ر�ه ‪ � ...‬ك����ر � ع����ه� ‪(Q, 3:195( ])195(...‬‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ر‬ ‫م‬ ‫َ‬ ‫نّ َ َّ�ذ نَ آ َ ُ ْ َ ُ ْ َّ حَ ميَ ْ ْ َ ُّ ُ ْ َ ْ تَْ‬ ‫تَ‬ ‫�ْت ُ أ ْن هَ ُ‬ ‫��ا ت‬ ‫ي�ه� ر ب���ه� ب� ي����م�ا ن���ه� ج�ر �� ‪�)١٤‬م� ن �‬ ‫‪ ]� [)١٢‬ا �ل� �ي� � �م ن��وا َو�عِ�م�لوا ا �ل���ص�ا �ل‬ ‫�د‬ ‫ه‬ ‫��‬ ‫��‬ ‫�‬ ‫حِ����ِه�م ال� ����ا ر‬ ‫�‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ�‬ ‫ِ ِ‬ ‫ِ م م ِ�إِ ِ ِ م ِ ي‬ ‫�إِ‬

132

hebron (al-khalīl)

َّ ‫ف جَ نَّ ت‬ ‫ت‬ َ‫َ ْ َ �ُ ْ ف ه‬ ‫ف‬ � ‫و‬. �‫ح�ا ن��ك ا �ل���ل�ه‬ � � � �����‫ي��ا [����س ب‬ ���� �‫ح��يت����ه‬ ����ِ ‫)د �عوا هم‬9( �‫� ا ��لن� ِ�عي‬ ])9(... ‫ي�ه�ا ��س�لا‬ ِ ‫ِ�ي ���ا‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ِ َ‫ن‬ َ‫َ ق‬ َ َ ‫�ْ بَ ْ ُ َّ يَ �ن‬ � ����� ‫)[�م� ن ا �ل���مو�م ن��ي�� ن� ر ج��ا ل �ص�د ق�وا �م�ا ع�ا �ه�د وا ا �ل�ل�ه و�م ن����ه� ]�ّم� ن‬١٧ ‫ح���هُ َو�ِم ن����ه� �م� ن� �� ت� ظِ���ُر َو�م�ا‬ � ‫م � ضَى‬ ‫م‬ َ ْ َ‫بَ َّ ُ ت‬ ً َ‫ي‬ َ‫��ز ي‬ ّ ‫�ق‬ ‫�ق‬ ْ ُ ‫ن‬ ‫ا‬ � ���‫) ِ�ل���� ج ِ �� ا ل��ل�ه [ا �ل���ص�ا د ي��� ب‬23( ‫��د �لوا �ب� ِ�د ي�ل‬ (Q, 33:23-24)...])24(... �‫�ص�د ���ه‬ ‫م‬ َ َّ َ َّ َ‫حَ ف َ فَ َ ض‬ َّ َ‫ُ َّ�ة‬ ّ َّ‫كا نَ َع��َ ا �ل��ن‬ ‫)����سن��� ا �ل��لِ�ه‬٢١ُ‫)—[�ص��لى] ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه و��س��ل —�ِم� نْ� �َر جٍ ِ���ي���م�ا �ر�� ا �ل��ل�هُ �ل�ه‬١٥ � � � ‫)�م�ا � لى‬٤ ‫ب‬ � ‫ي‬ ِ ‫م‬ ِ َ َّ ‫َّ�ذ نَ ُبَ ّ غُ نَ َ اَ ت‬ ً ُ ْ‫ف� َّ�ذ � نَ خَ لَ ْ ن �قَْ ُ َ َ نَ أ ْ ُ � َّ �قَ َ ً َّ ق‬ � � ‫� ا ل��لِ�ه‬ � ‫�ي ا �ل�ِ ي� ��وا �ِم�� ب���ل و‬ ِ ‫) ا �ل�ِ ي� ي���ِ�ل��و � ِر ��س�ا ل‬38( ‫كا � � �مر ا ل��لِ�ه �د ر ا �م�����د و ر ا‬ ِ ‫�ف‬ ً � ً ‫ن‬ ‫خش ن‬ ‫خش‬ (Q, 33:38-39) ...)39( ‫[و ي����و ��ه و لا ي����و � ا ح�د ا الا ا �ل�ل�ه و ك� ب�ا �ل�ل�ه ح��س��ي ب��ا‬ ‫ى‬ (Q, 10:9-10)

I cannot show photographs of all the Qurʾānic texts, which I could read in the Ruqūm but not reproduce. The photographs displayed here are the only available samples.

َ ََ‫َ م‬ )!( ‫ �ع� �ل ع�ا ل‬This is a mistake in the Qurʾānic text (Q, 3:195) in the inscription instead ‫�َ مََ َ ٍم‬ of )!( ‫ع� �ل ع�ا �م�ل‬. ٍ 31 Jāwliyyah Mosque Qurʾānic Text

c. 720/1320

Three slabs of marble 4.45x0.33m. each, located on the southern end of the west side of al-Jāwliyyah mosque, mounted over columns some 2.15m above ground level. To these I added a fragment from Q, 59 (Fig. 31a). Monumental Mamlūk floral naskhī, points, no vowels; in relief. Fig. 31a. Publication: Ruqūm, 282, 285-290.

ْ ّ َ ُ ‫ْ غَْ َ شَّ هَ َ ة‬ ً ‫أ ن�ز � ن �ذ �ق ن ََ جَ بَ َّ أَ ْتَ ُ خَ ش‬ ُ‫َح�مَ� ن‬ � � � � ���� ‫)[�لو � � �ل��ا �ه� ا ا �ل�� رء ا �] ع��لى‬١ � ‫� وا �ل������ا د ِ� �هو ا �لر‬ ِ ‫)ا ل����ي� ب‬٢...21 59 ]‫ل لرَ� ي��ه ��ا[ ِ���ع�ا‬ ٍ ُ‫ُ َ � َّ ُ َّ�ذ اَ َ َ َّ ُ َ ْ َ ُ ْ قُ ُّ ��ُ َّ اَ ُ ْ ُ ْ�ؤ نُ ْ ُ هَْ نُ ْ َ�ز ي�ز‬ �ِ َّ ‫ا �ل‬ � ‫)ا �ل�����د و س ا �ل��س�ل ا �ل���م �م�� ا �ل����م� ��ي�ِ��م�� ا �ل�ع‬٣ ‫ �هو ا ل��ل�ه ا �ل�ِ �� ل �إ �ل�ه �إ لا �هو ا �ل���م�ِل�ك‬22 59 ُ�‫حي‬ ‫رَ م‬ ِ َ ِ ِ َِ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ َ‫خ‬ ُ ْ ْ ُ ْ ُ ْ ‫أ‬ َ َ ّ ّ َ َ‫ح‬ َ‫ب‬ ُ َ‫� شْ ن‬ َ‫ُ ْ ن‬ ُ َْ ُ َ ُ ُ َ ُ ُ َّ‫ْج‬ � ��‫ا �ل� ب���ا ر ا �ل���مت‬ ‫�بِ��ر ����س ب������ا � ا �ل�ل�ه ع�م�ا ي����رك‬ >‫)ا �ل��اِ�ل ق� ا ��ل��ا ِر �ئ� ا �ل���م���ص ّو ر �ل�هُ ال� ��س���م�ا �ِم�� ِع�ل�ِم ِ�ه �إ لا بِ����م�ا ����ا و] �ِ�س ك‬ ِ ‫�ر�ِ���سي���ه ا �ل��س�ـ[�ـ��مـ]�ـ�ا وا‬ ِ ‫بِ ي‬ ‫ع‬ ْ ْ ُ ُ َ ْ َ‫ع‬ َ ُ ُ َ ‫ظ‬ �ِ [‫ح��ف���ـ‬ ]ُ�‫�ـ����ه���م�ا] و[ �ه َو ا �ل���ل ّ ا �ل�ع�ظِ�� ي‬ ‫ِ�ي‬ ‫م‬ Q, 2:255 This verse from sūrat al-Baqrah (Q, 2:255) the “Verse of the Throne” appears on these fragments in full; I completed in brackets the lost, missing or broken parts of the original stones. Figs. 31b, 31c, 31d. Publication: Ruqūm, 295-297.

ْ ْ َ َ ْ َ‫ََ ْ ب‬ َّ َ َ ‫�َْ ُ ّ َّ�ذ‬ َ ُّ ُ َ َ ّ َ َّ‫حَ قَ ن‬ ّ َ َ‫ب‬ � ‫ل��س� َ��م�ا ا‬ ‫ل‬ �� ‫س‬ ‫ح‬ � � � � �‫ا‬ � ‫ل‬ � � � � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ء‬ ‫�د‬ �� ‫��م‬ � ‫��س‬ ‫ل‬ � �� ‫ع‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫��م‬ � ‫�س‬ �� � � ‫�ه‬ ‫�د‬ ‫�م‬ � � ‫ل‬ � ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�ه‬ ‫�ل‬ � ‫ل‬ > ر ب‬ ‫ِر ِ�ي وِو ِ ي� و ِ � ِ ِي� وم‬ ْ ُ ُ‫يَ ق‬ ‫�َ ُ ا ن‬ � ‫ل‬ �‫�ه‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫��س‬ ‫ح‬ � � ‫بر ي‬ ‫�����وم ا ِ ب‬ ‫م‬ Q, 14:38-41 Publication: Ruqūm, 298. Q, 16:123-124

َ‫آ خ َ ة َ نَ َّ �ل نَ ُث َّ أَ ْ حَ ْ ن‬ � ‫ال� ِ�ر� �ل�ِ��م�� ا �ل���ص�ا‬ ]‫حي��� �م � و[���ي���ا‬ ِ ِِ

َ َ‫ح‬ �‫����سَ�نَ����ةً و نّ��هُ ف‬ ‫َِ�إ ِ�ي‬

‫‪134‬‬

‫)‪hebron (al-khalīl‬‬

‫‪Fig. 31e. Publication: Ruqūm, 300-303.‬‬

‫َ‬ ‫�ذْ قَ َ‬ ‫َْ‬ ‫آبَ �ؤ ُ ُ ُ‬ ‫َ �قَ ْ َ تَ ُْ ُ نَ قَ ُ نَ ُْ ُ أ ْ نَ ً فَ �نَ�ظَ ُّ ��لَ هَ َ� ف‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫[ �إ]ب�ر ا ِ�هي�َ �إ ��ا ل لا ب�ي�ِ�ه و و�مِ�ه �م�ا ��ع ب���د و � ��ا �لوا ��ع ب���د � ��ص���ا �م�ا �� ���ل ��ا ع�ا ِك��ِ��ي���‪[ ...‬وَ� �ا ] ك‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ مِ‬ ‫م‬ ‫َّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫عَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫يَ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْال�أ �ْق َ�د �ُم نَ ف�� ن��ه� ع�د ّ ل لا [ ] � ا �ل�ـ]��ـ��ا �ل���م�� ن ]‪ [ ...‬ف���ه�ـ] ـ َ [��ه�ـ]�ـ�د � ن َ ا �ل� � �ه َ‬ ‫� و � ِ ي� و ِ ي� و‬ ‫ِ ي�‬ ‫و � �إِ � م و ِ�ي �إِ ر ب‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ ْ ُ ن َ يَ ْ ق ن �ذَ َ ْ تُ ف�َ ُ َ يَ شْ ف ن َ ّ�ذ ُ تُ ن ُث�َّ‬ ‫َ ا ْ���عَ��لْن �م� ن َ َ ثَ�ة جَ�نّ��َ��ة‬ ‫ا �م �ض� � ه �������� ا � � ����م����‬ ‫��ط�ع���م ���س����‬ ‫[‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫و ج ِي� ِ � و ر ِ ِ‬ ‫�ي�� ِ ِ�ي� و ِي ِ� وَِ�إ ِر� � ��� و ِي ِ� وْ ل�ِ ي� ي ِ ي ِ�ي� م‬ ‫تُ�خ�ز ن يَ ْ َ‬ ‫ا ��لنَّ َ ا �غ�ْ ف ْ لاَ � نَّ ُ َ نَ � نَ ا � َّ �ّ نَ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫��ع� ����‬ ‫كا م� ل���ض �ا ل�� ا‬ ‫��ه �‬ ‫ِ يِم و ِر بِ�ي �إِ � ِ � � ِي� و ِ ِ�ي وم‬ ‫‪Q, 26:69-71, 76-77, 78-81, 85-87‬‬ ‫‪Publication: Ruqūm, 304-307.‬‬

‫يَ ْ َ ُْ عَثُ نَ يَ ْ َ يَن فَ ُ َ ٌ َ بَنُ نَ َ ْ أَ تَ َّ َ قَ ْ‬ ‫ن ش عَت ْ َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫�و ي�ب����و � �و لا ���� �م�ا ل و لا ��و � �إ لا �م� ن� � �ى ا �ل��ل�ه بِ�������ل�‬ ‫� ��س�ِ�لي� ‪ِ� ...‬م�� �ِ����ي��� ِ��ِ�ه لِا ب�ر ا ِ�هي�م‪...‬‬ ‫بٍ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫م ع‬ ‫م‬ ‫َ ٍم‬ ‫�ذَ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫آ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫قَ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫قَ‬ ‫�غَ‬ ‫هَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫جَ‬ ‫نَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫قَ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫� ت ْ‬ ‫نَ ف‬ ‫�إ �ذ ��ا ر بّ��هُ ب�������ل�� ��س�ِ�لي� �إ �ذ ��ا ل لا ب�ي�ِ�ه َو� ْو�مِ�ه �م�ا ا �ت�ع ب���د و � � ِئ���ف�� ك�‬ ‫��ا‪� ...‬م�دبِ�ِري�� �را �إ لى � ِ�ل� ِ����ه�‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُ ِ بٍ ٍم ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫ف�َ قَ َ أَ اَ تَأْ ُ نَ َ َ ُ ْ اَ تَن قُ نَ ف�َ َ�غَ َ لَ ْ ْ �ضَ ْ ً خَ َقَ ُ ْ َ َ تَ ْ َ ُ نَ �قَ ُ ْنُ َ ُ ُ�نْيَ نً‬ ‫� و�م�ا ��ع���م�لو � �ا �لوا ا ب��وا �ل�ه ب����ا �ا‬ ‫�����ا ل � ل ��ك�لو � �م�ا �ل ك‬ ‫� ل �� ِ��ط����و � را ع���ي���ه� � ر ب�ا‪��� ...‬ل�� ك‬ ‫َِم‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫�كَ ْ ً فَجَ‬ ‫فَأَْقُ ُ ف ْجَ فَأَ َ ُ‬ ‫���عَ��ْلنَ �ُهُ الأَ �ْ فَ نَ‬ ‫�� �ل����وه � ا �ل����‬ ‫حي� �� ر ا د وا ب�ِ�ه�ي��د ا � ��ا‬ ‫�س���لِي���‪...‬‬ ‫ِ�ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ ِم‬ ‫‪Q, 26:87-89,37:83-84 , 91-93, 96-98‬‬ ‫‪Fig. 31f. Publication: Ruqūm, 291-294.‬‬

‫ُ ْ نُ ثََّ آ َ نَ َّ ُ ُ َ أُ ن�ز َ �لَ ْ ن َّ ّ َ ْ ُ ْ�ؤ نُ نَ ُ ٌّ آ َ نَ ّ َ َ آ ئ �كَ ت َ ُُت‬ ‫�‬ ‫�‬ ‫���بِ��ِ�ه‬ ‫كل � �م�� ب�ا �ل��لِ�ه و�م�ل� ِ��ِ�ِ�ه و �ك‬ ‫� � �م�� ا �لر��سو ل بِ����م�ا � �ِ ل �إ �ي�ِ�ه �ِم�� ر ب�ِ�ه وا �ل���م �م��و � �‬ ‫ح����س� ا �ل�وا ب ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫َ ُ ُ اَ نُ فَ ّ قُ بَ ْ نَ أَحَ ّ ُّ ُ َ قَ ُ ْ َ ْ نَ أ ْ نَ �غُ فْ َ ن َ َ َ َّنَ �لَ ْ َ ْ َ ُ اَ‬ ‫َ���ع���ا � ����را[��ـ]�ـ�ك ر ب���ا و �ي��ك ا �ل���م��ِ�صي��ر ل‬ ‫و ر ��س�ِلِ�ه ل �����ر � �ي��� � ٍ�د �ِم� ن� ر ��س�ِلِ�ه و��ا �لوا ��س�ِ��م�ع���ا وَ� طَ‬ ‫َِ�إ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ُ َ ّفُ ّ ُ نَ فْ ً َّ ُ ْ �عَ هَ �لَ هَ َ �كَ َ �بَ تْ َ لَ ْ هَ‬ ‫ي� ك�‬ ‫��ِ�ل� ا �ل��ل�ه �������س�ا �إ لا و��س� ��ا � ��ا �م�ا���س��� و[ع���ي����ا]‪...‬‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫�ذ‬

‫ن‬

‫�ذ‬

‫ت‬

‫‪Q: 3:195, 2:285-286‬‬ ‫‪Publication: Ruqūm, 299.‬‬

‫ت‬

‫ن‬

‫�ش���ا ���ع� �ل�ك خ��� ا �م� ن �ل�ك � ن���ا ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫� ج�ر �� �م� ن �‬ ‫حت����ه�ا الا ��ـ�ه�ا ر و[ي ج�‬ ‫�‬ ‫� ��ع�ل]‬ ‫[ �ب��ا ر]ك ا �ل� �ي� �إ �‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ي �‬ ‫ير �‬ ‫ج ل‬ ‫‪Q, 25:10‬‬ ‫‪As I have mentioned several times, the script in all these inscriptions is almost‬‬ ‫‪the same. These long, decorative bands were produced by the same hand or under‬‬ ‫‪the supervision of the same master and belong to the same period indicated in all‬‬ ‫‪the entries.‬‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

135

Pl. 30. Top: Fragment: on Joseph Tomb southern gate. Bottom: another fragment; both from Q, 26:74-77.

32 Joseph’s Tomb, Lower Southern Gate Qurʾānic Text

c. 720/1320

A slab of marble 1.5x0.33m. located over the southern gate of Joseph’s Tomb (Plan, 31) 2.18m. above ground level. One line, monumental Mamlūk naskhī, with many highly elegant floral decorations, points, no visible vowels; in relief. Figs. 32a, 32b. Publication: Ruqūm, 321-324. In what follows, apart from the inscription in Fig. 32a, (Pl. 30) which is fixed over the gate of Joseph’s Tomb, the rest of the inscription containing the verses from Sūrat ash-Shuʿarāʾ (Q, 26) was found dismantled in the Jāwliyyah mosque and collected in the oil storage room in the Sanctuary. See above (No. 29) reproduction and study of the inscription fragment of the Tomb.

َ‫ن أ ْ َ َ �ذْ قَ َ أَ َ قَ ْ َ تَ ُْ ُ نَ قَ ُ نَ ُْ ُ أَ ْ نَ ً فَ �نَ�ظَ ُّ �لَ ه‬ ‫[وا ت�ل ع��لي���ه� �ب�� �إ] ب�ر ا ِ�هي� �إ ��ا لِ ل� ب�ي�ِ�ه و�و�ِمِ�ه �م�ا ��ع ب���د و � ��ا �لوا ��ع ب���د � ��ص���ا �م�ا �� ���ل � ��ا‬ ِ ِ‫م‬ ‫م‬ َ‫يَ ُ ُّ نَ �قَ ُ بَ ْ َ جَ ْ نَ آبَ ن‬ ‫ن �ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ َ‫َ ف ن‬ ‫� ا و �� �ض�� ر و � �ا �لوا �ل و]��د �ا � �ا �ا‬ ‫ع�ا ِك‬ ‫� ا ت��د �عو � ا و ي�ن� ف���عون� ك‬ ‫[��ا ل �ه�ل ي���س���م�عو� ك‬...���‫���ِ��ي‬ َّ ّ ٌ ُ َ ْ ُ َّ َ َ‫َ ذَ َ يَ ْ عَ ُ نَ قَ َ أَ َ أَُْ َّ مُ�نُ َ ُْ ُ نَ أَ ُ آبَ ُمُ ُ أَ ْ َ ُ ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ف ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ف ن‬ �‫��� �ِل�ك ���ف��� �لو � ��ا ل � �رَ�ي�� �م�ا �ك‬ ]‫� ت�ْ ��ع ب���د و � � ن��مْ وَ� �ا �ؤك ال� ��د �مو � ���إ ���ه� ع�د ّو ل�ي �إ لا [ر‬ ‫ك‬ ‫م‬ ِ ِ ‫ِ م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬

136

hebron (al-khalīl)

Pl. 31. Above: fragment from ar-ribāṭ al-manṣūrī in Jerusalem. Below: fragment from the Jāwliyyah mosque in Hebron.

ُ‫َّ � عَ �َ ن ��ذ � خ ق ن ف� يَ ْ � ن َ �َّ�ذ � ُ َ ُ ْ ُ ن َ يَ ْ ق ن �ذَ َ ْ ت‬ َ ُ‫� ف�َ��ه‬ ‫ب� ا ل�ـ[��ـ��ا ل�ِ��مي��� ا ل� ي� ���ل���� ���هو ���ه�ـ]�ـ ِ�دي� وا ل�ِ ي� �هو �ي����طِ�ع���م�� و ���سِ��ي��� وَ�إ ا �مر �ض‬ ‫�� � � و‬ ِ ِ ِ ِ ‫ِي‬ ‫ي‬ َ‫َ ْ عَ ْن ن َ َ ثَ�ة جَ نَّ�ة نَّ َ �غْ ف ْ أَ نَّ ُ َ ن‬ َّ�‫يَ شْ ف ن َ َّ�ذ ُ تُ ن ُث‬ ‫ن‬ � � � � ‫ل‬ � � ‫�ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�ه‬ � ‫ع‬ � � � �� � � ‫م‬ ‫�ل‬ �� �� ‫ح‬ � � � � � � �� ‫ا‬ ] []... � [ ‫ك‬ � � � ِ‫و ج �ي� ِ � و ر �ِ ِ ِ ي و ِر بِ�ي �إ‬ �‫����ِ��ي��ِ� وا �ل�ِ �ي� ي��ِ��مي����ِ�ي� م ي ي ي‬ ‫ِم‬ ِ ‫� نَ ا � َّ �ّ نَ َ ل تُ�خْ�ز �ن يَ� ْ َ � ث ن‬ ‫ِم�� ل���ض‬ ]...� ‫� �ا لِي��� وَا ِ �ي و [يب��ع��و‬ ‫ِ م‬ [Recite to them the story of] Abraham. When he said to his father and his people: “what do ye serve?” They said: “We serve images, and to them we continue cleaving.” He said: “do they hear you when ye call, or profit you or harm?” They said: “Nay, we have found our fathers doing thus.” He said: “Have ye then considered what ye have been serving, ye and your fathers who have gone before? For they are an enemy to me—except the Lord of the worlds, who hath created me, so He me doth guide, who giveth me food and drink, and when I am sick, giveth me health, who causeth me to die and then … and places me among the inheritors of the Garden of Delight, and forgives my father, for he was among the erring and put me not to shame on the day (when they are raised up)”. Q, 26: 69-87

The decorated script is reminiscent of the inscription on ar-Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī in Jerusalem (see Hebron No. 8 above; Pl. 19). This places the inscription at the time of Qalāwun or his son, al-Malik an-Nāṣir like almost all the Qurʾānic inscriptions on the decorative bands of the sanctuary. (Pl. 31) Since an-Nāṣir Muḥmmad was very much engaged in building and decorating in Hebron as well as in Jerusalem, and since we have many examples of his monumental inscriptions in both sanctuaries, as well as in other places in the country, I am almost sure that these decorative slabs belong to the projects that he executed around the twenties of the 8th century as well.

hebron (al-khalīl) 33 Probably the Jāwliyyah Ḥadīth Text

137

c. 720/1320

Two fragments of two slabs of marble, the first 0.275x0.33m, the second 0.35x0.33m. found discarded in the oil storage room. Originally, part of a series of slabs, bearing a long inscription. One line, monumental Mamlūk naskhī, interwoven but well spaced letters decorated with beautiful and elegant floral motifs, points, a few vowels and signs; in relief. Figs. Hebron 33a,33b. Publication: Ruqūm, 325-328.

‫ف‬ ‫� ف� ق ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ������‫�م� ن� ب��نى �ل�ل�ه �م��س�� ج��ـ[�ـ�د]ا [و �لو ك�م‬ ] ���‫ح���ص ���ط�ا � ب��نى] ا �ل�ل�ه �ل�ه ب���ي ت��ا ��ي ا �ل�ـ[�ـ� ج� ن‬

Whoever builds for Allah a mosque even the size of a hollow dug by a sand grouse, Allah will build for him a house in paradise.

There are a few variants of this tradition. The best known: Bukhārī (Ṣalāt, 65): “Whoever builds a mosque seeking Allah’s face, Allah will build for him one similar to it in paradise.” Muslim (Masājid, 24; Zuhd, 43, 44); Dārimī (Ṣalāt, 113) quote the same with small differences. Tirmidhī (Ṣalāt, 234) has the same and a variant: “Whoever builds a mosque for Allah, whether big or small, Allah will build for him a house in Paradise.” The tradition quoted in the inscription is found only in Ibn Mājah (Masājid, 1) and Ibn Ḥanbal (Musnad, 4:54). Ibn Mājah first quotes a similar ḥadīth to the one in Bukhārī, Muslim and Tirmidhī with a variant: “Whosoever builds a mosque where the name of Allah is mentioned, Allah will built for him a house in paradise.” A variant of this ḥadīth adds the condition that the mosque be built from the builder’s own funds (min mālihi). The last in Ibn Mājah’s series of traditions on the subject‫أ‬is the one in this inscription saying: ‫�م� ن� ب��نى �ل�ل�ه �م��س�� ج��د ا و �لو‬ ‫��م��ف���� � ق�ط�ا �ة ا � �غص� � ا �ل�ل�ه ��ه �� ت��ا ف� ا �ل� ن����ة‬ �‫ ك �ح�� ص �� و � ر ب‬It is very possible that the two words ‫ا و‬ ‫ل ب �ي �ي أ ج‬ ‫نى‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫“—� �ص�ر‬or even smaller”—were in the lost part of the inscription. The type of script and the decorations could well belong to the time of Sanjar al-Jāwlī’s building of the Jāwliyyah between 718 and 720. And since it exalts the building of a mosque as a very favourable deed in the eyes of Allah, this inscription could have been one of many inscriptions which decorated the mosque, which was built ‫خ‬ from the builder’s own funds (‫ �م� ن� ��ا �ل���ص �م�ا �ل�ه‬Mujīr, 1283:57; 1973, 1:62). I am almost sure that the ḥadith was part of a long building inscription similar, for instance, to the inscription from Gaza dated 782/1381 in which it appears in full (CIAP, 4:121-122), or the relatively modern inscription (1194/1780) from ʿAkka/ʿAkko. (CIAP, 1:51-52)

138

hebron (al-khalīl) 34 Declaration of Faith

c. 720/ 1320

A slab of marble located in the Jāwliyyah cor­ridor, beneath the entrance arch to the Ḥaram, below the Qurʾānic inscription. One line, early monumental Mamlūk naskhī, points and some vowels and signs, with floral decorations filling the spaces; in relief. Fig. 34.

‫لا ا �ل�ه الا ا �ل�ل�ه حم‬ � ‫��م�د ��س ا � ل�ه ا‬ ‫�ه� خ���لي��ل ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫ر و ل ل� ب ر يم‬

There is no god but Allah, Muḥammad is the messenger of Allah, Ibrāhīm is the friend of Allah.

The script and the ornamentations are very similar to Qalāwun’s inscription (shown above Pls.19, 31) commemorating the building and endowment of ar-Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī in Jerusalem dated 681/1282-1283 (CIA, Jérusalem, “Ville,” 1, No. 65, pl. L; RCEA, 13:6, No. 4809). The script is definitely early Mamlūk and I would not put it beyond the early years of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalāwun. I am almost sure that the inscription belongs to a group of Qurʾānic as well as historical texts commemorating the extensive work in the compound of the Hebron sanctuary undertaken by Sanjar al-Jāwlī during the decade of his governorship over Gaza, Jerusalem and Hebron (711/1311-720/1320). 35 Epitaph of a Muslim 2 Shawwāl 725/2 September 1325 A slab of marble, dimensions unknown, embedded in an ancient tomb in the cemetery. 5 lines; no more details available. Publication: Jaussen (from a copy), BIFAO, 25:33, No. 24; RCEA, 14:212, No. 5511.

‫) �م غ����ف�� �ةً ا �ل��ف����ق�����ه حم ن‬٢ ‫�ع��ف�� ًا‬ �‫��م�د �ب‬ ‫و و ر‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة ث‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ا لى رح�م� ا �ل�ل�ه �ا �ن�ي �يوم ��ي �����هر‬

� ‫ا �ل��ف����ق��ي��ر ا �لرا‬ ‫�ج�ي‬ ‫� �� ت �ف‬ ‫) �و �ي‬٤ ‫ا �لي��ا س‬

‫ح ن � �ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫)� ب��ر ا �ل�ع ب���د‬١ ]‫ح� �ه� ا‬ ‫[���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل �م� ا �ل‬ ‫ب م ل� ر � ر يم‬ ‫)ا �ل�ع ا � ا �م�ا �ز ا ��ة �ش���������خ‬٣ ... ‫ا � � � ن‬ �‫يو ب ب‬ ‫ر ق�ي م و ي ي‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ع��� � ن ����س���ع� م�ا �ة‬ �‫)����سن��� ��م��س و � ش ري� و ب �� ي‬٥ ‫�ش��وا ل‬

(Basmalah. This is) the tomb of the poor servant who wishes for forgiveness and mercy, the jurist (faqīh) Muḥammad b. Ayyūb b. … al-ʿIrāqī, the imām of the zāwiyah of Shaykh Ilyās. He passed away to Allah’s (domain of) mercy on 2 Shawwāl 725 (=11 September 1325).

ً‫غ ف ة‬

ً‫ف‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

139

Ll.1-2: �‫ ا �لرا ��ج�ي �ع����وا و�م������ر‬for this form see Grammar 2: 63C. I could find nothing about the deceased whose name, as it stands, is quite common, nor any information about the little mosque in which he served as an imām. Its name does not appear in Mujīr ad-Dīn’s list of the zāwiyahs in Hebron, (1283:426-427; 1973, 2:78-80). Nothing could be found about Shaykh Ilyās after whom it is called. The inscription however is clear: a Muslim scholar by this name and the zāwiyah in which he served as an imām existed in Hebron at least at the end of the seventh/thirteenth—early fourteenth centuries. It had already disappeared when Mujīr ad-Dīn composed his book. 36 Construction Text?

16 Jumādā II 727/21 April 1327

A fragment of a slab of marble, 0.22x0.21m. removed from its original site and stored in the oil storage room. Only the lower left part survived. 3 lines, divided by bands, engraved in a sunken field, originally surrounded by a raised frame. Provincial Mamlūk naskhī, large interwoven letters painted black, points, some vowels; in relief. Fig. 35. Publication: Ruqūm, 513-515 No. 327.

‫)[�ع�ز ا �ل�ل�ه ن‬١ ‫ه‬ ‫�ض‬ � � � ‫ع‬ ‫ص‬ � ‫�ـ]�ـ‬ ...‫� ري� ا �ل����سي���د �ي�ع��ق��و ب� ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا و‬...]‫؟‬ [...)٢ ... � ‫ل‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ى‬ ‫آح‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ع��� � ن ����س�� �م�ا �ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ي�خ ��س�ا د �� � ش‬ � ‫ ب�ت��ا ر‬...)٣ �‫ع���ر �م� ن� �ش����هر ج��م�ا د[�ى] ال� �ر ����س��� ����سب�� و � ري� و ب ي‬ ‫س‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬

( … may Allah glorify his victory) … on the tomb of the master Jacob (Yaʿqūb) peace be on him and … In the date of 26 of the month Jumādā II, the year 727 (= 21 April 1327)

L. 1: The reconstruction of the first two words in this line seems sure, and it may hint to the nature of the inscription. The formulae of the invocation (duʿāʾ) ʿazza allah naṣrahu or aʿazza allah anṣārahu or simply ʿazza naṣruhu are very common invocations used for sultans and very high military officers, such as the governors of provinces and viceroys of the realm. It usually appears in construction or endowment texts, as well as in sultanic decrees. (See examples in CIA, Jérusalem 1, Nos. 34, 26, 100, 101, 105, 106–108). Qalqashandī (6:284-285) gives details about the usage of the various nuances of this invocation and their usage (ʿizz an-naṣr and ʿizz al-anṣār are both high degrees of duʿāʾ although there are minute differences between them as far as the chancery is concerned.) It seems that the original inscription commemorated some work which took place in Jacob’s chamber, either by the sultan an-Nāṣir Muḥammad or by a local official. The direct involvement of the sultan in the work is doubtful considering the poor

140

hebron (al-khalīl)

quality of the inscription, particularly in comparison with an-Nāṣir’s commemorative inscription from 707/1307 in the same place. 37 Construction or Renovation Text

c. 727/1327

A slab of marble, 0.29x0.28m. not in situ. Located in the oil storage room. It probably originally consisted of 4-5 lines. Completely broken, only upper right side with 2 first lines visible, professional Mamlūk naskhī; points and vowels; in relief. Fig. 36. Publication: Ruqūm, 533-535.

‫) ا �لخ‬٢] �‫����س���د ن�ا ا � ا �ه‬... ‫[��د د؟‬...] �‫ح‬ � ‫) ���س ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ‫���لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ي ب ر يم‬ ‫ر � [ ر يم‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف ب م‬ )?( ‫[ ��ي ?] اي�ا‬ ‫م‬ Basmalah. (has renewed?...our master Ibrāhīm) … al-Khalīl peace be upon him in the days of ...

I am almost sure that this small fragment be­longs to an inscription commemorating a building project of some kind in the Sanctuary. The missing part could have begun with jaddada, as is suggested here, or ʿammara, or any other verb denoting building works. The script belongs to the beginning of the 8th/14th century and the inscription could have commemorated a work undertaken on the orders of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad during his third reign (709-741/1309-1340). This inscription resembles No. 36 (727) in the style of writing, particularly the shape of ‫ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا‬, and because of that it was dated c. 727.

‫م‬

38 Construction Text

732/1331-1332

A slab of marble, 0.58x0.31m. 1.17m. above ground level, embedded in the eastern wall of the Ḥaram near the inner south-east corner of the mosque. 4 lines, engraved in a field surrounded by a narrow frame, and divided by bands, monumental Mamlūk naskhī, points, a few vowels; in relief. Fig. 37. Publication: Max van Berchem, ZDPV 19, 1896:111, pl. V.2 (=OM, 307); Vincent-Mackay, Hébron, 212-213, No. 10; Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:10, No. 7; CIAP, Addendum, 2007:106-107, No. 49; Ruqūm, 366-368.

ُ‫أ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ َ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫)ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا ��ل��ا �صر �ا �صر ا �ل�د �ي��ا‬٢ � ‫) � ِ�مر ب�ا �����ا �ه� ا ا �لر��ا ا �ل���م ب���ا ر ك ��ي ا ي�ا �مو لا �ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا‬١ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫� ف‬ ‫ا �ل�د � ن حم‬ � �‫)ا �ل�ع�ا ��لي���ة الا �مي��ر ي��ة ا �ل����سي�� ف��ي����ة ت�ن‬٣ ‫��م�د � نب� ق��لا و ن� ب�ا لا �ش���ا ر �ة‬ � �‫�ك�ز ا ��لن��ا �صر ي‬ ‫كا ��ل ا �ل���م���م�ا �ل�ك‬ �‫و ي‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫� ن����ة ف� �ش ه ����سن����ة ا ث�ن��� ن ث ا ث�� ن ����س���ع� م�ا �ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ش ف‬ ‫ث‬ ‫ش‬ �‫ي� و �ل �ي� و ب �� ي‬ ‫)ا �ل����ا �مي��� ا �ا ب��ه ا �ل�ل�ه ا �جل �ي ���� و ر‬٤ �����‫ا �ل���ر�ي‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

141

The construction of this blessed marble has been ordered in the days of our lord the sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir, the defender of the world and religion, Muḥammad the son of Qalāwun under the supreme command of the amīr Sayf ad-Dīn Tankiz the Mamlūk of an-Nāṣir the governor of the noble provinces of ash-Shām, may Allah reward him with paradise, during the months of the year 732/1331-1332

Mujīr ad-Dīn gave an exact description of the work commemorated by this inscription: And the marble (tiles) cover the walls of the mosque all around, on all four sides. It is the building project of Tankiz the governor of (the province of) Damascus during the sultanate of an-Naṣir Muḥammad b. Qalāʾūn(!) in the year 732. (Mujīr, 1283:58, 438; 1973, 1:61; 2:92).

Tankiz Abū Saʿīd Sayf ad-Dīn Tankiz, was one of the most efficient and talented governors of the province of Damascus. For 28 years, from 712 until 740 (1312-1340) he held this office under an-Nāṣir Muḥammad, and next to the sultan, became the strongest person in the realm. Having won the friendship and confidence of the sultan, who married two of his daughters to two of his sons, he proceeded to bring peace, security and prosperity to the province under his rule. Emulating the sultan, who changed the face of Cairo, he did the same to Damascus, building many public buildings in it, a great mosque, many bath houses, and a ribāṭ for women in memory of his wife. He widened roads and markets, and furnished the city with an efficient sewage system that dramatically changed the health situation, and considerably reduced the number of victims from the annual plagues. He introduced law and order into the province, “put an end to acts of injustice, and raised high the rule of law (qad azāla al-maẓālim wa-aqāma minbar ash-sharʿ);” protected the peasants against the tyranny of their landlords and helped the merchants and others to retrieve their rights from the amīrs. He introduced a very high degree of personal safety, fervently fought public immorality, and refrained from accepting gifts and offerings (Maqrīzī, Sulūk, ed. Ziyadeh, 1971 2(2): 509-512) On the other hand he was famous for his parsimony, pride, and arrogance which in the end aroused the suspicions of the sultan who changed his attitude to him overnight. He was arrested and thrown into prison in Alexandria, and died or was murdered there soon after, at the end of 740/MayJune 1340 his huge fortune being confiscated. (S. Conermann, and editors, “Tankiz,” EI2; Ibn Ḥajar, Durar, 1:520-528 in great detail) Isaac’s Tomb Isaac’s chamber (mashhad qabr Isḥāq) is located in the southern half of the main, great hall of the Sanctuary (named after him al-isḥāqiyyah). It is the main mosque

142

hebron (al-khalīl)

which had been the Byzantine basilica and later the Crusader church (Plan, 4. Fig. P15). It occupies less than half of the Sanctuary and has three entrance doors; the main one (Plan, 3b) between the chambers of Abaraham and Sarah (Plan, 6, 7) reached through the vestibule (Plan, 5) that separates these two chambers, and two side doors to the east of Sarah’s chamber (Plan, 3a) and to the west of Abraham’s chamber through Miḥrāb al-Mālikiyyah (Plan, 3c, 12). The one line inscription forms a band, similar to most of the inscriptions, which decorate the chambers of the Patriarchs and their wives, many of which were ordered by an-Nāṣir Muḥammad and executed either by Sanjar al-Jāwlī or by Tankiz. The ones supervised by the latter represented in the two inscriptions, Hebron 39 on Isaac’s tomb and Hebron 40 on Rebecca’s tomb, belong to the year 732/1331-1332 when Tankiz devoted some of his attention to the Sanctuary in Hebron as part of his other religious and public works in Syria. (See former inscription). 39 Construction Text

c. 732/1331-1332

The band of limestone slabs, 6.75m. long 0.32m. wide, encircles the tomb 0.88 m. above the ground, excluding its southern face which touches the southern wall of the chamber. On this face, on the southeastern and southwestern corners of the tomb, there is room for only two small portions of the inscription. Monumental Mamlūk naskhī, large interwoven letters, points, some vowels and signs, floral decorations filling empty spaces; in relief. The inscription is in bad condition and is partly covered by cement. The photographs of the inscription, in 11 sections, are unfortunately not fit for publication. I chose here the best photos of the third and forth sections (Figs. 38c-38d) as a samples. Publication: Ruqūm, 340-345.

َّ َ‫َ بَ َّ ْ نَ ُ ْ َ قَ نَ ًّ ّ ن‬ ‫� نَ �ذ‬ ‫ح�ا ق ا � ن‬ ‫ن‬ �� � ‫س‬ ‫ح� و � ش���ر �ا ه ب� ��س‬ � ‫ل‬ � � � ‫ب���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬ �‫ح�ا � ��ب�ِي��ا �ِم�� ا �ل���ص�ا ِحِي��� �ه� ا �ض� ريح �ب�ي� ا ل�ل�ه ا � ب‬ ‫ِِ�إ‬ ‫م‬ ‫� ا ة � ا ُّ َ ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ا ��لن ص ل �ش �ة‬ ‫����س���د ن�ا ا �لخ‬ ‫ن‬ � � � � ‫ل‬ ‫م‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ � �� ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � � � ‫م‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫ط‬ � ‫س‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � ��‫ل‬ ��‫�ل‬ � ‫���لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا ل���ص�ل � وا ل��س�ل ج� ِ�د د [�ي ي� و ا‬ ‫� �� ل�ك ]� ر ب� ا ر‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫� ��س��ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ � ���‫ا �ل�ع�ا ��لي�� ا �ل����سي����ي‬ ‫كا ��ل ا �ل���م���م�ا �ل�ك ا �ل���ر�ي����� ب�ا �ل����ا م ا �ل���م��حر و‬

Basmalah. And we felicitated him with Isaac, a prophet, one of the righteous. (Q, 37:112. Trans. Bell). This is the tomb of Isaac (Isḥāq), the prophet of Allah, the son of our master al-Khalīl, blessing and peace be upon him. It was renewed [in the days of our lord the sultan al-Malik] an-Nāṣir by the sublime command of Sayf ad-Dīn (Tankiz) the governor of the noble provinces of the (divinely) protected Syria.

The part in square brackets is covered with cement, and painted. The missing words, added here from which there are some remnants are evidently sure. (Ruqūm, 348).

hebron (al-khalīl)

143

Due to the limited space, in this and the following inscription the sultan is mentioned as al-Malik an-Nāṣir and his powerful governor of Syria only in the reference to his title, Sayf ad-Dīn (bi-al-ishārah al-ʿāliyah as-sayfiyyah), and his function as the governor general—kāfil. This is the title of the nāʾib which is of the highest degree, like the governor of Damascus. If the nāʾib of this high position is in Cairo in the direct service of the sultan, then his title is kāfil al-mamālik al-islāmiyyah ashsharīfah. (Qalqashandī, 5:453; 6:66) 40 Rebecca’s Tomb Construction Text

c. 732/1331-1332

Rebecca’s chamber (mashhad qabr Ribqah) is located to the east of Isaac’s chamber (Plan, 9). A few slabs of local limestone forming a decorative band of a one line inscription, 5.85m. long, 0.32m. wide, similar to the inscription decorating Isaac’s tomb, encircling all the walls of the tomb except the southern one, 0.85m. above ground level. Originally, the inscription contained another two small portions, 0.60m. long, on the southeastern and southwestern corners, but these portions have long been dug out and seem to be lost. The inscription was once painted red but only pitiful remnants of the paint can still be seen. The limestone, being very fragile and crumbling in many places, contributed to the poor condition of the inscription. Monumental Mamlūk naskhī, points and some vowels, signs and floral decorations in the empty spaces between the letters; in relief. For lack of a good photograph I chose as an example Fig. 39d, the forth section out of eight. Publication: Ruqūm, 356-365.

َ ْ ً َْ‫� سَ أ ْ َ �ْبَْ ت َ ُ ّ َ ُ ْ ت‬ ُ ُ ‫ح� نَّ َ ُ� ُ � َّ ُ � ُ�ذْ بَ �َ ن‬ ّ � ‫�ل‬ ‫ك‬ ‫� و�ي��طَ��هر ����ط�هي��ر ا‬ ‫ب���س ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي �إ ����م�ا ي ِر ي��د ا ل��ل�ه ِ�لي�� ِ�ه�� ع�� ك‬ ِ �‫� ا لِر ج �� � ُ�ه� ّل ا ���ي‬ ِ‫م‬ ِ ِ ‫م‬ ‫�ذ م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � �� ‫ل‬ ‫س‬ � � � � � � ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ � � � ‫ل‬ � � ‫ل‬ ‫م‬ ‫ع‬ � ‫�ه� ا �ض� ريح ر ب������ و ج�� ا ح�ا � ا ب� ا ي��ل �ص�وا � ا ل�ل�ه ي���ه���م�ا ج� ِ�د د �ي ا ي�ا م و ا �ا ا ل��س��ل��ط�ا‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ل��� ���ف����ة �ا � ش‬ ‫كا ف�� ا �ل���م���م�ا �ل�ك ا � ش‬ ‫ل����ا‬ � ���‫ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا ��لن��ا �صر ا �ع�ز ا �ل�ل�ه ا ����ص�ا ر ه ب[��ا لا �ش���ا ر � ا �ل�ع�ا ��لي�� ا �ل����سي�� ف��ي‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ا �ل� م��ح �ة‬ ])‫�ر و��س� (؟‬ ��

Basmallah. God simply wishes to take the pollution from you, O people of the house and to purify you thoroughly (Q, 33:33. Trans. Bell). This is the tomb of Rebecca (Ribqah) the wife of Isaac (Isḥāq) the son of Abraham (al-Khalīl), Allah’s blessings on both of them. It was renewed in the time of our lord, the sultan al-Malik an-Nāṣir (Muḥammad), may Allah glorify his victories, (by the sublime command of Sayf ad-Dīn (Tankiz) the governor of the noble provinces of the (divinely) protected Syria.)

In spite of the fact that the Qurʾānic verse was widely used by the Shīʿī and Sunnī political parties alike in the controversy over the legitimacy of government in Islam,

144

hebron (al-khalīl)

in this case the verse is used to denote the family of Abraham (al-Khalīl) representing the nearest original meaning of the verse, which was directed, according to many Muslim commentators to the female members of the Prophet’s household. I have dealt in great detail with the various usages of the term “ahl al-Bayt” in a few studies where I pointed out that, in addition to the political use of the term, the neutral meanings connected with the household were discussed by the interpreters of the Qurʾān. In this case the usage of the verse on Rebecca’s tomb refers exactly to this interpretation, namely that ahl al-bayt denotes specifically the womenfolk of the prophet, in this particular case Isaac. (M. Sharon, Ahl al-bayt—People of the House. jsai, 8 1986:169-84; idem, “The Umayyads as ahl al-bayt,” JSAI,14, 1991:115-152. Idem, “People of the House.” Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān; cf. R. Paret, Festschrift Enno Litt­ mann, 127ff) This entry, like the previous one, is dated 732/1331-32. There is no question that the inscription was produced at the same time, and by the same hand as the one on Isaac’s tomb, and that the work was ordered and supervised by Tankiz. The date is sure though it does not appear in the inscriptions. The names of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad and his high ranking official Tankiz are mentioned in the three scripts. The name of the sultan appears in these scripts as al-Malik an-Nāṣir and the name of Tankiz is only alluded to by the title Sayf ad-Dīn and his position: kāfil al-Mamālik ash-Sharīfah ash-Shāmiyyah, governor of the noble provinces of Syria (ash-Shām). (On the contribution of Tankiz to the buildings and decorations in the Sanctuary, see Mujīr, 1283:57; 1973, 1: 61) 41 Construction Text Marble Panelling (tarkhīm) Inscription

c. 732/1332

A slab of marble, 0.50x0.20m. not in situ, kept in the storage room of the Sanctuary. A large part on the left broken and lost and only the beginning of the right side is visible. 2 lines monumental Mamlūk naskhī, points, some vowels and signs, a few leaf decorations above and below the script; in relief. Fig. 40. Publication: Ruqūm, 536-538.

‫ا � �ذ ا ا � � ن‬ ‫وا �ل��ب��س�ه‬...‫��ا � ب��ع�د د ث�ا ر ه؟‬ ‫حي���ا �ه� [ ل���م ك‬ ]...‫ث�ي��ا ب�ا ج��د د ا وا د[ا ر ع��لي��ه؟‬

‫�ذ‬ ‫ح� ا �لح‬ ‫) ب���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ �‫��م�د �ل�ل�ه ا �ل� �ي‬ ‫م‬ �‫ا‬ ���‫) ا �لرد ا و��ك��س�ا ه ب����م‬٢ ]‫ح����س ن�؟‬ ‫ح�ا ����س ن ا �ل خ��ا‬ ‫� ر م‬

Basmalah Praise be to Allah who resurrected this (place after its destruction?...and he clothed it with the best?) garments and dressed it with new cloth (made) of the beauty of marble (and he encircled it … )

hebron (al-khalīl)

145

Although the style of this inscription enables its attribution to the time of al-Manṣūr Qalāwun who undertook the tiling of part of the Sanctuary in 686/1287, the already sophisticated script belongs to a later date, up to the middle of the 8th/14th century, that is to say to the time of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad who surpassed his father as far as the building, renovation and decoration of the Sanctuary are concerned. I tend to attribute the work and the inscription to the latter. There were two major works connected with marble paneling in the Sanctuary from the time of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad. The first is attributed to Sanjar al-Jāwlī from 720/1320 and the second to Tankiz from 732/1332 which includes an inscription commemorating that specific marble paneling (No. 38). The style of writing of this inscription: the interwoven letters and the similarity in the word ar-rukhām with No. 38 move the dating of this inscription towards the time of Tankiz and thus its dating is 732/1332. 42 Maqām Ibrāhīm Qurʾānic Text

c. 732/1331-1332

A long decorative band encircling the chamber built over Abraham’s cenotaph (maqām Ibrāhīm), constructed from marble slabs about 0.33m. wide. The same monumental Mamlūk script of the rest of the Qurʾānic material from the Sanctuary, white letters on blue background, beautifully decorated with various floral and leaf patterns painted red, points, a few vowels and signs; in relief. Fig. 41 (sample). Publication: Ruqūm, 134-152.

