Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route: Socio-Economic and Cultural Continuity across the Camel/Fowey Corridor - ‘The Way of Saints’ from the Roman period to AD 700 9781407354767, 9781407356181

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‘An entirely original approach that has produced a fantastic amount of detail … a “tour de force” in how to deal with landscape archaeological surveys.’ Professor Stephen Upex, University of Cambridge

The Camel and Fowey rivers incise deeply into Cornwall, nearly meeting in the middle. This book is a landscape study of the Camel/Fowey corridor which forms a natural trans-peninsular portage route across Cornwall, avoiding circumnavigating the notoriously hazardous Land’s End sea route. The author investigates the effect this route had on society through micro and macro settlement studies involving an extensive programme of geophysical analysis. This has generated fresh insight into the socioeconomic and continuity dynamics of this part of Cornwall, together with the interaction between Romans and the indigenous population. The findings explore sociopolitical influences in the Roman period and cultural continuity into the post-Roman period. Mark Borlase combines a family interest in history and archaeology with a personal interest in landscapes, environment, sailing, and ecology. These interests led to a journey which began with an evening course in GCSE archaeology and culminated in a PhD from the University of Bristol.

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BAR  B653  2020   BORLASE   Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route: Socio-Economic and Cultural Continuity across the Camel/Fowey Corridor  

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route: Socio-Economic and Cultural Continuity across the Camel/Fowey Corridor ‘The Way of Saints’ from the Roman period to AD 700

Mark Borlase BAR BRITISH SERIES 653

2020

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route: Socio-Economic and Cultural Continuity across the Camel/Fowey Corridor ‘The Way of Saints’ from the Roman period to AD 700

Mark Borlase BAR BRITISH SERIES 653

2020

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Published in 2020 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR British Series 653 Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route: Socio-Economic and Cultural Continuity across the Camel/Fowey Corridor ISBN  978 1 4073 5476 7 paperback ISBN  978 1 4073 5618 1 e-format doi  https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407354767 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library © Mark Borlase 2020 Cover image  An impressionistic bird’s-eye Camel/Fowey corridor. Created by Mark and Kyle Borlase. The Author’s moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. Links to third party websites are provided by BAR Publishing in good faith and for information only. BAR Publishing disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third-party website referenced in this work.

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Of Related Interest Links to Late Antiquity Ceramic exchange and contacts on the Atlantic Seaboard in the 5th to 7th centuries AD Maria Duggan Oxford, BAR Publishing, 2018.........................................................................................BAR British Series 639 A Roman Military Complex and Medieval Settlement on Church Hill, Calstock, Cornwall Survey and Excavation 2007–2010 Chris Smart Oxford, BAR Publishing, 2014.........................................................................................BAR British Series 603 Lines of Archaeological Investigation along the North Cornish Coast Andy M. Jones and Henrietta Quinnell Oxford, BAR Publishing, 2014.........................................................................................BAR British Series 594 Scarcewater, Pennance, Cornwall Archaeological excavation of a Bronze Age and Roman landscape Andy M. Jones and Sean R. Taylor Oxford, BAR Publishing, 2010.........................................................................................BAR British Series 516 Archaeological Investigations of a Later Prehistoric and a Romano-British Landscape at Tremough, Penryn, Cornwall James Gossip Andy M. Jones with contributions by Paul Bidwell, Wendy Carruthers, Rowena Gale, Anna Lawson-Jones, Joanna Mattingly, Henrietta Quinnell, Roger Taylor, Carl Thorpe and Rachel Tyson Oxford, BAR Publishing, 2007.........................................................................................BAR British Series 443

For more information, or to purchase these titles, please visit www.barpublishing.com

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Abstract The Fowey and Camel Rivers incise deeply into the south west peninsula between the high moorland areas of Bodmin Moor to the east and Hensbarrow Moor to the west almost to meet, thus forming a natural transpeninsular corridor. This topographical circumstance has led to the perception that a potential riverine and overland portage route may exist between the north and south coasts, through this natural corridor, accordingly avoiding the hazardous sea passage around Land’s End, some 100kms to the south west. Today, a long-distance walking path known as the ‘Saints Way’, crossing the area, reinforces this pervasive notion.

corridor, whilst Calstock is on the Tamar border. This induces this study to engage with the question of Roman involvement, inter-engagement and identity. It contributes fresh evidence to the record, confirming that interaction with the local communities was low-level across the corridor, with cultural continuity and insularity being the norm, subsequently investigating the reasoning behind this. Finally, the study engages with the question of continuity, with ensuing implications to the wider region in the postRoman period by an integration of fieldwork, place-name study and literary sources. This study inquires into, and engages with, the interactive effects the route has on local communities during the study period. Ground-breaking settlement research informs on the socio-economic and cultural continuity of the Camel/ Fowey corridor and environs, resulting in an alternative stance on the social structure and Roman interaction west of the Tamar. Ultimately, the systematic programme of inter-disciplinary landscape archaeological techniques, in conjunction with studies of documented sources, has collated a wide corpus of evidence, which confirms the hypothesis that there was an active trans-peninsular route during the study period, placing it in the wider Atlantic social context.

This research is inherently a landscape archaeology study, combined with examining the socio-economic implications and cultural continuity arising from the presence of this trans-peninsula route. Through a thematic approach, new horizons are opened up in the field of settlement and social study for this period; the closing stages of the Iron Age to AD 700. The present picture of Roman interaction with the populous of Cornwall is, at very best, blurred. However, it is no coincidence that of the three Roman forts known in Cornwall, two, Restormel and Nanstallon lay in the

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Dedicated to Karon, who shared the pleasures of walking the tracks, paths and lanes of the Fowey/Camel corridor with me, along with most of the coastpath of Cornwall. 1957–2012

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Acknowledgements Undoubtedly the greatest debt of gratitude must be extended to Malcolm Wright. Without project teaming to conduct the extensive programme of geophysics using Malcolm’s instruments and software, with the ensuing results (used with his permission) forming the basis for the fieldwork, this study would be impossible to accomplish. Special gratitude for the guidance by Professor Mark Horton and Dr Stuart Prior, Dr Adrian Chadwick, and for advice from Dr Niall Finneran, also the many landowners allowing access, particularly the Duchy of Cornwall and HRH Prince of Wales for tolerating excavation on the helicopter landing area of Restormel Manor lawn amongst other areas. All those involved with ‘trowelling’, particularly Malcolm

Wright, Michael Heard, Peter Brown and geophysics interpretation from Dr John Oswin. I am also extremely grateful to the late Robin Hazell for his geology expertise, Emma Trevarthan and Steve Hartgroves of the Cornwall HER, and Marina Neophytou of Devon HER. Henrietta Quinnell, Carl Thorpe, Dr Imogen Wood, Wendy Carruthers and Dr Dana Challinor for finds identification and analysis and to Peter Rose and Graeme Kirkham for editing papers from this research for publishing in Cornish Archaeology. My son Kyle for patiently helping a ‘technophobe’ out with photoshop and illustrator technicalities. Formative voices of encouragement and inspiration include Dr Paula Gardiner, Dr Ian Powesland, Dr George Nash and Professor Alice Roberts.

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Contents

List of Figures.................................................................................................................................................................... xv List of Tables..................................................................................................................................................................... xxi Note on Conventions....................................................................................................................................................... xxii 1. Research Scope and Context.......................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................................... 1 Research Scope and Context............................................................................................................................................ 1 Topographical Setting, Isolation – Insulation – Identity............................................................................................. 3 Rationale Behind a Trans-Peninsular Route................................................................................................................ 4 Research Aims............................................................................................................................................................. 4 General Objectives of the Study.................................................................................................................................. 4 2. General Methodology and Approaches......................................................................................................................... 7 Approaches....................................................................................................................................................................... 7 Toponymic Evidence........................................................................................................................................................ 7 Methodology.................................................................................................................................................................... 8 The Hypothesis for a Route: Marine Environment v Overland Route........................................................................ 8 Tangible Evidence....................................................................................................................................................... 8 Supporting Evidence and Secondary Sources............................................................................................................. 8 A Thematic Approach Through Settlement and Overview of Research Sites............................................................. 9 Excavation................................................................................................................................................................... 9 3. Out on a Limb: The Geomorphology of Cornwall, the Atlantic Climatic Influence and the Archaeological Context of the Study Period......................................................................................................11 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................... 11 The Geomorphology of Cornwall............................................................................................................................. 11 Coastline Changes and Sea-Level Rises for the Camel and Fowey Estuaries.......................................................... 11 Cultural Aspects: Settlement Morphologies – a Discussion.......................................................................................... 12 Enclosures: Diverse Typologies................................................................................................................................ 13 Socio-Political Dynamics and Identity in Settlement............................................................................................... 14 Open Settlement........................................................................................................................................................ 15 Roman Military Influence in Cornwall and the Corridor.......................................................................................... 15 Post-Roman Change in Settlement Pattern – Background to Social Change with Elements of Continuity Through Ceramics............................................................................................................... 18 Beach Sites................................................................................................................................................................ 19 Christianity................................................................................................................................................................ 20 Previous Archaeological Work.................................................................................................................................. 20 Major Sites Mentioned in this Study.............................................................................................................................. 20 Trethurgy................................................................................................................................................................... 20 Carvossa.................................................................................................................................................................... 21 Kilhallon.................................................................................................................................................................... 21 Gwithian.................................................................................................................................................................... 21 Tintagel...................................................................................................................................................................... 22 Contemporary Inter-Trade Routes with Cornwall ........................................................................................................ 22 Late Iron Age............................................................................................................................................................. 22 Trade Routes in the Roman Period............................................................................................................................ 24 Trade Routes in the Post-Roman Period................................................................................................................... 25 4. The Camel and Fowey Corridor in Its Contemporary Setting: Tin, ‘Maritima’ and the Theory Underpinning a Cross-Peninsular Route............................................................................................. 29 The Cassiterides: Cornwall in Late Prehistoric and Proto-Historic Times to ‘Invasion’ AD 43................................... 29 Tin: The Contemporary Evidence.................................................................................................................................. 30 Naval Matters................................................................................................................................................................. 31 Difficulties of Sailing the Celtic Sea and Wreck Evidence............................................................................................ 33 ix

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Rounding the ‘Parte Occidentale’.................................................................................................................................. 35 Summary of Maritime Perspectives: Sea V Land – Validation of the Route Theory.................................................... 37 5. Camel and Fowey Corridor: Late Iron Age and Roman Periods............................................................................ 39 Introduction.................................................................................................................................................................... 39 Communications to and Across the Corridor: Signals of Evidence Through Fieldwork............................................... 39 All Roads Lead to Minerals...................................................................................................................................... 39 High Cliff................................................................................................................................................................... 41 East Leigh.................................................................................................................................................................. 43 Pabyer Point.............................................................................................................................................................. 44 Sites in Common....................................................................................................................................................... 47 Research Findings: Settlement and Roman Involvement in the Corridor..................................................................... 49 Kingswood Round..................................................................................................................................................... 49 Lestow....................................................................................................................................................................... 51 Restormel.................................................................................................................................................................. 55 Nanstallon Fort.......................................................................................................................................................... 58 Monetary Systems, Economy and Coin Evidence Across the Corridor ........................................................................ 59 Continuity and Change: Independence Through Obdurate Traditionalism or Economic and Peripheral Determinism and Latent Romanitas..................................................................................... 62 6. The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape: of Saints, Lanns, Dedications and Memorial Pillars..................... 67 Introduction.................................................................................................................................................................... 67 Byzantine Connections.................................................................................................................................................. 67 Continuity of Polity........................................................................................................................................................ 68 Christianity’s Influence.................................................................................................................................................. 68 Memorial Pillars............................................................................................................................................................. 69 Stones Through Time: Enlightenment....................................................................................................................... 69 Seaways of the Saints, Hagiographies and their Mark on the Landscape...................................................................... 71 Saints Through the Corridor...................................................................................................................................... 73 Sampsonis: Hagiography Considered, Lanow, St Sampson Church and Langorthou................................................... 75 Place-Name Distribution Analysis with Lann Elements and Saint Dedications ........................................................... 84 7. East Camel Estuary Case Study: Settlement Sites, Continuity and Change in The Landscape........................... 87 Introduction.................................................................................................................................................................... 87 Locational and Settlement Description.......................................................................................................................... 87 Notes on Fieldwork from The Settlement Study Sites................................................................................................... 88 Carruan...................................................................................................................................................................... 88 Middle Amble............................................................................................................................................................ 92 Daymer Bay and Hinterland.......................................................................................................................................... 95 St Enodoc and Trebetherick...................................................................................................................................... 98 Trebetherick............................................................................................................................................................. 100 Porthilly................................................................................................................................................................... 101 Lanow...................................................................................................................................................................... 103 Tregays on The Fowey River.................................................................................................................................. 104 Discussion.................................................................................................................................................................... 106 Summary...................................................................................................................................................................... 110 8. Discussion: Socio-Economic Dynamics, Settlement and Continuity.......................................................................111 Site Maps.......................................................................................................................................................................111 The Trans-Peninsula Land Route or the Longer Precarious Sea Passage?...................................................................111 Tangible Route Evidence ............................................................................................................................................ 113 Evidence for Use of the Corridor as a Route and Exploitation of Resources.............................................................. 119 Settlement Development, Form and Place in the Landscape and Outside Influences to AD700................................. 121 Population.................................................................................................................................................................... 122 Settlement Socio-Economic ........................................................................................................................................ 123 Pushing Back the Boundaries: Current Perceptions Contradicted – Security Through Tin?....................................... 124 A Borderline Question: Roman Involvement and Romanitas...................................................................................... 126 Roman Interaction Through Design............................................................................................................................. 126 Absence of Roman Infrastructure, Continuity and Identity......................................................................................... 128

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Contents Economy and Transition.............................................................................................................................................. 131 Pottery Via the Atlantic Seaways: Tintagel’s Influence on the Fowey and Camel Corridor........................................ 131 The Decline of Pottery Imports in the Corridor: Precursor to Social Change?........................................................... 136 Changes in Settlement and Social Structure........................................................................................................... 137 Early Christianity in the Corridor: What Can be Learnt From Fieldwork and Can a Correlation be Found to Early Literary Evidence?............................................................................................ 138 9. Conclusions: Exploring The Social Dynamics Behind a Trans-Peninsular Route................................................ 141 Roman Interaction........................................................................................................................................................ 141 Socio-Economy............................................................................................................................................................ 142 The Early Medieval Corridor and Christianity............................................................................................................ 142 Settlement..................................................................................................................................................................... 142 Continuity..................................................................................................................................................................... 143 The Corridor – Summary............................................................................................................................................. 144 Scope for Further Research.......................................................................................................................................... 144 Bibliography.................................................................................................................................................................... 145 Websites....................................................................................................................................................................... 159 Ancient Sources........................................................................................................................................................... 159

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List of Figures Figure 1.1. Map of Camel and Fowey corridor.................................................................................................................... 1 Figure 1.2. Storm conditions off Cligga Head, St Agnes...................................................................................................... 2 Figure 3.1. Historic maps of Camel estuary demonstrating sand bar shift������������������������������������������������������������������������ 12 Figure 3.2. Late Roman coin distribution after Tompsett................................................................................................... 25 Figure 3.3. Distribution of fifth to late sixth-century Byzantine coins. Information source: Moorcroft 2009; Tompsett 2014.��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Figure 3.4. Migration and missionary routes��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26 Figure 4.1. Lidar image of rectilinear earthworks on High Cliff ....................................................................................... 32 Figure 4.2. Shipwreck chart of the South West and Western Approaches ......................................................................... 34 Figure 4.3. Official Board of Trade shipwreck chart for 1885............................................................................................ 34 Figure 4.4. Tearing ledges and Western Isles Ledges from Hell Bay, Bryher, Isles of Scilly............................................ 36 Figure 4.5. Storm conditions at Sennen Cove, near Land’s End........................................................................................ 36 Figure 4.6. C. 1930s Lowestoft trawler approaching Doom Bar in storm conditions........................................................ 37 Figure 5.1. Nineteenth century map of Nanstallon fort (ancient camp)............................................................................. 39 Figure 5.2. Exterior area outside Nanstallon’s south west gate.......................................................................................... 39 Figure 5.3. Geophysics confirming Roman road from Nanstallon to Mulberry mine........................................................ 39 Figure 5.4. Enlarged area of geophysics of Roman road from Nanstallon......................................................................... 40 Figure 5.5. Magnetometry of the terminal of the Roman road at Mulberry mine.............................................................. 40 Figure 5.6. Magnetometry survey (Nichols 2008/9 with highlighted track from Restormel fort to Hillhead mine........... 40 Figure 5.7. Magnetometry and aerial survey mapping for a road running along the north coast from Daymer Bay......... 41 Figure 5.8. Resistivity of the enclosure at High Cliff......................................................................................................... 42 Figure 5.9. Magnetometry of the enclosure at High Cliff................................................................................................... 42 Figure 5.10. View looking up the north coast from High Cliff........................................................................................... 42 Figure 5.11. View west to Tintagel, Stepper Point and Trevose Head from High Cliff...................................................... 42 Figure 5.12. High cliff potential signalling from Tintagel Island....................................................................................... 42 Figure 5.13. Brent Tor from High Cliff............................................................................................................................... 43 Figure 5.14. View south west from East Leigh enclosure.................................................................................................. 43

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Figure 5.15. Overall magnetometry survey of East Leigh ................................................................................................. 43 Figure 5.16. Ditch section East Leigh................................................................................................................................. 44 Figure 5.17. Romano-British ceramics from East Leigh.................................................................................................... 44 Figure 5.18. LIDAR image of Pabyer Point���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 45 Figure 5.19. Pabyer Point looking east over enclosure������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 45 Figure 5.20. Looking up to Pabyer from the water mid-way to the Fowey����������������������������������������������������������������������� 45 Figure 5.21. Towards the Fowey River entrance and Gribben Head day-mark����������������������������������������������������������������� 45 Figure 5.22. Resistivity survey������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 45 Figure 5.23. Trench 1 Pabyer Point����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46 Figure 5.24. Mensuration weight��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46 Figure 5.25. Pabyer Point trench 2������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Figure 5.26. Quern stone���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Figure 5.27. Overall geophysics results for Pabyer Point�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Figure 5.28. Tintagel Island structures looking towards High Cliff���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 48 Figure 5.29. Holloway between Restormel and Lanhydrock�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 49 Figure 5.30. Trench 2 phase 2 Kingswood������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 50 Figure 5.31. Aerial image of Longdowns and Kingswood Downs and round������������������������������������������������������������������� 51 Figure 5.32. Detail showing field systems below Kingswood Downs������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 51 Figure 5.33. Route from Longdowns to Mount (Borlase 2018)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 52 Figure 5.34. Gradiometer survey of Lestow enclosure������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 52 Figure 5.35. Resistivity survey of Lestow������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 52 Figure 5.36. Magnetometry detail of Lestow showing trench plans���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53 Figure 5.37. Lestow trench 1 plan and section������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 53 Figure 5.38. Trench 3 section enclosure bank section������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53 Figure 5.39. Trench 8 section and plan of postholes���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53 Figure 5.40. Trench 4 plan and section A – B, structure 1 internal floor and phasing������������������������������������������������������� 54 Figure 5.41. Trench 5 plan and section A – B posthole, worn slate deposition����������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Figure 5.42. Grotesque above threshing doors of Lestow barn����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Figure 5.43. Crow Pound CCHER aerial image���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 Figure 5.44. Restormel Manor platform resistivity survey on the platform above floodplain������������������������������������������ 56

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List of Figures Figure 5.45. Compilation of magnetometry and resistivity����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 56 Figure 5.46. Magnetometry results showing ditch and ‘hard’ mirroring old river course������������������������������������������������� 57 Figure 5.47. Restormel riverside meadow trench 5 north-east section������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 57 Figure 5.48. Lidar image of Restormel environs��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Figure 5.49. Resistivity results of level area east of the fort showing trench plan������������������������������������������������������������ 58 Figure 5.50. Trench 1 plan showing foundation of a building������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Figure 5.51. Section A – B trench 1����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Figure 5.52. Trench 1 Nanstallon��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Figure 5.53. PAS Roman coins distribution after (Wright 2012)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60 Figure 5.54. Route from Nanstallon to St Breock Down �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Figure 5.55. The north-east double gate of Nanstallon fort����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Figure 6.1. One of seven Penmachno stones with a Chi Rho symbol................................................................................ 68 Figure 6.2. Distribution map of class 1 memorial stones in Britain (Okasha 1993)........................................................... 70 Figure 6.3. Inscribed memorial pillar in Cardinham churchyard........................................................................................ 71 Figure 6.4. Kallangard sea stack possible hermetic chapel................................................................................................ 72 Figure 6.5. St Helen’s Island and cella from Innisidgen, St Mary’s, Isles of Scilly........................................................... 72 Figure 6.6. Landévennec Abbey���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 74 Figure 6.7. Approach to Landévennec Abbey from the Rade de Brest............................................................................... 74 Figure 6.8. Trelights inscribed stone, St Endellion............................................................................................................. 75 Figure 6.9. Holloway on route 2 on St Breock Down........................................................................................................ 78 Figure 6.10. Route 2 from Appendix 2............................................................................................................................... 78 Figure 6.11. Compilation of Mên Gurta���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Figure 6.12. Compilation of “Sampson’s” cave on Fowey River....................................................................................... 80 Figure 6.13. Map of Golant showing relationship between probable lann and cave.......................................................... 80 Figure 6.14. Map of ford at Golant..................................................................................................................................... 81 Figure 6.15. Extant curvilinear boundary of a probable lann at St Sampson church......................................................... 81 Figure 6.16. Extant curvilinear boundary of a probable lann at St Sampson church......................................................... 81 Figure 6.17. Extant curvilinear boundary of a probable lann at St Sampson church......................................................... 82 Figure 6.18. Geophysics at St Sampson church����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 Figure 6.19. Site of Sampson’s monastery proposed by Thomas....................................................................................... 83

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Figure 6.20. Distribution map of place-names with lan element........................................................................................ 84 Figure 6.21. Distribution of settlements dedicated after saints in the corridor................................................................... 85 Figure 6.22. St Winnow lann lying on its promontory into the Fowey River..................................................................... 86 Figure 7.1. Historic Landscape Character of the East Camel estuary................................................................................ 87 Figure 7.2. Distribution of rounds and early medieval settlement...................................................................................... 88 Figure 7.3. View to the south west over the Camel estuary from Carruan......................................................................... 88 Figure 7.4. Looking north from the north-eastern side of Carruan..................................................................................... 88 Figure 7.5. Phasing interpretation of the Carruan geophysics results................................................................................. 89 Figure 7.6. Larger 17 to 19m roundhouses cutting medium and smaller examples........................................................... 89 Figure 7.7. Enclosures at Mount Folly, Bigbury Bay......................................................................................................... 90 Figure 7.8. Trench 7 the ring ditch gully............................................................................................................................ 90 Figure 7.9. Trench 1 Carruan north section........................................................................................................................ 91 Figure 7.10. Trench 8 Carruan plan and section................................................................................................................. 91 Figure 7.11. Trench 11 Carruan showing the clay ball....................................................................................................... 91 Figure 7.12. Trench 3 the hearth pit feature plan and section............................................................................................. 91 Figure 7.13. Trench 10 Carruan plan and section............................................................................................................... 92 Figure 7.14. Location of excavation trenches at Middle Amble���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 7.15. The Middle Amble settlement magnetometry................................................................................................ 92 Figure 7.16. Trench 1 Middle Amble gully terminal plan.................................................................................................. 93 Figure 7.17. Trench 1 Middle Amble gully terminal section.............................................................................................. 93 Figure 7.18. Trench 1 Middle Amble blocking stone�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Figure 7.19. Trench 2 Middle Amble section and plan, the carbonised grain deposit������������������������������������������������������� 93 Figure 7.20. Trench 3 hearth���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 7.21. Trench 4 Middle Amble ditch sections and plan������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 7.22. Trench 4 Middle Amble ditch sections and plan������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 7.23. Trench 4 Middle Amble ditch sections and plan............................................................................................ 94 Figure 7.24. Second to third century Romano British ceramics���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 7.25. African Red Slip ware foot ring...................................................................................................................... 95 Figure 7.26. The mouth of the Camel River from Brae Hill............................................................................................... 95 Figure 7.27. Magnetometer survey of fields south east of Trenain������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 96

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List of Figures Figure 7.28. Magnetometer and aerial survey showing tracks from Daymer..................................................................... 96 Figure 7.29. Pewter ingot object from Daymer Bay with comparisons from Praa Sands.................................................. 97 Figure 7.30. Copper alloy spoons from Daymer Bay......................................................................................................... 97 Figure 7.31. Cart tracks from the salt marsh at Daymer Bay............................................................................................. 98 Figure 7.32. Fissile slate from Daymer Bay....................................................................................................................... 98 Figure 7.33. Moulded stone from the footings of St Enodoc tower................................................................................... 99 Figure 7.34. Re-used Roman masonry at Wroxeter Church............................................................................................... 99 Figure 7.35. The tithe award map of St Enodoc showing the curvilinear boundary.......................................................... 99 Figure 7.36. Resistivity from Widdistone field................................................................................................................. 100 Figure 7.37. Aerial photograph of Widdistone field Trebetherick.................................................................................... 100 Figure 7.38. Survey results overlaid on the aerial image.................................................................................................. 100 Figure 7.39. Aerial image NMR features 500m east of Porthilly..................................................................................... 101 Figure 7.40. Detail of the magnetometry at Porthilly....................................................................................................... 102 Figure 7.41. Overall magnetometry interpretation of Mine Park field Porthilly.............................................................. 102 Figure 7.42. Old map excerpt overlay on Mine Park field Porthilly................................................................................. 103 Figure 7.43. Open cast mine features at Burcombe Exmoor������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 103 Figure 7.44. Curvilinear features on magnetometry at Lanow......................................................................................... 103 Figure 7.45. Mapping from Lanow showing archaeological features.............................................................................. 104 Figure 7.46. Lidar image of Tregays�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 7.47. View south to the Fowey from near the crest of the spur at Tregays........................................................... 105 Figure 7.48. Tregays Farm showing curvilinear boundaries............................................................................................. 105 Figure 7.49. The cropmarks plotted on the Aerial Mapping Programme......................................................................... 105 Figure 7.50. Overall magnetometry from Tregays............................................................................................................ 106 Figure 7.51. The Tregays enclosure magnetometry interpretation................................................................................... 106 Figure 7.52. Magnetometry detail of the enclosure at Tregays......................................................................................... 107 Figure 7.53. Ancient worn granite and wood quays......................................................................................................... 107 Figure 7.54. The Camel estuary from Tregirls.................................................................................................................. 108 Figure 7.55. Treharrock and Tregelles showing fossilised curvilinear boundaries........................................................... 109 Figure 7.56. Tredallet showing fossilised curvilinear boundaries.................................................................................... 109 Figure 8.1a. Location of key sites in the Camel/Fowey corridor mentioned in the text....................................................111

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Figure 8.1b. Location of sites in Cornwall and in the far west of Devon mentioned in the text������������������������������������� 112 Figure 8.2. High seas off St Agnes Head.......................................................................................................................... 112 Figure 8.3. Stepper Point������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Figure 8.4. Looking south from Mulberry Down from the end of the Roman road to Helman Tor�������������������������������� 116 Figure 8.5. Holloway in Bodwannick wood with ancient flora indicators���������������������������������������������������������������������� 116 Figure 8.6. Extract from Lanhydrock Atlas track to St Breock (Holden 2010)................................................................ 116 Figure 8.7. Holloways, route 4a demonstrating antediluvian character, Milltown and Castle......................................... 117 Figure 8.8. The Fowey River with locations and features from ‘Road to Foy’��������������������������������������������������������������� 117 Figure 8.9. Distribution of wayside crosses related to contours and ridges�������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 Figure 8.10. Compilation of crosses at Reperry Cross..................................................................................................... 118 Figure 8.11. The Tristam Stone......................................................................................................................................... 119 Figure 8.12. The Tawna stone (Tawna crossroads)........................................................................................................... 119 Figure 8.13. Well Town stones (Tawna crossroads).......................................................................................................... 119 Figure 8.14. Co-axial field systems below Tawna downs................................................................................................. 120 Figure 8.15. Crop marks of Dinham Creek (Google Earth image)................................................................................... 122 Figure 8.16. Romano-British settlement in Cornwall CCHER......................................................................................... 123 Figure 8.17. Trench 7 Lestow, plan and sections.............................................................................................................. 127 Figure 8.18. Resistivity survey from Lestow.................................................................................................................... 128 Figure 8.19. Overall magnetometry survey from Lestow................................................................................................. 129 Figure 8.20. Old geological map of Lestow area.............................................................................................................. 130 Figure 8.21. Distribution of late Roman and early 5th to late 6th century amphorae......................................................... 132 Figure 8.22. The south terrace excavation at Tintagel...................................................................................................... 133 Figure 8.23. Distribution of E-ware, (Campbell 2007 and Tompsett 2014)..................................................................... 136

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List of Tables Table 2.1. List of slow plant coloniser species used as indicators of ancientness................................................................ 9 Table 3.1. Calculation of sea level rise for Camel and Fowey corridor����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 Table 5.1. East Leigh Ceramic sherd numbers by context and weight............................................................................... 44 Table 6.1. List of early inscribed memorial pillars............................................................................................................. 70 Table 6.2. List of lanns across the corridor......................................................................................................................... 85 Table 7.1. Pottery sherd numbers and weight from Middle Amble.................................................................................... 95 Table 8.1. Salient points emanating from the study.......................................................................................................... 113

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Note on Conventions For the purposes of this study, the far south west refers to the geographical area west of Exeter including the Isles of Scilly and Lundy. The south west refers to the above including east Devon, Somerset and Dorset. West Dumnonia refers to the area west of Exeter and the far west of Dumnonia to the geographical area of modern Cornwall within which the Cornovii are referred as a sub-entity of the Dumnonian people, although it is recognised that there were probably further tribal subdivisions probably based on hundredal divisions (Padel 2019). Late Iron Age refers to the period from 400BC to the Roman conquest AD 43 (Quinnell 1986, 113). The Roman period denotes the chronological period between AD 43 to circa 410, although the material culture was in general a continuity of the Late Iron Age. The term sub-Roman denotes connection to communities retaining elements of ‘Romanisation’ (Dark 1994, vi) after circa AD 400. Post-Roman refers to the period from circa AD 400 to circa AD 600, with the term sub-Roman referring to a shorter length of that period. The term ‘Late Antique’ denotes the chronological period of the Late Roman to the founding of the early church and beyond and is used conveying a Christian connotation. Early medieval is used interchangeably with the above but covers the period from circa AD 400 to 1066. The term ‘Romanisation’ is used strictly in recognition that Roman interaction is a two-way accultural process. All excavation drawings and mapping shown are by the author unless otherwise stated.

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1 Research Scope and Context Introduction

of the two rivers are the two granite marilyns of Bodmin Moor to the east, and Hensbarrow Moors (312m) to the west. This geographical area is henceforth referred to as the ‘corridor’. At this point of the South West peninsula, the promontory that forms Cornwall narrows to around 30 kilometres. To the east of the corridor, the topography widens considerably with high moorland expanses. Only twenty kilometres east of the study area, the peninsula doubles in width. From the Fowey River mouth westward, there are some 125 kilometres to Land’s End along the south coast, and another 102 kilometres along the north coast from here to the mouth of the Camel. Utilising the rivers with a short land crossing, avoids well over 225 kilometres of the hazardous circuitous sea passage (Figure 1.2). There are many variables to consider with coastal passage-making, but under sail, the most direct course is rarely an option with distances potentially increasing by as much as fifty per cent.

This study is an exploration of a potential route across the breadth of the western part of the south west peninsula, which was formerly part of Dumnonia and is today the county of Cornwall. Essentially, the area under investigation encompasses a primary point on the south west peninsula coast at which it is feasible to make a land crossing with comparative ease, from the east, the north, or southern seaway approaches. The study sets out to determine the rationale behind how a potential transpeninsular route may have evolved, its importance in the context of the wider Atlantic community, and how it influenced society and settlement from the Later Iron Age, but primarily the Roman period to AD 700. Research Scope and Context The route across Cornwall, is formed by the Fowey and Camel River valleys, which incise deep into the peninsula to nearly meet at its centre. Being linked by a short landbridge, the rivers provide accessibility to both the north and south coasts. Either side of the lower courses

The Cornish peninsula is strategically positioned on the Western Seaways in the Prehistoric and proto-historic periods. Shipping from the Mediterranean or Spain, for example, would progress north, past Brittany into the

Figure 1.1. Cornwall, the Camel -Fowey study area outlined, major river systems and coastal features.

1

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 1.2. February 8th, 2016 at 1430 hours, from Cligga Head, near St Agnes. Sea conditions deteriorate rapidly as winds veering north-west typically increase swinging to onshore. Now Beaufort severe gale 9 gusting storm 10, the frontal system has passed through. Only six hours earlier (a short time on a long passage) seas were ‘moderate’ to ‘rough’ in a manageable force 6 to 7, they are now building from ‘very rough’ to ‘high’ (spume blowing up to one kilometre inland and flying slate ‘missiles’ peel off cliff faces). The Gannel and Hayle rivers would be untenable in these conditions. The only safe haven is the Camel, around six hours distant; survival for small craft caught out not having read the potential weather signs, is desperate and perilous. Scenes such as this lend this passage notoriety. Photograph: author.

between the two rivers. In doing so, the findings from the research will afford an opportunity to observe society through exploring its settlement patterns, the question of continuity through its material culture, how it impacted on the socio-economics of the region, and how this may have affected the identity of the populous.

Mare Austrum, and have to proceed around Cornwall into the Mare Occidentale, to approach Wales and destinations further north. Thus, the western seaways rendered transport and cultural contacts to be possible between the Mediterranean, Iberian, Armorican and Gallic worlds to the inhabitants of the northern Celtic seaboards of Wales, Ireland, Isle of Man, also the Galloway and Solway peninsulas. Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly were therefore strategically situated at the hub of the of the Atlantic sea-routes.

Between Falmouth on the South Coast, around the Lizard, Land’s End and the full length of the North Coast there is some 100 nautical miles to the Camel estuary. The lack of safe refuge (Hayle and the Gannel are both very narrow and tidal) makes passage-making treacherous in inclement seagoing conditions. With the above issues duly considered, is a land crossing a more attractive option across Cornwall, and how does this alternative reflect in the archaeology?

It is only natural that there would have been a tendency to avoid the precarious sea passage around Land’s End and the Lizard peninsula. The navigator must cope with notoriously turbulent seas off Land’s End, where St Georges Channel meets the Atlantic and the English Channel creating ‘confused’ seas, even in relatively benign conditions. Furthermore, the complete absence of easy entry (especially in high seas) sheltered havens quashes contingency for safety in a state of encroaching weather deterioration. This research investigates the primary trans-peninsula corridor formed by the safe havens of the Fowey and Camel estuaries, and the associated communication links by road and river

The Roman influence and connection with Cornwall stems back to the pre-invasion Late Iron Age, with trading networks and movements of people (Henderson 2007, Cunliffe 1982, 1984, 1988a, 1998, 2001). There is a general dearth of information from the Roman period in Cornwall, partly due to a relative void in characteristic Roman material culture. Consequently, compared to the 2

Research Scope and Context Topographical Setting, Isolation – Insulation – Identity

remainder of England and Wales, relatively little work has been carried out. This has resulted in a somewhat vacuous picture of the Roman impact on Cornwall and the responses of the Cornish populous to Roman interests. Apart from two Roman forts, Nanstallon excavated in the 1970s by Fox and Ravenhill (1972) and the more recently confirmed fort at Restormel (Thorpe 2007), very little is known about the Roman involvement of west Dumnonia, and any contribution to enlighten on the overall picture is invaluable. The identity of this generally insular society, and their apparent obduracy to retain former traditions and cultures, generally resisting social change potentially brought in by overseas influence, is renowned. In the post-Roman period, whilst society continued to demonstrate insularity and elements of continuity, there is significant evidence for an introduction of Continental cultural influences.

The geomorphology of the far South West peninsula consists of a string of granite batholiths, two of the largest being Dartmoor and Bodmin Moor, all with their surrounding metamorphic geologies. The River Tamar rises six kilometres from the north coast, cutting south between these two highland areas, creating a natural boundary that all but severs the peninsula. Today the river forms the modern border for Cornwall, as it has done as early as the tenth century, probably earlier (Doble 1997, 6). The result is the ‘topographical truncation’ of society from its neighbouring regions of south-western Britain, creating what most regard as culturally and historically distinct identities (Quinnell 2004; Holbrook SWARF 2008, 157). This is marked by the Brythonic form of insular linguistics, which has only recently died out as a primary language in the west a few centuries ago, although there is a now a ‘nationalistic’ revival. Cornwall is far more akin to that of Brittany, Wales and Ireland, which have shared linguistic, cultural and historical links, a thread that runs through this paper. This identity is apparent in the periods covered by the study, in that the archaeological and historical record shows that culture and society was disparate in very many ways from the rest of England. West Dumnonia was never as fully integrated into the Roman world as the remainder of southern and eastern England. If this was the case, why is it that the archaeology of the western area of Dumnonia does not demonstrate as greater Roman military presence as that of Wales or Brittany? Particularly, as the metamorphic sequencing around the granite extrusions, which run down the spine of Cornwall and the far West Devon are rich in minerals, including the comparatively rare mineral cassiterite.

This study investigates the impact of Roman contact with the communities of far west Dumnonia and offers to the record important material regarding Roman interaction, for not just Cornwall, but for comparison with similar peripheral provincial areas. The study follows on into the post-Roman period to identify patterns of change or continuation. In order to achieve a meaningful contribution to the clarification of influences on the populous, a thematic approach centred on settlement involving a series of micro-case studies will feature, spanning the period 200 BC to AD 700. From these it is hoped to draw out essential facts into the various components of the study body. Within the spectrum of settlement study in Cornwall, there is a good degree of knowledge of enclosed settlement, but our understanding of open settlement, spatially or quantifiably, to date is miniscule. Any research will augment the record for this period and help sharpen what is a blurred picture of society at this time, helping to alleviate the void in the data-set to some extent, simultaneously providing a contribution to Cornish archaeology.

The above factors are inextricably linked to the morphology and existence of the Camel and Fowey trans-peninsula route in that it potentially forms a communication corridor between the maritime Celtic spheres. In the development of political boundaries, rivers formed significant natural landscape features. In the south west peninsula, the River Parrett has been considered the boundary of Dumnonia, and just as the River Camel is the early boundary for the Hundreds of Cornwall, the River Tamar, can be expected to form a political sub-kingdom of Dumnonia (Dark 1994, 126). The Ravenna Cosmology written c 700 first mentions a place named Duro-Cornoviorum meaning fort of the Cornovii. Also, from around 700, Aldhelm describes a journey to Dumnonium through Cornubia (Padel, 2019). These are the earliest collective references recognising people west of the Tamar. The subject of ethnicity and the maritime influences of the ‘Cornovii’ entity of Dumnonia, (Todd 1987, 203; Thomas 2009), is exhaustive and beyond the limitations of this study. However, where it does arise, it has been assessed within the limits of the core subject. Similarly, an integral facet of this research concerns settlement study, providing evidence on the morphology of the route and is symbiotically related with the core theme. Although these ancillary subjects are inevitable to achieve the overall goal, it is recognised that they are involved

The various components of this study on communications and society in Cornwall, surrounding the Roman period, will create a holistic framework of information on which to hang further hypotheses and intellectual discussion within the broad scope of these elements. Although concentrating on the Roman and post-Roman period, the study commences earlier, with contextual discourse on the pre-Roman period, involving one Late Iron Age micro-study designed to reinforce debate on laterperiod social structures. It was also important to construct a background to an argument made that, although there is little tangible evidence, there are nuances of established Roman trading networks, between the peoples west of the Tamar, and the external world in pre-conquest times. The cut-off date is AD 700, as it was by the year 698 that Christendom in Carthage fell to the Islamic Arab caliphate (McEvedy 1992, 34) effectively ceasing any Atlantic based Mediterranean trade contact, although this had probably declined many years beforehand. 3

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route and complex. It was therefore the intention of this study to deal with these aspects only as far as is necessary to complement and substantiate evidence for the fundamental research questions; intrinsically, to determine how a transpeninsula route impacts upon the communities and society surrounding the route.

reduce overland portage considerably; between Restormel to Pendavey, just south of Wadebridge, the distance is only thirteen kilometres. These navigational factors then, form the basis for the hypothesis for an evolving trans-peninsular route. This is examined, along with the corridor through which it passes, extracting associated derivative material, which can inform on the Romano-British society of west Dumnonia, informing on the question of cultural continuity, social dynamics and identity in the post-Roman period up to AD 700.

Focused research intends to stimulate new ideas on the physiognomies of the Roman and early medieval social dynamics across the seascape and landscape of Cornwall. Past studies have revealed a degree of evidence concerning society, but this contribution intends to assess the spectrum of evidence exposed by this body of research on Roman interaction, continuity or social change across the study period.

Research Aims The intentions and aspirations of this work have been outlined in the above introductory passages and the process can be briefly summed up as follows:

Rationale Behind a Trans-Peninsular Route Extending well inland and connected by a short land bridge, the Camel and Fowey estuaries provide a conduit for communication between the north and south coasts. Preston-Jones notes that the rivers create a corridor of great strategic significance across mid-Cornwall. She believes it may be no coincidence that at its centre, Bodmin rose as the singular most important religious house in Cornwall (2013, 17). The alternative passage around the sea areas of Land’s End is notoriously hazardous for small shipping. Even today, the reputation of these waters has un-affectionately earned the ship ‘The RMV Scillonian III’ (plying between Penzance and the Isles of Scilly) the label of ‘the great white stomach pump’. In fact, the service ceases altogether between early November and mid-March largely due to sea conditions. The problems of ‘circumnavigation’ around the peninsula are manifold, but foremost, to be safe in any kind of strong wind, a square-rigged sailing ship would have to sail well out to sea for at least a mile, or even several miles, in order to gain safe sailing manoeuvrability. A modern-day disaster emphasised this when the nineteenth century-built brigantine, Maria Assumpta, foundered off the Rumps with loss of life whilst running out of sail room in 1995.

• The study was designed to examine the notion that a trans-peninsular route existed across Cornwall utilising the Camel and Fowey Rivers and to assess and test the rationale and validity for its use for trade and commerce. Archaeological features across the corridor’s landscape were examined which advanced an understanding of settlement morphology, and informed on contemporary society, economy, and exploitation of resources. Finally, identifying if settlement may have differed, or be similar to, settlement patterns across west Dumnonia spatially and in character. • Rivers form uncompromising focal landscape features, often physical divides between territories. Two Roman forts lie on the line of the Fowey and Camel raising the concept that a Roman frontier may exist (Thorpe 2007, 7). The study investigated this question and to what extent Roman involvement influenced indigenous society. Interconnected within this topic is the question of the dearth of Roman infrastructure across west Dumnonia, therefore an objective of this study was to explore and enlighten where possible this phenomenon. Accordingly, the question of the status of Roman interaction with the local populous was a subject of interest. Inter-twined with this is the complex study of identity, which was dealt with in a discursive manner where it arose. • From research results obtained from this multiperiod settlement study, it was possible to explore the phenomena of cultural continuity/change as well as socio-economic evidence through what was discovered from the material culture across the corridor.

Thus, unless exceptionally fortunate, the vagaries of sailing round the ‘Parte Occidentale’ dictate that this is not just an ‘as the bird flies’ mileage, and an unfavourable wind is likely to be encountered at some stage of the passage. This may entail an extension of many nautical miles and hours, and can be hazardous when met with deteriorating conditions, particularly off headlands where the additional dangers of overfalls, enhanced tidal and wind effects, can all create difficulties.

General Objectives of the Study To advance the physiognomies of settlement and social change in the Camel and Fowey environs, it was an objective to establish a broad chronology of the different genre of settlement, and where possible to determine the nature of the activity, character of the settlement and spatial patterning. Accordingly, to inform on the social and economic base and resource exploitation. This evidence

Conversely, the safer riverine and portage route of the Camel and Fowey corridor is just thirty-three kilometres from shore to shore. It can be covered in daylight on horseback from Fowey to Padstow, or up to two days easy trekking by foot, equine pack animals, ox cart, even sledge with opportune trading potential on route. Trans-shipping cargoes further into the interior of the river system can 4

Research Scope and Context affected in a significantly contextually different way from other areas.

helped explain the requirement and nature of a crosspeninsular route, as well as society as a whole throughout the different periods. In addressing these questions, it was then possible to place the settlement characteristics of the Camel and Fowey environs in context with the rest of west Dumnonia and identify contrasting or similar settlement patterns. The Roman interaction with the native populous of Cornwall is still in the formative stages of understanding. With the two forts of Restormel and Calstock (on the Tamar), only recently added to the record to join the fort at Nanstallon and the villa at Magor, the Roman involvement is possibly greater than previously thought. In order to enquire into these Roman questions, examination of a number of Romano-British sites helped understand the use of the landscape across the corridor, thus use of the route. In this context, any material arising from research of this nature can then help us understand Roman contact with the indigenous society. Cornwall’s National Mapping Programme has discovered several times more enclosures and features than has been previously understood to exist throughout Cornwall (Young 2012, 69–124). A recent paper discussing those identified in the Camel estuary environs (which are particularly rich in enclosures and crop marks), concluded stating that a number of questions, such as function of the enclosures and contemporaneity of any unenclosed roundhouses in association with them, remain unanswered (Young 2012, 110). It was therefore an objective of this study to investigate a selection of settlement sites and present a series of micro- and macro-case studies to help enlighten on these questions and their inter-relationship with the route. In order to address questions on phasing and inter-site contemporaneity, a programme of judicious excavation sampling and geophysics was a remit of this study. This allowed the issue of characterisation of enclosures and the differentiation between the generic term ‘round’ as enclosures or settlements to be engaged. Definitions will be dealt with later, but it was the intention that this study would further help in characterising enclosures, both in function and form. This has been carried out by surveying a sample of small enclosures to determine if there is a generic stock enclosure, or other form, that can be differentiated from an occupied round. This exercise not only helped inform on the function of a sample of small enclosures, but accordingly the socio-economic raison d’étre of their presence. The information arising, can then be inserted into the overall settlement pattern and morphology dynamics, reflecting on population levels, maritime settlement, trading status, and the importance of the Camel and Fowey corridor as a route. This will ultimately help us consider how well these river systems were used and how this reflected on settlement patterning. In summarising, did use of River Camel as a conveyance medium underpin the dense settlement of its environs? Thus, an objective was to understand how the route affected settlement or vice versa and if it was 5

2 General Methodology and Approaches Toponymic Evidence

This chapter explains the processes employed to gather evidence and extrapolate information from data to address the aims of the project.

Place-name evidence is useful here in determining antiquity, particularly when identifying an ancient route. The distinct dissimilarity of the character of Brythonic place-names to those of anglicized nomenclature spreading westward assists enquiries into the antediluvian nature of places in Cornwall. Cornish name elements in the eastern part of the county must generally be old, since they are unlikely to have been formed after the eleventh century. Padel gives examples such as Launcells, near Bude, being over 1000 years old (1988, 8). However, attempting to understand a firm chronology for place-name prefixes is fraught with difficulty, but as a generalisation, the establishment of tre and bod prefix genre of place-names probably preceded those of lys and merther prefixes. Padel argues that tre probably commenced in the common Brittonic period and is of a phrase type suggesting a date originating later than the fifth century, with some as late as the eleventh century (1984, 223–5; 1985, 223; 1999, 88–90). Supporting this he cites one later example as Trenowyth (‘tre + nowyth – new’). Trenowyth is found in a tenth century charter, suggesting formative origins for the tre prefix somewhat earlier than this date. Preston-Jones, and Rose and Herring suggest the predominant form of settlement is likely to be the round between the fifth- to seventh centuries (PrestonJones 1986; Rose and Preston-Jones 1995; Herring 1999a; 1999b). Some tref and bod settlements are likely to have been established prior to the seventh century, for there are several occurrences of these in Devon in areas displaying a strong anglicized nomenclature. Sites containing the name element lys probably assumed dominance by the late sixth, into the seventh century. Liskeard is an example of one of these settlements that was eventually superseded in power by the head hundred manor of Fawton with advent of Anglo-Saxon political control (Turner 2006, 57).

Approaches As discussed, settlement study is a key element to the data-gathering process, and geophysics surveys are key to help determine the corridor’s settlement morphologies. The geophysics for this research were carried out by Mark Borlase and Malcolm Wright using instruments and software owned by the latter. These comprise of a single Geoscan magnetometer and single Geoscan Resistivity meter. A full magnetometer capacity of recordings of 20 x (20m x 20m) grids (0.8 ha), in good conditions (level sheep grazed ground), can be covered in around three hours by the above operatives. Resistivity, by contrast, is much slower and more laborious; eight grids make a good day’s work. The results from the geophysics programme, when collated with the different forms of settlement and communications evidence, creates a combined picture of the settlement morphology of the Camel and Fowey rivers and environs. When analysed together, with information from published and unpublished excavated data, and from the portable antiquities scheme, a holistic overview begins to appear of the portable material culture passing through the corridor. A picture of activity across the study area helped to inform on the use of the trans-peninsula route. Other individual classes of evidence such as coin evidence, early Christian monuments and place-name evidence represented in distributional model form establishes a spatial pattern, as well as providing evidence for use of the corridor. Accompanying this is a wide range of literary evidence taken from ancient sources to the recent past. Of course, scepticism is necessary as some may have been written with a political or religious bias, or translations through the ages have warped the original connotation. The De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae, written by Gildas, is a script containing both a political and religious agenda and cannot be taken as an accurate portrayal of society of the time, although ‘reading between the lines’ provides a little background ‘meat’. Others, such as panegyric records of the saints are also written with partiality, raising the status of the saint by exaggerating his or her wondrous deeds, in order to convey exemplifying allegorical messages (Harvey 2001). Having accepted this, there are many elements, on which to draw information, such as contemporary landscape description, society and individuals. All these components help to create an overall impression of early transport, seaways, trade and movement of people.

Topographical names can be ambiguous in their chronological establishment. Names associated with rough or high ground may well be part of a later episode of settlement as these areas were gradually exploited, such as Rose and Preston-Jones found for the upland area of Davidstow (1986, 143 and Preston-Jones pers. comm). However, another study of the Padstow area found that they were unable to distinguish a separate patterning from the tref settlements (1986, 141–4; Rose and Preston-Jones 1995, 52–6). Thus, assigning a relative dating for topographical place-names in areas with good agricultural land is not as reliable. As regards the prefix lann (Padel defines lann as the Old Cornish equivalent of the Welsh llan meaning enclosed cemetery – 1984, 142–5), association with early establishment is complex (Petts 2002) and is discussed a little later. 7

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Attribution of saint dedications to explain the development of ecclesiastical sites with Celtic names are not always reliable prior to AD c.1000, particularly for the more common saints with a widespread cult. Some lesser known saints, such as St Kew, may be more likely to suggest early foundations for obvious reasons (Turner, 2006, 9).

peninsula. Why should there be such a route and how and when was it likely to be used? To answer this, and establish a hypothesis for an overland route, it was necessary to look at the alternative sea passage. This involved studying the maritime landscape of the period, Cornwall’s topographical setting and archaeological, historical and maritime background. A study of coastal and off-shore navigation and its associated dangers enables an evaluation of the advantages or disadvantages of a sea passage verses an overland route. Navigational models potentially demonstrated that the alternative sea-route around the Lizard, Land’s End, and up the North Atlantic coast was a less safe option, than an overland short cut. Other pieces of historical and trade evidence were used to calculate possible trade across Cornwall, and therefore the corridor’s usage and its decline. In addition, how beyondTamar, and overseas political issues may have affected trade and society from a more global perspective.

Caution should be reserved not to assume early derivations from place-names in general as most names have many corruptions of the original name before the present day’s nomenclature. Also, some names can be open to different interpretations, but are confidently published by several Cornish language writers resulting in conflicting meanings. For example: Predannack Wollas is interpreted by Holmes (1983) to be ‘Lower Headland of the fernbrake’, whereas Padel (1988) thinks, it refers to The Lizard headland and that the village took the name. Herring refers to its interpretation as ‘headland of the British’ (1995, 9). Similarly, Holmes gives Zelah as meaning ‘dry place’, but Padel refutes this interpretation on the grounds of the rarity of le in the Cornish language.

Tangible Evidence In order to verify the existence of a potential route, and to extract social data. Several methods of data collection to arrive at the most probable route were deployed. A physical process of research for tangible evidence by vehicle, cycle or walking to assess the ancientness of a route. Evidence to demonstrate ancient routes took the form of early medieval cross distribution; pillar memorials; the presence and depth of holloways; magnetometry to search for physical evidence for a track; surveys of rough-hewn (non-drilled) granite gateposts and a flora species study to identify indicators for ancientness. It is recognised that hedgerow species counting methods are a contentious form of evaluation of ancientness, consequently the selection is drawn from those only renowned as slow colonisers and varied enough to be suitable for the diverse ecosystems of the corridor (table 1).

Dwelling place-names, containing the following elements below, are more secure in denoting settlement from the early medieval than descriptive topographical placenames, although some may occur contemporaneously. Habitational prefixes are: tre – farmstead, hamlet, bod, bo, bos – dwelling at a lower social level than the tref settlement (Pearce 2004, 304; Padel 1998). Descriptive prefixes: din, dinas, deen, denis, dun, cear, kir, ker, gear, vallack – fort, enclosure, hen, hel, hels – ancient, old, lys, los – court, administrative centre (high status, even royal). The suffix barton – medieval estate land, when followed by earlier names with Brythonic prefixes, indicates they are generally connected to former earlier manorial centres, such as Kestle Barton, Rosecarrick Barton (1086), Treworgie Barton, Pendavey Barton (all of which have early medieval precursors). Religious prefixes, some later early medieval in date are: lan, laun, eglos, myther – holy or Christian enclosure, stow – later Anglo-Saxon denotation for Christian centre. A large number of descriptive Brythonic topographical place-name prefixes indicate settlement from the pre-Anglo-Saxon infiltration early medieval, such as these common examples: pen – headland/head of valley, ros – moor/common, nans – valley, hayle – estuary, porth – beach or cove, bur –bank/linear feature. Added to these name elements are names derived from saints, such as meva and issey forming Mevagissey (Padel 1988, 120).

Desktop study included map regression, topographical study, place-name study, a search for ancient indicators for a route such as barrows, lithic scatters, Iron Age enclosures, also a literature study. A study of communication networks from farther afield helped to understand how they may link into the Camel and Fowey corridor, supporting its importance as foci for overseas communication. This entails potential Roman signalling networks, Roman roads and major routes. This helped demonstrate the corridor as part of a holistic communication system, which in turn reflects on its society, which can then be considered.

Methodology

Supporting Evidence and Secondary Sources

The general methodology and approaches to meet the research questions listed above are explained as follows:

Data studied from the Portable Antiquities Scheme and the Cornwall HER helped support the trans-peninsula route theory from which artefact distributions of finds produced a picture and chronology of usage of the corridor, and riverside settlement patterns and their morphology. This helped support evidence for trading networks both local and foreign, which may manifest itself physically in the form of riverside settlement and marine archaeology,

The Hypothesis for a Route: Marine Environment v Overland Route Before investigating the social dynamics of this study, we need to test the validity of the existence of a transpeninsular alternative to sailing around the Land’s End 8

General Methodology and Approaches Table 2.1. List of slow coloniser species useful for indicating the ancientness of a route across the corridor. Species of poor colonising, mainly ericaceous (suitable for Cornwall’s soils), vascular flora for this survey are listed. Although this a contentious subject such as hedge dating from species counts, which in the author’s experience is unreliable, the species chosen here are selected as they are well proven slow colonisers for use as indicators of ancientness (Peterken 1974; Peterken and Game 1981; Rackham 2000; Muir 2009; Glaves, Rotherham, Wright, Handley and Birbek 2009; Phillips 1977). Ramsons allium ursinum Wood Anemone or Windflower anemone nemorosa (spreads 1 to 2 metres per 100 to 200 years) Hay-scented Buckler fern dryopteris aemula Bluebell hyacinthoides non scripta (formerly endymion non scripta) with anemone nemorosa useful for identifying areas of ancient woodland or non-cultivated ancient common land e.g. Bodwannick Wood (Figure 8.1). Holly ilex (widespread localised cover) Wild Daffodil narcissus pseudonarcissus (widespread localised cover) Orchid orchis (all species) Royal fern osmunda regalis Wood Sorrel oxalil acetosella, Wild Parsnip pastinaca sativa Primrose primula vulgaris (widespread localised cover) Cornish Moneywort sibthorpia europaea Rowan sorbus aucuparia (significant in pre-Christian practice – to protect man from evil; Phillips 1977, 34), Yew taxus baccata Bilberry vaccinium mytrtilllus Wood Vetch vicia sylvatica Early Dog Violet viola reichenbachiana

further demonstrating use of the corridor, and informing on socio-economic. Other secondary sources of data from all archaeological work in the corridor formed part of this data assessment.

photographs and the Cornwall HER helps contextualise the micro-level settlement information to compare with settlement with other parts of the county and eke out any differentiation in social patterning.

Further discussion on the methodology to assess the antediluvian character of routes and the credibility of flora as an ancientness indicator, together with the routes identified themselves from which key extracts are taken which augment the arguments and narrative can be found in Borlase 2018, appendix 2.

Categorising the settlement type and character and any information on the material culture helped in assessing the social structure, continuity and identity of the local populous.

A Thematic Approach Through Settlement and Overview of Research Sites

Excavation was carried out according to the codes, standards and guidelines set by CIFA archaeological practices. Excavation was carried out in order to reap potential information to further this research when features recognised from geophysics survey appear worthy of further investigation. This, where possible, identified the site’s character, function and chronology. Only when most of these questions are clarified was a site fully accepted for interpretation for this research unless otherwise stated. In order to attain data to answer these questions, this research adhered to a strict policy of minimal excavation. Consequently, only as much disturbance to archaeology to progress the programme of research was carried out, thus justifying the intrusion to some sensitive archaeology, which was kept to a minimum.

Excavation

Once the probability of a route is established, through artefactual, cartographical, and evidence drawn from the landscape, addressing how it has evolved helps engage the question of society and identity, which arises from these subjects and helps to explain the morphology of dense settlement in the corridor. To confront the question of socio-economic and cultural continuity, a systematic micro- and macro-investigation into a number of sites, allows comparisons to be made in order to evaluate settlement styles and patterns for the different periods across the Fowey and Camel watersheds. Table 8.1 gives a brief overview of the seventeen primary research sites and their importance to the research. The information resulting from the micro-case studies helped address questions on contemporaneity; spatial and numerical data on enclosed and unenclosed settlement pattern and associated agrarian information. It also provides social structure data on population density in the Late Iron Age and Romano-British period across the Camel and Fowey corridor. On a macro level, scrutiny of aerial 9

3 Out on a Limb: The Geomorphology of Cornwall, the Atlantic Climatic Influence and the Archaeological Context of the Study Period Introduction

For estuarine environments, calculations of ancient sea-levels are somewhat problematic, any computation rendered difficult due to shifting sands and muds caused by autogenic and allogenic processes, the latter in Cornwall principally being a result of tin mining and streaming sedimentation (Penhallurick 1986, 157). These processes can accelerate changes; Figure 3.1 of the Camel estuary between 1880 and 1930, shows how the river, in the interim period changed its course entirely from the west bank to the east side of the estuary, where it remains today. This demonstrates the extent that estuarine sand deposition is a constant fluid phenomenon, with the channel alternating from side to side too frequently to pin down accurate positioning for a given time.

The Geomorphology of Cornwall Cornwall lies on the western upland region of southern Britain. It is not only distinct geographically, but very much so topographically and geologically, initiating insular cultural traditions to those regions. Cornubian batholithic and laccolithic extrusions rise from a robustly undulating landscape, deeply incised with often steepsided drainage valleys formed in Devonian slates. Throughout this, metamorphic sequencing, which has a strong mineralogical nature, has historically attracted global interest in the region. At the centre of this attention is cassiterite ore, together with copper, lead, silver, iron and even gold (Penhallurick 1986, 160–3).

In conclusion, the sea-level changes can be estimated to be 2.3 to 2.4 lower than present day. At Daymer Bay, a salt marsh and submerged forest, with a five-metre circumference prehistoric shell midden (reported to the Cornwall HER by the author SX 93477) would have been flooded only on high tides. The top of the beach would be around 30 to 40 metres to seaward in the Roman period. Mining activity has an opposing effect; in some cases, such as on the Par River, the beach may have receded by up to 3km seaward. It is difficult to estimate the correlation of lower sea levels and heavy silt deposition when estimating navigable tidal limits for the Fowey and Camel without sampling techniques. One may counteract the other or silting may be the more dominant factor. However, it is thought here that the Fowey was navigable as far as Restormel fort contemporaneously with its occupation, as large shipping reached Lostwithiel up until the fifteenth century only 1.4 kms to the south.

Among the extrusive granite metamorphic aureoles of the Lizard peninsula, there are gabbro extrusions which when decayed creates gabbroic clay. This was a valued commodity for the ceramics industry producing and exporting pottery, such as Trevisker ware, for around 2500 years (ApSimon and Greenfield 1972). ‘Localised’ isostatic and eustatic effects form a drowned ria coastline along the southern shores of Cornwall and Devon, forming a landscape which has then been honed to its present topography by the exceptionally high rainfall over millennia. All the above are factors that have greatly influenced the Iron Age culture of the far south west (Cunliffe 2005, 194). This chapter looks at how these factors influence settlement and society in Cornwall and accordingly the Camel and Fowey watersheds. Coastline Changes and Sea-Level Rises for the Camel and Fowey Estuaries

The Camel tidal limits are likely to not be greatly different from today despite some claims that it reached as far as Nanstallon (Fox and Ravenhill 1970; Thorpe 2007, 7;

We will never be able to appreciate fully the problems of travel encountered by early seafarers, but sea-level environmental information helps understand how the coast of Cornwall was used for water transport helping to construct a contemporary maritime picture.

Table 3.1. Moving from west to east, the sea level estimated from archaeological evidence and distance from the Camel River. The sea level rise for Padstow is interpolated from its distance to, and rise evidence from the other areas of measured eustatic change and isostatic rebound.

A study for this research based on the Lyonesse project in the Isles of Scilly, stratified Roman deposits at Cearleon, and research in Devon gives a mean sea level rise since the Roman period for the Camel and Fowey corridor of 2.35m to 2.4m (Borlase 2018, appendix 3:1; Clark 1979; Thomas 1985; Waddlegrove and Waddlegrove 1990; Barker and Mackey 1959; Rippon 2000; 2006; Massey 2004; Johns et al. 2014).

Isles of Scilly 2.5m rise  Distance to Camel Estuary – 120 kms – west / east Camel Estuary 2.35–2.4m rise Devon 2.3m rise     Distance from Fowey Estuary – 75 kms – east/west Cearleon 2.2m rise     Distance to Camel Estuary 180 kms – east / west

11

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 3.1. Left: 1880 map of the Doom Bar and 1970 on the right, showing the shift in the River Camel channel in a space of only ninety years. © Crown Copyright (1839 and 1970).

and others). The normal tide limit of the Camel was likely to be located between Pendavey and Polbrock Bridge, where it lies today. The river is generally not in the china clay mining watershed, which produces eight tons of waste for one ton of clay produced, compared with one ton of gravel waste to 1.3–1.8 kg of black tin (Penhallurick 1986, 157). Sedimentation is therefore, generally less likely to affect this part of the north coast.

straight ancient land route can be identified directly along the Bozion (Bosion) ridge, to ultimately ford the Camel at Boscarne below Nanstallon fort. Cultural Aspects: Settlement Morphologies – a Discussion ‘In Cornwall, settlement in the Roman and pre-Roman Iron Age period may be broadly divided into open settlement and defensibly enclosed settlement. For various reasons very little is known about the former, but rather more about the latter, … (Johnson and Rose, 1982, 151).’

From the Ruthern confluence, the Camel, as quoted by Henderson ‘pierces its way through steep hills, passes Dymbeth and emerges among the saltings at Pendevy’ (1928, 115), where he adds, ‘there is a chapel of St Nicholas and a little wharf’. It is unlikely that Nanstallon was accessible to any more than light flat-bottomed river craft either side of untenable flood or dry conditions, when less than half a meter depth between pools may be available. Along this stretch, between the River Allen confluence at Pendavey and just beyond Boscarne, where the 10m contour crosses the river, there is over a five-meter rise. The lower reaches are more likely to receive alluvial deposits than the upper where the flow is faster, so the 10m contour has probably altered little. Considering a lower sea-level chart datum difference of around 2.3 metres  it would seem impossible for the tidal limit reach Nanstallon on a mean three-metre tidal range, even after allowing for a degree of allogenic and autogenic processes. 