َ َ‫َ ً قَ َ َ ْ �ذُ ّ َّت ق‬ َّ‫�ذْ ْتََ ْ َ َ َ ُّ ُ َ مَ ت فَأَتَ َّ ُ َّ قَ َ نّ جَ ُ َ ن‬ ‫ن‬ � � � � �‫و ا ب����ل �إ ب�ر ِ�هي� ر ب��ه ب� ك‬ ‫��ِل� �ا‬ ‫� �� �����م�ه� ن� ��ا ل �إِ ��ي ��ا ِع�ل�ك �ِل��ل��ا ِس �إِ �م�ا �م�ا �ا ل و�ِم�� ِري��ي� �ا ل‬ ٍ ‫َِ�إ ى ِ م‬ ِ ِ ِ َ َ ّ ْ َ‫ن‬ َ ْ ْ ‫أ‬ ْ َ ْ َ‫اَ يَنَ ُ �ع‬ ّ‫�ظ‬ َ‫�ذ جَ عَ � بَ ت‬ َ�‫���ذُ ا �م� نْ �َم��قَ���ا ْ�َ �ه‬ ‫� �َم��ثَ�ا بَ��ةً �ل��لنّ��ا �� َ� �ْم ن��ً�ا َ ا ت خ‬ ‫ن‬ � � ‫ل‬ � � � ‫�ل‬ ‫ل‬ � � � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ �� ‫��م‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫�د‬ � � ‫ا‬ � � � � ��‫ل‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ وَِ�إ‬124ُ 2�‫��ا ل �ه ِ ي� ِ ِ ي‬ ‫ِ ِس و و ِ و ِ �َ ِم �إِ ب ر ِ يم‬ ًّ َ ُ ُ َ‫شَ ً أَ نْ ُ ْ تَ ب‬ ْ‫نَّ ْ َ َ َ نَ أ َّ �ةً �قَ ن تً حَ �ن فً َ َْيَ ُ نَ ْ ُ ش‬ َ‫ن‬ � ‫�را ل ��ع�ِ��مِ�ه ا ج �����ا ه‬ ‫ ����اِك‬120 16���‫�ي‬ � ‫ �إ � �إ ب�ر ِ�هي�م‬125 2)!(‫�م���ص�لا‬ ‫كا � � �م� �ا ِ���ا �ل�ل�ه ��ِ ي�����ا و ل ��ك �ِم�� ا �ل���م��� ِرِك‬ ِ ِ ‫م‬ ُ ْ َ َ َ ‫آ‬ ُ ‫آ‬ ْ َ ْ َ‫ي‬ َ‫ح‬ ّ ُ ّ َ ً ّ ّ ْ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ َ‫ن‬ َ‫َ َ َ ا هُ لَ ص‬ ‫ة‬ ‫َ�ت����ا ه � ا ��د ن���ا ����سَ�نَ����ة‬ ‫ق‬ ُ ‫خ‬ َ‫ن‬ َ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ � � ‫ل‬ � � � � ‫ال‬ � � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ ‫م‬ �� �� ‫ح‬ ‫ا‬ � � ‫��م‬ � ‫�ه‬ � �� ‫ص‬ �� ‫س‬ � � ‫ط‬ ��‫ل‬ 122 16�‫� � ِ ي‬ ‫ و �ي �ي ل‬121 16 ‫ِ ي‬ ٍ ‫و�ه�د �إِ ى �ِ ر‬ ِ ِ‫وَِ�إ� ِ�ي � ِ ر‬ ِ ‫م‬ ِ ٍ ْ َ‫َ َ نْ أ‬ ْ‫َ ُث َّ أَ ْ حَ ْ نَ �لَ ْ َ أَ ن تَّ ْ َّ�ةَ ْ َ َ حَ �ن فً َ َ َ نَ نَ ْ ُ ش‬ َ‫ن‬ ْ‫ح���سَ� نُ د �نً��ا �ّم� َّ��م� ن‬ � � ‫�م � و���ي���ا �إ �ي��ك � ِ� ا �ب� �ِم�ل� �إ ب�ر ِ�هي�م ��ِ ي�����ا و�م�ا‬ ‫كا � �ِم�� ا �ل���م��� ِرِك‬ � ِ ‫ و�م�� � � ِ ي‬123 16���‫�ي‬ ِ ‫ِع‬ ِ َ‫َخ‬ َ‫أَ ْ َ َ َ ْهَ ُ َ ُ َ ُ ْ نٌ تَّبَ َ َّ�ةَ ْ َ َ ح‬ ‫� �ن فً َ تّ �ذَ � ّ ُ ْ�َ �ه�َ خَ اً َ � ّ َ �ف‬ ‫م‬ �‫� �ه‬ � � � ‫ و ل��لِ�ه �م�ا ِ�ي‬125 4 ‫� ��س��لم و ج����ه ل�ل�ه و�هوَح ِ����س� وا ��ع �ِم�ل� �إِ ب ر ِ يم �ِ ي�����ا وا �� ا ل��ل�ه �إِ ب ر ِ يم ��ِ�لي��ل‬ ً ُّ ْ َ‫َّ َ َ ت َ َ ف أ ْ ض َ َ نَ ّ ُ ُ ّ ش‬ ‫م‬ �� �‫كا � ا �ل��ل�ه ب� ك‬ ��‫ح��ي‬ 126 4‫ط�ا‬ � ‫� و�م�ا ��ي ال� ر�ِ� و‬ ِ� >ٍ‫�� ِل �ي� وِ ك ِ ب ل� ر‬ ‫ب���سم ا ل�ل�ه ا �لر �م�� ا �لر يم ��د ر �ى �������ل�� و ج����ك �ي‬ ‫ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل� �ظ‬ �‫ع�� ي‬ ‫م‬

Basmalah. “We see thee turning thy face about in the heaven. So we shall put thee in possession of a qibla that will satisfy thee … ” (Q, 2:144. Tras. Bell, Q, 2: 139a) Allah the glorified is truthful.

The choice of this verse to decorate the qiblah in the Hebron Sanctuary is, first of all, because of the mention of the word qiblah in it. There is also the possibility that the choice of the verse is because of the tradition which says that the Prophet, when praying for some 16 months in Madinah facing Jerusalem, actually wished to be able to turn towards the “qiblah of Ibrāhīm” that is to say towards the Kaʿbah in Mecca. For this reason, he used to turn his face to heaven at the end of every prayer searching for a sign from Allah. The divine order finally came, and the first order of Allah to pray towards Jerusalem was abrogated (“The first thing that was abrogated from the Qurʾān was the qiblah”), and the prayer towards the qiblah of Ibrāhīm who is identified in the Qurʾān as he who built the Kaʿbah in Mecca, was established. (Ibn Kathīr, 1987, 1: 198ff. commentary on q, 2:144) The mention of the qiblah of Ibrāhīm in connection with the change of the direction of prayer makes the verse very appropriate for the miḥrāb in the Patriarch’s Sanctuary of Hebron. The Date The script is very elaborate, and belongs to the end of the Mamlūk period, probably in connection with the works of either Khushqadam or Qāyit-Bay. I tend to place

192

hebron (al-khalīl)

the inscription around the years 865/1461 to 900/1495 with an inclination towards the earlier date. 57 Construction Text Repairs in Jāwliyyah Mosque

867/1462-63

A slab of marble broken into 4 pieces, 0.71x0.53m. located in the oil storage room. 5 lines, professional Mamlūk naskhī, points and vowels; in relief. A rosette with a raised design decorates the middle of line 2. No good photograph (Fig. 56 presented here only to give the idea about the state of the only reproduction available.) Publication: Ruqūm, 526-529. The following is the reading of the Ruqūm that could not be verified by reviewing the poor available photograph.

‫فق‬ ‫ف� � ت �ذ ف‬ ‫ن‬ �‫ي�ه�ا ا ��س�ـ��م�ه ا ب��د ا وا �ش�� ك‬ ‫)��ا � ��سر �ل��لن��ا ظ�ر�ي ن� و ب��د ا ا ح�م�د ه ع��لى ر � بي�و� ي� ك‬١ ���� ‫�ر‬ �‫)�����ص� ب‬٢ ‫�ره ع��لى‬ ‫ع‬ ‫)ا �ل���م���ا ك ف� ا �ا �م لا �ان‬٣ ‫�م ا ئ��د ��س���م�ا ط خ���ل��ل�ه ��س �م�د ا ○ ا �م�ا ��ع�د ف���ق���د ��د د �ه��ذ ا ا �ل��ا �م‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب ر �ي ي م و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ج ع‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫) �ن� ظ��� ا �ل���م���ق ا �ل�ع�ا ل ا ��لن��ا �ص � حم‬٤ ‫ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا � �ظل���ا �ه ا � ��س�ع���د خ� ش���ق���د �ع�ز ����ص ه‬ ‫��م�د‬ �‫ر ي‬ ‫ر ب ر‬ ‫ر ب�ي ي‬ ‫ر �ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ف‬ ‫ل��� ���ف���� ن ���س��ط ا �ل�ل�ه �ظ‬ ‫� ن ا ��لهُ���م�ا ا � �ظل���ا �ه � ا � ش‬ ‫)ا � ش‬٥ ‫ح �م�� ن‬ � ‫ل����ا ف��� ن�ا ظ� ا‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ � � ‫ل‬ � � ‫ع‬ � � ‫�ه‬ >‫�ه؟‬ < ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ �‫ر ي‬ �‫ر ر ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ري ي� ب‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫ع�ي‬ ‫ب� � م‬ ‫ف تت‬ ‫��م�د � ن ا �ل�ع�ز‬ ‫ت ن ث ن �ة ش غ م‬ �‫ا ������اح �م� ن� ع�ا م ����سب��ع و����س��ي��� و ����م�ا � �مي��� ������ل ح ب‬

A secret was revealed superior to the watchers and manifested itself. I praise Him for erecting houses where His Name is mentioned continuously and I thank Him for setting the tables of the simāṭ of His Friend forever. (After the introduction): This blessed mosque has been restored in the days of our lord, the sultan al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Abū Saʿīd Khushqadam, may his victory be glorified, under the supervision of His High Excellency Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad, son of the magnanimous aẓ-Ẓāhirī (Mamlūk of al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Khushqadam) ash-Shāfiʿī, the inspector of the Two Noble Sanctuaries, may Allah spread His shadows (on him), at the opening of the year 867 (=26 September 1462). The work of Muḥammad b. al-ʿIzz.

The mosque, whose renovation is commemorated (ll.1-2) by the inscription is the Jāwliyyah (Plan, 22), as attested by the relevant passage from Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283:426; 1973, 2:79) describing the work:

‫���ل��� �����ست���� ن �غ� ا �ة ��قم�� ا �ل��ق��� � م��ة �ع ن���ه�ا ث�� م�ا ن�� م�ا ئ�ة‬ ‫��ه��ة ا �ل ق���ف ا �لخ‬ ‫�أ ن��ع ا � �ظل���ا �ه خ� ش���ق‬ � � ‫�د‬ �� � ‫ع‬ � �� �� � �� ‫�ي‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫م ى ج� و‬ ‫ي �ي ب ي� ر ر ح‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ة‬ ‫���ل�� � ����سن����ة ����س�� ����ست���� ن ث�� م�ا ن�� م�ا ئ�ة‬ ‫�لخ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ل‬ ‫�ع‬ � ‫خ‬ � �� �� ‫ب و ي� و‬ ‫وا ر ب��عو � د ي���ا ر ا و ج��د د �م�ا ر � ر��ا م ا ل���م��س�� ج��د ا ج��ا و ل�ي ب�ا ي ل �ي‬ ‫ع‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

193

‫ل��� ���ف���� ن‬ ‫����م���ا �ش�� �ة ال�أ �ش�� �ف� ن�ا �ص ا �ل�د � ن حم‬ ‫ح �م�� ن ا � ش‬ � ‫��م�د � ن ا ��ل�ه���م�ا ن�ا ظ� ا‬ ‫ل‬ � �‫ب‬ �‫ر ي‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب ب ر‬ �‫م ر ر ي� ري ي‬ aẓ-Ẓāhir Khushqadam donated for the endowment of the Sanctuary in Hebron 60 ghirārah of wheat, the value of which was 840 dinar. He renewed the tiling of the Jāwlī Mosque in Hebron in the year 867 (=1462-63) under the supervision of al-Ashraf Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad b. al-humām (the magnanimous), the superintendent of the Two Noble Sanctuaries (of Jerusalem and Hebron).

Egyptian ghirārah was about 204.5kg. The ghirārah of Damascus and Jerusalem was bigger. (Hinz, 1955:37-38). The sultan’s donation amounted, therefore, to over 12 tons wheat which gives an idea about the size of the simāṭ. L.1: The rhyming opening of this inscription is unexpected. The usual basmalah is missing, but the reference to the Qurʾānic verse is present in the short rhyming prose, praising Allah for causing the erection of mosques in which His Name is mentioned (Q, 24:36), and for the everlasting setting of the tables of the simāṭ, the free meal, of al-Khalīl. The first sentence about the superior secret which was revealed to the eyes, serves as a literary ploy opening the rest of the rhyming phrases. L.4: Kushqadam, al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir Abū Saʿīd Sayf al-Dīn an-Nāṣirī al-Muʾayyadī classified as the first Mamlūk sultan of “Rūmī”—Greek, Byzantine—origin (“al-awwal min al-arwām.” Nujūm, 16:253), reigned from 19 Ramaḍān 865/22 June 1461, until 10 Rabīʿ I 872/ 9 October 1467. (Concise biography by P.M. Holt, “Khushḳadam,” EI2, based on the very detailed report of Ibn Taghrī Birdī, Nujūm, 16:253-309; Manhal (short report on early career) 5:210-211; Short summaries: Sakhāwī, Ḍawʾ, 3:175-176; Shadharāt, 7:315) L.4: The amīr Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad. Mujīr provides a short report about him, but his claim to fame was his son Shaykh al-Islām Burhān ad-Dīn Abū Isḥāq, Ibrāhīm, from whose biography we learn about Nāṣir ad-Dīn’s full genealogy. He was born into a Jerusalemite scholarly family and is referred to, as the inscriptions and Mujīr’s reports, as the son of al-humām, “the magnanimous,” whose full name was Abū Bakr b. ʿAlī b. Abū Sharīf, al-Maqdisī ash-Shāfiʿī (Mujīr, 1283:555; 1973, 2:216; for a more detailed genealogy see Sakhāwī, op. cit., 1:134). As such, the amīr Nāṣr ad-Dīn belonged to one of the noble families of Jerusalem (min aʿyān bayt al-maqdis). He was nominated as the inspector of the Two Noble Sanctuaries at the end of 865/September 1461, following the dismissal of the amīr ʿIzz ad-Dīn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (b.) al-Miʿlāq. He was fired on 12 Rabīʿ I 869/12 November 1464, and remained deposed (maʿzūl) until his death in Jerusalem in Muḥarram 876/June-July 1471. He was buried in the Qalandariyyah mausoleum in the Māmilā cemetery. (Mujīr, 1283:615; 1973, 2:280.)

194

hebron (al-khalīl) Abolition of unjust taxation

Arbitrary taxes, dues and customs, levies and other payments invented by the government and various officials, were abolished from time to time by the sultan on special occasions particularly during his official visit to places where petitions, in which the grievances of the people were described in detail, were presented to him either in writing or orally. Generally speaking, the injustices inflicted on the public were defined by the comprehensive term maẓālim (plural of maẓlimah) meaning iniquity or injustice from the verb ẓālama, to wrong, treat unjustly, oppress, harm, suppress and so on. The governor (nāʾib) and other senior officials invented and introduced taxes under various pretexts. In Hebron the inspector of markets (muḥtasib) also took an active part in the maẓālim by imposing special duties on the vendors and buyers in the market whenever money was needed either to cover some unusual expenditure, or in order to oil the hands of his superior and immediate master, the governor of Jerusalem. The ḥisbah, the office of the muḥtasib was originally supposed to be entrusted to a pious Muslim scholar, who was to make sure that all transactions in the markets were executed justly, and that the weights and measures were always correct. This was first and foremost a religious obligation commanded by Allah and the Prophet. As such, the position of the muḥtasib should have been regarded as a position of honour, but during the Mamlūk period, as we learn from the sources, the muḥtasib was a state official and, at least in the case of Hebron, was nominated by the governor of Jerusalem. The latter sold the position and pocketed the money. The muḥtasib, willingly paid for the office which enabled him to subject the markets to new taxation at will. The following inscriptions represent the reaction of Qāyit-bāy to such injustices exercised by the governor of Jerusalem and his muḥtasib in Hebron. By abolishing the unjust taxes and levies, the sultan shows his benevolence and justice as befits a ruler who includes among his titles that of “muḥyi al-ʿadl fī al-ʿālamīn—the reviver of justice in the world. A decree dated 8 Jumādā I, 824 in the name of al-Malik al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad, the minor sultan (one year and eight months old) and delivered by his regent (later sultan Ṭaṭār, both in 824/1421), represents in its preamble the expression of royal justice. The decree begins after basmalah with part of the Qurʾānic verse: “Verily Allah commandeth justice and kindness” (Q, 16:90. Trans. Bell Q, 16:92) followed by the body of the decree ordering the abolition of a series of unjust taxes and duties imposed on the population by Jerusalemite officials, particularly the governors and inspectors of the markets (min an-nuwwāb wa-al-muḥtasibīn). The inscription of the decree bearing the name of the infant sultan, al-Muẓaffar Aḥmad, was fixed at the entrance to the Ḥaram in Jerusalem on the front pillar

hebron (al-khalīl)

195

of the middle arcade dividing Bāb as-Silsilah in half. It mentions the unjust taxes and levies imposed on Jerusalem and other places (bi-al-quds ash-sharīf wa-ghayri dhālika). A few taxes and other payments are mentioned in the inscription, one of which, ṭuʿmah, appears in our inscription 57 years later (881). The inscription from the year 824, a year in which four sultans ruled: Muʾayyad Shaykh, Aḥmad, Ṭaṭār, Muḥammad (Nujūm, 14:235), was studied by Max van Berchem in great detail (CIA, Jérusalem, “Ḥaram,” 2: 144-150; No.183). Qāyit-bāy’s inscription from Hebron has a sister inscription in Jerusalem, which was subject to the same reforms. It should be noted that in addition to the taxes mentioned by their respective names in the inscription, the governor of Jerusalem imposed other means of extortion on the villagers, which caused the ruin of the agricultural production. Thus, in 824, after the coronation of Ṭaṭār in Damascus (29 Shaʿbān), he passed through Jerusalem on his way back to Egypt. It was brought to his attention that it was the custom of its governor to collect the sum of 4000 dinars every year from the peasants of the villages, and for this reason economic activity in Jerusalem was ruined (wa-bi-sabab dhālika kharibat muʿāmalat al-quds). The governor was compensated and an announcement was issued abolishing these maghārim, financial obligations, and he (the sultan) inscribed it on a stone fixed in the (Aqṣa) mosque (wa-naqashahu ālā ḥajar bi-al-masjid).

From this passage in Maqrīzī’s Sulūk (1418/1997, 7:41) it is clear that the abolition of unjust and harmful levies imposed by the nāʾib was regarded to be a loss of revenue for him for which he was compensated by the sultan. Another report preceding the previous passage speaks about the fact that the inspector of the markets (muḥtasib) in Damascus had to pay 1500 dinars annually to the governor and “used to substitute the sum, and more, by molesting the people” (wa-yataʿawwaḍuhā bi-ziyādah min maẓālim al-ʿibād). The sultan compensated the governor for the loss of this sum by granting him the city of Irbil which yielded him 2500 dinars annually, and nominated a person, gratis (bi-ghayri kulfah), to the position of inspector of the markets of Damascus (ḥisbat dimashq), announcing: ‘O people of Damascus, if the muḥtasib demands from you anything, stone him!’ “He inscribed a stone about this affair and whatever he decided concerning it (and fixed it) in the mosque of Banū Umayyah.” (Ibid.) It is clear that such measures introduced by the sultan, any sultan, as acts of piety and benevolence, did not last for long. The inscribed stone was supposed to award them some permanence, but in reality they were short-lived, even if only because of the frequent changes in the persons involved: the sultans or any of the office holders. When Ṭaṭār called on the people of Damascus to stone an unjust muḥtasib, he actually admitted his limited ability to enforce his own orders.

196

hebron (al-khalīl)

In the inscription dated 824 from Jerusalem there is a list of innovated levies and taxes (muḥdathah) by the governors and the market inspectors: 1. Zubnah. MvB’s reading of the word seems correct, excluding other remote possibilities. (CIA, ibid., 147-148, fig.28). It was most probably some sort of a brokerage levy and sales tax imposed by the muḥtasib. Some of the derivations of the root z-b-n in both Arabic and Aramaic mean to buy. In Aramaic zban and zben is to buy and zaben to sell. (Jastrow, 1950:379) The people of Baṣrah, used the noun zabūn to indicate a buyer (Lisān al-ʿArab, q.v.), and this is the usage in colloquial Arabic by most Arabic speakers (pronouncing it: zbūn). In Persian, an eager purchaser is called zubūn. (Steingass, s.v.) 2. Rasm (pl. rusūm) was a term of a general nature designating various taxes and َ ‫ق‬ ‫�ة‬ ّ ‫ن‬ � levies imposed on the holders of the public duties ( ‫ �م�ا ر ر ع��لى ا �لولا ي� �م�� ا �لر��سو‬quoted ِ ‫م‬ by van Berchem ibid., 148, n. 4). 3. Ṭuʿmah (a term with which we shall deal later) was a tax imposed on the sale of market products (ibid., 148-149). 4. Another such extortion tax was called qudūm which is clearly defined in an inscription from Jerusalem dated 853/1449. The term was sometimes accompanied by another one, khidmah, and was levied (in this case on the Jews and Christians of Jerusalem) at the investiture of a new governor when he arrived in town and was dressed in the robe of honour (ʿinda ḥuḍūr an-nāʾib al-jadīd wa-ʿinda ilbāsihi khilʿatan, ibid., 150, no. 184). In what follows, the virtually identical twin inscriptions from Jerusalem and Hebron will be studied together. Both inscriptions were engraved at the same time, by the same hand and bear the same date. The differences between them is the number of lines, three in Jerusalem and four in Hebron, dictated by the shape of the slabs of marble on which they were engraved, and a phrase missing in the Hebron inscription. (See below.) 58 Abolition of Taxes—Hebron Inscription 19 Muḥarram 881/14 May 1476 A slab of marble, 0.64x0.50m., kept in the Municipal Museum of Hebron, seen in 1966 on the east gate of the Ḥaram. 4 lines, late monumental Mamlūk naskhī, interwoven letters, points, a few vowels; in relief. Lines divided by bands. Fig. 57.

‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ )٢ ‫ح�م ر� أُ�سم �مو لا ن�ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا �ل���م�ا �ل�ك ا �ل���م�ل�ك الا �ش��ر �� ا ب�و ا ��لن����صر‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫ب‬ ْ َ‫ث‬ ‫� � ق �� � ش ف‬ ‫�ق �ت � � �ز ن‬ ‫خ‬ ‫�ظ‬ � ‫ن‬ ‫ل‬ � � � ‫ل‬ ‫ه‬ � � ‫ل‬ � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫ع‬ ‫�ا ي� ب��ا ي� ����صر ب�ا ب���ط�ا قل �ةم�ا ح ِ�د � م�� ئ ل���م���ا م ب ج ب����ةل ل�����د س ل���ر�ي��� و ج ب���ل ي��ل‬ ‫ن �لخ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫)�م� ن� الا ��ا �م� و�م�ا ع��لى ا ��لب����ض‬٣ ‫ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا‬ ‫� �ا �ع ا �ل���م�� ج��لو ب� ا لى ب��ل�د ����سي���د �ا ا ���لي��ل �م�� ا �ل���م�ك��س‬ ‫م‬

‫ت�ا ��س‬ ‫ع‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

197

‫�غ‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ن ت ض� � �ت‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫�ل‬ �‫ف‬ � � ‫)و ي��ر �ه�اث وا � لا يث���ع نر ��ة ا ل���م��ح������س� ب� و لا ي��ره ب�ب��ل�د ا ��لي��ل �ي‬٤ ‫ا ل���م��س���م�ي ب�ا ل����ط�ع���م� �ة‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ش‬ ‫ع���ر ا �ل���م��ح‬ �‫�ر ����س��� ا ح�د �ى و ����م�ا �ي��� و ����م�ا ����م�ا ي‬ ‫م‬

Basmalah. Has decreed our lord, the ruling sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf, Abū an-Naṣr Qāyit-bāy, may his victory be glorified, the abolishment of the innovated unjust taxes in the mountain of Noble Jerusalem and the mountain of al-Khalīl, peace be on him, namely the iqāmah, and the custom duty called ṭuʿmah and other (levies), imposed on the merchandise imported to the city of our master al-Khalīl. And that neither the market inspector (al-muḥtasib) nor any other (functionary) in the city of al-Khalīl may oppose (sic!). On 19 Muḥarram 881 (=14 May 1476).

Abolition of Taxes—Identical Jerusalem Inscription 19 Muḥarram 881/14 May 1476 A slab of marble, 1.15x0.44m., formerly set next to the inscription of Jaqmaq dated 853/1449 (No. 184 in CIA, Jérusalem, “Ḥaram,” 2:150-152; fig. 27), on the north-eastern pillar of Bāb as-Silsilah, 2m. above ground level. Now kept in the Islamic Museum. (Walls-Abul Hajj, 17) 3 lines; monumental Mamlūk naskhī; medium characters, numerous points and some signs; in relief. Fig. 57a. Publication: van Berchem, CIA, ibid., 2:153-156, no. 186, pl. LXXVI.

‫ش ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن ق ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لرُ� ي‬١ �‫ح�م ر��سم �مو لا �ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا �ل���م�ا �ل�ك ا �ل���م�ل�ك الا ���ر �� ا ب�و ا ��ل����صر ��ا ي��ب��ا �ي‬ ‫ب‬ ‫أ‬ ْ َ‫ث‬ ‫ل��� ���ف ���� ا �لخ‬ ‫)�م� ن ا �ل� �ظ‬٢ ‫�ع�زّ ن���ص ه � ���ط�ا �م�ا � ح�د‬ ‫���� ا �ل��ق���د �� ا � ش‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫���لي��ل ع��لي��ه‬ ‫ا‬ � ��‫��م‬ �ِ � ‫� ر ب�إ ب ل‬ ‫ب‬ ‫و‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ج‬ ‫س‬ � ‫بل‬ ‫م بل‬ ‫ري‬ ‫ا �ل��س� ا �م� ن الا �ق�ا �م��ة �م�ا ع�� ا ��ل����ض �ا ئ� ا �ل� م����ل ��ة ا ل ��ل�د ����س���د ن�ا ا �لخ‬ ‫���لي��ل �م� ن� ا �ل���م�ك��س ا �ل���م��س����يم‬ ‫و لى ب � ع �� ج و ب ى ب‬ ‫ي‬ � ‫لم‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ن ل �ت ض‬ ‫� ُ ْ �ة �غ‬ ‫�خ��ل�� � ش‬ � ‫ح��ت����س�� لا �غ�� ه ب���ل�د ا‬ ‫ل‬ � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫ع‬ � � ‫ا‬ � ‫ه‬ �� � � � ‫م‬ )!(‫ل���� ء �م� ن� ا �ل�ك‬ ‫ا‬ �� � ‫)��ا ل����ط�ع���م� و ير و‬٣ � ‫ي ر‬ ‫ب و ير ب‬ ‫ب‬ ‫يل ي‬ ‫ف‬ ‫� ����سن����ة ا ح�د ث�� م�ا ن�� ن ث�� م�ا ن�� م�ا �ة‬ ‫�ذ �ل�ك � ت�ا ��س � ش‬ ‫ع���ر ا �ل���م��ح‬ �‫و �� �ي� و �� �� ي‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ي ع‬

Basmalah. Has decreed our lord the ruling sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf, Abū an-Naṣr Qāyit-bāy may his victory be glorified, the abolishment of the innovated unjust taxes in the mountain of Noble Jerusalem and the mountain of al-Khalīl, peace be on him, namely the iqāmah, and the custom duty called ṭuʿmah and other (levies), imposed on the merchandise imported to the town of our master al-Khalīl. And that neither the market inspector (al-muḥtasib) nor any other (functionary) in the city of al-Khalīl may oppose any of this. And this on 19 Muḥarram 881 (=14 May 1476).

As just mentioned, the two inscriptions are almost identical. The only textual difference between them is in line 4 of the Hebron ‫�ذ‬copy (the Jerusalem one ‫ ن �ذ‬complete ‫ش‬ � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ء‬ seems to be the original) where the phrase: ‫ ب����� ٍ م�� ل�ك و ل�ك‬is missing either

‫ي‬

198

hebron (al-khalīl)

because the copier missed it or because he ran out of space on the stone (planning the inscription badly). Both inscriptions deal with the reforms or­dered by Qāyit-bāy on his visit to Jerusalem and Hebron (25-27 Rajab 880/24-26 November 1475; see below) and engraved about a half a year later. The main issue was the subordination of the inspector of the markets in Hebron to the governor of Jerusalem, which enabled the latter to demand and receive money which the muḥtasib was ordered to collect from the vendors and merchants, in addition to the sum of bribery (rishwah) which the muḥtasib had to pay in order to obtain the governor’s nomination. Mujīr ad-Dīn’s following report clearly explains the issues involved (Mujīr, 1283:647; 1873,2:314).

‫ن �ة ث ن ن ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ال أ �ش�� �ف � ن ا � ق �ه �ة‬ ‫� ��س��ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف ش‬ � ‫ح‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ � � � ‫م‬ �� ‫رو‬ ‫و ��ي �����هر ر ج�� ب� ا �ل����رد ����س��� ����م�ا �ي��� ��س�ا �ر ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا �ل���م�ل�ك � ر � م�� ل�����ا ر‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ش ف ف‬ ‫ل � �ن �ة ��غ�ز �ة‬ ‫ق��ا ص�د ا �ز �ا �ة ����س���د ن�ا ا �لخ‬ � ‫���لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا وا �ل���م��س�� ج��د ال� ق����صى ا‬ ��‫ل���ر�ي��� �و�ص�ل �إ ى م�د ي‬ ‫� ير ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ن ف‬ ‫ا �ل� ح �ة ت‬ ‫�خ��ل�� ف� � ا �ل��س�� ت� خ��ا �م�� � ش‬ � ‫ن �ة‬ ��‫��م‬ �‫ع���ر �ي� ر ج�� ب‬ ‫�ر و��س� و�و ج��ه �م����ه�ا �و�ص�ل �إ لى �م�د ي��� ا ل ي ل �ي يوم �ب‬ ‫س‬ ‫أ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ح��ت����س�� �م�ا ل ��لن��ا ئ�� ا �ل��ق���د �� ف����ل�ز‬ ‫ح����س����ة ب����م�د ي�ن���ة ا �ل‬ ‫و ُر ف�� ا ��لي��ه ا �مر ا �ل‬ � ���‫�خ��لي��ل و� ن��ه �ي�ؤ خ�� �م� ن� ا �ل���م‬ ‫س‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ب‬ ‫تع‬ ‫م‬ ْ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ف‬ َ ‫ق‬ ‫�ق‬ َ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ئ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � � ‫ل‬ ‫�س‬ � � ‫ح����سب��� �م�� �ا � ب� ا �ل�����د ��س‬ ِ� ‫�م���ه ���س��ل��ط�ه ع��لى ا �ل������ را ء �م�� ا ل���م����س�ب� ب�ي��� �ر م ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ب�ِ�إ ب���ط�ا ل �و�لي�� ا‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ّ ة ن‬ ‫ح��ت����س� ����م ��س �ش�� ���ف � غ���� �� فل����ة‬ ‫و�إ ب���ط�ا ل �م�ا �هو �م���ق ر ر ع��لي���ه�ا �م� ن� ا �لر�ش��و� وا � ي� ك‬ ‫�و � ا �ل���م��� ب� ب ر و ري� ب يرك‬ ‫م‬ ِ َّ ‫ة ث ِ خ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫أ‬ ّ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ظ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ � � � � � ‫ال‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ال‬ � � � .‫كا � ع��لي��ه � و ا‬ � ‫وا ����س�����مر � �مر ع��لى ل�ك م�د م ا ���ل ا �لِ����ا و ر ج � � �مر ع��لى م�ا‬ ‫ع‬ ‫م‬ In the month of Rajab 880 (=November 1475) the sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf (Qāyit-bāy) travelled from the (divinely) protected Cairo to visit our master al-Khalīl, peace be on him, and the noble Masjid al-Aqṣā (in Jerusalem). He reached the (divinely) protected city of Gaza and, leaving it, he reached the city of Hebron on Saturday 25 Rajab (=24 November 1475). The issue of the inspection of the markets (ḥisbah) in the city of Hebron was brought to his attention; namely that money was taken from the inspector (muḥtasib) for the governor of Jerusalem which caused his prevailing over the poor breadwinners. The sultan decreed (rasama as-sulṭān), therefore, that the appointments for the position of the inspection of the markets (ḥisbah) should not be issued by the governor of Jerusalem, and that the bribery which was fixed for it should be abolished and that the muḥtasib should be nominated gratis (bi-ghayr kulfah) by a noble (sultanic) decree (marsūm sharīf). For sometime this arrangement was followed; however, the system deteriorated and the state of affairs returned to what it used to be erstwhile.

The muḥtasib was only sometimes appointed directly by the state. On the whole, the appointment was made through the governors or the qāḍīs, to whom the function of ḥisba was officially delegated, so that they might ensure that it was carried out by somebody else, not that they should carry it out themselves. Therefore, the appointment of the muḥtasib by the governor was the accepted rule. Under the

hebron (al-khalīl)

199

Mamlūks, the ḥisbah like other offices was bought, and the buyer recouped himself from the merchants, and made a profit by imposing “invented” taxes, part of which he paid the governor. The reform of Qāyit-bāy aimed at detaching the ḥisbah from the office of the governor and thus abolishing part of the motivation for the unjust taxation. However, as we learn from Mujīr ad-Dīn, the old, well entrenched norm could not be so easily uprooted. (Detailed discussion and sources see “Ḥisba,” by Cl. Cahen and M. Talbi. EI2, and Zambaur in EI.) L.2: al-Malik al-Ashraf Abū an-Naṣr Sayf ad-Dīn Qāyit-bāy, al-Maḥmūdī aẓ-Ẓāhirī, (872/1468–901/1496). Mujīr ad-Dīn was an eye witness of the events in his time which he described in great detail (Mujīr, 1283:616ff ; 1973, 2:282ff. See also the article on Ḳāʾit Bāy in the EI2 by Sobernheim and E. Ashtor.) L.3 (Jer. ll.2-3): Two taxes are mentiones here: iqāmah and ṭuʿmah. The iqāmah, derived from the verb aqāma—to halt, to stay in a place, refers to a tax that was imposed on the population of the city and the villagers in the region, to cover the entertainment of state officials and the feeding of the military units that passed through or sojourned in the region. Qalqashandī (4:204) used this term to describe the expenses incurred for the entertainment of a certain Bedouin emir in Cairo. Ṭuʿmah basically meant “assigned or appoint­ed means of subsistence” such as the grant of a tract of land or a tax (in full or in part) allocated for the same purpose (Lane, q.v.). In this case, as we have seen above, the ṭuʿmah, was a sales tax imposed by the inspector of the market on the peasants and the city dwellers, whether sellers or buyers. The ṭuʿmah and the zubnah were apparently similar types of taxes. They were both related to market activity and are examples of the corruption and tyranny of the governor and the market inspector. A sultan like Qāyit-bāy could threaten to cut the governor in half (qaṭaʿtuka niṣfayn) if the latter did not conduct his governorship with justice and equity (bi-al-ʿadl wa-al-inṣāf. Note the play on words: niṣfayn and inṣāf.) “and according to the noble holy law” (wa-bi-ash-sharʿ ash-sharīf). However, once the sultan left or was replaced, it was just a question of time before “innovated taxes” were introduced again. (On the threat of Qāyit-bāy see Mujīr, 1283:648-649; 1973, 2:316) 59 Construction Text

881/1476

A slab of marble 1.00x0.29m., located in the oil storage room (al-mazyatah). 3 lines, professional Mamlūk naskhī, slender interwoven letters, points, no vowels, some signs and delicate floral decorations in open spaces between letters; in relief. A sixleaved rosette in the middle of line 2. Fig. 58. Publication: Ruqūm, 530-532.

200

hebron (al-khalīl)

‫ا � � �ة ا �ْ ُ ْ تَ َّ �ة � � � ن ال � ا ن‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ‫ح� ا �ن ش����ا �ع�م�ا ر �ة �ه��ذه ا �ل‬ � � ‫حوا �ص�ل ل ك�ر�ي���م� ل���م����س����جِ��د ِ و م�ا م��ع�ه�ا م�� ا يو‬ ‫ب م ل� ر � ر يم‬ ‫ا �ل���م�� خ���ب�ز‬ ‫� ����م��ة ا �ل‬ ‫)وا ��ل�بوا ب��ة ع��ل ا �ل‬٢ �‫�ر‬ � ‫�خ��لي���لي���ة ع��ل �ص�ا‬ ‫ح���ب�ه�ا ا �ل���ص�لا �ة وا �ل��س�لا‬ � � � � � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫ح‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ص‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ك‬ ‫ك‬ � ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ى‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ش �ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫)ا �ل���م�ل الا �ش�� � ��ا ����ا � خ��ل�د ا �ل�ل�ه �م��ل �ك ظ‬٣ ‫ف� ا �ا �م لا ن�ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫�ك‬ � ‫��ه ب�ن����ر ا �ل���م�� ر الا ��ر‬ � �‫ر � ي ب ي‬ ‫�ي ي م و‬ ‫ث�� م�ا ن�� ن ث�� م�ا ن�� م�ا �ة‬ ‫ح �م�� ن ا � ش‬ � ‫ل���ر���ف��ي�� ن� ا ع�ا ن��ه ا �ل�ل�ه ب�ت��ا ر‬ �‫ا ��لن��ا �صر �� ن�ا ظ�ر ا �ل‬ �‫ي�خ �م����ست����ه�ل ع�ا ا ح�د(!) و �� �ي� و �� �� ي‬ � ‫ر‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ Basmalah. Has initiated the reconstruction of these honourable renewed storehouses including the hall and the honourable bakery, and the door of the honourable Khalīlī storehouses, blessing and peace be on their patron, during the days of our lord the sultan al-Malik alAshraf Qāyit-bāy, may Allah eternalize his rule under the supervision of His most noble excellency, Nāṣir ad-Dīn the inspector of the Two Noble Sanctuaries, may Allah assist him on new year’s day of 881 (=26 April 1476)

‫ن أ‬

‫ا � ش‬. The subject of this verb is missing. The attachment to fixed formulae resulted L.1: ���� in such mistakes. I followed this text in the translation without the subject although it is clear that Nāṣir ad-Dīn is the subject of anshaʾa. ‫—ا �ل‬The storehouses in which the products for the simāṭ operation were � ‫حوا �ص�ل‬ kept. In inscription No. 54 the term maghāliq was used in the same sense referring to the special structure of the stores containing the wheat and barley which supplied the mills, the kitchens and the bakeries; here the renovation works initiated by the inspector involved the same storage installations named here ḥawāṣil instead of maghāliq. The difference is that in this inscription the renovation is detailed: the storehouses and their gate, the hall or the courtyard (īwān), and the bakery. ‫وا ��ل�بوا ب��ة ع��ل ا �ل‬. The door of the storehouses. The special store installation � L.2: ‫حوا �ص�ل‬ ‫ى‬ had a lower door at the bottom of the silo from which the products were obtained. It was a new invention operated in such a way that enabled controlling the amount of grain obtained when opening it. This must be the reason of the mentioning of the door here, and by Mujīr, who regards it as “one of the wonders” (See above No. 54). L.3: Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad [b.] an-Nashāshībī referred to here by his personal title an-Nāṣirī (for Nāṣir ad-Dīn) was one of the most talent­ed, efficient and moral inspectors of the sanctuaries of Jerusalem and Hebron. The inscription enables us, by the way, to be introduced to details about the origin of the famous Nashāshībī family and the very beginning of their settlement in Jerusalem when Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad was nominated to his post. Mujīr ad-Dīn closely follows the career of Nāṣir ad-Dīn (and, incidentally provides material about the origins of Nusaybah, another important Jerusalemite family). In what follows is a passage from his report: ‫��م�د ا �ل��ن ش����ا �ش‬ ‫ث� د خ��ل� ت� ����سن����ة ا � ����س���ع�� ن ث����م�ا ن����م�ا ئ��ة ف����ه�ا ��س�� ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ال�أ �م�� ن�ا �ص ا �ل�د � ن حم‬ �� � � ‫ي� ير‬ ‫ربع و ب ي� و‬ �‫ير ر ي‬ �‫ت �يبي‬ ‫أ‬ َ ‫أم � خ�ز ن �ة �خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ � � ‫ل‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫� ح�د ا ل� ��د ا � �ا ل‬ � ‫��د ا �ل���ر�ي����� �ل�ك���� � و��ا �� ا‬ ‫حر�مي��� ا �ل���ر�ي����ي��� ب�ا �ل�����د ��س وا ���لي��ل وحر�ير‬ ‫ري ب ِ م‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

201

‫ح� �ض� ل ا �ل��ق‬ �‫�أ �م �ه�م�ا ا �ص�لا �م�ا ا خ�ت��� �م� ن ن��ظ���ا ��مه���م�ا ف� �أ �ا ال�أ �م�� � د ��ك ا ��لت��ا � ف‬ � � � ‫�د‬ �� � ‫ر و‬ ‫س‬ ‫ر �إ ى‬ ‫ير ب ر ب‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫أ�ج�ي‬ ‫ح‬ ‫� �ي أ ي فم‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫خ‬ �‫ود خ�� ب‬ �‫���ل�ع� ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � و ����ر ��ي �م���ص�ا �ل ال� و��ا �� و�ع�مر ا �ل���م��س�� ج��د ال� ����صى و�صر �� ا �ل���م�ع�ا �ي�ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ح‬ ‫أ م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ � � ��‫ح� �ص��ل�� �م ن����ه�ا �م�ا ���س�د � �م� ن ب�ر د ب��ك ا ��ل��ا � و �ر ا ج� ��ع‬ � ‫و ب�ا �ش��ر ��د ب�ي��ر ال� �مو ر‬ ‫حوا ل‬ � ‫�ي‬ ‫ى‬ ‫�ج�ي‬ ‫ح‬ ‫ا � ش �ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ب���ي� ت� ا �ل���م��ق���د ��س لى ا �ل‬ � � �‫�خ ي��ر و‬ � ‫ح���ص�ل ا �لر��ا و�ب��ا ���ر ا �ل��ا س ب�ا �ل����ر ج ب��ع�د ل����د‬ ‫�إ‬ �

At the beginning of the year 874 (after 11 July, 1469) the sultan sent the amīr Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad an-Nashāshībī, one of the treasurers in the sultanic service, to investigate the endowments of the Two Noble Sanctuaries in Jerusalem and Hebron, to write a report about their condition, and to put right the disorder which befell them in the days of the Amīr Birdbak at-Tājī (the former inspector. MS). He arrived in Jerusalem and entered into it wearing the sultanic robe of office, and explored the condition of the endowments (awqāf), and renovated the Aqṣā Mosque, and paid the salaries, and applied himself to the proper administration of the affairs until all that had gone wrong in the time of Birdbak at-Tājī was put in order. As a result the state of affairs of Jerusalem turned for the better, prosperity prevailed and the people rejoiced at the good news of salvation after hardship. (Mujīr, 1283:621; 1973,2:286-287)

After repairing and reactivating the canal which brought water to Jerusalem (from the springs of ʿArrūb to the north of Hebron), and commemorating this work in an inscription (wa-nuqishat rukhāmah fī dhālika), Nāṣir ad-Dīn left at the end of the year for Cairo to report to the sultan. (Ibid.) Shortly afterwards, he was nominated as the inspector of The Two Sanctuaries, a position which he held for almost 19 years. In what follows is Mujīr’s report about the beginning of his time in office.

‫��م�د ا � ن ا �ل��ن ش����ا �ش‬ ‫ث� د خ��ل� ت� ����سن����ة خ��م�� ����س���ع�� ن ث����م�ا ن����م�ا ئ��ة ف����ه�ا ا ����ست����ق ال�أ �م�� ن�ا �ص ا �ل�د � ن حم‬ �� � � ‫س و ب ي� و‬ �‫و ي‬ �‫ب‬ �‫ر ير ر ي‬ �‫�يبي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫��م�ع��ة‬ ‫ح �م�� ن �ا �ل��ق���د �� ا �لخ‬ ‫ظ‬ ‫���ل�� ا ����ست��ق���لا لا د خ�� ل ا �ل��ق���د �� ا � ش‬ ‫ل��� ���� � � ا �ج�ل‬ � ‫ل‬ � � ‫ا‬ � � �� ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫س‬ ‫ى‬ ‫س‬ ‫يو‬ � ‫ر‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ي ب‬ ‫�ي ر‬ ‫ل �إ‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ي أ �ي م‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ئ‬ � ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ ‫كا � � �م�ا �م����ه د ا � � � ����ع�ه ��ع�د �ص�لا � ا �جل‬ ‫ث�ا �م� ن� �ع���ر �ي� ا �ل���م��ح‬ ‫��م�ع� و� و��د ا �ل���م��س�� ج��د‬ ‫�رم و � يو‬ ‫�و و ر � و ي ب‬ ‫ف� ت��ل�ك ا �ل��لي��ل��ة و�ش��ر ف� �ع�م�ا ر �ة الا و�ق�ا �ف� و�ص��ل�� ح�ا ل ��س���م�ا ط ����س���د ن�ا ا �ل‬ ‫�خ��لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ع �ي‬ ‫�ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ح‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ض‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ش‬ � ‫ش‬ ‫ل‬ � �‫و ب�ا ���ر ب��ع����� و�����ه�ا �م� و‬ .‫ح���ص�ل �ل�ل� ر�� ا �ل���م�����د ��س� ا �ج�م�ا ل ب�و ج�ود ه‬

At the beginning of the year 875 in the month of Muḥarram (July 1470) the amīr Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad b. an-Nashāshībī was nominated as the independent inspector of the Two Sanctuaries in Jerusalem and Hebron. He entered into Noble Jerusalem on Friday 28 Muḥarram (27 July) and this was a memorable day! His letter of appointment was publically read after the Friday prayer, and on that night the mosque was lit (celebrating the event MS). He proceeded to reconstruct the waqfs and to put in order the affairs of the simāṭ of our master al-Khalīl peace be on him. He applied himself to his tasks with modesty and sagacity, and the Holy Land was beautified by his presence. (Mujīr, 1283:622; 1973, 2:287-288)

202

hebron (al-khalīl)

Mujīr does not mention the type of activity of the new inspector concerning the simāṭ; but the inscription adds this missing detail. Nāṣir ad-Dīn an-Nashāshībī resigned his office on Muḥarram 893 (late December 1487—early January 1488), following a scandal involving the mismanagement of funds by the governor of Jerusalem. Although he was not directly involved in the affair, Nāsir ad-Dīn strongly implored Qāyit-bāy to accept his resignation, which the sultan finally accepted against his will. The new inspector was his complete opposite. “Nāṣir ad-Dīn was a righteous and honest person, and he was replaced by a tyrant and immoral man” (Mujīr, 1283:672; 1973, 2:341-342) The Castle of Hebron The eastern quarter of Hebron is called after the Sanctuary in it, the Quarter of the Ḥaram (ḥārat al-ḥaram). It is a rather large neighbourhood divided into a few subquarters, one of which, and the most significant, is ḥārat al-qalʿah, the Quarter of the Castle, referring to the citadel of Hebron that used to be attached to the Sanctuary on the west. The citadel, or at least its outer walls, which existed until 1965 was about the same size as the area of the Ḥaram as can be seen in Mader’s map of 1914 (attached below) and the British maps of Hebron from the Mandatory period. As we have already mentioned above, (inscription No. 50) the tomb of Joseph was “identified” outside the western wall at the N/W corner of the Sanctuary. A shrine was built over it within the walls of the castle. It is difficult to ascertain when this castle was built, and whether Joseph’s shrine had already been built before its building, since no clear reference can be found concerning its construction except for the short passages in Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283: 65; 426; 1973, 1:69; 2:78), mentioned above once, saying: “the qalʿah is a castle built by the Romans, joined to the ḥaram on the west side”. The attribution of the building to the Romans (or Greeks—Rūm) has no real significance. Usually, it is a general saying meaning: It is very old, it is before the time of the Islamic conquests, and it is not an Islamic construction. However, if the story about Al-Muqtadir’s concubine (nicknamed al-ʿajūz) building Joseph’s shrine on the present site, early in the 4th/10th century, is true, this means that the area to the west of the Sanctuary was empty and was “bought from its owner” ( fa-ushturiya al-baqīʿ min ṣāḥibihi) prior to the excavation, in the course of which Joseph’s tomb was “discovered.” (ibid.) If this is the case, the castle must have been built after the 10th century and could well be the work of the Crusaders who fortified Hebron, which they called St. Abraham, rebuilt or renovated the Byzantine basilica and added to it the present slanted roof. The need to build a castle next to the Sanctuary was natural, not only because of the commanding position of the site but also because the Sanctuary itself was, by far, the most fortified building in the entire territory to the south of Jerusalem. The castle that was attached to it from the south,

hebron (al-khalīl)

203

if it is indeed a Crusaders’ building, is far inferior to the high walls of the Sanctuary which were built with huge ashlars in the Herodian style. The need to fortify Hebron was urgent since, as Runciman says: “In the south the Negev was dominated by the Frankish garrison at Hebron, but the castle of St. Abraham, as it was called by the Franks, was little more than an island in a Moslem ocean.” (Runciman, 2, 1957:4) The name Castellum Sancti Abraham, which refers to Hebron in the writings of the Crusader’s historians, points to the existence of a castle (Guérin, Judée, 3 ch.73) but it could also point to the whole complex of the Ḥaram. The reference to the Sanctuary building as a castle is found in the report of the English traveler Sæwulf who visited Hebron in 1102 or 1103, three to four years after its conquest by the Crusaders. In his description, he also mentions the tradition about Joseph’s burial place in the Sanctuary as well as that of Adam: Hebron, where the holy Patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob repose, each with his wife, and where Adam, the first of mankind, is also buried, is distant from Bethlehem four leagues to the south … The city of Hebron which was large and very handsome is destroyed, by the Saracens. On the eastern side of it the monuments of the holy patriarchs, of ancient workmanship are surrounded by a very strong castle, each of the three monuments being like a great church with two sarcophagi placed in a very honourable manner within … But the bones of Joseph … are buried more humbly than the rest, as it were at the extremity of the castle.” (The Travels of Sæwulf Ad 1102 and Ad 1103 in Wright, 1848:45).