Twenty-eight years after the above was written, Nicholas Johnson speaking at a symposium held for the fiftieth anniversary for the Cornwall Archaeology Society in November 2011, stated that what is needed now is an area survey of lowland sites in a designated area to enable to learn how settlements are associated with one another. Although not the sole aim of this study, in-depth area survey is a major by-product of this research. Johnson’s statement still holds true of lowland sites, and of course the overriding reason is that defensible enclosures, generally, are very much easier to identify, due to their earthwork characteristics. Also, this area of study falls short in understanding in Devon and Cornwall, as the SWARF project has observed (Holbrook et al. 2008, 153). Some of the work in this study is valuable in helping identify some of those lowland sites in the Camel and Fowey region that Johnson and Rose refer to as lesser known. For example, the enclosure banks at Carruan have been erased by plough and only the ditches are identifiable from aerial photographic survey. As a result of subsequent investigation by geophysics for this study, the largest Romano-British open lowland settlement in the south west became evident. This highlights the imperative of aerial survey (including satellite imagery) as a discipline, although there are caveats concerning its interpretation, as revealed from this research and summarised in the concluding

The ability to float craft on a tidal flow was therefore, not a factor in the siting of Nanstallon fort as some suggest, a view shared by Anne Preston-Jones who suggests that heavy granite for crosses in the early medieval could be carried no further inland than from Pendavey by barge. Furthermore, any barges known to the Roman world would be far too cumbersome to continue any further (2013, 17; Elmers 1978). From a topographical perspective, Pendavey would have made a natural location to transfer cargo for portage, with a natural island formed by the confluence of the River Allen facilitating fording. From this point on, the river valley becomes narrow and steep-sided upstream above Polbrock. However, from Pendavey, a remarkably 12

Out on a Limb chapters. Nevertheless, the aerial mapping programme has contributed many more enclosures and features to the record (Young 2012, 111).

attempts at classification complex, and form and function equally so (Johnson and Rose 1982, 164). Some of the larger enclosures (as opposed to the smaller round) such as Carvossa and Carloggas, have a continuity of use from the Iron Age into the Roman, whereas the multivallate ‘hillfort’ enclosures fell out of active use before the arrival of Rome (Carlyon 1987, 140; Threipland 1956; Quinnell 2004, 216). There is still much to learn about rounds; many will not conform to the stereotypical form of fulfilling the normal criteria for a round settlement. Two such enclosures are at Middle Amble and Carruan (Borlase and Wright 2014) as this study shows, having unusual elements such as large open settlement surrounding the enclosures. Thus, many un-investigated rounds may not be purely enclosed settlements for extended family groups. Henrietta Quinnell’s Trethurgy report delivers the largest contribution to our knowledge of Romano-British material culture in Cornwall and the far South West, providing a baseline for contextual discussion which is described in a later section (Quinnell 2004).

Enclosures: Diverse Typologies This research leans heavily on the study of settlement to provide answers to the aims and questions on use of the corridor, society and identity. It is therefore appropriate to contextualise the sites chosen for the study against the various genera of enclosures and settlement encountered in Cornwall. The term ‘rounds’ refer to settlements of small univallate or bivallate enclosures with structure styles comprising of a continuation of the vernacular roundhouse tradition. Quinnell defines the round as a ‘permanent settlement consisting of substantially built houses contained within an enclosed circuit, usually under one hectare with ditches of two metres or less in depth, the importance of which was marked by a working gateway’ (2004, 213). Work undertaken by Johnson and Rose on enclosures shows a diverse range, which in many cases prove difficult to classify (1982, 1983). Small enclosures of around one acre do not conform to a standard shape, neither do they conform to a chronological pattern. They vary from oval to square, but all are generically termed ‘rounds’ (Thomas 1966, 87), often with a nomenclature invariably reflected in field names, such as ‘Round Park’, or ‘Castle Meadow’. It must be highlighted however, that this does not mean all fields named ‘round park’ have had earthworks contained within, as geophysical investigations have shown (Borlase 2013). Some have their roots firmly embedded in the Late Iron Age, while construction of some new rounds did not take place until the second century AD (Quinnell 1986, 124). It is worthy of note, that no round, yet explored, has had a continuous occupation from the Iron Age through the Roman period and beyond. There appears to be a hiatus in building through the third-century AD, although it may be too early to assume this, as there is still a dearth of dating data (Quinnell, 1986, 124).

There an obvious distinction in the material culture between west of the Tamar and the remainder of Dumnonia. However, it is not clear where, or if there was a border as such, between what many class as the Cornovii sector of Dumnonia (Mattingly 2006, 407). Although, a geophysical survey conducted by Malcolm Wright and the author suggest rounds may appear to extend right up to the Tamar; a sub-rectilinear double ditch enclosure at Dewcombe, above Greystones Bridge on the Tamar, proved to be occupied containing one roundhouse. As a broad generalisation, enclosed hamlets to the east of the south west peninsula were a pre-historic phenomenon, being superseded by open farmsteads in the Roman period onwards. In Devon, the settlement morphology is less clear. Whilst curvilinear enclosures are known, such as the Southernhay East Car Park, Exeter, this form does not dominate the settlement pattern as it does with their Cornish counterparts (Stead, 2004; Brindle 2016, 345). Here, the most common enclosure types are rectilinear and it is notable that of all five of the excavated examples of curvilinear form show evidence of Iron Age occupation as opposed to none of the rectilinear types. The evidence points to an emergence from the second-century AD for this genre (Brindle 2016, 346). It is possible there may be a bias toward open farmsteads which are considerably more difficult to detect, with enclosed settlement less likely to be the Roman norm gradually to be replaced by hamlets (Pearce 2004, 42). There is only one complex example at Shepperd’s Lane, Teignmouth spanning the second and fourth centuries, with ancillary enclosures perhaps for stock (Haines, 2013). Some of these are enclosed by complex ditches, others only partially. At Ipplepen, a Romano-British open road-side settlement site has been identified covering several hectares classified by Brindle as a village (Greene and Greene 1970; 2015, 335; Pearce 2004, 31; Rippon forthcoming and email pers. comm. September 2017). St Loye’s on the road from the legionary fortress at Topsham, witnesses the replacement of an

The principal functions of enclosure ditches and walls of rounds, in most cases, are as an announcement of prestige as opposed to overt defence, and for stock control (Borlase 2013, 192). Perhaps, just as today, wealth can relate to shows of ostentation and many simple rounds may be regarded as being occupied by ordinary domestic households, with a ditch and bank of varying degrees of embellishment (the bank at Kingswood was lined with white spar). A similar function is ascribed to the ringforts and raths of Ireland, where most are occupied by ordinary households, with some raised platform raths being linked to higher status (O’Sullivan et al. 2008, 53; 2014, 47–139; Fleming 2013, 115). Most rounds are around an acre and typically sited on spurs and slopes in good agricultural land, close to a water supply, as opposed to hilltops. However, the distinction between rounds and large defensive enclosures can become blurred, and the wide diversity of form of these univallate enclosures, can make 13

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route enclosed Iron Age farmstead to a site of Roman military significance as a port, which seems to have developed into a civilian settlement or may have even have originated as such (Stead and Payne 2013; Steinmetzer and Salvatore 2010; Holbrook 2015, 96–8).

rounds in Cornwall from the third century onwards, whereas the cashel and ringfort ran well into the early medieval. There are also a number of curvilinear enclosures on Broadfield Down, North Somerset, which also show remarkably similar characteristics to rounds, although these are of unknown date (Russet 2006; Ian Powesland pers. comm. 2009). The population was increasing in the Late Iron Age, accepted by some as being up to between four to six million by the Roman period (Salway 1991, 544). Consequently, this led to increased tension against a background of social competition for limited resources, which would have necessitated a requirement for an increasingly organised and stratified society. The round enclosure, with its impression on the local landscape of solidity and permanence, would have seemed an appropriate means of reinforcing claims to land ownership rights. The model of a clientage based, social hierarchy, controlling an economic resource, as seen by Barrett is a framework in which social competition is created by ‘claims of inheritance, kinship and social debt’, which may have been in contention with grazing resources (1982, 24). This model would occasion the requirement for ‘estate’ residences to be of powerful character without being overtly defensive, elements of which rounds possess. Furthermore, it is improbable that rounds were designed to exhibit internal divisions of social rank, but instead, they were the household’s mark of centrality within the landscape.

Brindle reports that there appears to be a notable interregional difference between the chronological development of farmsteads of Devon and Cornwall. In Cornwall, there was a substantial increase in newly established farmsteads in the Late Iron Age, when the largest numbers were in occupation up to the second-centuries AD. The number declined in the first half of the second-century which sees the abandonment of many (this hiatus was first reported by Quinnell), but new farmsteads were later established in the second half of the same century in what appears to be a dynamic period (Quinell 1986, 124; Brindle 2015, 336). Without detailing, Brindle concludes there appears to be shift in settlement inland and to the south in Cornwall and surmises it may be linked to Roman mineral control. This is not a finding substantiated here. Nevertheless, in Devon, there is a similar but less dramatic increase in the Late Iron Age, but the numbers stabilise with roughly equal abandonments and new sites developing until the second-century AD when new additions suggest this was the period when most farmsteads were in use (2015, 340) Socio-Political Dynamics and Identity in Settlement

A pastoral economy, based principally on wool from sheep farming as well as cattle rearing, is continually demonstrated by the recovery of spindle whorls. Twelve were found in the extensive Trethurgy excavation alone, described in greater detail later (Quinnell 2004). Indeed, two were found in the small excavations for this study. Sheep (with other forms of stock) were probably the basis for wealth, and grazing rights may have been controlled by an upper stratum of society from a controlling base such as Carvossa, to which the round was conceptually, either bonded to, or latterly, formed co-operatively with. This system conceivably continued unhindered into the Roman period by which time if the Imperial machine interfered with these social dynamics in any way, it does not manifest itself in the record. The round represented a landowning and trading community of local importance, who may have had smaller, tenanted, unenclosed farmsteads or lesser rounds within its estate (Borlase 2013, 194–5). In certain areas, towards the Roman period the necessity for enclosed settlement appears to diminish as larger settlements covering several acres such as Middle Amble, Carruan, Porthilly and Lellizzick attracted groups into nucleated unenclosed settlement (Borlase and Wright 2014 and this paper; Mepham 2008). This later reversal of tradition ran co-currently for a time with a few new rounds such as Shortlanesend and Carloggas (Schwieso 1976; Threipland 1956), these later introductions may have required a modicum of protection if high value metalworking took place.

The following paragraphs contextualise the social structural dimension behind the round settlement in Cornwall. The possible reasons for the resistance behind taking up Roman cultural habits in the far west by the Cornovii are manifold, but environmental determinism could well be a major factor. High rainfall and many areas of high altitude characterise the region as a highland zone, with poor soils and harsher climate than other regions of the province. This disposes many areas to a situation where there is little agricultural surplus and a higher reliance on self- subsistence. The climatic and geomorphological factors of the South West are suited principally for a pastoral economy (reflected in Roman pollen sequence analysis), which in turn shapes the nature of the social structure (Rippon et al. 2015, 205; Cunliffe 2005, 194). These factors bear many similarities across the Atlantic seaboard, for example, south west Wales and Ireland are comparable. These environments precipitate the development of similar enclosures, such as Woodside Camp, Llawhaden, Dyfed (Williams, G. & Mythrum, H. 1998) and the fully excavated Walesland Rath (Wainright 1971) in Pembrokeshire. In Ireland, settlement was characterised by early phases of open settlement with a few enclosed forms followed by a period of more substantial enclosed settlement from the third century typified by the ringfort and cashel. This was a trend which continued into the latter half of the first millennium AD (Dowling 2014, 153), and the similarity in design in Brittany, such as that at Enez Guennoc, L’ Ile Guennoc in Landéda, expresses and demonstrates a shared cultural tradition (Giot et al. 2003, 209–210). The round in Cornwall chronologically contrasts with the ringfort, with a sharp decline in construction of

The only villas in the far South West are a small example at Magor and possibly one at Rosewarne, near Illogan and 14

Out on a Limb or resistance by the people Dumnonia (region west of the River Parrett). Hembury hillfort, near Honiton was probably unoccupied when the Romans constructed a fort, between AD 50 and 70, and there appears no evidence for resistance (Todd 1984). The discovery of a Neronian period bath-house on the west side of the present Cathedral precinct, finally attested the early occupation of Exeter. This suggests that by AD 50 the military were well established in Devon with the key military base for legio II by AD 55. Military activity at St. Loye’s, Topsham (probably a supply base) emphasises the importance of a waterborne supply network (Steinmetzer and Salvatore 2010; Holbrook 2015, 96–8). A fort at Bury Barton implies control of the Exe and Taw valleys, and a route to the west around the north of Dartmoor is implied by the two forts at North Tawton (Nemetio Statio) and one east of Okehampton (Mattingly 2006, 402).

are situated in the midst of extensive mineral grounds. Magor was well established by the second century, and as it was constructed within an earlier round (O’Neil 1933). Perhaps this is suggestive of continuity of tenure on a site developed on the proceeds of local mineral exploitation by landholding occupants displaying their wealth. It has been suggested Magor was the residence of a Roman official or a procurator (Wacher 1978, 134; Mattingly 2006, 407). If this had been the case, perhaps it would be more likely that the plan would be perfectly regular rather than slightly obscure in wall plan? The villas are certainly not representative of a widespread pattern of villa estates. It is not known what type of structure Rosewarne may be, but the discovery of fragments of a tessellated pavement imply this was a substantial building. The villa near Crediton in Devon makes up one of the few villa excavations between the two counties (Griffith 1988), and there is a probable villa at Aller south of the Teign (Bidwell intarch.ac.uk/journal/issue41/1/toc.html).

As well as providing an important trans-peninsular route alternative, the Camel and Fowey rivers formed a safe haven and refuge for coastal shipping in transit, as well as providing a longer ‘lay up’ for the winter months. An important if not over-riding element for the siting of Nanstallon and Restormel forts are their strategically located positions across the centre of the peninsula on this route.

Open Settlement Our understanding of open settlement for Dumnonia is still at a formative stage. Largely due to the aerial mapping programme and one or two excavation sites, is it beginning to be realised that some small to medium open settlements exist such as at Lellizzick (Gossip and Jones 2009-10; Gossip forthcoming; Mepham 2008; Young 2012, 111). In west Cornwall, particularly on the Penwith peninsula and Isles of Scilly, courtyard settlements such as Chysauster and Carn Euny (Christie 1978; Henken 1932; Ashbee 1996) are a distinctive class of open settlement consisting of a cluster of curvilinear stone structures with two or three structures surrounded by a courtyard. However, elsewhere in the county, only at Lellizzick has survey and excavation produced a medium sized open settlement of ten or more structures. Only in the last few years, with the aid of the aerial mapping programme, has there been a slow recognition that unenclosed settlement may be a little more prolific than once thought. However, there is still no great understanding as to the extent quantitatively, spatially and substantiality of this form of settlement. Even the latest study on Romano-British rural settlement only touches on open settlement in Cornwall mentioning the site at Carruan and a possible one at Harlyn, but it is comprehensive in its descriptions of rounds and courtyard settlement (Smith, Allen, Brindle and Fulford 2016; Borlase 2015; Jones and Quinnell 2014). The work from this research further enhances our knowledge of open settlement, particularly in the Camel environs.

Occupation at Nanstallon Fort (probably Statio Deventiasteno) was short lived, from a construction date of AD 55 to 60 to its abandonment before AD 80 (Fox & Ravenhill 1972, 88). A Neronian ‘As’ coin recovered in excavation for this research from a metal working dump outside the south fort gate supports the fort being established by the early Neronian period. The relative short duration of the military presence in mid-Cornwall implies that the necessity to retain a military presence was not an imperative. Nanstallon overlooks a fordable point on the Camel, adjacent to a rich source of tin, lead and silver at Boscarne (Fox and Ravenhill 1965; 1972; Penhallurick 1986, 209) and it is merely 1.7 kms from the Mulberry Downs open cast iron and tin lodes to the south-west (the same lode that runs to Leadenhill wood half a kilometre west of Restomel fort). Although later mining expunged any evidence of Roman mining, further evidence discussed later implies that exploitation took place. Spargo, visiting Mulberry, recorded in 1860 that the workings were ‘indeed ancient’ (‘Mining in Cornwall’ database – ‘Cornwall in Focus’). Lead and silver deposits are also found equidistant to the south at Bodwannick Wood that was also accessible by open cast prospection. In support of local mining having taken place, there is evidence of lead and silver slag found during the fort excavation, and Roman artefacts recovered from around the tin stream works at nearby Boscarne on the Camel (Fox and Ravenhill 1972; Penahallurick 1986, 209). Considering the rapid control of the lead extraction in the Mendips in the early occupation period, it would be surprising if these resources were ignored by imperial strategists, and lead extraction evidence from Porthilly suggests this was the case in the corridor.

Roman Military Influence in Cornwall and the Corridor To set a context to the Roman element of this research, there follows a résumé of our knowledge of Roman Cornwall and the corridor. We do not know in any detail how the Roman military advanced into the far southwest, or of their reception, 15

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route After AD 80 the fort was disassembled and units redirected to greater imperatives elsewhere (probably for campaigns against the Silures). This implies that a state of stability and co-operation existed in trade and commerce in Cornwall, which could be maintained without a large military controlling presence. At Restomel fort, surface and metal detector assemblages indicate the retention of a much longer military presence and officialdom (Thorpe 2007).

place with the Atrebates centred on Silchester (Calevum Atrebatum), before the invasion of AD 43. If an on-going peaceful relationship did co-exist, in regard to Cornwall’s peripheral geographic situation beyond the high moors, occupation in the far South West would have taken place without concern for major resistance from its inhabitants. Effectively, this area ‘by-pass’ may be one reason why early ‘reward’ and governor’s villas and were not a feature of the landscape, but a predominant ‘live and let live’ culture, demonstrable in the recoverable material culture (settlement and ceramic) thrived. These themes are re-visited later when the findings from this research are assessed.

Evidence for pre-invasion Roman interaction in Cornwall is sparse or non-existent. Despite this, the tin and mineral trade in Cornwall was well established for hundreds of years prior to AD 43, therefore Roman trade through Cornwall’s ports must have been established by the close of the millennium. This is concept is reinforced by Diodorus Siculus who, writing around 30 BC, not only confirms the nature of the trade, but more meaningfully describes the nature of extraction: They extract the tin from its bed by a cunning process. The bed is of rock, but contains earthy interstices, along which they cut a gallery. Having smelted the tin and refined it, they hammer it into knuckle-bone shape and convey it to an adjacent island named Iktis. They wait till the ebb-tide has drained the intervening firth and then transport whole loads of tin on wagons. There the dealers buy it from the natives and thence convey it across to Gaul. For final stage, proceeding by land through Gaul, in about thirty days they bring their load on horses to the mouth of the Rhone. (Diodorus Siculus, V.22: Source J. C. Muhly, 1969, 472–3)

The interaction of the indigenous population with the imposition of the Roman Imperial rule in the far South West is difficult to ascertain, particularly from written sources, for which little exists. The low archaeological visibility, relative to most parts of England and Wales, also accounts for this challenge. Archaeologically, we can gain tentative insights from the limited archetypal Roman sites found to date, particularly the military sites. However, the bulk of the insight into how the indigenous population reacted to the Roman movement comes from higher status native sites such as Kilhallon, Carvossa, Grambla, Carloggas, Mawgan in Pydar, Chysauster and the excavation at Trethurgy. The social differentiation and wealth of these sites, relative to the norm, may have been attendant on the mineral trade and development of tin and lead extraction, particularly from the secondcentury. Indeed, some evidence for metalworking has been identified from most of these sites from the Late Iron Age.

The reference to bed of rock and earthy interstices suggests that shafts were sunk into alluvial deposits, such as has been found at Pentewan (Gerrard 2000, 21). Diodorus continues, describing the natives as ‘hospitable and gentle in their manner’. There is no reason to suppose there was not an accommodating, peaceful, symbiotic trading relationship with the native population after the invasion just as before, as this description suggests. There is certainly no archaeological evidence or suggestion from classic sources that hint at any antagonism emanating from the far South West – in fact the opposite is far more likely to be the case. Given Cornwall’s isolation, geographically making it profligate in Roman manpower and resources, it would be non-productive and non-profitable to assert repressive control unnecessarily. Why ‘rock the boat’ politically or ‘fix what is not broken’?

Milestone pillar distribution mapping shows that even though Cornwall does have a visible presence with five pillars, there is a disparate distribution of pillars in comparison to the south and south east of England where the average is more like one per county (Jones and Mattingly 1990). The numbers are more comparable with the military zones of Wales and the North. The true Civitas Dumnonia remained well to the east of the Tamar watershed, and it has been suggested that much of the south-west peninsula was held in state control or ager publicus (Mattingly 2006, 407). Exmoor, with its Iron industry, closer to early forts, also the Mendips may have had a similar status, and both as such, would not have enjoyed a fully developed civitas status. Conversely, there are no milestones around Exmoor or indeed Charterhouse on the Mendips with its lead industries.

The numerous Roman finds in Cornwall indicate the local communities seemingly cherry-picked certain Roman comforts, such as the window glass from Trethurgy (an indication of a sound trading relationship), but tenaciously continued their traditional culture unhindered (Quinnell 2004, 90). The Romans did not appear to view the continuation of the tradition of enclosed round settlements (intrinsically non-defensive structures) as any kind of threat. Perhaps an analogy could be drawn here to a similar type of client relationship that was in

In Cornwall there is a distinct lack of associated impact on settlement or infrastructure in the form of roads, settlement or workshops, which may be associated with ager publicus. Infrastructure as seen at Charterhouse, the gold mines of Dolaucothi, Carmarthenshire or the iron extraction area of the Weald of Kent under state control, is simply not evident (Brodribb and Cleere 1988, 184; MaCarthy 2013, 95). Perhaps the Roman approach to the mineral industry seems to be more indicative of non-centralisation, perhaps work was carried out at a 16

Out on a Limb contracted localised or clientage level, although a degree of procuratoral control is possible? Two of the Roman pillars along the north Cornwall coast may be more suggestive of commemorating the upkeep of an important connecting route from the Camel estuary to Tintagel and along the north coast rather than for explicit military control of mineral exploitation, again themes explored later (Jones and Mattingly 1990; Mattingly 2006, 407).

place-name Carlyon (caer – fort, leon– legion) produced negative results (this study). There are several factors, which would indicate that the indigenous populous enjoyed a relatively settled, even peaceable existence. One indicator is the rise in importance of several high-status native sites such as Carvossa and Kilhallon, which may suggest that eventually there was a reversion to localised administration. Military wise, the abandonment of Nanstallon around the mid-80s adds to this argument. The continuance of settlement patterns of rounds and unenclosed settlement does not signify trappings of an overtly antagonistic society. These patterns continued into the later Roman period. At this time the need for tin would have ostensibly been in greater demand due to the rise in popularity of pewter together with the debasement of coinage, probably with lead and tin (Peters 2005, 109). This is coupled with political strife of the Empire; whereby Iberian tin may have been rendered unavailable. Tin ingots discussed elsewhere and salt production sites at Trebarveth (Peacock 1969; Wood 2010) and Carngoon Bank (Wood 2010) were at peak production during the third and fourth centuries. The ovens at Halangy Down, Isles of Scilly are of similar dating, and the latest interpretation as corn driers by Peters would have helped supply the economy of ‘Romano-Cornwall’, victualling trading ships or the Classis Britannica (Ashbee 1996, 30; 2005, 110). This is just an example of a small cog in the Imperial machine, providing preservation of foods, ultimately for the protection of the main supply of tin and mineral exploitation and other trade interests. These systems of production may certainly be more active in the late Roman period when the Classis Britannica played a concerted role in the Irish Sea sphere (Gardiner 2017, 40; White 2007, 57; Rance 2001, 257; Casey 2010, 64). It certainly would not have been advantageous to the Romans to disturb this local economy by political upheaval, which could be a very good reason why we see the continuance of social status quo, born out by the settlement pattern.

The continuance of cultural tradition in Cornwall and lack of trappings of infrastructure such as small towns, temples, roads and so on, indicates that the inhabitants were permitted to operate comfortably within their cultural tradition relatively undisturbed. Indeed, this scenario may be a progression beginning west of Exeter as finds at Ipplepen, Devon, lead to similar conclusions (Rippon 2016, 8). Any attempt by Roman presence in Cornwall to influence or re-organise the local ‘Iron Age’ economy on a new scale does not manifest itself in the archaeological record to the same extent as it does almost anywhere else south of Hadrian’s Wall. Nanstallon fort was too small for a full auxiliary unit. It was present in the landscape for around twenty years displaying a high-profile symbol of power, being centrally placed in the peninsula. The role of first and second-century forts is seen to serve as a base for tactically offensive operations, even if they did so within a strategy of territorial defence (Luttwak 1976, 134–135). They provided only superficial protection to deter infiltrators, but are not designed to withstand a concerted assault, an element that leans more towards playing a symbolic role in a display of dominance, power and presence over the Cornovii, whilst being capable of dealing with domestic disorder and uprising. For the forts of the corridor, there is viewpoint here that their diminutive size may be deliberate; designed to be under-stated (in size and force), in a bid to gain respect of local power structures, so as not to overwhelm and threaten to usurp communities, but to work alongside in a policing role. These theories are discussed later when supporting research evidence is assessed.

Our understanding of just how and when official Roman control of Cornwall ceased and their effect on the sociopolitical repercussions will probably never be known. The reduction in quantity of military artefacts at Restormel Fort (Thorpe 2007), matched by the increase in nonmilitary items, indicates that there is a decrease in military presence by the late third century, perhaps replaced by local administration and policing. This is in line with other fort sites such as at Caernarfon (Segontium) and probably Holyhead (Caer Gybi) (Jones 2009, 4; Mark Corney 2010, pers. comm.; Burnham and Davies 2010, 42–57). This higher profile of civilian artefacts in the record implies non-military executives and officials took on administrative duties such as revenue collection and perhaps legal affairs from the Roman military.

The fort at Restormel was granted greater longevity. After the initial establishment years, it is likely that it continued to play an important role in local governmental duties such as assaying, collection of import and export revenue duties, general administration particularly over mineral resources and perhaps judicial matters, rather than any overtly martial imperative. The native site of Carvossa, near the navigable headwaters of the River Fal, also potentially performed this function. It would be reasonable to surmise that there may be a military centre located somewhere at the head of the Camel estuary, servicing the Classis Britannica for the north coast of Cornwall. However, either a military or naval presence was not a requirement, necessitating a fort or base, or it has simply evaded detection. The results of Ellis Jones’ research into waterborne communication in the Bristol Channel involving the Classis Britannica would suggest the former scenario likely (2009) and surveys at the

To summarise, a stable political climate is a scenario examined in this study which appears to continue, unhindered in the Roman period and beyond into the postRoman. That is, a form of symbiotic clientage may have 17

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route prevailed, invisible to the record, but exercised in other parts of the Roman Empire, such as on the Barbarian Rhine limesvorland. The evidence for uninfluenced cultural continuity in the insular round settlement and roundhouse style, certainly indicates lack of major Roman coercion, inducement or social interference. In respect of these factors, perhaps it may be perfectly legitimate to regard the native population of Cornwall as ‘Romano-Cornovii’ as opposed to Romano-British.

entirely aceramic (Griffith 1986, 49). Whereas in many ways, the society of Cornwall must have been directly or indirectly affected by the social changes that had taken place broadly across Britain and elsewhere, these changes had not been significant enough to directly influence its pottery tradition. This continued until the post-Norman invasion, with gabbroic Bar-lug pottery (a stewing pot with hanging lugs protecting hanging cords from the hearth) from the seventh century onward, as found at Launceston castle. Bar-lug was exported as far as Waterford in Ireland (Wood 2014). This signifies an insular social identity across the far west which was inherently unaffected by the wider social changes taking place in Anglo-Saxon England. A change that would undoubtedly have rebounding economic effects gradually filtering through to west Dumnonia (perhaps accelerated after the battle of Deorham Down in 577). However, the dynamics behind the resilience to resist change maybe a combination of isolation and tin, a commodity rarely sourced so readily elsewhere, a special metal, inducing an individual, independent identity of those that produce it on a strongly maritime influenced frontier. This factor, combined with topographical and cultural isolation from the influences of the rest of Britain, allowed the native pottery to evolve and develop unaffected by Germanic culture.

Towards the end of the Roman period, society must have been affected economically, but identity remained unassuaged by outside influences and cultural change slow to take effect, manifesting itself mainly in a gradual change in settlement pattern. The research undertaken for this paper will help reinforce these social theories. Post-Roman Change in Settlement Pattern – Background to Social Change With Elements of Continuity Through Ceramics Evidence in the perpetuation of insular ceramic traditions and continued production does not reflect any major social disruption across Cornwall. It suggests that the trend of robust social identity is not significantly diminished in any way by outside influences until the turn of the ninth century. However, there is a gradual change in social organisation reflected in the abandonment of traditional rounds across Cornwall, and the courtyard houses of west Cornwall, with the gradual emergence of dispersed unenclosed farmsteads. The re-/continued occupation of one or two hillfort enclosures at Tintagel, Chûn, probably Carnsew and St Dennis, and possibly Cape Cornwall (Dark 1994, 41–2 and 79–80; Preston-Jones and Rose 1986; Thomas 1994), may suggest the emergence of Kingships with associated land division. Throughout this period, as the gabbroic tradition continued, there was variation in style and wares with Gwithian-style pottery, thought to be a sub-Roman natural progression from Roman types, occurring in the mid-fifth-century and continuing into the seventh-century (Thomas and Thorpe 2007, 45; Thorpe 2011, 154). Grass-marked (not grass tempered) cooking pots and platters complete the replacement of Roman styles with production concurrent for a time with Gwithian wares. The earliest absolute date for grass-marked ware is from AD 510 at Penhale round (Nowakowski pers. comm. in Wood 2010, 143), and forms are in general use by the seventh century at Gwithian (Thomas 2007, 46) and other sites. The remarkable factor is that these innovations in form contrast glaringly with the intransigence to change the fabric. Gabbroic clays remain the accepted superior material to manufacture all styles as they had done for millennia, even though it must have been more convenient to use different local sources of clays.

As identified above, it is now apparent that in some areas at least, small-scale open settlement did exist concurrently with enclosed round type settlement in the later Iron Age and Romano-British periods (Gossip and Jones 2009–10; Gossip forthcoming; Mepham 2008; Young 2012, 111), but the post-Roman period was marked by a gradual but pronounced change in this pattern. Very soon into the post-Roman, the advent of unenclosed tref settlements demonstrates that at some point in time, the necessity to enclose settlement became less essential. Certainly, new rounds ceased to emerge well before this time in line with the previous discussion. Although, some existing rounds continued into the sixth-century such as Reawala, Boden Vean, Trethurgy and Porthmeor (Appleton-Fox 1992, 94; Gossip 2013, 84; Quinnell 2005; Hirst 1937, 1–81), generally there appeared to be a retraction of this form of enclosed settlement, particularly on the higher fringes of the uplands where most were abandoned (Rose and Preston-Jones 1995). The only caveat to this was the re-occupation of a few sites of the ‘hillfort’ genre already mentioned. Subtle changes began in the landscape, in favour of a new pattern of open settlement usually signified by the place-name prefix of tre, bod or bos, which are generic terms for small settlement. This change was probably underway between the mid-fifth to sixth-centuries, or even before this bracket, discussed later. These prefixes, although common, were by no means exclusive to this period, other descriptive place-name prefixes such as pen, pol for small open settlements originated from this time onward (Padel 1985, 227; Preston-Jones and Rose 1986, 143–4; Rose and Preston-Jones 1995, 52–6; Rippon 2008a; Turner 2006, 76–7).

Cornwall is in stark contrast to the rest of the South West; pottery production in Devon is virtually nonexistent through to the ninth century and Dorset is 18

Out on a Limb When the tref sites are plotted onto historical land characterisation mapping, clearly nearly all are situated on land characterised as ‘medieval farmland’. This development began as rounds fell out of use before the later sixth century (Preston-Jones 2013, 40). The discovery of Mediterranean wares at the lann church site at Mullion, which may be a reused round or ‘hillfort’ is evidence for early Christian use on this site in this period, although there is some debate for when lann cemeteries may have been first enclosed (Petts 2002; Thorpe 2003, 26–9; Turner 2006, 5–8). The oldest recorded monastery in Cornwall is recorded in the seventh-century First Life of St Sampson as Docco, but it does not appear as Landochou until appearing in a tenth century charter (Flobert 1997; Olson 1989). Another similar example is from Brittany (Olson 1989, 23). Padel notes that the prefix lann may have been allocated to ecclesiastical sites up to AD c. 1200 and work by David Petts substantiates this notion (1985, 144; Petts 2001; 2002). Without firm supporting dating evidence, lanns to the far west could be founded or enclosed at any time before 1200 at the latest (2004, 139), but are probably a lot earlier, as the pottery at Mullion implies. However, it must be recognised, that the 60 or more lanns identified in the overall lann model may have a wide date range from the advent of Christianity (as has been identified for some llans in Wales such as Capel Maelog), up to c. 1200 (Britnell 1990; Petts 2001; Turner 2006, 10). As Susan Pearce points out, the surviving lann prefixes to the east of the county and across the Tamar (where they occur less frequently) are likely to have early foundations of c. 500–700, and it is likely the saint dedications are the saints involved in their foundation (2004, 137–8; 152). Excavation from early burial sites from Cornwall, so far, does not donate very much evidence to support enclosure of initial simple burial grounds (Turner 2006, 6). At Tintagel churchyard, fifthcentury high status burials were located within an oval ‘low bank and ditch’, an arrangement formed ‘possibly in the sixth-century’ (Nowakowski and Thomas 1990, 22). This appears to delimit high status burials from more cist burials outside the perimeter (Thomas 1988b, 83).

The creation of many of the early Christian sites that lanns occupy (some initially open cemeteries) enclosed as lanns later (Petts 2001) were all part of the early Christian movement following emigrations. Interexchange of intellectual and spiritual ideals, between elite sites of the Western fringes of ‘Celtic’ designation together with those of the Mediterranean followed long-distance trading ‘expeditions’. Lann sites are often situated near water or at the lower reaches of sheltered rivers, such as Fowey (Langorthou) and Padstow (Lanwethinoc). Perhaps, a reflection for the need for some of these communities to maintain good external communications, in contrast to locations of stereotypical hermitic nature, or secular self-sufficiency. These sheltered waterside sites, by their very nature, are mostly situated in fertile areas, which would have been heavily populated (Preston-Jones and Rose 1986, 156), many on south coast inlets. There are several examples of Christianised pagan sites situated over pagan burials. Probable sites are at St Endellion, St Enodoc, Crantock and Phillack (Borlase 1740a; this study; Olson 1982, 179–82; Thomas 1971, 53–58). One notable absence in terms of settlement in this period in Cornwall was the town. Even by the tenth and eleventh centuries the ‘lys’ hundred administrative centres of Liskeard and Helston are not settlements that could be described as sizable towns. Beach Sites Contact, trade and cultural exchange between Cornwall and the Byzantium world was a significant influence on society from the fifth- to sixth century, evidenced by exotic imports of Bi and Bii amphorae, with fine wares of African Red Slip ware and Phoceaen Red Slip Ware. This material exchange had a by-product in cultural exchange of new beliefs and ideologies, possibly even introduced by trade ambassadors and accompanying missionaries (Dark 1994, 203; Penhallurick 1986, 254; and others). There is little doubt the availability of tin and other metals was a driving factor in these ‘pop up’ trading sites. Sub-Roman elites developed control of areas or Kingships providing protection in return for tributes of tin and other products exchangeable for Mediterranean goods. Their location indicates they are local hubs in trade and exchange networks and play a part in the surrounding wider settlement hierarchy. The sites are divided into open coastal beach sites or estuarine sites. On the south coast the two principal sites are in Devon at Mothecombe on the Erme estuary and Bantham on the Avon estuary (Agate et al. 2012; Reed et al. 2011). In Cornwall, amphorae have also been found at St Michael’s Mount and Looe Island and on the north coast, Gwithian and Phillack, possibly Daymer Bay and Kelsey Head (Porth/Poly Joke) (Dark 1994; Tompsett 2012, 234; Nowakowski et al. 2007; Thomas 1973; 1994; Tompsett 2012, 199). It is probable, the North Coast’s position on the Celtic Atlantic seaboard on route to trading links to South Wales, the Bristol Channel and Ireland maybe a

Many early religious sites are situated in amphitheatre-like situations, often in a wooded dell where a spring rises. Sites then, reminiscent of pagan religious sites which have been Christianised, the spring may then be elevated to a holy well; examples in the corridor are Lanivet, Langorthou (Fowey), Lansallos, St Breock and Michealstow occupying sheltered atmospheric ‘amphitheatre-like’ grove situations. This theme extends to some lanns re-occupying possible round settlement sites such as Cardinham. Most lanns were enclosed with a curvilinear bank or wall (PrestonJones 1992). Nine inscribed memorial pillar stones are associated with an early cemetery setting, indicating early Christian connections; Cardinham being one such example. The presence of early inscribed stones does not necessarily mark the site as an early religious site; it is not always easy to date the inscription and it is possible their Christian connotation may have been recognised later in the Medieval, with some being relocated into later cemeteries (Petts 2002; Turner 2006, 6–7). 19

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route collective factor in the establishment of local elite centres such as Tintagel and Gwithian.

artefact assemblage has been reviewed with a report written by Carl Thorpe in 2007. An excavation by the Cornwall Archaeology Society Roman Group on Hillhead Iron mine at Restormel proved inconclusive for Roman mining (Thorpe 2017 pers. comm.). Other Romano-British sites explored are Trevinnick, St Endellion (Fox and Ravenhill 1968); Kilhallon (SX548702), a rescue excavation carried out in 1975 examined by Peter Carlyon (1982; 1998–9); an extensive magnetometry survey carried out at Higher Treworder (SX209720) (Rosveare and Roseveare 2011); at Trevone Bay, the laying of a water main revealed a Romano-British cemetery; similarly, burials at Porthilly and a possible round. Lellizzick (SX772910), overlooking the mouth of the Camel estuary was excavated by the Channel Four Time Team (Mepham 2008). In 1975 a small excavation in the Lanhydrock Estate’s Well Park Meadow ahead of the Bodmin by-pass, SX 890552 produced one Romano-British sherd. Several recordings both literary sources and from the CCHER (some by the author) of Roman and early medieval finds between Porthilly and Daymer Bay (Gilbert 1817; Trollope 1895) are also of interest.

Christianity The ability of the hierarchical structure of the Christian movement to influence communities is commonly used by academics as a tool to build social models of this period. Christianity markedly changed post-Roman society, being influential in moulding new social systems and hierarchies amongst a predominantly rural populous across the country (Wood 2010, 334). Christianisation of Pagan sites such as at Lanivet in the corridor (lann – Christian site, with nemyt/neved pagan shrine; Hutton 2013, 217; Padel 1985, 172; 1988, 106) and churches re-using round sites (Preston Jones 1994, 82–3; and this study), was integral to the process of conversion as well as the individual, and gradually changed the rural post-Roman society across the west. The new ideology impacted on regional traditions and beliefs, changing lives, changing landscapes. In this respect, Imogen Wood believes the longue durée of three millennia of gabbroic clay production from the Lizard was effectively halted by the Christian movement; the extraction may have been seen as a totemic practice and the clay itself imbued with a social significance within a socialised landscape, a fetishistic material, which was seen as pagan and vilified (2010, 333). Monastic placenames on the peninsula were numerous by this time, such as St Keverne, and place-names with a Lys – component meaning court, or palace began to emerge (Olson 1980, 87; Orme, 2010).

Work recorded for the early medieval period is scant; an attempted excavation of the St Inungar Holy Well in 1975 ahead of the Bodmin by-pass failed, as the contractors destroyed it before it could be properly examined. An extensive early medieval cemetery at St Endellion Church was recorded in the eighteenth century (Borlase 1740; Trudgeon 1987) and confirmed during a rescue excavation along the course of a pipeline in 1986. There are mentions of early medieval burials, and an ancient oratory discovered on Brae Hill by Polsue (1868) in the nineteenth century at St Enodoc (SW 9300 7718), and Maclean records Saxon graves were discovered on opening a quarry around the same time (1876).

Previous Archaeological Work Within the confines of the research area, that is the Camel and Fowey River watersheds, there has not been an extensive amount of archaeological fieldwork carried out within the chronological limitations of the study. Late Iron Age sites are the least numerous of the sites studied. A magnetometer survey was carried out by Bartlett and Shiel on Castle Canyke (SX085668) in 1985; an excavation at Kilibury (SX737108) in 1975 (Miles 1977); Kingswood Round (SX167665), a Late Iron Age site, was partially excavated in 2009 (Borlase 2013) featuring in this study; Castle Gotha (SX 276964) was excavated by Saunders and Harris in 1982 and the Rumps promontory fort was excavated in the mid-sixties by R. Brooks. Although Castle Dore (SX548104) is a Late Iron Age hillfort, Raleigh Radford’s 1950s excavations were more focused on the early medieval centred in the ‘Arthurian’ legends, and the Iron Age was less well documented. Furthermore, re-examination of the ceramic assemblage by Henrietta Quinnell and Daphne Harris largely discredited his findings, concluding that occupation on the site was in fact probably, singularly Iron Age (1985).

Finally, a note of the overland trans-peninsula route across Cornwall (and elsewhere in Britain) was first recorded by Cyril Fox and O. G. S. Crawford in the earlier half of the last century, and early use of isthmus routes were identified by Victor Bérard of the same era (cited in Bowen 1970, 13–18; Wooding 1996a, 107). Wooding indicates the theory is weak for a trans-peninsular route across the corridor citing hagiographical writings from the Vita (prima) sancti Sampsonis and absence of central places at the terminuses of the corridor. This study will show that central places do exist at the landing and beaching points of the terminuses together with a raft of further evidence. Major Sites Mentioned in this Study Trethurgy Published in 2004, Henrietta Quinnell’s report on the 0.2ha area excavation of Trethurgy provides the most comprehensive insight to date into occupation on a Cornish round, and of society and culture of this region from this keynote site. Trethurgy sits on the lower slopes of the Hensbarrow granite around four kilometres from St Austell

For the Roman period, there are a few locations investigated, one the most notable is Fox and Ravenhill’s excavation at Nanstallon in the late sixties and early seventies. The Restormel fort fieldwalking pottery and metal detector 20

Out on a Limb Bay. The excavation revealed the presence of as many as seven houses and up to ten other identified structures overlaying one another throughout its occupation, which ran from the late first-century BC to c. AD 500–550. The ditch of the univallate round was between 0.8 and 1.5m deep through various construction phases (2004, 17). A low rampart provided seating for a revetment which widened at the single entrance. Here, stones of up to one metre provided paving, one showing gate scuff wear (2004, 19–21). The assemblage of metalliferous objects numbers 489 consisting of a wide variety of items. Although an Iron lode runs 100m from the site, there is little evidence for iron working, concluding that there was a specialist craft industry elsewhere (2004, 76–83; Lawson-Jones and Kirkham 2009–10). A tin ingot recovered was roughly plano-convex in shape similar to others of the period (2004, 73; Tylecote 1986; Tylecote 1966, 33). Twelve glass vessels of varying forms make up the Roman and post-Roman glassware assemblage, but interestingly window glass recovered also adds to the glass assemblage, and it demonstrates the occupants had access to status and luxury goods, perhaps backed up by the finds of Roman coins used to trade (2004, 85–92; 137–8). The large ceramic assemblage provided the opportunity to form a base for the ‘Trethurgy typeset’ for pottery identification for Cornish Romano-British pottery (2004, 93–128). The assemblage is so far unprecedented in Cornwall, together with distinctive stone mortaria bowls with projecting handles, assigned to the site; ‘Trethurgy bowls’, which are greison skeuomorphs of metal prototypes (2004, 135–8).

1998–99). The round’s ceramic assemblage comprised of 50 per cent imports and in common with Carvossa, comprised of some Exeter Grey ware, demonstrating trading contact between Exeter fort and the lower Fowey River area. The site lies on a main east west route, which crosses the trans-corridor route four kilometres to the east, at the Castle Dore crossroads. Gwithian Gwithian is a multi-period coastal palimpsest beginning from the Neolithic, two kilometres east of the Hayle River. It has been investigated since the 1950s primarily by Charles Thomas. The Roman period occupation features a sub-rectangular building at Porth Godrevy set within an enclosure. It had revetted walls, drains and hearths. Reassessment of the pottery assemblage drew the conclusion that activity belonged to the third century. The recovery of whetstones and briquetage, together with the lack of spindle whorls, led to an interpretation for this structure as a workshop for a farmstead (Quinnell 2007 37; Quinnell 2004a). Pottery from nearby Crane Godrevy round has been dated to the third, fourth, or even fifth centuries (Quinnell 2007, 38). A sherd of African Red Slip ware and three sherds of post-Roman Bv were recovered outside the round. First identified in 1953, the site has undergone an extensive archaeological exploration revealing a well preserved post-Roman landscape. Below the abandonment levels, lay a series of nine revetted sub-oval and sub-rectangular buildings associated with industrial features (pits and flues) (phase 3), and other multiple functions. Predating the buildings, were more industrial features of similar character (phase 2). Below the earliest post-Roman deposits there are wind-blown sand deposits interrupted by very occasional turf lines. Phase 1 was excavated to a depth of at least 2.1m, but only partly explored and it probably ran much deeper. The major episode of post-Roman activity was therefore associated with phases 2, 3 and 4 (Sturgess 2007, 40). The site appears to be an industrial complex for a nearby settlement site hitherto unidentified. AMS dates on pottery residues places the activity on the site to range between the fifth- to eighth centuries.

Carvossa Carvossa is rectilinear in plan, it is sited on the break of a gentle slope falling to the west bank of the mid-reaches of the Fal, near to its tidal scope. Excavations between 1968 and 1971 demonstrate that occupation was from the first to fourth-centuries AD (Carlyon 1987, 103). They discovered a well-made road through a gateway which was thought to have an overhead bridging supported by posts. Two roundhouses were located and numerous gully features, but it was the artefact assemblage that is of most interest. The majority of pottery is gabbroic fabric, but samian ware imports make up roughly 20 per cent of the imported assemblage, with Exeter grey wares making up a further 75 per cent, demonstrating a trade connection with the civitas capital, Isca Dumnorium. The overall continental imports amount to 23 per cent of the assemblage. Analysis of ceramics and brooches help form an interpretation; as Quinnell suggests, it is likely that Carvossa functioned as an administrative centre which included contact between the inhabitants and the legionary fort at Exeter (1986, 122).

The imported ceramics (some 211 sherds) comprise of Mediterranean wares of Phoceaen Red Slipped Ware from western Turkey, African Red Slip ware from Carthage, supporting AMS dates for between c. 475–550. The 82 sherds of amphorae spread between Bi, Bii and Bv range from the fifth- to seventh centuries. These were imported from Greece, Cilicia and elsewhere in the eastern Mediterranean. Also present was E-ware, imported from the Loire area ranging from the late sixth- to seventhcenturies; a radiocarbon determination from a crannog on Loch Glashan from internal residue produced a date of cal AD 605–660 (GU11396) for this ware (Crone and Campbell 2005). Native wares consist of gabbroic ‘Gwithian-style’ (found on sites west of Redruth), Grassmarked, a type known as Sandy Lane (SL1, 2 and 3) and Bar-lug pottery (Thorpe and Thomas 2007, 44–49; Thomas

Kilhallon Kilhallon lies on a low south-facing spur above the Par River, which flows into St Austell Bay. The coastline would have been much closer just a few hundred metres from the round. Kilhallon is outstanding for its second to third century pottery assemblage (Carlyon 1982, 168; 21

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route 1960; 1968a; 2005). Analysis of the ceramic types are detailed by Thorpe, but briefly, ‘Gwithian-style’ is thought to span the late fifth- to seventh-centuries, Grass-marked was produced from the seventh, with Sandy Lane and Bar-lug, seen as a continuation from Grass-marked tradition, prior to the end of the eighth-century (Thorpe and Thomas 2007, 42–46).

from the fifth- to seventh centuries, establishing early postRoman activity, both domestic and potentially industrial (Barrowman 2007, 149–187). Other trenches produced a large amount of imported fifth- to seventh-century pottery, glass and some evidence for metalworking. However, none of the excavations have born any evidence of tin in any form, although it has been suggested many times that tin was the main trade incentive (Barrowman 2007, 331; Thomas 1988 and others). Although tin streaming sites are relatively distant from Tintagel, it is possible that elites from the powerbase could direct and control these and the minerals market, even if the main portal or outlet was the Camel estuary.

Tintagel The renowned site at Tintagel was initially excavated by Raleigh Radford in the 1930s and again in the 1950s (Radford 1935; 1951; 1956). Radford died before finishing his final report, but his interpretation of the rectilinear buildings, and widespread Mediterranean pottery across the site concluded that it was a monastic site. A fire denuding much of the Island in 1983 prompted a RHCME survey revealing around 130 new buildings of varying plan. Charles Thomas directed an evaluation of the pottery found in Radford’s assemblage, plus pottery found after the fire (Barrowman 2007; Thorpe and Thomas 1988). In 1990 Rachel Barrowman directed a programme of excavation ‘exhuming’ Radfords original trenches to re-examine the buildings, applying modern techniques and standards. At Site ‘C’, hearths, post-holes and floor debris were found from three distinct phases of structural activity: cal AD 395–460 for one of the earliest phases of hearths, floors and stake-holes pre-dating the occurrence of imported pottery; AD cal 415–535 for site ‘A’, a later structural phase with hearths and the first occurrences of imported pottery and Romano-British pottery together; finally cal AD 535–60 for the latest and best surviving structure with a large assemblage of imported pottery. Provenance for the dating material is, essentially, not secure as the material has been disturbed by levelling. For example, the Romano-British pottery may have arrived from elsewhere on the promontory, but it still represents a Roman presence.

The excavations have demonstrated the iconic importance as a site from the late-Roman period, not just in the Dumnonian sphere, but the Northern Atlantic and Byzantium world (Barrowman 2007, xv). Contemporary Inter-Trade Routes with Cornwall Late Iron Age Cornwall’s insularity has led to a dependency on sea trade, as discussed, but this reliance is also allied closely to the economics of transport. Several studies conclude that shipment by sea is the cheapest way to transport goods, particularly bulky, burdensome and heavy materials and wares (Duncan-Jones 1982, 366–9; Künow 1980, 21–31). The main problem with sea transport, as made conspicuous by this paper, is that it is loaded with a high-risk factor, effectively loss of shipping and cargo, or piracy, militating against this form of transport. This is weighed against Duncan-Jones’ calculation of the comparative cost of porting, he estimates that inland waterways cost 4.9 times as much as sea transport compared with overland which cost as much as 28 to 56 times more (1982, 366). This is supported by Strabo’s description of trade routes following waterways, based on Diocletian’s Price Edict, also a rough comparison of transport costs of the early eighteenth century, which are remarkably similar.

An inscribed slate re-used as a drain liner attests to subRoman Latinate literacy, with another found in the 2018 excavation, inscribed on a windowsill indicating Christian connotation (Current Archaeology 342 and reports pending). Exotic imported glassware adds to the highstatus theme, although unlike at Dunnad, Argyll there is no indication for large-scale metal or craft-working (Barrowman 2007, 39–145). Site C produced so much fifth- to seventh-century pottery that it was suggested that some of the structures may be store houses.

However, apart from the parameters of economy and dangers of sea travel, there are other factors, which determine the choice of route such as political and social issues. Trade in the South West of Britain centred on the exploitation of metals. Up to around 60 BC, contact between the South West and Armorica continued whilst consolidation of contact between the Seine territories and Wessex began. After the Caesarean subjugation of Gaul, trade increased between the Belgic territories of Gaul and southern Britain. Eventually, the stabilisation of the Rhine frontier saw prestige goods introduced into South East Britain via the Rhone which then remained the dominant route until the late Roman period.

Ken Dark originally forwarded that the Site A is likely to be a ‘Royal residence’ or hall (Barrowman 2007, 335; Dark 1999). However, the latest 2016/17 excavations have also produced a large assemblage of imported high status material from structures on the south terraces (Thorpe and Nowakowski pers. comm 2018).

The question of how trade reached the Cornish shores during the mid to later Iron Age period has not been closely examined. It has been generally recognised that up to

Work on site T, the great ditch enclosing the largest hilltop promontory of the period, produced unequivocal dating 22

Out on a Limb 120 BC, the dominant route for the pattern of prehistoric trade and exchange was via the Atlantic seaways, linking Britain to the Mediterranean via Armorica and the GirondeGarronne (Cunliffe 1984, 18). Generally, the evidence is sparse for trade with the Atlantic seaways, only one Breton sherd has been recovered from a context at Poundbury (Richardson 1940). The documentary evidence is more informative; there are numerous references to the tin and lead trade from the later millennium BC connecting Cornwall to Brittany and the Atlantic trade routes. The Massiliot Periplus of the sixth century, quoted in the Ora Maritima of Avienus, mentions the voyages of Tartesans and Carthaginians to islands in the west Oestrymnis – close to Britain (Cunliffe 1998, 41). Pliny (Nat Hist. IV. 30.16) relates the story of Pytheas who sailed the Atlantic seaways in 325 BC; but it is the first-century writers, Strabo and Diodorus Siculus relying heavily on the earlier works of Posidonius and Polybius that provide the greatest detail. Strabo describes a route to the Atlantic.

Age Armorican coinage arriving in the far South West. It is suggested the majority being Coriosolitae coins implies it may have been a refugee arrival to the Plymouth Sound from the Baie de St Brieuc Bay area, the tribal region. Coinage was not part of a general fiscal exchange mechanism in Cornwall, but obviously, its absence does not imply lack of trade. The realities are that there is no firm evidence for direct links at this time (from 50 BC) between Cornwall and Armorica to which one can claim direct cross-channel trade. Cunliffe asserts that the few finds, such as a disc-footed fibulae (from Iberia or Western Gaul) found at the Harlyn Bay cemetery, and the Sestius stamped amphora from Cosa, Dressel 1a from Trethurgy and Carn Euny arrived as a result of the shorter cross channel route to Hengitsbury from Alet via Guernsey, and then coastal hopping to Cornwall (1997, 5). The sea-route from Alet to Hengitsbury Head is also archaeologically transparent by ceramic assemblages demonstrating exchange (Langouöet 1984, 70). In this connection, it may be pointed out that the introduction of the pre-Roman Iron Age cordoned ware assemblage in Cornwall may not be as a result of direct contact with Brittany. The main distribution of Armorican cordoned wares, from which the Cornish gabbroic assemblage is obviously an acculturative copy, is situated on the eastern side of the Breton massif (Cunliffe 1982, 51). Therefore, it is likely contact was via exchange networks from Wessex rather than direct links to Brittany.

‘From Narbo traffic goes inland for a short distance by the River Atax and then a greater distance up the River Garonne and the Garonne flows to the ocean’ (IV. 1. 14). These sources reflect long established trade routes to Cornwall and the South West by the time Strabo was writing. The difficulty lies in establishing if these routes were still actively in use by Roman merchants or did Cornwall suffer from being towards the end of a ‘down the line trading’ network from the Seine and Rhine. In his description of Britain, Caesar noted that:

Erratics attributed to discarded ballast found in the period I footings at Fishbourne Palace (Cunliffe 1971, 36; 2003, 10) in Chichester harbour have been petrologically examined attributing the stone to Armorican, Cornish and Channel Islands source. Some have disputed this theory arguing they are geological introductions to the area via coastal ice (David Bone via email pers. comm. 2015), but other eminent geologists believe that glacial termination location and orientations of ‘long-shore drift’ from Cornwall, particularly from Brittany, would render this very unlikely (Robin Hazell, Geol. 2014; 2016, pers. comm.). The provenance as ballast would fit well into the scenario of the Western Channel trading triangle for the Late Iron Age and early Roman period. There is only evidence for short-haul coastal tramping during the main Roman period as opposed to the Atlantic sea-lanes (Cunliffe 2001, 421). Wreck evidence of lead found among the notorious Sept Îsles and pitch from western France at St Peter Port, Guernsey contributes to this picture.

‘tin is found inland, and small quantities of iron near the coast, the copper that they use is imported’ (B.G. V II). This knowledge of mineral sources (even if misplaced) would have been available from traders in these commodities and importantly demonstrates exchange mechanisms were in place at this time. It is also significant that tin appears to be important to list rather than perhaps lead and silver. By the last century BC, ceramics imported from Armorica to southern Britain largely appeared to bypass Cornwall from kilns from its Celtic counterpart. Of a total of 283 pots of fine black-cordoned ware imported to Britain from Armorica only two small sherds were found at Mount Batten along with a hoard of Armorican staters, and none have been recovered from Cornwall (Cunliffe and de Jersey 1997, 66). Two sherds of possible Armorican imports are reported to have reached Carn Euny (Elsdon 1978; Christie 1978), but as they are of a gabbroic fabric, a Cornish provenance is more likely. The Armorican coins at Mount Batten comprised a hoard of 18 coins of which eight were from Coriosolitae billion staters, one Redones and eight coins of uncertain tribal authority. The remaining coin was a silver Dubonnic unit, which indicates this hoard was buried a few decades after the Gallic war (Cunliffe and de Jersey 1997, 83). The hoard is the only example of Late Iron

It would be tenuous to suggest that the corridor was used as a recognised trade route in the Late Iron Age. However, we will see later that there is substantial evidence suggesting through corridor trade from this research from this period. Additionally, it is probable traders encroached inland attracted by the trade in gold and silver, as well as tin from the many streamworks across the corridor, such as Boscarne on the Camel. Examples from the workings on the Fowey watershed are Redmoor, Menawink, Broadwater, the upper reaches of the Fowey on Bodmin Moor, and additionally the nearby Fal springheads of Tregoss (Penhalligan 1986, 161). Some of these streamworks or prospection workings 23

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route in the corridor demonstrate antediluvian extraction long before the Late Iron Age; a palstave axe dated to around 1100 – 1000 BC was recovered from Boscarne, along with later Roman artefacts (Penhalligan 1986, 209).

and Reawla 14.4 per cent (Appleton-Fox 1992, 94). Only Kilhallon (Carlyon 1982, 168; 1998–99) seems to be at variance with 50 per cent of the ceramic assemblage being imported, and in common with Carvossa, comprised of some Exeter Grey ware, demonstrating trading contact between Exeter fort and the lower Fowey River area.

Many scholars then, including Cunliffe and Peters believe the Atlantic approaches route was the principal route for Mediterranean trade to Hengitsbury Head in the Late Iron Age (1982, 43; 2001; 2005). This was not to be the case in the Roman period.

From the early third century, long-distance trade began to diminish with spheres of trade fragmenting in the northwest, probably due to political manoeuvre (Cleary 1989, 28; 85). However, Michael Fulford has gathered evidence for the extent of trade links and trade commodities from distributions of fourth century ceramics that were still actively traded (1978, 66). Looking at three types of common imported and exported late Roman distributions he demonstrates that in the fourth century, the main trade routes were still favouring the eastern English Channel for these more common types, except for à l’ éponge, which arrived via the Atlantic. Even though the source area is from the western seaboard of Gaul, distribution mapping shows that Cornwall was by-passed to favour Roman ports of the Bristol Channel and Exeter eastward. This appears to suggest that pottery was not regularly traded in Cornwall at this time, particularly form Western Gaul. Evidence from later occupation sites back this up. This may just mean that the imports were mainly in archaeologically invisible commodities in exchange for minerals, and that the commodity à l’ éponge was simply not marketed in Cornwall. This is likely, since the distribution of Roman coins did not decrease in the later Roman period, suggesting healthy trade in other merchandise continued.

Trade Routes in the Roman Period A study by Peacock of the distribution of the Dressel 30 (Callender form 10), a flat-based form of amphora, is key to identifying major routes to Britain in the Roman period. Tchernia and Villa suggest the source to be around the Marseille area where manufacturing kilns have been located. Amphorae turned up in Britain from the first-century through to the beginning of the third AD. Peacock’s work show a concentration of finds along the south coast of France, but that the main thrust of export north was along the Rhone and particularly the Rhine (1977). As a result, he argues that the Rhine route was used to reach Britain over the much cheaper Atlantic route, because the route had an established organised mechanism in place for transhipment processes. Having an established setup for Rhenish requirements, it was logical to continue into the North Sea for cargo destined for Britain. As with many goods from the southern provinces and pottery from the established Rhenish potteries (Greene 1978, Fulford 1978), it may be possible that Britain being on the end of the line, largely received surplus supplies once the demand was satisfied in the Rhineland. To expand this scenario, whether trade approached from the principal Rhone and Rhine route or partially from Gaulish Atlantic routes to Hengitsbury, Cornwall was firmly at the end of the line after southern Britain had taken its pick. This suggests peripheral factors (amongst others) may account for the strong retention and continuation of local ceramic traditions exclusive to Cornwall, such as cordoned ware.

The supply of late Roman coinage to Britain from mints from Trier on the Rhine and Lyon and Arles using the Rhone also reflects the ceramic import routes. In the earlier decades, AD 300 – 325 Trier supplied around 25 per cent of the coinage compared with around 13 per cent from Lyon and Arles. This gradually switched and by the closing decades AD 375 – 400 the Arles and Lyons mints supplied nearly 40 per cent compared to very little from Trier, where the minting of bronze coins virtually stopped (Fulford 1978, 66). This pattern reflects the gradual swing of trade routes towards the west from the Rhine to use the Seine and possibly the Loire towards the end of the Roman period. Another factor is that gabbroic wares were produced and widely distributed in Cornwall, perhaps reducing the demand for expensive imported ceramics, even if they were available.

Imported pottery did filter into Cornwall, most strongly represented, unsurprisingly at the military end of the social spectrum. Exeter Grey Ware recovered from Carvossa, Restomel and Kilhallon suggests a direct coast hopping mercantile and Roman military contact did exist. But that is not to say there is not a direct road link, roughly along the route of the A390; there may be evidence that the remains of a medieval bridge (MCO 9569) across the River Fal at Grampound Road and on a direct line to Carvossa, may be much earlier (Graeame Kirkham, pers. comm. 2011). The assemblage at Nanstallon makes up the greatest preponderance of imported wares at 80 per cent, closely followed by Restormel Fort at 76 per cent (Thorpe 2007, 7). At Carvossa, the Exeter Grey Ware makes up 18 per cent of the assemblage (Carlyon 1987) indicating the site may have had military connections. On the more domestic sites, the reliance or acceptance of Roman imports is less significant; Trethugy 11.9 per cent (Quinnell 2004, 94)

By around AD 350 there is a body of evidence to support an established Atlantic Balkans and Eastern Mediterranean route. The list includes fourth-century coins from Thracia and the Balkans recovered from Hayle (Moorhead 2007, 2), the earliest coin from AD 348. A hoard of 35 coins from the Isle of Wight contained coins unprecedented elsewhere, including an Arcadius issue VIRTVS EXECITI, which is rare west of Greece. This has prompted Moorhead to suggest that central and easternminted coins might also be more widespread in the southwestern and southern sectors of the country, together with 24

Out on a Limb later sixth and seventh-century Byzantine coinage, which indicates a direct maritime link with the Mediterranean. The trade route continued significantly eastward beyond Devon as far as the Isle of Wight (Moorhead 2009, 2–3). If this theory is correct, this may reflect the evolution of the re-assertion and continuity of the Atlantic trade, well into the early medieval. The presence of North African and possibly ‘Palestinian’ amphorae in late Roman contexts at Exeter together with céramique à l’ éponge (Bidwell et al. 2011, 113–144) further indicates the Atlantic sea routes were open by this period. In a further study, Fulford also concludes that greater distributions of Eastern Mediterranean imports err towards western Britain, furthermore that Britain was the direct target for these goods from the eastern centres (1989a, 4) rather than a model of coastal tramping, this is also suggested by Harris (2007, 16). Maria Duggan contributes with reservations on this theory suggesting a redistribution centre in the Bordeaux area (2012; 2016; December 2017 pers. comm.). Prior to this time (c AD 350), there was undoubtedly some form of Atlantic route with the Southwest, but it can be assumed that priority was afforded to inshore coastal trading links via the English Channel and the Bristol Channel, connecting Cornwall elsewhere to Roman Britain, especially in mineral transportation.

Aleth) on the Rance, it crossed the Channel to the Dorset Hengitsbury and Poole regions, thus approaching Cornwall from the east. During or after the Caesarean campaign, the dominance switched to the Seine and Rhine, and imports to Cornwall still arrived, but from further down the trade line, from the east. By the late fourth or early fifth century the economics of carriage gave way to political concerns. The Frankish take-over of the sub-kingdoms of Gaul meant that Roman control had declined, and the eastern overland routes then gave way in favour of sea-routes. Trade routes then began to revert to the Atlantic seaways via the Straights of Gibraltar, but bypassing Brittany. Trade Routes in the Post-Roman Period A change to the direction of trade networks in the postRoman marks a major shift in political dynamics. The distribution of Bi, Bii and Biv and Mediterranean amphorae and table-wares around the North Atlantic shores is well documented. However, its general absence from the interior of France (Peacock 1978, 49) infers political factors were in play here, and contact with Cornwall in the later Roman and post-Roman stage was direct via the Atlantic. Fresh data is continually available for analysis to improve our understanding of these sea-routes for example, amphorae and LRC (Phoceaen slip ware) from Vigo at north west Spain and Bordeaux (Duggan 2016; 2018).

To summarise, in the period from 60 BC, the dominant pattern of trade and exchange from the Mediterranean to the South West followed the Atlantic seaways mainly via the Garrone. From the north-eastern shores of Armorica and Allet (or

The distribution of coins (Figure 3.2) gives an indication of the continuance of economic activity and open

Figure 3.2. Mid- third to late fourth century coinage. Information source: Tompsett 2012; 2014; Moorcroft 2009 with recent additions.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 3.3. The distribution of fifth to late sixth-century Byzantine coins across the South West. Information source: Moorcroft 2009 and via. email comm.; Tompsett 2012; 2014.

Figure 3.4. Migration and missionary paths. A migration from southern Ireland to the Penwith peninsula may have been a direct route as there is a concentration of Irish dedications and nomenclature only in this area.