From this description, it seems that there must have been a structure which contained the tomb of Joseph which, as we know, did not exist within the walls of the Sanctuary itself. This may point to the existence of the castle already three years after the establishment of Christian rule in it. Some 180 years later, Hebron was described by Burchard of Mount Sion (c. 1280). His book, Descriptio Terrae Sanctae is the best medieval description of the Holy Land. Referring to the Sanctuary of Hebron, he writes: “The Saracens built around this double cave a very strong castle and there was a cathedral church in the walls of which I saw stones measuring twenty six, twenty eight and thirty feet … ” (Burchardi de Monte Sion, Descriptio Terrae Sanctae, c. IX; English translation by Aubrey Stewart in PPTS, 1897, 12:93) At the end of the 13th century, Burchardi de Monte Sion attributes the building of the castle to the Muslims, but from his description it is clear that there is a difference between the castle and the “Cathedral church” which was in it (inqua erat ecclesia cathedralis), whose large building stones impressed him so much. There is not much more in the sources about the building, defined as a castle (qalʿah), which seems to have been built shortly after the occupation of Hebron by the Crusaders by one of the vassals of Godfrey of Bouillon, the first king of Jerusalem (Prawer, 1984, 1:168). The city became the administrative centre of a lordship, a bishopric and an important site of pilgrimage because of the sacred tombs in it which included for the ­Crusaders too,

204

hebron (al-khalīl)

the tombs of Adam, Eve, and Joseph in addition to those of the Patriarchs (RileySmith, Atlas, 1991: 37/1, 43, 57, 104). The necessity to fortify Hebron is therefore, understandable, however it seems quite strange that the Crusaders did not attempt to build a wall at least around a major quarter in the city, and were satisfied with adding a walled area to the west of the Sanctuary which is far from appearing impregnable. The only explanation for this can be, as already hinted above, that they regarded the Sanctuary itself as the keep of a castle and the walled area to the west as the outside fortifications. In the post-Crusaders period, the only fairly detailed reference to the qalʿah is that of Mujīr ad-Dīn mentioned above. In his time it had long ceased to fulfill its original function and had deteriorated to a living quarter for the local inhabitants of the city. From our inscription it seems clear that the castle underwent renovation and repairs which returned it to its former function as the fortress of the city after it had lost its military significance during the Mamlūk period. The Ottoman sultan Sulaymān I, who paid particular attention to the fortification of Jerusalem and rebuilt its walls, decided to strengthen the castle of the second of the Two Noble Sanctuaries in the Holy Land. It must have become again the seat of imperial forces in the city. When Guérin visited Hebron in 22 July 1863 he found that the ancient castle was completely destroyed, at least its inner parts, when it was conquered by Ibrāhīm Pāshā in 1834. Its outer walls were repaired, and it was used as the barracks for the soldiers who were stationed in its inner ruins. In 1894, Max van Berchem visited Hebron and described the exact place where he saw the inscription: “on the facade of the citadel that borders on the street leading to the S/W gate of the Ḥaram and to ar-Ribāṭ al-Mansūrī on a big square salient 5m. above the ground, inserted slab of marble in a frame of coloured stones.” (MvB coll. al-Ḫalīl) The Inscriptions The salient about which MvB speaks was at the S/W corner of castle, and the inscription can be clearly seen built into the wall. Above the inscription, at its left and right top corners there are two stone discs protruding from the wall, without inscriptions. In 1965, in the course of the Jordanian government’s re-planning of the area around the Ḥaram, the remnants of the castle were demolished alongside a few more medieval buildings, in order to clear the area around the Sanctuary. The inscriptions were removed and fixed again. The original salient was relocated and preserved as a memorial of the castle. The two discs were also built on top of the inscriptions, but not exactly at the same height as they had been in the original place, but much higher as one can see from the comparison of the photographs. Fig. P26 (1930 IAA archives) and Fig. P27 (2011). A modern inscription dated 1965 commemorating the relocation was attached to the salient. This modern inscription was engraved on a

hebron (al-khalīl)

205

Pl. 36. The Ḥaram and its surroundings before the demolition of 1965 with the citadel, the Ribāṭ, and the Mūristān still in place (a section of Mader’s hand drawn plan of Hebron 1914) 1. The original site of Sulaymān’s inscription dated 950/1548. 2. Inscription over ar-Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī. 3. Inscription over Ḥammām ar-Ribāṭ (birkat al-maṭharah). 4. ʿAyn al-Khuddām (sulṭān Īnāl). 5. Double inscription on ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī. 6. One line inscription on a building stone of the wall 6a. Remnants of “Kūfī” inscription over a window opposite the former (missing) (MvB Coll.).

slab of local limestone, 1.00x0.50m. in a wide frame, 2 lines, in modern ruqʿah, points, no vowels, letters painted black; in relief. Special frames were created for the dates on the right and left corners of the inscription represented in the reading below. Publication: Ruqūm, 497.

‫آ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ً ‫ف خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫)���ق���ل� ت� د ا ئ�ر�ة ال� ث�ا ر �ه� ا ا �لب��ر ج �م� ن� �م��س�ا ���ة ��م��سي�� ن� �مت��ر ا‬١ � ‫��ا ن��ه ا �ل‬ � �‫)�م� ن� �ش��ر ق� �م ك‬٢ ‫ �ه�ـ‬١٣٨٥ ‫ح�ا ل‬ ١٩٦٥ ‫�ي‬ ‫م‬

The department of antiquities transferred this tower from a distance of 50 meters east of its present site

The inscription studied below was engraved on two slabs of local limestone usually defined as Hebron marble. It is rich with ancient fossils, which make it more sensitive to the natural elements than the white and grey marble. At first glance it seems that each one of the slabs carried an independent inscription, but close examination reveals that the borders of both of them are the same width, and the size of the lines is also the same. Except for the Ruqūm, the former editors of the inscription

206

hebron (al-khalīl)

(Sauvaire, MvB, Jaussen) treat the two slabs as one inscription. In what follows, the two slabs are referred to as A (top) and B (bottom). 60 Construction Text

950/1543

Two slabs of local limestone, (A) 1.00x0.50m., (B) 1.00x0.40m., originally fixed on the south-western wall of the castle on the salient that was relocated about 50m. to the N/E of its original site. Slab A completely defaced but slab B is still in good shape and the inscription on it is clear, (A+B) 5 lines, Ottoman, monumental naskhī, points, no vowels; in relief. The script is not the usual Ottoman naskhī; the artist employed a style of interwoven letters in such a way that made it difficult for the former editors to read. It seems that in the 19th century it was possible to see traces of (A) l.1 which have since disappeared. Fig. 59. Publication: de Luynes, 185, No. 3 (Sauvaire); Jaussen, BIFAO, 25, 1925:38, No. 29; MvB coll. al-Ḫalīl; Ruqūm, 498f; Tütüncü, 201-202. The following reading of A is that of Sauvaire (in de Luynes) copied by Jaussen and van Berchem (and ignored by the Ruqūm). The reading of B is new. A

‫ق‬ ‫) لا ا �ل�ه الا ا �ل�ل�ه حم‬١ ... )٣ ... )٢ ... ‫�ه�م خ���لي��ل ا �ل�ل�ه ��د‬ ‫��م�د ر��سو ل ا �ل�ل�ه ا ب�ر ا ي‬ B

‫ن‬ ‫ن ن خ ن‬ ‫خ ن‬ �‫�ل‬ ‫��ا � ��س�ل��ي���م�ا � �ب� ��ا � ��س��ل��ط�ا � ��س� مي‬ � �‫ح����ص ن���ا ��س�ا ق‬ � �‫كا ن‬ ٩٥٠ �‫ح����ص ن� ا �ل���مر��س�لي�� ن‬ �

‫) و�هو ��س��ل��ط�ا ن� � نب� ��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ا �ل‬١ � �‫�ل‬ ‫ح� مي‬ � ‫�خ ت� ت�ا ر‬ ‫كا ن� �ع ن���د ا �ل‬ )‫ي�خ ا �ل��ب ن���ا(ء‬ � )٢ ‫م‬

A. There is no god but Allah Muḥammad is the messenger of Allah; Ibrāhīm is the friend of Allah.  B. and he is the sultan son of the gracious sultan, Khān Sulaymān son of Khān sultan Salīm.  On conclusion, the date of the building was: “it was a fortress which surpassed the fortress of the envoys” (al-mursalīn: Q, 7:6) 950.

The whole inscription was composed in the ramal metre. A vertical band in relief divided the two hemistiches. The metre is not perfect, and the text of the last two lines, particularly the last one (l.5) is very artificial because of the need to represent the date 950 in letters’ value. ‫ن‬ ‫ �ه   ��س��ل��ط�ا ن � ن‬in Sauvaire, and Jaussen. MvB added correctly �‫ح��ل‬ ‫�ل‬ L. 4: � ‫ب� ��س��ل��ط�ا‬ � ‫وو‬ ‫ا � ي‬.

‫م‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

207

‫ن ن خ ن‬ ‫خ ن‬ hemistich which van Berchem read almost cor� ‫ ��ا � ��س�ل��ي���م�ا � �ب� ��ا‬in ‫ ن‬the �second ‫�خ ن‬ ‫ا �لخ ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ خ��ا ن | � ن‬also wrongly. � ‫ل‬ ; MvB: � ‫ب� ��س�ل��ي���م�ا‬ rectly, Sauvaire read: � ‫ ; �ا � �س�ل��ي���م�ا‬Jaussen: � ‫��ا‬ �

Correct according to the reading above. ‫ي�خ ُ ن ن ت‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ي�خ ا � ن ن‬ L.5: Sauvaire: � ‫كا‬ � ‫ت�ا ر � ا �ل��ب���ا‬. MvB suc� ‫ت�ا ر � ل��ب���ا‬... Jaussen: ٩٥٩ ...�‫كا � ���س و��م��سي�� ن‬ ‫ع‬ ‫كا ن �ع ن���د ا �لخ‬ ‫ق‬ � ‫� ت� ت�ا ر‬ � �‫كا ن‬ ��‫ح‬ ceeded to read the line almost accurately: ��‫��ص ن���ا ��س�ا ب‬ � |‫ي�خ ا �ل��ب ن���ا‬ �� ‫م‬ ‫ن‬ �. This reading does not make much sense but is much nearer to ٩٥٥ �‫ح����ص� ا ي�م ��س�ل��ي���م� ن‬ our reading above. The problem with all these readings is the date, 955 according to Sauvaire and van Berchem, and 959 according to Jaussen. The accurate date is 950, the digits of which are very clear at the end of the line. This date should correspond to the numeral value of the letters of the second hemistich of line 5:

‫ن‬ ‫ح����ص ن���ا ��س�ا ق � ن‬ � �‫كا ن‬ � � ���‫ح����ص� ا �ل���مر��س�لي‬ 950 = 421 + 148 + 161 + 149 + 71

It is surprising that MvB missed the correct reading since in the drawing of the inscription (attached, below, from MvB coll.) the number 950 is very clear and the representation of the inscription is almost perfect.

Sultan Sulaymān I (“qanūnī” 926/1520-974/1566) was a great builder who contributed mosques, aqueducts, bridges and other public buildings to his empire. In addition to the extensive building projects in Istanbul (the famous mosques of the Süleimāniyye, the Salīmiyye, the Shāhzāde Jāmiʿī, the Khāṣṣakī Jāmiʿī and others) he remodeled the Kaʿbah, built the aqueducts of Mecca and built the tomb of Abū Ḥanīfah in Baghdād. His work of building or reconstructing the castle of Hebron was only a small contribution of his because his main work was the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem (CIA, Jérusalem, “Ville,” 1:431ff, Nos. 119-129) that had been in ruins since the destruction of al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā in 616/1219. In addition to the walls and the citadel of the city he also repaired the aqueduct which supplied water to Jerusalem, renovated the large reservoir known as Birkat as-Sulṭān to the west of Jaffa gate (Bāb al-Khalīl, beautifully built by him in 945/1538-39. ibid., No. 123-125). His water supply project also included, in addition to a sabīl attached to birkat as-Sulṭān from the south, a few sabīls inside Jerusalem supplied by the major aqueduct which led the water of al-ʿArrūb and “Solomon’s pools” (next to Bethlehem) to Jerusalem (see

208

hebron (al-khalīl)

in more details MvB, CIA, Jérusalem, “Ville,” 1:412ff, Nos. 110-114; see also “Sulaimān I,” EI, “Süleymān,” EI2). During the 18th and 19th centuries, the castle of Hebron was neglected and ruined, first its interior and also its outer walls, partly also due to the damage inflicted on it by the Egyptian army of Ibrāhīm Pāshā (mentioned above following the report of Guérin from 1863). In a photograph from about 1905, the walls of the Qalʿah are still standing as mute evidence to the fact that it was but a poor attachment to the magnificent Hebron Sanctuary. (See figs P28, P29 showing the ruined castle before its final removal). L.4: Ibn sulṭān al-ḥalīm … sulṭān Salīm. Although the usage of ḥalīm and Salīm create a rhyme, the attribution of the epithet ḥalīm which means gentle, mild-tempered, forbearing and gracious is far from describing or befitting the character of this sultan who was known by the name Yavuz (Yawuz) (the “grim” as the English writers rendered it). “His unrelenting severity, and the numerous executions which he ordered earned him the name Yawuz, expressing at once horror and admiration.” (J.H. Kramers, “Selim I,” EI). 61 Construction Text

1008/1599-1600

A block of marble, 1.50x0.20m. forming the lintel of the eastern window of Sarah’s chamber. (Plan 7) The main inscription is over the front face of lintel and the secondary inscription with the name of the artist, 1 line about 0.48m long, is hiding on the lower face of the block facing downwards, into which are inserted the iron bars of the window grill. Main inscription: in a sunken field with a decorative geometric and floriated elements on each side in the form of stylized “handles.” 2 lines, divided by a band, monumental Ottoman naskhī with tendency to ruqʿah, points, no vowels; in flat relief. The text is a poem, but since it had to be confined to the width of the block it was not divided according to the hemistiches but was engraved in a consecutive manner. There are, however, decorations in the form of geometrical cartouches that indicate the end of the rhyming words and provide a frame to each verse. Fig. 60; Pls. 37, 38. Publication: Vincent-Mackay, Hébron, 205, No. 3, fig. 78; Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:15, No. 10, pl. iv.; Ruqūm, 418-421. The poem is written in the kāmil metre (the diameter form)

َ‫أَنْ َ ُ �غ‬ ‫حَ��ة‬ � )!( �ِ‫� �وا ر �ا ر لا ي‬ ٍ َّ َ َ‫جَ م‬ َ َ‫ح‬ ّ ‫���ة‬ ‫�ص ف���ا ت‬ ‫� ا �ل���ص�ا �ل‬ ��‫�� ا �ل‬ ِ ‫ع‬

َ ْ‫نْ َ ق َ َ ةَ أ �شْ َ �قَ ت‬ �� ‫) �ِم�� ط�ا � ��س�ا ر � � ��ر‬١ ِ َ َ َ‫فَتْ ٌ أ ْ م‬ ّ َ َ‫ب‬ ْ ‫ن‬ ‫� َح‬ � ��‫����ح ل� � �د ��ك م‬

hebron (al-khalīl)

209

Pl. 37. Hebron 1008a.

‫ح��ة‬ ��ِ‫) ي�ا �ذ [ا] ا �ل�ع��ق��و ل ا �لرا �ج‬٢ ‫ٱ ْ ُ أ ْ مَ َ َ ت‬ ‫حَ��ة‬ � ‫ وَ� �قر وا  ل�َح� �د ف��ا‬ � ِ

َ َْ ُ‫�قَ َ ُ�ؤَ ّ خ‬ � ‫�ا ل ا �ل���م رِ� �ِل�لو ر ى‬ َ ُ ْ ُ‫تَأْ خُ ُ أ‬ ُ �‫�� ري‬ ‫��ه � د �عوا �ل�ه‬ ِ

1008 = 494 + 83 + 314            + 31 + 82

‫�ة‬ ١٠٠٨ ���‫����سن‬

‫ح��ة‬ ‫�ر�مي�� ن� ف�ي���ه �م ن���ا �ص‬ � ‫و �ل�ع ب���د ب�ا �ق�ي ن�ا ظ�ر ا �لـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ�ح‬ ِ

The metre in this case influences the text and enables the arrival at the correct reading. From Sarah’s window shone the brilliant light of the cave. An opening for Aḥmad Bak who gather­ed the good qualities. The chronicler said to the world: “O you who possess the sound minds, Its date is: ‘Invoke (Allah) for him and read for Aḥmad fātiḥah’.” And for ʿAbd Bāqī, the inspector of the two Sanctuaries, he has in it sincere advice.

L. 1: Ṭāq sārah. Strictly speaking ṭāq is an arch and a window. here it means the window of Sarah’s chamber over which this inscription was fixed. It is the first chamber (Plan, 7) facing the entrance door into the Ḥaram from the east to the north of Abraham’s chamber (Plan, 6). Ghār—generally means the underground grot­to, believed to be the burial place of the Patriarchs. L. 2: yā dhā. Sauvaire and Jaussen read māza al-ʿuqūl etc. and translated: “he discerned the penetrating intelligences.” The correct reading contains a call to sound minds to pay attention to the date given in the sum of the values of letters that follow the word taʾrīkhuhu. Iqrū instead of iqraʾū. The metre of the poem necessitated a word with three syllables (wa-ʾiq-rū) rather than one with four syllables (wa-ʾiq-ra-ʾū). Although the verb iqrū is in vernacular form, the reason for its usage here is to comply with rules of prosody rather than being a mistake caused by colloquialism.

210

hebron (al-khalīl)

Pl. 38. Hebron 1008b: Artist’s signature.

� � ‫و ل�ع ب���د ب�ا ق�ي‬. The correct form should be wa-li-ʿAbd al-Bāqī, but the metre demands

the shortening of the name to the present form ʿAbd (al-)Bāqī who, as we learn only from this inscription, was the nāẓir of the Two Sanctuaries at the time, and was subordinate, if not officially then in practice, to Aḥmad Beg. At this stage, no information is available about him. Sauvaire and Jaussen read instead of the name: wa-li-ʿīdinā fī … and translated accordingly “et pour notre fête, nous avons dans l’inspecteur etc.” Both reading and translation should be corrected. taʾrīkhuhu: the numerical value of the text after the word is shown above. It is 1008 and this date is also indicated in digits under the word taʾrīkhuhu. Bottom face inscription—the artist’s signature (Pl. 38): One line, professional nastaʿlīq script, points no vowels; incised.

ّ � ‫ق‬ ‫ا �ل���م�����د �س‬ � ِ‫ي‬

‫�َع�مَ�ُ ا �ل��ف����ق‬ ‫ح����س ن‬ � � � � ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�د‬ �� ‫ع‬ �� � �� ‫�ه‬ ‫ل‬ � � ‫ل‬ � ‫م‬ �� ِ ‫ي ِر ى ِ ب‬ �ِ ‫ل‬

The making of the needy for Allah ʿAbd al-Muḥsin al-Maqdisī.

It is possible to read the first word as a verb “ʿamala”—and the translation would then be: The needy for Allah ʿAbd al-Muḥsin al-Maqdisī made (it). The line with the name of the artist hiding under the main inscription was missed by Sauvaire and Jaussen, but found and read in the Ruqūm. The amīr Aḥmad Bek—Beg of the sanjaq of Gaza is mentioned several times in the Ottoman documents from the second half of the 16th century and a detailed biography of his was compiled by al-Muḥibbī (Khulāṣat al-Athar, 1:187-189). His full name is Aḥmad b. Riḍwān b. Muṣṭafā, the governor of Gaza for 30 years without interruption. In official letters, either addressed to him or in which he is mentioned, he is always called Aḥmad the Beg of Gaza. Although he was not the governor of Jerusalem, he was, nevertheless, charged with inspection of works initiated by the government and most probably financed by endowments of either Jerusalem or Hebron or of both. In 1585 a Sultanic order nominated him to be the inspector (nāẓir) in charge of the repairs of the “ruined pools” (birke) between Jerusalem and Hebron.” (That is to say the Solomon Pools which supplied water to Jerusalem) (Heyd, 1960: 148,

hebron (al-khalīl)

211

No. 96 and n. 1) Another document informs that Aḥmad Beg was nominated to the prestigious and highly responsible function of Amīr al-Ḥājj. (commander of the pilgrims’ caravan to Mecca, Ibid., 78 No. 31) It is clear from other documents (Ibid., 98 No. 52; 108 No.60) that he was highly respected by the central government, and his word carried particular weight in Istanbul. After 30 years in office, Aḥmad retired (1009/1600-1601) in favour of one of his sons, Ḥasan (Muḥibbī, 2:16), but continued to live in Gaza and was involved in the administrative and military activity in the region until his death in 1015/1606-7. He belonged to a family that governed Gaza for several generations. His grandfather. Kārā Shāhīn Muṣṭafā, the slave of Sulaymān I, and his father Riḍwān, held this office as did his son Ḥasan Pāshā nicknamed ʿArab. In this poem-inscription there is no question that Aḥmad Beg is the central figure. He is wrapped in the light which shines from the depth of the holy grotto, as a sign of “opening up” (success, even victory) for him, (reminiscence of Q, 61:13). Aḥmad Bek is a store of excellent qualities who deserves the admiration, blessing and prayer of everybody who possesses astute intellect, the inscription says. Note on Prosody The need to follow the strict rules of prosody causes changes in spelling and even deviations from grammatical rules, which are demonstrated in this inscription, and

َّ َ َ‫فَْ ٌ أََ م‬ which I pointed out above. In addition, attention should be paid to l.1: ‫�ت���� ل ح� �د ب��ك‬ ِ ‫ح‬ َ ...�ْ‫ �م� ن‬The title Bak (or Bek) must have a kāf with shaddah to comply with the full

demands of 8 syllables necessary for the kāmil. Although the name Aḥmad could be correctly voweled Aḥmada, without interfering with the rules of prosody, it seems to have been pronounced Aḥmad (without the last fatḥah) in which case the classical eight feet of the verse fit in perfectly. The same applies to verse 4 beginning with ta⁠ʾrīkhuhu, where the vowelling should be:

‫ٱ ْ ُ أ ْ مَ َ َ ت‬ ‫حَ��ة‬ � ‫وَ� �قر وا ل� ح� �د ف��ا‬ � ِ

َ ُ ْ ُ‫تَأْ خُُ ُ أ‬ ُ �‫�� ر ي‬ ‫��ه � د �عوا �ل�ه‬ ِ

Attention should be paid to fātiḥah (not al-fātiḥah) and, in the last line, to ʿAbd Bāqī with the yāʾ at the end, since it refers to the name and not to ʿabdin bāqin if it were only a normal construction. Jāmiʿ Ḥārat al Qazzāzīn—Sūq al-Qazzāzīn (for: Zajjājīn)

The name al-Qazzāzīn, as the quarter and market are called locally, is a mistake. As it stands, the meaning of the word is “the market of the silk merchants”, but actually this was the market of the glaziers—Zajjājīn. The word qazāz, influenced by col-

212

hebron (al-khalīl)

loquial usage, means glass, and has nothing to do with the profession of the qazzāz who is the person who deals with qazz (pl. quzūz)—silk. Such dealers, which would justify calling a quarter and a market after them, did not exist in Hebron. Mujīr ad-Dīn (1283:425; 1973, 2:78), describing the various quarters of the town, says that the large quarter of ad-Dāriyyah included another three quarters: al-Qaṣārwah, the Jewish quarter (Ḥārat al-Yahūd), and the quarter of az-Zajjājīn (glaziers). In fact, the chronicler refers to independent quarters to the north-west, west and south-west of the Abrahamic Sanctuary. The quarters of ad-Dāriyyah and az-Zajjājīn to the west of the Sanctuary were the most beautiful of all the quarters. They included the markets and the city services. In time, the name of sūq az-Zajjājīn (I also heard recently: sūq az-Zūjājiyyīn—the glass makers) received the colloquial name: al-Qazzāzīn which seems to have suppressed the true medieval name of the quarter and market. I also heard a local tradition which says that prior to the Mamlūk period, the quarter was called Ḥārat al-Ifranj—the quarter of the Franks, indicating that during the Crusaders’ period it was inhabited by Franks. This seems logical since the quarter was in the vicinity of the Sanctuary and the citadel.

Pl. 39. Gate of the Qazzāzīn mosque. Recent inscription on and above the lintel; original inscription, right of tympanum; modern inscription above the arch (Photo: Omar Badrieh).

The old, original mosque (al-qadīm, “the old”) was built near the main markets and is marked No. 19 in Mader’s hand-drawn plan of Hebron from 1914. (See section of Mader’s plan pl. 41 No.65 below.) This mosque is still in use to this very day, and next to it a larger, modern, mosque (al-jadīd, “the new”) was recently built with the same name “Masjid Ḥārat al-Qazzāzīn (al-Jadīd).” The old mosque was built in 1040 (as we learn from the inscriptions) on a piece of land donated for this purpose by its owner ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Abū Shukr who gave it to the builder Yūsuf al-ʿAjamī, the cook of a nobleman, timār sipāhī in Jerusalem called (or known by the nickname)

hebron (al-khalīl)

213

Ibn Kūjbā. Next to this mosque, about 4-5 m. to the right of the gate, there was a fountain rebuilt in 1265/1848-49. (See inscription below.) In a photograph found in the archives of the IAA, a fairly modern inscription at ‫خ‬ the gate of the mosque (only part of which can be seen) reads: ‫ ج��ا �م ا �ل�ع�� ج����م ا �ل��ط ب���ا‬. � ‫�ي‬ ‫ع‬ Unfortunately not all the text is visible in the photograph (Fig. P30). In his notes to his Hebron plan, Mader wrote: “Two inscriptions on Jāmiʿ Ḥārat al-Qazzāzīn (!); one, three lines on the s/w wall; the second 6 lines on the S/E wall 3m. above the level of the road.” This information is correct, but there are three inscriptions on the wall of the mosque of which Mader saw two. There are two inscriptions commemorating the building of the mosque. One, six lines, which Mader saw, is the original, crudely engraved probably by the grandson of the land donor and referred to as “Fig. 61a;” the second, five lines, which Mader did not see, is a beautiful, monumental, but defective copy prepared in the late 19th century, or even later, fixed prominently above the gate of the mosque and referred to as “Fig. 61b”. The third inscription, three lines, commemorates the fountain near the mosque’s gate, which Mader saw. Jaussen (BIFAO, 25:40) notes that he copied the inscription in passing. It is clear that he copied the original one, not that mentioned by Husseini. The photograph of the mosque’s gate with the modern inscription above it in the IAA archives (photo No. 27.497) from 1942 (Fig. P30) is so sharp that it was possible to enlarge the tiny inscription above the gate and read it easily. Modern photographs taken by Dr. Yūsuf Abū Maizar and by Dr. Omar Badrieh of both inscriptions provide excellent examples of them, and enable easy reading, and the correction of all previous mistakes. The photographs show the full front of the gate, with the original inscription (Fig. 61a) to the right of the door and the modern inscription (Fig. 61b) on top. It is clear that Mader speaks about the original inscription when he mentions a six line inscription, the three lines inscription being that of the fountain. In about 2008, a modern inscription painted black on the lintel َّ ‫ ت أ‬of the entrance َّ‫�ق�ز‬ َ‫س‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ gate reads: �‫ �م��س�� ج��د ا �ل�� ا ي�� ا �ل�����د ي‬and above it ‫ �ه�ـ‬١٠٤٠ ���‫— �� ����س�� ����س‬Old Qazzāzīn ‫م‬ mosque established in the year 1040 ah. The information about ʿAlī b. Muḥanmmad Abū Shukr, the donor of the land, Ibn Kūjbā the timār sipāhī and his cook Yūsuf who built the mosque, as well as about Mūsā b. ʿAlī who is said to have initiated the engraving of the original inscription (marked “A” below) was given to me by Dr. Yousuf Abū Maizar, who collects the oral traditions of his hometown.

214

hebron (al-khalīl) 62 Construction Texts

1040/1630-1631

As mentioned above, there are two similar, but not identical, inscriptions on the mosque; an old one engraved at the time of the building marked “A,” and its modern copy above the gate marked “B”. A A crudely shaped field limestone 0.34x0.31 breached vertically in the middle and damaged slightly all around, built into the front wall of the mosque to the right of the door lintel and tympanum. 6 (possibly 7) lines simple unidentified primitive naskhī, points, no vowels; incised. Fig. 61a. Publication: Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:40, No. 31. The following is Jaussen’s reading based on his quick copy (que nous copions en passant):

‫آ ة ّ �ذ‬ ّ � ‫���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬ ‫ح� �م� ن� �ي�ع���مر �م��س�ا ج��د ا �ل�ل�ه ي�ن��ا ل �م� ن� ا �ل�ل�ه د وا ال� خ�ر� �ع�مر �ه� ا ا �ل���م��س�� ج��د‬ ‫ب م ل� ر � ر يم‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ا �ل���م ب���ا ر ك �يو��س� ا �ل ن���� ج����م ط ب���ا خ � نب� ك‬ ���‫�و ج��ا ����سن��� ا ر ب��عي�� ن� وا �ل‬ � ‫�ي‬

The correct reading is:

‫آ‬ ‫آ‬ ّ ُ )٤‫) � �م� ن� ب�ا �ل�ل�ه وا ��ل�يو ال� خ�ر �ع�مر‬٣ �‫)[ �إ ن]����م�ا �ي�ع���مر �م��س�ا ج��د ا �ل�ل�ه �م� ن‬٢ ‫ح�م‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن �ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫)ا �ل�ع�� ج����م ط ب���ا ا � نب� ك‬٥ �‫�ه� ا [ا]�ل���م��س�� ج��د ا �ل���م ب���ا ر ك �يو��س‬ )٧[ ���‫) ��ي ����سن��� ا ر ب��عي��� وا ل‬٦ ‫�و ج� ب���ا‬ � ‫�ي‬ ‫�ة‬ ])‫(؟‬١٠٤٠ ���‫����سن‬ Basmalah. They shall only visit Allah’s places of worship who have believed in Allah and the Last Day. (Q, 9:18.Trans. Bell) Has built this blessed mosque Yūsuf al-ʿAjamī the cook of Ibn Kūjbā in the year one thousand and forty, (the year 1040) (=1630-31).

As mentioned above, local oral information indicates that the person who saw to the engraving of this inscription was the grandson of the donor of the land Mūsā b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Abū Shukr. In his comment on this inscription, Jaussen (op. cit., 40) noted: “The person who constructed this mosque is otherwise unknown to us; but it is interesting to ascertain that in 1630 of our era, under the sultan ʿOthmān, a small mosque was built in Hebron, the city of the grand Sanctuary of the Patriarchs.” Besides the fact that in 1630 the sultan was Murād IV (1032/1623-1049/1640) not ʿUthmān II who ruled earlier or ʿUthmān III who ruled much later, this comment seems strange, for the existence of a major religious edifice, whether in Hebron or Jerusalem or elsewhere,

hebron (al-khalīl)

215

never prevented the establishment of local mosques that served the inhabitants of the various neighbourhoods. B A slab of marble, 0.45x0.45. 5 lines monumental modern naskhī, with tendency to ruqʿah, points, some vowels; in relief. The inscription is surrounded by a beautifully carved ornamented frame. Fig. 61b. Publication: Husseini (IAA report Hebron No. 271; Photo IAA 27.497). In his report (Fig. P31) on “Jami‘ elQazzazīn el Qadim” from 21 April 1942, No. 271, Husseini, inspector of the British Mandate Department of Antiquities, describes it as “a large cross vaulted chamber with a vestibule at its W. end; above arch of entrance is a small inscribed marble slab, 5 lines.” Husseini’s reading:

‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ...�‫) ا � ش����ا ء �يو��س‬٤ ‫) �م� ن� ا �م� ن� ب�ا �ل�ل�ه وا ��ل�يو الا خ�ر‬٣ ‫ ) ا ن����م�ا �ي�ع���مر �م��س�ا ج��د ا �ل�ل�ه‬٢ ‫) ب���س���م�ل�ه‬١ ‫م‬ �‫�و‬ ‫ط ب���ا خ � نب� ك‬ ‫ �ه�ـ‬١٠٤٠ )٥ ‫ح�ـ؟‬ �

Correct reading:

‫آ‬ ‫آ‬ )٤ ‫) �م� ن� � �م� ن� ب�ا �ل�ل�ه وا ��ل�يو ال� خ�ر‬٣ ‫) ا ن����م�ا �ي�ع���مر �م��س�ا ج��د ا �ل�ل�ه‬٢ ‫ح�م‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫����سن����ة‬ ‫ا � ش����ا �يو��س� ا �ل�ع�� ج����م ط ب���ا خ � نب� ك‬ ١٠٤٠ )٥ ‫�و ج� ب���ا‬ � ‫�ي‬ Basmalah. They shall only visit Allah’s places of worship who have believed in Allah and the Last Day. (Q, 9:18. Trans. Bell) The building of Yūsuf al-ʿAjamī the cook of Ibn Kūjbā. The year 1040 (=1630-1631).

It is clear that the modern copiers of the original inscription found some difficulty reading it. Apart of what I heard from Dr. Yūsuf Abū Maizar, I found nothing about the persons mentioned in the inscription. It is, however, very interesting to learn about the position and funds which this certain cook commanded enabling him to build the mosque.

216

hebron (al-khalīl) 63 Reconstruction Text The Inner Gate of the Corridor between the Jāwliyyah Mosque and the Eastern Wall of the Sanctuary

1063/1650

A slab of marble 0.52x0.45m. fixed on top of the band commemorating the building of the Jāwliyyah (No. 23. Plan, I—I Fig. P32) above the gate immediately after entering into the corridor separating the Jāwliyyah mosque from the main Sanctuary (Plan, Q), and passing the main gate leading from the passage on the south east (Plan, P, Fig P13), 2.82m. above ground level. 6 lines, professional, provincial Ottoman naskhī, points, some vowels and signs; in relief. Figs. 62, 62a. Publication: Ruqūm, 465-468. The reading of this inscription poses many difficulties, and the text, which is reached after much effort, presents problems of understanding which makes its translation awkward.

ُ َ‫فَي‬ ‫) خ���ل�� ا �ل ح�م� ن‬٢ �‫ح����س نَ �ت�ع���م��ر �زَ �ه�ا ب�ت�����م�ا �م�ه(؟) ب����م��س�� ج��د �ش���������خ ا �ل ُ�ُ�س� ����س���د نَ�ا ا �ل َ ف‬ � ‫)����ا‬١ ‫� ي‬ �ِ ‫ي ِل ر‬ ‫ِ ي ِ ر ِل ي ِ و ِ�ي‬ ٍ ْ‫نُ نْ َ شَ ّ ف‬ َ‫َ َ �غ‬ َّ َ‫َ ُ ْ َ تَ ق‬ َ ْ َّ‫شَ َ �ذَ ت‬ َ‫ف ّ ٰ ن‬ ‫غ‬ ‫)و ج��د و ����� ب���ل ا ج�ر �م� ن� �د ا [و ب]��ا ���ر �ه� ا ا ��ل��ع�ِ��مي��ر‬٣ �� ‫����ص� ِل �إ ��ل�ه���ا ع��لي��ه و ب�ا �ل���ا ر وا �م��� و��� ِر‬ َ‫ف‬ ‫ت �شَ َ �ف‬ ‫�ن ه ا ��لت�ق � ا � ه ��ل � ف ا �غ‬ ‫غ �ة‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫ا‬ �� �‫�س‬ � ‫ا]د‬ ‫د‬ ‫ا‬ ‫�س‬ � �� � ‫ا‬ � � � ‫م‬ � � �� � � ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ �[‫�ـ‬ � ‫ـ‬ )٤ )‫(؟‬ �� � � ‫ل‬ � ‫ب‬ ‫ر‬ ‫)����ا ي� ب�ر‬٥ ‫ج‬ ‫و‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ر يو‬ ‫ى و‬ � ‫وا �ل��ط�� � ب‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ذ ا ا �ل� ن���ا �م�ؤ خ‬ ٣٠٦١ ���‫)����سن‬٦ �‫� ع��ل ��ع��ط�ا ه �ل�عي��� (؟) �يو��س‬ ‫�ب‬ ‫ر �ي‬ O how excellent is this reconstruction which is glowing in its completion, in the mosque of the Shaykh of the Messengers our faithful master the Friend of the All-Merciful. Bless him, O our God, and (those who are in) the cave, and bestow your favour and honour and bounty, and accept the recompense of him who has risen early to initiate this building and be kind to him who has founded its building upon piety. (Reference to Q, 9:109. Bell trans. Q, 9:110) The reward which belongs to the chief Yūsuf Āghā (dāru seʿādet) is an honour. For the sake of righteousness this building is dated (however) ʿAlī took over because of the illness of Yūsuf (?). 1063 (=1653)

The above reading is on the whole the reading of the Ruqūm with some additions of mine which if true, they give the inscription a twist. Dr. Abū Maizar of Hebron supplied me with a new photograph of the inscription after its cleaning recently. This photograph (Fig. 62a) which represents a great improvement on the old reproduction (Fig. 62) enabled me to check the existing reading and offer some additions and corrections. I should say immediately, though, that even with the new photograph the above reading isَ‫�ز‬not completely sure. َ‫ �ز‬and translation ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ � L.1: )‫ �ه�ا ب������م�ا م�ه(؟‬Ruqūm has ‫ �ه�ا ب������م�ا‬but I can clearly see either haʾ or tāʾ marbūṭah ‫م‬ after tamām of the Ruqūm.

hebron (al-khalīl)

َ َ ٌ

217

‫ د ا ��س�ع�ـ[�ـ�ا]د ت‬Correct Ruqūm    � ‫ د ا ��س�ع�ـ�د ت‬that missed the title: dār L. 4: L. 4: � ‫ر‬ ِ ‫ر‬ as-saʿādah. The person responsible for the renovation works in the Sanctuary is identified here as Yūsuf Āgā holding the high ministerial title of dār as-saʿādah; in Turkish: dāru ‘s-seʿādet aġası or ḳizlar (qizlar) aġası the chief of the eunuchs of the sultan’s harem. He was, like others holding the same title before and after him, also the inspector of the waqfs (evḳāf nāẓirı) of Mecca and Medina (Heyd, 1960:169-170 n. 2 and references there) as well as other waqfs of major holy places like Hebron and Jerusalem, which enabled him to accomplish the renovation works in the Sanctuary commemorated by this inscription. He was, of course, not a native of Hebron or Jerusalem; being in charge of royal eunuchs he was stationed in the capital. L.5: This line seems to contain a surprise. If my reading is correct then what the inscription conveys is that although the honour of initiating the pious renovation works in the Sanctuary belonged to Yūsuf, however, having fallen ill, a certain ʿAlī brought the work to completion in the indicated date 1063. ʿAlī could well be the qizlar bāšı ʿAlī Āġā (Aliagha) whose name is connected with the renovation of Sūq al-Khawājāt in Hebron. (See the following entry No. 64.) Sūq al-Khalīl—Sūq al-Khawājāt The main covered market of Hebron, called Sūq al-Khalīl, is situated west and northwest of the Sanctuary. The following inscription was fixed over its entrance, which began at the western wall of the citadel. (Pl. 40 Mader’s plan, No. 10). Sūq al-Khawājāt is the vernacular name of the market which was not mentioned by this name by Mujīr ad-Dīn. It is clear that it received this name sometime in the Ottoman period. There is no evidence for the usage of this name earlier. Mader, in the legend to his plan of Hebron (1914), uses it as the only name of the market. In the following inscription it is called sūq sayyidinā al-khalīl (l.2) the market of our master al-Khalīl. Khawājah (pl. khawājāt) means in Persian (pronounced khōjah, khwājah) a eunuch, as well as the title of a man of distinction, a rich merchant, (for these and other similar meanings see Steingass, Dictionary, q.v.) In modern Arabic and in vernacular usage it is similar to the English “mister,” but is only used for foreigners, particularly Europeans. I tend to think that the name Sūq al-Khawājāt meant the Market of the Eunuchs, since the renovation of the market, in fact its rebuilding, was accomplished by two eunuchs of high distinction: ʿUthmān Āġā lālā and the qizlar bāšı ʿAlī Āġā (Aliagha). Mujīr ad-Dīn does not mention the name of Sūq al-Khalīl either. The only market, which he describes near the northern entrance to the mosque next to ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī, is Sūq al-Ghazl (the spinning market), which was the name of Sūq al-Khalīl or al-Khawājāt before the Ottoman period. At the beginning of this

218

hebron (al-khalīl)

Pl. 40. W and S/W of the Ḥaram.

market, next to the Fountain of the Eunuch, was a small sanctuary called ḍarīḥ asSayyid Yūsuf an-Najjār, the Tomb of Joseph the carpenter identified as the husband of Mary. The tomb was in the zāwiyah called Zāwiyat al-Maghāribah (Mujīr, 1283:426; 1973: 78-79) and more recently Zāwiyat al-Ashrāf. (IAA Archives, remarks SH.297: “An underground chamber having a barrel and a cross vaulted room, reached by a flight of steps. Along the south wall is a built tomb covered with thick plaster.” (See above No. 7.) In a Jewish tradition, already common in the 13th century, the site was identified as the tomb of Abner son of Ner, King Saul’s army chief (1Samuel, 14:50) who was treacherously murdered in Hebron by Joab, King David’s commander-inchief. (2Samuel, 3:27. Cf. J.D. Eisenstein, A Compendium of Jewish Travels, New York, 1926:68) 64 Construction Text

1107/1695-1696

A slab of limestone 0.69x0.42m., originally embedded above the south-eastern entrance to Sūq al-Khawājāt. 6 lines, monumental Ottoman naskhī, points and vowels, lines divided by bands, and hemistiches divided by vertical lines; in relief. Figs. 63; P33. Publication: Sauvaire in de Luynes, 2:184, No. 2; Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:4041, No. 32, pl. VII; MvB Coll. “Ḫalīl.” (Sometime after 1914, Mader questioned whether the inscription was still existent (ob noch vorhanden?). In fact it was there sometime in the early 1920s when Jaussen prepared a squeeze of it. The copy used here, drawn by Fadi Amira, is from Jaussen’s reproduction, ibid.).

hebron (al-khalīl) The inscription is a poem in the rajaz metre.

‫ن �غ‬ ‫�ع��ث���م�ا � ا �ا لا لا و�م ن���ه الا �عت�� ن���ا‬ ً ً ‫ن‬ ‫كا � خ�را ب�ا د ا ث�ر ا ب��ه ا �ل��ف�� ن���ا‬ � َ‫ن � �ع�م ه � ت � ن‬ ‫ح����س���ا‬ ����‫كا � م�ا ر م����س‬ �‫و‬ ُ ‫ة‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫ع��ل ا �ا د ا ر ا �ل��س�ع�ا د � وا �ل���م ن���ا‬ ‫�ي‬ ّ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫ضى ي�ا ر ب���ا‬ ����‫وا � ��ف��ر �ل�ه �م�ا ��د �م‬

�‫ت�ا ر ي‬ ‫�خ�ه ا �ل��ب ش���را �ل�ه �يو ا �لت�� ن���ا‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ة‬ ١١٠٧ ���‫����سن‬

219

‫�ذ‬ ‫) ب���س ا �ل�ه(!) ا �ل�عر�ش�� �ه� ا �م�ا ب�ن�� ا‬١ ‫م‬ ‫ق‬ ‫) ���س ����س���د ن�ا ا �لخ‬٢ ‫���لي��ل ب��ع�د ا �ن‬ ‫ب و� ي‬ ‫ت قف‬ ‫) ا �ى �لو���� الا ن��ب� ي��ا �ي�ع���مر �ل�ه‬٣ ‫) ف� �ز �م� ن ا �ل���ق�ز�ل ا �لخ‬٤ ‫�ي��ر �ل�ه‬ ‫رو‬ � ‫�ي‬ ً ‫ف‬ �‫) ي�ا ر ب� ��ا �ج�زه و ك‬٥ ‫� ن� �عو ن�ا �ل�ه‬ ُ ً‫ئ‬ ‫أ ُ � �ق‬ ‫خ‬ ‫) � دع و �س�ل ��بو ل �ي��ر د ا ����م�ا‬٦  

In the name of the God of the Throne. This is what has built  ʿUthmān Āghā lālā and he took care of it In the market of our master al-Khalīl after which  It had been ruined, neglected and almost extinct. He came to restore the waqf of the prophets  And that which he has built was pleasing. In the time of the qizlar to whom all the benefit belong  ʿAlī āghā the chief of the eunuchs of the Sultan’s harem. O, Lord, compensate him and award him Your help  Forgive all his past (transgressions) O our Lord Invoke and ask (God) to always accept the good deeds Its date: good tidings to him on the day of judgment

‫ف‬

L. 2: Sauvaire: ‫ ب��ه ا �ل�ع ن���ا‬Read: ‫ب��ه ا �ل���� ن���ا‬. ‫ ف� �ز �م� ن ا �ل���م���ق ا �لخ‬Read: ‫��� �ل�ه‬ ‫ف� �ز �م� ن ا �ل���ق�ز�ل ا �لخ‬ L. 4: Sauvaire: ‫�ي��ر �ل�ه‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫رو‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ر‬ � � ‫�ي‬ ‫ة‬ ‫�ي ة‬ Sauvaire: � ‫ ن�ا ل ا �ل��س�ع�ا د‬Read: � ‫د ا ر ا �ل��س�ع�ا د‬. L.4: A certain Bairaksif Aliagha was chief of the black eunuchs of the royal harem (qizlar) in 1106/1694-1112/1700. (Hammer, Histoire ..., 3:669ff. quoted by Jaussen, op. cit., 41) He could well be the Qizlar ʿAlī Aghā of this inscription. Āghā Dār as-Saʿādah (dāru ‘s-seʿādet aġası; kizlar aġası) was the ministerial title of the chief of the black eunuchs serving in the harem of the sultan. He was, as we have seen earlier, the inspector of many imperial waqfs, particularly these of the two holy sanctuaries in Mecca and Medina. (Heyd, 1960:169-170 n. 2) The position included the management of the income from the waqfs as well as the development of the endowed property, in order to gain more income. ʿUthman Āghā, is defined as lālā (l.1) a title which

220

hebron (al-khalīl)

Pl. 41. Khān al-Khalīl in relation to the Ḥaram, and Masjid al-Qazzāzīn al-qadīm. A. Wakālat al-Khalīl =Khān al-Khalīl. B. Khān al-Khalīl. C. Masjid al-Qazzāzīn al-qadīm.

was given to the educator of the prince’s sons and usually to a majordomo; two functions which went well together. ʿUthman Āghā, no doubt a eunuch as well, was subordinate to the Qizlar Aliagha. At the time of the composition of this inscription ʿUthmān was the inspector of the Two Noble Sanctuaries in Jerusalem and Hebron and he initiated intensive renovation work to revive the market which had been neglected and was in ruins (kharāb, dāthir bihi al-fanāʾ), yielding no income. This market is defined in the inscription as the “market of our master al-Khalīl” (l.2) and “the waqf of the prophets.” Although the actual work was supervised and certainly initiated by ʿUthmān Āghā, the name of the Qizlar is prominently mentioned as the chief in whose time the project took place. ‫ ا �ل� ش‬in the last hemisphere comes L.6: The numerical value of the words ‫���را �ل�ه �يو ا �لت�� ن���ا‬ ‫�ب‬ ‫م‬ to 1107. The reading is sure; the writing is clear and the numerical value of the letters is correct.

‫  ا �لت�� ن���ا‬

�     ‫ا �ل��ب ش���را �ل�ه‬ ‫يو‬ ‫م‬

1107 = 482 + 56    + 35 + 534

Sauvaire translated yawm at-tanā as the “day of judgment,” and I followed him. MvB (loc. cit.) revised Sauvaire’s reading, and although accepting yawm at-tanā he encountered difficulty in finding the proper meaning of the word. He wrote: “c’est ‫ق �ة‬ bien ‫ا �لت�� ن���ا‬, peut-être une faute pour �‫”??? ا �ل����ي���ا �م‬. The following explanation based on Jaussen’s note is very convincing. “The necessity of poetry” (ḍurūrat ash-shiʿr) and in order to have the rhyming vowel nā, the expression yawm at-tanādī—“the day of mutual calling” that is to say the Day of Judgment, was shortened to yawm at-tanā (Jaussen, 1925: 42).

hebron (al-khalīl)

221

Khān al-Khalīl The name Khān al-Khalīl appears in two different sites in Hebron, which might create some misunderstanding. One site (A in the attached plan) is, in fact, the compound called wakālat al-Khalīl. The word wakālah (also: wikālah) means agency, merchandise bourse. In Egyptian Arabic it also means khān or caravanserai. The wakālah of Hebron was ipso facto a khān and was used as such. The other khān, also called khān al-Khalīl (B in the attached plan) was across the Jewish quarter which ran between the two sites. The best way to locate the two khāns is by relating them to masjid al-Qazzāzīn al-qadīm (C in the attached plan). The wakālah is some 300m. south-east of it, and khān al-khalīl some 350m. to the south- west of it. The photograph of the gate leading into this Khān al-Khalīl shows the place of an inscription with a slab of stone completely mutilated (Fig. P34). Wakālat al-Khalīl (Khān al-Khalīl) Describing the Wakālah and indicating that it was called khān al-khalīl, Hussieni, in his report to the Department of Antiquities No. 263, dated 21 April 1942 describes the building of the Wakālah—khān, and the site of the inscription as follows: Situated E. of Suq el-‘Aṭarin. A large doorway leading into an open court; to S. of court is a large barrel vault, to E. are 3 small barrel vaulted chambers, above which are a series of small chambers. To N. are 2 small vaults above which is a small mosque. On its S. side above window is an inscribed stone dated 1130 Ah (Photograph 27.496=Fig. P35)

65 Restoration Text

1130/1718

A slab of stone 0.50x0.110 (approx.) embedded inside a wide frame, above the window of the mosque in its western wall about 7-8m. above the ground. 4 lines, monumental Ottoman naskhī, full points and vowels; in relief. Figs. 64a, 64b (central section); P36, P37. Publication: Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:42, No. 33.