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Out on a Limb trading networks across the Fowey/Camel corridor and in Cornwall towards the close of the Roman era. The pattern is similar in the early medieval with coins of Maurice Tiberius (AD 582–602) at Chysauster, Constans I (AD 641–688) at St Martins on the Isles of Scilly and Justinan I (527–565) at Padstow (Figure 3.3). Except for Chysauster, the pattern is roughly contemporary with the ceramic assemblage from Tintagel, reflecting an Atlantic seaway route (partly incorporating the Isles of Scilly) along the North Coast. Literary evidence also replicates this evidence, with several references for trading contacts with the Justinian Byzantium Eastern Mediterranean and Brittia by Procopious (Anecdotia XIX.14), and others with inferences on use of the Atlantic seaway (Wooding 1996a, 46–48). The ARSW sherd found at Lellizzick and Middle Amble, and Justinian I coin indicates that the Camel estuary was a focus trade for this trade movement along the North Coast to Tintagel. Towards the close of the Roman period, when routes again reverted to use of the Atlantic sea-lanes, direct Channel crossings from Armorica and across the Bristol Channel to Wales became commonplace (Figure 3.4). Ceramic evidence (particularly E-ware) from the Isles of Scilly implies that direct Cross-Channel crossings were using the Isles as landfall, and perhaps when blown off direct course whilst rounding the Land’s End peninsula. Longdistance external contact is demonstrated through the maintenance of Western Atlantic seaboard trading routes, which continue through to the end of the study period. To add to the artefactual evidence, there is also a considerable body of literary evidence that can be brought to bear (Thomas 1994, 55–72, 95; Doble 1965, 1970). A picture is formed of wide-scale long-distance trade along the western sea-lanes carrying diverse cargoes. The Camel and Fowey rivers would have been utilised to access deep into the interior and coast-to-coast. Evidence arising from this study will show transhipment of goods and raw materials servicing this trade took place from ports such as Daymer Bay, with robust levels of activity all along the Camel estuary supporting the use of the trans-peninsula route in favour of circumnavigation. Caution must be exercised however, not to create a picture of cargo ships plying ‘every which way’; the majority of craft along the rivers and coastline would have been local. The question of merchandise for return cargoes is largely based on documentary sources such as the Life of St John the Almsgiver from Alexandria (AD 611–619), which may refer to a shipment of tin and Procopious (Anecdotia XIX.14; Fox 1955; Fulford 1989, 5; Penhallurick 1986, 245).

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4 The Camel and Fowey Corridor in Its Contemporary Setting: Tin, ‘Maritima’ and the Theory Underpinning a Cross-Peninsular Route ‘Besieged … with the ocean’ … ‘but one way of issue by land’ so ‘yet hath she in some good measure countervailed such disadvantage through placing … both near unto and in the trade way between Wales, Ireland, France, Spain and Netherland’ Anthony Carew of Anthony 1602 (Halliday 1953, 83; also quoted in Preston Jones 2013, 18) lamenting Cornwall’s isolation, but at the same time recognising the advantages of sea interdependency and strategic trade location.

(probably) the ‘Cassiterides’ (Strabo 3.5,11; Hawkes 1977, 124–192, 1977a; Richardson 2004, 154). He found that tin was easily accessible and the natives accommodating. One of the clearest accounts is a passage from Diodorius (V, 22, 2), who was probably aware of Crassus’s exploits (Mitchell, 1983, 86) and mentions that the inhabitants of the peninsula of Belerion, were remarkably civilized due to their frequent contacts with merchants from other lands. ‘They extracted the tin, ground down the ore and smelted it into ingots shaped like astragaloi. The ingots were then taken to the island Ictis, which lay just off the coast of Britain and accessible to wagons at low tide. At this market foreign merchants bought the metal from the natives and transported it whence to Gaul and then overland on horseback for thirty days to the mouth of the Rhone’.

Others echo this sentiment such as Leland, and as Todd points out – a visit to Cornwall to early travellers was like an extraordinary expedition to a foreign land (1987, xii). This concept is how the Romans may have viewed Cornwall, and still resonates through time (Du Maurier 1972). Cornwall’s maritime aspects, which are largely created by its peninsular isolation reflecting on the dynamics of the corridor, are examined in this chapter. To evaluate the Camel and Fowey as a well-used safer transpeninsular communication alternative between the Western English Channel and the seaways radiating from the Bristol Channel, it is necessary to contextualise the historical and contemporary socio-economic and maritime background of the far South West with the Atlantic, Roman and Byzantine worlds. Considering Cornwall’s trading position with the wider world, and evaluating the navigational dangers and vagaries of passages around the Land’s End peninsula, will establish the rationale behind the requirement for a safer trans-peninsular route.

This account appears to be recording first-hand knowledge and identifies a reputation of the region with tin. Pliny (NH 4. 104) writing in the first-century AD recites the early third-century BC writer Timeaus, who mentions trade with Britons, signifying an active trade network existed in Britain by this time. The depiction of a ship of the Romano-Celtic style on two bronze coins issued by Cunobelin of the Catavellauni tribe, north of the River Thames, attests to continued active trade networks. It is likely the coins were struck for prowess to impress that he had an organised open trading network operating through his ships. Incidentally, these are also probably the earliest indication of a sailing craft with windward sail pattern (Muckleroy, Hazelgrove, and Nash 1978; 1984).

The Cassiterides: Cornwall in Late Prehistoric and Proto-Historic Times to ‘Invasion’ AD 43

The various strands of unsubstantiated literary evidence, and artefactual evidence are testament for cultural links and trade networks from as far as the Eastern Mediterranean, perhaps as long as a millennium before the Roman period, as several Greek coins found in Cornwall testify. There seems to be no doubt that the lure at this time was tin. In this cursory study of Cornwall’s ancient trading accounts, it is clear from the comments of ancient writers referring to the pre-conquest period, that the Cornvovii realised the advantages of cooperation with traders. It may well be that the tendency towards affable trading attitudes maybe engrained in tradition for further generations, the Romans may have been aware of this policy of amenability in their engagement in later dealings. Perhaps, they were capitalising on it to the advantage of both parties, substantially affecting the tactics for annexation, a scenario visited later.

Trade in tin between the South West and the Mediterranean is traditionally a well-recognised aspect of peninsula prehistory and proto history. There are numerous mentions of islands bearing tin known as the Cassiterides, set in the ocean at the edge of the world, but their geographical whereabouts remained enigmatically un-recorded. The earliest mention of Britain comes from the sixth-century BC preriplus (navigational pilot), incorporated within the Ora Maritima by Avienus. Writing in the fourth-century AD, he informs us that the Celtic peoples of Brittany sailed to Ireland in two days, and that Britain was sighted (Hawkes 1977, 124–192; Murphy, 1977). We do not receive any reliable information for trade in tin until after the mid-first-century BC, when one Publius Crassus visited 29

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Tin: The Contemporary Evidence

12.7 kg oval, plano-convex ingot recovered from a midden context at Trethurgy is loosely dated to the late fourth- to early fifth-century AD (Quinnell 2004, 74). Other ingots can be firmly attributed to this period; a fragment from St Mawgan in Pydar, another from an excavated hut at Par Beach, St Martins, Isles of Scilly has also been dated by the excavator as c AD 300 (Threipland 1957, 33, Tylecote 1966, 50). From Devon, up to 44 ingots of post-Roman date (although dating remains conjectural) were recovered from the landward side of a reef off the River Erme, adjacent to the post-Roman beach feasting and trading site at Mothecombe, in Bigbury Bay (Fox 1995, 11–23). An early medieval date may be suggested as an assemblage of four comparable examples in character (plano-convex), size and shape from Praa (Prah) Sands, Germoe were found together with timbers (Figure 7.29) yielding a radiometric date of AD cal 666 ± 70 (Penhallurick 1986, 233–4).

Along with other ores, tin obviously has great relevance to the wider use of the landscape, as well as an impact on the development of settlement forms and exchange networks, ultimately driving the socio-economy of Cornwall. It is therefore pertinent to describe a background to mineral exploitation. The small amount of evidence for prehistoric tin working belies its true magnitude. This is because where alluvial deposits and lodes occur, later streaming and post-industrial subterranean mining spoils eradicate or bury earlier ephemeral archaeology. Nevertheless, there is a degree of evidence for prehistoric exploitation (Penhallurick 1986, Gerrard 2000, 14–21). Examples from the Bronze Age are at Trevisker (Apsimon and Greenfield 1972), a hoard of tin nodules from Middle Way, St Blazey, with a middle Bronze Age pin found in tin streaming works. The oldest evidence comes from a ring enclosure on Caerloggas Downs on the Penwithick stents (tin grounds) on the western edge of the corridor. Here there is evidence for tin smelting, also amber and pottery dated to between c 1500–1400 BC (Penhallurick 1986, 177). More evidence is found in West Penwith, which has benefitted from antiquarian recording, such as tin found with Bronze Age axes at Kennidjack Castle (Borlase 1879, 260; 1882, MS item 22). Early recognition of the value and importance of tin can also be detected; the Cornwall Committee for Rescue Archaeology found that the southern ramparts of the enclosure at Carn Brae were deliberately diverted in the Bronze Age to enclose a rich lode of cassiterite, emphasising its value from this period (Gerrard 2000, 19). During the period up to the Roman invasion, it can be assumed that the tin trade was assisted or perhaps partly controlled by the Veneti. Transhipment at a port in southern Brittany such as Vannes by southern shippers and Venetic middlemen to sturdy Atlantic seagoing ships would offer a secure, safer passage for the merchandise and traders around the Armorican peninsula and crosschannel (Cunliffe 1982, 42).

There are a small number of Roman tin objects and features, such as the 95 per cent pure hand-beaten tin plate or plaque from Killigrew (Cole and Nowakwaski 2011), an hourglass shaped furnace containing rich slag, also an 83.2 per cent tin/pewter object recorded from this research from Daymer Bay (MCO56249). On the Land’s End peninsula in West Penwith, W. C. Borlase records ‘fused tin’ from the fogue of the Romano-British courtyard settlement of Carn Euny, Sancreed (1872, 260). This was in a context with samian and other Roman period finds. Over a century earlier, on the nearby Pendeen coastal tin lodes, a Roman hoard was found in 1737 containing 100 Antoninus Pius (183–61AD) coins, very close to the Boscaswell fogue. Recorded by William Borlase, he also provides evidence for tin working in the later Roman period from the same area from illustrations (1769, 310), and he includes descriptions of the material of two stone bowls (1758, 99–100). What Borlase did not realise is that these objects from Leswyn (now Leswidden) were moulds for tin or pewter dishes (Penhallurick 1987, 213). Dishes of the St Just type mould are widespread over southern Britain, several occurring along the Fosse Way dating from the late third to fourth centuries. Further evidence from Penwith comes from the Bosence settlement where two tin jugs and a patera (dish) were found, also ingots from Chûn Castle, the courtyard house settlement at St Erth and Porthmeor (Penhallurick 1987, 215; Hirst 1937).

The Romans, in turn, would have assumed an interest in the tin trade particularly by the third-century AD, after which the fashion in pewter products would require tin. Simultaneously, Iberian cassiterite sources declined by this time (Mattingly 2006, 506) and Cornish tin interests are thought to have increased; there is some evidence for this, much of which comes from near or within the study area. An ingot found at Castle Dore is thought to be of pre-Roman date (Beagrie 1983, 71), but for the Roman period, we have a wedge-shaped ingot found at Carnanton, St Mawgan in Pydar, weighing 17.9 kg and marked with a formal Roman stamp ‘IENN’ (Warner 1967, Beagrie 1985). The inscription is not clear enough to allocate a close date. It was probably smelted on site, from cassiterite pebbles from the stream, the Menalhyl. The Menalhyl was also exploited by the mid-first to mid-second-century Romano-British settlement at Carloggas, where Hut A was interpreted as a smelting shop (Threipland 1957, 76). A

Tin rich areas bear evidence of Roman activity in coinage finds such as Towadnack, Paul and Ludgvan (Gerrard 2000, 22) and a hoard of 1000 coins dating between AD 260 and 350 found in an earthen pot in Marazion Marsh, a probable tin streaming site. The connection between Roman coinage and tin is historically recognised; Norden (1584) noted that the Romans exploited tin ‘as is supposed by certain of their money found in works renewed’. Closer to the corridor, there is evidence of smelting at Trevelgue Head, a dish from Cearhayes, a tin bowl from Treloy, St Columb Minor, as well as a number of coins and fibulae from tin streams (Nowakowski and Quinnell 2011; Penhallurick 1987). The importance of protecting or 30

The Camel and Fowey Corridor in Its Contemporary Setting claiming tin grounds may be the function of the Bolster Bank, a 3.3 kilometre bank enclosing the rich tin lodes of St Agnes Beacon between Porth Chapel and St Agnes (Gerrard 2000, 19). Although of unassigned date, this considerable earthwork was recorded as being 20 feet deep and 17.5 feet wide by Borlase in the eighteenth century (1740). It is thought to date from between the Late Iron Age to early medieval (Johnson 1980, 79), but a late Roman date is thought probable for the boundary, protecting tin rights, particularly as there may have been a possible Roman signal station at the summit of the beacon (Johnson 1980, Tonkin 1733). Various finds of Roman coins have been noted from moorland sites from both Bodmin and Dartmoor supporting the argument for tin streaming and prospection at this time, with a RomanoBritish gabbroic patera dish from Upper Merrivale and a seventh-century porphery bowl from Chagford (Pearce 2004, 54).

the long-lived settlement at Atlantic Road, Newquay, here there is evidence of iron working and craft specialisation, but lesser dependency on agrarian production (Gossip and Jones 2007, 46). Pearce notes that the collecting of tin and smelting into oval ingots seems to have been carried out by many local people operating at the ‘home workshop’ level according to their own plans and methods (2004, 67). This is supported by a several small finds such as tin spindle whorls from Trevelgue, Bussow, Glastonbury Lake Village and Corbridge on Hadrian’s Wall, with the bowl from Treloy, St Columb which are some of the many finds that have escaped being re-smelted in later centuries. Moulds are from sites at Killigrew near Truro (with a furnace), Halangy Down, Leswidden, St Just and Penhale Round (Ashbee 1996, 102; Brown 1970, 107–10; Pearce 2004, 68). Duckpool, near Kilkhampton depended on coastal trade in the late Roman period, with purple dye extraction from dog whelks in the fourth century, but later period industries produced lead alloy and copper-alloy products from tin, lead and copper ingots and scrap (Ratcliffe 1995, 112). With the convenience of considerably less expensive coastal water transport, compared with inland waterways and road transport for the importation of raw goods, small industries could subsidise local agricultural subsistence (Duncan-Jones 1982, 336; Peacock 1978, 49). Duckpool is relatively exposed as an anchorage, especially so when the sea level was up to 2.3m or so lower, so the beach was further seaward. It was then, principally a summer beach site, a transient harbour serving the hinterland and may have had many roles apart from those of dye extraction and metalworking. Other similar early medieval sites are Porth Joke and The Kelseys, also Porth Godrevy (Penna 1967, Harding 1950, Tompsett 2012, Thomas 1969, 2007). Various small coastal industries may have sprung up at this time yet to be detected, or have suffered from coastal erosion or sand inundation such as at Daymer Bay. Potential coastal sites in the study area are Par and Polkerris on the south coast, Harlyn Bay, Trevone Bay, and Portquin on the North Coast.

From the centre of the corridor, the la Téne brooch found with tin slag is testament to Late Iron Age working on rich tin grounds at Red Moor, east of Helman Tor, and there are historic workings with a similarly shallow overburden at Breney Common, with smelting at Bodwen on the west flanks of the Tor (Penhallurick 1986, 197–8). There are several recordings of Bronze Age finds from streamworks such as the spearheads drawn by Borlase from Bugle on Goss Moor, but more importantly for this study, rare evidence for c sixth century working comes from a penannular brooch found at Lanivet (Borlase 1871 in Penhallurick 1986, 104; 106). However, evidence for Roman tin working is most convincing from the tin stream works of Boscarne, below Nanstallon fort on the Camel. Streaming was still operational in 1820 (at a time when the Roman fort was first recognised) with records of Vespasian and Trajan coins, sherds of Dragendorff type 29 samian ware from South Gaul, and shovels of holly and oak firmly placing the workings to a period contemporary with the fort. At Nanstallon itself there is ample evidence for tin smelting (Penhallurick 1986, 209–12), further supplemented by evidence from this research.

Naval Matters

These finds and facts, although numerous, do not form incontrovertible evidence for a large-scale Roman exploitation in tin. However, it is unlikely that the Roman State ignored mineral reserves prior to the construction of the military establishments at Nanstallon, and Restormel. Both forts are sited within close proximity to iron and tin lodes. This lode extends between the two forts for ten kilometres, at Hillhead, 400 metres west of Restormel, re-appearing in Lanhydrock Estate and terminating at Mulberry Hill 1.7 km from Nanstallon fort. Thus, recognition of Cornwall’s mineral reserves by the Roman Military machine is convincing and investigated for this study. Earlier interests can be illustrated by examples such as the key site of Trevelgue. Here, this Iron Age cliff castle demonstrates extensive use of the seaways by its participation in Cross-Channel and inter-regional exchange during the first millennium BC (Nowakwaski and Quinnell 2011). One kilometre west of Trevelgue, there is

The Classis Britannica would have been instrumental in maintaining control of supply of the sources from the corridor, as well as controlling the Weald supply line and others such as the Forest of Dean (Cleere 1975; Brodribb and Cleere 1988, 184; Cleere and Crossley 1985). It was principally formed for Claudius’s expedition of AD 43. Except for a hiatus in the mid third century, when epigraphy diminishes and little is recorded, the fleet is known to protect the Roman interests around the province. From the reign of Claudius, the title ‘naval praefect’ was placed on par with financial officials known as procurators, with the title of procurator Augusti et praefectus (Starr 1960, as cited by Milne 2000, 128). This ruling suggested that the role of the fleet began to become increasingly involved in economic exploitation of the province and taxation, such as shown for iron ore interests in the Weald (Frere 1967, 31

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route 228–296; Cleere 1975; Cleere and Crossley 1985). In this respect, the fleet would have been instrumental in the exploitation of Cornwall’s minerals and a major presence.

‘invasion’ is not a justifiable description to use for the far west of Dumnonia. Whatever the case, with its interest in iron, there is little doubt that the Classis Britannica played some role in exploiting the mineral wealth of the peninsula and that Nanstallon, Restormel, and probably Carvossa were instrument in implementing this in the formative and later Roman periods. One fact is certain, unbroken voyages from Chichester to Portus Abonae would not be credible and equable ‘arrangements’ must have been met.

By the close of the AD 40’s, the fleet had rounded Land’s End to reach the port of Abonae at Sea Mills to effect control of the Severn Estuary. The Roman forts at Exeter, Nanstallon and Restormel were not constructed much before c.AD 55 (Bidwell 1982; Fox and Ravenhill 1972; Thorpe 2007, 34). Aboneae, and Glevum at Gloucester were constructed prior to this date on the Severn. Therefore, the long sailing distance of a passage from Chichester or Dorset to the Severn Estuary would mean the fleet must have surveyed Plymouth Sound, Fowey and Carrick Roads at Falmouth, ‘sounding out’ useful ports of shelter and surveying their geologies for prospective re-victualling and suitability as a contingency port. Tacitus supports this scenario writing that Agricola ‘used his fleet to reconnoitre the harbours’ (Ag 10). Contingency shelter would certainly be an imperative for sailing the Land’s End promontory safely, so is the requirement to have equable arrangements in place for respite and re-victualling without provocation. This is where traditional pre-40’s historical trading relationships built around tin and minerals probably cultivated an inherent climate of accommodation, added to which ambassadorial representation delivering incentives, could easily facilitate acceptance of Roman contact.

In AD 286 Carausius re-organised the fleet to combat Frankish operations off Armorica and Belgica. Emperor Maximian accused Carausius of allowing piracy to take place before intercepting the laden boats and seizing the booty. Accordingly, he ordered his execution (Mattingly 2006, 230–33; Bidwell 2007, 40). This maybe a ploy as Carausius was becoming powerful and consequently becoming a threat, or reality, but Carausius heard of the judgment and responded by declaring himself Emperor in Northern Gaul and Britain (Mattingly 2006, 33). The fleet by now had been augmented by new ships under his command with additional merchant ships levied from successes from Gaul (Panegyrici Latini 8–12). In this active naval period, the corridor across Cornwall is strategic in its location as a fast means of communication between the English Channel and military and naval bases in the Severn catchment. If ships are stationed at each end of the corridor, crew and military units can transverse the corridor safely in a short day, and in out of season sailing or adverse conditions this maybe the only means. This could be augmented by the aid of signal communication between coasts. It would only take one signal station situated on a low knoll at Colgear (gear-fort) on or nearby the site of the Lanhydrock cricket green to be intervisible between Restormel and Nanstallon forts, although Baskot proposes a further site on Bodmin Beacon and one in Great Wood (2010; Borlase 2018). Interestingly Roman coins have been found nearby.

A fact supporting this scenario, is that compared with the similar topography of Wales, the record is absent of marching camps throughout Cornwall. The only earthwork of this type, known to date, is likely to have been a construction camp for building the main fort at Restormel (Valerie Maxfield pers. comm. December 2015), and ongoing work may also suggest there was an early camp at Calstock. Overall, the general absence is suggestive of low-key campaigning, and that all manoeuvres were seaborne. Indeed, it seems the full sense of the term

Figure 4.1. Lidar image of the earthworks (centre) of a probable signal station at High Cliff, 223 metres high, a lithic fault is obvious running diagonally through it. Source: https://houseprices.io/lab/lidar/map?refper cent3DSX0838679554.

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The Camel and Fowey Corridor in Its Contemporary Setting In the southwest, the only inferences for possible operations by the Classis Britannica are by the presence of the two Roman fortlets of Martinhoe and Old Burrow on the Exmoor coast. Both excavated by Aileen Fox and Ravenhill, in the late sixties, they were thought to be beacon and signal tower stations (1966b, 3–39). High vantage points which were an imperative for signaling (Figure 4.1) enabled Heddon Mouth and Porlock respectively to receive alerts in order to launch an interception.

and the 70-gun Eagle, foundered on the aptly named Tearing Ledges before the rest of the fleet realised and managed to sail into clear waters. This demonstrates how, being a navigator off Land’s End can be an extremely haphazard occupation before the advent of modern navigational aids and ability to calculate latitude well. Even in open waters with modern day navigation instrumentation, disaster can strike; the Fastnet race of 1979 lost 18 lives. Sailing around the Land’s End peninsula however, does not afford the safety of open water sailing. In severe conditions, only the wide harbour entrances without sandbars of Falmouth, Helford, Fowey, or Plymouth Sound on the south coast, are the only tenable alternatives. Good navigation is still an imperative to find these shelters. On the north coast, the Camel estuary is the safest option, but has several limitations for entry. A sandbar renders entry safe only up to two to three hours either side of high tide and in severe conditions even this would be difficult, even with the benefit of local knowledge.

For the early medieval period, again there is a dearth of evidence for naval presence, but a document defining the army and navy service drawn from Dal Raida’s clans, the Sueches Fer n Alban, demonstrates that the kingdom was well organised in naval defence (Bannerman 1974, as cited by Haywood 1999). Dal Raida, between the years of 568 and 733, was involved in no less than eight naval expeditions, which included the earliest recorded sea battle (bellum maritima) in British waters in 719. Also recorded in the Irish Annals is ample evidence for a well-developed tradition of naval warfare at this time between the Irish-Scots and Picts. For Cornwall, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles recorded that Vikings raided Padstow in 981. However, from the post-Roman interim period, with changes in the political stage from the east, it seems unlikely that Kingships from a power base such as Tintagel or Carnsew on the Hayle estuary did not have some form of naval strategy or counter offensive measure, whether concerted with other power centres or not.

Wreck maps (Figure 4.2), particularly the shipwreck UK map (Alan Jones, website 2019) clearly shows a greater density of shipwrecks towards the far South West of England qualifying the last statement. When considering that the higher concentration of shipping focuses on ports of the South of England such as Portsmouth, Southampton and Poole Harbour, it then becomes clear that the far South West must have a very much higher percentage of shipwrecks per mile of coastline. This increases to climax at the tip of the South West peninsula, with lesser spikes around the extremities of Devon between Bolt Head and Start Point on the south coast, and between Hartland Point and Lundy on the north coast.

Seafaring traditions with active trade networks were integral to post-Roman west Dumnonii economy, made obvious by ceramic assemblages from the Mediterranean, Gaul and Spain. It is possible that trading craft could soon be adapted for naval action in protection of their concerns. It is possible there was a level of Saxon piracy by this time, although there is little actual evidence. Haywood writes that they used surprise tactics, landing in adverse weather conditions, a sign of the sea-worthiness of their boats (1999, 92).

The wreck charts demonstrate that there is statistically a greater chance of wrecking in the far west of the south west peninsula, particularly around the Land’s End promontory and the Isles of Scilly than elsewhere on the Western seaboard.

Difficulties of Sailing the Celtic Sea and Wreck Evidence

The complexities of sailing here are highlighted by the Admiralty when Scilly (a terminological ‘inexactitude’ to refer to the islands as ‘Scilly Isles’ and frowned upon) was the last area to be surveyed but exceeded the difficulty criteria laid down of the 0–10 scale. The scale had to be reorganised with an extra score of 11 exclusively for the archipelago. More recently, in the introductory passages for the Isles of Scilly in the South West pilotage manual, Fishwick strongly urges a daytime landfall (2008, 199). He continues to alert to the hazards of a first-time approach to Scilly for over an unprecedented full page of the manual, zealously emphasising the dangers with a tone of urgency not repeated for any other area throughout the book (Figure 4.3). It is likely that to approach the islands from Land’s End, and to avoid the Severn Stones reef which lie in between, pilots were regularly employed.

From Padstow Point to Lundy Light Is a watery grave, by day and night War, ’mid the ocean and the land! The battlefield, Morwenna’s strand, Where rock and ridge the bulwark keep, The giant warders of the deep. Robert Stephen Hawker – Vicar of Morwenstow 1803–1875 The imperative for good navigation in difficult sailing conditions was highlighted in a storm in the Western Approaches in 1707. Sir Cloudesley Shovell’s fleet, sailing back from Gibraltar, was plagued by high seas and strong winds losing four of its finest ships of the 21-strong fleet, including the 90-gun flagship ‘The Association’ with the Admiral on the reefs of the Western Isles of the Isles of Scilly archipelago. The Association hit the Outer Gilstone

Visits however, to sites such as the Roman shrine at the Norse named Nornour on the Eastern Isles of Scilly, affirm 33

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 4.2. The official Board of Trade shipwreck chart for the year of 1885. The box outline marked covers the area from Tintagel Island and Fowey west including the Isles of Scilly. When magnified, over 60 wrecks were identified marked in this box. In a similar area from Tintagel and Fowey east to Bristol and Portland covering the same area of the north and south coast, 34 were counted with a notable cluster off Hartland Point and Lundy. Compare a similar area to other peninsular areas such as Pembrokeshire or the Llÿn peninsula. This demonstrates the greater risk posed to vessels sailing west of the Fowey/ Camel Rivers. The excerpt shows 18 (or over) wrecks for the year between Land’s End and Scilly. Wrecks of different types of vessel are denoted by a red cross, red circle and sometimes a black circle. Courtesy of the Charlestown Shipwreck Centre.

Figure 4.3. Tearing Ledges and Western Isles ledges exposed at low tide, from Hell Bay on Bryher, Isles of Scilly. Photograph: Author.

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The Camel and Fowey Corridor in Its Contemporary Setting to the competence of early navigators. In fact, Thomas has even suggested that there may be a shipping beacon (phare) possibly sited on nearby Great Ganilly (1981). Well over 300 brooches together with further votive offerings of beads, rings, vessels, bracelets, and coins with a date range over a long period, together with a figurine of a fertility goddess or a local deity sea-goddess perhaps associated with Venus (Butcher 1978, 2014). The only known Roman altar in the far South West is also found on the islands, now in Tresco gardens. In the Roman period, the coastline would have connected St Martins, and Great and Little Ganilly to Nornour, creating a sheltered semicircular harbour, sheltered from all winds, bar strong southeasterlies, which are less common. The preponderance of artefacts recovered is testament to many sea voyages in a relatively short period (Butcher 2000–2001). However, the suggestion that it may be the proceeds of a single cargo is not subscribed to here due to the wide date ranges (Fulford 1989). The islands also received cross channel voyagers attested by the preponderance of Mediterranean imports and E-ware on Tean and other islands having arrived from Atlantic seaboard passages. The absence of safe havens around the Land’s End peninsula makes a very cautious daytime approach to the relative safety of the islands, a natural destination to aim for when rounding Land’s End to await wind changes before continuing the journey east, either along the south or north coasts. This brief navigational assessment paints a picture of Scilly and the Severn Stone reefs as a Venus flytrap for shipping, drawn in by the need for shelter and respite in the event of unfavourable winds, or vessels blown off course rounding Land’s End. It is little surprise Nornour boasts a Roman temple.

but when time factors are considered this becomes even more obvious. Casson surmises an average passage-making for a fully laden merchant vessel of 2 knots, but greater in favourable conditions (1995, 140–3). However, calculations for this research are based on several references to ancient voyages, such as that of Pliny the Elder’s Natural History (NH 2. 201–103) and the voyages of St Brandon (Severin 1978 in Hodges 1989, 103) with which to estimate voyage times in antiquity. Average passage speed calculations from a selection of these ancient sources arrived here at a speed nearer to 3 knots per hour. For reasons already mentioned, unless sailing trade winds, favourable conditions rarely hold for long. A course would seldom hug the coastline and even in favourable winds, distances of over 140nms may be normal between the Fowey and Camel estuaries. This equates to a passage of between 28 at very best, to 50 or more hours. This time is only within the parameters of wind direction and strength allowing a direct course, both for south and north coasts without tacking. As this is rare, sojourns on Scilly to await wind changes would be common, but in this time-span, weather patterns may deteriorate when the dangers of rounding the Land’s End ‘horn’ then become acute for the reasons outlined below. Passage-making along the south coast of Cornwall, is relatively straightforward in normal conditions. That is, as far west as Helford River and the Lizard peninsula. From this point west, a number of factors combine to make seagoing more hazardous. Wind speed data for the English Channel show that average wind speeds increase around the Lizard peninsula and continue to increase around the Land’s End peninsula. This variance can be up to a 20-knot differential between Fowey and Land’s End (Met Office data 2008). What can be manageable sailing conditions in a Beaufort force 7 (near gale) off Fowey can be gusting strong gale 9 off Land’s End, which has potential to dismast and shred rigging. Wind works in synchronisation with sea conditions; accordingly, the average wave height off Fowey is 1.01–1.05m, off Land’s End it is 2.26–2.5m (Met Office 2008 report). Studies of wind direction have computed that on average a square-rigged ship can hope to sail in the English Channel eastwards on twice as many days as westwards (Davis 1997, 131), which limits the days for favourable sailing conditions in both directions around Land’s End. Between late Autumn and early Spring, the risk of a gale is about a one in five chance on any given day, reducing to one in twelve in the late Spring and Summer months. The figures for gale predictions would of course increase nearer to Land’s End. The Admiralty Pilot (1974, 16) cautions that ‘sea rain’ can be expected on twenty days a month in winter and fifteen in summer, which in turn renders reliance on identifying seamarks for navigation unreliable in reduced visibility. Equally, seafog in summer months is also a problem. The dangers unravelled by these statistics are epitomised by oral tradition, such as the quote taken from the old Mousehole fisherman that leads this section.

The evidence shows that up until the late prehistoric into the Roman period, the favoured route from Brittany was between Alderney or the Cherbourg peninsula to Hengitsbury Head and then to Mount Batten. This would have necessitated several more days of voyage waiting for suitable wind directions but would have enabled a crossing within sight of land. The Late Iron Age assemblages of the Hengitsbury Head entrepôt certainly support this movement of trade. Therefore, the Roman period saw trade approaching from the east to the Fowey River where we will see, the option was to take the hazardous passage around Land’s End or the overland trans-peninsula route taking less time (depending on load) and less risk. The evidence from the late-Roman and post-Roman period suggests direct cross-channel routes from the Atlantic approaches were the norm. Rounding the ‘Parte Occidentale’ ‘west o Lizard’s no place for small boat, come end August’ Jack Pender from Mousehole (in Fishwick 1996, 106). From the shipwreck charts, it can be seen that circumnavigating Land’s End peninsula can be precarious,

35

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Out of these scenarios, the model emerges of the dangers of sailing west of Fowey and the Camel and Land’s End verses the much safer and faster option of traversing the peninsula, particularly out of the sailing season. In the early medieval, there is ample evidence that the overland corridor was the preferred route with direct contact with Brittany and South Wales. The difficulties of navigation, particularly around the Brittany coast, indicate there is an argument for the use of professional pilots, which would further strengthen the Brythonic maritime bonds. The potential hazards of passages around the Land’s End peninsula are made clear in this discussion, which has also been alluded to by several writers, (Allen and Fulford 1996, 257; Holbrook 2001, 152 in Jones 2009; McGrail 1995a, 16; Peddie 1987, 155–7). However, as Jones (and others) also point out, a passage round Land’s End need not present too much of a problem given good conditions (2009, 44), substantiated here with the experience of passages in a 30-foot sailing boat in benign conditions. The difference is that sensible sailing in summer, in a modern craft, a three-day sea-condition forecast, an array of instrumentation and modern Trinity House navigational

Figure 4.4. Storm seas at Sennen Cove near Land’s End, the structure on the skyline is above the 42m contour. Seas like this, not uncommon, lend notoriety to the passage from Cape Cornwall to the Lizard. Photograph: Simon Maycock (Alamy collection).