َّ ْ‫) لا �َم� ن‬٣ َ�‫)�ق�ا ا �ل�ل�ه �ت�ع�ا ل َ �َم� نْ يَ� ْ ��غَ� ُ �َع� نْ �م�لّ��ة ا ْ� َ ا �ه‬٢ ‫ح� ��ه ت�ق‬ � ‫حن‬ � ‫ب‬ ‫ل‬ � ‫ى و � ر ب� � ِ ِ ب ر ِ يم �إ‬ ‫)���سم ا ل�ل�ه ا �لر �م�� ا �لر يم و ب �ى‬١ ‫�َ�سف���هَ نَ���فْ�� َ��س�هُ �ه��ذ ا خ��ا ن ا � ا �ه� ا �لخ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫��� ا ت‬ � ‫)��د د ه �ص�ا‬٤ ‫� ج� ن���ا ب� ر ج�� ب� پ�ا �ش���ا‬ ‫ح� ب� ا �ل ير‬ ‫و‬ ‫���لي��ل ج‬ ِ ‫� ب ر يم‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ح ق ����سن����ة‬ ‫غ‬ ‫ن ن�ز‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ ١١٣٠ �� ‫وا ل�ي ا �ل����ا م و �ل�ع��� ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لى �م�� � �ل�ه ب���ي��ر‬

Basmalah. Fear of God in it (?) Allah the Exalted said: who is averse to the creed of Abraham but him who is essentially stupid? (Q, 2:130 Trans. Bell, Q, 2:124) And this is the khān

222

hebron (al-khalīl) of Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl. Has renovated it the originator of good deeds, the honourable Rajab Pāshā the governor of Damascus. May Allah’s curse be upon whoever stays in it illegally. The year 1130 (=1718)

L.4: Rajab Pāshā: the name is clear. Jaussen read mistakenly “Shiblī Jabūr.” There is no governor of Damascus called Shiblī Jabūr (or Jabbūr). There are two governors mentioned in this period under the Sultan Aḥmad III (1115/1703-1143/1730), Rajab Pāshā in this inscription and ʿUthmān Pāshā Abū Ṭawq. In his report, Jaussen writes that the inscription was situated too high to enable preparation of a squeeze which explains his incorrect reading. The name of Rajab Pāshā in the present photographs is very clear. He is mentioned in the next inscription (No. 66), also dated 1130/1718, ‫ � ن���ا � ��� �ا �ش���ا ا ل ا � ش‬.Other building projects in Hebron as governor of Syria: ‫ل����ا‬ ‫ج ب ر ج ب ب و �ي‬ ‫م‬ are connected with his name. ʿAyn Umm al-Bāshā—ʿAyn as-Sitt A natural spring that appeared in the graveyard in the south-western part of the town at the bottom of Jabal Rumayda, the hill on which ancient Hebron was originally built. The spring appeared suddenly and there might well be truth in Jaussen’s suggestion that there is some underground connection between this spring and the main spring of the ancient town called al-ʿAyn al-Jadīdah, a short distance up the hill. On 21 April 1942, Husseini, reporting to the British Department of Antiquities (IAA archives, report No. 273) described the site as follows:

‫ت‬

‫ن‬

Ain es Sit ��‫ عي��� ا �ل����س‬A ruined, small building S.W. of town in the W. side of cemetery. On E. face of building is an inscribed stone, 4 lines.

Pl. 42. Hebron 1130 Husseini’s report.

hebron (al-khalīl)

223

The spring dried up in 1925 or around this date (oral information supplied by Yūsuf Abū Maizar), but the inscription is still in place on the same ruined building. 66 Construction Text

1130/1718

A slab of gray-white marble, 0.26x0.64m., height of letters 0.06m. 4 lines, provincial Ottoman naskhī, points and vowels; in relief. Not far from the road, 1.08m. above ground level; now abandoned. Fig. 65. Publication: Sauvaire, de Luynes, 2:195, No. 14; Jaussen, BIFAO, 25:43-44, No. 34; Husseini, IAA Report No. 273 from 21 April, 1942.

‫) �ُع�م ت‬٢ ‫� �ه��ذه ا �ل�ع�� ن‬ ‫ح� ظ��ه ت‬ � ‫ن‬ >‫� ب�ا ��سم ا ح�م�د ب�ي��ك و �ل�د �م��ف���� خ�ر ا �لو �ز ر ا < ‫����ا د �ي سى لى ر‬ �‫� وَ و ر َ ي �ِ م ِ ي‬ ‫م‬ ِ َّ َ‫خَ ُْ تَّ ُق ْ تُ ف ت خ ه‬ ُ ْ‫قَ ْ أ ْ َ قَ ْ أن‬ � � � � ]�‫��د � �ش��ر�� ت� � � َوا ر �ه�ا �ل��لن��ا ظِ�ِر�ي ن� [ �ل��ل�ع�ا �ل���مي�� ن‬ ‫����ا‬ ِ ‫�ي��ر ا �ل�����م�ا ِم ��ل�� �ي �ا ر ي‬

)١

)٢

)٣

)٤

)٥ )٦

)٧ )٨ )٩

hebron (al-khalīl)

251

ʿĪsā’s house in good omen was built,  Its light shone upon the spectators; It was presented with happiness and merriment  The Compassionate, Master of the Worlds protects it. The glory pitched its pavilion in it,  Laughing, rejoicing in the visitors. Good fortune was written on its gates  “Enter ye into them in peace and security” (Q, 15:46) It is good tidings to ʿĪsā when he became  Neighbour of the grandfather of the prophets and the messengers He always praises Allah in it (applying himself to Allah in it)  In perpetual pleasure and plenty And it is like a verdant garden if you arrive therein  You will find it like a veil lifted for the viewers (new comers). ʿĪsā built it in spite of the enemies,  And he is victorious over all of them together. Dating it I said: “The best completion.”  Its lights shone for the spectators (everyone).

The meter of the poem is ar-ramal. The date of this inscription is given in the first ‫خ‬ two words in line 9: ‫“—�ي��ر ا �لت�����م�ا‬the best completion (600 + 10 + 200 + 1 + 30 + 400 ‫م‬ + 40 + 1 + 40 = 1322) I said dating it.” The message of the inscription is clear. The owner of the mansion ʿĪsā ʿAmr built it in spite of the apparent hostility shown to him by enemies whom he succeeded in overcoming, for which he deserves praise. The house which he built is not far from the Abrahamic Sanctuary, which made him the neighbour of the ancient Patriarch described in the poem as the grandfather of all the prophets and the messengers; (an appellation which we have seen earlier). ʿĪsā ʿAmr was a native of the village of Dūrā to the west of Hebron. It is said that he was a brigand, and in order to reform him the Ottoman government nominated him in 1856 to the position of Qāymaqām (governor) of Hebron. A year later, in 1857, he decided to return to his old ways, and fled to the Bedouins in the area of Beer Sheba where he was apprehended by the Turkish authorities and imprisoned in Istanbul. He died in prison. After the earthquake of January 1, 1837 many of the old houses in the old city of Hebron collapsed and were deserted. ʿĪsā bought several of these houses and renovated them, creating one big mansion out of them all. (Oral information and photographs by Yousuf Abu Maizar, Hebron). His work was commemorated in the two identical inscriptions presented here. When Husseini visited the place and wrote a report about the inscriptions, the owner of the house was Maḥmūd ʿAlī Ibrāhīm, one of ʿĪsā’s grandsons, whose name appears in Husseini’s report. The large house is known today as dār ʿAmru (Fig. P53).

252

hebron (al-khalīl) 88 Poem

Rajab 1328/Began 9 July 1910

A slab of marble 0.38x0.48m., built into a niche in the eastern wall of a grave located at Dār al- Qāsimī or al-Qawāsmī (Colloq. al-Qawāsme), west of the road to the ʿAlī al-Bakkā mosque. 6 lines, professional nestaʿlīq, points and vowels, and some signs; incised. Fig. 86. On the whole, the inscription is a poem in the kāmil metre, but with much deviation. Over the years the shallowly incised inscription was rubbed away in a few places which make its reading difficult. I only succeeded in reading the following text partially:

‫أ‬ ُ ُ‫ظ ً ق‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ُ‫��ا ن �م��ق���ا �ُم�ه‬ �‫) � ض��ح ا �ل� �ض�� ري‬١ � �‫ح �م��نت�����را �ل�����د و�ِمِ�ه    ��ي رح�م� ا ��لب��ا ر �ي� � ك‬ ‫ى‬ ٌ َ‫ث‬ َ َ‫ن‬ ُ� ‫ف‬ َ ّ ‫�ذ‬ ْ َ‫�ز‬ ‫) ��ا ل‬٢ � ‫حو ر وا �لُو �ل�د ا ن� ف�ي��ِ�ه ت���ا �ع� ت�    �و �ى �ل���مولاه ف����ه� ا  �مرا د ه‬ ِ ُ َ‫فَ َ قَ ن‬ ‫� �ق ن �ْ ُ نَى   �إ�ذ‬ ‫ ���ف���ا � � َوا �ل�ه‬..... )‫�ش���ا د(؟‬ �‫) طو ب�ى �ل�ع ب���د ا ل�ل�ه �د �ا ل ا ل���م‬٣ ً‫�ق ت �ؤ خ‬ ‫ف ف‬ ‫��ا    �جل‬ ‫� ن����ة ا �ل��ف��رد و��س �ص�ا ر �ز ��ا ��ه‬ ‫ و �ل�� �م ر‬.........)٤

173 + 291 + 381 + 483  

‫ق‬ ‫) ���ق���ا ع��ة(؟) ا �ل��ط � ق � ��ع�ل� ت� �ق�� �ي   ��س�ا �ل� ت�(؟) ا �ل � ن‬٥ ‫ب ر‬ ‫ري� ج‬ � ‫بر‬ �‫ح�م �م���ك ي�ا �ص�د �ي‬ ‫ر‬ ‫) �ا �م ل ا �ل���م ا ل ا ن� ت� ا �م���ي    � ح�م��ة �م ن���ك ��ه ن ع�� ا �ل��ط � ق‬٦ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ‫بر‬ ‫ي وى وى‬ �‫ر ي‬ ‫ي� و � �ي‬ ‫�ة‬ �‫ ر ج�� ب‬١٣٢٨ ���‫����سن‬

The tomb has been waiting for his arrival  For in the mercy of the Creator was his place. The Maidens of Heaven and the boys compete for him  He is the captive of his Lord, and this was his desire Blessed is Allah’s servant having attained the goal!  When he …… and his reward was abundant. And I said calculating the date  He was conducted as a groom into the garden of Paradise. On the high way I placed my grave  I asked mercy from you O friend(?) O Lord of humans (slaves), Thou art my hope  With mercy from you the route is made easy for me.

The defective reading produces a defective translation. It is difficult to know at this stage of the reading whether it is the deceased who speaks or (more plausibly) the person who composed the poem, in a style of respectable epitaphs.

hebron (al-khalīl)

253

L.2: al-ḥūr wa-al-wuldān. The dwellers in paradise are served by both maidens and young boys who supply them with drinks. (Qurʾān, 56:17; 76:19) The scene described in the poem is that the maidens (al-ḥūr) and the eternally young boys (wuldān mukhalladūn) are vying with each other over the deceased; each wanting to serve him exclusively. L.4: Contains the date in the words of the second hemistich, the calculation is not left to the reader and the values of the letters are written under each word. In addition the date Rajab 1328 (=began 9 July, 1910) was written in the middle, between lines 5 and 6. 89 Commemoration Text

1339/1920

The inscription was located inside the library (maktabah) room in the Sanctuary. 3 lines provincial late Ottoman naskhī, points and many vowels and signs; in relief. Fig. 87. Publication: Ruqūm, 435-437.

‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ �‫) ا � نب�(!) ا �ل ك‬٢ �‫�ر ي‬ �‫�ر ي� ا � نب�(!) ا �ل ك‬ �‫�ر ي� ا � نب�(!) ا �ل ك‬ �‫)�ه� ا ب�ا ب� �م��ق���ا ا �ل ك‬١ �‫�ر ي�م �يو��س� ا � نب�(!) �ي�ع����و ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م م‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫ة‬ ‫����سن����ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ � � ‫ا � نب�(!) ا ��س‬ ‫)ا �ب�(!) ا ب�ر ا‬٣ )!(� ‫ح�ا‬ ١٣٣٩ )٤ ‫�ه�م ا ل���لي��ل ع��لي���ه� �ص�لوا � ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا جل���لي��ل‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ This is the door of the shrine of the gracious, the son of the gracious, the son of the gracious, the son of the gracious Yūsuf b. Yaʿqūb b. Isḥāq b. Ibrāhīm al-Khalīl. The blessing of the superior King be on them. The year 1339 (=1920)

90 Commemoration Text

1356/1937

Wooden board, 0.46x0.75m., located at the upper part of the minbar under the dome. 2 lines, modern naskhī script, points and vowels; in relief. Fig. 88. Publication: Ruqūm, 633-635.

‫ل��� ���ف� الا � ا �ه� ���م حم‬ ‫)�ص��ل�� �م ن���� ا �ل� ش‬١ ‫)رح�م�ه‬٢ ‫� ��ة‬ ‫��م�د �م���ص��ط ف�ى ا �ل���م���صر �ي� ب����م��ن ي���ل ا �لر و �ض‬ ‫حرم ا � ري‬ ‫ب ر �ي �ي‬ ُ‫ح بر أ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫� �ة‬ �‫ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا لى د ن�ي��ا و� خ�ر �ى ����سن��� ����س� ت� و��م��سي�� ن� وث�لا ث����م�ا ي� وا �ل��� �جهر ي‬ Muḥammad Muṣṭafā al-Maṣrī from Manyal ar-Rawḍah (in Cairo) repaired the minbar of the Abrahamic Noble Sanctuary. May Allah, the Exalted, pardon him in this world and in the Other one. The year 1356 (=1937)

254

hebron (al-khalīl)

The minbar treated by this Egyptian expert is the Fāṭimid minbar of Ashqelon that was transferred by Saladin to Hebron. See above Nos. 2, 3. Although the inscription goes beyond the time limit of the CIAP, I decided to include it in this volume because of its direct relation to the most precious relic in the Sanctuary. Undated, unidentified and doubtful inscriptions In what follows there are nine inscriptions found in Hebron the dates of which are doubtful and their sites on the whole are not sure. Masjid ʿĪsā az-Zāhid The Mosque of the Ascetic (az-zāhid) ʿĪsā is situated in the neighbourhood that is called after him, Ḥārat az-Zāhid—the Quarter of the Ascetic. It is situated between the Old City and the Quarter of ʿAlī al-Bakkā. In his explanation to his map Mader speaks about an inscription in the “delipidated mosque” of Muḥammad az-Zāhid (not ʿĪsā, who seems to have been Muḥammad’s son). (No.17 in Mader’s map.) ʿĪsā az-Zāhid is buried in a small room at the entrance into the mosque called today: ‫ �م��س�� ج��د ا �ل�ز ا �ه�د‬the Mosque of the ascetic. (Fig. P54). ʿĪsā was the disciple of Najm ad-Dīn ʿUmar b. Karīm ad-Dīn referred to in the inscription as Sīdī Najm ad-Dīn, a locally venerated Ṣūfī ascetic who was buried in a cave to the north-east of ʿĪsā’s tomb chamber. The local tradition says that ʿĪsā used to practice his devotional seclusions in this cave which earned him the epithet of az-zāhid. People used to bring the bones of their deceased to this cave for burial next to the remains of the saint. Najm ad-Dīn ʿUmar’s epithet sīdī (l.3) indicates his saintly ṣūfī status. In his map, Mader mentions an epitaph of “Welī ʿOmar” in note no. 16, and it is very possible that he refers to the burial place of az-Zāhid’s teacher. Mujīr ad-Dīn only refers to the Sanctuary as Qubbat az-Zāhid, (the ascetic dome), and it seems that there was no mosque next to it in his time. He says only that it is “between the quarter of ʿAlī al-Bakkā and the town (namely the Old City MS).” (Mujīr, 1283:427; 1973, 2:79) There are no biographical details available for these saints and no sure dates of their deaths. 91 Epitaph of a Muslim A slab of marble 0.24x0.5m. fixed on the tomb 0.43m. above ground level in a small room to the left of the street entrance into the mosque called Masjid az-Zāhid, the Mosque of the Ascetic. The inscription is damaged at the top, bottom and left sides and disfigured by paint. 3 lines, large, crude, undefined naskhī, height of letters 0.08m., points and some vowels and signs; in relief. Figs. 89, 89a; P54, P55

hebron (al-khalīl)

‫�زّ ة‬ ‫�ز �ة‬ ‫ش �خ‬ ‫ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬ �‫)�ل�������ي�� ع��ي��سى �مر ي��د ����سي���د �ي‬٣ ‫) �ل�ل�ه وح�د ه �ه��ذه ا و ي� ا‬٢ � ‫ح�م ا �ل�ع‬ >‫ء< و[ ي��ر�هم‬٤ Basmalah. the governors in … the noble … for the simāṭ(?) … the local dwellers and the poor visitors (and others) …

This fragment has been badly damaged by the elements and by human hands. It represents about one third of a monumental waqf inscription, which seems to have commemorated an endowment dedicated to the simāṭ, the free meals offered at the Sanctuary to the people of Hebron as well as to the visitors. By tracing the remnants of the letters I could arrive at the above reading which involves considerable guess

hebron (al-khalīl)

257

work. I might, therefore, be very much off the mark. This also refers to the possible date. 95 Epitaph of a Muslim A slab of marble, 0.36X0.42m., the left and bottom parts of which were broken and lost, attached to a grave to which it does not belong, in the north-western side of the major cemetery that is located in the south-western part of the city. 3 lines, the last mutilated. Provincial, but professional naskhī, engraved in a sunken field; lines divided by bands, points, some vowels and signs; in relief. Fig. 93.

‫�ذ ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫فق‬ ‫ش‬ ‫) ب���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر[� ي‬١ ‫)ا �ل����ا م الا �مي��ر‬٣..‫) �ه� ا � ب��ر ا �ل�ع ب���د ا �ل��������ي��ر ا لى ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا لى �م�ـ‬٢ ]‫ح�م‬

Basmalah. This is the tomb of the slave who is in need of Allah, the Exalted M … (in) Syria the amīr …

The loss of the left part of the inscription, as well as the damage caused to the last line does not leave much to study in this text. The guesswork in the 3rd line leads probably to an amīr in some Syrian context. The date of this inscription can be any time between the late Mamlūk and early Ottoman periods. 96 Declaration of Faith Two slabs of local limestone, in secondary usage, one placed on the top of the other with cement binding between them, decorated with rosettes and some geometrical elements which give the impression of ancient origin. In approximately the middle of the lower slab, inside a triangle enclosing an incised figure that resembles a globe resting on a pillar, there is a worn inscription of the shahādah. One line, simple provincial naskhī, no points, no vowels; in relief. Fig. 94.

َّ ‫لا �ل�ه الا ا �ل�ل�ه حم‬ � � ‫��م�د ر �سو ل ا ل�ل�ه‬ ‫�إ‬

There is no god but Allah, Muḥammad is the messenger of Allah.

It is difficult to know the origin of this inscription which found its way to ornament a sabīl (public fountain) located some 20m. away from a market called Sūq al-Ḥarīm (women’s market).

258

hebron (al-khalīl) 97 Personal Poem

A slab of marble, 0.87x0.27m., located in the eastern wall of the Mosque at the Sanctuary 1.9m above ground level, 2 lines, writing covered with whitewash, unidentified Mamlūk (?) naskhī, points, vowels and signs; in relief. Fig. 95. The text is written in the form of a poem in four sunken frames. The frames are formed by horizontal bands and a vertical band separating what looks like hemistiches.

‫ن �ز ن �ذ خ ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ل��� ���ف� � ن‬ ‫ن ش‬ ‫ح��س�ا م �ا ل ا �ل��ل���ا �ي�(!) ب�ا لا �مي��ر‬ ‫)ا �ا ا � ري‬٢ ...� ‫)��ا �لي��� ��ل�ه� ا ��ا‬١

Alighting in this khān(?) … , I am the sharīf Ḥusām obtained meeting with the amīr.

This is a strange inscription, and had we been able to read it properly, it would have been a very interesting specimen. As it stands, the two-line poem seems to express the personal joy of a certain sharīf Ḥusām (ad-Dīn???) who was fortunate to meet a certain amīr. Unfortunately the inscription was covered by paint which makes its reading particularly difficult. 98 Construction Text Unidentified Fountain

c. 1100/1688 (?)

A slab of limestone, 0.37x0.35m., the whole left side broken and lost, and badly damaged at the bottom. 4 lines, late Ottoman naskhī, points, some vowels and signs; in relief. The inscription is a poem of which only the 4 lines of the right hemistich have survived. Originally, each hemistich was engraved in an independent frame with pointed ends creating, in the middle, a chain of 3 rhombi beginning and ending with triangles. In the three rhombi, the builder or the artist incised his name. The inscription is not in situ. It was removed from the fountain which it had originally commemorated and fixed on a grave in the north-west corner of a graveyard, west of the ʿAlī al-Bakkā Mosque (see map), 0.56m. above ground level (where many of the members of the family of the Qāsimī/Qawāsmi/Qawāsmah family are buried). Fig. 96.

....‫لا‬

]...[‫�ع��ط�ا‬

َ ُّ ُُّ َ َ‫ن‬ )!(‫) �ه�ل�موا ب�ا �ل�د ع�ا ي�ا وا ِر د ي���ا‬١ ‫� ُحمَْ َ ن �ذ‬ ‫م‬ � ‫ي‬ � �‫) ح�م�د � ي���د ا � ا �ل‬٢

hebron (al-khalīl)

ً‫ة‬ ...�‫�م غ����ف��ر‬

]...‫�ص�د و[ر‬

259

‫) ا ن���ف�� ق�؟ الا �موا ل ي�ر ج�وا‬٣ ْ‫ّ خ‬ ‫ِ� �ز لا ل ا �ل���م�ا>ء< ي� ش��� ف��ي‬ ‫) وا ر‬٤

In the three rhombi in small letters; incised:

َّ‫ن‬ �‫�ه‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � ��‫�ع�م�ل ا �ل��ب‬ )‫ا(؟‬ ‫ب ر يم‬

Come along with supplication O you who come to the water  … (hemistich missing) Muḥammad Ḥumaydān who  bestowed (?)(rest of hemistich missing.) He spent fortunes hoping  for (God’s) forgiveness (rest of hemistich missing.) And date: the pure water heals  the breasts (rest of hemistich missing.)

The poem was composed in the ṭawīl metre with some variations. Without the rest of the inscription it is difficult to arrive at a better text. Since near the Mosque of ʿAlī al-Bakkā there were a spring and a fountain, or a water reservoir, it is not impossible that the inscription came from a fountain which seems to have been built or renovated under the Ottomans in the 17th century. The water supply of Hebron was one of the main interests of the governments, whether Mamlūks or Ottomans, and attending to it was regarded to be a benevolent act for which, from time to time, special funds were allocated. I deduce that the inscription comes from a public fountain (sabīl) because of the words wāridīnā (l.1), which indicates arriving at the water, and zulāl al-māʾ (l.4), which describe the purity and clarity of the water, as well as the rest of the text which refers to a contribution of funds by a certain Muḥammad Ḥumaydān (the ḥāʾ is vowelled) ostensibly for the building project. I am not happy about the reading of this name although it seems very likely. The only other possibility, not to be ruled out, is to read the name Muḥammad Ibn Ḥumayd. L.1: Wāridīnā, the reason for the elongation of the last vowel could be because the necessity to comply with the metre. L.3: the word yarjū is spelt with an alif at the end which is not needed in the third person singular. L.4: This verse contains the date in the numerical value of letters, (beginning with zulāl ) of which we have only a part: 840 out of the whole number, which means that the date was much later than 840. This number is based on the reading of the last word in line 4 as ṣudūr (numerical value: 300). The signature of the builder says: “The building was made by Ibrāhīm.”

260

hebron (al-khalīl) Zāwiyat ash-Shaykh ʿAbd ar-RaḤmān al-Arzrūmī

The zāwiyah is situated on the mountain slope to the north-east of the Sanctuary, some 10m. to the north-east of the Jāwliyyah, in the Quarter of the Kurds—ḥārat al-akrād. Fig. p57. (Mujīr ad-Dīn, 1283:426; 1973, 2:79). The zāwiyah was described in Husseini’s report dated 17 April 1942 (pl. 47) prepared for the British Mandatory Department of Antiquities (No. 260): A large cross-vaulted chamber and a domed chamber. Dome is carried on four arches and 12 sided drum. Above each of the arches is a window. Along the N. side of the domed chamber is a shelf on which two graves are built. Near the S.E. corner of the domed chamber is a small ruined water basin its inside is remedied with clay. To N. nearby is a rectangular flat cistern … Originally the cross vaulted chamber had an entrance on S. side. This entrance is now blocked with rubble. A Qurʾanic inscription in relief on stucco runs along the three sides of the cross vaulted chamber.

Pl. 47. Zāwiyat Shaykh Arzrūmī: Extended Husseini’s report and copy of inscription (courtesy IAA).

ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Aḥmad al-Ḥusaynī al-Arzrūmī was originally a native of Hebron, who travelled to Arzrūm in Eastern Anatolia and after staying there for sometime, returned to Hebron, already a ṣūfī Shaykh of reputation, and built for himself a zāwiyah, or took residence in the domed building that became zāwiyah and was called after him: Zāwiyat al-Arzrūmī. In about 805/1403 he was joined in his zāwiyah by a disciple (murīd) Shaykh Ṭālib ar-Rifāʿī al-Ḥusaynī. This nisbah means that he, like ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān, was a descendent of Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, and as such both the teacher and his pupil were descendents of the prophet. Ṭālib

hebron (al-khalīl)

261

ar-Rifāʿī, came to Hebron from Damascus fleeing from Timūr Lang. In Damascus he was the Shaykh of the zāwiyah of the Rifāʿiyyah in the city and was regarded the Shaykh of this ṣūfī order in Syria. After coming to Hebron, he stayed for almost 20 years with ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān in his zāwiyah, and when al-Arzrūmī died in about 825/1421 Ṭālib remained in the place replacing him until he died between 840/1436 and 850/1446. The descendents of ar-Rifāʿī in Hebron belong to the Jaʿbarī family. In his will Ṭālib asked to be buried next to his teacher and specified that his grave should be lower than that of al-Arzrūmī. On entering the zāwiyah the latter’s grave is immediately on the left and after it the lower grave of Ṭālib ar-Rifāʿī. The Akrād quarter, one of the smallest quarters of the city, to the north-east of the Sanctuary, where two ṣūfī zāwiyahs are located: the Arzrūmī one and Sammāniyyah one, is also called Ḥārat al-Qanāṭir—the quarter of the vaulted passages. (Oral information by Yousuf Abū Maizar). 99 Qurʾānic Text Three bands about 0.25m wide, creating together a continuous Qurʾānic text, engraved on three walls—west, south and east—of the domed chamber of the zāwiyah, in a sunken field enclosed in decorated frame. Golden letters on green background. Monumental late Mamlūk, early Ottoman, naskhī; points, and vowels; in relief. Figs. 96a-96j; Pl. 47. On west wall:

َ‫أَ َّ أ‬ ْ ُ‫َّ اَ خَ ْ فٌ َ لَ ْ ْ َ اَ ُ ْ يَْ�زَنُ نَ َّ�ذ نَ آ َ ن‬ ‫ن‬ َ‫ي‬ ْ � ‫)���س ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ � ‫ه‬ � � � � � � � ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ � ‫ح �و � ا ل�ِ ي� � م��وا‬ �‫و� ع���ي���ه‬ ‫ح� � لا �إ � � وِ�ل��ا ا ل��لِ�ه‬ ‫و‬ ‫م‬ ِ ‫ر � ر يم‬ ‫ِم‬ ‫ب م‬

On south wall:

َّ ‫آ خ َ ة اَ تَْ َ َ مَ ت‬ �‫ال� ِ�ر� ل �ب� ِ�د ي�ل �ل ك‬ ‫� ا �ل��لِ�ه‬ ِ ‫��ِل� �ا‬ ِ ِ

On East wall:

ْ ُ�‫ا �ل�عَ��ل‬ ‫ِ يم‬

ُ َّ ��‫ا �ل��س���م‬ ‫ِ يع‬

َ ‫�ل�ّ�لَ�ه جَ��م���عً�ا ُ�ه‬ ‫ِ ِ ِي و‬

َ‫ْحَيَ ُّ ْي‬ �‫����ا �ة ا �ل�د ن���ا َو ف‬ ‫�ل‬ ِ ‫ا‬ ‫ِ�ي‬

ْ‫َ َ نُ ْ يَتَّقُ نَ �لَ ُ ُ ُْ ش‬ �‫���َر �ى ف‬ � ‫)و‬٢ ‫كا �وا ����و � � �ه�م ا �ل��ب‬ ‫ِ�ي‬

َ‫�ذَ َ ُ َ ْفَ ْ �زُ ْ َ�ظ ُ َ اَ يَ�ْ�زُ ن َ قَ ْ ُ ُ ْ نَّ ْ �زَّ ة‬ � ‫) �ِل�ك �هو ا �ل����و ا �ل�ع ِ�� ي� و ل ح ��ك �و ��ل�ه� �إ � ا �لِ�ع‬٣ ِ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ص�د ق ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل� �ظ‬ �‫ع�� ي‬ � � ‫م‬

Basmalah. Q, 10:62-65 ending with the obligatory affirmation: “Allah has spoken the truth.”

262

haifa

HAIFA Is. Gr. 148 971 (N. Is. Gr. 198 991 745002)

The inscriptions in this entry represent the modern city of Haifa. The in­scriptions from the ancient city Shikmonah (Tell as-Samak) have been studied in CIAP, addendum (2007:99-103) in the chapter on Haifa, introduced by a short presentation about the ancient city which lay to the west of the modern one (Abel, 1938, 2:347-48). Until the beginning of the 19th century, Haifa was still a small village that had been rebuilt in 1769 after the former village had been demolished by Ẓāhir al-ʿUmar, the Bedouin ruler of the Galilee (see CIAP 1:26-27). ʿAkka, Acre (ʿAkko) was, until the middle of the 19th century, the emporium, so to speak, at the northern end of the bay (now called the Bay of Haifa). It was fortified, it was an administrative and commercial centre and it was the main harbour of northern Palestine. The initial push for the development of modern Haifa occurred in 1868 with the arrival of the German Templars who established the German colony at the foot of Mount Carmel. The German Colony was, as can be seen to this day, a piece of Europe planted in the Middle East, with its modern stone buildings, its churches and local administrative institutions, its perfect townplanning all supported by German order and devotion, professionalism and the dedication of the inhabitants. Concurrently, Jews started settling the territory to the south of Haifa, in the Sharon Plain, and to its north and northeast in the Galilee. At the end of the 19th and early 20th century, Haifa became a major centre for the railway line to Ḥijāz and Damascus, and later also the primary station on the Palestinian-Egyptian railway line. The beginning of the 20th century, therefore, saw the mushrooming of the present modern city which, after WW1 and the British mandate on Palestine, became the most important port on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. Both the Arab and Jewish populations grew dramatically so that by 1944, combined they numbered almost 130,000 people.

haifa

263

The city also proved to be an open and tolerant place which attracted the founders of two persecuted religions, first the Bahāʾīs and then the Aḥmadīs. The Bahāʾīs first established themselves in Acre-Akka to which Bahá’u’lláh was sent by the Ottoman authorities as a prisoner in 1868. Soon, however, he was released from prison and established a solid community in Acre while extending his authoritative vision to Haifa and particularly Mount Carmel which he announced to be the Mountain of God, that is to say his own mountain since he declared himself to be the manifestation of God. Haifa grew to be the twin holy city of Acre for Bahāʾī believers, particularly after the building of the mausoleum of Bahá’u’lláh’s predecessor—the Bāb, who was executed in Iran in 1850, and the interment of his remains in it in 1909. It was ʿAbd al-Bahāʾ (ʿAbbās Effendī), Bahá’u’lláh’s son and successor, who emphasized the centrality of Haifa after Acre when he moved his residence and his activity to the new modern and clean city so very different to the suffocating Acre with its bad sanitation and frequent epidemics. Soon Haifa became the major destination for Bahāʾīs from the West (particularly Americans) who came to meet the Master (this is how ʿAbd al-Bahāʾ was admiringly called), and, after his death in 1921, his heir and grandson Shoghi Effendi, the Guardian. Haifa, not Acre, became, as a consequence, the administrative centre of the universal Bahāʾī community and a whole elaborate and modern complex was built on Mount Carmel, surrounded by magnificent gardens with the shrine of the Bāb towering over it, glittering with its white marble walls and golden dome (built more than forty years after ʿAbd al-Bahāʾ had built the initial mausoleum). The centrality of Haifa is represented by the fact that the large and impressive complex on Mount Carmel includes the building which is the permanent seat of the House of Justice, the highest authority in the administrative system of the faith. This does not diminish in anyway the great importance of Acre as the holiest place on earth and the direction of prayer (qiblah) of the Bahāʾīs all over the world, being the site of Bahá’u’lláh’s tomb, and his final residence in the estate of Bahji near the city. The Aḥmadiyyah, which was established in India by Mīrzā Ghulām Aḥmad Qadyānī, only reached the vicinity of Haifa around 1926 and established itself in the village of Kabābīr near Haifa. In spite of the fact that the village was joined to Haifa in 1934, it still retained its own character and name. The mosque, where all the inscriptions are found, was only established in 1926 and renovated in more recent years; but, because of the importance of Kabābīr for the development of the Aḥmadī community, the story of this community and the inscriptions relating to it will be studied under the entry of Kabābīr in Corpus K. Already in 1924, the second khalīfah, Mīrzā Maḥmūd Aḥmad visited Palestine on his way to a conference in London. In 1927, the first missionary, ustādh Jalāl ad-Dīn Shams, was sent to Damascus and, encountering enmity there, he moved to Kabābīr in 1928 where he found a ­tolerant

264

haifa

society and a group of ṣūfīs. By 1929 he had succeeded in winning most of the population there to the Aḥmadī faith. Two major developments influenced the modern history of Haifa, contributed to its prosperity and in a way also enhanced the air of tolerance in it: one was the building of the Ḥijāzī railway which connected Damascus with Medina in the Ḥijāz with a subsidiary line to Haifa via Darʿah; the second was the building of the deep water port in 1933. The inscription commemorating the Ḥijāzī railway represents, more than all, the establishment of modern Haifa at the turn of the twentieth century. Istiqlāl cemetery The Muslim Istiqlāl cemetery, the old cemetery of modern Haifa is located not far from the “Haifa East” train station (which was active between January 1904 and 1949), next to the central mosque of the city bearing the same name. The cemetery is divided into two large plots, in the east and in the west, by the main road which today connects the compound of the government offices and the commercial centre next to the harbour in the north, with the “Haifa East” train station (N. Is Gr. 200763 7463520) via Fayṣal square in the south. The cemetery has been inactive and badly neglected for many years; the last epitaph as far as I could see is from 1940. The tombstones that can still be found, mostly fragments, are modern (from the British mandatory period) and fall outside the scope of this Corpus but there are few which belong to the late 19th century and the early years of the 20th. Some ornamented fragments that can still be found (Fig. P58) indicate that the cemetery included some very beautiful and sophisticated tombs. On the whole, it seems that the cemetery, situated in such a prestigious area near the active cultural, political and commercial centre of the city, the modern and busy harbour, and the central Friday mosque was used by the richer population of the city. The last time that the waqf authorities cleaned the cemetery was around 1990. 100 Epitaph of a Muslim (Turkish?)

1312 /1894-95

Three fragments of white marble column put together, 1.60m. long (0.65+0.25+0.70m.) diameter: 0.26m., scattered in the western plot of the cemetery. It is a fine example of the artistic efforts invested in preparing the shāhid (the oblong tombstone) of the grave. It is decorated with a sophisticated high crown of petals (Fig. 97) and concludes, after the inscription, with a bas relief at the bottom consisting of large

haifa

265

leaves, a tree and other floral elements probably representing a scene of paradise. I include this possibly non-Arabic epitaph to illustrate the rich nature of this once prestigious cemetery. At least 23 lines, badly damaged on the right side, monumental ottoman naskhī with ten­dency to ruqʿah, small letters engraved in spiral form round the shaft of the column with bands separating the lines and emphasizing their spiral nature; points, no vowels; in relief. Figs. 97; 97a. There are two dates, one in the third line from the last, 1310 (=1892-93), and in the second line from the last, 1312 (=1894-95). The last line consists of one word “al-fātiḥah” quite common in epitaphs from the Ottoman period. I suspect that it is an epitaph of a two years child, the first being the date of his birth. 101 Epitaph of a Female Child or a Young Woman Late 19th Early 20th Century Top part of a slab of limestone 0.31x0.28m., shaped in a form of a rounded head tablet (slightly damaged at the top). 3 surviving lines, monumental Ottoman naskhī, full points and vowels, script lavishly spread; in relief. Fig. 98. The inscription was almost three times as long, since the following complete inscription in the same style and having the same shape, is 0.83m long, but I could not find the missing part in the cemetery.

ُ َ َّ‫صَ بَ بَ ْ َ ت‬ ‫)�� ���ا ِك ��ع�د ا �ل�����م�ا ي� ِل‬٣

َ‫قَ َ فَ ا �ْ َ ْ تُ �غ�ُ ْ ن‬ �‫)����ص� ل���مو� ����ص‬٢

‫ُ َ �ْبَ �ق‬ ‫)�هو ا �ل��ا ِ�ي‬١

He is the Everlasting. The death snapped the bough of your youthfulness after tottering …

The vocalization of the text makes it clear that the epitaph is that of a young woman. In this context the verb qaṣafa is used in colloquial as well as in literary Arabic to denote death, comparing it to the snapping of the twig of life. In colloquial Arabic, when cursing someone or referring to a wicked person, the expression maqṣuf al-ʿumr (he whose life should be broken) is used. In this case, the epitaph refers to the young life that was suddenly snapped. The addition baʿd at-tamāyul, probably means that the young woman was faltering for a while between life and death, like a reed in the wind. What is more interesting in this inscription is the fact that there is no clear Islamic element in it. The declaration huwa al-bāqī is appropriate on an epitaph, since contrary to the finality of the world, that of human as well as that of angels, only God is eternal—bāqī. It is used on other graves in this cemetery.

266

haifa 102 Epitaph of a Muslim

1317/1899-1900

A slab of limestone 0.83x0.28m. 8 lines, monumental, Ottoman nastaʿlīq, points and vowels; in relief. Fig. 99. The epitaph is a poem in the kāmil meter; and each line is a hemistich.

‫آ‬ َُ ْ ُ ‫ُ ق‬ ‫)�م� ن� � ل خ��ا �ل�د‬٤ ‫)��د �ص�ا ن��ه �ش����ه� �ل�ه �م��ق���د ا ر‬٣ ‫)ر �م��س ع��لي��ه �م� ن� ا ��ل�ه�د �ى ا ن�وا ر‬٢ ‫)�هو ا ��لب��ا �ق�ي‬١ ‫م‬ ‫غ ُّ أ‬ ً � ‫�ه‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ � �‫�� ي���� ا �ل ك‬ �‫ا �ل ك‬ ‫) � �ع ن�� ب��ه ا ب�ر ا‬٦ ‫�را ر‬ ‫)و ج �مي���ع�ا‬٧ �‫�ه� �����ب���ل ا م��ي����ه‬ ‫)����سي��� الإ� �ل�ه ا �ل���ض‬٥ ‫�را و ج��د �ه‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ْ ‫ةأ‬ ‫�ة‬ ١٣١٧ ���‫)����سن‬٨ ‫��س�ا د � � خ�ي���ا ر‬

He is the Everlasting. A grave on which the lights of (divine) guidance shine.  It is protected by one noble who is respected. He is from the clan of Khālid whose grand father  Is God’s biting, charging sword. I mean by him Ibrāhīm the lion, their trusted one;  And they are all respectable leaders and people of excellence. The year 1317 (=1899-1900)

Epitaphs of this kind in which local professional verse writers were engaged for happy and sad occasions are common, particularly from the late Ottoman period. Part of the entertainment at wedding parties for instance included the engagement of two poets who competed with each other in inventing verses on a variety of subjects on the spot, both using the same meter and the same rhyme. L.6. I am not sure about the reading of amīnu­hum. There is one point under the word which I can attribute to nothing. The word shibl in the same line could be also part of the name Ibrāhīm Shibl. The Ḥijāzī Railway Two attempts to build a railway, which would include Haifa, were made in the 1880’s and 1890’s. In 1880, Lawrence Oliphant put forward the idea to lay a Haifa—Akkā (Acre)—Damascus line; however, for lack of funds the project was called off. (Oliphant, 1880:63-71; Carmel, 1969:150) A similar French proposal was also rejected. The Ottomans decided to lay a railway from Damascus to the Ḥijāz, in order to serve the Muslim pilgrims to the holy places in Mecca and Medina, and to call it “The Ḥijāzī Railway” (sikkat al-ḥadīd al-ḥijāziyyah) after the name of its destination. A special medal was issued in 1900 to encourage Muslims to make contributions for the

haifa

267

project. Its construction was entrusted to Heinrich August Meissner who began the work in 1901 and finished it in merely 8 years, in September 1908, with the opening of the Medina train station. In 1904, he was awarded the title of Pasha in appreciation of his work. Nevertheless, the extension to Mecca was never completed. The Ottomans chose Haifa to be the Mediterranean outlet of their prestigious Ḥijāz railway, and decided to construct a subsidiary extension from Darʿah in Syria to Haifa. This secondary line, which was accomplished long before the completion of the Ḥijāzī line, enabled the delivery of equipment and materials for construction of the latter and also served, later, to transport the products and crops of the Ḥawrān to Europe via the port of Haifa. (Pick, 179-218; Carmel, 1969:149; Mansour, 2006:5-6) From Haifa, the line ran through the Valleys of Jezreel and Beth Shean to the Jordan valley and over a bridge on the Yarmūk River to Darʿah. The management of the Ḥijāz railway and its tributaries, was positioned in Haifa, which necessitated the building of workshops and other technical facilities required for the servicing of the railway and the trains. This supplied work and livelihood to many people (Carmel, 1969:158) who nicknamed the city umm al-ʿamal, “The Mother of Work.” The train, and later the modern port (inaugurated in 1933), contributed to a large increase in its population and Haifa changed rapidly from a small village to a major industrial and commercial centre. The inauguration in 1905 of the station in Haifa (locally called: “the East Train-Station”) was regarded to be a very important historical event on both the local and regional levels. It coincided with the sultan’s birthday. A special monument was erected in front of the station on which a long commemorative inscription was fixed. Dignitaries were invited to the inauguration ceremony, some of whom were photographed in front of the memorial monument (see inserted photo). In 2005, the centenary of the completion of the railway and the activation of the Haifa station was marked by special ceremonies and by the preparation of a copy of the inscription in an easily read script, and the translation of the original commemorative inscription of 1901-2 into English and Hebrew (Figs. 100b, 100c, 100d) The three marble slabs with the copy and translations were placed on street level at the foot of to the memorial monument. It should be noted that these semi-official translations into both Hebrew and English are not completely accurate.

268

haifa 103 Inauguration of the Railway

1319/1901-02

A slab of pink marble about 1.50x0.90m (approx.) with an engraved frame and circles on each one of its corners, built into the western wall of the sophisticated monument constructed of pink marble slabs, and ornamented with bas-reliefs representing the new train (such as an engine, a wheel emitting lightening, and symbols and medals representing the sultan-caliph and his rule. (Figs. P59, P60, P61, P62). The inscription appears above the bas-relief of the train engine (Figs. 100, 100a; P59, P60, P63). 7 lines, in monumental late Ottoman script, full points, full vowels and full signs; in relief. At the bottom left-hand corner, in the circle of the frame, the artist left his signature in nestaʿlīq shallow script (Fig. 100e) which seems to read:

‫�غ‬ ‫) خ���ط�ه ا �ل��ف����ق���� حم‬١ ‫) � ��ف��ر ا �ل�ل�ه �ل�ه‬٣)‫)ا � نب� �ع�مر ا �لب��ر �ب�ي (؟‬٢ ‫��م�د‬ ‫ير‬

It was written by Muḥammad b. ʿUmar al-Barbī (?) may Allah forgive him.

The nisbah of the artist is worn out and I could not be sure about the reading. The incised signature alone testifies to the perfect professionalism of the calligrapher and engraver.

َ ‫) نّ ����س���د �ان‬٢ ‫��م�د �ل�ل�ه ح�د ه ا �ل���ص�لا �ة ا �ل��س�لا ع��ل �م� ن لا ن�� ��ع�د ه‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ‫ح� ا �لح‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫و‬ ‫م ى � بي� ب‬ ‫�إ � ي‬ ‫ب م ل�أ ر � ر يم‬ ّ ‫ن‬ ‫و�مو لا ن�ا � �مي��ر ا �ل���م�ؤ �م ن��ي�� ن� و خ���لي� ف����ة ����سيّ���د ا �ل���مر��س�لي�� ن� ��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ا �لب��ري� ن� و خ��ا ق��ا ن� ا �ل ب����ح‬ )٣ � ‫�ري� ن� ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا‬ ِ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ز‬ ‫غ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ � ‫ن‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا � نب� ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ا �ل غ���ا �ز �� �ع ب���د ا ح‬ ‫��مي���د ��ا � ا �ب� ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا � ا �ل���ا �ي� �ع ب���د ا �ل���م�� ج�ي���د ��ا � ا ي��د‬ ‫ت �ي ق أ أ ن ُ �ن ش أ‬ ‫�ة ت‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ش‬ �)٤ ‫��ه وا ط�ا ل‬ ‫ا �ل�ل�ه �م��ل �ك‬ ‫حي���ا ��ه وع�مره ��د � �مر � � ي������ �م� ن� د �م���� ا �ل����ا ��س �ك‬ ‫�� ح�د ي��د ي� ����س�ه�ل ع��لى‬ ‫م‬ َ‫َ �غ‬ ‫�أ �م��ة حم‬ ‫��م�د �ص��ل�ع ا �ل‬ � ‫� ��ة ر��سو ل ا �ل�ل�ه �ص��ل�ع ث� �ص�د ر ا �مره‬ ‫)ا �جل� ب���ا ه ع��لى ر و �ض‬٥ ‫ح���ج ا لى ب���ي� ت� ا �ل�ل�ه و�م ْر‬ ‫مم‬ ‫أ م‬ َّ َ ُ ‫أ ن‬ ‫��ة‬ ‫ا �ل���م� �ظ‬ �)٦ ‫���ة ح�د ي��د ي��ة �م� ن� �م�د ي�ن���ة‬ �‫حي�� ف���ا ت�ت����ص�ل ب�ا �ل��س �ك‬ ‫��ه ا �ل���م��ف���� خ�� ب�� � ت����م�د ��س �ك‬ ‫ع��� � د ا ا �ل�ل�ه �م��ل �ك‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬ َّ ‫أ‬ ‫�ة ف‬ ‫)�ع�ز‬٧ ‫� ��ة ��س ل ا �ل�ل�ه �أ ن �� ت��ه� ا ��ل��ه‬ ‫� ت‬ ‫ا �لح‬ ‫��مي���د ي��ة ا �ل‬ � ‫�ض‬ � ‫ح�� ج��ا �ز ي� ���ع��لى‬ ‫كل �م��س��لم �جح ب���ي�� ا �ل�ل�ه و� م ر و ر و‬ ‫� ي �ب � ل ي‬ ‫ف‬ ‫أ ف‬ ‫أ أن‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ب��ر �ى و� ن� ي�ر �� ع��لى �ه�ا ا �ل�ع�ا �ل���مي�� ن� ي��د ه ا �ل�ع��لي��ا ح‬ ١٣١٩ ���‫�ر ر ����سن‬ ‫�ش��� ن��ه ب�� � �ي�ؤ ي��د خ��لا �ت���ه ا �ل �ك‬ ‫م‬ ‫ع‬ In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Praise belongs to Allah alone and blessing and peace on him after whom there is no prophet. Our master and lord, the Commander of the Faithful and the khalīfah of the master of the messengers, the sultan of the two continents, and the khāqān of the two seas, the sultan, son of the warrior sultan ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd khān son of the sultan, the warrior sultan ʿAbd al-Majīd khān, may Allah support

haifa

269

his rule and lengthen his life and his age, has ordered that a railway line should be constructed from Damascus of ash-Shām that will facilitate for the community of Muḥammad ṣalʿam, the pilgrimage to the House of Allah and the rubbing of the foreheads in the dust of the garden of the messenger of Allah ṣalʿam. Then was issued his august order, may Allah perpetuate his glorified kingship, that a railway line should be laid from the city of Haifa linking up with the Ḥamīdī-Hijāzī railway, and every Muslim who performs the pilgrimage to the House of Allah or repairs to the Garden of the Messenger of Allah should invoke Him, the Sublime, that He may support his great caliphate and cause his upper hand to be raised over the heads of mankind. Issued in the year 1319 (began on 20 May 1901).

‫�ة‬

‫�غ‬

‫—و�مر ا �جل� ب���ا ه ع��لى ر و �ض‬This is a rather poetic expression to describe Ll. 4-5. ‫� � ر��سو ل ا �ل�ل�ه‬ the visit of the Prophet’s tomb in Medina. The word tomb (qabr, ḍarīḥ) is avoided and replaced by the word rawḍah—garden. The translation tries to represent the original as much as possible. ‫ �ص��ل�ع‬The usage of this acronym (for ṣalla allāh ʿalayhi wa-sallama) in an inscription is ‫م‬ very rare, and its usage here is surprising since in such an official, perfectly produced inscription the full formula would be expected. For this reason I avoided the translating of the whole formula and decided to use a transliteration of the acronym ṣalʿam. ‫� �ز �ة‬ ‫���ة ا �لح‬ ‫��مي���د ي��ة ا �ل‬ L.6: �‫ح�� ج��ا ي‬ ‫ ا �ل��س �ك‬In the Arabic copy prepared for the 2005 celebrations (see Fig. 100b) the writer of the text read as-sikkah al-ḥadīdiyyah al-hijāziyyah wrongly. It is clear that the sultan ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd called the railway after himself.

270

Ḥajjah

Ḥajjah Is. Gr. 162 179 (N. Is. Gr. 212501 679024)

A village some 12 km. to the west of Nābulus on the main road that connected Sebastia with Antipartris. The full name of the place is Qaryat Ḥajjah which is the Arabic version of the Samaritan and Hebrew name ‫קרית חגא‬. In the Roman-Byzantine period it was populated by Samaritans. Ac­cording to the Samaritan Chronicle, the fourth century Samaritan leader Babā Rabbah (308-362), who led the first major revolt against the Byzantines, built a synagogue in the village and in seven others all over Samaria. (AviYonah, Historical Geography, 1963:124) A short description of the place was recorded by the researchers of the PEF (SWP, 2:166). Guérin (Samarie, 2:180) only mentions that he saw it to the W/NW from the top of the village of Farʿatah. Some 500m. to the south-west of Ḥajjah is a local maqām (or mazār—a site of visitation) called an-Nabī Rābiḥ, built on top of a hill, consisting of a domed room with a miḥrāb and no grave (Figs. P64, P65); and, to the south of the village, there is another maqām of Shaykh ʿAṭā, also a domed chamber with miḥrāb, built into a protruding addition to the southern wall, but without a trace of a grave (Fig. P66). The maqām of an-Nabī Rābiḥ has been deserted for a long time and is now in a dilapidated state, whereas Shaykh ʿAṭā is looked after and has been recently, newly painted white. The dedication of holy sites to unknown local “prophets” is a very common practice all over the country. (See Canaan, 1925: Passim) In the case of an-Nabī Rābiḥ, I think that it is possible that the Arabic name preserves the Samaritan name of Babā Rabbah. (A local tradition says that he was the son of Jacob). There is no local tradition, as far as I know, about the maqām-mazār of ash-Shaykh ʿAṭā. The village mosque of Ḥajjah (Fig. P67) was built, according to the following inscriptions, between 722/1322 and 723/1323 and its minaret in 735/1334. The front entrance of the mosque has three doors, (Fig. P68) with the main historical inscrip-

Ḥajjah

271

tion on the central door (Fig. p69). The mosque is a waqf property as are the two maqāms outside the village. In the IAA archives, a special addendum was attached to report no.59 reading: “Arabic inscriptions at Qaryat Hajja, Nablus” The inscriptions were read accurately on the whole. The photographs from 1935 (courtesy IAA) attached to this entry show that the inscriptions were damaged very slightly in the last three quarters of a century. 104 Qurʾānic Text

Late 2nd /early 9th c.

a slab of limestone 0.30x0.28 slightly damaged on the bottom left and bottom right corners, built into the wall above the arch of the northern gate of the village mosque. (Fig. P70) 5 lines, angular script professionally engraved in perfectly straight lines with an equal distance between the lines, no points, and no vowels; incised. The letters were decorated with lines radiating from their vertical stems giving the impression of branches. This is a unique example of decorated angular script. Fig. 101 (Courtesy IAA) 101a (photo: Badrieh). Mentioned by Husseini ibid., but not read.

‫ق‬ � ‫)���س ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ‫)وا و �لوا ا �ل�ع��ل ��ا ئ����م�ا‬٤ ‫���ة‬ ‫)ا �ل�ه الا �هو وا �ل���م��لئ� �ك‬٣ ‫)�ش����ه�د ا �ل�ل�ه ا ن��ه لا‬٢ ‫ح�م‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ر � ر‬ ‫ب م‬ ‫م‬ ‫)لا ا �ل�ه الا �هو ا �ل�ع�ز �ي�ز ا �ل‬٥ ‫ب�ا �ل��ق����س��ط‬ � �‫ح�يك‬ ‫م‬ Basmalah. Allah hath testified that there is no God but He, likewise the angels and the people of knowledge; dispensing justice, there is no God but He, the sublime, the wise. (Q, 3:16. Trans. Bell)

105 Construction Text

722/1322

A slab of marble 1.02x0.21m., presently painted orange-brown (Fig. 102a), built into the exterior of the south wall of the local mosque, and copied in recent years (imperfectly pl. 49) on a slab of marble attached to the wall inside the mosque with copies of other inscriptions (see below). Primitive provincial naskhī of no clear definition. Some points, no vowels; incised and presently painted black. (Fig. 102. Courtesy IAA) Publication: Husseini, IAA archives, vol. 151. Report No. 59. On top of the inscription ‫�ز ق‬ on the left side by a different hand: ‫ ر � ا �ل�ل�ه‬Allah’s property, that is to indicate that the mosque is a waqf property.

272

Ḥajjah

Pl. 48. Ḥajjah. Exterior south wall of village mosque east side. Inscription 2 over ancient decorated blocks in secondary usage (Photo 1935. Courtesy IAA).

‫ح����ة ����سن����ة‬ ‫��م�د � ن �م � � ن ا ح�م�د ا �م�ا ا ��لن‬ ‫)�ع�م�ا �ة حم‬٢ ‫) ف� �أ �ا �م لا ن�ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا ��لن��ا �ص‬١ � ‫ا‬ � � ‫ر‬ �‫ب� و �سى ب‬ ‫ر‬ ‫�ي ي م و‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ة �ع� ا � ا �ه� �غ� ف ا � لاح� � ن � �ث ن‬ ‫ا ث�ن��� ن � ش ن‬ � ‫)ع� ���م�ا‬٤ �‫) ����ر ل�ل�ه م�د ب‬٣ ‫ع���ر�ي� و����سب���ع���م�ا ي� م�ل ب ر يم‬ ‫ي� و‬ In the days of our lord al-Malik an-Nāṣir. The building of Muḥammad b. Mūsā b. Aḥmad the imām of the nāḥiyah (sub-district) in the year 722 (=1322). The work of Ibrāhīm. May Allah forgive Aḥmad b. ʿUthmān.

The inscription is the lintel of a small window opened in the southern wall of the mosque, just above ground level, and then blocked with roughly built, field stones without mortar. The lintel rests on two blocks of stone of ancient, Roman-Byzantine, origin decorated with rosettes and other elements (Pl. 48. Fig. P71). In the Ottoman administrative system nāḥiy­yah (nāḥiye) was a sub-district (Heyd, 1960:41; 60, 84, nāḥiye of Acre; ibid., 65 nāḥiye of Jenin, Sanjaq of Lajjūn; Hebron was a nāḥiye, in the sanjaq of Jerusalem ibid., 67 n. 15; The nāḥiye of Tiberias was under the jurisdiction of the Qāḍī of Safed. Ibid., 140-142. see also 184.) The nāḥiyah mentioned in this inscription, the imām of which is the builder of the mosque, was nāḥiyat Jūrat al-ʿAmā in the Sanjaq of Nābulus. (Atlas of Israel IX/11) L.3-4: Aḥmad b. ʿUthmān (ll. 3-4) is no doubt the deceased father of the builder, whose name was commemorated here by his son and for whom the customary supplication was added in the inscription.

Ḥajjah

273

Pl. 49. Modern reading of Ḥajjah 2 Modern reading in the mosque with other inscriptions: black paint on marble.

‫��مّ�د � ن �م � � ن ا ح�م�د ا �م�ا ا ��لن‬ ‫)����سن����ة � ن‬٣ ‫ح����ة‬ ‫)�ع�م�ا �ة حم‬٢ ‫) ف� �أ �ا �م لا ن�ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن� ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا ��لن��ا �ص‬١ � ‫ا‬ � � ‫ر‬ �‫ب‬ �‫ب� و �سى ب‬ ‫ر‬ ‫�ي ي م و‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫� �ث ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ثن ن ش‬ � ‫ئ�ة‬ � ‫( ع� ���م�ا‬in a small script on the left) ‫�ه�م � ����ر ا �ل�ل�ه ل� ح�م�د‬ ‫)ع�م�ل ا ب�ر ا ي‬٤ � ‫ا ��ي��� و�ع���ر و � (!) و����سب���ع���م�ا‬ 106 Construction Text

723/1323-4

A slab of limestone presently painted orange-brown, 0.37x0.45m., 4 lines, built into the wall above the middle entrance of the northern gate of the village mosque and copied in recent years (imperfectly) on a slab of marble attached to the wall inside the mosque (see pl.50 below). Provincial Mamlūk naskhī, points no vowels (the renovated text now includes some additional ornaments such as three, completely new shaddah signs in Ll.1-2), lines divided by bands; incised and currently painted black. Figs. 103, 103a; P69. Publication: Husseini, IAA archives, vol. 151. Report No. 59.

‫)�ع�م �ه��ذ ا ا �ل���م��س����د ا �ل���م���ا ك حم‬٢ �‫ح‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ‫) � نب� �مو��سى ا �م�ا ا ��لن��ا � �ة �ع‬٣ ‫��م�د‬ ‫بر‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ر‬ ‫حي��� و �م�ل‬ ‫ب م ل� ر � ر يم‬ ‫م‬ ‫�غ ئ �ة �ة‬ ‫ع��� � ن ����س���ع� م�ا �ة‬ �‫) � ن���ا �م ����سن��� ث�لا ث� و � ش ري� و ب �� ي‬٤ ‫ا �ل���م�ع��ل‬ ‫م‬ Basmalah. This blessed mosque was built by Muḥammad b. Mūsā the imām of the nāḥiyah (sub-district) and [the work] was carried out by the master-mason Ghanāʾim in the year 723 (=1323-1324).

274

Ḥajjah

‫ حم‬Correct Husseini: ‫ا ح�م�د‬. L.2: ‫��م�د‬ ‫�ذ �ة‬ L.3: ‫ و�ع�م�ل ا �ل���م�ع��ل‬Husseini read �‫ و�ع�م�ل ا �ل���م�ا ن‬with a question mark next to it. The ‫م‬ IAA squeeze (No. 30.892) confirms the reading of the word wa-ʿamala yet discards the option of reading the last word of the third line as al-maʾdhanah (instead of al-miʾdhanah). The joined letters ʿayn-lām-mīm following the alif lām are clearly visible which leaves no doubt for reading this word as al-muʿallim (master-mason). ‫�غ ئ‬ ‫�غ ن‬ L.4: � ‫ � ن���ا‬. Correct Husseini: � ‫ �ا‬. ‫م‬ ‫م‬ The renovators of the inscription took the liberty to fix and add some signs to the original text, and left the following reading inside the mosque, next to the other inscriptions, written on marble. 0.37x0.34m (pl.50)

Pl. 50. Modern reading of Ḥajjah 723.

‫��م�د � ن �م � ا �م�ا ا ��لن��ا � �ة‬ ‫) حم‬٣ ‫)�ع�م �ه��ذ ا ا �ل���م��س����د ا �ل���م���ا ك‬٢ �‫ح‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ )٤ ���‫حي‬ ‫بر‬ ‫ج‬ ‫�سى‬ �‫ب‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب م ل� ر � ر يم‬ ‫م‬ ‫�غ� ن ئ� � ن �ة ث ا ث�ة � ش ن‬ ‫�ة‬ � )!( �‫ع���ر و �(!) و����سب���ع���م�ا ئ‬ ‫ع�م�ل ا �ل���م�ع��لم ���ا م ���س��� �ل � و‬ 107 Construction Text

735/1334-35

A slab of limestone presently painted orange-brown, 0.64x0.32m., (IAA measurements) incorporated on the minaret of the village mosque and copied in recent years (imperfectly) on a slab of marble attached to the wall inside the mosque (see pl. 51 below). 3 lines, provincial Mamlūk naskhī, some points, no vowels with few signs, lines divided by bands; in relief. Figs. 104, 104a(IAA squeeze); P72. Publication: Husseini, IAA archives, vol. 151. Report No. 59.

Ḥajjah

275

‫��م�د ��س ا �ل�ل�ه �ع�م �ه�ا �ذه ا �ل� م�ا �ذ ن�ة ا �ل� م���ا ��ة‬ ‫م‬ �‫(!) �� � (!) �� ب ر ك‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫) ر‬٢ ‫ح�م لا ا �ل�ه الا ا �ل�ل�ه ح ر و ل‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ا �ل�ع���د ا �ل���������� ا ل ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا ل حم‬ � ‫)ا �م�ا ا ��ل��ا‬٣ ‫��م�د �ب� �مو��سى‬ )!(�‫حي��� و�ع�م�ل ا ح�م�د �ب� �يو��س� ا �ب‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ير ى‬ ‫ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫ن �ة �خ‬ ‫ث ا ث�� ن ����س���ع� م�ا �ة‬ �‫ا � �ظل���ا �هر ����س��� �م��س و �ل �ي� و ب �� ي‬ Basmalah. There is no God but Allah. Muḥammad is the messenger of Allah. This blessed minaret was built by the slave who is in need of Allah, the Exalted Muḥammad b. Mūsā, the imām of the nāḥiyah (sub-district). [The work] was carried out by Aḥmad b. Yūsuf b. aẓ-Ẓāhir in the year 735 (=1334-35).

L.2: )!(‫�ه�ا �ذه‬. a common mistake in inscriptions (see for example No. 53). ‫�ظ‬ ‫ا ح�م�د � ن � ��س ف� ا � ن‬. Correct Husseini: ‫ا ح�م�د �م � ا � ن ا �ل�ع�ا ل‬. The last name L.3: ‫ب�(!) ا �ل���ا �هر‬ ‫ب� يو‬ ‫و �سى ب� م‬ might well be aṭ-Ṭāhir instead of aẓ-Ẓāhir. The name of the sultan an-Nāṣir Muḥammad, who reigned at the time of the establishment of the mosque and minaret in Ḥajjah (third reign 709/1309-741/1341), is not mentioned in the last two inscriptions. It seems that Muḥammad b. Mūsā b. Aḥmad, the imām of the sub-district, was an independent and wealthy local sovereign who took upon himself the initiative of renovating the Ḥajjah mosque. He brought not one but three different artisans: Ibrāhīm, Ghanāʾim and Aḥmad b. Yūsuf b. aẓ-Ẓāhir to be in charge, each one over a separate part of the constructions. A grandiose project like this must have required an abundance of resources which if they had been supplied by the sultan, his name and honourfic titles would surely have been mentioned more than once. The other possibility is that Ḥajjah, in the time of Muḥammad b. Mūsā, enjoyed the incomes of a few endowments which enabled this building project. As mentioned above, all the sites in Ḥajjah in Husseini’s report are listed as “waqf property”. Modern reading in the mosque with other inscriptions written on marble (with mistakes):

Pl. 51. Modern reading of Ḥajjah 735.

276

Ḥajjah

‫��م�د ��س ا �ل�ل�ه �ع�م �ه�ا �ذه ا �ل� م�ا �ذ ن ا �ل� م���ا ��ة‬ ‫م‬ �‫(!) �� �(!) �� ب ر ك‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫) ر‬٢ ‫ح�م لا ا �ل�ه الا ا �ل�ل�ه ح ر و ل‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ت‬ ‫����سن����ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫) حم‬٤ ‫) ا �ل�ع���د ا �ل���������� ا ل ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا ل‬٣ � ‫��م�د �ب� �مو��سى ا �م�ا ا ��ل��ا‬ )٦ ...‫)و�ع�م�ل ا ح�م�د‬٥ ���‫حي‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ير ى‬ ‫ب‬ ‫م‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ث ا ث�� ن ����س���ع� م�ا �ة‬ �‫��م��س و �ل �ي� و ب �� ي‬ 108 Epitaph of a Muslim

749/1348

A slab of limestone 0.55x0.41m., attached to a tomb in the yard of the mosque and copied in recent years (imperfectly) on a slab of marble fixed to the wall inside the mosque (see pl. 52 below). Top left part of 3 first lines and middle section of lines 2-4 are completely defaced. 8 lines, divided by bands, provincial Mamlūk naskhī, some points no vowels; incised. Figs. 105, 105a; P73. Publication: Husseini, IAA archives, vol. 151. Report No. 59.

‫)ا �ل��ف����ق�����ه حم ن‬٣ ] ‫)�ه��ذ ا �ق�� ا �ل�ع���د ا �ل��ف����ق���� [ا ل ا �ل�ل�ه �ت�ع�ا ل‬٢ ] �‫ح‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ‫��م�د �ب� �مو��سى‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ير ى‬ ‫ي‬ ‫بر ب‬ ‫ب م ل� [ ر � ر يم‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت ف‬ ‫�ة ت‬ ‫ا �م�ا ا �ل���م��س����د ا �ل� م�ا �ذ ن�ة ا ��� �ة‬ )٦ ‫)[ �و ��ي ] ا لى رح�م� ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا لى ��ي �ش����هر‬٥ ‫�� ؟‬ )٤ ]‫[ � نب� ا ح�م�د‬ ‫ج [و �� � ] ب� لبر ك‬ ‫خ م ن �ة ت‬ ‫�غ‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ن‬ � � ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ ‫) �م�ل [ا �ل���م�ع�ـ]�ـ��ل ع��ل �ب� �مر � ����ر ا �ل�ل�ه‬٧ �‫ر ب���ي�ـ[��ـ ] الا �ر [����س��� ] ���س وا ر ب� (!) و����سب�� �م�ا ي‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ع ع‬ ‫ع‬ ‫م �ي‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ح� ع��ل��ه���م�ا ا ج��م�ع�� ن‬ � ‫)�ل���م� ن� �را و �ر� م ي‬٨ �‫ي‬ Basmalah. This is the grave of the slave who is in need (of Allah the Exalted) the jurist Muḥammad b. Mūsā b. Aḥmad the imām of the mosque and minaret, blessings on him. (He passed away) into the mercy of Allah the Exalted in the month Rabīʿ al-Ākhir in the year 749 (began 29 June 1348). It was made by the master-mason ʿAlī b. ʿUmar. May Allah forgive whoever reads [this] and invokes (divine) mercy on both them.

‫�ة‬

‫ت‬

L.6: �‫���س وا ر ب� (!) و����سب�� �م�ا ي‬. It seems that the inscriber of this text had written arbʿ ‫ع‬ ‫ع ع‬ instead of arbaʿīn, a mistake that was duplicated in the modern copy of this inscription (see reading below) yet went unnoticed by Husseini who read �‫وا ر ب��عي�� ن‬. This is no doubt the grave of Muḥammad b. Mūsā b. Aḥmad, the main figure in Ḥajjah, who was the one responsible for all the later building projects. His first project—building the village mosque—took place during the years 722/1322-723/1323. Only eleven years later, in 735/1334-35 he added his second building project—the minaret. He passed away 14 years after his last project in 749/1348. It is safe to presume that he did not initiate the first building project during his first years in his post as the imām of the sub-district since it demanded substantial resources that were

Ḥajjah

277

recruited without any aid from the sultan. Thus he was probably appointed around 712/1312-717/1317. If he was appointed at the very early age of 20 he was probably born between 692/1292-697/1297 which means that he passed away at the age of 51-56. In contrast to his designation as the imām of the sub-district (nāḥiyah) in the previous inscriptions he is described as jurist on his tomb (faqīh) and the imām of the mosque and minaret (whatever this means). Another artisan, the master-mason (muʿallim) ʿAlī b. ʿUmar, is mentioned in this inscription which adds up to four the number of craftsmen involved and commemorated in this building project. Modern reading in the mosque with other inscriptions written on marble:

Pl. 52. Modern reading of Ḥajjah 749.

‫)ا �ل��ف����ق�����ه حم‬٣ ‫)�ه��ذ ا ق��� ا �ل�ع���د ا �ل��ف����ق���� ا ل ا �ل�ل�ه �ت�ع�ا ل‬٢ �‫ح‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ...‫��م�د � نب� �مو��سى‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ير ى‬ ‫ي‬ ‫بر ب‬ ‫ب م ل� ر � ر يم‬ ‫�ة ت‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت ف‬ ‫ت‬ )!( �‫) ج��م�ا د �ي�(!) الا خ�ر ����سن��� ���س وا ر ب‬٦ ‫) �و ��ي رح�م�ه ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا لى ��ي‬٥ ...‫)ا �م�ا ا �ل���م��س�� ج��د‬٤ ‫ع ع‬ ‫م‬ ‫� ن �ع �غ‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ح� (!) ع��ل��ه���م�ا ا ج��م�ع�� ن‬ � ‫ع‬ � � � � � ...)٨ ‫) �م�ل ا ل���م�ع��ل ع��ل ب� �مر ����ر ا ل�ل�ه‬٧ �‫و����سب���ع���م�ا ي‬ �‫ي‬ �‫ي‬ ‫وير م‬ ‫م �ي‬

In this reading the serious mistake is in the date that in the original inscription is Rabīʿ II 749 and in this copy Jumādā II “nine and four and seven hundred”.

278

ḤalḤūl

ḤalḤūl Is. Gr. 160 109

A village on the main road from Je­­ru­­salem to He­bron, 5 Km. to the north of the latter. It bears the exact, ancient Biblical name of the site recorded in Josh. 15:58, in the list of the sites in the mountain territory of the tribe of Judah (Abel, Géographie, 2:91). The place guarded its name faithfully (remarks Guérin) Alo’ol and Ailou’a in Greek and Halhul in Latin. Eusebius in his Onomastikon calls it Alula. In the Jewish tradition, the prophet Gad (1Sam. 22:5; 2Sam. 24:13, 18; 1Chron. 29:29) is buried in the place (Guérin, Judée, 3:286-287; Schwartz, ‫תבואות הארץ‬ 1900:128). This Jewish tradition was lost, when the small Jewish community that had lived in the village ceased to exist. (This community was still in Ḥalḥūl in 1333, when Isaac Hilu, a Jewish traveller from Aragon visited the place. Eisenstein, Compendium, 1926:73) There is no mention of the place in the works of the early Muslim geographers. The first to mention it was ʿAlī of Harāt (in 1173) who reported about the tomb of Yūnus b. Mattā (Jonah son of Amittai. Jonah, 1:1) in the village (Harawī, 1953:29). Yāqūt repeats the same information and mentions a certain traditionalist and ascetic (muḥaddith zāhid) whose nisbah connects him to the place, ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. ʿAbdallah b. ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān al-Ḥalḥūlī who died in 543/1148-9 in a battle against the Crusaders (Yāqūt and Marāṣid, s.v.). ʿUmarī, who visited the village a few times (the last visit in 745/1344) says that the place was frequented by pilgrims (Le Strange, 1890:447; Marmardji, 1951:57). Mujīr ad-Dīn writes twice about Rashīd ad-Dīn Faraj the Mamlūk of the sultan al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā who was charged with the building of the minaret of the village mosque, which he accomplished in Rajab, 623 (=began 28 June 1226). (Mujīr, 1283: 142, 605; 1973, 1:158; 2,:270):

‫ال�أ �م�� �ش�������د ا �ل�د � ن ف� � ن �ع���د ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل���م� �ظ‬ � ‫ع����م �مت�� ل ��ل�د ا‬ ‫�خ��ل�� ع��ل��ه ا �ل��س�لا ف� �ز �م� ن‬ ‫ل‬ ‫�ي و �ي ب‬ ‫يل ي‬ ‫ي� ر ج� ب� ب‬ ‫ير ر ي‬ � ‫م �ي‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ظ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا �ل���م�ع��� ع��ي��سى و�هو ا �ل� �� �و لى �ع�م�ا ر � ا �ل���م���ا ر � ب����م�����ا ا �ل����سي���د �يو ���س ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س� ا‬ ‫ي‬ ‫لم‬ ‫�ةم‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ق �ة‬ ‫ح ل ف� �ش���ه ��� ����سن����ة ث�لا ث‬ ‫ع��� � ن ����ست�����م�ا �ئ‬ ‫� �ش‬ ‫و ري� و‬ ‫ب��� ر �ي ح��ل���و �ي � ر ر ج ب‬

ḤalḤūl

279

The amīr Rashīd ad-Dīn Faraj b. ʿAbdallah al-Muʿaẓẓamī the governor of the city of al-Khalīl, peace be on him, in the time of al-Malik al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā. He administered the building of the minaret in the shrine of the master Yūnus, peace be on him, in the village of Ḥalḥūl in the month of Rajab the year six hundred and twenty three.

The building was commemorated in inscription Ḥalḥūl No. 110 below. Ḥalḥūl is mentioned in an inscription in the Sanctuary of Hebron over the central gate (Bāb al-Ḥaḍrah) leading from the vestibule between chambers of Abraham and Sarah into the main mosque (Fig. P1c; Plan, 3b), as one of the villages which had been entirely endowed as a waqf for the Sanctuary alongside the villages of Dūrā, Kafr Burayk, Dayr Ṣafwān, Khursah, and Idnā (Jaussen, “Haram,” RB 23:8090; RCEA, No. 4943, and above Hebron No. 17). The inscription in Hebron does not bear any date; it summarises the information about all the endowments made for the Ḥaram of Hebron by the “kings of the Muslims” (mulūk al-muslimīn). Many of these endowments were made by al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā (d. 624/1226), commemorated by a separate inscription over the same gate, who endowed the villages of Dūrā and Kafr Burayk in 612/1215. (RCEA, 10:105-106 No.3757, and the inscription above, No. 5) After him Baybars reformed all the endowments in 659/1261 (Maqrīzī, Sulūk, 1957, 1:445). Qalāwun (d. 689/1290) spent large amounts of money on the city of Hebron and its Sanctuary and added more endowments to the ones which already existed. Subsequent Mamlūk sultans followed suit and one of them is responsible for adding Ḥalḥūl to the list of the endowed villages. These sultans were an-Nāṣir Muḥammad b. Qalāwun (d. 741/1341), Barqūq (d. 801/1398), Jaqmaq (d. 857/1453) al-Ashraf Īnāl (d. 865/1460), and Khushqadam (d. 872/1467). (Jaussen, “Haram,” 81- 84). The following inscription was discovered during the repairs which took place in the vicinity of the Mosque of an-Nabī Yūnus in the village and was attributed to ʿAbdallah b. Masʿūd. It was given for reading and study to a calligrapher Abdullah el Azzeh (his own transcription of his name) who published a booklet in Arabic and English in which he claimed that this is the “earliest Islamic(!) inscription in Palestine” (see below). 109 Epitaph of a Muslim

Rabīʿ II 355/March-April 966

A slab of limestone, broken at the top and bottom, 0.33x0.36m. max. height of letters 0.04m. 9 lines (seven of which visible), square provincial mid-4th/10th century style, letter endings decorated with barbs, and swallow tails, no points, no vowels; incised. Kept in the Aqṣā Islamic Museum in Jerusalem. Fig. 106; pl. 53. Publication: Azzeh, 1410/1990.

280

ḤalḤūl

Pl. 53. Ḥalḥūl 355.

ّ ّ ‫)�ز ��د � ن‬٤ ���‫) ��س ل ا �ل�ل�ه �ه��ذ ا ق‬٣ ‫��مّ�د‬ ‫)�أ �ل�ل�ه لا �ل�ه لا ا �ل�ل�ه حم‬٢ ] �‫ح‬ ‫)���سم [ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرَح�م� ن� ا �لر� مي‬١ ‫بر‬ �‫ي ب‬ ‫ر و‬ ‫ب‬ ‫�إ‬ ‫�إ‬ ‫آ‬ َ‫ح‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�خ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ش‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ل‬ ‫�ل‬ � � � ‫)����س����ه�ـ(!) �م��س‬٨ ‫)�����هر ر ب�ي�ع ال� �ر‬٧ ‫)�يوم ا �ج�م�ع� �ي‬٦ ‫)ا �ل�ل�ه ا �را م�ي �و �ي‬٥ ‫ر و م�ي �ب� �ع ب���د‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫)[ ث�لا ث‬٩ ‫خ��م��س�� ن‬ ... �‫�] �م�ا ي‬ ‫و ي� و‬ Basmalah. Allah; there is no god but Allah. Muḥam­mad is the Messenger of Allah. This is the tomb of Zayd b. Rūmī b. ʿAbdallah al-Ḥarāmī. He died on Friday in the month of Rabīʿ II, 355 (=March-April, 966).

Palaeography: The writing is elaborate for a provincial epitaph. The letters were care­fully incised by a professional hand, in good style showing true effort to follow the fashion of writing in the period, which flourished under the Fāṭimids. Lines are straight and the size of letters is consistent. Certain forms of letters, and combinations of letters, are carefully repeated; such as the combination of ‫ م�ي‬with the �‫ �ي‬drawn in the form of a line stretching backwards under the (and throughout the whole ‫م‬ inscription). The middle always appears in the form of an inverted triangle, and ‫ع‬ ‫ة‬ the � when connected with the previous letter, bends backwards elegantly on a long leg. The initial hāʾ is particularly elaborate with the middle dividing line protruding on the right side of the letter, and turning upwards in a calculated curl. From the apex of the letter’s triangle a decorative element bends foreword in the form of a swallow

ḤalḤūl

281

tail. Most interesting is the word sanah (l.7) finishing not with a tāʾ marbūṭah, but with an initial hāʾ, which seems to me to be another decorative exercise. It should be remembered that many of the stone cutters who produced the inscriptions, as in this case, were illiterate and copied the inscription written for them on a piece of paper. This is why one has to allow for some unusual letter forms, such as in the word Zayd (l.3) where the two first letters look similar or al-Ḥarāmī where the alif after the rāʾ connects with the last yāʾ (l.4), or in the word al-jumʿah (l.5) where the alif and lām seem disconnected from the following jīm but are connected unnaturally to each other. The size of the stone and its shape determined the amount of the text of the epitaph, and its contents. This is probably the reason for the absence of a Qurʾānic text appropriate for an epitaph, unless more than one line is missing at the top of the inscription which is not impossible. L.4: The reading of the name of the deceased seems pretty sure. Azzeh read the name Zayd as Lalak—a non-existent Arabic name—and, ignoring the peculiar writing of the nisbah, read it as al-Jarmī (Azzeh, 1990:8). This reading may be considered if one allows an unusual form of the yāʾ which in my mind is impossible since, as I have just noted, the alif after the rāʾ is prominent. The name Rūmī is not very common but it does occur among the Arabs such as Rūmī b. Fazārah b. Dhubyān (Jamharah, 2:134 l.2). The nisbah al-Ḥarāmī, is to the clan of Ḥarām which belonged to the confederation of Judhām (Ishtiqāq, 1958: 375). The name Ḥarām was quite common (cf. Jamharah, 1:201, 220, 235, 237, 287, 297, 335, 352-4; 2: 61, 89, 94, 96, 134-5, 168, 175). It is also possible to read the nisbah as al-Ḥizāmī, a reference to Ḥizām (ibid. 1:77, 386; 2:24), but the first choice (al-Ḥarāmī) sounds more accurate since it refers to a proper clan which belonged to a tribe that had been well represented in the area in the early centuries of Islam (Hasson, “Judhām” SI, 81:7-19). LL.6-9: The date in the inscription is not complete. The day of the week (Friday) and the month (Rabīʿ II) are mentioned but not the day of the month. Friday in Rabīʿ II of 355 occurred on four different dates in April 966. The line containing the year was ‫�ة‬ broken, but it is possible to see the remnants of the �‫ �م�ا ي‬clearly. ‫ث ا ث �ة‬ It is, therefore, almost sure that the last line contained the number �‫� �م�ا ي‬ ‫ �ل‬, or ٰ ‫ث�ل��ث� م�ا �ة‬ even �‫ � �� ي‬. This would be compatible with the style of the letters of the inscription, particularly taking into consideration that it is the work of a provincial engraver who copied the writing of a local calligrapher. Azzeh did not see that the inscription originally contained at least another line and concluded that the inscription finishes in line 8 with the number fifty five, which led him to decide that this is the date of the inscription giving it the honour of being the oldest “Islamic” inscription in the country. Even without the trace of the hundreds in line 9, the style of the elaborate script places it three hundred years later.

282

ḤalḤūl 110 Construction of the Mosque Minaret

The following passage in Mujīr ad-Dīn, Uns, deals with the death of Nabī Yūnus (Jonah), (Mujīr, 1283:142; 1973, 1:158):

‫فة ن ف‬ ‫�ة خ �ة‬ ‫ع��� ث�� م�ا ن�� م�ا ئ�ة �ل ف��ا �ة �م � ع��ل��ه ا �ل��س� ا ق��� ه ف� �ق �ة‬ �‫و‬ �‫ل و بر �ي ري‬ � �� �� ‫كا ن� ت� و��ا � �يو ���س ��ي ����سن��� ��م��س� � ش ر و‬ ‫�سى‬ ‫و‬ ‫ي‬ ‫و‬ ‫م‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�م� ن ��ل�د ����س���د ن�ا ا �لخ‬ ‫�ا �ل���ق‬ ‫ق‬ ���‫���لي��ل ع��لي��ه ا �ل��س�لا و�ه��ذه ا �ل���ق ر ��ة ���س���مى ح��ل‬ � ‫ب‬ �‫حو ل و�ه�ي ع��لى طر�ي‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ب‬ � ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ة‬ ‫�ظ‬ ‫ق‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � � ‫ب���ي�� ا �ل���م��أ���د �س و�ص�ا ر ع��لى ب��ره �م��س�� ج��د و�م���ا ر � وا �ل� �ي� ب��نى ا �ل���م���ا ر � ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا �ل���م�ع���م ع��ي��سى‬ ‫ن ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ن �ة ث ث‬ ‫�ظ ف ش‬ ‫ش ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ �‫ب�و لا ي� ال� �مي��ر ر �����ي���د ا �لأ�د�ي� �ر ج� �ب� �ع ب���د ا �ل�ل�ه ا �ل���م�ع����م�ي ��ي �����هر ر ج�� ب� ����س��� �لا � و�ع���ر�ي‬ ‫ن � ل�ز �ة‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت ئ�ة ق ش ت‬ ‫و����س�����م�ا � و��د ا ���������هر � �مره وا ��ل��ا ��س ي��� ���ص�د و ��ه ل� ي�ا ر‬ And the prophet Yūnus (Jonah) died eight hundred and fifteen years after the death of Mūsā (Moses), peace be on him, and his tomb is in a village near the city of our master al-Khalīl, peace be on him. And this village is called Ḥalḥūl; and it is situated on the road to Jerusalem. A mosque and a minaret were built on his tomb. The minaret was built by al-Malik al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā, during the governorship of Rashīd ad-Dīn Faraj b. ʿAbdallah al-Muʿaẓẓamī in the month of Rajab in the year six hundred and twenty three. It had become well-known and the people walk up to it for pilgrimage

Reconstruction of the Building Text On the basis of the above report which was no doubt based on an inscription which Mujīr ad-Dīn read in Ḥalḥūl, and many building and endowment inscriptions from the time of al-Muʿaẓẓan ʿĪsā, it is possible to reconstruct the inscription quite accurately. It was, most probably, attached to the minaret of Jonah’s sanctuary and mosque. Rajab 623/July 1226

‫أ‬ ‫�ة � �ذه ا � ن �ة‬ ‫���ة �م لا ن�ا ا �ل��س��ل��ط�ا ن ا �ل���م�ل ا �ل���م� �ظ‬ � ‫ا‬ ‫�م‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ل‬ ���‫ع‬ ‫ا‬ � �� ‫م‬ � ‫ا‬ � �� ‫م‬ � � ‫ه‬ ‫ا‬ � ‫م‬ � ‫ع‬ � � ‫ك‬ �� �� �� ‫� �ك‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ح�م � ر ب ر‬ ‫ب���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬ ‫بر و‬ ‫ن أ م‬ ‫�ش�� �ف� ا �ل�د ن���ا ا �ل�د � ن ع��� ا � ن ا �ل���م�ل�ك ا �ل�ع�ا د ل ����س�� ف� ا �ل�د ن���ا ا �ل�د � ن‬ ‫ي� ��س��ل��ط�ا � ا لِ� ��س�لا‬ ‫ي و‬ �‫أي و ي� أ�ي سى ب‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ي‬ ‫فم‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ظ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ش‬ � � �‫وا �ل���م��س�ل�مي��� � � ب� ك‬ � � � � � � ‫�ر ب� � �يو ب� ب�و لا ي� ال� �مي��ر ر �����ي���د ا �ل�دي� ر ج� ب� ع ب���د ا ل�ل�ه ا ل���م�ع����م�ي �ي‬ ‫ب�ي‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ش���ه ��� ����سن����ة ث�لا ث‬ ‫� �ش‬ . �‫ع���ر�ي ن� و����ست�����م�ا ئ‬ ‫و‬ ‫�ر ر ج ب‬ Basmalah. Has ordered the construction of this blessed minaret, our lord the sultan al-Malik al-Muʿaẓ­ẓam Sharaf ad-Dunyā wa-ad-Dīn ʿĪsā b. Al-Malik al-ʿĀdil Sayf ad-Dunyā wa-ad-Dīn the sultan of Islam and the Muslims Abū Bakr b. Ayyūb under the supervision of the Amīr Rashīd ad-Dīn Faraj b. ʿAbdallah al-Muʿaẓẓamī In the month of Rajab 623/June-July 1226.

hammat gader (al-Ḥammah)

283

Hammat Gader (al-ḤammaH) Is. Gr. 212 232 (N. Is. Gr. 262 762)

Hammat Gader (al-Ḥammah col­loq. el-Ḥam­meh) was a small village and a spa (today only a spa and visitors’ centre) situated in a small valley on the banks of the Yarmūk River 7km. south-east of the Sea of Galilee on the route connecting Tiberias with Damascus and the northern settlements of the Gilead (al-Balqāʾ), and on the Ottoman railway line which connected Haifa and the Ḥijāzī railway via Darʿah (ancient Edreʿī) described in the entry on Haifa above. Its mineral hot springs, which already acquired the reputation of having medical qualities in ancient times, have always attracted multitudes of visitors. The place was already inhabited in the early and middle Bronze periods and its name appears in the lists of Thutmose III (about 1468-1436‫آ‬bce)‫آ‬together with ‫ق‬ Damascus, Edreʿī and Abel ( ��‫ � ب�ل ا �ل�������م‬, ‫ � ب�ل‬in the Ḥūlah ‫ح‬ valley, cf. Aharoni, 1988:129-130). In the Roman–Byzantine period the site was part of the city of Gadara (today Umm Qays (colloq. Umm Qēs and Umqēs) in northern Jordan). The Arabic name al-Ḥammah preserved the old name, which referred to the thermal water, since al-Ḥammah is the exact parallel, in both pronunciation and meaning, of the Hebrew Ḥammah—“the hot one.” Primarily, the Arabic al-Ḥammah is not necessarily connected with a particular site; it is a general name for hot mineral water as attested by Yāqūt: “al-ḥammah is the hot spring where the infirm and the ill seek a remedy “(wa-al-ḥammah al-ʿayn al-ḥārrah yastashfī bihā al-aʿilāʾ wa-al-marḍā. Yāqūt, Muʿjam, Dār Ṣādir, 2:306) Although Ḥammah seemed to be an independent settlement, it was regarded to be the spa of Gadara, the major city up the hill, for which reason it was called the Ḥammah of Gadara, Ḥamtā d’Geder in Aramaic, Ḥammat Gader in Hebrew as well as Ḥammat and Ḥamtan. (Cf. Hirschfeld, 1997:5ff.) Since a village with similar thermal springs south of Tiberias was called by the same name, one should be careful not to confuse the two when reading the names “Ḥammat,

284

hammat gader (al-Ḥammah)

Ḥamtā and Ḥamtan” in the sources. When the latter was swallowed by Tiberias that developed southwards, its name was sometimes attached to the name of the city of Tiberias (Ḥamtā d’Tibberyā) in the same way that the name of the site under discussion was attached to Gader (Gadara). Under the Romans, the site Ḥammat Gader underwent thorough development which started in the second century ce. They built a small theatre in it as well as a few large bath houses. This is probably the source of the legend, recorded by Muqaddasī (middle of the 4th/10th century), that in antiquity there were several bath houses built on the springs each dedicated to one kind of illness (kull bayt li-ʿillah). This put the doctors out of business, and Aristotle asked “the king of that time” to destroy these rooms and enable the physicians go back to work (Muqaddasī, 1407/1987:159). Other Arabic medieval sources repeat, more or less, the same information about the thermal springs and their healing powers. (Cf. Yāqūt, op. cit., 4:18 where he speaks about a village call Ḥusayniyyah in a “valley with buildings from the time of Solomon” and 12 springs of thermal water that heal the sick. Gil, 1992:185 and Cairo Geniza document idem, 1983 2:495, text 278, where it is (rightly) called Merḥaṣ Jedariyyah, the spa of Gadara.) After the Islamic conquest, the site continued to retain its ancient importance for a while. A Greek inscription dated 662 ce. mentions restorations ordered by Muʿāwiyah during the second year of his caliphate (after having already been the governor of Syria for 20 years). (Hirschfeld, 1997:6; Hasson, 1982:97-101 and see below.) 111 The Greek inscription Monday, 5 December 662 ce. (42 Ah) a slab of gray marble 0.44x0.75x.0.03m. found in situ. 9 lines, incised. Now at the Israel Museum, Jerusalem. (Pl. 54) Publications: Hirschfeld and Solar, 1980:71; idem, 1981:202-204; SEG, 30, No.1687; Green and Tsafrir, 1982:94-96; Di Segni and Hirschfeld, 1986:265-266, n. 63; Di Segni, 1992:315-317; Di Segni, 1997:237-240, inscription 54, fig.50; cf. Hasson, ibid. The following reading, translation and inter­pretation are all the contribution of Leah Di Segni (ibid.) 1) +In the days of ʿAbdallah Muʿāwiyah, the 2) commander of the faithful, the clibanus of the 3) (baths) here was cleared and renewed by 4) ʿAbdallah son of Abū Hāshim (or Abū ʿĀṣim), the 5) counsellor, in the month of December, on the fifth 6) day, Monday, in the 6th (year) of the indiction,

hammat gader (al-Ḥammah)

Pl. 54. Greek inscription al-Ḥammah, 662.

Pl. 54a. Greek inscription from al-Ḥammah Reading by Leah Di Segni.

285

286

hammat gader (al-Ḥammah)

7) in the year 726 of the colony, according to the 8) Arabs the 42nd year, for the healing of the sick, 9) under the care of John the Gadarene, the steward. The inscription starts with a cross indicating that the official in charge of the work was a Christian. The only indication of the Islamic rule in the area is the name of Muʿāwiyah and his title amīr al-muʾminīn (Commander of the Faithful). ʿAbdallah b. Abū Hāshim or ʿĀṣim (both are possible) is not mentioned in the Arabic sources; no governor of al-Urdunn is known by this name. It seems more possible, as Di Segni suggested, that he was a local chief recognized by the Caliph. The third person mentioned in the inscription, John the Gadarene (l.9), whose function is only hinted at by an abbreviation (M with a small I on top), could well be the person whose name comes after a term expressing “under the supervision, or the care, of (e.g. bi-naẓar)” in Arabic construction and repair inscriptions. At any rate, the works of repairing and cleaning the pipes and conduits of the hot water reaching the bath houses (defined by the term klibanos) joins the other extensive works of building and development which characterized the long rule of Muʿāwiyah, particularly in the Syrian and Ḥijāzī provinces (Hasson, ibid.) The date is given in three different ways: The year of the colony, namely the area of Gadara, the indiction, and the Hijra year. The year 42 Ah began on April 26, 662. The 6th indiction began on September 1, 662. The Gadara era fell in autumn 64 bce. and the new year, therefore, occurred between the beginning of September and December 5, which in 662 actually fell on a Monday. This is the only inscription from Palestine that carries a triple dating which also includes the year of the hijrah. Di Segni pointed out that the date of the inscription could well be connected with the 5th of December, the memorial day of St. Sabas whose monastery, established in the vicinity by the saint himself in 502, must have still been flourishing there. It should be remembered in this context that most of the population of Syria, including the most important tribes that had been there before Islam, were Christians. Muʿāwiyah, was married to Maysūn, the daughter of a chief of the tribe of Kalb that was mostly Christian. It is doubtful that she converted to Islam. She bore him his heir, Yazīd, who received his education in the tribe of his mother. (Lammens “Maisūn,” in EI; Ṭabarī, ed. De Goeje, 2:204) Although Muʿāwiyah’s Islam was blameless, and pro-Umayyad historians surrounded him with legends which amplified his position next to the Prophet to a degree that made him one of those to whom Muḥammad promised a place in Paradise, still he was shrewd enough to win over the Christian Arabs while maintaining good relations with the Byzantine administration that continued to run the country in his time and in that of his immediate followers.

hammat gader (al-Ḥammah)

287

112 Cluster of small fragments End of the 1st/ 7th early 8th c. A cluster of pieces of limestone slabs 1.20x1.00m. (approx.), a few pieces of marble slabs and small basalt stones which serve as the pavement of the floor of the semicircular alcove below the above Greek inscription, found in the “Hall of Fountains” (Pl. 55). The stones contain small fragments of Arabic graffiti of no consequence. The collection of these fragments was studied by Nitzan Amitai-Preiss, who thought to have found the remains of milestone of ʿAbd al-Malik (65/685–85/705) as well, which I doubt. (Amitai- Preiss, 1997:267-270)

Pl. 55. Cluster of paving stones (Courtesy Israel Exploration Society).

The many fragments of inscribed stones show the active presence Arabs in the area in the early Umayyad period, since the style of the writing does not exceed the middle of the second century. The inscribed stones seem to have been smashed long after they were inscribed and used for the poor pavement which might say something about the condition of the thermal baths in the early ʿAbbāsid period. The clear ‫ د � ش‬and ‫ )�ش��ق‬opposite l.7 in remnants of the word Dimashq which appear twice (���‫م‬ � the attached photograph could point to something more professional.

288

hammat gader (al-Ḥammah)

Pl. 56. Hammat Gader 122 (Courtesy Israel Exploration Society).

113 Itinerary Thursday 1 Rabīʿ al- Awwal 122/4th February 740 A piece of marble on the upper surface of the most southern fountain at the eastern part of the Hall of Fountains. The inscription is engraved over a previous illegible inscription. 4 lines, simple square script with a tendency to graffiti, no points, no vowels; incised. Figs. 107a, 107b; Pl. 56. Publication: N. Amitai- Preiss, 1997:271-272, inscription 3, Figs, 4-5

‫�ل�خ‬ ‫ع��� � ن �م�ا �ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ه��ذه(!)[ا] �لح‬ ‫)�يو ا‬٢ )!( �‫��م‬ �‫)اث� ن�� و� ش ري� و ي‬٤ ���‫)ر ب�ي� الا و ل ����سن‬٣ ‫��م��ي��س �م����ست����ه�ل‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ع‬ ‫م‬ ‫م‬

�‫�ن�ز � ن ف‬ ‫) �ل��ا �ي‬١

We alighted in this bath house on Thursday, 1 Rabīʿ I 122 (=Thursday, 4 February 740)

An exact date, day, month and year is not com­mon in early Arabic inscriptions either monu­mental or graffiti. (Although it does appear in Muʿāwiyah’s Greek inscription found on the other side of the same hall of fountains and inscriptions.) However, since by nature this inscription is an itinerary record it is only natural that the visitor would give all these details. The fact that he could incise his graffito in the bath house itself may say something about the state of the supervision of the place.

hŪnĪn

289

HŪnĪn Is. Gr. 201 291 (n. Is. Gr. 251 791)

Hūnīn was a small Shīʿite village not far from the modern border be­tween Lebanon and Israel. Next to it are the impressive remains of the Crusader castle Castellum (Castrum) Novum, Chastiau Neuf (“the New Castle,” in modern French: Château Neuf). It was built in 1106–1107, or possibly even in 1105, together with Toron (Tibnīn) by Hugue de Saint-Omer on a hill, half way between Baniyās and Toron, to strengthen the Crusaders’ defenses against Damascus and the ring of castles around Tyre, which still held out against the Crusaders. The two fortresses, together with Baniyās, controlled the main route from Damascus to the coastal plain of Lebanon. Hūnīn was protected by a strong wall with moats on the north, west, and south, about 18m wide, dug into the rock. The east wall was built on top of an inaccessible slope. Round towers protected the corners of the fortress. In July or August 1167, Hūnīn was attacked by Nūr ad-Dīn of Damascus, and was abandoned by the Franks after they had burnt it down. Nūr ad-Dīn followed, demolishing its fortifications. (Ibn al-Athīr, 11:328; Prawer, 1984, 1:184, 337) The fortress was rebuilt by Hamphrey of Toron in 1178, following the attempts of Saladin to invade the Galilee the year before. (Prawer, ibid, 449; Runciman, 1957, 2:418) After the Crusaders’ defeat at Ḥaṭṭīn in 1187, the castle of Hūnīn surrendered to Saladin. (Prawer, ibid, 560) It was entrusted, together with Tibnīn (Toron) and Qalʿat ash-Shqīf (Beaufort), to the Amīr Fakhr ad-Dīn Iyās Chihārkas (Jahārkas), who appointed his own Mamlūk, Ṣārim ad-Dīn Qāymāz, to be in charge of the first two fortresses.(Ibn al-Athīr, 2:557; Ibn Shaddād, 1963:152-153; CIAP 2:49). In 617/1220 the fortress of Hūnīn passed into the hands of al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā, and in 638/1241 it was given to the Franks following an agreement between them and al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ Ayyūb of Egypt, together with Tibnīn, Ṣafad, and other important strongholds in the Galilee. (Ibn Shaddād, loc. cit.; Prawer, 1984, 2: 271, 430 n. 34) In 664/1266, during his offensive against the Crusader fortresses in the Galilee, Baybars conquered both Hūnīn and Tibnīn. The

290

hŪnĪn

citadels were demolished. Under the Mamlūks, the rural area became part of the district of Tibnīn—ʿamal Tibnīn—in the province (mamlakah) of Ṣafad. Under the Ottomans it was the capital of a sub-district bearing its name, nāḥiyat-Hūnīn, in the province (Wilāyah) of Acre—ʿAkkā (see detailed map in Atlas of Israel IX/11). A mosque was added to the citadel of Hūnīn sometime during the Muslim rule. It is not the mosque mentioned in this inscription, which was built in the village itself in the middle of the 18th century. Like most of the inhabitants of south Lebanon, the inhabitants of Hūnīn were Shīʿites locally known as Matāwilah (colloq. Matāwleh). Travelers in the 19th century report that the local peasants used the ruins of the fortress as stables and cow-sheds. (See e.g. Guérin, 1800, Galilée, 2:371) 114 Construction of a Mosque

1166/1752-53

MvB squeeze no. 32, 1.62x0.32m. 3 lines, monumental, modern naskhī, points and many vowels; in relief. The text was divided in a rather complicated way on the stone. The main parts in the middle and other parts on both sides in smaller letters. The text is surrounded by frames, also in relief, which create sunken fields of various shapes. The long squeeze was taken in three parts which were put together before photographing. There are five photographs. Pls. 57, 57a, 57b make one set and are identical with Figs. MvB 32a, MvB 32b, MvB 32c in CIAP, Addendum, and Pls. 57c, 57d make the second set and are identical with Figs. MvB 32a(a), MvB 32b(b) in the same Addendum. (See there). The following is an attempt at reading the inscription, which is not completely satisfying, but it is the first attempt to give a complete idea of the text. Publication: CIAP, Addendum, 108-112.