A combination of meteorological and sea-state factors, offshore reefs such as the Seven Stones, and lack of sheltered anchorages from Lizard Point, make the 76-nm passage west from Falmouth to the narrow, shallow, tidal entrance of Hayle River (unapproachable in strong winds from the northerly quarter) a daunting prospect, the Camel estuary still being many hours away. Land’s End itself has some of the highest seas off Britain (Figure 4.4) and is admirably described below in the diaries of a layman to the sea, the intrepid traveller Celia Fiennes in 1698. ‘The Land’s End terminates in a poynt or peak of great rocks which runs a good way into the sea … there are abundance of rocks and sholes of stones stands up in the sea, a mile off some, and soe here and there some quite to the shore, which they name by severall names of Knights and Ladies roled up in mantles from some old tradition or fiction the poets advance, description of the amours of some great persons, but these many rocks and stones which looks like the Needles in the Isle of Wight makes it hazardous for shipps to double the poynt especially in stormy weather … ’ (Morris 1949, 263)

Figure 4.5. A Lowestoft sailing trawler running for the shelter of the Camel in ‘severe gale’ conditions (Beaufort severe gale 9 – spindrift and dense streaks of foam). The image is looking across the entrance with Pentire Head in the background. She has just rounded Stepper Point into slightly calmer water but has yet to negotiate Doom Bar. She carries a deep-reefed mainsail aloft with topping-lift attached ready to ‘scandalise and trice up’ sail and a storm jib, but ‘surfing’ in the following seas she may have her steerage compromised. On course for the Doom Bar channel, which was on the west side of the mouth in early twentieth century, she may need to raise more canvas to gain steerage so as not to risk foundering on the bar or cliff-side when she hugs the starboard shore to dog-leg around the bar. A risky manoeuvre requiring precision and experience in these strong winds that ‘fluke’ or ‘flaw’ (change direction and speed instantly) caused by compressive vortex effects off the hillside, despite efforts at quarrying away the cliff to reduce these effects (Reports from Padstow Harbour Commissioners xiii 1859). The crew would also be very cold and fatigued as in conditions like this there has been no shelter to run to along the north coast for many hours. Source: Plate from the collection of the Royal Institution of Cornwall by permission.

Since records began in the early eighteenth century, Doom bar at the entrance to the Camel (Figure 4.5) has accounted for over 600 wrecks or capsizes (Thorpe in Wilson 2008). Even in modern day, the powerful all-weather lifeboat the Spirit of Padstow amply demonstrated the bar’s dangers. On the first of February 2014, she had to lay-off well out to sea in appalling conditions after a successful rescue for several hours. With no available contingency shelter for many miles, awaiting a suitable state of tide before risking entering the river was the only option available. There is little further to add, except in anything but settled weather, give Land’s End a very wide berth – just in the twenty years since 1981, Land’s End has claimed 17 lives through shipwreck, the last being a lone yachtswoman in October 2011. 36

The Camel and Fowey Corridor in Its Contemporary Setting illuminated markers, it need not be at all stressful. With these reassurances, it is difficult to understand and place ourselves in the psyche of earlier seaman. The prospect of rounding Land’s End in the distant past would be imbued with notoriety, encumbered with scenarios such as the knowledge that an adverse tidal gate or north-west winds at Hayle can leave a 75-nm exposed passage from Land’s End, along a potentially hostile coast, to the Camel estuary deprived of shelter with the vessel isolated in the Atlantic in deteriorating conditions.

the South West exemplify sites where such scenes take place, and certainly, the extensive settlements at either end of the corridor would also act as organisation centres catering for traders and portage. Symbolism, ritualism and awareness of place are engrained in maritime tradition and society. Safe arrival would certainly induce devotions and dedications after a long voyage. So, in the light of the potential hazards around Land’s End and the north coast described here, just as on Nornour (Dudley 1968, Butcher 2014), it may seem likely that a temple for devotions, and to leave a votive for safe a voyage, underlies the site St Enodoc church sits on, perhaps also Langorthou (Fowey). Supporting evidence for this scenario is described later. However, once the rivers were reached, the attraction of drifting safely on the tide (Figure 4.6) and the relatively short land crossing, would have been an appealing proposition compared with the climatic vagaries and navigational hazards of ‘doubling the poynt’.

Summary of Maritime Perspectives: Sea V Land – Validation of the Route Theory God did not make the sea to be sailed over, but for the sake of the beauty of the elements. The sea is tossed by storms; you ought, therefore, to fear it, not to use it. He who never puts to sea need fear no shipwreck. Ambrosius, Bishop of Mediolanium AD 337–97 (De Elia 70–1)

In conclusion, before the age of instrumentation, the transpeninsula route was much the safer option on a notorious coastline, negating the possibility of shipwreck that Ambrosious and his contempories so feared, whilst providing opportunity to trade furs and consumables en route.

Psyche is touched upon above – the sea is an ever-changing medium in a state of continual flux, the impact of which is felt by its coastal inhabitants. It influences their ability to move and they are shaped by how the sense of seascape place is perceived. It is both feared and respected. The sea was, and still is, sensed in a spiritual context, a liminal zone, linking to the underworld. Islands in many societies are perceived to have cosmological and religious significance, often as a realm of the dead and the ancestors (Wiener 1988, 53–4). Respect of the sea around Land’s End maybe reflected in the only known major Romano-British shrine in the far South West on Nornour and a Roman altar also from Scilly. The potential difficulties described in the last paragraphs and dangers highlighted, demonstrate that any traveller would have to make a risk assessment before sailing the far west of the peninsula. This assessment would involve an option of a trans-peninsular crossing, utilising the Camel and Fowey rivers as a portage route, which is certainly a safer route particularly in any of the months outside of summer. Ohler considers the Mule is capable of carrying 170kg or an Ass 150kg, but pulling a cart, this increases to 1000kg (1986, 18) (a cart was recorded as being used in the vita St Sampsonis). It would not therefore require a very large mule caravan to carry a small shipload. During World War I, mules were considered suitable for carrying loads of over 90kgs, and superior in difficult terrain to oxcarts. A string of 20 mules could carry as much as five wagon-loads (White 1984, 128; Landels 1978, 171).

Figure 4.6. Drifting inland serenely up the River Lyner from Dandyhole on a making tide – Lannaled (St Germans priory) in the distance. This scene typifies the ria coastline inlets of south Cornwall and Devon. Lining the steep slopes is ancient wildwood of predominately ‘crooked trunk’ sessile oak (quercus petraea), which form the genius loci of Cornwall. These support a rich ecosystem hosting a wide variety of epiphytes; the last northern outlier of the massive ‘fern gardens’ high in the trees of tropical rainforests (Rackham 2019, 70). Above the woodland are field systems, and like the Fowey River, this scene is thankfully little changed by time. These rivers of South Cornwall represent an extant ancient landscape, an experience witnessed by early travellers to the Fowey – a far cry from the rigors of rounding Land’s End. Photograph: Author.

For long distance traders reaching their destination in a spirit of fulfilment and relief, greeting local communities and old friends after a long sea passage would have been a joyous event. Here we have a scenario, the rewards of which are social interchange, feasting and creating an equable climate for mediating exchange, parties of both sides socially bonded by unification and mutual respect of what Braudel’s refers to the connectivity of the ‘liquid plains’ (1992). The early medieval beach feasting sites of 37

5 Camel and Fowey Corridor: Late Iron Age and Roman Periods Introduction Although Cornwall lies within the Roman frontier, the tangible evidence is limited to just three forts, a ‘vernacular’ villa structure at Magor and a steady increase in Roman related finds. This chapter examines the results of fieldwork and ancillary research, and applies the evidence to consider the implications for ‘Romanitas’, that is the level of Roman interaction with the local communities, their response and inter-cultural exchange. Communications to and Across the Corridor: Signals of Evidence Through Fieldwork All Roads Lead to Minerals Except for a conjectured 1.7km road from Nanstallon Fort to Mulberry Mine (Thorpe 2007, 33), now confirmed by geophysics by this study, any tangible evidence for Roman roads in Cornwall is unsubstantiated. Some roads, muted to be of Roman construction, such as the ‘Old Coach Road’ between Lanivet and Innis Downs are somewhat tenuous. It is not until the Tamar is crossed or approached that some roads begin to look Roman, such as long stretches of the A3079 between Okehampton and Holsworthy, which could potentially be of Roman origin (Borlase 2018, appendix 3).

Figure 5.2. The south west double gate, of Nanstallon fort. Geophysics confirms the lower road runs all the way to Mulberry Downs Iron mine. It also shows also double ditches, an unusual double gate with one side little used as the hard road surface is on the north side only. The south side of the gate may be blocked up as at Banna Birdoswold fort) on Hadrian’s Wall. The large barrow has been removed in recent time, but the others do not appear in the drawing dated 1847 (Figure 5.1). The Roman road truncates these indicating they were not prominent in that period.

A potential road showing on aerial survey runs east of Mulberry open cast mine (PRN 50606) and is thought possibly to be Roman (Thorpe 2007, 33). This was examined with Magnetometry which confirmed it to run directly to the more southerly side of a double gate of Nanstallon fort’s south-west side (Figure 5.1 and Figure 5.2).

The magnetometry following the south west branch showed this ran unbroken to the open cast tin/iron mine at Mulberry Down (Figures 5.2 to 5.5). Four third- and fourth-century coins adjacent to the road and openworks

A few metres from the fort there is a fork in the road, a south branch, but this soon appeared to fade out.

Figure 5.1. Drawing of Nanstallon fort (Tregear) dated 1847 by Henry MacLaughlin showing the one large barrow. Image source: Maclean 1873, Vol. 1, opp. page 114.

Figure 5.3. Geophysics confirming a 1.7km Roman road from Nanstallon fort to Mulberry Down mine suspected from aerial survey. Image Google Earth.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route on Mulberry Down indicate the road was being used in the later Roman period (CORN-FCD9A). Of significant interest is a geological report sourced for this research indicating the road runs across two iron lodes without disturbing them before reaching tin lodes containing up to 53 per cent Sn (Bennett 1981, 4), indicating tin may be the target (Figure 5.4). Further undated and unrecorded metal detector Roman coins found in the environs on the confluence of the Camel and Ruthern rivers on potential tin streaming grounds support the interest in tin (Rebecca Lobb pers. comm. July 2015 – this is apart from the four late Roman coins recorded by herself). The road from Nanstallon would also form part of the corridor route, and the coins at Mulberry could equally have been lost by cavalry operations. Resistivity here suggests the road was not heavily metalled, so it probably deteriorated quickly to be replaced by other routes across Mulberry Down.

Figure 5.4. Recent third and fourth century coin-find positions shown just north of the magnetometry which shows a dog-leg at the road terminal. Contains Google Earth imagery.

A further road is also suggested on magnetometry conducted by Peter Nicholas at Restormel fort. The results show it runs for over 300m from the south side of the annex of the fort, oriented directly to the entrance of Hillhead Mine. Also, at Calstock fort, an excavated 9m road was found running from the west gate (Smart 2014, 110). Excavations from 2019 suggest this appears to diminish in quality and may run out completely a short distance from the fort (Smart 2019 pers. comm.). Figure 5.5. The end of the road. The white line marks the track of the road. It terminates abruptly before the rich tin lode of the Mulberry open-works. At this point the road has already run across two iron lodes running parallel to each other by. The trending of the lodes is shown in relation to the course of the road, shown white, before it doglegs through an existing gateway, here the road is visible as slight earthworks (see detail in Bennett, Figure 12.9).

It remains apparent that both of the only ‘authentic’ Roman roads lead only to mineral sources (Figure 5.3 and Figure 5.6), which is supporting evidence for minerals being a primary consideration for the siting and raison d’etre behind these forts, rather than the suppression of indigenous dissidents for which the record is devoid of evidence.

Figure 5.6. The alignment of the road from the fort annex and the southern entrance, terminating on the nearest worked lode of Hillhead Mine. The track runs across the earlier ‘construction’ camp. Magnetometer survey: Pete Nicholas 2008/9, by permission of family.

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Camel and Fowey Corridor control of mineral resources. Secondly, to examine the social and cultural context behind the operation of the sites, thus drawing out information and implications for Roman interaction in the corridor. This led to investigation of three coastal sites:

In consideration of Cornwall’s rugged terrain and peripheral isolation, signalling may be a means of overcoming the difficulties of land communication and is a concept of interest to this study as the title infers. It is an aim of this study to consider any evidence that may contribute to the underlying Roman narrative of the corridor and the far South West. Consequently, the subject of signalling was examined as part of this research. Consideration to this subject has been given by Ellis Jones and others (2003; 2009), but this study offers a tangible contribution through fieldwork. Roman interest and activity along the north coast are supported by Roman finds at Tintagel and two ‘milestone’ memorial pillars (AD 251–253 and AD 308–324) indicating later Roman road connections along the north coast to the corridor. Magnetometer survey work, aerial photographs and Google Earth imagery identifying route links to Daymer Bay (Figure 5.7) support this evidence. Place-names of Plain Street (just off map) and Stratton are also suggestive of a Roman period road (as opposed to a Roman military road) so the possibility that a chain of signalling communications complementing a north coast road is perhaps deserved of greater attention. So, the rationale behind selecting potential signalling sites is twofold; firstly, to assess the probability for a line of communication from the corridor potentially connecting ultimately to the Isca Legio fortress at Exeter, and the implications this has on the region, for example, Roman

High Cliff A gradiometry survey at High Cliff, St Gennys (Figure 5.9), the second highest cliff in Britain, nine kilometres north west of Boscastle, and another at Pabyer Point, Gorran Haven, revealed two rectilinear enclosures with similar characteristics. Significantly, they are both sited on eminently suitable locations for coastal signal stations. Interestingly, from the top of Tintagel island, the enclosure at High Cliff stands out on the skyline (Figure 5.12 and figure 5.13). High Cliff is also intervisibile with Trevose Head in the south west and Lundy and Hartland Point to the north east (Figure 5.10, figure 5.11, figure 5.12, figure 5.13). Significantly, is also intervisible with East Leigh to the east (described later) and Brent Tor to the south. The resistivity survey results show a spread of stone in the centre of the High Cliff enclosure, which potentially may be a base (Figure 5.8). The results suggest the enclosure is functional rather than occupational, with roundhouses situated several metres downhill in open settlement form. This location is less exposed and any smoke would not

Figure 5.7. Magnetometry and aerial surveying evidence for a road along the north coast running from Daymer Bay and Porthilly, where there is an industrial settlement at the latter. Plain Street is just north east of the route (Borlase 2018, appendix 2 – Route 5). Colour annotation and inserts: Author. Source: Aerial photographs NMR Swindon. © Crown Copyright (1839).

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 5.8. Resistivity results showing a central spread of stone in the enclosure, which is structural. Stone revetment in the banks are also clear.

Figure 5.10. View looking up the north coast from High Cliff. Photograph: Author.

hinder visibility (Figure 5.9). The enclosure location is atypical as a round site, so given the siting, with all the above factors considered, the possibility of functionality as a signal station is a high possibility.

Figure 5.11. View west to Tintagel, Stepper Point and Trevose Head from the High Cliff enclosure. Photograph: Author.

Figure 5.9. High Cliff. The ditches (A) butting up to the south of the enclosure ditch are likely to be early medieval as they must have been planned when the ditch was still deep and a roundhouse is cut. Later plough lines also cut those ditches and cut two parallel banks (B), which may be contemporary with at least three roundhouses (they suffer from plough attrition so there may be more), which the bank delineates. The wavy line (C) is a listric fault (cliff slip) visible on the lidar image. Listric faulting (Anderson 2007) and flying gale driven slate ‘missiles’ peeling off the cliff and implanting up to 4 cm into the soil may account for the siting of roundhouses, 70m back from the 230m high cliff top. Slightly away, and below the cliff top, a structure receives significantly more shelter in severe north-westerly gales, and sited so that visibility is not impeded up and down the coastline.

Figure 5.12. High Cliff from Tintagel Island where Roman artefacts have been recovered. A 6–7 metre white tower superimposed on the image shows how possible signalling would stand out on the skyline. Photograph: Author.

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Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.15. Overall magnetometry survey interpretation at East Leigh, the enclosure with road leading east. Probable contemporary field systems and roundhouse features outlined. Overlaid on Google Earth imagery.

Figure 5.13. South-east from the High Cliff enclosure showing visibility to Brent Tor, which lies in the Tamar Valley with Dartmoor behind (x 2 zoom). Photograph: Author.

East Leigh

The magnetometry revealed a double ditched enclosure, which was a regular uniform, sub-pentagonal shape (Figure 5.15). The form is reminiscent of the Dalginross fort site on the Gask frontier. The site is intervisible with High Cliff which would also stand out against the skyline, and a putative signal station at 279m at Castle Cross, Ashbury (SX483958 Broadbury Castle – MDV1698). Although this is rather circumstantial evidence, it must be pointed out that from Castle Cross it would be possible to signal to Exeter (Isca Dumnorium) via a confirmed signal station at Ide (MDV20078) and a further probable site at Waddles Down, Whitstone (MDV 29196).

An enclosure at East Leigh, near Stratton lies outside of the study area, but was convenient for the twofold purpose of examining a site removed from the corridor to investigate the possibility that the corridor may form a border, as well as the site’s potential as a signalling site. Geophysics revealed a unique regular shaped bivallate pentagonal enclosure (Borlase and Wright 2014). This is an archetypal location for a signal station site. Perched on the edge of the highest point of a ridge at the break of slope, it stands out on the skyline for maximum visibility when viewed from further down the coast to the west (Figure 5.14), just as High Cliff projects on the skyline from Tintagel. Ridge skyline prominence is a feature portrayed by signalling as demonstrated by the Gask Frontier signal stations (Woolliscroft and Hoffmann 2011).

Castle Cross (not far from the present A30) lies at the highest point on any east west route avoiding Dartmoor. A chain could connect to another station situated at Brent Tor, (also intervisible with High Cliff) and potentially to the south coast via St Budeaux parish, Plymouth, where

Figure 5.14. View south-west from East Leigh. An 8m high signal station at the High Cliff enclosure (superimposed) would stand out against the skyline as indicated. Tintagel is obscured from East Leigh by Cambeak. The Rumps on Pentire Head herald the Camel estuary. Photograph: Author.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 5.16. Section through the outer ditch.

another possible signalling site is muted (MDV49568). Thus, Plymouth Sound, Mount Batten, Stoneleigh and Sutton Harbour where Roman finds have been recovered could potentially be connected. An oval array of high magnetometer signals in the East Leigh enclosure may indicate large postholes, but there are no indications of roundhouse structures. These lay several metres away from the enclosure, a similar scenario to High Cliff, indicating functionality over occupation for the enclosure. Resistivity results did not show a pattern of stone structures but indicated the substrata on which the site lay was over an impervious lens of clay geology, which may explain the pentangle layout. A spread of stone ran into the enclosure in line with a roadway running east from the entrance. A programme of evaluation excavation (Figure 5.16) confirmed a Romano-British date with a ratio of 6 to 1 gabbroic pottery of Trethurgy styles to South Devon ware. This confirms, native gabbroic pottery reached well beyond the corridor to the Devon border (Figure 5.17 and table 3). No internal roundhouses were identified. These were sited to the north west, away from the enclosure’s line of view, with more 70m along a road to the east of the site.

Figure 5.17. Gabbroic Romano-British Trethurgy style pottery from East Leigh. Table 5.1. Pottery sherd numbers and weight from East Leigh by context and fabric.

Context

Gabbroic South Trethurgy type Gabbroic Devon 4 or variant other granitic local ware

(2–03)

Pabyer Point One kilometre east of Gorran Haven on the south coast, the similarity of an enclosure at Pabyer Point, to High Cliff is tangible (Figures 5.18 to 5.21). Both enclosures measure precisely 40m x 45m with Pabyer commanding a vista eastward to Gribben Head at the mouth of the Fowey estuary, Rame Head at the entrance to Plymouth

(2–04)

9s/41g

(2–06)

13s/47g

(2–11)

1s/8g

(3–04) Mean sherd weight Totals

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1s/5g

4s/12g

11s/96g 33s/88g

4g

4g

5g

3g

23s/96g

44s/184g

1s/5g

4s/15g

Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.21 Looking across Chapel Point and St Austell Bay to Gribben Head and the Fowey (the 25.6m daymark centre of image heralds the mouth of the river). Sheep mark the centre of the enclosure.

Figure 5.18. Lidar image of Pabyer Point; earthworks resonant of High Cliff. A man-made platform/rectilinear enclosure lies 110m to the north east overlooking the beach and appears to be connected. A crosscheck ruled out Napoleonic war signalling (Kitchen 1990, 377). North up. Source: https://houseprices.io/lab/lidar/map?ref

Sound with Dodman Head to the west. As a potential signal station, it would be judiciously located to monitor shipping into the Fowey estuary 10 kilometres across St Austell Bay. In order to explore functionality of these coastal sites further, an exploratory excavation inside the earthworks at Pabyer Point opened two main trenches. These were placed over anomalies on the resistivity survey (Figure 5.22) in the enclosure that indicated rectilinear structures may be present. In trench 1, once tumble from a rough wall of large stone had been cleared, a neat working floor appeared of tamped small slate (Figure 5.23). The wall sat within a deep foundation trench of up to 0.4m deep. Although the wall was not neatly coursed (suggesting it was not a multistorey structure), it would have been structurally capable of supporting extremely high loads. A large wooden structure or tower, keeping any horizontal sleepers dry would be a possibility, but without further excavation this remains speculation. However, the absence of mortar and low amount of tumble did not imply the deep foundations carried a large masonry structure. Over thirty notched slates of varying size were recovered. Notched slates have been noted in less dense scatters at Parkengear, Probus, also Sir James Smith School, Camelford and at Higher Besore, near Truro where they may have had a number of different uses (Quinnell 2015; 2017 and forthcoming). However, at Pabyer it may be significant that around

Figure 5.19. The clifftop position of the earthworks. Although not the highest point as seen here, it is sited as to stand out on the skyline from the Gribben Head/Black Head direction and the water.

Figure 5.20. Photograph looking south west taken midway between Gribben Head and Pabyer Point with an eight-metre tower structure superimposed showing how a conjectured structure would project against a notch on the skyline. The distinctive dome of Dodman Point is to the south. Photograph: Author.

Figure 5.22. Six grids of resistivity survey in the enclosure overlaying the magnetometry survey.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Most of the pottery came from the side of the wall or above the floor (1–03). Also recovered from the floor, part of a coarse muscovite granite mensuration weight (Figure 5.24), was examined by Roger Taylor who concluded it had seen previous use as a rubber on one surface, subsequently fashioned into a weight with a worn hour-glass perforation. The weight which adds to a small series of Roman-period stone weights found in Cornwall, had probably been deliberately smashed (Quinnell 1993, 36–38; 2004, 139–142; 2007, 85, Figure 37; contribution by Henrietta Quinnell and Roger Taylor in Borlase and Wright forthcoming). Although each shape is unique, the nearest comparisons are the Tregerthen 2, Castle and Dinas 1, and an unprovenanced weight. Stone weights are thought to date from the third- to fourth centuries (Quinnell 1993, 37, 40). The ditch feature in trench 2 transpired again to be a deep footing trench (0.48m), similarly containing a wall constructed of large stone and earth rubble capable of receiving a large structure (Figure 5.25). Again, this continued through the section, the resistivity indicating it continued to form a rectilinear shape. The complete bottom half of a quern-stone was recovered from (2–02), the context below the plough soil but above (2–05) a hard-gritty layer interpreted as a possible floor.The quern is testament to, at least, seasonal occupation. After examination, the quern was securely consigned to the Roman period (Sue Watts, pers. comm. and Ruth Shaffney, email. comm. 2019). Henrietta Quinnell also examined the quern confirming that it was neatly fashioned from elvan. Elvan is sourced from near Pentewan around four kilometres away, locally known as Pentewan stone.

Figure 5.23. Trench 1.

28 were found in trench 1 compared with only two from trench two, just six metres away. This localised distribution could either indicate a possible use connected to part of the fabric of the structure in trench 1, or a zone of specialist activity.

Two of a curve of five patches of magnetometer anomalies were also investigated. The first, trench 4, was a pit, 0.44m deep and filled with layers of several centimetres of deposits of severe burnt material. This demonstrated that some of the magnetometer anomolies on the results with readings within the same range were probably pits similarly containing burnt material. Samples were taken before recording and closing the trenches.

The resistivity indicates that the wall continues for several more metres, forming a rectilinear plan (Figure 5.22). The floor within (Figure 5.23) consisted small tamped slate forming a flat surface. Over 100 smooth beach pebbles of up to 20cms long were recovered. These may have had a variety of uses from weights to rubbers and would have been readily obtainable from Chapel Cove.

Figure 5.24. The Granite mensuration weight. The flared hour-glass shaped perforation (left – central broken section) is smooth with wear more than would be expected for a suspension cord suggesting it may have had extensive friction from rope wear, also one face was relatively smooth (right – side view) all indicating probable task re-use. Photograph: Author.

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Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.25. Trench 2.

Seventeen sherds weighing 241gms from a minimum of fifteen pots were recovered from three trenches. One may be from the later Iron Age, but the others are assigned to the Roman period, with some of the diagnostic sherds best accommodated in the third-century AD. The presence of several storage jar sherds would support a later Roman date (Quinnell in Borlase and Wright forthcoming). This reconciles comfortably with the dates for the weight and quern stone. Sites in Common Just as for the magnetometry results at East Leigh, Pabyer features a well-constructed road, and just as High Cliff has is a spread of stone at its centre, similarly, from the resistivity results and excavation trenches at Pabyer, there appears to be a central area of stone forming a 10m x 10m rectilinear structure. These rectilinear stone foundations certainly

Figure 5.26. The quern stone grinding surface.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 5.27. The enclosure at Pabyer has a rare (for Cornwall) well-made road leading from the enclosure as at East Leigh. A further track showing on LIDAR (Figure 5.18) may lead to another rectilinear enclosure also showing on magnetometry and LIDAR (on the tip of the lower eastern point. Field systems and tracks are evident but no roundhouses were located. A modern wall and coast path tracks before they were diverted to the cliff path are indicated as recent history. Linear magnetometry traces are in purple. It is possible some boundaries associated with the extant enclosure may be early medieval as muted at High Cliff. Google Earth imagery overlay.

support a scenario for the possibility of the erection of a large tower-like structure. Furthermore, occupational areas are set well away from these functional enclosures and away from the line of direction of any surmised signalling activity. Although, no roundhouses were located at Pabyer, they may lay on a man-made platform/enclosure feature to the east, on the tip of the point by the beach (Figure 5.18 and figure 5.27). Although a magnetometer survey proved negative for structures, deep hill-wash would likely conceal any features from detection. Collectively, the evidence for all three coastal sites display similar characteristics conforming with signalling site suitability, indicating they were possibly built for the same purpose by the same source of deployment (Roman initiated?). The fact that these sites do not conform to archetypal Roman fortlet layout, such as at Martinhoe or Old Burrow (Fox and Ravenhill 1966b) raises questions concerning the system of control for how these bases operated and the interaction of communities with Roman officialdom and continuity of socio-cultural dynamics, which is discussed later.

Burrow are judiciously sited a few kilometres from the beaching sites of Heddon Mouth and Porlock consecutively. Tintagel also has a beaching cove, and the site intervisibility between High cliff, and Tintagel island (Figure 5.12 and figure 5.28) suggests a possible association that makes High Cliff a suitable candidate for coastal signalling. Roman artefacts recovered and a good road link from the Camel to Tintagel suggested by two Roman wayside pillars, lay testament to activity from this period (Barrowman 2007). The similarity of Pabyer Point to High Cliff, convenience of Pabyer for the beaching site of Gorran Haven, together with Roman period artefacts begin to build a common link between the sites.

Although neither the High Cliff, Pabyer Point or East Leigh sites produced incontrovertible evidence for functions as signal stations, a sequence of such sites along the north coast to the Legio Isca fortress at Exeter and Plymouth cannot be dismissed. All the enclosures appear to be functional as opposed to overtly occupational (such a Carruan for example), and all the locations bear similarities and fulfil the criteria for a signalling role, sited in strategically suitable locations for such a function. The results demonstrate they are not stock or farming enclosures, neither is it likely they are ritual enclosures or typical rounds. It is also interesting to note that the signal station fortlets at Martinhoe and Old

Figure 5.28. Musing over an emerging feature on the top of Tintagel Island with High Cliff behind the GPS staff. The author recovered late Roman pottery at this location. Photograph: Steve Fletcher.

48

Camel and Fowey Corridor Research Findings: Settlement and Roman Involvement in the Corridor

and Roman Cornwall in terms of settlement. Kingswood Round represents the traditional perception of Iron Age settlement for this study. The round lays at the centre of the corridor and one kilometre from a main east/ west route. It is a stereotypical Cornish round, lying on a south facing spur with a spring rising a few metres away in an amphitheatre shaped grove. The round and its environs at Kingswood, is the easternmost round to have been studied, and the resultant data was found to be important on several levels (Borlase 2013). Radiocarbon determinations placed initial occupation to lie between that at Boden Vean Round (Gossip 2013, 84) and Threemilestone (Schwieso 1976) and the excavation (Figure 5.30) has been valuable for estimating an initial introduction date for South West Decorated ware. At Boden, the pottery was represented by Plain Jar ware, which means the South West Decorated ware recovered from Kingswood must have been introduced between the c390 and c290 BC.

Several ancient land routes can be detected (Figure 5.29) connecting the Fowey and Camel direct, via Helman Tor (hel – court/hall men – stone), Restormel, Nanstallon and St Breock Downs (Figures 8.6 to 8.11). Evidence for these trans-peninsular routes are described in greater detail elsewhere with supporting mapping (Borlase 2018, appendix 2). However, map regression suggests the main peninsular spinal route through Cornwall may not have crossed Bodmin Moor in the Roman period. Emanuel Brown’s 1761 map, amongst other early maps, does not show a route across the Moor, and although there is a similarity of the place-name of Ptolemy’s Bolvenus to Bolventor, Penhallurick points out the name is a corruption of a mine named Bold Adventure (1986, 207). The main ancient route into Cornwall in the Roman period ran via Lanivet and Nanstallon, passing a round at Kingswood Farm and an enclosure at Lestow (both examined here) to the Tamar at Calstock or Horse Bridge (Borlase 2018, appendix 2, route 3).

Two C14 determinations also assist chronology; Kingswood was occupied from around 300 BC to around 100 BC or probably later; one piece of decorated lead, thought to be Roman (Carl Thorpe 2011 pers. comm.) was recovered from the intentionally filled-in enclosure ditch. A spindle whorl found on a phase II floor, demonstrates sheep farming was practised around 100 BC. Surface finds of partially smelted galena found within confines of

Kingswood Round Sites selected for this research across the corridor are weighted towards the Roman and post-Roman period, but there is little demarcation between Late Iron Age

Figure 5.29. The holloway on the track running parallel to the River Fowey, one kilometre from Restormel fort where it enters Lanhydrock, bluebells and anemone nemarosa line the banks. Other slow colonisers along this short stretch are hay-scented buckler, primrose with violet in abundance, all indicators of ancientness. Exposure revealed the bank had been revetted to prevent collapse (behind the range pole). This is likely to have taken place many centuries earlier as there is over a 0.8m buildup of soil deposition covering the top of the revetment validating the track’s antediluvian nature. Photograph: Author.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 5.30. Kingswood’s Trench 2, Phase 2. The thin broken lines denote the position of the earlier Phase 1 roundhouse. The spindle whorl was recovered in floor context (2–06), mid-way between the Phase 1 pit and Phase 1 roundhouse gully. There are extensive areas of conflagration in the contexts, also indicated by geophysics.

agricultural landscape. Kingswood Round typifies a round settlement, and the site indicates that there is a degree of prosperity in the corridor, probably reflecting productive industrial and agricultural activity in the environs (Borlase 2013, 194).

the Round evinced the practice of lead and silver working as a specialist industry. This is the earliest non-ferrous metal working of this type that has been associated with round settlement type. Extensive areas of burning showing on the gradiometry results may support industrial activity although the partially excavated roundhouse had been burnt down. Several sling-shot pebbles recovered may indicate the occupants were used to aggression. An aerial photographic search revealed field systems, which underlie Kingswood, Pinsla, and Longdowns Commons, also, Tawna Downs in the environs of the round (Figure 5.31 and figure 5.32). These co-axial fields are not of a medieval stamp and furthermore are not recorded on the Lanydrock Atlas (Holden 2010, 275), therefore, they will be ancient and are probably contemporary with Kingswood in the late prehistoric and Romano-British landscape demonstrating a thriving

The type-site of Trethurgy Round exemplifies the strong continuance of Iron Age traditions up to the sixth century. Quinnell concludes that the occupants selectively used facets of Roman culture to ‘reinforce their own social framework, which appears to have remained basically solid throughout the Roman period’ (2004, 236). The research here throughout the corridor, in which Trethurgy is located, certainly consolidates this theme for which there may be a variety of reasons. However, one exception may lie in the multi-phase rectilinear enclosure at Lestow, described below. 50

Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.31. RAF/106G/UK/938, frame 4250 taken 18 October 1945. English Heritage (NMR) RAF Photography. North up. Field systems at point A below Kingswood Downs, formerly a deer park of Pinsla (Pincherly on Norden’s 1610 map) are ancient. The track at B is the main route from Bodmin to St Neot (Nanstallon to Calstock, (route 3 in Borlase 2018, appendix 2), as it runs into Tawnawood on the left). Pipers Barrow (marked on the Lanyhdrock Atlas, now completely ploughed out) lies at the dog-leg on the track right of B. This was a junction with a track at D, and led to Kingswood Round at E, this is therefore Late Iron Age and is now fossilised into the present Parliamentary Enclosure Act field system. The field systems that underlie the common land of Longdowns or Whortlestock at B butt up to the track which leads to Kingswood Round which indicates these are late prehistoric and Romano-British. This was formerly a medieval deer park for the Earls of Cardinham castle and only broken by the plough for WWII (Frank Dyer pers. comm.). An earlier track or simply an alternative track runs by point C. North of point E, strip-fields with their distinctive inverted S shape are likely to be early medieval running from Kingswood Farm up to Tawnamoor. They respect and were accessed by the prehistoric track before being recorded in the 1690’s Lanhydrock Atlas. There are more field systems at B.