‫� � ح ن � � �ذ‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ق ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ف �ز �ن ن‬ ‫ح� و ا �ل��ف�����ض‬ ‫) … ا �م��س�� ج��د ��ا ب��ب�� ي���ا ��ه ب���سم ا ل�ل�ه ا لر �م�� ا لر مي‬١ ‫� �ل � ب���لا � ح��لي�� ا ��ل��د �ى‬ � ‫�ي� ف� و ق��د ق��ا ل ��لن��ا ج���ع��ف��ر وا �ل��ق��و ل‬ ‫) … �ك‬٢)‫ت�ا ج ا �ل���م�ل��ة ع�د �ل�ه (؟‬ … )٣ ‫ح ق� �م� ن� ب��نى �م��س�� ج��د ا‬ � ‫ُ �ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ت‬ ‫خ‬ ‫خ‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ �� ‫��ع�ا جس‬ ‫��د ا‬ ‫ ا ر��ه �ر وا ر ك‬٦٦١١ ���‫�م� ا �م�ه ا �مر ��ل��ا(؟) و�ص�لوا ��ه ����س��� ����س��� و����س��ي��� �م�ا ي� وا �ل��� ����س‬ |Basmalah| (in the middle). This is a mosque whose building was gained by the owner of nobility, Qabalān the ally of benevolence |the crown of the community is his righteousness (in a special field on the left).| How is it, and Jaʿfar had said to us, and no doubt the saying is true: “whoever builds a mosque … ” since from him there is an order to us and his prayers … the year 1166 (=1752 ). Fix its date by (the numerical value of the words): “fall on your face prostrating in worship” (=600 + 200 + 6 + 1 + 200 + 20 + 70 + 1 + 60 + 3 + 4 + 1= 1166)

L.2: The reference to Jaʿfar here could very well be to Jaʿfar aṣ-Ṣādiq (d. 148/765) the sixth imām of the Shīʿah, quoting an imāmī ḥadīth about the reward for the build-

hŪnĪn

Pl. 57. Hūnīn 1166=Fig. MvB32a.

Pl. 57a. Fig MvB32b.

291

292

hŪnĪn

Pl. 57b.  Fig. MvB32c

Pl. 57c. Fig. MvB32a(a).

hŪnĪn

293

ing of a mosque (See CIAP, 1:44). This would make the mosque a Shīʿite one. This fits well since Hūnīn, as we saw, is a Shīʿite village. The reading above does not cover the frames on either side of the inscription. There are many unread parts, and I tried to decipher as much as I could from the existing squeeze, the only record of this inscription.

294

ibn ibraq (ibrāq)

IBN IBRAQ (Ibrāq) Is. Gr. 133 160 (N.Is. Gr. 183 660)

Site of the ancient village Bene Beraq, mentioned frequently in Talmudic literature as a centre of Jewish learning. The first time it is mentioned is in the Book of Joshua (19:45) as a city belonging to the tribe of Dan: “and Jehud and Bene Berak and Gath-Rimmon.” (Cf. Aharoni, 1987: 243) It was famous for the fertility of its environment and a symbol of the “land of milk and honey” (BT, Ketubbot, 111:2). The place was lost to the Philistines and captured by the Assyrian Sannacherib in 701 bc (Aharoni, 1987:38, 297). In the records of his campaign, its name (Ba-na-aibar-ḳa. Luckenbill, 1924, 2:31ʿ) is identical with its Biblical one. It disappeared from the records, but reappeared from the late 1st century ad onwards in the Jewish Rabbinical sources that mention it as an important academy connected with the names of famous sages. (BT, Sanhedrin, 32:2, 96:2; Shabbat, 40:1; Baba Batrā, 154:1; and many other references. See Press, 1951:109.) The name remained connected with the site and was preserved in the Arabic, Ibn Ibrāq (in detail, Elitzur, 2012:383; Aharoni, 1987:90, 100; Dabbāgh, 4(2): 325-326). The Crusaders called it Bombrac (Archer, The Crusade of Richard I, 1900:178; Abel, 1938, 2:263-264; Conder in PEFQS, 1875, 7:92 says that “Bombarc is, no doubt, the modern Ibn Ibrak”; in the SWP, 2:251 the name is Bombar(!) probably a printing mistake). In the Ottoman census of 1595 it is registered as Banī Ibraq, the nearest to the Biblical name. (Hütteroth, 1977:153) The Arab village in the place retained the name Ibn Ibrāq until 1929 when the inhabitants decided to change it to Khayriyyah (collq. Khēriyyeh) in order to differentiate it from the new Jewish agricultural village, Bene Brak that was established in 1924 a few kilometers to the north. Guérin, (Judée, 2:68-70) found a village called Barqā, where the villagers venerated a local saint called an-Nabī-Baraq (or Barq). Guérin’s evidence, pre­sumably exclusive to him, is interesting and probably connected with another source for the (mistaken) name which comes from Eusebius (quoted by him, ibid.). Each one of these names

ibn ibraq (ibrāq)

295

shows the powerful, long memory of the preservation of ancient names in the Holy Land as Guérin rightly observes. The site of the local saint, an-Nabī Baraq (Barq), like many similar local, popular sanctuaries, is not registered anywhere, but it seems that it must have been important enough to have had a building erected over a grave attributed to whoever he was, some thirty years before the conquest of Syria by the Fāṭimids—if this is what the following inscription found on the site attests, as I believe it does. 115 Construction text

327/938-39

A slab of marble (0.87x 0.25m.) broken in the middle but complete. A piece neatly cut away at the bottom left was missing prior to the engraving of the inscription. In the report of the IAA, the find was officially registered on the 1st December 1969. It was found on a tomb and stored under the number 010106040402 in the IAA stores. The technical details of the find were updated on the 10th December 1996. 16 lines, provincial but professional angular script, arranged in good order, no points, no vowels, incised. Figs. 108, 108a, 108b.

‫آ‬ ‫)ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل حم‬٤ ‫) � ا �ل�ع�ا �ل���م�� ن �ص��ل‬٣ ‫��م�د �ل�ل�ه‬ � ‫)���س ا � ل�ه ا �ل ح�م� ن ا �ل‬١ ‫ح� ا �لح‬ ‫) � �ل�ه‬٥ ‫��م�د وع��لى‬ ‫رب‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ي� و ى‬ ‫) ر يم‬٢ � ‫ب م ث ل� ر‬ ‫ت‬ ‫)ا �ل‬٧ ���‫) �م���م�ا ا �مر ب��ب� ن��ا ئ��ه ا �ل��ق���ا ض‬٦ ‫��ي��ر ا‬ � ‫و��س��ل �ك‬ ‫)ع��ىل‬٩ ‫)ا �ل�ل�ه و ج�ر �ي� ����م�ا �م�ه‬٨ ٥‫ح��سي�� ن� � نب� ع��ي��سى اي��د‬ ‫ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫)����سن����ة ����س�� � ش‬١١ �‫)�ع�م � ن ف��ا �� ف‬١٠ ‫��د خ���ل� ف��ت���ه‬ �‫)وث��ل� ث� �مئ����ة(!) و ر‬١٢ �‫ع���ر � ن‬ ‫ح� ا �ل�ل�ه‬ ‫بع و‬ ‫ي ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ر ب� ر س �ي‬ ‫م‬ ‫ث‬ َ‫ي‬ َ ‫)�م� ن �ع ن� ��ه �م� ن � ش‬١٣ � )١٤ )‫م���ى [ا ��لي��ه] (؟‬ �‫)ر ج��ا ء �وا ب‬١٦ ‫)��ص ن���ع�ه و�ع�م�ل�ه‬١٥ �‫ح� ا �ل�ل�ه �م� ن‬ � ‫َ� ِ�َ ب و‬ ‫ر م‬ ّ َ‫�زّ َ ج‬ ‫ا �ل�ل�ه �ع و��ل‬ Basmalah. Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the Worlds, and may Allah bless Muḥammad and his family and give them abundant peace. This is among what the qāḍī, al-Ḥusayn b. ʿĪsā, may Allah support him, has ordered to build and it was managed by his deputy ʿUmar b. Fāris in the year 327(=938-29). And may Allah pardon whosoever cared for it and walked to (visit) it. May Allah pardon its producer and maker, seeking the reward of Allah, the Powerful, the Exalted.

Ll. 6-7: The building of the Sanctuary in Ibn Ibraq was ordered by no less than the qāḍī of Damascus, Abū ʿAlī Ḥusayn b. ʿĪsā b. Hārūn. He was nominated qāḍī of Damascus as the substitute for another nominee called Abū Ṭāhir in the year 330/941. Ibn Hārūn himself entrusted his post to his own deputy, Aḥmad b. Sulaymān b. Ḥaldan. Prior to these events, in 329/940, Ḥusayn b. ʿĪsa b. Hārūn had been ­nominated as

296

ibn ibraq (ibrāq)

the qāḍī of Cairo. He died at the end of Rajab 334/7 March 946 in Damascus. He did not leave a good name and, according to Ibn ʿAsākir’s sources, he was devoid of an adequate knowledge of the Islamic law. A pursuer of honour and money, he issued various nominations to the highest bidder. It is impossible to understand why Ibn ʿAsākir states that he was a qāḍī under Caliph al-Muṭīʿ when the latter became caliph in 334/946, the year of Ḥusayn b. ʿĪsā’s death. (Ibn ʿAsākir, 1419/1998,14:286) L.10: ʿUmar b. Fāris, described here as the deputy of the qāḍī and supervisor of the project, is unknown. L.13: wā-man mashā ilayhi, most probably refers to the visitors-pilgrims who came to the shrine. They, as well as everybody who took part, and showed an interest in the building, are blessed. The period in which the project was executed coincided with the very beginning of the establishment of the short-lived Ikhshīd dynasty in Egypt and Syria. In 326/937, Caliph ar-Rāḍī bestowed the honorific title Ikhshīd on Muḥammad b. Ṭughj who proceeded to establish his independent authority in Egypt and Syria. He died at the end of 334/July 946, only a few months after the death of the qāḍī who established the saint’s shrine in Ibn Ibraq. (see “Ikhshīds”, E1, E1²) Why would the qāḍī wish to establish the saint’s popular place, which was meant to be visited by pilgrims “who walk towards it”, it is difficult to understand. However, Nabī Baraq did not take hold widely like other local saints such as Nabī Rūbīn or Nabī Ṣāliḥ, but remained a local saint like many scores of such saints all over the country.

iksĀl

297

IKSĀL Is. Gr. 180 232 (N. Is. Gr. 230 732)

Iksāl is a large vil­lage south of Naza­reth and west of Mount Tabor, the site of the Biblical Kislot-(Chisloth)-Tabor (Joshua 19:12), or Kesul­loth (Chesulloth ibid, 19:18; SWP 1, 1881:365-366. ʿAksilo in Genesis Rabbah, section 98:20. Cf. Kallai, 1986:184, 421; Aha­ronī, 1987:100) It is mentioned by Josephus (BJ, 3:3(1), by Eusebius in the Onomasticon (Àχεσελώθ), and by St. Jerome (“Achaseluth, civitas tribus Issachar … juxta montem Thabor.” Quoted by Guérin, 1880, Galilée,1:108-109.) The PEF surveyors directed particular attention to the rock-hewn graves found in it, which the local inhabitants called “qubūr al-ifranj—the graves of the Franks.” Conder dedicated a special discussion to the 200300 hundred graves there, which are defined as “rock sunk,” and compared them with other graves in other sites in the immediate region. (SWP, ibid.) This is also the impression of Guérin who wrote about “Many cisterns, evidently the remnants of the ancient city which the new village occupies its site. The same can be said about the extensive Jewish cemetery that occupies a huge rock surface in the eastern direction.” (Guérin, ibid.) Beside the graves and other rock hewn installations, mostly of ancient origin, nothing is said by SWP or by Guérin about a castle in the village. On the other hand, Henry Baker Tristram, who visited Iksāl on 18 December 1863, left a detailed description of the castle in his itinerary, noting that he found no literary mention of it. When he and his companions entered the village they were taken to the “remains of an old square fortress with a strong roomy tower at each corner.” They entered crawling into one of these towers through a pointed arch which had been filled with rubbish that reached the spring of the arch. They soon found themselves in a large, vaulted hall. All the signs pointed to a Crusaders’ castle, about which they were convinced by “the frequency of the early English arch” (with some late Muslim repairs), which they saw. There were no traces of Roman works although the local inhabitants insisted that the castle was “the work of the Jews.” They passed

298

iksĀl

into another vaulted hall, through a gate that was almost blocked, where they found more ancient traces: a sarcophagus, an old basin and something that looked like an old altar, but they could not examine the rest of the towers (Tristram, 1876:121-123). In the Arabic literature I could find only one mention of Iksāl in Yāqūt’s Muʾjam al-Buldān (Dār Ṣādir, 1:240): “Iksāl is a village belonging to the province of al-Urdunn. There are five parasanges between it and Tiberias … It is mentioned in some chronicles. In it was the famous battle between the supporters of Sayf ad-Dawlah b. Ḥamdān and Kāfūr al-Ikhshīdī. The people of Sayf ad-Dawlah were slaughtered.” Some 120 years after Tristram, I visited the castle of Iksāl which was in about the same condition as Tristram saw it (Fig. P74, P75). I found two Arabic inscriptions, one on the lintel of the entrance gate to the room on the right-hand side of the main hall of the eastern wing of the fortress, and the other on four or five large hewn stones in the western wall of the left room in the same wing of the fortress. (See attached schematic drawings pls. 58, 59) The building of the fortress itself passed through a few stages. In its last stage, as seen by the English surveyors and Tristram, it was a square structure each side of either 40 or 50m. around a central courtyard. Its south-western side is presently exposed, as is the whole of the south wing and a major part of the east wing. The builders of the gate, above which the huge barrel vault rises, did not take the pressure on the lintel into consideration which caused it to crack and it is now on the verge of collapse. The new village mosque was built on part of the southern wing, but it is questionable whether it stands exactly on the same place as where the old mosque stood. It seems that, at a certain stage, part of the castle was reused and repaired, and inscribed stones were brought to it from elsewhere. There is no mention in the Crusaders’ records of a castle in Iksāl, but there was a Crusaders village in Buria, which is identified as the neighbouring Dabbūriyyah. In settlements, which were built in hostile Muslim territory, the Crusaders built a tower and a small fortress. The remnants of the square castle in Iksāl, which belonged to the principality of the Galilee, (described by in the SWP, ibid.) prove that a Crusaders’ settlement existed there. Moreover, there is no trace of a Crusaders’ fortress in Dabbūriyyah. Since the castle in Iksāl, (for which the Crusaders used building material of the previous buildings that they found in the place) is the only remnant from the Crusaders’ period in the whole area, it seems to me only natural to assume that the fortress of Buria was in Iksāl, not in Dabbūriyyah. (See Prawer, 1984, 1:466, 490-491) Considering that the two inscriptions found in the castle, or at least in the mosque, predated the Crusades by almost 70 years, it seems to me that the stones with the Arabic writing on them were collected from the ruins of the local mosque and used as building material in the castle. This possibility seems very plausible, since the

iksĀl

299

second inscription studied below is scattered over a few ashlars, partly reshaped and built haphazardly into a wall inside one of the rooms. Inscriptions, particularly building and dedication texts are usually placed on an outside wall.

Pl. 58. Iksal castle: Schematic plan of the south eastern section Drawing: Jonathan Sharon.

116 End of 2nd/ 9th Century A grey granite column 1.36x0.25m. of ancient origin in secondary usage as a lintel on the gate leading from the hall to the southern room in the eastern wing of the building. 1 line, provincial angular script, no points, no vowels or signs; incised. Fig. 109.

‫ا ن����م�ا �ي�ع���مر �م��س�ا ج��د ا �ل�ل�ه �م� ن� ا �م� ن� ب�ا �ل�ل�ه‬

They shall only visit Allah’s places of worship who have believed in Allah... (Beginning of Q, 9:18. Trans. Bell).

This verse, either complete, or only in part, usually appears in inscriptions commemorating the building or restoration of mosques. It was chosen for the word yʿamuru “to reside, to visit frequently,” but also because it is reminiscent of the second declination of the verb (yuʿammiru) “to build or repair.” Builders often used this verse because of its suitability for the opening of an inscription dealing with building activity in a mosque. In this case, at Iksāl, the short inscription is entirely Qurʿānic with no other elements, but refers, no doubt, to the building of the old mosque.

300

iksĀl

The script has an early character which could be dated to the 3rd/9th century. It is impossible that it could have belonged to the same mosque for which we have an inscription dated 423/1032 (No.2 below) displaying a completely different script. Like the following inscription, this one also is not in its original position, but the column on which it was inscribed was used as a lintel on the gate when the Crusaders built their castle long after 423, because, as we shall soon see, the wall in which the gate opens is attached vertically to a wall that carries the following dated Arabic inscription. This means that all the inscribed stones, the lintel and the ashlars, were randomly re-used by the Crusaders or even by those who might have used the castle following them.

Pl. 59.  Iksāl castle: Arrangement of inscriptions A Southern wall bearing barrel vault B Western wall. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5  Inscribed stones. Drawing: Jonathan Sharon.

117 Construction text 423/1032 Four or five large, well cut and drafted sandstone ashlars that served for building the western wall of a room (4x6m. aprox.) to the left of the entrance hall in the eastern wing of the fortress. Figs. 110, 110a, 110b, 110c. When the inscription was engraved, the stones stood one below the other, since the Arabic text is a whole unit. The parts of the inscription that were not ruined by man or by the elements are hidden by the southern wall of the room built behind the inscription and perpendicular to it. In what follows, each one of the ashlars carrying the inscription was assigned a number.

iksĀl

301

Stone 1: 0.43x1.24m., inscription: 1.36x1.12m. 2 lines, angular, monumental, Fāṭimid script, decorated with typical raised curling ends of some letter endings, barbs and “swallow tails,” no points and no vowels; incised. Most of the text was damaged and lost. Stone 2: 0.36x0.79m; inscription: 0.28x0.67m. 3 complete lines, which seem to continue stone 1; same characteristics of script. Stone 3: 0.35x0.79m. inscription: 0.22x0.38m. Same characteristic of script. Only one word survived and three letters of another word. Stone 4: 0.45x0.1.30m. Originally at least 2 lines. Same characteristic of script. The inscription is erased except for one word. Traces of letters are seen on another stone in this group of stones, but none of them can be identified. Stone 1:

Stone 2: Stone 3: Stone 4:

‫ �ع�م ت‬...)١ ‫� �ه��ذه ا‬ ‫ْ ر‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ت‬ [‫ �ص�لو]ا � ا �ل�ل�ه ع��لي��ه‬one word..[‫ �مو لا ن�ا]و����سي���د ن�ا‬...� ‫ �ل���م ن���ا ر‬..)٢

‫�ة ت �ذ‬ ‫ش ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن �ة ث ث‬ �‫�ه‬ ‫)�مو��سى �ب� ا ب�ر مي‬٥ ‫)�ع �م�ا ي� و�و لى �ل�ك‬٤ ‫)����س��� ��ل�� و�ع���ر�ي� وا ر ب‬٣ ‫ت‬ ‫ و �ك‬...)٦ ...)‫)ا �ل� ب� (؟‬٧ )‫(؟‬...�‫���� ب‬ )‫(؟‬... ‫ ا �ل�ل�ه‬...)٨

…. This blessed minaret was built … our lord (and master) … the blessing of Allah (on him) in the year 423 (=1032) Under the supervision of Mūsā b. Ibrāhīm … and wrote … alb … Allah.

This Fāṭimid monumental inscription was at least 10 lines long. I believe that it contained the name of the caliph aẓ-Ẓāhir (411/1021–427/1036) for the term “the blessing of Allah (ṣalawāt allah) (be) upon him” (from which the word ṣalawāt was partly preserved) is a ceremonial blessing appearing, according to the Fāṭimid protocol, after the names of the Fāṭimid caliphs in their inscriptions and other official documents, which on the whole included the forefathers and progenies of the caliphs. I believe that it is possible, with due reservation, to offer an approximate reconstruction of the whole inscription as follows:

302

iksĀl

‫�عّ ت � �ذه ا � ن �ة‬ ‫���ة ف� �أ �ا �م لا ن�ا ����س���د ن�ا �ع���د ا �ل�ل�ه ��ل��ه ال� �م�ا ا � �ظ‬ � ‫�ه‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ا‬ � �� ‫م‬ � � ��‫ل‬ [ ‫ك‬ �� ‫ �مِر� ه� ل���م���ا ر‬.‫ب���س���م�ل�ه‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ب ر �ي ي م و و ي‬ ‫و وي إ م‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ل� �ع�ز ا �ز د � ن ا �ل�ل�ه �أ �م�� ا �ل���م�ؤ�م ن���� ن ] �ص�ل ا ت‬ ‫ع��� � ن‬ ‫� [ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل��ه ع��ل � �ا ئ��ه ا �ل��ط�ا �ه � ن ] ����سن����ة ث��ل� ث� � ش‬ ‫ير‬ �‫و ري‬ �‫ري‬ �‫ي‬ ‫ي� و‬ ‫ي وى ب‬ ‫إ‬ ‫أ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫� � �م�ا � ل � �م � � ا‬ ‫�ه� و �ك‬ )....�‫���� ب� [�ع ب���د] ا �ل�ل�ه (�ب‬ ‫و ربع ي� و و ى ل�ك و �سى ب� ب ر يم‬ Basmalah. This blessed minaret was built in the days of our lord and master the servant of Allah and His friend the imām aẓ-Ẓāhir liʿzāz dīn Allah, the commander of the Faithful, the blessings of Allah on him and on his pure forefathers, in the year 423 (=1032). It was supervised by Mūsā b. Ibrāhīm. Wrote (ʿAbd)allah (b. … )

The many existing Fāṭimid inscriptions, notwithstanding those of aẓ-Ẓāhir himself, served as the basis for this reconstruction (e.g. RCEA No. 2409. The words amīr (al-muʾminīn) should be followed, as I have just pointed out, according to the Fāṭimid protocol, with ṣalāt or ṣalawāt allah ʿalayhi etc. … Since the Qurʾānic inscription (No.1 above) is not contemporary with the Fāṭimid one and displays a different script altogether, which belongs to the mid- 3rd/9th century, it belongs, no doubt, to an earlier stage of the building. In this case it is possible, taking into consideration Tristram’s, and the PEF’s finds of ancient material and the present state of the site, to reconstruct at least three stages in the history of the structure. The Roman Byzantine remains belonged to a large building which existed on the site, the nature of which is unknown without proper excavations. The masonry of the large, drafted ashlars point to a monumental building of some sort. The same masonry was also reused in the later stages of the building. After the Islamic conquest, in the early ʿAbbāsid period, probably around the year 250/864 (or even earlier), a mosque was built in the place and the Qurʾānic inscription was engraved for it on an ancient column, later used as the lintel of a door to a room in the present castle. The provincial, but professional, nature of the inscribed letters possibly point to the local initiative behind the building of the mosque. Sixty-three years after the Fāṭimid conquest under caliph aẓ-Ẓāhir, a new mosque with a minaret was built in Iksāl following the orders of the young caliph (who was about 19 years old at the time, which was four years before his death at the age of 23) who succeeded his strange father, al-Ḥākim (386/994-411/1021), when he was 8 or 9 years old. The third stage of the building was 75 years after the building of the Fāṭimid mosque, when the Crusaders appeared and established themselves in the vicinity of Mt. Tabor, and built the square fortress with four strong towers in the corners, using the building material from the mosque.

ikzim (ijzim)

303

IKZIM (Ijzim) (Carmel) Is. Gr. 149 227 (N. Is. Gr. 199 727) A village on the south-western slopes of the Car­mel, some 7 km. to the north-east of Dor-Ṭanṭūrah (cf. CIAP 3:142f). There is very little information on the village. Guérin (Samarie, 2:300), and MvB in his files, call it Ikzim. The name which appears in the SWP (2:41, 53) and the British maps is Ijzim, and this is how it was called by its inhabitants. Guérin says that he saw a piece of an ancient column at the gate of the local mosque and traces of an ancient tower near the village well. The mosque is situated about half-way up to the top of the village. It consists of a court surrounded by buildings with the mosque itself in the south. Above its entrance was a stele sculpted in the form of a vase with flowers and fruits on which the shahādah was engraved. 118 Foundation or Restoration text

1236/1820-21

Slab of stone, fixed above the entry into the mosque and below the vase with the shahādah. The inscription is encircled by some roughly sculpted motifs such as a pentagram and a vase. This is all the information found in MvB files produced below in Pl. 60. No measurements. 4 lines, Ottoman naskhī; in relief. Fig. 111. Publication: Mülinen, ZDPV, 31:204; MvB coll. “Ikzim” file.)

‫�ذ‬ ‫ف‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن�وا ر ك‬ �‫�ر ا �ل�ل�ه ��ا د خ��ل وا ح������س� ب‬ ‫تق‬ ‫�م� ن� ر ا ك‬ �‫�ع ي�ر ج�(!) ا ��لث�وا ب� وي�ر ������ ب‬ ‫��س قت‬ ‫ّخ ف‬ �‫��د وا ���ر ب‬ ‫ا ر� �ص���ا ك ب���سر وا ج‬ ‫�ة‬ ١٢٣٦ ���‫����سن‬

َ ُ �‫) ج�ِ�م ا ��لب���ه�ا ب ج‬١ ‫��ا �م ج��م�ع� ت� ب��ه‬ ‫ع‬ ‫ع‬ ‫�ق‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ة‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ � ‫)وا � ظ���ر ��ل�� �ض�� ر� ر و �ض‬٢ �‫� �هك �د حو‬ ‫م‬ ‫ف‬ ‫)�م��س�عود �ش���ا د ��ا �ج�ز ل� نّ� ث�وا ب��ه‬٣

304

ikzim (ijzim)

Pl. 60. Ikzim 1236: MvB notes and reading.

Grandeur was gathered in a mosque, in which were collated  The lights of Allah’s name recital. Enter and show thy faith, And behold the splendour of its meadows containing  Many a worshipper prostrating, hoping for, and expecting reward. Masʿūd built it; increase therefore his recompense.  Fix the date: “He selected thee in secret, so prostrate and draw near.”

The poem (in al kāmil melre) mentions the builder Masʿūd by his first name only in ‫قت‬ ‫) وا �� جس‬262(‫) ���سر‬191( ‫� فص���ا ك‬, line 3. The date hides in the words ,)709( �‫) وا ���ر ب‬47( ‫��د‬ ‫ب‬ the numerical value of which is 1236 also given in digits as is customary in most of the Ottoman inscriptions of this type. The words are directed at the builder. The subject of the sentence is God who has chosen (ṣafā) the person, who is the object of the sentence, in secret, to build the edifice, for which honour this person called Masʿūd, who built the mosque (shāda), should be grateful, prostrate himself, and draw nearer to God.

ʿirĀq al-manshiyyah

305

ʿIRĀQ AL-MANSHIYYAH Is. Gr. 129 112 (N. Is. Gr. 179 612)

Shrine of Shaykh AḤmad al-ʿArīnī (al-ʿUraynī) ʿIrāq al-Manshiy­­­yah (col­loq. al-Man­­shiy­­yeh) was a village 10km. west of Bayt Jubrīn (presently the town of Kiryat ‫ق‬ ‫ق‬ Gat). The Arabic � ‫ �عر‬and � ‫ �عرا‬is transliterated in literature in a few different ways (all with good reasons) as ʿArāq al-Manshiy­yeh, (Mayer, QDAP, 1:42; SWP, 3:259, 266) Eʿrāk el-Manshiyyeh (Clermont Ganneau, AR, 2:55, 56, ‫ق‬ 281) which is the colloquial pronunciation of � ‫ ; �إ �عرا‬ʿArak (ibid., 34); Aʿrāk (ibid.,261-263). To the north of the village there is a high and steep tell called Tell ʿAreinī after a local saint, Shaykh Aḥmad al-ʿArīnī (also spelt: al-ʿAreinī and al-ʿUrainī (Mayer, ibid.; Mayer, Heraldry, 1933: 62) whose ruined shrine is situated on the top of the tell. (Fig. P76) The shrine was already in ruin in 1932 when Mayer published the inscriptions from it (QDAP, loc. cit.; Heraldry, loc. cit. See below.) For sometime, the tell was identified as the site of the Philistine city-state of Gath (1Sam.27:2), but extensive excavations carried out by the IAA and the Oriental Institute of Rome found no Philistine traces on the site, and the city of Gath was re-identified at the site of Tell aṣ-Ṣāfī (Is. Gr. 135 123 N.Is. Gr, 185 623). The five seasons of excavations in Tel al-ʿAreinī (1956-1961) headed by S. Yeivin and in 1985, 1987 and 1988 by Kempinski from the University of Tel Aviv, discovered several fortified settlements and material from the Chalcolitic period until the By­zantine period. The material of Egyptian origin was of special interest as it provided important information about the relations with Egypt throughout the early Canaanite period (early 3rd millennium Bce), in addition to material from the Iron Age, and the Persian and Roman-Byzantine periods. The PEF surveyors (1875), though very im­­pressed by the “mound” (250 feet high in flat surroundings) thought that it was not an artificial tell. They described the village

306

ʿirĀq al-manshiyyah

as “a mud village on a flat plain … ” and “the curious mound north of it … consisting of a natural rock.” They did not investigate the “sacred Muslim maqām” on its top (SWP, 3:259, 266), and they evidently did not see the inscriptions, for they could not have been missed. Two inscriptions, commemorating the work of the same builder, were found embedded in the wall of the maqām, (Fig. P76) and published by Mayer. 119 Foundation Text

717/1317

A slab of limestone, 0.40x0.52m., embedded in the northern wall of the maqām to the left of the entrance door. 6 lines, professional, provincial Mamlūk naskhī points, signs and ornaments in open spaces between the letters; in relief. The inscription is not in situ, and seems to have been brought to the place from the nearby khān. Fig. 112. Publication: Mayer, QDAP 1, 1931:42-43; RCEA, 14:118, No. 5385.

‫) ن �ش���ا � ��ع� �ل�ك خ��� ًا �م� ن �ذ �ل�ك � ن���ا ت‬٢ � ‫ح� ت���ا ك ا �ل��ذ‬ )٣ � ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� يم ب ر‬١ ‫ج‬ ‫ب‬ � ‫ير‬ ‫ي� �إ � أ ج ل‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫�ذ‬ ً ‫ن‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ق‬ ‫خ‬ � ‫ج�ر �� �م� ن‬ � ‫حت����ه�ا الا ���ه�ا ر و‬ � ‫) � �مر ب�ا � ش����ا �ه� ا ا �ل��ا � ا �ل���م ب���ا ر ك ا �ل�ع ب���د‬٤ ‫� ��ع�ل �ل�ك ����صو ر ا‬ � ‫ي‬ ‫يج‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ح�ا ا �م� ا ح�د ال �م ا ء ا ��د ا ا �ل� ص �ة �ذ � ف� ����سن����ة‬ ‫)ا لى ا �ل�ل�ه ��ع�ا لى ا �ل‬٥ ‫ا �ل��ف����ق��ي��ر‬ � � �‫��م‬ )٦ > < ‫ا‬ ‫ل‬ � � ‫ل‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫�ك‬ ‫�ك‬ � ‫ل‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ر‬ ‫و‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ر‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ي‬ ‫ي‬ ‫�ي‬ � ‫ن‬ ‫م‬ ‫����س���ع��ة(!) � ش‬ ‫ع���ر(!) و����سب���ع���م�ا ي��ة و�ص��ل ا �ل�ل�ه ع��ل ����سي���د �ا ح‬ ‫��م�د و��س��ل‬ ‫ب‬ ‫ى‬ ‫ى‬ ‫م‬

Basmalah. Blessed be He who, if He willeth, will appoint for thee something better than that—gardens through which the rivers flow; and will appoint for thee castles (Q, 25:11. Trans. Bell) Has ordered the building of this blessed khān (caravanserai) the slave who is in need of Allah, the Exalted, the ḥājj Al Malik one of the amīrs in the land of Egypt, and this (took place) in the year 717(=1317)

L.1: Mayer did not see the word ‫ ا �ل�ل�ه‬written in small letters above ‫ب���س‬. ‫م‬ Mayer already drew attention to the fact that the present inscription and the following one were not in situ. Not only are there no traces of a caravanserai on the tell, but also the site itself is very unsuitable for a khān, the area being of a limited size on the top, and because of the steepness of the tell. One has to look for the nearest possible khān, from the ruins of which the inscribed stone could have been obtained. Mayer suggests that the khān could only be the one which was supposedly built in Umm Lāqis—a wrong spelling of the original name Mulāqis confirmed by the medieval name Melaques and Melagues. (See discussion by Clermont Ganneau, AR, 2: 438 and CIAP 2:117-119.) This assumption is wrong as we shall soon see. The stone could not have been brought from the nearby village since ʿIrāq al-Manshiyyah

ʿirĀq al-manshiyyah

307

had no khān in spite of the fact that it sat on a favourable spot on the main travel and postal route from Egypt via Gaza to the Syrian territories, connecting Gaza directly with Karak via Bayt Jubrīn and Hebron. The inscription, therefore, seemed to supply important historical data about the building of a khān in Mulāqis, one of the several khāns which were established during the Mamlūk period along the Cairo—Damascus route in the year 717/1317. When Uri Ben Horin, in the 1950s, prepared the map XI/11 of The Atlas of Israel he indicated a khān at Mulāqis built circa 1317 no doubt on the basis of this inscription and the assumption of Mayer. Mayer based his assumption on the list of barīd (post) centres which are mentioned, among others, by Qalqashandī (Ṣubḥ, 14:379). Speaking about the routes of the barīd from Gaza northwards, he says: “Branching from the centres in Gaza are routes in three directions being Karak, Damascus and Ṣafad. As for the road to Karak it is from Gaza to Mulāqis which is a barīd centre (fa-min ghazza ilā mulāqis wa huwa markaz barīd) and then from it to the town of al-Khalīl, peace be on him, then from it to Janbā, then from it to aṣ-Ṣāfiyah then to Karak.” But a barīd centre, namely the station on the postal route where the barīdī—the official mounted postal messenger—received a fresh horse and, probably, supplies before continuing his ride to his final destination, was not a khān. In conclusion, Mulāqis, as much as it was an important station on the Mamlūk postal route, had no khān. On the other hand there was a khān in as-Sukkariyyah, which is barely 5 km. due south of ash-Shaykh Aḥmad al-ʿArīnī from which the inscribed stones could have been brought in modern times to “decorate” the maqām of the Shaykh on the tell. A new study of the site entitled “The Khān at al-Sukkariya: A Station on the GazaHebron Route” to be published in BASOR in 2013, leaves no doubt about the existence of a very well- frequented khān in the place. (See pl.61 below) As to the builder, who is identified here as one of the amīrs in the land of Egypt— or, the province of Egypt (fī ad-diyār al-maṣriyyah), it should be pointed out that unlike most of the inscriptions of the same nature (including other inscriptions of Al Malik himself) the nisbah to his master, in this case an-Nāṣir Muḥammad (an-nāṣirī), is missing. The title al-ḥājj attached to his name suggests the he went on a pilgrimage to Mecca before 717/1317. The lack of the pilgrim’s title (al-hājj) on his inscription in Cairo dated 719/1319 (CIA, 1, Egypt. No. 115) is not due to the fact that at this date he had not yet performed the hajj, as Max van Berchem wrongly assumed that he performed the pilgrimage only once in 728/1328. MvB had died a few years before the inscription from 717/1317 was discovered and published. L.5: Al Malik, the name of the founder is written in two words. Mayer dedicated a long discussion to the correct spelling of the name and showed that in this case there is no solid support for the suggestion of spelling it Yl-malak which van Berchem prefers. (CIA, Jérusalem “ville” 1: 268) In all four inscriptions bearing his name: the one in Cairo just mentioned; the one on al-madrasah

308

ʿirĀq al-manshiyyah

al-­Malakiyyah (MvB) or al-Malikiyyah (Mayer) in Jerusalem dated 741/1340 (ibid., 265f. No. 82; cf. Mujīr, 1283:390; 1973, 2:38 who calls him Malik without “Al” which could well be a copyist mistake); and the present inscriptions under discussion from the maqām of Shaykh Aḥmad; his name is spelt ‫ ا ل �م�ل�ك‬in two words. Ibn Ḥajar has a maddah over the alif making sure that the “Al” should not be confused with the article. (See long discussion in CIA, vol. cit., 268 n. 1; Mayer, op. cit., 60 n. 1) Al Malik, Sayf ad-Dīn was a native of Abulustayn (Elbistan). He was taken captive by Baybars when, in April 1277, the latter fought and won a decisive battle there against the Mongols. (Amitai, 1995:172-173). He was given as a gift to Qalāwun who in turn gave him to his son ʿAlī. Sometime later, he attached himself to an-Nāṣir Muḥammad who made him his polo master (jūkandār), following which he became an amīr and the most trusted companion of the sultan when in office or in exile. He retained his favourite position next to an-Nāṣir until this sultan’s death. And from 742/1342 until his death in 746/1346, he was nominated to a few very high positions under the heirs of an-Nāṣir Muḥammad. He was over 80 years old when he died. In addition to the khān commemorated at least by the inscription below, and the madrasah in Jerusalem called after him, several other buildings are connected with his name. The Friday mosque in Cairo (mentioned above), “the beautiful house in Mashhad al-Ḥusayn, and the mosque next to it.” According to some reports he did not die natural death but was executed in the prison of Alexandria. There are also disagreements about the exact date of his death which some put in one of the first months of the year 747/April-July 1346. (Ibn Ḥajar, Durar, 1:411 No.1064; Mayer, Heral­dry, 1933:59-62) For some reason Mayer does not quote this inscription in his Heraldry although it had already been published in 1932. 120 Fragment of Building Text

(?)717/1317

A fragment slab of marble, 0.60x0.50m. (aprox.) badly damaged, was embedded in the northern wall of the maqām of Shaykh Aḥmad al-ʿArīnī (ʿUraynī) to the right of the entrance door re­pre­senting the left top half of the original inscription, which consisted at least of 4 lines, ob­viously not in situ. 3 lines, good, elegant provincial Mamlūk naskhī, complete points and vowels; in relief. On the right edge of the fragment there is the blazon of the polo-master (jūkandār) of Al Malik, two polo sticks in a circle. (Mayer, Heraldry, 1933:16) In the original complete inscription this charge of the blazon was in the middle of line 2. Fig. 113. Publication: Idem, 62. The following reconstruction is based on the inscription of Al Malik on his

ʿirĀq al-manshiyyah

309

Madrash al-Malikiyyah in Jerusalem, (MvB, CIA, Jérusalem, “Ville,” 1:265f. No. 82). It is based on the assumption that in lines 3 and 4 there were about 59 letters. The first line contained only the Basmalah in the middle. Line 2 had fewer letters because of the blazon in the middle. I also assume that the two inscriptions were taken from the ruins of the same khān, and therefore the date should be the same, 717ah.

‫ف‬ ‫� �ة ف‬ ‫�ذ آ ن‬ ‫)[�م� ن ج��ا ء ب�ا �ل‬٢ �‫ح‬ .� ‫ح����سن��� ��ل�ه خ�ي��ر �م ن����ه�ا و�هم �م� ن�] ��زع �يو�مئ��� � �م ن��و‬ ‫)���سم ا �ل�ل�ه ا �لرح�م� ن� ا �لر� ي‬١ ‫ب‬ � ‫م‬ ٍ‫ن‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ت‬ ‫�خ�ا ن� ا �ل���م ب���ا ر ك] ا �ل�ع ب���د ا �ل��ف����ق��ي��ر ا لى ر ب��ه ا ل �م�ل�ك ا �جل‬ ‫)�ه� ا ا �ل‬٣ ‫[����ق ر ب� ب��ع���م�ا ر �ة‬ ‫�و�ك‬ � ‫���د ا[ر] ا �ل�ـ[�ـ��م��ل �يك‬ ‫�ة � ن ا � � �ة‬ ‫)[ � ن ف �غ ن ف ش‬٤ )‫ا ��لن��ا �ص � (؟‬ ‫�ة ش‬ ‫و‬ ‫ع�ا م ����سب���ع� �ع���ر و����سب���ع���م�ا ي� م�� �ل�ه�� ج ر‬... ‫كا � ا �ل����را �م���ه ��ي �����هر‬ �‫ر ي‬ ‫�ة‬ ] �‫ا �ل��ن��بو ي‬

Basmalah. (Whoever comes with a good deed will receive a better than it and they from) the terror of that day will be secure. (Q, 27:89. Trans. Bell. Q, 27:91) (Has offered the building of this blessed khān the slave) who is in need of Allah the Exalted Al Malik the polo-master (of al-Malk an-Nāṣir, and it was finished in the month of … the year 717 (=1317).

Pl. 61. Map showing Shaykh Aḥmad al-ʿArīnī, as-Sukariyyah (to the south) and the main routes crossing the area in the Middle Ages. (Drawing: Jonathan Sharon)

310

ʿirĀq al-manshiyyah

It is possible that the inscription had a fifth line with a blessing for the Prophet and supplications on behalf of the builder as in the Malikiyah inscription from Jerusalem. Somewhere in the original inscription the title al-ḥājj could well have been attached to the name of Al Malik as well. *** As to the name of the saint, who has nothing to do either with the inscriptions or with the khān , his nisbah is al-ʿArīnī which refers to ʿArīn, a name of many clans as explicitly stated by Samʿānī (Ansāb,4:186). Suyūṭi (Lubb al-Lubāb, 1840:178) however, prefers ʿUrayn (“a clan of Quḍāʿah and Tamīm”). The pronunciation ʿAreinī or Eʿreinī also used, is the colloquial rendering of ʿUraynī.

list of inscriptions according to sites

311

List of inscriptions according to sites

Hebron ʿAlī al-Bakkā 10, 11, 18, 19, 67 ( Jūlānī epitaph), 73 ʿAyn al-Khuddām 54, 55 Arzrūmī zāwiyah 99 ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī 45, 49, 53 ʿAyn as-Sitt 66 Castle—al-Qalʿah 60, 92 Cemetary 35, 43, 76, 82, 95 Dār ʿĪsā ʿAmr 87 Ḥarat ash-Shaykh grave yard 93 Jāwliyyah mosque. See: sanctuary of Hebron and Jāwliyyah Joseph’s shrine (Qabr Yūsuf) 32, 50, 70 Khān al-Khalīl (wakālah) 65 Maqām Muḥammad Saʿīd and Ḥasan b.Yaḥyā 4 Maqām ash-Shaykh Abū al-Qāsim 44 Maqām ash-Shaykh Yūsuf 12 Mūristān 53 Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī 8 Qazzāzīn mosque 62, 77, 83 (opposite mosque) Quarantine 78 Sanctuary of Hebron and Jāwliyyah 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 46, 47, 48, 51, 52, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 68, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 81, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 97 Saqawātī tomb 7 Siqāyah of Qalāwun 9 Shiblī zāwiyah and mosque 9, 79, 80 Sūq al-Khawājāt 64, Unidentified 20, 28, 88, 94, 96, 98, 99 Zāhid Mosque 91

312

list of inscriptions according to sites

Haifa Cemetary 100, 101, 102 East Railway station 103 Ḥajjah 104, 105, 106, 107, 108 ḤalḤūl 109, 110 Ḥammah 111 (Greek), 112, 113 Hūnīn 114 Ibn Ibraq 115 Iksāl 116, 117 Ikzim 118 ʿĪrāq al-Manshiyyah 119, 120

bibliography

313

Bibliography

Abel, le P. F.-M. 1938. Géographie de la Palestine. 2nd edition, Paris, Librairie Lecoffre. Abū al-Fidāʾ, Ismāʿīl b. ʿAlī. 1325/1907. al-Mukhtaṣar fī Akhbār al-Bashar. Cairo, al- maktabah al-Ḥusayniyyah. ____. 1840. Géographie d’Aboul-féda, texte arabe (Taqwīm al-Buldān). Ed. Reinaud et de Slane, Paris. Abū al-Maʿālī, al-Musharraf b. al-Murajjā b. Ibrāhīm al-Maqdisī. 1995. Faḍāʾil Bayt al-Maqdis wa-al-Khalīl. Ed. Livne-Kafri. Shfaram, al-Mashreq. Abū Shāmah, ʿAbd ar-Raḥman Ismāʿīl. 1974. Dhayl ʿalā ar-Rawḍatayn: Tarājim Rijāl al-Qarnyan as-Sādis wa-as-Sābiʿ. Beirut, Dār al-Jīl. ACO=Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum. I–III. 1924–1940. Ed. E. Schwartz, Berlin–Leipzig Aharoni, Y. 1987. Eretz Israel in Biblical Time; a Geographical History. Jerusalem, Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Publications. (Hebrew). Amitai-Preiss N. 1997. “Arabic Inscriptions, Graffiti and Games,” in Hirschfeld Y., (ed.), The Roman Baths of Hammat Gader, Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society (IES), pp. 267-278. Amitai-Preiss, R. 1995. Mongols and Mamluks. The Mongol—Īlkhānid War 1260-1281. Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. AR, ARP = Clermont-Ganneau, C. 1896-1899. Archaeological Researches in Palestine. Vol. 1 (1899). Vol. 2 (1896). London, Palestine Exploration Fund. Archer, T. A. 1900. The Crusade of Richard I. 1189-92. London, David Nutt, 57-59, Long Acre. Atlas of the Crusades. 1991. Riley-Smith, J. (ed.). The Atlas of the Crusades. London, Times Books. Ayalon, D. 1994. “Mamluk: military slavery in Egypt and Syria,” Islam and the Abode of War, Military Slaves and Islamic Adversaries. Variorum, II. “Mamlūk military aristocracy during the first years of the Ottoman occupation of Egypt.” Variorum, X. Aldershot. ____. 1999. Eunuchs, Caliphs and Sultans. Jerusalem, Magnes Press. al-ʿAynī, Badr ad-Dīn Maḥmūd. 1407/1987. ʿIqd al-Jumān fī Taʾrīkh Ahl az-Zamān. Ed. M. M. Amīn. Cairo. al-Badʾ wa-at-Taʾrīkh= Muṭahhar b. Ṭāhir. Avisar, O. (ed.). 1970 Sefer Hebron (Hebrew). Jerusalem, Keter. Badrieh, Omar. 2011. Arabic Inscriptions from Trans-Jordan and South Syria. Unpublished PhD thesis, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Baḥshal= Aslam b. Sahl ar-Razzāz al-Wāsiṭī. 1406/1986. Taʾrīkh Wāsiṭī. Ed. Kūrkīs ʿAwwād. Beirut, ʿĀlam al-Kutub. Bagati, B. OFM. 2002. Ancient Christian Villages of Judaea and the Negev. (English translation: Paul Rotondi, OFM). Studium Biblicum Pranciscanum, Collectio Minor. Jerusalem, Franciscan Printing Press. Bahá’ulláh. 1980. Majmūe-yi-az alvāh-i-jamāl-i-aqdas abhā ki baʿd-i-az Kitāb-i- Aqdas nāzil shode. (Tablets of Bahá’ulláh revealed after Kitāb-i-Aqdas. Compiled by the research Department of The Universal House of Justice. Second Edition 2000[ce]-156[Bayānī]. Hofheim/Germany, Bahá’í Verlag GmbH. (See Writings below). al-Bakrī, ʿAbdallah b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz. 1877. Muʿjam mā istaʿjam. Ed. Wüstenfeld. Göttingen. Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. Jābir. 1863-1866. Futūḥ al-Buldān. Ed. M.J. de Goeje. Leiden, Brill. Bāshā, Ḥasan. 1957. al-Alqāb al-Islāmiyyah fī at-Taʾrīkh wa-al-Wathāʾiq wa-al-Āthār. Cairo, Maktabat an-Nahḍah al-Miṣriyyah. Batista, A. Bagatti, B. 1976. “La Fortezza Saracena del Monte Tabor (ah. 609-15: ad. 1212-18),” Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Collectio Minor, 18:69-127. Jerusalem, Franciscan Printing Press. Ben Horin, Uri. Texts of published inscriptions arranged accord­ing to their sites. (Manuscript. No translation, no comments). CIAP archives, Jerusalem. Berchem, M. van. Matériaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum (CIA), I Égypt1 (Ernest Laroux, Paris, 1903); Égypt2 (G. Wiet, Cairo, 1930); IIA Syrie du Nord (Sobernheim); IIB Syrie du Sud, Jérusalem “ville,” 1; Jérusalem “Ḥaram” 2, Cairo, 1922). ____. 1909. Arabische Inschriften (Inschriften aus Syrien, Mesopotamien und Kleinasien gesammelt von M. von Oppenheim), I, Leipzig. ____. 1915. “La chair de la mosquée d’Hebron et le martyrion de la tête de Husain à Ascalon.” Festschrift Edward Sachau zum siebzigten Geburtstage … herausgegben von Guthold Weil. Berlin, G. Reimer, pp. 298-310. ____. 1978. Opera Minora. Fondation Max van Berchem. Geneva, Editions Slatkine. Bifao=Bulletin de l’Institute Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Le Caire.