Lestow Originating in the Late Iron Age, Lestow in St Neot parish is situated six kilometres to the east of Kingswood Round, both sites lying on, or near the same ancient main east/west (Borlase 2018, appendix 2, route 3) on fertile ground on Gonzion Down on the edge of Bodmin Moor (Figure 5.33). There is evidence of field systems on nearby Tawna Downs and ancient field enclosures to the north of the site, indicating that the area was again settled and farmed in antiquity. A spindle whorl recovered in Roman contexts demonstrates sheep farming was a part of these agricultural practices. Restormel and probably Nanstallon forts would have been contemporary with Lestow’s later phase and would be one day’s march to the site on a direct route to Calstock fort and the Tamar, which would have been two day’s march away. The ancient use of this road (now no more than a lane) is

Figure 5.32. A detail from the above aerial photograph around area A, showing ancient field systems beneath Kingswood Common, thought not to be geological (Hazell, October 2014 pers. comm).

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 5.33. The road travelling east from Long Downs to Mount splits either side of the ridge around anciently enclosed land. The southern more direct route passes two early medieval inscribed memorial pillars at Tawna (Figures 8.12 and 8.13) and an early wheel headed cross at the junction where these routes meet again on Treslea Down attesting to the route’s antiquity (Landgon 1996, 36). The road may have crossed the ridge between the two alternatives before being enclosed, but it is more likely that the southern route was the main road with the alternative northern track running over common down land, which would be a connecting route to the roads across Bodmin Moor to Temple and Bolventor. The name ‘crow’ indicates a cross (crowes) may have stood at the crossroads as did a medieval gallows. Source: Borlase 2018, © Crown Copyright (1839).

still commemorated by the village pub name, the London Inn, with the road east out of the village, known as London bound.

is surrounded by a unique regular shaped circuit wall (Figure 5.35 and figure 5.37), which in turn was constructed on the edge of the filled earlier ditch. The ditch represents an earlier Iron Age phase. It is probably as deep as three metres or more judging from its width of five metres. Within, excavation revealed two rectilinear buildings with fine internal stone floors, walls and postholes (39 to 41) with a third, perhaps suggested by resistivity. Two of the trenches yielded pottery from contexts from two phases.

A programme of geophysics and excavation found that the enclosure at Lestow is exceptional and unprecedented for the recognition of explicit external cultural influences in the form of rectilinear structures with fine cobbled floors Figures 5.34 to 5.40. The bivallate enclosure ditch

Figure 5.34. The gradiometer plot carried out at Lestow and proximity to the road. Two metal detector finds of a silver sestertius found in the enclosure (by Johnathan Clemes – pers. comm. 2017) and a coin of Antoninus Pius recovered from outside the south entrance to the enclosure. Google earth overlay.

Figure 5.35. The resistivity survey of Lestow with the rectilinear structures ringed. Note the circuit wall, and the clipped cornered walls to create a corner emulating a shape similar to Restormel and Nanstallon. This shows particularly well on the left- top corner.

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Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.36. Magnetometry detail showing trench positions.

An anomaly 1.5m from the south west corner of trench 4 revealed two large postholes (trench 8 - Figure 5.39). As these were near to a floor in trench 4 and aligns with the corner of the wall (4–03) where it appears to turn at right angles, this was interpreted as a gate or door post. An earlier phase was marked by a ditch running under the later floor of structure ‘A’in trench 4 (Figure 5.40). It contained two sherds of south west decorated ware (Thorpe pers. comm. 2015). Later sherds were recovered from upper contexts from vessels of a second-century Romano-British type in form and in gabbroic fabric (Imogen Wood pers. comm. July 2016). Parts of a rotary quernstone found just above the fine internal cobble floor of structure ‘A’, and an undecorated spindle whorl from above the floor in structure ‘B’ (Figure 8.18) testifies to domestic activity and wool production.

Figure 5.37. Trench 1 plan and section across the circuit wall showing how it is built over a ditch fill, (1–10) showing that the ditch has been filled for a period before the wall was constructed over a turf layer.

A ceremonial feature was found in trench 5 which revealed a posthole with a section of quern as packing stone and a smooth river-worn slate or rubber set on its end into a

Figure 5.38. Trench 3 investigates the composition of the enclosure bank which was found to be composed of loose slate.

Figure 5.39. Trench 8 showing the probable gate or door posts to the Structure A in trench 4. The entrance way was probably widened accounting for the double postholes.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 5.40. Trench 4; structure A the extent of the floor and stonework of the structure. Phase I ditch is [4–10] the later stonework (4–03) overlaying. The section is between A – B. Drawings: Author.

deposit of burnt material (Figure 5.41). A further floor of fine cobbles was uncovered in trench 7 between a range of rectangular wall footings (Figure 8.18). In two places, the footings were deep and well coursed, but generally the structural elements suggested the footings supported sleepers for a wooden structure.

smelting processes (Hazell 2013). The geophysics results also suggest contemporary tin extraction from tin lodes which correspond with the geological map (Figure 8.20). At Lestow Farm, around 300m from the enclosure, a ‘grotesque’ (Figure 5.42) has been set above the winnowing door of the medieval barn. It was would have been situated to ward off evil spirits but stylistically it is very crude in form and reminiscent of Romano-Celtic art form (Ann Preston-Jones pers. comm. 2015). It is therefore quite possible the object is derived from the enclosure. There

The site is sandwiched by east/west trending tin lodes (Figures 8.20 and 8.21) and evidence for cassiterite ore recovered from trench 6 indicates exploitation together with sintered black sand, thought to be used in used in tin 54

Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.43. Crow Pound surrounded by tin prospecting pits. It could conceivably be Roman in origin and remodelled in the medieval period. Source: Cornwall and Scilly Historic Environment Record. © Cornwall Council.

The research at Lestow is ground-breaking in that, as at Pabyer Point, it has discovered extremely rare (for Cornwall and the far south west) rectilinear structures. Lestow therefore reflects a high degree of interaction between the enclosure’s occupants and Roman influence. The regular rectilinear character of the features and form of pottery from the site indicate that there was common Roman contact, probably driven through the medium of tin, with its proximity to lodes, streaming and inter-fort location. Lestow’s position, sited on a major route out of Cornwall between Calstock, and Restormel, but still within easy distance to the Fowey River, lends itself as an important localised mansio and staging post. The site represents and demonstrates direct Roman cultural and socio-economic contact and activity in the corridor, only a day’s march from Restormel fort.

Figure 5.41. Trench 5 section A-B and plan, the post-hole with a river worn slate seated on its end into intense burnt material, and a quern post-packing stone.

Restormel

Figure 5.42. The ‘grotesque’ from Lestow barn.

A search for Roman involvement in the Fowey valley centred on a dry platform on which Restormel Manor is now sited, one or two metres above the flood plain. It is the nearest and largest level riverside area above the flood plain to Restormel fort, and the most likely focus for potential occupation and infrastructure associated with the fort. A medieval chapel recorded as Trinity Chapel is recorded on this site, but was not located by the resistivity survey. As a result, it is now thought the chapel was incorporated into the structure of the manor house. Correspondingly, subsequent investigations found architectural mouldings forming the chimney structure to support this supposition (James Scott 2015 pers. comm.).

are several crude Romano-British/Celtic artistic portrayals which are not dissimilar (Borlase 2018, appendix 1). Another feature on Gonzion Down is a uniform rectangular feature measuring 40m x 51m known as Crow Pound, which lies on the highest point of the down on a crossroads 250m east of the Lestow enclosure (Figure 5.43). The site has all-round long-distance visibility and enigmatic circular earthworks at the centre, which are unlikely to be the result of tin prospection. Used as a medieval pound, it is possible the site was re-modelled from Roman earthworks such as a signal station in association with Lestow. Large stock pounds in the south west tend to be curvilinear in shape such as at Chivelstone (NMR 444264) and Dunnabridge on Dartmoor, which is re-modelled from a Bronze Age enclosure, or Stowe’s Pound on Bodmin Moor, a re-modelled Neolithic enclosure, so in the light of rectalinear features at Lestow, the re-use and re-modelling of earlier Roman earthworks is plausible. Furthermore, part of a possible track can be detected on magnetometry from Lestow heading towards Crow Pound before being obliterated by later prospection pits.

Magnetometry sampling over a wide area around the flood plain produced negative results, except for a feature running parallel to the old river course curving around the Manor platform. Gradiometry and resistivity signatures here were indicative of a ditch and hard surface (Figure 5.44 and figure 5.45). Tantalising ‘quay-like’ rectilinear features showing on resistivity were examined by excavation sampling, but musket shot found these to be disappointingly Civil War defence ditches, which were 55

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route just over one metre deep. These were back-filled with shot absorbing gravel, probably after having been contained in bags and stacked to create a defensive wall along the ditchside during the 1644 Battle of Lostwithiel. However, the features, shown to be Civil War, importantly overlay the earlier ditch, which geophysics shows running adjacent to the old river course, (Figure 5.46 and figure 5.47). Excavation to investigate the ditch demonstrated that a hard surface and ditch did indeed appear to exist at levels well beneath the Civil War trench levels (Figure 5.47). The river was unlikely to be navigable this far by the time the stone castle was constructed in the 13th century, particularly as a bridge was recorded at Lostwithiel by 1260. With these considerations, the indications are that these features are likely to be of Roman date. Resistivity clearly shows a hard surface running alongside the ditch and a deep rectilinear area of clay or silt demarked by a wall alongside which potentially could be a deep wharf area (Figure 5.44, figure 5.45, figure 5.46, figure 5.4.7, figure 5.48). Magnetometry and resistivity targeting the field to the east of the Roman fort produced rectilinear structure-like results on a level platform area in the slope (Figure 5.49). Excavation showed this to be a building with an internal rough slate cobble floor (Figures 5.50 and Figure 5.51). Interestingly, this had been built over an industrial waste tipping ground on a platform in the hill slope. Further excavation evaluation (trench 2) found the platform was not natural and had been quarried into the hillside, probably for stone for the initial construction of the fort.

Figure 5.44. The resistivity interpretation on the platform above the flood plain. Restormel manor lies to the north (top). Excavation sampling on the lawn (shown numbered within the semi-circle track) only produced civil war evidence with no structural evidence, only gravel geology and stake holes consistent with temporary structures. The straight ‘stone quay-like’ features are civil-war ditches filled with fine gravel. The present river course has been diverted to run along the mainline railway (right of image). However, a wharf-like feature at Roman levels is indicated by resistivity adjacent to a stone or ‘hard’ like area and the old river course. Contains Google Earth imagery.

Figure 5.45. A compilation of magnetometry and resistivity showing the ditch feature and trench 5 location in relation to the Civil War trenches showing on the resistivity. Contains Google Earth

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Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.46. Overall magnetometry survey showing ‘ditch and hard’ curving along the line of the old river course (marked grey) in front of the manor lawn platform; resistivity east of the fort shows a rectilinear structure. A road of possible Roman origin marked ‘Track’, then re-used in the eighteenth century for Hillhead mine, curves north and east, delimited by Churchpark Wood. This is confirmed by magnetometry. Magnetometry results between the track and east gate did not present any features (not shown). LIDAR (Figure 5.48) suggests this road may go to the west gate (line of least gradient resistance); The position of the structure found by resistivity is marked. Contains Google Earth imagery.

A dump of a thick layer of intense burnt friable material, bunt mineralised stone, burnt earth, a small amount of slag, burnt lime and a large globule of vitreous ‘glassy’ slag was recovered from trench. Pending carbon dating, this is firm evidence for metal working on an industrial scale within the fort. Later, the area was levelled, and a rectilinear building constructed with a floor containing much charcoal.

a stone surface did exist, which was to be expected, but interestingly the magnetometry indicated a parallel ditch lay on either side of the central track, reminiscent of a Roman military ager. Potentially, the road earthworks could have been Roman initiated and re-used or remodelled in the nineteenth century from original a Roman road to the fort. Interestingly, these earthwork features are not visible beyond the northern fort entrance to the fort and the mine workings. What is more, the nineteenth century overhead cable carriage would not require a metelled road with ditches either side. A Roman road here would allow accessibility from the fort to the south alongside the Fowey River, joining the continuing valley-side road from the north and the ford at Respryn (Figure 5.29).

The geophysical survey continued to just below the structure site to investigate a track or road (Figure 5.46), thought to be constructed in the nineteenth century as part of an overhead cable system of conveying iron from Hillhead Mine to the valley bottom. The resistivity results indicated

Figure 5.47. Restormel riverside meadow Trench 5 south-east section and plan - found the edge of a hard surface against the top edge of a ditch (unexcavated dotted line) consistent with the geophysics results (no supporting finds). This is the only probable Roman evidence for infrastructure but is rudimentary at very best.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 5.48. The LIDAR image gives a clear indication of where the old river course ran mirroring the adjacent magnetometer ditch anomaly. Earthworks also show to the east of the fort where resistivity showed a rectilinear anomaly. Source: houseprices.io/lab/lidar/map.

Nanstallon Fort The Nantstallon environs were investigated in order to glean information on Roman interaction, and to compare the results from the two forts, concluding the fieldwork addressing the question of Roman contact. Excavation of a magnetometer anomaly indicating burning (Figure 5.1) exposed a dump of industrial waste outside the south west gate, parallel to the excavation results from Restormel (Figure 5.50 and figure 5.51). However, unlike the absence of dating finds at Restormel, the Nanstallon excavation finds included a coin of Nero (AD 54–68) recovered in context (1–04) and first-century pottery. A whetstone and nails found in deep deposits of

Figure 5.49. Resistivity results on the level area on the hillside outside the east gate of Restormel fort.

Figure 5.50. Trench 1 plan showing the foundation of the building [1–03]. Three sondages found intensely burnt material (1–06) ran under the building.

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Camel and Fowey Corridor

Figure 5.51. Section A - B of trench 1 showing the burnt deposit (1–06) running under the wall [1–03], and where the magnetometry results indicate it continues well outside of the excavated area for several metres (shown by dots). The context relationship to trench 2 in which the building floor was found, and collapsed stone from a possible west wall is also shown here. Drawings: Author.

burnt waste from a pit covering over ten square metres confirms industrial activity and mineral processing carried out within the fort (Figure 5.52). The similarities are conspicuous between dumps of the two forts and it is likely that the deposits are both from the same early period, further enhancing the hypothesis that the primary function of both forts was centred on mineral exploitation, processing and associated administration.

principal systems of trade were through exchange, barter and indebtedness and that coinage was used principally as currency with the Roman state and un-vouched strangers (1995, 85). Only ten coins made up the Trethurgy assemblage of which nine comprised of brass third century coins thought to be a single scrap hoard (Quinnell 2004, 66). In west Devon, over 100 Roman coins were recovered from Ipplepen spanning from late the Republican to the fourth century (Sam Moorhead pers. comm. 2017 and forthcoming). However, in Cornwall, there is little evidence for use of money generally being used on indigenous sites to suggest a widespread existence of a monetary system, which may imply a scarcity of transactions with outside traders but a thriving internal trade network through barter, such in the trade in gabbroic pottery (Thomas 1994, 188; Quinell 2004, 234,). It may follow therefore, that sparsely used coinage would need to be safely hoarded, which may account for the hoards found across Cornwall, with the scatter of coins found at mineral exploitation sites accounting for dealings with the Roman state. This scenario is not unique to Cornwall, a redistribution system operated in other peripheral areas of the Roman Empire. It was operating in North Africa in so much as cultivation of the olive was backed by economic sanctions. Responsibility for the cultivation and production of olives provided the growers, either landowner or agent, a permanent income source and a stake in specific localised property, which entailed taking the necessary measures in protecting the farm’s production and accepting liability for any maintenance and damage (Rostovtzeff 1998 Vol 1, 562). It is quite possible a similar type of mechanism was in place with the Cornish mineral trade, particularly with tin streaming or extraction in the later Roman period. As we have seen there is a modicum of archaeological evidence that may suggest this, with coins appearing in tin streaming or mining areas such as Mulberry Down (CORN-FCD9A), Boscarne (Penhallurick 1986, 212; 220), Lestow and Porthilly (this study).

Monetary Systems, Economy and Coin Evidence Across the Corridor Archaeologically visible, money offers some understanding of trade mechanisms and economy drivers. It is an invaluable tool in assessing socio-economic factors operating across the corridor which warrants discussion in relation to investigating the Romanisation question. A monetary system was the main mechanism that turned the wheels of the Roman economy both civil and military, thus coinage distributions are informative. Millett proposes the

It would be deceptive to relate the absence of a monetary system to a backward economy. Drawing on the available evidence across the corridor, a picture reveals of a confident and self-sufficient buoyant agrarian driven economy, with trade connections to the continent and the rest of the province particularly through metals. The absence of mainstream monetary system may have left

Figure 5.52. Excavation of the magnetometry anomaly outside the south west gate at Nanstallon (Figure 5.1). As at Restormel, this revealed a large pit filled with deposits of industrial waste. A Nero As and pottery sherds found in context (1–04) and (1–05) firmly dates the deposit to the Neronian period AD 55 to 68. Drawing: Author.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Cornwall in an advantageous position with a degree of stability when the collapse of the monetary economy brought changes at the end of the Roman period (Quinell 2004. xii; Nowakowski 2011, 251–2, 256–8; Preston Jones 2013, 37, 39). In fact, continuation of the reliant non-monetary, exchange and reciprocity system may have acted as a pre-cursor to Cornwall’s trading interaction with the Mediterranean and West Gaul though beach site portals and Tintagel.

rituals which are now recognised in various forms in the south west to extend from the Bronze Age to through the Roman period (Andy Jones pers. comm. 2019). Either way, considering the relatively large number of coins found on the Fowey, Camel and Helford Rivers, the evidence begins to stack up that a monetary system was used in a specialist way, principally for the import of exotic goods and export of minerals, perhaps even exclusively for these commodities. This again points to a flourishing trade through these estuaries with external contacts and networks in place. In the corridor, the preponderance of individual coins from a wide date range from Daymer bay (thirteen off the beach alone, see chapter VII), and the stylus from Lellizzick indicates the locality was active with trading transactions in minerals and goods transhipped from the interior. These dealings may be completed by negotiatore or external influences dealing through the Roman monetary system around this coastal trading site. This also suggests the Camel estuary was also a lively centre for local coastal merchants tendering their goods by barter, which are of course less visible archaeologically. Other finds at Lellizzick (Mepham 2008) and hoards such as that at Lerryn (mid third to late third-century) and at Ethy Wood, also on the banks of the River Lerryn below the Tregays site (described later), point to corridor trade movements, again driven by minerals.

Compared with the South and East of England in the Roman period, coins and metal objects found on complex sites in the far south west are rare. However, where they do occur in small numbers in Cornwall, they exceed the numbers from similar sites in Devon (Brindle 1994, 188; 2014). This is more apparent further to the west of Devon, and this differentiation reflects the trade in tin and minerals from the Tamar west. The coin distribution from the corridor supports this notion, an indication the rivers act as a hub for commerce on the back of the mineral trade. In a predominantly agrarian society, mineral extraction and production of tin would have been an obvious way for some rounds or open settlement to increase their wealth and status if they lie in tin grounds, perhaps based on a framework of local administration and laws and taking out licenses as conductores to work metals within traditional rights (Quinnell 20014, 76). This is reinforced here by the results from the Kingswood and Lestow studies, which inform us that in the Late Iron Age and Roman period, this mid-part of the corridor was relatively intensively farmed, enhancing productivity with an emphasis on mineral extraction, tin and non-ferrous metalworking. This activity would have boosted the local economy, and specialist metalworking would have attracted through-trade to the corridor whereby produce could be ported to ports by mules or river barges to be traded and exported (Quinnell 2004, 234). Penhallurick has noticed a link between tin streaming catchment areas and low denomination coin hoards (1986, 181–4). However, as Thomas reinforces, it is doubtful whether Roman coinage was in general circulation as currency (1994, 188). Coinage may represent dealings by negotiatores (middlemen officials) within a controlled monopoly. Hoards of bronze coins equally may be designated for brooch manufacture.

Artefact distributions along the Camel and Fowey rivers and their hinterland demonstrate the corridor to be a principal route. Roman coin finds on the Cornwall Historic Environmental Record and coin finds from the Portable Antiquities Scheme are a particularly useful indicator and can show patterns of coins through different lengths of time. Phil Wright’s work on Roman coin distributions in the South West (Figure 5.53) shows Roman PAS recorded coin finds for the South West (2012). The number of coins fall noticeably west of the River Tamar. The South West of Devon (west of Exeter) has the largest grouping indicating denser Romanised settlement

Quinnell (Nowakowski and Quinnell 2011, 360) suggests the numerous late Roman coins found in House 1 at Trevelgue cliff castle were derived from trading activities or local taxation. As Trevelgue, prior to this time had a long history of iron working (including House 1), it is feasible that the coins found across the floor may have been used for primarily for mineral derived foreign and Roman state transactions where currency was the medium of exchange. If the rounds from the hinterland (which is rich in iron and tin) used the deep inlet beaching site of Porth, then House 1 may have acted as a kind of ‘count house’ managing mineral affairs. However, a recent interprtetion considers a more probable ritual explanation for the deposits as having arrived across the floor from a disturbed hoard perhaps deposited as a ceremonial act of closure of the roundhouse;

Figure 5.53. Distribution map for all Roman coin finds recorded by the PAS for the South West. The Camel/Fowey corridor cluster of finds highlighted. Source: courtesy of PAS and Wright 2012.

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Camel and Fowey Corridor activity. Diocletian’s Price Edict and the panegyricists with reference to British wool and flocks demonstrate foreign appreciation of the commodity (Fulford 1978a, 60). Somewhat more useful is Strabo’s list of British exports at the beginning of the first-century AD, which includes corn, cattle, slaves, hides, gold, silver, and iron. Of these, only minerals are generally archaeologically visible, and there is tentative evidence for extraction and metallurgical working throughout the corridor.

south of the A38 route west, picking up again towards the east of the South Hams district centred on Ipplepen indicating denser settlement and general use of coinage currency in a non-mineralised region. As expected Exeter sees a rise in finds before being largely limited to the Roman road across the Blackdown Hills region. The Camel/Fowey corridor has the highest number of coin counts for Cornwall including Plymouth sound and the Tamar. The regions of north-east Cornwall and North Devon are almost devoid of coins.

At Boscarne, near Nanstallon tin streaming took place (Penhallurick 1986, 212; 220), where streaming tools were found among Vespasian and Trajan coins and samian ware, with evidence for silver and metal working from Nanstallon (Fox and Ravenhill 1971). This is very much in line with the excavation results from Nanstallon and Restormel found here. Silver is also found from nearby Bodmin Consols (Thorpe 2007, 34) and Bodwannick with tin and iron from Mulberry Down. At Restormel, there are surface finds of tap slag and iron would have been mined nearby at Hillhead. Also, from this research, Kingswood Round produced lead and zinc, and supports magnetometry evidence for possible areas of industrial activity here, therefore minerals were potentially extracted from the nearby Hurstocks silver and lead lodes. Daymer Bay produced its pewter object (Figure 7.29) and from Lestow, cassiterite with magnetometry signatures from Porthilly consistent with metal working and mining (Figure 7.41). As much of

There are four parishes in Cornwall where PAS Roman coins exceed twenty coins and half of these are in the Camel/Fowey corridor compared with only three for the whole of West Devon. This distribution evidence for Roman coins taken from the PAS pre-dates a hoard from Carlyon, the thirteen-metal detector Roman coin finds recorded for this study to the HER from Daymer Bay, (also the four coins from Mulberry, two from Lestow (Clemes pers, comm.) and coins from Porthilly and Ruthernbridge) this potentially adds St Minver Lowlands to the parish tally. In addition to this, there is a further large number of finds on the HER (Figure 5.54) indicating probable Romano-British and/or early medieval activity. The data emphasises the importance of coinage for mineral transactions. A true reflection of imports and exports into the region is impossible to ascertain. There is very little record of trade

Figure 5.54. Section across the central-corridor Nanstallon to St Breock Down showing the Roman road line in yellow, and probable east/west routes with Roman coin distributions. The coins reported on the ‘Peninsula’ (Rebecca Lobb; Steve Jennings pers. comm.) between the Ruthern and Camel rivers and at Ruthernbridge will, like that at Boscarne, be associated with streaming. There is a possiblity the antiquarian reported coin at Ruthernbridge has been confused with the Boscarne streaming assemblage (further route details in Borlase 2018, appendix 2). Colour annotation by author. © Crown Copyright (1839).

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route the mid and lower half of the corridor lay within the metamorphic aureoles of Bodmin Moor, the Helman Ridge and Hensbarrow Downs it is likely, there was extensive mining and streaming activity in the Roman period. Supporting this, the workings at the Redmoor streamworks below Helman Tor were certainly worked in the Late Iron Age (Thorpe 2004, 33) producing La Tène style brooches and there is evidence for ancient quays at Ponts Mill on the Par estuary (Penhallurick 1986, 177).

requirement. This leads to new opportunities to be grasped by some entrepreneurs as they prosper, and accordingly leads to integration into an expansive world market, alongside the disintegration or at least re-organisation of the original communities. Thus, many communities may flourish, seizing on opportunities offered to enhance their standard of living and economy. Romanisation has been regarded as largely indigenous in its motivation, with emulation of Roman ways and styles being first a means of obtaining or retaining social dominance, then being used to express and define it while its manifestations evolved (Millett 2000, 212).

Although coins ceased to be minted in the post-Roman period and a non-monetary model remained in place, money probably continued to be used as a mode of exchange probably in mineral exchange and for prestige imported goods (Dark 1994, 200–6). The ‘life’ of St John the Almsgiver mentions the return of a ship from Britain half laden with nomisma (small bronze coins) and half laden with tin (implying a South West location). Other literary implications for its use come from Patrick and Gildas (Dark 1994, 203; Gildas DE III.66; Hood 1978; Penhallurick 1986, 245). Low value Roman coinage was probably employed in the sub-Roman period in at least some parts of Britain as an economic rather than symbolic use for payment.

Regarding the above models, in the corridor, the rectalinear features at Lestow and the growth of large open settlements (Figure 7.5, figure 7.15, and figure 7.41) are indications that some elements of society benefited from Roman dominance, influence, order and stability with sites such as Kilhallon Round profiting and benefiting from Roman power and trade. On the other side of the scale, supported by the case study in chapter VII, evidence for social re-organisation of land divisions, centralisation, and fragmentation of communities is unidentifiable, indicating that society was left largely unaffected by Imperialism.

The combined results from primary research sites and secondary sites, demonstrate irrefutable evidence for extensive mineral exploitation and metalworking. This reconciles with coin and agrarian evidence indicating a buoyant economy; largely dependent on mineral exploitation complementing the agricultural and craft produce using the rivers to transport goods through the corridor.

Elsewhere in Cornwall, only at Magor (and possibly nearby Rosewarne) can Roman contact be detected in the form of prospering individuals and social dominance of elite aspiring to a Roman lifestyle. Yet, there is an ambiguity in that the record shows evidence for the wheels of a healthy trading economy within the Camel/ Fowey corridor and the rest of Cornwall (Quinnell 2004 235). For example, the coin distributions (Figure 5.56) in the corridor and Roman wayside pillars (‘milestones’) elsewhere in Cornwall are equal or greater than much of milestones of Southern Britain where there is a thriving villa economy and Romanisation is manifestly embraced (Jones and Mattingly 1990).

Having discussed the place of coinage in the corridor, the next section looks at the question of Roman contact and society. Continuity and Change: Independence Through Obdurate Traditionalism or Economic and Peripheral Determinism and Latent Romanitas

The difference lies in the peripheral location of Cornwall, its geology and the degree of state control. It is likely that there was a well-established market network for minerals and agricultural produce in the formative years of Roman Britain and before. So why is it that the indigenous population have not adopted Roman cultural influences to any extent? There are several possible explanations: one scenario is that it is possible the region was taxed so heavily that it stifled the economy, wealth and the incentive to change. If this was the case, there would be entrepreneurs that would have profited and it could be expected that this would be demonstrable in nucleated land ownership patterns, such as high status or governor’s residences such as at Great Witcombe in Gloucestershire, which are absent (Clifford 1954).

The precise configuration of Imperialism, or more appropriately, Roman power can never be judged; Imperialism is not a uniform entity. The far South West peninsula lies at the extremity of the Roman influence and as such, this society, along with others of similar geographical situation, may have experienced a degree of dislocation; power could not be spread evenly over the whole Roman world. Induction of Roman power to these different groups can lead to diverse results. The exertion of power involved the reduction of customary land rights and co-operative rights being converted into land ownership of a few individuals within society, or outsiders to the effect that indigenous members of tribes, peasantry and traditional leaders become powerful landowners and agents of the state (Woolfe 2003, 40). Thus, individuals may fare very differently from the preceding pattern of social hierarchy, due to the imposition of new tax measures and to a minor degree, monetisation brought about by the cultivation of the mineral wealth to suit the Roman

If there was repressive taxation stifling the economy and punitive Imperial State or ager publicus measures, there is no evidence for collection warehouses or purpose-built Roman centres such as may be the case for Gatcombe, 62

Camel and Fowey Corridor Wilson & Standish 2016, 230; 237–9; Cahill-Wilson 2017, 56). The explicit evidence for external human movement and contacts from Ireland is likely to be primarily driven through trade; it can be regarded as a parallel equating to Cornwall’s situation, considering its considerable mineral resources. A 40m x 40m rectilinear enclosure at Drumanagh may be reminiscent of the rectilinear enclosures such as Lestow in Cornwall, particularly as around 40 RomanoBritish copper and bronze ingots (in whole and part) are suggestive of mineral exploitation and working from locally sourced copper mines (Cahill-Wilson 2015 pers. comm; 2017, 56). The evidence for fluidity of trade and population malleability on the western fringes and beyond the frontier (Cahill-Wilson 2017) offers no valid reason to believe Cornwall likewise, with its trading history in minerals, was anything but insular in its trading links, with a pre-invasion well-established trade in minerals as the incentive; an area of pre-eminent existing ‘cross-frontier’, conflict-free, cultural continuity.

Stonea, Chatteris and Grandford (Mattingly 006, 384–5). There is no infrastructure or Imperial seals such as at Charterhouse or lead seals bearing Britannica Superior (Brodribb and Cleere 1988, 184). Importantly, geophysics for this research shows the dry platform area below the longlived Restormel fort, adjacent to the old river course where such infrastructure may be expected to be, is completely devoid of trans-shipment warehouses and Roman artefacts. Furthermore, all the indications from the settlement research, indicate that the economy is stable, even buoyant. Mattingly has suggested that imperial estate management is still not a good reason for explaining the lack of villas and associated landscape use, as land holdings would have been contracted out for profit (2006, 371). In support of this, in North Africa where perhaps two thirds of the corn supply for Rome was controlled, the landscape is studded with villas (Kehoe 1984). Lastly, taxation also fuels dissident unrest for which there is no evidence in Cornwall. However, the only flimsy evidence for a modicum of state control of mineral resources is perceptible at Magor and another possible residence at nearby, Lower Rosewarne, which perhaps has a mansio function. There is also a possibility a pewter cup, dedicated to Aelius Modestus, found in a well at Bosence, near St Ives belonged a man bearing the same name as a prefect on Hadrian’s Wall; if of the same identity, perhaps now he was in the position of procurator (Mattingly 2006, 509). Considering the importance of the region’s mineral wealth, the implication for state control is almost imperceptible. However, again, there are degrees of Imperial control. This research demonstrates settlement continuity and longevity from pre-invasion through to the third century with notable absence of Roman infrastructure, which suggests the form of state hegemonic control imposed on Cornwall is benign in character. It impacted little on cultural tradition, allowing communities to prosper, perhaps even forming socii investment groups, thus profiting on the stability of Roman influence.