314

bibliography

BIFAO 25. See Jaussen 1925 BJ = Josephus Flavius. Bullum Judaicum—The Jewish War (all scholarly editions). Bukhārī, Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl. 1414/1994. Ṣaḥīḥ. Beirut, Dār al-Fikr. Burckhardt, J.L. 1822. Travels in Syria and the Holy Land. London, John Murray. (New impression 1992. London, Darf Publishers.) Canaan, T. 1927. Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries in Palestine. Jerusalem. Reprinted from The Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society. Carmel A. 1969. The History of Haifa during the Ottoman Period. Jerusalem. Yad Izhak Ben Zvi. (Hebrew). Chen, D. 1987. “Measuring the cave of Abraham in Hebron.” Liber Annuus 37. Eisenstein, J.D. 1926. A Compendium of Jewish Travels. New York. CIA= Berchem Max van. Cook, M. 2000. Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Dabbāgh, Muṣṭafā Murād. 1991. Bilādunā Filasṭīn. New Edition. Kafr Qariʿ, Dār al-Hudā. Dayan, M. 1976. “The cave of Machpela,” Qadmoniot, 36. (Hebrew). Dārimī, ʿAbdallah b. ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān. 1407/1987. Sunan, Beirut, Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī. Ḍawʾ= Sakhāwī. ad-Daylamī, al-Ḥasan b. Abū al-Ḥasan. 1409/1988. Iʿlām ad-Dīn fī Ṣifāt al-Muʾminīn, Beirut, Muʾassasat Ahl al-Bayt liʾIḥyāʾ at-Turāth. Devonshire, Mrs. R.L. 1926. L’Égypte musulmane et les fonda­teurs de ses monuments. Paris, Maisonneuve Fréres. adh-Dhahbī, Shams ad-Dīn Muḥammad. 1376/1956. Tadhkirat al-Ḥuffāẓ. Hyderabad, Dāʾirat’ul Maʿārif’il-Osmania. Dhayl Mufarrij al-Kurūb. Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAlī b. ʿAbd ar-Raḥīm. 1425/2004. Ed. ʿUmar ʿAbd as-Salām Tadmurī. Ṣaydā-Beirut, al-Maktabah al-ʿAṣriyyah. Dimashqī, Muḥammad b. Abī Ṭālib al-Anṣārī, Shaykh ar-Rab­wah. 1923. Nukhbat ad-Dahr fī ʿAjāʾib al-Barr wa-al-Baḥr. Ed. Dorn. Leipzig. Di Segni, L. 1992. “Greek inscriptions of the bath-house in Hammath Gader,” ARAM 4:1&2 (ARAM Third International Conference: The Decapolis, 28-30 September 1992, University of Oxford, England):307-328. ____. 1997. “The Greek inscriptions of Hammat Gader,” in Hirschfeld Y., (ed.), The Roman Baths of Hammat Gader. Jerusalem, pp. 185-266. Di Segni, L. and Hirschfeld, Y. 1986. “Four Greek inscriptions from Hammat Gader from the reign of Anastasius,” Israel Exploration Journal (IEJ), 36:251-268. Dozy, R. 1881. Supplément aux Dictionnaires Arabes. Leyde, E. J. Brill. Durar = Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī, Shihāb ad-Dīn Abū al-Faḍl Aḥmad b. ʿAlī. al-Asqalānī. 1348-50. ad-Durar al-Kāminah fī Aʿyān al-Miʾah ath-Thāminah. Hyderabad, Dāʾirat’ul Maʿārif’il-Osmania. Elad, A. 1996. “Pilgrims and pilgrimage to Hebron (al-Khalīl) during the early Muslim period (638?-1099)” in Bryan F. L Beau, Menachem Mor eds. Pilgrims and Travellers to the Holy Land. Omaha, Creighton University Press. Green, J. and Tsafrir, Y. 1982. “Greek inscriptions from Hammat Gader; a poem by the Empress Eudocia and two building inscriptions,” Israel Exploration Journal (IEJ), 32:77-96. Elitzur, Y. 2009, 2012. Anciet Toponyms in the Land of Israel, Preservation and History (Hebrew). Jerusalem, The Academy of the Hebrew Language; Yad Ben Zvi. Finn, J. 1876. Stirring Times. London Gabrieli, F. 1984. Arab Historians of the Crusades. Selected and translated from the Arabic by Farncesco Gabrieli (Translated from the Italian Storici Arabi delle Crociate, by E.J. Costello). Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press. Ghawānmah, Yūsuf. 1982. at-Taʾrīkh al-Ḥaḍārī li-Sharqī al-Urdunn fī al-ʿAṣr al-Mamlūkī. Amman. Gil, M. 1983. Palestine during the First Muslim Period (643-1099). Tel Aviv. (Hebrew) ____. 1992. A History of Palestine, 634-1099. Cambridge, Cam­bridge University Press. Goitein, S.D. 1983. A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Commu­nities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza. Los Angeles, University of California Press. Grammar = Wright W. Guérin, Victor. 1869-80. Description géographique, historique et archéologique de la Palestine. Paris, L'Imprimerie Impériale. Hammer, Joseph von. 1832. Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches (achter Band 1739-1774). Pest, C. A. Hertlebens Verlag. ____. 1844. Histoire de l’Empire Ottaman: depuis son origine jusqu’à nos jours. traduite de l’Allemand sur la deuxième édition par M. Dochez. Paris, Imprimerie de Béthune et Plon. ____. 1839. Histoire de l’Empire Ottaman. Traduite de l’Allemand par J.-J Hellert. Paris, Bellizard, Bartès, Dufour et Lowell. al-Harawī, ʿAlī b. Abū Bakr. 1953. Kitāb al-Ishārāt ilā Maʿrifat az-Ziyārāt. Ed. J. Sourdel-Thomine. Damascus, Institut Français de Damas. Hasson, I. “Remarques sur l’inscription de l’époque de Muʿā­wiyah à Ḥammat Gader,” Israel Exploration Journal, 32:97-101. Haymson, A.M. 1939.The British Consulate in Jerusalem. London. Heyd, Uriel. 1960. Ottoman Documents on Palestine 1552-1615.Oxford, the Clarendon Press. Hinz, W. 1955. Islamische Masse und Gewichte. Leiden, Brill. Hirschfeld, Y. and Solar, G. 1980. “The Roman thermae at Ham­mat Gader: Three seasons of excavations,” Qadmoniot 13:6679. (Hebrew).

bibliography

315

____. 1981. “The Roman thermae at Hammat Gader: preliminary report of three seasons of exca­vations,” Israel Exploration Journal (IEJ), 31:197-219. Hoade, E. 1984. Guide to the Holy Land. Jerusalem, Franciscan printing Press. Hütteroth W-D and Abdulfattah K. 1977. Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and Southern Syria in the Late 16th Century. Erlangen. Huygens, Robert B.C. 2005 “Inventio Patriarcharum,” Crusades 4:131-155. Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, Yūsuf b. ʿAbdallah. 1412/1992. al-Istīʿāb fī Maʿrifat al-Aṣḥāb. Ed. Bajāwī. Beirut, Dār al-Jīl. Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd. 1379/1959. Sharḥ Nahj al-Balāghah. Ed. Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm. Cairo, Dār Iḥyāʾ al-Kutub al-ʿArabiyyah. Ibn ʿAsākir, Abū al-Qāsim ʿAlī b. Ḥasan Hibat Allah b. ʿAbd Allah ash-Shāfiʿī. 1419/1198. Taʾrīkh Dimashq. Beirut, Dār al-Fikr. Ibn al-Athīr, ʿIzz ad-Dīn ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Jazarī. 1402/1982. al-Kāmil fī at-Taʾrīkh, Beirut, Dār Ṣādir. ____. 1409/1989. Usd al-Ghābah fī Maʿrifat aṣ-Ṣaḥābah. Beirūt, Dār al-Fikr. Ibn Durayd, Muḥammad b. Ḥasan. 1378/1958. Kitāb al-Ishtiqāq. Ed. Hārūn. Cairo. Ibn Faḍl Allah al-ʿUmarī, Shihāb ad-Dīn Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā. 1924. Masālik al-Abṣār fī Mamālik al-Amṣār, 1. Ed. Zaki Pasha. Cairo. ____. 1985. Masālik al-Abṣār fī Mamālik al-Amṣār, L’égypt, La Syrie, Le Ḥiğaz, et le Yemen. Ed. Ayman Fuʾad Sayyid. Cairo, Institut français d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire. ____. 1988. at-Taʿrīf bi-al-Muṣṭalaḥ ash-Sharīf. Beirut, Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyyah. Ibn al-Furāt, Nāṣir ad-Dīn Muḥammad b. ʿAbd ar-Raḥīm. 1936-... Taʾrīkh Ibn al-Furāt. Beirut. Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī, Shihāb ad-Dīn Abū al-Faḍl Aḥmad b. ʿAlī. 1968. Inbāʾ al-Ghumr bi-Anbāʾ al-ʿUmr. Hyderabad, Dāʾirat’ul Maʿārifʾil-Osmania. ____.  1998. Inbāʾ al-Ghumr bi-Anbāʾ al-ʿUmr. Cairo, Lajnat Iḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-Islāmiyyah Ibn al-Ḥājj al-ʿAbdarī. 1972. Kitāb al-Madkhal. Beirut, Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī. Ibn Ḥanbal, Aḥmad. 1416/1995. Musnad. Beirut, Muʾassasat ar-Risālah. Ibn Ḥawqal (Kramers-Wiet). 1964-5. Configuration de la Terre (Kitāb Ṣūrat al-Arḍ). Introduction et traduction avec index par J.H. Kramers et G. Wiet. Commision Internationale pour la Traduction des Chefs-d’oevre. Beyrouth, éditions G.— P. Maisonneuve & Larose, Paris. Ibn Ḥazm, ʿAlī b. Aḥmad al-Andalusī. 1403/1983. Jamharat Ansāb al-ʿArab. Beirut, Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyyah. Ibn al-ʿImād. See Shadharāt adh-Dhahab. Ibn Iyās, Muḥmmad. 1951. Ṣafaḥāt lam tunshar min Badāʾiʿ az-Zuhūr. Cairo, al-Maʿāref Press. Ibn Iyās, Muḥmmad. 1982. Badāʾiʿ az-Zuhūr fī Waqāʾiʿ ad-Duhūr. Cairo, al-Hayʾah al-Maṣriyyah al-ʿĀmmah li-al-Kitāb. Ibn al-Kalbī, Hisham b. Muḥammad b. as-Sāʾib. 1983. Jamharat an-Nasab. Damascus. Ibn Kathīr, Abū al-Fidāʾ Ismāʿīl. 1417/1996. al-Bidāyah wa-an-Nihāyah. Eds. ʿAṭṭār, ash-Shaykh and al-Buqāʿī. Beirut, Dār al-Fikr. Ibn Khaldūn, 1284/1867. Kitāb al-ʿIbar wa Dīwān al-Mubtadaʾ wa-al-Khabar. Būlāq. Ibn Khallikān, Aḥmad b. Muḥammad. 1968-1977. Wafayāt al-Aʿyān wa-Anbāʾ Abnāʾ az-Zamān. Beirut, Dār Ṣādir Ibn Mājah, Abū ʿAbdallah Muḥammad b. Yazīd al-Qazwīnī. Sunan. Beirut. Dār al-Fikr. Ibn al-Qalānisī, Abū Yaʿlā Ḥamzah. 1908. Dhayl Taʾrīkh Dimashq. Ed. H.F. Amedroz. Leyden, E. J. Brill. Ibn Shaddād, ʿIzz ad-Dīn Muḥammad b. Alī b. Ibrāhīm. 1963 (1962). al-Aʿlāq al-Khaṭīrah fī Dhikr Umarāʾ ash-Shām wa-alJazīrah, Taʾrīkh Lubnān wa-al-Urdunn wa-Filasṭīn. Ed. S. Dahhān. Damascus, Institut Française. Ibn Taghrī Birdī, Jamāl ad-Dīn Abū al-Maḥāsin Yūsuf al-Atābikī. 1963. An-Nujūm az-Zāhira fī Mulūk Miṣr wa-al-Qāhirah. Cairo, Wizārat ath-Thaqāfah wa-al-Irshād. ____.  1942. Kitāb Ḥawadith ad-Duhur fī Madā al-Ayyām wa-sh-Shuhūr. Ed. William Popper. University of. California Publications in Semitic Philology No. VIII.=Ḥawādith ad-Duhūr fī Madā al-Ayyām wa ash-Shuhūr, Cairo, 1990. ____. 1984-2005. al-Manhal aṣ-Ṣāfī wa-al-Mustawfī Baʿd al-Wāfī. Ed. Amīn and ʿĀshūr, Cairo. Ibn Taymiyyah. 1389/1969. Iqtiḍāʾ aṣ-Ṣirāṭ al-Mustaqīm. Printed by the order of King Fayṣal b. ʿAbd al-ʿĀzīz. Riyāḍ. Government Printing Press (al-Maṭbaʿah al- Ḥukūmiyyah). Ibn Wāṣil, Jamāl ad-Dīn Muḥammad b. Sālim. 1325/2004. Mufarrij al-Kurūb fī Akhbār Banī Ayyūb. Ed. ʿUmar ʿAbd as-Salām Tadmurī. Ṣaydā-Beirut, al- Maktabah al-ʿAṣriyyah. Idrīsī, Muḥammad b. Muḥammad b. ʿAbdallah b. Idrīs. 1414/1994. Nuzhat al-Mushtāq fī Ikhtirāq al-Āfāq. Cairo, Maktabat ath-Thaqāfah ad-Dīniyyah. Ishtiqāq=Ibn Durayd. Jamharah= Ibn al-Kalbī ____. 1923. “Trois inscriptions arabes, inedits, du Ḥaram d’Hébron, Revue Biblique (RB) Trente-deuxième anée, No. 1: 80-92. Jaussen, J. Antonin. 1925. “Inscriptions arabes de la ville de Hébron,” Bulletin de L’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orien­tale (BIFAO), 25:1-45. al-Jawharī, Ismāʿīl b. Ḥammād. 1375/1986. Tāj al-Lughah wa-Ṣiḥāḥ al-ʿArabiyyah. Ed. ʿAṭṭār. Beirut, Dār al-ʿIlm li’l-Malāyīn. jsai = Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, Institute of Asian and African Studies. The Hebrew University, Jerusalem. Kalfon-Stillman, Y. 2000. Arab Dress from the Dawn of Islam to Modern Times. Ed. N.A. Stillman. Leiden, E. J. Brill. Kallai, Z. 1986. Historical Geography of the Bible. Jerusalem and Leiden, Magness, Brill.

316

bibliography

Kedar, B. Z. and Hervé Barbé. 2009. “Dating the subterranean passage at the Patriarchs cave, Hebron,” Israel’s land: papers presented to Israel Shatzman on his Jubilee. Eds. Joseph Geiger Hannah M. Cotton and Guy D. Stiebel, Open University, Ra‘anana, 179*-184*. Khālid, Sayyid ʿAlī. 1418/1997. Ṣayd al-Qalam fī al-Akhbār wa-al-Ashʿār wa- al-Qiṣaṣ wa-aṭ-Ṭarāʾif wa-al-Akhlāq wa-alḤikam. Kuwait, Maktabat at-Turāth wa-al-Īmān. Khalīfah b. Khayyāṭ al-ʿAṣfarī. 1424/1993. Taʾrīkh. Ed. Suhayl Zakkār. Beirut, Dār al-Fikr. Khalīl b. Aybak= aṣ-Ṣafadī Khosrow, al-Marvazi al-Qobādiyāni, Nāser-e. 1977. Safar-Nāmeh-ye Nāser-e Khosrow. Tehran, Franklin Book Programn, Inc. al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Abū Bakr Muḥammad b. ʿAlī. n.d. Taʾrīkh Baghdād Madīnat as-Salām. Beirut, Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī. Kister, M. J. 1971. “Rajab is the month of God … ” A study in the persistence of an early tradition. Israel Oriental Studies I, Tel Aviv University, Faculty of Humanities. al-Kutubī, Muḥammad b. Shākir. 1973. Fawāt al-Wafayāt. Beirut, Dār Ṣādir. Lammens, H. 1909. “Inscriptions arabes du Mont Tabor,” Mélanges de la Faculé Orientale (MFO), III, Fasc, II. Université Saint-Joseph. Paris, London, Leipzig. Lane, E.W. 1955 (1863). Arabic-English Lexicon. New York, Ungar. 8 vols. Le Strange, G. 1966. the Lands of the Eastern Caliphate. London, Frank Cass. ____. 1890. Palestine Under the Moslems, A description of Syria and the Holy Land from Ad650 to 1500. Boston and New York, Houghton Mifflin and Co. Lewis, B. 1967. The Assassins. London, Widenfeld and Nicolson. Luckenbill, D.D. 1924. The Annals of Sennacherib. Chicago. Luynes, M. Le Duc de. 1874. Voyage d’Exploration la Mer Morte a Petra et sur la rive gauche du Jourdain. Paris, Arthrus Bertrand. Manhal=Ibn Taghrī Birdī Manṣūr, Asʿad. Taʾrīkh Jabal Tābūr, Ṭūr at-Tajallī. Nazareth, Maṭabʿat al-Hilāl (n.d.). Mansour J., 2006. “The Hijaz-Palestine railway and the devel­opment of Haifa,” Jerusalem Quarterly, 28: 5-21. al-Maqdidsī, al-Muṭahhar b. Ṭāhir. 1899-1919. Kitāb al-Badʾ wa-at-Taʾrīkh. Ed. Huart. Vol. 1, 1899; vol. 2, 1901; vol.3, 1903; vol.4, 1907; vol.5, 1916; vol.6, 1919. Paris. al-Maqrīzī, Taqī ad-Dīn ʿAlī b. Aḥmad. 1973. Ittiʿāẓ al-Ḥunafāʾ bi-Akhbār al-Aʾimmah al-Fāṭimiyyin al-Khulfāʾ. Ed. Muḥam­ mad Ḥilmī. Cairo. ____.  1956. Kitāb as-Sulūk li-Maʿrifat Duwal al-Mulūk. Ed. Muḥammad Muṣṭafā Ziyā­dah and Saʿīd ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ ʿĀshūr. Cairo. ____. 1997... Kitāb as-Sulūk li-Maʿrifat Duwal al-Mulūk. Ed. Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā. Cairo, Maktabat al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyyah. ____. 1856. al-Mawāʿiẓ wa-al-Iʿtibār fī Dhikr al-Khiṭaṭ wa-al-Āthār. Cairo, Būlāq. ____. 1911-1923. El-mawaʿiz Wa’l-Iʿtibār fī dhikr El-Khiṭaṭ Wa’l-Athār. Ed. M. Gaston Wiet. IFAO, Le Caire. Marāṣid= ʿAbd al-Muʾmin b. ʿAbd al-Ḥaqq al-Baghdādī. 1373/ 1954. Marāṣid al-Iṭṭilāʿ ʿAlā asmāʾ al-Amkinah wa-al-Biqāʿ. Beirut, dār al-Maʿārif. Marmardji, A. S. 1951. Textes géographiques arabes sur la Palestine. Paris, Librairie Lecoffre, J. Gabalda et Cie. Māwardī, ʿAlī b. Muḥammad. 19--. Kitāb Ādab ad-Dunyā wa-ad-dīn. Cairo, al-Maktabah al-ʿIlmiyyah. Mayer, L.A. 1933. Saracenic Heraldry. Oxford, Clarendon Press. ____. 1956. Islamic Architects and their Work, Genève, A. Kundig. MIé= Memoires de l’Institute égyptien. al-Muḥibbī, Muḥammad Amīn b. Faḍl Allah. 1284/1867. Khulāṣat al-Athar fī Aʿyān al-Qarn al-Ḥādī ʿAshar, Cairo, al-Maṭbaʿah al-Wahabiyya. Mujīr 1283 = Mujīr ad-Dīn, ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad. al-Uns al-Jalīl bi-Taʾrīkh al-Quds wa-al-Khalīl. Būlāq. ____. 1973 = Mujīr ad-Dīn, ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad al-ʿUlaymī al-Ḥanbalī. al-Uns al-Jalīl bi-Taʾrīkh al-Quds wa-alKhalīl. Ammān. Maktabat al-Muḥtasib. MuNDP = Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen Paläs­tina-Vereins. al-Muqadasī, Shams ad-Dīn ʿAbdallah. 1906. Aḥsan at-Taqāqsīm fī Maʿrifat al-Aqālīm. Ed. de Goeje. Leiden, Brill ____. 1408/1987. Aḥsan at-Taqāq­sīm fī Maʿrifat al-Aqālīm, Ed. Makhzūm. Beirut, Ḍār Iḥyāʾ at-Turāth al-ʿArabī. al-Murādī, Abū al-Faḍl Muḥammad. 1418/1997. Silk ad-Durar fī Aʿyān al-Qarn ath-Thānī ʿAshar. Beirut, Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyyah. Muslim b. al-Ḥajjāj. 1972. Ṣaḥīḥ. Beirut. Dār Iḥyāʾ at-Turāth al-ʿArabī. (See Ṣiddīqī) al-Muṭahhar b. Ṭāhir al-Maqdisī=al-Maqdisi. MvB = Max van Berchem NEAEHL 1992=The New Encyclopedia of Arcaeological Excava­tions in the Holy Land (Hebrew). Jerusalem, Carta. an-Nasawī, Muḥammad. 1891-1895. Histoire du sultan Djelal ed-Din Mankobirti prince du Kharezm. Paris, Ernest. Leroux. Nūr ad-Dīn ʿAlī b. ʿAbd ar-Raḥīm. 2004. See Dayl Mufarrij al-Kurūb. An-Nuwayrī, Shihāb ad-Dīn Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al-Wahhāb. 1933-2002. Nihāyat al-Arab fī Funūn al-Adab. Cairo, Dār al-Kutub. Oliphant L. 1887. Haifa: or Life in Modern Palestine. Edinburgh.

bibliography

317

OM 1978 = M. Van Berchem. Opera Minora 1-2, publié par le soins de la Fondation Max Van Berchem, Genève, Editions Slatkine. PEFQS=Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement. Lon­don, Society’s Office and Richard Bentley & Son. Pick. W. P. 1990. “Meissner Pasha and the construction of railways in Palestine and the neighboring countries,” in Gilbar, G. (Ed.) Ottoman Palestine 1830-1914: Studies in Econo­mic and Social History. University of Haifa, E. J. Brill. Pilgrimage of Daniel. 1895. The pilgrimage of the Russian Abbot Daniel in the Holy Land 1106-1107. Annotated by colonel sir C. W. Wilson, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.S., R.E. Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, London. PPTS= Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society. London, Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund. Prawer, Joshua. 1984. A History of the Latin Kingdom of Jeru­salem. 5th printing, Jerusalem, the Bialik Institute. (Hebrew) Qalqashandī, Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. ʿAlī. 1383/1963. Ṣubḥ al-Aʿshā fī Ṣināʿat al-Inshā. Cairo, al-Maṭbʿah al-Amīriyyah. al-Qārī, Raslān b. Yaḥyā. 1949. al-Wuzarāʾ alladhīna Ḥakamū Dimashq. Ed. Ṣalāh ad-Dīn al-Munajjid. Dimashq. Quatremère, Marc. 1837-1842. Histoire des sultans Mamlouks, de l’Égypte. Paris, London, Oriental Translation Fund. RAO 1888-1907 = Clermont-Ganneau, Ch. Receuil d’Archéologie Orientale. 8 vols. Paris. RB = Revue Biblique. RCEA = Répertoire Chronologique d’épigraphie Arabe. From 1932. Reily-Smith, J.=Atlas of the Crusades, Rey, E. 1883. Les Colonies franques de Syrie aux XIIme et XIIIme siècles. Paris, Emmanuel Guillaume. Riant, Comte. 1886. Lettre a M. Wallon sur un plan du Haram el-Khalil (mosquée d’Hébron. Plan: “Tombeau des Pa­triarchs á Hébron (macpela)”). Comptes rendus de l’ Aca­demie des Inscriptions et Belle Lettres. Paris. Rosen, G. 1858. “Ueber das Thal und die nächste Umgegend Hebrons,“ ZDMG, 12: 487. Runciman, S. 1957. A History of the Crusades, Vol. II. Cambridge, University Press. Ruqūm = Yūsuf ʿAmr and Najāḥ Abū Sārah. 1410/1989. Ruqūm al-Masjid al-Ibrāhīmī ash-Sharīf. Publication of the Centre for Scientific Research at the al-Khalīl University, Jerusalem. aṣ-Ṣafadī, Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn Khalīl b. Aybak. 1418/1998. Aʿyān al-ʿAṣr wa-Aʿwān an-Naṣr. Damascus, Dār al-Fikr. ____. 1420/2000. al-Wāfī bi-al-Wafayāt. Beirut, Dār Iḥyāʾ at-Turāth al-Arabī. as-Sakhāwī, Shams ad-Dīn Muḥammad b. ʿAbd ar-Raḥman. aḍ-Ḍawʾ al-Lāmiʿ li-Ahl al-Qarn at-Tāsiʿ. Beyrouth, Dar Maktabat al-Hayat. Samʿānī, ʿAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad b. Manṣūr. 1408/1988. al-Ansāb. Beirut, Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyyah. Sefer Hebron. See Avisar SEG= Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Vols. 1-11, ed. Jacob E. Hondius, Leiden 1923-1954. Vols. 12-25, ed. Arthur G. Woodhead. Leiden 1955-1971. Vols. 26-41, eds. Henry W. Pleket and Ronald S. Stroud. Amsterdam 1979-1994. Vols. 42-44, eds. Henry W. Pleket, Ronald S. Stroud and Johan H.M. Strubbe. Amsterdam 1995-1997. Vols. 45-49, eds. Henry W. Pleket, Ronald S. Stroud, Angelos Chaniotis and Johan H.M. Strubbe. Amsterdam 1998-2002. Vols. 50-, eds. Angelos Chaniotis, Ronald S. Stroud and Johan H.M. Strubbe. Amsterdam 2003Setton, K.M. (ed.). 1962. History of the Crusades, Philadelphia. Shadharāt adh-Dhahab=Ibn al-ʿImād, ʿAbd al-Ḥayy al-Ḥanbalī. 1414/1994. Shadharāt adh-Dhahab fī Akhbār man Dhahab. Beirut, Dār al-Fikr. Sharon, M. 1975. “The political role of the Bedouins in Palestine in the 16th and 17th centuries,” Studies on Palestine During the Ottoman Period. Ed. M. Ma‘oz, Jerusalem, pp. 11-30. ____. 1977. “The Ayyūbid Walls of Jerusalem a new inscription from the time of al-Muʿaẓẓam ʿĪsā,” in Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet. Ed. M. Rosen-Ayalon. Jerusalem. ____. 1986. Ahl al-bayt—People of the House. jsai, 8: 169-84 ____. 1991. The Umayyads as ahl al-bayt. JSAI, 14:115-152. ____. “People of the House,” Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān. General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Brill, 2012. Shiblī, Shawkat. 1984. Ḥebron ba-Teqūfah ha-Mamlūkīt u-Keto­boteha (Hebron in the Mamlūk Period and its Inscriptions). Unpublished MA thesis. Jerusalem, The Hebrew University (Hebrew). SI=Studia Islamica Sibṭ Ibn al-Jawzī, Abū al-Muẓaffar Yūsuf b. ʿAbdallah. 1952. Mirʾāt az-Zamān fī Taʾrīkh al-Aʿyān. Hyderabad. Ṣiddīqī, ʿAbdul Ḥamīd (Translator). 1972. Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim. Beirut, Dār al-ʿArabia. Smith, G. A. (1894, 1931) 1966. The Historical Geography of the Holy Land. London and Glasgow, Collins. The Fontana Library of Theology and Philosophy following the 25th edition revised throughout, 1931. Sourdel-Thomine, J. (Translator) 1957. al-Harawī, Guide des Lieux de Pelerinage. Traduction annotée. Damascus, Institut Français de Damas. Steingass, F. 1957. A comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary. (Fourth impression). London. Routledge and Kagan Paul. Suyūṭī, Jalāl ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān as-Syūṭī ash-Shāfiʿī. 1840. Lubb al-Lubāb fī Taḥrīr al-Ansāb. Lugundi Batavorum, Lucht­­mans. Syria since 1920 … Paris, Institut Francais du Proche-Orient. P. Geuthner. Taʾrīkh Baghdād = al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī. Ṭabarī, Muhammad b. Jarīr. 1879-1901. Taʾrīkh ar-Rusul wa-al-Mulūk. ed. M. J. De Goeje. Leiden, Brill.

318

bibliography

at-Tamīmī, Ṣalāḥ Mūsā and al-Ḥusaynī, Muḥammad Farḥāt. 1405/1985. al-Masjid al-Ibrāhīmī. Jerusalem, Idārat al-Awqāf wa-ash-Shuʾūn al-Islāmiyyah. Tirmidhī, Muḥammad b. ʿĪsā. 1403/1983. Sunan. Beirut, Dār al-Fikr. Toledano, A. 1979. “The sanjaq of Jerusalem in the 16th century … ” in A. Cohen (Ed.) Jerusalem in the Early Ottoman Period. Jerusalem. (Hebrew) Tristram, H.B. 1876. The Land of Israel. Journal of Travels in Palestine Undertaken with Special Reference to its Physical Character. London. Tütüncü, Mehmet, 2006. Turkish Jerusalem (1516–1917): Ottoman inscriptions from Jerusalem and other Palestinian cities, ‎Haarlem: SOTA. Uns = Mujīr. Vincent, L.H. Mackay E. J. H. 1923. Hébron, le Ḥaram el-Khalīl, Sépulture des Patriarches . Paris, Édition Ernest Leroux. Volney (Constantin François de Chassebœuf, comte de Volney). 1787. Voyage en Égypte et en Syrie. Paris. Walls, Archubald G. and A. Abul-Ḥājj. 1980. Arabic Inscriptions in Jerusalem: a Handlist and Maps. London. Wensinck, A. J. 1936. Concordance et Indices de la Tradition musulmane. Leiden, E.J. Brill. Wright, T. (Ed.) 1848. Early Travels in Palestine. London. Wright, W. (1951) A grammar of the Arabic language. Cam­bridge, Cambridge University Press. Writings of Bahá’ulláh a compilation, including Tablets of Bahá’ulláh revealed after Kitāb-i-Aqdas (official English translation). 1998. New Delhi, Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 3rd Edition. Yadin, Y. 1964. “Arabic inscriptions in Palestine,” Eretz-Israel. 7, L.A. Mayer Volume. Jerusalem, Israel Exploration Society. al-Yāfiʿī, Abū Muḥammad ʿAbdallah b. Asʿad b. ʿAlī b. Sulaymān al-Yamanī al-Makkī. 1390/1970. Mirʾāt al-Janān fī Maʿrifat mā Yuʿtabar min Ḥawādith az-Zamān, Hyderabad, Niẓā­miyyah. Yaʿqūbī, Aḥmad b. Abū Yaʿqūb b. Jaʿfar b. Wahb b. Wāḍiḥ. 1412/1992. Taʾrīkh al-Yaʿqūbī. Beirut, Dār Ṣādir. Yāqūt Buldān (Dār Ṣādir)=Yāqūt b. ʿAbdallah al Ḥamawī (n.d.). Muʿjam al-Buldān, Beirut, Dār Sādir. Yāqūt, Ibn ʿAbd Allah al-Ḥamawī. 1866-1873. Muʿjam al-Buldān. Ed. Wüstenfeld, Leipzig. Yeivin, Z. 1985-1986. “The Machpela cave subterranean com­plex,” Israel—people and Land: Haaretz Museum Year­book 2-3, Tel Aviv. al-Yūnīnī, Quṭb ad-Dīn Mūsā b. Muḥammad. 1992. Dhayl Mirʾāt az-Zamān wa-Wafayāt al-Aʿyān. Cairo. Zetterstéen, K.V. 1919. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Mamlūken­sultane. Leiden, Brill. Zohar. 2000. ed. Margalioth 7th printing. Jerusalem, Mossad Harav Kook. az-Zubayrī, Muṣʿab. b. ʿAbdallah. 1953. Nasab Quraysh, ed. E. Levi-Provançal, Cairo, Dār al-Maʿārif.

glossary

319

GLOSSARY

Amīr miʾah muqaddam alf Amīr ṭablkhānah Dawādār Iqāmah Ishārah Jāshnikīr (jāshnigir) Jūkandār (Jawkandār) Khaṭīb Khidmah Khirbah Maghlaq pl. magāliq Mamlakah pl. mamālik Maqām Margh al-jibāh Marsūm, marsūm sharīf Mashhad Mazār Muḥdath Muḥtasib Muqaddam alf Mushīr, mushīr as-sulṭān,  mushir ad-dawlah Nāḥiyah Nāʾib kāfil (also kafīl), nāʾib as-salṭanah

Amīr who owns a private contingent of 100 or more horsemen, and commands 1000 in the battlefield. The highest rank in the Mamlūk army. Lit. “amīr of the military orchestra.” Owns 40-80 horse­ men and commands 100 in the battlefield. One rank below amīr miʾah. Lit. Clerk. Highest position: head of the sultan’s chan­ cery, usually amīr miʾah. Arbitrary tax imposed on the arrival of a new office holder mostly a new governor. Lit. Advise; the position of the mushīr (q.v.) Lit. taster. In charge of the sultan’s food and drink under the ustādār (q.v.) Polomaster. “He who holds the polo sticks” of the sultan. Preacher; usually of a certain mosque. Tax levied on the Jews and Christians of Jerusalem (and in other places too) at the investiture of a new governor. Lit. a ruin. A small village, hamlet, rural settlement. A silo usually for wheat and barley with controllable opening at the bottom for obtaining desirable quantities of grain. Province in the Mamlūk system. Shrine of a saint usually with a tomb. Rolling the face in the dust. (used for visit to the tomb of prophet Muḥammad in Medina.) Decree; “noble decree” of the sultan. Martyr’s shrine sometimes used as synonym to mazār and maqām (q.v.). Sanctuary of one saint or more; site of visitation. Lit. innovation; a newly invented taxation. Lit. Pious, God fearing. Market inspector supervising weights, measures, and honest dealings. See amīr miʾah. Chief adviser, of the sultan, “of the state” a very high ranking vizier, usually muqaddam alf (q.v.). Sub district (below sunjaq) in the Ottoman system. Viceroy, the highest degree of governor of the most important provinces in the Mamlūk sulatanate, second to the sultan.

320

glossary

Nāʾib pl. nuwwāb Nāẓir al-khāṣṣ, nāẓir al-khawāṣṣ

Governor of a province. In charge of the Sultan’s private property and funds. Very high ranking officer muqaddam alf (q.v.). Garden. “The garden of the messenger of Allah”—his tomb in Medina. Portico, covered corridor. Sultan seal (Ottoman) Mamlūk military orchestra composed mainly of drums with some wind instruments. Sultan’s signature part of his emblem (ṭughrah) attached to all official documents issued by him or in his name (Ottoman). Arbitrary tax for the feeding of state guests and passing army unites. Majordomo. In charge of the sultan’s houses, kitchens , household, food and drink. Brokerage levy (arbitrary).

Rawḍah Rawḍat Rasūl Allah Riwāq pl. arwiqah Ṭābiʿ Ṭablkhānah Tawqīʿ Ṭuʿmah Ustādār Zubnah

index

321

index

Abaghā 55 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-ʿIrāqī, ʿIzz ad-Dīn 59-60, 62, 181, 188-189, 193 ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, sultan 181, 188-189, 193, 242, 247, 260 ʿAbd al-Bahāʾ (ʿAbbās Effendi) 263 ʿAbd al-Bāqī 210 ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd II, sultan 245, 247 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf 225-226, 228-229, 231 ʿAbd al-Malik, caliph 102, 287 ʿAbd al-Muḥsin al-Maqdisī 210 ʿAbd ar-Raḥman al-ʿAmr 278 ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. ʿAbdallah b. ʿAbd arRaḥmān al-Ḥalḥūlī 278 ʿAbdallah b. Abū Hāshim 286 ʿAbdallah b. Masʿūd 279 ʿAbdallah Pāshā b. Ibrāhīm al-Ḥusaynī alJarmkī, çeteci 225 Abdülmecid (ʿAbd al-Majīd), sultan 234, 246247, 268 Abel, le P. F.-M. 5, 10, 42-43, 80, 86-87, 89, 262, 278, 283, 294 Ablaq 60, 69, 92-93, 174 Abner son of Ner 218 Abraham xvi, 3-5, 9-14, 16, 19-22, 24, 38, 44, 57, 69-72, 74, 77-79, 81-83, 87-89, 101, 104, 110, 119, 121-122, 125, 136, 142-146, 151, 164, 168, 179-180, 189, 202-203, 209, 221, 225, 229-230, 232, 241243, 248, 279 Abū al-ʿAtāhiyyah 73-74 Abū al-Fidāʾ, Ismāʿīl b. ʿAlī 5, 96 Abū Fuṭrus river 96 Abū Ḥanīfah tomb (Baghdad) 207 Abū Hurayrah mashhad 162 Abū Nuwwās 73-74 Abulustayn (Elbistan) 308 Abulustayn, battle 95

Adam and Eve, burial place 8, 10 ʿadas al-khalīl (see also: simāṭ) 9, 110 ʿAfīf al-ʿAjamī al-Qāsimī 150 Ahl al-Bayt 144 Aḥmad al-ʿArīnī 305, 307-309 Aḥmad al-ʿArīnī, shrine 305, 307-309 Aḥmad al-Yaghmūrī, Shihāb ad-Dīn 16, 117, 164, 167, 169, 178, 180 Aḥmad b. Muḥammad, Abū Bakr al-Iskāfī alAthram 12 Aḥmad b. Sulaymān b. Ḥaldan 295 Aḥmad b. ʿUthmān 272 Aḥmad b. Yūsuf b. aẓ-Ẓāhir 275 Aḥmad Bak (Bek) b. Riḍwān b. Muṣṭafā 210 Aḥmad Bek b. Rajab Pāshā 210 Aḥmad III, sultan 222, 247 Aḥmad Qadyānī, Mīrzā Ghulām 263 Aḥmad, al-Malik al-Muẓaffar, sultan 194-195 Aḥmadīs 263 ʿĀʾish al-Muḥtasib 244 ʿAjūz See: jāriyat al-Muqtadir Akko (Acre) 78, 137, 262-263, 266, 272, 290, 306 Akrād quarter (Hebron) 261 Al Malik, Sayf ad-Dīn 306-310 Aleppo (Ḥalab) 60, 77, 158 Alexandria 100, 141, 158, 166, 308 ʿAlī Āġā 217 ʿAlī al-Bakkā, Mosque 2, 38, 58, 59-67, 92-93, 97-99, 147, 187, 224, 231, 252, 258-259 ʿAlī al-Bakkā, quarter 237, 254 ʿAlī al-Bakkā, Shaykh 93, 149, 173 ʿAlī b. Abū Ṭālib 30, 33, 73, 88 ʿAlī b. Maḥmūd 63, 66-67 ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Abū Shukr 212, 214 ʿAlī b. Qalāwun, aṣ-Ṣāliḥ 80 ʿAlī b. ʿUmar 276-277 ʿAlī of Harāt 278

322

index

ʿAlī, al-Manṣūr, sultan 163 Alṭunbughā al-Jūbānī al-Yalbaghāwī, ʿAlāʾ adDīn 155-156, 158 Amīn al-Ḥusaynī, Ḥajj 19 amīr al-ḥajj 225-226 amīr majlis 158 amīr ṭablkhānah 159, 165, 177 Amit, David 152 Amitai-Preiss, Nitzan 95, 287 Ānas, Abū al-Maʿālī 161, 163 Antipatris 96 Antipatris fortress 96 ʿAqqābah quarter 237 Aqṣā mosque 8, 11, 50, 195, 201 Aqueduct 7, 15, 150-153, 207; See also: canal Arbel Michal 21 Arctus See: Simākān Arculf 10 Aristotle 284 ʿArrūb springs 201, 207 Arsūf forest 107 Arṭās 84, 86, 90 Arzrūmī, ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Aḥmad al-Ḥusaynī 260-261 Arzrūmī, zāwiyah 260-261 Ashqelon (Ascalon, ʿAsqalān) 28-31, 37, 97, 254, Ashrāf, zāwiyah 50, 218, 226 Athram See: Aḥmad b. Muḥammad, Abū Bakr al-Iskāfī Augustine, St. 22 ʿAwjāʾ (Yarkon) river 96 Aybak, al-Muʿizz, sultan 59, 105-107 Aydamur, ʿIzz ad-Dīn 59-60, 62 Aydughdī ar-Ruknī, al-Kubakī ʿAlāʾ ad-Dīn 15, 115 ʿAyn al-ʿArab 152-153 ʿAyn al-Fuṣayl See: ʿAyn al-Qanāt ʿAyn al-Jadīdah 7, 222-223 ʿAyn al-Ḥamrāʾ 187, 189 ʿAyn al-Ḥaram 173, 181, 187, 189 ʿAyn al-Khābiyah 152 ʿAyn al-Khuddām 173, 186-187, 189, 205 ʿAyn al-Qanāt 6, 15 ʿAyn as-Sitt 222-223

ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī 15, 50, 151, 173-174, 179, 183-184, 186-187, 205, 217, 255 ʿAyn Ḥabrā 7, 223 ʿAyn Kashkalah See: ʿAyn Qashqalah ʿAyn Khayr ad-Dīn 152 ʿAyn Qarqar 224 ʿAyn Qashqalah (Kashkalah) 7, 223 ʿAyn Sārah 6, 152 ʿAyn Umm al-Bāshā See: ʿAyn as-Sitt Ayyūb, al-Malik al-Ṣāliḥ 14, 289 Ayyūb, Najm ad-Dīn 98 Ayyūbids 14, 39-43, 159 al-ʿAzīz (Joseph) 242 Bāb (ʿAlī Muḥammad Shīrāzī) 263 bāb al-Ḥaḍrah xvi, 40, 69, 78-79, 180, 231, 248, 279 bāb al-Isḥāqiyyah 160, 180 bāb al-Qaṭṭānīn 59 bāb as-Silsilah (Jerusalem) 170, 195, 197 bāb Sulaymān 240 Babā Rabbah 270 Badr al-Jamālī (Fāṭimid vizier) 14, 28-29, 37 Baghdādī al-Khaṭīb 236 Bahá’u’lláh 263 Bahāʾīs 263 Bahji estate 263 Baktamur al-Jawkandār, Sayf ad-Dīn 176, 199 Balādhurī, Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. Jābir 5, 244 Baldwin II 12, 14 ballāṣūn 170-171 ballūṭat Ibrāhīm See: Oak of Abraham Banī Naʿīm (see also Kafr Burayk) 87, 181 Baniyās 289 Banū Ṣakhr 226 Barqūq, al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, sultan 16, 100, 117118, 155-159, 161-169, 175, 177, 180, 279 Bars Bāy (Barsbāy), al-Malik al-Ashraf, sultan 103, 186 bathhouse of al-Khalīl See: ḥammām al-khalīl Baybars II al-Jāshnigīr (Jāshnikīr), sultan 97, 106 Baybars, al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, sultan 9, 14-15, 5960, 62, 71-72, 91, 95, 97, 106, 188, 279, 289, 308 Bayt ʿAynūn 5

index Bayt Ibrāhīm 5 Bayt Jālā 15 Bayt Jubrīn (Jibrīn) 90, 152, 305, 307 Beaufort (Qalʿat ash-Shaqīf) 289 Bedouins 16-18, 187, 226, 251 Ben Horin, Uri 307 Benjamin of Tudela 4, 9 Beth Shean 96-97, 267 Bethlehem 11, 13, 15, 203, 207 Bīmāristān (mūristān) al-Manṣūrī (Hebron) 16, 19, 53, 205, Biʾr al-Qawāsmī 64 Biʾr Maʿīn 64 Birdbak at-Tājī 201 Birkat al-Qazzāzīn 7 Birkat as-Sulṭān (Hebron) 7 Birkat as-Sulṭān (Jerusalem) 207 Bombrac 294 Brook of Eshcol 3 Bukhārī, Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl 137 Burchard of Mount Sion 203 Byzantine Basilica (Hebron) 2, 13, 20, 78, 142, 160, 180, 202, Cairo 5, 15, 26-27, 29, 41, 54-55, 64, 71-72, 96-97, 105, 107, 109, 141, 143, 151, 157-158, 163-165, 176-177, 186, 198-199, 201, 244, 253, 284, 296, 307-308 Canal (see also: aqueduct) 6-7, 18, 151-153, 173174, 181, 184, 187-188, 190, 201 Canopy over aperture to the cave 21-25, 81-83 Caphar Barucha 87 Castellum Novum 289 Cave (burial place of the Patriarchs) 8, 44, 81, 209 Citadel (castle) of Hebron (qalʿah) 16, 117, 179, 202-204, 208 Conder, Captain 24-25, 294, 297 Cook, Michael xv, 212-215, 244 Copper inscriptions xvi, 70, 78-80 Crusaders 10, 12-14, 20, 22, 28-29, 41, 62, 91, 96, 202-204, 212, 278, 289, 294, 297-298, 300, 302 Dabbūriyyah 298 Damascus xvi, 16, 28, 41, 55, 60, 90-91, 101, 106,

323

141, 143, 146, 155-159, 178, 180, 193, 195, 222-223, 225-226, 228, 261-264, 266, 269, 283, 289, 295296, 307 Damāvand 236 Damietta 41 Dan, tribe 77, 294 dār as-saʿādah 217, 219 Dār ʿĪsā ʿAmr 250 Darʿah 264, 267, 283 Dārimī, ʿAballah b. ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān 38, 137 Dāriyyah quarter (Hebron) 16, 212, 250 Dashīshah (see also simāṭ) 9, 173, 189 Dawādār 96, 175-178 Dāwud, al-Malik an-Nāṣir 14, 26 Day of Resurrection (Day of Judgment) 11, 30, 41, 220 Dayan, Moshe 21-22, 25-26 Daylamī 73 Dayr al-Arbaʿīn 2, 4, 46-49, 223 Dayr ʿAsfīn (ʿIsfīn) 84, 90 Dayr Istiyā (Iṣṭiyā) 16, 161, 163 Dayr Ṣafwān 84, 89, 279 de Luynes, M. le Duc xiii, 43, 47, 54, 57-59, 62-64, 94, 108-109, 174, 176, 183, 185, 206, 218, 223, 255 Dhahabī, Shams ad-Dīn, Muḥammad 95 dhimmīs 15, 171 Di Segni, Leah x, 74, 76, 78, 284-286 dihlīz xvi, 44, 109-110 ḍiyāfah (See also: simāṭ) 15 Dolmak d. of Sayf ad-Dīn al-Qashtamurī 100101 Dome of the Rock 102, 155-156, 169 Dor, Ṭanṭūrah 303 Dozy, R. 187 Dūrā 18, 40, 42, 84, 86, 89-90, 251, 279 Dyār Bakr 225 Earthquakes 13, 18, 26-27, 225, 251 Egypt 1, 3-4, 10-11, 14, 18, 26, 41, 59-60, 62, 64-65, 72, 90-91, 94, 96-97, 99, 157-159, 163, 165, 172, 176-177, 184, 186, 195, 242, 289, 296, 305-307 Elijah 243 Elitzur, Yoel 151, 294 Esau 77

324

index

Eusebius 89, 278, 294, 297 Fakhriyyah, madrasah 186 Faraj b. ʿAbdallah al-Muʿaẓẓamī, Rashīd adDīn 39, 90, 278-279, 282 Faraj, al-Malik an-Nāṣir, sultan 165 Farʿatah 270 Fāṭimah 48, 88-89 Fāṭimah d of Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī or Ḥasan b. Ḥasan b. ʿAlī b. Abū Ṭālib 88 Fāṭimids 14, 26-27, 30, 37, 254, 280, 295, 301,302 Finn, James 3, 18 Frederick II 41 Gad 89, 278 Gadara 283-284, 286 Galilee 262, 283, 289, 298 Gath 294, 305 Gaza 73, 106-107, 137-138, 159, 198, 210-211, 235, 307 Gérard d’Avesnes 13 German Templars 262 ghār ash-sharīf See: Grotto Ghayūr (Isaac) 241-243 ghirārah 193 ghurrah 71 Gilead (al-Balqāʾ) 283 Godfrey of Bouillon 13, 203 Greek inscription (Hammat Gader) 284-285, 287-288 Greek inscription (Hebron) 23, 74-77 Grotto (in Hebron, see also: cave) 16, 23, 62, 156, 209, 211, 241 Guérin, Victor 29-30, 86-87, 89-91, 154, 203-204, 208, 270, 278, 290, 294-295, 297, 303 Ḥabrā 5, 7, 19, 223 Ḥabrūn 4-6, 242 Ḥabrūn, qabr 4-6, 242 hādī duʿāt al-muʾminīn 37 ḥadīth ath-thaqalayn 38 ḥadīth inscription 137 Ḥāfiẓ Muḥammad Dhihnī, Sharīf 246 Ḥājjī II, al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ, sultan 100

Ḥākim bi-Amr Allah, Fāṭimid caliph 302 Ḥalḥūl 84, 89-90, 181, 278-280, 282 Ḥallāj 236 ḥammām al-khalīl 7 Hamphrey of Toron 289 ḥanīf 71, 121, 125, 232 al-Ḥaram al-Khalīlī or al-Ḥaram al-Ibrāhīmī See: Sanctuary of Hebron Ḥaram quarter (Hebron) 174, 179-181, 194, 196, 202-205, 209, 218, 220, 224, 279 Harawī, ʿAlī b. Abū Bakr 10, 12-14, 278 Ḥārat al-Qazzāzīn, mosque 212, 213, 235 Ḥārat al-Yahūd See: Jewish Quarter Ḥasan b. ʿAbdallah 88 Ḥasan b. Yaḥyā Faraj 39 Ḥasan Pāshā 211 Ḥasan, an-Nāṣir, sultan 16, 117, 179 ḥaṭab (firewood) 168, 171 Ḥaṭṭīn (Ḥiṭṭīn), battle of 23, 289 ḥawāṣil 189, 200 Haykal Sulaymān 8 Herbert, Lady 74 Herod 19 Ḥijāz 162, 262, 264, 266-267 Ḥijāz railway 262, 264, 266-267, 269, 283 ḥisbah 194, 198-199, 244 Ḥizām 281 House of Justice 263 Hugue de Saint-omer 289 ḥūr (Maidens of Heaven) 253 Ḥusām, Sharīf 258 Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī b. Abū Ṭālib 30, 33, 88 Ḥusayn b. ʿĪsā b. Ḥārūn, Abū ʿAlī 295 Ḥushīm, son of Dan 77 Husseini, Inspector of Antiquities 50, 67-68, 147-148, 213, 215, 222-223, 237-239, 250-251, 260, 271, 273-276 Ibn al-Miʿlāq See: ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-ʿIrāqī, ʿIzz ad-Dīn Ibn ʿAsākir 11, 73, 296 Ibn Ḥajar, Aḥmad b. ʿAlī al-ʿAsqalānī 15, 94, 105-106, 141, 146, 166, 178, 308 Ibn Ḥanbal 38, 137

index Ibn Kathīr 28, 73, 191, 242 Ibn Kātib Jakam 186 Ibn Kūjbā 213-215 Ibn Mājah 137 Ibn Taghrī Birdī, Jamāl ad-Dīn Yūsuf alAtābikī 55, 63, 93-95, 158, 170, 177-178, 185186, 193 Ibn Taymiyyah 9, 11, 29 Ibrāhīm Abū Isḥāq, Burhān ad-Dīn 193 Ibrāhīm as-Salfītī 248-249 Ibrāhīm Pāshā 17-18, 204, 208 Ibrāhīm Shibl 266 Idnā 84, 89, 279 Ifrānj quarter (Hebron) 212 Ijzim (Ikzim) 303-304 Ikhshīd dynasty 296 Ikzim 303-304 Īnāl, al-Malik al-Ashraf, sultan 16, 181, 186-190, 205, 279 Inspector of the Two Noble Sanctuaries See: nāẓir al-ḥaramayn ash-sharīfayn iqāmah (tax) 197, 199 Irbil 195 ʿĪṣ or ʿĪṣū b. Isḥāq See: Esau ʿĪsā ʿAmr 250-251 ʿĪsā az-Zāhid 254 ʿĪsā az-Zāhid, mosque 254 ʿĪsā, al-Malik al-Muʿaẓẓam 11, 14, 39-42, 44, 85-86, 90, 109-110, 164, 207, 250-251, 254-255, 278-279, 282, 289, 295-296 Isaac 10, 12-14, 19-20, 40, 69, 76, 105, 141-144, 179-180, 203, 241-243, 278 isfahsalār 59, 63 Isḥāqiyyah 69, 141, 160, 180 ishārah 143, 166 Ishmael 104 Ismāʿīl, al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ, ʿImād ad-Dīn, sultan 87-88, 104-106, 119 Issac Hilu 278 Istanbul 16-17, 207, 211, 235, 251 Istiqlāl cemetery 264 Īwān 59-60, 63, 200 Iyās Chihārkas (Jahārkas), Fakhr ad-Dīn 289 Jabal al-Khalīl 3 Jabal ar-Rumaydah 1, 4, 51, 222-223

325

Jabal Naḍrah 3 Jabal Qays 3 Jacob 10, 12-14, 20, 22, 27, 44, 69, 77-78, 83, 101104, 110, 119, 139, 179, 203, 230, 241-242, 270 Jaʿfar aṣ-Ṣādiq 290 Jaffa 96, 207 Jalāl ad-Dīn 255-256, 263 Jantamur az-Zāhirī 164-165 Jaqmaq, al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, sultan 170-171, 185186, 197, 279 Jardah 226 jāriyat al-Muqtadir 179, 202 Jaussen, J. Antonin 31, 38-45, 47, 51-54, 57-58, 62, 64, 68, 70, 78, 80, 82, 84-86, 94, 99, 101-102, 108-109, 138, 140, 147-150, 160-161, 163-164, 173, 181-182, 187-189, 206-210, 213-214, 218-224, 226227, 230-231, 233, 240, 242, 246, 255, 279 jawkān, jukān (polo-stick) 176-177 Jāwliyyah 15-16, 43-45, 83, 97, 105, 107-110, 112114, 116-117, 126, 132-133, 135-138, 192, 216, 240, 260 Jazarī, Shams ad-Dīn 95 Jerome, St. 87, 89, 297 Jerusalem 2, 5, 7-16, 18-19, 24, 26, 41, 50, 52, 55-56, 59, 61-62, 64, 69, 74, 79, 84, 87-88, 9091, 102, 105-107, 109, 112, 136, 138, 146, 155-157, 159, 162, 164, 167-171, 173, 178-179, 181, 188, 191, 193-198, 200-204, 207, 210, 212, 214, 217, 220, 225-226, 228-229, 243, 272, 278-279, 282, 284, 308-310 Jesse (King David’s father), tomb 4, 47-48 Jewish quarter (Hebron) 19, 212, 221 Jewish cemetery (Hebron) 44, 105, 297 jihād 125 jizyah (poll tax) 170-171 Joab 218 John the Gadarene 286 Jonah 39, 89-90, 278, 282 Joseph 8, 10-11, 16, 22, 116-118, 122-123, 135, 168, 178-180, 202-204, 218, 229, 241-242 Joseph, tomb 10, 116-118, 122, 123, 135, 178-179, 202 Josephus 86, 297 Jūbān 158 Judhām 281

326

index

Junayd b. Muḥammad b. Junayd, Abū al-Qāsim al-Khazzāz 150, 236-237 Kabābīr 263 Kaʿbah 104, 119, 191, 207 kāfil quḍāt al-muslimīn 37 Kafr Burayk (Ibreik, also Banī Naʿīm) 40, 4243, 84, 87, 279 Kāfūr al-Ikhshīdī 298 Kalb 286 kāmil metre 208, 224, 246, 252 Karak 13, 41, 60, 96-97, 100, 106-107, 158, 177, 307 Kaykaldī an-Najmī 59, 65, 97 Kempinski 305 Khalīl b. Aybak aṣ-Ṣafadī See: Ṣafadī Khalīl b. Qalāwun, al-Malik al-Ashraf, sultan 95, 162, 181, 188 Khallat al-ʿUyūn 173, 187 Khalwatiyyah 237 khamr 74, 172 Khān al-Aḥmar 96-97 Khān al-Khalil 217, 220-221 Khān Sallār 107 Khān Sukkariyyah 307 khāṣṣakiyyah, khāṣṣikiyyah 165, 177 Khayr an-Nassāj 236 Khayriyyah 294 khidmah (tax, duty) 170-171, 196 khilʿah (robe of honour) 102, 170-171, 196 Khirbat an-Naṣārā 152 Khursā 84, 89 Khūrshīd (a waqf inspector) 241-242 Khūshqadam, al-Malik aẓ-Ẓāhir, sultan 16, 191-193, 279 “Kings of the Muslims” 84-86, 279 kiswah (cloth cover) 84, 103, 238 Kitbughā, al-Malik al-ʿĀdil, sultan 96, 106 Kitchen and Bakeries for simāṭ 7, 9, 11, 15-16, 43, 61, 84, 109-110, 161, 166, 173, 181, 187-193, 200-202 ḳizlar (qizlar) aġasi 217, 219 Kubakiyyah 115 Kutubī,Muḥammad b. Shākir 94-95

Lājīn (Lāchīn), Ḥusām ad-Dīn, sultan 96 lālā 217, 219 Leah 10, 13, 20, 22, 25, 44, 69, 74, 76-78, 101, 110 Lot 43, 84, 87, 89, 119-121, 123-124 Ludd 106 Mader 38, 46, 52-54, 57-59, 202, 205, 212-213, 217-218, 254 maghāliq (sing. mighlāq) 187-200 Maghāribah, zāwiyah 50, 52, 173, 218 Maḥmūd Āghā b. as-Sayyid ʿAlī 239 Maḥmūd Aḥmad, Mīrzā 263 Maḥmūd ʿAlī Ibrāhīm 251 Maḥmūd II, sultan 234 Majdal Fuṣayl 151-152, 173, 181, 184 Majdal, mosque 97 Majdal Yābā (Mirabel) 96 Malik al-ʿĀdil Sayf ad-Dīn Abū Bakr b. Ayyūb 44 Malik al-Kāmil Nāṣir ad-Dīn, sultan 14 Malikiyyah madrasah (Jerusalem) 308 Malikiyyah small mosque (Hebron) 168, 214 Māmillā cemetery 115 Mamlūks 2, 6, 8, 16-17, 55, 79, 106, 159, 163, 165, 177, 199, 259, 290 Maqām Abū Bakr ash-Shiblī See: Shiblī, zāwiyah Maqām an-Nabī Rābiḥ 270 Maqām an-Nabī Zakariyyā 90 Maqām Ibrāhīm 145 Maqām Shaykh Aḥmad al-ʿArīnī 305, 307-310 Maqām Shaykh ʿAṭā 270 Maqām Shaykh Muḥammad Abū alQāsim 147-150 Maqām Shaykh Yūsuf 67 Maqām Yaʿqūb 101, 103 Maqām Yūsuf aṣ-Ṣiddīq 168 maqarr al-ʿālī 169 Maqrīzī, Taqī ad-Dīn ʿAlī b. Aḥmad 14-16, 102103, 105, 107 Marṭūm 5-6 Marw 158 Mashhad al-Arbaʿīn See: Dayr al-Arbaʿīn Massignon, Louis 236 Masʿūd (builder, Ikzim) 304

index Masʿūd b. ʿUmar b. Asʿad Bak, Saʿd ad-Dīn 44, 45 Matāwilah 290 Maundeville, John 10 Mayer, L. A. 305-308 Maysūn (wife of Muʿāwiyah) 286 maẓālim (unjust taxes) 61, 141, 170, 194-195 Mazyatah (oil storage room) 25, 111, 113-116, 122, 132-133, 135, 137, 139-140, 150, 154, 156, xvi, 181, 190, 192, 199 Mecca 7-8, 11, 69, 95, 108, 119, 161-162, 186, 191, 207, 211, 217, 219, 266-267, 307 Medina 8-9, 95, 161-162, 217, 219, 264, 266-267, 269 Meissner, Heinrich August 267 minbar, Fāṭimid 14, 20-22, 24, 26-35, 37-38, 83, 141, 249, 253-254 Minṭāsh 158-159 Mongols 14, 55, 63, 71, 126, 308 Mount Carmel 262-263, 303 Mount Tabor 297, 302 Muʿāwiyah, caliph 284, 286, 288 Muʿayyad Shaykh, sultan 178 Muḥammad Abū Manṣūr al-Azharī 172 Muḥammad al-Jūlānī (junior) 231 Muḥammad al-Jūlānī (senior) 224 Muḥammad at-Tirʿānī, Shams ad-Dīn 237 Muḥammad b. ʿAbdallah al-Ḥusaynī (asSaqawātī) 49-51 Muḥammad b. al-humām, Nāṣir ad-Dīn 193 Muḥammad b. al-ʿIzz 192 Muḥammad b. an-Nashāshībī, Nāṣir adDīn 200-202 Muḥammad b. Ayyūb al-ʿIrāqī 138 Muḥammad b. Bakrān b. Muḥammad 76 Muḥammad b. Isḥāq 76 Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl aṣ-Ṣabāḥī, Abū Bakr 8788 Muḥammad b. Kāmil at-Tadmurī, Shams adDīn Abū ʿAbdallh 146 Muḥammad b. Mūsā b. Aḥmad 272, 275-276 Muḥammad b. Sayd ad-Dīn Bahādur 154, 156157 Muḥammad b. Ṭughj 296 Muḥammad b. ʿUmar al-Barbī 268

327

Muḥammad Ḥumaydān 259 Muḥammad III, sultan 247 Muḥammad ʿIzzat b. ʿAlī Effendi 242 Muḥammad Muṣṭafā al-Maṣrī 253 Muḥammad Saʿīd 38-39 Muḥammad b. Qalāwun al-Malik an-Nāṣir, sultan 83, 90, 95-97, 99, 102, 106-108, 111-114, 117, 136, 141-144, 272 Muḥammad, al-Malik aṣ-Ṣāliḥ, sultan 113, 189 Muḥammad, the Prophet 4, 8-9, 249, 295 Muḥibbī, Muḥammad Amīn b. Fāḍl Allah 210211 muḥtasib (inspector of markets) 171, 194-198, 244-245 Mujīr ad-Dīn, ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad 5, 7, 11-14, 17, 20-22, 42, 46-48, 50, 52-54, 57-58, 64, 69, 72, 76-77, 81, 88, 90, 105, 117, 139, 141, 146-147, 149-151, 153, 156-157, 164, 166, 168-170, 173, 176, 186, 189, 192, 198200, 202, 204, 212, 217, 223, 236-237, 254, 260, 278, 282 muqaddam alf 63, 177 Muqaddasī (Maqdisī) 3-6, 9-10, 13, 19, 87-88, 153, 284 muqarnaṣ 93, 98, 174 Muqtadir, caliph 179, 202 Murād IV, sultan 214 Mūsā b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Abū Shukr 214 mushīr 177 Muṣṭafā II, sultan 247 Muṣṭafā III, sultan 247 Muṣṭafā, Kārā Shāhīn 210-211 Mustanṣir bi-Allah, Maʿad Abū Tamīm, Fāṭimid, caliph 29-30, 33 Mustanṣir, Aḥmad Abū al-Qāsim, caliph 71 muṣṭār 172 mutakallim 171 Muʿtamid, caliph 236 Muʿtaṣim, caliph 157 Mutawakkil, caliph 156-157 Muṭīʿ bi-Allah, caliph 12 Muwaffaq, caliph 236 Nabī Baraq 295-296 Nabī Mūsā 181

328

index

Nabī Rūbīn 296 Nabī Ṣāliḥ 296 Nābulus 10, 13, 16, 18, 106, 161, 163, 166, 249, 270, 272 nāḥiyah 16, 152, 272-273, 275, 277 nāʾib kāfil (nāʾib as-salṭanah) 16, 65, 96-97, 159, 176 naqīb of Jerusalem 225, 229 Naṣārbādhī 236 Nashāshībī See: Muḥammad b. anNashāshībī, Nāṣir ad-Dīn Nāṣir-i-Khosrow (Khusraw) 6, 153-154 Nathaniel, son of Jacob 10 Nazareth 297 nāẓir al-ḥaramayn ash-sharīfayn 105, 156-157, 161, 164, 167, 169-170, 178, 181, 188, 190, 192-193, 200, 220 nāẓir al-jaysh 184-186 nāẓir al-khāṣṣ 184-186 Night Journey 8, 11 Noah 10, 43, 86 Nūr ad-Dīn of Damascus 289 nuʿūt 37 Oak of Abraham 38 Oak of Mamre (ar-Rāmah) 2 Obadiah of Bertinoro 4, 10, 173 Oil storage room See: Mazyatah Oliphant, Lawrence 266 Ottomans 6, 16-17, 91, 237, 244, 259, 266-267, 290 Patriarchs 3, 8-13, 17, 19-20, 22, 25, 27, 44-45, 70, 77, 81, 103, 142, 179, 181, 203-204, 209, 214, 242 Pinḥas 243 Pottery pipes 7, 152 Qalʿah of Hebron See: Citadel Qabalān (Cabbala Kabbalah) 290 Qalʿah quarter (Hebron) 202-204 Qalamṭāy al-ʿUthmānī 175 Qalandariyyah, mausoleum 193 Qalāwun, al-Malik al-Manṣūr, sultan 7, 15, 19, 53-59, 62-63, 65-66, 71-72, 78-81, 83, 85-86, 9495, 99, 103, 106, 108, 111-114, 116, 136, 138, 141,

145, 162, 185, 279, 308 Qalqashandī, Abū al-ʿAbbās Aḥmad b. ʿAlī 5-6, 14, 29, 37, 69, 71-72, 91, 96, 112, 139, 143, 158159, 162-163, 169, 177, 184-185, 199, 307 Qanāṭir quarter (Hebron) 261 Qāqūn 84, 90-91, 106-107 Qaryat al-Kathīb 107 Qaryat Ḥajjah 270 Qashtamurī, Sayf ad-Dīn Balabān 100-101 Qashtamurī, Sayf ad-Dīn, Dimurdāsh 100-101 qasīm amīr al-muʾminīn 71-72, 163 Qawāsmah, zāwiyah 147, 149-150, 258 Qāyit-Bāy, al-Malik al-Ashraf, sultan 16, 194195, 197-200, 202, 226 qāymaqām 242, 251 Qaymāriyyah, madrasah 173 Qāymāz, Ṣārim ad-Dīn 289 Qays, tribe 3, 16-17, 86, 283 qiblah of Ibrāhīm 191 Qiryat Arbaʿ 1, 5, 47 qizlar 217, 219-220 Quarantine of Hebron 233 Quatremère, M. 59, 64, 176 qudūm (tax, duty)  168-171, 196 qudūr (cooking pots) 168, 171 Rāḍī, caliph 296 Rajab Pāshā 222-224 rajāz, metre 219, 230 ramal, metre 206, 251 Ramlah 12-13, 26, 59, 77, 91, 96, 106, 181 Ra ʾs al-Jaʿābirah 45 rasm (tax) 196 Rebecca 10, 13, 19-20, 24, 40, 69, 74, 105, 142-144, 180, 230-231 Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī (Hebron) 15, 53-54, 56-57, 205 Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī (Jerusalem) 53-54, 136, 138 rishwah (bribery) 198 riwāq 44-45, 109, 166 Runciman, S. 203, 289 Ruqūm 26, 30-31, 34-38, 40, 43, 53-55, 58, 70, 74, 81-85, 102-103, 108-109, 111-115, 118-126, 132-135, 137, 139-140, 142-145, 150, 154, 160-161, 163-164, 166, 169, 171-176, 178, 180-185, 187-192, 199, 205-

index 206, 208, 210, 216-217, 224, 226-232, 240, 242, 246, 248-249, 253, 255 Rushdiyyah 245 Ruth, tomb 47-48 Sabas, St. 286 Sabīl ʿUthmān 229 Ṣabūr (Jacob) 241, 242 Sæwulf 10-11, 203 Ṣafad 62, 176, 289-290, 307 Ṣafadī, Khalīl b. Aybak 101, 105-106 Ṣāfiyah 307 Saʿīd as-Suʿadāʾ, khānqah 165 Sakhāwī 165-166, 186 Saladin 14, 27, 29, 41, 50, 96, 254, 289 Sallār, Sayf ad-Dīn 59, 62, 64-65, 92-97, 99, 106-107 Samaritans 270 Samarqand 165 Sāmarrā 236 Sammāniyyah, zāwiyah 261 Ṣān al-Ḥajar See: Zoan, Zoan-Tanis Sanctuary of Hebron 4, 9, 17, 80, 102, 114, 116, 168-169, 191, 203, 279 Sanctuary of Ḥusayn’s head in Ashqelon 14, 26-30, 34 Sanjar al-Jāwlī, ʿAlm ad-Dīn 15, 91, 97, 105, 117, 137-138, 142, 145-146 Sannacherib 294 Saqawātī 46, 48-52 Sāqiyah al-Ḥamrāʾ 50, 52 Sarah 8, 10, 13, 20, 22, 44, 69-70, 77-79, 83, 101, 110, 142, 160, 166, 180, 208-209, 246, 248, 279 Sauvaire, Henri Joseph 47, 53-55, 57-58, 62-65, 108-109, 174, 176, 184-185, 187, 189, 206-207, 209-210, 218-220, 223, 255-256 ṣawlajān (polo-stick) 177 Sayf ad-Dawlah b. Ḥamadān 298 Sea of Galilee 283 Sebastia 270 Shaʿbān b. al-Yaghmūrī 178 Shaʿbān b. Ḥusayn 103 Sharon, plain of 262 Shawbak 97, 106 Shaykh ʿĪsā, zāwiyah 255

329

Shaykh quarter (Hebron) 64 Shaykhūniyyah, khānqah 165 Shīʿah 29, 36, 290 Shiblī b. ʿUthmān 238 Shiblī, Abū Bakr Dulaf b. Jaḥdar 235-240 Shiblī, zāwiyah and mosque 235-240 Shikmonah 262 Shoghi Effendi 263 Shurafāʾ, zāwiyah 52 Shaykh Ilyās, zāwiyah 138 Sibṭ b. al-Jawzī 41 ṣihrīj (water tank) 64-65 Simākān 228 simāṭ (see also: dashīsha, ʿadas khalīlī) 7, 9, 11, 15-16, 43, 61, 84, 109-110, 161, 166, 173, xvi, 181, 187-190, 192-193, 200-202, 256 siqāyah of Qalāwun 56-58, 65 sirdāb 20 Sīryāqūs 158 Solomon, King 9, 19, 240 Solomon pools 207, 210 Solomon’s Temple See: Haykal Sulaymān Solomonic wall 19, 43-44, 117, 168, 179-180 Spica Virgins See: as-Simākān Sukkariyyah 307 Sulaymān I 17, 204, 207, 211 ṣuʿlūk 12 Sunqur al-Ashqar 55 Sūq al-Ghazl 174, 217 Sūq al-Ḥarīm 257 Sūq al-Khalīl 217 Sūq al-Khawājāt 217-218 Sūq al-Qazzāzīn 211 sūr as-sulaymānī See: Solomonic Wall Suyūṭī, Jalāl ad-Dīn 310 ṭablkhānah 9, 110, 159, 165, 177, 189 Tadmur (Palmyra) 146-147 Taghrī Birdī b. ʿAbdallah 158 Ṭālib ar-Rifāʿī al-Ḥusaynī 260 Tamīm ad-Dārī 4, 13 Tankiz, Sayf ad-Dīn, an-Nāṣirī 16, 106, 141-146 Tankiziyyah 59 Ṭaṭār, sultan 194-195 ṭawīl metre 227, 259

330

index

tawqīʿ 245-246 Ṭayyibat al-Ism (aṭ-Ṭayyibah) 84, 90 Tell ʿAreinī 305 Tell aṣ-Ṣāfī 305 Thutmose III 283 Tiberias 272, 283-284, 298 timār sipāhī 212-213 Timūr Lang 261 Timurbughā al-Afḍalī See: Minṭāsh ṭirāz 81, 101-104, 111 Tirmidhī, Muḥammad b. ʿĪsā 38, 137, 249 Toron (tibnīn) 289 Tristram, Henry Baker 297-298, 302 ṭughrā 234, 245-247 ṭuʿmah (tax) 195-197, 199 Ṭurunṭay, Ḥusām ad-Dīn 59, 63, 66, 96, 98 ʾūlā al-qiblatayn 162 ʿUmar b. Karīm ad-Dīn, Najm ad-Dīn 254 ʿUmar b. ʿUthmān b. Abū al-Qāsim 150 Umm Lāqis (Mulāqis) 306 Unqur 84, 90 Urdunn 286, 298 ustādār 106, 178, 185 ʿUthmān Āġā lālā 217 ʿUthmān b. Jaʿfar b. Shādhān, Abū ʿAmr 76 ʿUthmān II, sultan 214 ʿUthmān III, sultan 214 ʿUthmān Pāshā Abū Ṭawq 222 van Berchem, Max 19, 29-30, 47-48, 52, 54-55, 64, 68, 140, 147-148, 150, 170, 176, 195-197, 204, 206-207, 307 Vincent-Mackay 35, 40, 43, 70, 80, 82, 86, 108109, 140, 174, 181-183, 208, 224, 230-231, 246, 255-256 Wādī al-Khalīl 2-4 Wādī at-Tuffāḥ 3, 7 Wahb b. Munabbih 72-73 Wakālat al-Khalīl 220-221

wālī (governor) 159, 225 Wāthiq II, caliph 157 wilāyah 91, 159, 290 Wilson, Colonel 24-25 wine producing in Hebron 4, 152, 168, 172-173 wuldān mukhalladūn 253 Yabneh (Yibna, Yubnā) 162 Yadin, Y. 87-88 al-Yaghmūrī See: Aḥmad al-Yaghmūrī Yalbaghā al-ʿUmarī 158 Yalbughā an-Nāṣirī 158 Yalbughā as-Sālimī 161, 164-165 Yaman, tribe 3, 16-17 Yaqīn 84, 87-89 Yaqīn mosque 84, 87-89 Yaʿqūbiyyah 78 Yāqūt b. ʿAbdallah al-Ḥamawī 91, 96, 278, 283 Yarmūk river 267, 283 Yazīd I b. Muʿāwiyah, Ummayad caliph 28, 286 Yeivin, S. 20, 22, 305 Yūsuf Āghā 216 Yūsuf al-ʿAjamī 212, 214-215 Yūsuf an-Najjār, tomb 218 Yūsuf b. Isḥāq 69 Yūsuf, Jamāl ad-Dīn aṣ-Ṣāḥib 78, 185-186 Ẓāhir al-ʿUmar 262 Ẓāhir li-Iʿzāz dīn Allah, Fāṭimid caliph 302 Zajjājīn (Qazzāzīn) quarter (Hebron) 18, 211213 Zakariyyā 84, 90 Zāwiyat ʿAlī al-Bakkā See: ʿAlī al-Bakkā, mosque Zayd b. Rūmī b. ʿAbdallah al-Ḥarāmī 280 Zetterstéen, K. V. 94 Ziver Paşa 234-235 Zoan, Zoan-Tanis 1 Zohar 243 zubnah (tax) 196, 199

index of qurʾānic verses

331

Index of Qurʾānic verses The detailed list below represents the verses as they appear in the text of the book whether quoted or mentioned. The numbers in brackets refer to Bell’s translation of the Qurʾān Edinburgh, 1937. Q 1:1-5 118 Q 2:20 (2:19) 115 Q 2:124-126 81, 119, 146 Q 2:126-128 128 Q 2:126-133 128 Q 2:127-133 104 Q 2:128-131 128 Q 2:130 221 Q 2:132 128 Q 2:132-133 128 Q 2:135 81 Q 2:144 (2:139a) 191 Q 2:181 (2:177) 161 Q 2:255 (256) 26, 28, 133, 238 Q 2:285-286 134 Q 2:286 119 Q 3:16 271 Q 3:65-66 128 Q 3:65-68 129-130 Q 3:66 128 Q 3:68 125 Q 3:66-68 128 Q 3:97 248 Q 3:169 125 Q 3:171-174 125 Q 3:174 123 Q 3:194-195 125 Q 3:195 128, 132 Q 4:125 128-129, 131, 242 Q 4:125-126 (124-125) 71, 128-129, 146, 242 Q 4:126 71, 81 Q 6:160 (6:161) 94, 99 Q 7:6 206 Q 9:18-22 123 Q 9:18 33, 118, 121, 123, 214-215, 299 Q 9:21 51, 123, 125 Q 9:109 (9:110) 216

Q 9:114 128-129, 131 Q 9:120 161 Q 10:9 128 Q 10:9-10 128-129, 132 Q 10:10 124 Q 10:62-65 261 Q 14:35-37 128, 130 Q 14:38-41 133 Q 15:46 251 Q 16:90 (16:92) 194 Q 16:120-121 121 Q 16:120-123 145, 232 Q 16:123 (16:124) 69, 145, 232 Q 16:123-124 133 Q 17:78 121 Q 17:80 121 Q 19:40 33, 40, 84 Q 21:89 33, 84 Q 24:36 123, 128-129, 131, 193 Q 24:36-38 121 Q 25:10 134 Q 25:11 306 Q 26:69-71 134 Q 26:69-87 136 Q 26:73-74 122 Q 26:74-76 116 Q 26:77-81 134 Q 26:85-87 134 Q 27:89 (27:91) 309 Q 30:50 (30:49) 184, 188, 190 Q 33:22-23 120 Q 33:23-24 128-129, 132 Q 33:24 128 Q 33:33 143 Q 33:38-39 128-129, 132 Q 33:38 128 Q 33:44 120

332 Q 33:48 120 Q 33:56 111 Q 35:29 123 Q 35:31 123 Q 35:34 123 Q 36 (full) 249 Q 36:8 124 Q 36:82 249 Q 36:83 124 Q 37:81-93 112, 122 Q 37:83-84 112 Q 37:93-96 122 Q 37:96-98 122

index of qurʾānic verses Q 37:112 142 Q 38:45-47 69, 248 Q 38:45-57 248 Q 39:73 (39:74) 182 Q 48:1-2 (48:2-3) 183 Q 48:1-4 128, 130 Q 55:26 231 Q 55:26-27 146 Q 56:17 253 Q 59:21 120 Q 59:21-24 132 Q 61:13 30, 211 Q 76:19 253

Map 1. Hebron: Mader’s plan legend based on his original German. Source: Fondation Max van Berchem Geneva (MvB copy) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 6a 7.

Inscription of the Qalʿah—original site. Inscription over the Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī—original site. Inscription over Ḥammām ar-Ribāṭ (birkat al-maṭharah). Sabīl as-Sulṭān Īnāl. Double inscription on ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī. One line inscription on a building stone of the wall. Opposite the former, over a window remnants of “Kūfī” inscription. Double inscription over the gate of Khān as-Sulṭān.

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Inscription on Jāmiʿ ʿUtmān. “Unknown and unedited inscription” on Khān Sayyidinā al-Khalīl. Inscription at the entrance of Sūq al-Khawājāt. Inscription on a structure of a fountain: ʿAyn Umm al-Bāshā (Aḥmad Bek). Inscription on the tomb of Sayyid Muḥammad al-Ḥasanī (“as-Saqawātī”). Mosque of ʿAlī al-Bakkā with inscriptions. Epitaph of Walī Yūsuf. Inscription over the Ṣihrīj.

16. Epitaph of Walī ʿUmar. 17. Inscription in the ruined mosque of Shaykh Muḥmmad az-Zāhid. 18. Inscription (“45×28cm six lines”) over a door in the second floor of a house behind the Sarāi. The house is some 40 steps south east of the entrance to the Sarāi (situated to the S/E of the ḥaram). There is a modern inscription over the entrance into the house. 19. Two inscriptions on Jāmiʿ Ḥārat al-Qazzāzīn. One, three lines on the s/w wall; the second 6 lines on the S/E wall 3m above the road.

sites

FIGURES 1–113

Inscriptions

333

334

sites

inscriptions

Fig. 1. Hebron c. 5th/11th

Fig. 2. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3a. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3b. Hebron 484/1091-92

335

336



inscriptions

    Fig. 3d. Hebron 484/1091-92 (left side) Fig. 3c.  Hebron 484/1091-92 (right side)

Fig. 3e. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3f. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3g. Hebron 484/1091-92

inscriptions

Fig. 3h. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3i. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3j. Hebron 484/1091-92

337

338

inscriptions

Fig. 3k. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3l. Hebron 484/1091-92

inscriptions

Fig. 3m. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 3n. Hebron 484/1091-92

Fig. 4. Hebron 612/1215

339

340

inscriptions

Fig. 5. Hebron 621-624/1224-1227

Fig. 6. Hebron 652/1254

inscriptions

Fig. 7. Hebron 679/1280

Fig. 8. Hebron 679/1280

341

342

inscriptions

Fig. 9. Hebron 681/1282

Fig. 10. Hebron 681a/1282

inscriptions

Fig. 11. Hebron 685/1286 (Courtesy IAA)

343

344

inscriptions

Fig. 11a. Hebron 685/1286

Fig. 12a. Hebron 685a/1286

inscriptions

Fig. 12b. Hebron 685a/1286

Fig. 12c.  Hebron 685a/1286

Fig. 12d. Hebron 685a/1286

345

346

inscriptions

Fig. 12e. Hebron 685a/1286

Fig. 12f. Hebron 685a/1286

Fig 12g. Hebron 685a/1286

Fig. 12h. Hebron 685a/1286

inscriptions

Fig. 12i. Hebron Greek inscription

Fig. 13a. Hebron 685b/1286

Fig. 13b. Hebron 685b/1286

347

348

inscriptions

Fig. 13c.  Hebron 685b/1286

Fig. 13d. Hebron 685b/1286

inscriptions

Fig. 13e. Hebron 685b/1286

Fig. 13f. Hebron 685b/1286

349

350

inscriptions

Fig. 13g. Hebron 685b/1286

Fig. 13h. Hebron 685b/1286

inscriptions

Fig. 14. Hebron 686/1287

Fig. 15a. Hebron c. 693/193

Fig. 15b. Hebron c. 693/193

351

352

inscriptions

Fig 15c.  Hebron c. 693/193

Fig. 15d. Hebron c. 693/193

Fig. 15e. Hebron c. 693/193

inscriptions

Fig. 16a. Hebron End of 7th/9th century (right side of inscription)

Fig. 16b. Hebron End of 7th/9th century (left side of inscription)

Fig. 17. Yaqīn 352/963

353

354

inscriptions

Fig. 18a. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18b. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18c.  Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18d. Hebron 702/1302

inscriptions

Fig 18e. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18f. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18g. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18h. Hebron 702/1302

355

356

inscriptions

Fig. 18i. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18j. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 18k. Hebron 702/1302

inscriptions

Fig. 18l. Hebron 702/1302

Fig. 19. Hebron 702a/1302

357

358

inscriptions

Fig. 20. Hebron 706/1306

inscriptions

Fig. 21. Hebron 707/1307

Fig. 22a. Hebron 707/1307 ṭirāz centre

359

360

inscriptions

Fig. 22b. Hebron 707/ 1307 ṭirāz left (1)

Fig. 22c.  Hebron 707/1307 ṭirāz left (2)

inscriptions

Fig. 22d. Hebron 707/1307 ṭirāz right

Fig. 23a. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 23b. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 23c.  Hebron 720/1320

361

362

inscriptions

Fig. 23d. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 24. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 25a. Hebron 720/1320

inscriptions

Fig. 25b. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 25c.  Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 25d. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 26a. Hebron 720/1320

363

364

inscriptions

Fig. 26b. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 26c.  Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 26d. Hebron 720/1320

inscriptions

Fig. 27a. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 27b. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 28a. Hebron 720/1320 (F. Amirah)

365

366

inscriptions

Fig. 28b. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 29a. Hebron 720/1320 (F. Amirah)

Fig. 29b. Hebron 720/1320 (F. Amirah)

inscriptions

Fig. 29c.  Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 29d. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 29e. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 30a. Hebron 720/1320

367

368

inscriptions

Fig. 30b. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 30c.  Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 31a. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 31b. Hebron 720/1320

inscriptions

Fig. 31c.  Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 31d. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 31e. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 31f. Hebron 720/1320

Fig. 32a. Hebron 720/1320

369

370

inscriptions

Fig. 32b. Hebron 720/1320 (drawing F. Amirah)

Fig. 33a. Hebron 720/1320 (drawing F. Amirah)

inscriptions

Fig. 33b. Hebron 720/1320 (drawn by F. Amirah)

Fig. 34. Hebron 720/1320

371

372

inscriptions

Fig. 35. Hebron 727/1327

inscriptions

Fig. 36. Hebron c. 727/1327

Fig. 37. Hebron 732/1331-1332

373

374

inscriptions

Fig. 38a. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 38b. Hebron 732/1331-1332

inscriptions

Fig. 38c.  Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 38d. Hebron 732/1331-1332

375

376

inscriptions

Fig. 38e. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 38f. Hebron 732/1331-1332

inscriptions

Fig. 38g. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 38h. Hebron 732/1331-1332

377

378

inscriptions

Fig. 38i. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 38j. Hebron 732/1331-1332

inscriptions

Fig. 38k. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 39a. Hebron 732/1331-1332

379

380

inscriptions

Fig. 39b. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 39c.  Hebron 732/1331-1332

inscriptions

Fig. 39d. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 39e. Hebron 732/1331-1332

381

382

inscriptions

Fig. 39f. Hebron 732/1331-1332

Fig. 39g. Hebron 732/1331-1332

inscriptions

Fig. 40. Hebron c. 732/1331-1332

Fig. 41. Hebron c. 732/1331-1332

Fig. 42. Hebron 741/1340 (courtesy Y. Abū Maizar)

383

384

inscriptions

Fig. 43. Hebron 764/1363

Fig. 44. Hebron 776/1375

inscriptions

Fig. 45. Hebron 789-790/1387-1388

Fig. 46a. Hebron 796/1394 right section of inscription

385

386

inscriptions

Fig. 46b. Hebron 796/1394 middle section of inscription

Fig. 46c.  Hebron 796/1394 left section of inscription

Fig. 47. Hebron 796/1394

inscriptions

Fig. 48. Hebron Ṭawāshī inscriptions (courtesy Y. Abu Maizar)

Fig. 48a. Hebron 800/1397

Fig. 48b. Hebron 800/1397

Fig. 49a. Hebron 802/1399

387

388

inscriptions

Fig. 49b. Hebron 802/1399

Fig. 50a. Hebron 859/1454-1455

Fig. 50b. Hebron 859/1454-1455

Fig. 50c.  Hebron 859/1454-1455

inscriptions

Fig 50d. Hebron 859/1454-1455

Fig. 51a. Hebron 859/1454-1455

389

390

inscriptions

Fig. 51b. Hebron 859/1454-1455

Fig. 51c.  Hebron 859/1454-1455

inscriptions

Fig. 51d. Hebron 859/1454-1455

Fig. 51e. Hebron 859/1454-1455

391

392

inscriptions

Fig. 51f. Hebron 859/1454-1455

Fig. 51g. Hebron 859/1454-1455

Fig. 52. Hebron 861/1456-1457

inscriptions

Fig. 53. Hebron 861/1456-1457

Fig. 54. Hebron 861/1456-1457

Fig. 55a. Hebron c. 865/1461

393

394

inscriptions

Fig. 55b. Hebron c. 861/1461

Fig. 56. Hebron 867/1462-63

inscriptions

Fig. 57. Hebron 881/1476

Fig. 57a. Jerusalem 881/1476

395

396

inscriptions

Fig. 58. Hebron 881/1476

Fig. 59. Hebron 950/1543

inscriptions

Fig. 60. Hebron 1008/1599-1600

Fig. 61a. Hebron 1040/1630-31

397

398

inscriptions

Fig. 61b. Hebron 1040/1630-31

inscriptions

Fig. 62. Hebron 1063/1650

399

400

inscriptions

Fig. 62a. Hebron 1063/1650 (courtesy Y. Abu Maizar)

inscriptions

Fig. 63. Hebron 1107/1695-1696

Fig. 64a. Hebron 1130/1718 (courtesy Y. Abu Maizar)

401

402

inscriptions

Fig. 64b. Hebron 1130/1718 (middle section)

Fig. 65. Hebron 1130/1718

inscriptions

Fig. 66. Hebron 1169/1755-56

403

404

inscriptions

Fig. 67. Hebron 1172/1758-1759

Fig. 68. Hebron 1172/1758-1759

inscriptions

Fig. 69. Hebron 1172/1758-1759

Fig. 70. Hebron 1175/1761

405

406

inscriptions

Fig. 71. Hebron 1200/1785-86

inscriptions

Fig. 72. Hebron 1215/1800-01

407

408

inscriptions

Fig. 73a. Hebron 1233/1817-18

Fig. 73b. Hebron 1233/1817-18

Fig. 73c.  Hebron 1233/1817-18

Fig. 74. Hebron 1233/1817-18

inscriptions

Fig. 75. Hebron 1244/1825

409

410

inscriptions

Fig. 76. Hebron 1265/1848-1849

Fig. 77. Hebron 1265/1848-1849

inscriptions

Fig. 78. Hebron 1265/1848-1849

Fig. 79. Hebron 1290/1874

411

412

inscriptions

Fig. 80. Hebron 1297/1880

inscriptions

Fig. 81. Hebron 1300/1882

Fig. 82. Hebron 1313/1895-96

413

414

inscriptions

Fig. 83. Hebron 1313/1895-96 (sample)

Fig. 84a. Hebron 1313/1895-96 (sample)

Fig. 84b. Hebron 1313/1895-96

inscriptions

Fig. 85. Hebron 1322/1904 (roof. Courtesy IAA)

415

416

inscriptions

Fig. 85a. Hebron 1322/1904 (main gate. Courtesy Y. Abu Maizar)

inscriptions

Fig. 86. Hebron 1328/1910

Fig. 87. Hebron 1339/1920

Fig. 88. Hebron 1356/1937

417

418

inscriptions

Fig. 89. Hebron c. 990/1582

Fig. 89a. Hebron c. 990/1582

Fig. 90. Hebron middle 7th/ middle 13th

inscriptions

Fig. 91. Hebron No Date

419

420

inscriptions

Fig. 92. Hebron c. 900/1495

inscriptions

Fig. 93. Hebron c. 750/1349

Fig. 94. Hebron Declaration of faith

421

422

inscriptions

Fig. 95. Hebron Poem

Fig. 96. Hebron c. 1100/1688

inscriptions

Fig. 96a. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

Fig. 96b. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

423

424

inscriptions

Fig. 96c.  Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

Fig. 96d. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

inscriptions

Fig. 96e. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

Fig. 96f. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

425

426

inscriptions

Fig. 96g. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

Fig. 96h. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

inscriptions

Fig. 96i. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

Fig. 96j. Hebron late Mamlūk early Ottoman

427

428

inscriptions

Fig. 97. Haifa 1312 /1894-95

inscriptions

Fig. 97a. Haifa 1312 /1894-95

Fig. 98. Haifa Late 19th early 20th century

429

430

inscriptions

Fig. 99. Haifa 1317/1899-1900

inscriptions

Fig. 100. Haifa 1319/1901-02

Fig. 100a. Haifa 1319/1901-02

431

432

inscriptions

Fig. 100b. Haifa Arabic copy of inscription

Fig. 100c.  Haifa English translation of inscription

inscriptions

Fig. 100d. Haifa Hebrew translation of inscriptions

Fig. 100e. Haifa artisan signature

433

434

inscriptions

Fig. 101. Ḥajjah Late 2nd /early 9th c.

Fig. 101a. Ḥajjah Late 2nd /early 9th c. renovated (Photo, O. Badrieh)

inscriptions

Fig. 102. Ḥajjah 722/1322

Fig. 102a. Ḥajjah 722/1322 renovated (Badrieh)

435

436

inscriptions

Fig. 103. Ḥajjah 723/1323-4

Fig. 103a. Ḥajjah 723/1323-4 renovated (Badrieh)

inscriptions

Fig. 104. Ḥajjah 735/1334-5

Fig. 104a. Ḥajjah 735/1334-5 (IAA squeeze)

437

438

inscriptions

Fig. 105. Ḥajjah 749/1348

Fig 105a. Ḥajjah 749/1348 modern

inscriptions

Fig. 105b. 749/1348 (IAA squeeze)

Fig. 106. Ḥalḥūl 355/966

439

440

inscriptions

Fig. 107a. al-Ḥammah 122/740

Fig. 107b. al-Ḥammah 122/740 drawing

inscriptions

Fig. 108. Ibn Ibrāq 327/938-39 full text

441

442

inscriptions

Fig. 108a. Ibn Ibrāq 327/938-39 (top)

Fig. 108b. Ibn Ibrāq 327/938-39 (bottom)

inscriptions

Fig. 109. Iksāl End of 2nd/ 9th century

Fig. 110. Iksāl 423/1032

443

444

inscriptions

Fig. 110a. Iksāl 423/1032

Fig. 110b. Iksāl 423/1032

inscriptions

Fig. 110c.  Iksāl 423/1032

Fig. 111. Ikzim 1236/1820-21

445

446

inscriptions

Fig. 112. ʿIrāq al-Manshiyyah 717/1317 (Courtesy IAA)

Fig. 113. ʿIrāq al-Manshiyyah 717/1317? (Courtesy IAA)

inscriptions

FIGURES P1–P76

Sites

447

448

inscriptions

449

sites

Fig. P1. al-Qazzāzīn pool c. 1920-1924 (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P3. Minbar next to Isaac’s chamber and cenotaph (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P2. The minbar of Ḥusayn’s head in the sanctuary of Hebron (photo: O. Badrieh)

Fig. P4 Bāb al-Ḥaḍrah

450

sites

Fig. P5. ar-Ribāṭ al-Manṣūrī (courtesy IAA)

Fig P6. Siqāyah of Qalāwun. Right: arched entrance with inscription. Top left: view of the riwāq. Bottom left: view of the ablution water pool. (Courtesy IAA)

451

sites

Fig. P7. Left door of the northern gate into the vestibule.

Fig. P8. Right door of the northern gate into the vestibule.

Fig. P9. Canopy over aperture leading to the underground space (courtesy IAA)

452

sites

Fig. P10. ʿAlī al-Bakkā, end of inscription and blazon (photo Y. Abu Maizar)

Fig. P11. Gate into the mosque of Shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkā (courtesy IAA)

sites

Fig. P12. Gate into the mosque of Shaykh ʿAlī al-Bakkā (courtesy IAA)

453

Fig. P14. Hebron Sanctuary, arcade on the west of the open court (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P15. Main mosque (Byzantine church). Near: Rebecca’s cenotaph. Far: Isaac cenotaph.

Fig. P13. Hebron sanctuary SE portico (courtesy IAA)

454

sites

Fig. P16. Maqām Abū al-Qāsim, inscriptions above lintel of window (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P17. Entrance of maqām Shaykh Muḥammad Abū al-Qāsim (courtesy IAA)

sites

Fig. P18. zāwiyah of Shaykh ʿAfīf al-ʿAjamī al-Qāsimī, built 1363/1943 (courtesy, Y Abu Maizar)

Fig. P19. pottery pipe of an aqueduct (photo Y Abu Maizar)

455

456

sites

Fig. P20. Bāb al-Isḥāqiyyah the first door of the main mosque on the east (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P21. ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī muqarnas (stalactite) style (photo, Y. Abu Maizar)

sites

Fig. P22. ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī in the 1930s (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P23. ʿAyn aṭ-Ṭawāshī in the 1970s

457

458

sites

Fig. P24. ʿAyn al-Khuddām present condition

Fig. P25. Hebron 865 full inscription within the half-dome miḥrāb

sites

Fig. P26. Citadel, original salient with inscription in situ 1930 (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P27. Present location of salient 2011

459

460

sites

Fig. P28. Ruined castle (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P29. Another view of the ruined castle (courtesy IAA)

sites

Fig. P30. Entrance to Jāmiʿ Ḥārat al-Qazzāzīn al-qadīm (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P31. Husseini’s report on Jāmiʿ Ḥārat al-Qazzāzīn

461

462

sites

Fig. P32. Jāwliyyah Mosque S/E entrance (courtesy O. Badrieh)

Fig. P33. Sūq al-khawājāt present condition (Photo, Y. Abū Maizar)

sites

Fig. P34. Gate to Khān al-Khalīl (photo: Y. Abu Maizar)

Fig. P35. Wakālat al-Khalīl (Khān al-Khalīl) (courtesy IAA)

463

464

sites

Fig. P36. Wakālat al-Khalīl (al-Wakālah)1921

Fig. P37. Site of al-Wakālah inscription (photo: Y. Abu Maizar)

sites

Fig. P38. Sabīl ʿUthmān present condition (photo: Y. Abu Maizar)

Fig. P39. Sabīl ʿUthmān, S. side of sanctuary court, opposite corner (courtesy IAA)

465

466

sites

Fig. P40. artisan signature detail

Fig. P41. lintel inscription over gate leading into small mosque of al-Mālikiyyah

Fig. P42. Full image of grave

sites

Fig. P43. quarantine (photo Y. Abu Maizar)

Fig. P44. Shiblī mosque compound (photo Y. Abu Maizar)

467

468

sites

Fig. P45. Tirʿānī’s cenotaph (photo Y. Abu Maizar)

Fig. P46. Shiblī site after partial restoration

469

sites

Fig. P47. Shiblī’s cenotaph

Fig. P48. Maqām Shiblī 1942 (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P49. Shiblī entrance inscription (courtesy IAA)

470

sites

Fig. P50. Shiblī entrance inscriptions (photo Y. Abu Maizar)

Fig. P51. Hebron 1297 full image of grave

sites

Fig. P52. Dār ʿĪsā ʿAmr entrance

Fig. P53. Dār ʿĪsā ʿAmr general view (photo Y. Abu Maizar)

471

472

sites

Fig. P54. Masjid ʿĪsā az-Zāhid entrance

Fig. P55. cenotaph of ʿĪsā az-Zāhid

sites

Fig. P56. location of inscription on sanctuary wall

Fig. P57. Zāwiyat al-Arzrūmī in 1942 (courtesy IAA)

473

474

sites

Fig. P58. Ornamented fragment from Istiqlāl cemetery in Haifa

Fig. P60. Monument commemorating the railway line in Haifa East station; inscription on top.

Fig. P59. Monument commemorating the railway line in Haifa East station

sites

Fig. P61. Decorative elements on the monument

Fig. P62. Another view of the monument showing inscription

475

476

sites

Fig. P63. Monument full size. Circa 1970.

sites

Fig. P64. an-Nabī Rabāḥ (courtesy IAA)

477

478

sites

Fig. P65. an-Nabī Rabaḥ (modern) (photo O. Badrieh)

Fig. P66. Shaukh ʿAtā (photo O. Badrieh)

sites

Fig. P67. Ḥajjah village mosque (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P68. Front of Ḥajjah mosque (photo O. Badrieh)

479

480

sites

Fig. P69. Ḥajjah mosque middle gate (Photo O. Badrieh)

sites

Fig. P70. Ḥajjah mosque left gate (photo O. Badrieh)

481

482

sites

Fig. P71. Inscribed lintel. Note decorated posts right and left (courtesy IAA)

Fig. P72. Ḥajjah minaret (courtesy IAA)

sites

Fig. P73. grave of Muḥammad b. Musā b. Aḥmad (photo O. Badrieh)

Fig. P74. Iksāl castle ruins in 1980s

483

484

sites

Fig. P75. Iksāl ruins in 1980s

Fig. P76. ʿArīnī (ʿUraynī) shrine (courtesy IAA)