Superficially, elites in Cornwall appear to have rejected any real emulative of becoming Romanised and distinguishing themselves socially to the same extent as other areas of southern Britain. However, the level of Roman finds on local sites suggests they still had the ability to ‘cherrypick’ Roman luxuries through trading and reciprocity, in doing so, perhaps enhancing their standing. So, the absence of Roman infrastructure and structural design is not necessarily a symptom of inherent desire to reject anything Roman, and it does not mean they are any less Roman in status; the many Roman finds are more symptomatic of acceptance of chosen Roman material products. It is perhaps, more a reflection that the nurturing of Romanisation (in the sense of coerced acculturative transfusion) was not a priority or advantageous for the Roman authority to set out to expend energy promoting on the indigenous population? This may be due to a compliancy from a cooperative, passive, community, rendering little need to influence this society by over asserting Roman authoritarianism and domination; if all was working well, it would be logistically unviable too do so. Traditionalism is inherent in the make-up of the Cornish identity as discussed through pottery traditions. Even in modern times, it was not until 1995 that planners allowed the ‘McDonalds’ burger chain to finally encroach across the Tamar! This, bearing in mind the chain had introduced its first outlet in communist Moscow since the 31st of January 1990. There may therefore have been an apathy, or even rejection of adoption of a package of Roman culture, combined with a lack of Roman influence and inducement to do so. Similar circumstances may have occurred in other parts of the extreme Western Roman Empire, such as in Portugal and north west Spain (Mattingly and Orejas) where Romanisation had up to 100 years longer to infiltrate the culture. Examples are several, such as at Citâna de Sanfins, Paços de Ferreira, Portugal, where defences enclose the 15–hectare settlement. The street pattern shows a Roman inspired grid layout divided into eighteen rectangular insulae consisting of extended family units. Although the community

Cornwall was at the end of the ‘down the line’ trading seaway in the early to later Roman period, so pickings of the cream of trade may well merely have become exhausted. This circumstance with the scenario forwarded here that indigenous communities were compliant and accommodated Roman requirements from the outset and trading networks were already in place before AD 43, induced little momentum for change. Research carried out from Ireland has shown that external cultural influences reached communities well beyond the frontier through trade contact with an emphasis on Continental European origins (Cahill-Wilson & Standish 2014; Cahill-Wilson 2017). This is demonstrated in acculturative artistic form such as La Tène type metalwork and changing burial practices reflecting migration and external contact with the Roman and Late Antique world. More recently, strontium and oxygen isotope analysis on a series of late (Irish) Iron Age and early medieval burials has produced a substantial body of evidence to support significant human mobility and cultural interaction, parenthetically consistent with the wealth of Roman finds across Ireland, the greater densities coinciding with Roman burial practices (Cahill63

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route buildings are rectangular, the individual buildings are of native circular plan (Cunliffe 2001, 381). After a much longer duration than the Roman involvement in Cornwall, the community here was tenacious in preserving its traditional building culture to the late fourth century AD, but accepted other forms of Roman culture.

administration geographically leaving it in a category of its own. This peripheral situation renders its lands effectively remote beyond the frontier in administration terms, so as Quinnell points out, Cornwall may well have fallen within a policy of control through local administration especially for taxation purposes (2004, 235), once there was an obvious initial gain of control. The later Restormel assemblages certainly hint at this. A passive social climate meant organisation could be maintained through minimum resource allocation. Throughout the study area, Roman artefacts have been recorded over the last couple of centuries and are commonplace on the record. The imported pottery, coins and other artefacts recorded and reported during this research to the CCHER from Daymer Bay, Middle Amble and Porthilly, add to the already comprehensive record of artefacts across the corridor and reflects on a degree of contact between the Roman world and Romano-Cornovii society. This seems at variance with the continuance of the insular traditional cultural model, where Roman influence fails to penetrate to any degree, exemplified in structural design. Despite stone being more readily available than wood and thatch as a construction material, it is rarely used. This is especially noticeable on exposed north coast sites such as Middle Amble, Lellizzick, Carruan and Porthilly (Borlase and Wright 2014; Borlase 2018) where heavy-structural timbers would have been imported to these areas from inland, when roundhouse walls could more easily be constructed of readily available stone. So, other reasons for continuity may have been at play such as superstition or ritualistic beliefs, in the same way that Wood proposes that there may be a totemic reason for the continuation of gabbroic clay for pottery, disregarding the suitability of other clays (2011, 330).

The delivery of Imperialism was diverse within the Roman Empire just as British Africa differed from British India (Freeman 1996, 22; Hardwick 2002, 337; Woolfe 2003, 39). Many variables determine the nature of the power; the attitude of the Roman state to the native populous of Cornwall and vice versa, the nature of the demands made by both parties on each other, and the complexities of society structure such as land tenure. We can only speculate at the inferences of this power on the indigenous population, but the archaeological evidence from open sites such as Middle Amble (Borlase and Wright 2014) and the factors listed above, imply Cornwall did not experience large scale upheaval but more a continuity of social structure with fine tuning of social hierarchy. The numbers and distribution of many rounds throughout the Roman period show a continuance of this traditional settlement style, changing very little, demonstrating that land rights and ownership probably did not become centralised, monopolised or transferred to any extent. Within the vast Roman super-state, which was at its greatest under the Trajanic era, the Roman way of life was initially imposed through military conquest (Wasson 2013), and when secured, fostered through formal administration of senatorial and imperial provinces, a system introduced by Augustus (BC14–AD27). Apart from the three forts, this Roman ‘way of life’ is greatly under-represented archaeologically in Cornwall, almost to the point of invisibility. There appears to be few social changes within society post AD 43. There is little evidence that the far west of Dumnonia received the technical expertise connected with the Roman military, neither was it called upon, nor intervention deemed warranted for infrastructure or building construction by the Romans on any scale, supported here by the Restormel and Nanstallon fieldwork. The presence of a few luxuries and comforts from the Roman Empire, but rarity of trappings of militaria such as military brooches evidenced from the few sites excavated in the corridor such as Kilhallon, Trethurgy and Middle Amble (Carlyon 1982; Quinnell 2004; Borlase and Wright 2014) indicates that the Roman way of life was not overtly imposed militarily after any Roman ‘occupation’. The Roman introduction and attitude to Cornwall was of a ‘softlysoftly’ approach to State control, and in this respect an analogy can be drawn to Ireland.

At some stage there was a change to the round structural floor plan. There are sub-oval and oval examples at Porth Godrevy, Threemilestone, Grambla, Trethurgy and Castle Gotha, and several more that have been examined not only in rounds, but to a growing number of small open settlements, which are gradually emerging (Thriepland 1957; Fowler 1968, 24; Schweiso 1976; Saunders 1972; Quinnell 2004; Saunders and Harris 1982, 123–5). This departure from tradition has not appeared in the surveys conducted around the Camel and Fowey estuaries so may not mark a development that was widely adopted across Cornwall, at least in extensive open settlement. The roundhouses surveyed can be described as either circular or sub-circular rather than sub-oval, although there are one or two sub-oval enclosures. However, it is vaguely possible there may be one or two oval examples hidden in the general melee that could materialise if ever there was an open area excavation.

Roman pragmatism was often displayed through strategic practise not to annex territories but to place them under control of friendly local rulers and kings (Cahill-Wilson 2014, 32). Cornwall falls within the Roman frontier but its topography forms a natural internal barrier, which separates and displaces it from central officialdom and

Very few exceptions to these indigenous curvilinear traditional forms are shown to exist. Besides Magor, only at the courtyard settlement Halangy Down on St Mary’s, Isles of Scilly is there arguably evidence for a near-rectilinear structure, another sub-rectangular form at St Mawgan in Pydar, and (vague) suggestions of a 64

Camel and Fowey Corridor timber structure at Scarcewater (Ashbee 1996; Thriepland 1957; Jones and Taylor 2010, 49). These sites show that a modicum of Roman emulation may have existed in key pockets. The rectilinear enclosure at Lestow, with its regular circuit wall and robust indications of rectilinear structures with floors, is certainly exceptional. It boasts blatant Roman contact, probably connected to extractive and tin working practices, with tin ore and black sintered sand recovered at the site (Hazell 2013 report for this research – Borlase 2018, appendix 3). A spindle whorl found in structure B (Borlase and Wright forthcoming) indicates separate activities took place within rooms, demonstrating Roman cultural influences and contacts. This is in contrast with roundhouses where the full range of family activity took place under one roof space. This cultural transfusion can be found on other native sites on the ‘Celtic’ fringe, such as Din Lligwy on Anglesey and Hafoty Wern-Las in central Wales. In Cornwall, this custom of spatial division is found in the courtyard houses of Penwith and Halangy Down. The research demonstrates that Roman influence was also displayed at East Leigh, High Cliff and Pabyer Point where enclosures demonstrate a similar theme of Roman regularity in design, with indications of further rectilinear structure plans at Pabyer. However, both communities at Lestow and Magor tenaciously cling to old traditions as they are sentimentally sited within earlier prehistoric enclosures (O’Niell 1933), pointing to a trait of enduring continuity. What is significant is that groups had access to Roman material, displaying an aspiration to emulate (in a limited way) Roman culture, transparent in the greison stone skeuomorphs of Roman bronze bowl styles (Trethurgy bowls – Quinnell 2004, 129–38) and Roman styles of pottery in local gabbroic fabric, whilst tacitly adhering to traditional ways. The willingness to adopt Roman consumables for which only archaeologically visible material is evident in the record, such as glass, Roman spoons and imported ceramics, demonstrates a degree of enduring latent Romanitas at least among the upper echelons of society.

Figure 5.55. The north-east double gate at Nanstallon faces the Camel River, but it has little sign of use compared with the south-east gate. ‘Flat noise’ indicates little extra-mural activity. The black and white ‘blobs’ are consistent with modern agricultural iron debris.

together with the extraction of, iron, silver, lead, tin and probably copper, all of which are locally available within the fort’s environs are more suggestive of a policing role rather than a campaigning role. Furthermore, Fox and Ravenhill concluded that there were spare spaces within Nanstallon fort and surmised the area was initially intended for an unrequired larger force; they calculated the barracks finally accommodated only 32 men, a turma of ala (cavalry) under command of a Decurion (1966, 29; 1968, 41; 1970, 100–1). Features found in this study support this undermaximisation theory. Reiterating: only one side of the double gate in constant use at Nanstallon’s main south-east gate, and very little extra-mural activity (Figure 5.55); the only minor ‘investment’ in roads lead directly to mines from both forts; large industrial tips showing evidence for smelting and metal working outside of the gates of both forts; no evidence for supporting vici and an absence of associated infrastructure, such as port warehouses or estates that would support ‘hard’ (ager publicus) state control measures. The lack of vici and supporting infrastructure has several implications. As the forts were small and only Restormel long-lived, they would probably have been manned by a small force, which could be catered for by food produce and wares from local centres rendering extra-mural settlement unviable. All the larger forts associated with Hadrian’s Wall with resident attachments had extensive vici (Bidwell 2007, 82–9).

From the record, it is apparent that there is a correlation between the distributions of Roman finds and estuarine situations notable on the Fowey and Camel (Borlase 2018 appendix 2, pages 72–8). The extent of the finds is likely to be associated to the availability of mineral resources to which Nanstallon and Restormel forts are probably linked. Calstock is distinguished from its counterparts in the county by its larger size, but it is still small compared with fort sites for Roman Britain. Roman forts were principally constructed as a base for soldiers to retreat during campaign and for respite and repair during winter months (Valerie Maxfield, December 2016 pers. comm.). However, the general absence of marching camps on the record across Cornwall is not suggestive of a long (or any?) campaign (the camp adjacent to Restormel fort is a construction camp, although Chris Smart believes that Calstock fort, above the Tamar, does overlay an earlier marching camp – Smart 2014, 8; 2019, pers.comm.). The diminutive size of the corridor forts

The annexes around the Restormel fort (Figure 5.5) may have been horse corrals for a cavalry unit, ala garrisoned within the fort. The quartering of cavalry would correspond with an efficient means of overseeing Roman mineral interests in the environs, and rapid deployment to bases at either end of the corridor in a landscape devoid of a good road system. Any regional trade stimulated by the 65

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route fort is river and seaborne. Tap slag found by field walking and magnetometer anomalies around the inside of the inner corners of Restormel (Thorpe 2007) and evidence of smelting and industrial waste in trench 1 (Figure 5.50 and figure 5.51) indicate that iron was worked inside the fort and annex, therefore it follows that smithing and other processes took place inside. All this infers that a small Roman military capability is all that appears was necessary to oversee mineral exploitation, which was the principal function of the forts and not the installation of military resources for principally engaging in the suppression of potentially hostile tribes.

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6 The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape: of Saints, Lanns, Dedications and Memorial Pillars Introduction

could be seen to represent the successors to the lateRoman town with continuation of their function’. In Cornwall for example, this could be viewed as a subRoman expansion of small-scale urbanism. They may be a symbol for kingship fulfilling a secular role as in Ireland, with ecclesiastical centres adjacent to them, as at Tintagel (Dark 1994, 164–168). The defended sites of Carnsew, Chûn and Tintagel would have been political centres of administration and estate centres. Although Dark was writing in general terms, he would have been unaware of the earlier open settlement proto-urban sites (chapter VII) of the Camel (and elsewhere), which alter the balance of these dynamics, so it would perhaps be a truism to view this as more of a social shift of urbanism to defended sites rather than an expansion.

This chapter looks at how the far west of Dumnonia has been affected by social change and how this archaeological research from the Corridor can materially link into, and inform, on the little evidence there is from this period. A concise cultural and social background to the lateRoman and post-Roman period in the south west is difficult to assess as the evidence is diverse. Pearce contributes by identifying and assessing, that in general, communities expressed solidarity and identity by focusing upon a range of ritual activities over a variety of rural sites, especially at temples, shafts, hill forts and shrines, deploying a range of material objects such as metalwork. These stimuli that trigger these changes may be the ceremonial face of a consolidation of social and economic links of the upper stratum of land-owning society maintaining their grip on estates. Bound up in this is the sense of kinship, creating social linkages, a structuring principal precipitating these changes to come about, and the new stress on inhumation burial grounds with their emotional ability to draw comfort and strength from the past, suggesting that it was one of the few structuring principles emotionally powerful enough to help shift social patterning towards more cohesive and economically inter-dependent groupings within the landscape. This helped to produce what we can recognise as early medieval estates (Pearce 2004, 133).

Byzantine Connections As touched on in chapter III, several beach and dune sites in the south west peninsula witnessed scenes of temporary/ seasonal trading and feasting with merchants from the Mediterranean. Tintagel became the principal recipient of exotic goods with other elite centres also receiving substantial quantities. At the same time, contact was fluid across the Irish and Celtic Sea arena. Mytum refers to a longue duré of extractive methods and craft technology of tin and metals transferring across the Irish Sea along with exchange of Christian ideology (1992, 50). This is evidenced by the higher profile of craft technology in the Christian period in Ireland.

Within this dimension of change, it is difficult to identify how much of this can be down to Christian practices and indeed, may be too complex a question. There are no pieces of documentary evidence earlier than the material in the Vite of St Sampson that attests to Christianity (Olson 1989; Pearce 2004, 133). A mixed picture of pagan and Christian practices (some ambiguous) in the form of burial and worship gradually developed into unambiguous Christian sites in the form of parish churches. In Cornwall, there is little direct evidence in the form of burial practices throughout this ‘Late Antique’ period (although, the cemeteries at Crantock and Tintagel may have seen a progression to Christianity through these stages – Olson 1982; Thomas 1988b, 83; Nowakowaski and Thomas 1990). The material evidence appears in the form of memorial pillars with epigraphy depicting ogham and/or latin script sometimes with forms of the cross. As earlier discussed, place-names with tref, bos, bod prefixes appearing from this period onward with some lann prefixes a little later are tangible manifestations of these changes.

Merchants acting as political agents may have informed the Justinian administration of pro-Roman sentiments which led to a ‘charm offensive’ to support the Justinian bid to rally support to retake Empire losses. This initiative may have instigated diplomatic representations witnessed, not only in material ceramic form, but also coinage (Dark 1994, 211). This may account for the scatter of Justinian and Anastasius and later Justinian I coins, as the one recovered at Padstow struck at Cyzicus, Turkey. Many Byzantine coins have been thought to not have a secure provenance and may not have been introduced in the sixth century. However, the Padstow coin, considered to be an ancient loss, is thought to be genuinely introduced through trading (Moorhead 2009, 264; 270). Also, significantly, Precopius records that much coinage was sent to Britain (Precopius, Annecdota, XIX.13). Exotic Mediterranean products would be valued by elites, not just for their face value, wealth and consumption, but as tools of power; strategic distribution of exotica would form part of a bundle of incentives such as protection that

Ken Dark observed that ‘re-occupation of hillforts in the sub-Roman period, and the use of multi-vallate defences 67

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route could buy loyalty and indebtedness. The Church would also benefit by long distance exchange in the form of the power of intellect, books and pilgrimage as Dark suggests (1994, 213). In support of this, Anne Bowman has demonstrated that trade voyages were unlikely to have been made from the East Mediterranean for economic reasons alone as the sailing-time alone is not cost-effective (in Wooding 1996). Diplomatic manoeuvring was a constant and an on-going occurrence in Eastern Roman Empire politics, no better represented by the Ostrogoth, Theodoric, a client of the Emperor Zena. He changed allegiances three times, eventually styling himself as a king, but with clever diplomatic manipulation of power and Roman values, he gained total respect of the Eastern Empire by the rule of Justinian I (Harris 2003, 30; 53).

with the effects of shifting trade routes (Campell 2007, 125–39; Gardner 2017, 40; Rance, 2001; White 2007, 152), intrinsically played a part in a combination of the catalysts that fuelled missionary deeds riding on the back of migratory movements. The Fowey and Camel corridor played a significant role in these movements.

Important tangible evidence for this connection comes from an early Christian memorial inscribed stone, one of the seven stones from Penmachno in Caernarvonshire stating that it was erected ‘in the time of Justinian the Consul’. Justinian was Consul in AD 540. Two of these stones had the Chi Rho cross (Figure 6.1) and another one had a plain cross. The trade can be seen as a diplomatic ambassadorial initiative by Byzantine elites toward British Kings ruling the West. These ceremonial feasting beach sites were opportunities for the exchange of spiritual and intellectual ideas as well as trade, now supported by recent anthropological work on hunter/gatherer journeys (Odgaard 2007, 30). Thus, Christianity was becoming well established and consolidated throughout the Western Seaways and the watershed of Byzantine trading connections.

Continuity of Polity

Objects from the Byzantium world were accorded a ‘Roman’ identity by peoples of the West, a direct connection with past culture and the present powerhouse of the world. Thus, the same respect that was bestowed on these status objects would have been given to the spiritual and intellectual ideas that came with them as a cultural package from the oikoumenê – the Christian and Late Roman world.

The far west of Dumnonia remained independent and the only remaining British Kingdom south of Hadrian’s Wall and outside of Wales for around two hundred years after the rest the south west. It continued to be ruled by a British dynasty until the ninth century. Unlike Wales, which appears to have made transitional changes from sub-Kingdoms through a process of centralised political control, Cornwall did not require a development of centralisation to increase the control of the Dumnonian king over it, as this was already established (Dark 1994, 233). The cessation of Class I inscribed memorial stones and hill-fort occupation by c 600, (grass-marked pottery from Chûn is now re-dated and is probably earlier than this date), suggests that direct control and bureaucracy was administered by an over king-ship replacing sub-kings (Dark 1994, 233; Thorpe and Thomas 2007, 45). By the end of the seventh-century, centralisation of ecclesiastical organisation may be attested by the recording of Kenstec, a British bishop whose see was Dinuurrin at Bodmin. Larger sites seem to be replacing smaller foci in this period.

Mechanisms of social change in Ireland in the late and post-Roman world generated strong connections across the Irish Sea (manifested in ogham stones), combined

In Dark’s perspicacious analysis, the factors that make Britain’s history unique in the fifth- to seventh century may have been due to four aspects of Late Roman and Sub-Roman Britain. These are lack of complexity, relative independence from inter-regional linkages, decentralisation and diversity, religion and group identity. It may be these qualities, combined with the growing wealth of the church that allowed the far west of Dumnonia to survive as politically independent kingdoms in the fifthto as long as the late seventh century (1994, 255). Christianity’s Influence Although there is no direct archaeological or historical evidence for Christianity in the late Roman period, for modern Wales and Cornwall, Dark argues that the conversion began in the late fourth- to fifth centuries (1994, 182–3). The early foundation at Landocco, and evidence for early Christian symbolism of a fifth-to midsixth century date demonstrates functioning monasticism together with the juxtaposition of Christian burial- or

Figure 6.1. One of the seven Penmachno stones, North Wales, with an inscribed Chi Rho. Photograph: Author.

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The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape church-sites adjacent to high status secular sites such as at Tintagel, another symptom of well-established beliefs (Dark 1994, 183; Olson 1989, 15; Preston-Jones 1984, 157–78). High-Church members may well have been incorporated into the royal court. In external trade or diplomatic representation, this would predispose the court to a fertile field of exchange of theological philosophy, and connection between the Byzantium world and Christian groups of the western sea-lanes. The degree of influence this ideology may have had on elites, eager to bolster their authority as heirs to the Roman administration may never be known (Preston-Jones and Okasha 2013, 40). However, we can assume the frequent Christian missionary movement across the Severn basin at this time would act as a conduit and stimulus for this intellectual exchange.

to the dead began in Southern Ireland with plain Ogham script (McManus 1991). However, they may have been erected for a time under the umbrella of the sub-culture Palagianism, as Pelagius was almost certainly Irish. It is recoded that Germanus was despatched by Pope Gregory to rout Plagianism in 429 and again in 447, although it is not certain where this took place (Bowen 1969, 78). From Patrick’s accounts, Ireland was still in a fledgling state of Christianity at the time he was preaching. A date for Patrick’s conversions has been long deliberated, but generally it is considered to be around the later fifthcentury, perhaps around the 480s (Ó Cróinin 1995, 27). The earliest examples of memorial stones in Wales and Cornwall date from the fifth and sixth centuries often combined with an Ogham version of the Latin showing Irish or Welsh influence (Okasha 1993). Ogham inscription on stones with Christian symbolism may attest to the stone’s early origins, but not necessarily early Christianity; some Christian symbols, although ancient, may have been inscribed on individual stones later (Petts 2002). Irish stones are conspicuous by their absence of bilingual Ogham-Latin inscription as well as Christian symbolism. The fact that most British Ogham stones have their inscription repeated in Latin is instructive in that it shows the desire of Irish settlers to assimilate the local culture (Jackson 1953, 207).

Residual ideology from the old Roman Church migrating from the west Midlands into South Wales and fresh Christian philosophy from monastic seats from the Celtic sphere may have been absorbed and returned in this ideological exchange (Doble 1997,132). Knowledge may be a type of ‘virtual currency’ revered by elites and as important as the items exchanged, a point made by Dark (1994, 212). Intercourse of Christianity through mechanisms of Byzantine trade undoubtedly played a part. African Red Slip Ware is commonly embossed with Chi Rho and other Christian symbols; in the Tintagel assemblage, Christian symbols were exhibited in the form of palm fronds and outline crosses (Thomas 1981a, 6; 1988a, 22). It should not occasion surprise therefore, to find at Tintagel the transmission of Christian symbolism onto stone; two cross slabs in the sixth-century cliff-top churchyard bear a simple incised cross found in association with Christian cists, imported pottery and graveside open-fire ritualistic feasting (Nowakowski and Thomas 1990, 4; 1992). The symbols are of a style used on North African grave covers where epitaphs start with these crosses (Thomas and Mattingly 2000, 19). Other early features are a Chi Rho symbol on the Brocagnus stone in the adjacent parish of St Endellion, six kilometres east of Daymer Bay. The broadly contemporary monastic site of Landocco, equidistant between Tintagel and the Camel estuary, lies at a route centre, further adding to the inference of movement and exchange of spiritual idealism in the Tintagel and corridor environs. Gwithian, Carnsew and Phillack at the mouth of the River Hayle also received Mediterranean ceramic assemblages. Likewise, there is the early Christian symbolism in the form a Chi Rho symbol, now at Phillack church (Thomas 1994, 192; Tompsett 2012) and a fifth-century Christian memorial stone with an extended Latinate style inscription and natural cross formed of mineral quartz at Carnsew. So, there is evidence from these coastal and estuarine sites to suggest that early Christianity was gaining a formative, but firm foothold – ‘written in stone’.

Stones Through Time: Enlightenment Migration can be traced by Ogham scripted stones from Ireland to Demetia (Pembrokeshire) and West Wales followed by Dumnonia soon after. The apogee for inscribed memorial stones was later in Dumnonia than both Ireland and Wales and as Thomas suggests, the Dumnonian pillars do not start much before AD 500 (1994, 116). The Chi-Rho symbol inscriptions continued out of a Romano-British tradition, the designs displaying a clear Romano-British pedigree are early, with many inscriptions being allocated to the century between 550 and 650 (Langdon 1996a, 5; Preston-Jones 1992, 107; Thomas 1981a). It must follow that the more numerous Christian symbols in Cornwall, as opposed to the plain Ogham on the Southern Irish stones absent of Latin script, must be later. Higgins proposes a ‘package’ of Christian motifs reached Ireland during the fifth century, placing the Ogham-only stones there earlier than 500 (1987, 161). The bi-lingual Latin and Ogham script on stones of Wales and Cornwall probably began towards the end of the fifth century. The chronological sequencing of migration then, is drawn from the numerous memorial pillars with Ogham and Latin inscription found in Demetia. This suggests migration began from Ireland, perhaps escaping tyranny imposed on by minor kingships during power struggles in Ireland, to South Wales, with Cornwall following shortly after. By this time, stones in Cornwall with Ogham inscription were more or less comprehensively repeated in Latin (Figure 6.2). Epigraphical typology makes for a lengthy discussion, and is not attempted here, but Okasha believes the Latin memorial formulae was introduced from Western Gaul between the mid to late fifth century

Memorial Pillars An attempt to sort out the chronology of memorial stones is challenging, but the common tradition of raising stones 69

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route motifs introduced on stones. It is fairly clear then, that by the time Irish migrants settled in Cornwall, Christianity was in a semi-fledged state, perhaps soon after the time of Patrick’s conversion of Christianity to Ireland after the mid-fifth-century, possibly around the 490’s (Ó Cróinín 1995, 43; 27). This would then synchronise with bi-lingual memorials and the foundation of the early monastic foundation of Docco discussed later, which then had time to decline in standard by the time Sampson arrived around 530 (explained later). The pattern of stone inscriptions in Brycheiniog produced a time-line similar in progression to Dumnonia as the migration starting in Ireland crossed to Demetia, east to the Severn, and across to the Camel. East of Demetia, the distribution pattern of stones indicate that Roman roads were still being used. Wales was a military zone apart from South Wales where the presence of villas such as at Llantwit Major and the towns of Caerwent and Carmarthan are testament to Roman control and influences. Thomas believes the spread of literacy is linked to the remnants of an enclave of Romanised society centred on Brycheiniog (1994, 184). This is reasonable, as it can be envisaged that a resonance of Romanised culture remaining in a mid and east Wales heartland, with its associated literacy, met a Romanised literate migration retreating from the east across the Severn watershed (some support for this is given by the place-name St Briavels after Brioc and his dedications in the corridor and Brittany), simultaneously with the Byzantium ideology from the Western seaways. Thus, there would have been an acceptance and knowledge of high-level Latin, cultivated through the advent of new monastic communities, which would spread its crosscultural spiritual idealism across the trading mediums of the Severn estuary seaways. Here, idealism would combine and exchange with ideology from Mediterranean

Figure 6.2. Distribution of Class I memorial stones (fifth- to seventh centuries) in the far south west peninsula. Ringed symbols denote multiple stones from a single site. A cluster around the Camel/Fowey watersheds indicate travel through the corridor. Compiled from Okasha 1993.

(Dark 1992, 50; Pearce 2004, 16). A radical revision of these dates has been proposed by Handley who states that stones date from the fourth century and are therefore Roman in date. It is obvious here there is a degree of chronological disparity and it would be very useful to find a stratified stone with associated dating material to solve this issue. However, these stones should be seen as a British contribution to the tradition of epigraphy occurring across North Africa, Spain and Gaul and Italy during the Late Antiquity (2001, 177–99; Pearce 2004, 16). This demonstrates that Latin linguistics were widespread in Wales and Cornwall where Irish settlers showed a desire to absorb local culture, which also involved Christianity with

Table 6.1. List of early inscribed memorial pillars in the Fowey – Camel corridor. Cardinham Churchyard RANOCORI origin Demetian (Figure 3) Tawna, Cardinham SX 1362 6762 – script uncertain, shows figure on shaft Welltown crossroads, Cardinham SX 1362 6762 – VAILATHI origin Demetian (Figure 5) Trebyan, Lanydrock SX 07867 62930 (re-used as cross base?) MAVISIR. A date of 5th to 6th century has been proposed or it may be later (Langdon 1994, 36). There is a longer inscription bearing a very similar name – sacerdotes Mavorius on a stone at Kirkmadrine, also ORI FI(LI / VITO…) was drawn by Borlase in 1740 from a stone from St Euny’s Church, Redruth, (Tangye and Thomas 1985, 174). Origin probably Gaulish Lanivet Churchyard, ANNICV FIL origin Demetian Lanivet Church OCVI Nanscow, St Breock, ULCAGNI origin Demetian Trelights, Long Cross, St Endellion, BROCAGNI (hooked Chi Rho with Ogham) origin Demetian St Kew Churchyard, IUSTI (with Ogham) found built into the bridge in 1924 (Okasha 1996, 248; Olson 1989, 14–5) originated from Docco or St Kew? origin Demetian Lancarffe, Helland DUNOCATI origin Demetian Castle Dore crossroads, but now erected near Fowey, DRUSTANUS origin native Bosworgy, St Columb, DOVITHI Table 4a. The eight- to eleventh century stones in the Fowey – Camel corridor: Biscovey Stone, now in churchyard, AL-RO-RON ULLICI FILLIUS Doniert Stone, St Cleer late ninth century, DONIERT Cardinham churchyard 10th to 11th century, ARANI(?)

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The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape Ogham and repetition of names, confirms a movement originally from Ireland to Demtiea and Brycheiniog to the Camel (Thomas, 1994, 242). Seaways of the Saints, Hagiographies and their Mark on the Landscape

There are around 60 inscribed stones in Cornwall, of which 32 have Latin and, or Ogham inscription, many together with Christian monograph symbols, testament to early Christianity in Cornwall (Langdon 1996a, 5; Preston-Jones 1992, 107; Thomas 1994, 209–19). The remaining later sculptures and memorials have interlaced and vine-scroll carved crosses. These date from the ninth century, two examples, the Neot stone and Doniert stone being datable (Langdon 1896, 377–9, 405–7). It is likely that the script on the earlier stones demonstrates that Latin intellect was attendant, and influential, to society in parts of Cornwall. This was initially bolstered, or even introduced by a package of Mediterranean ideology arriving with, and as part of, trade incentives (the ‘power’ of tin), as well as Welsh/Irish missionary movement. The overall distribution of stones and place-name evidence between Brittany and Cornwall is a reflection on the degree of migratory activity taking place on the Western Seaways in this period.

The Christian memorial stones and numerous dedications to saints bearing Welsh, Irish and particularly Breton origins are indicative of inter-social contact and influences across the Irish and Celtic Seas. With some degree of caution, it is possible to trace the missions of saints through church dedications. Caution, because some churches had their foundation commemorations re-dedicated in the later medieval period in favour of more popular saints. Bowen refers to the seat of Christianity in the west being in the environs of the Severn estuarine area, that is South Wales to Gloucestershire, Cornwall and parts of the North Devon and North Somerset coasts (1969). In consideration of this, the sea routes and overland routes south from Wales must centre on amnem Hailem (the Camel Estuary), its environs and the corridor to Fowey, in other words the veritable ‘Saints Way’. Cannon Doble, in the ‘Saints of Cornwall’ argues commemorations in the Padstow and Camel hinterland, Bodmin and Mid-Cornwall all have common factors concerning their provenance – a sphere of Christian influence, which developed through use of the trans-peninsula route. The list of saints commemorated includes Petroc, Sampson, Brioc, Cadoc, Carentoc, Collen, Gwbert, Hernin, Wenoc and Mawgan (Doble 1965, 1970). The movements of saints across Cornwall can be illustrated, by selecting three of the more prominent peregrini; the saint or cults of Petroc, Carantoc and Brioc. It is clear that they originated in South Wales and spread to Cornwall and on to Brittany though Fowey. In their wake are left the monastic settlement or cells now dedicated in the churches of the Camel hinterland (Bowen 1972, 78). There are churches dedicated to St Petroc on the Llyn peninsula at Llanbedrog, Virwig near the Teifi estuary, at Petrox in South Pembrokeshire, also at Timberscombe and Austy in West Somerset, with 18 dedications in Devon and Cornwall culminating in Padstow and Bodmin, and nine further dedications in Brittany to churches and chapels. As already pointed out, St Brioc has a dedication in West Gloucestershire above the Wye at St Briavels, also at St Breock near Padstow, and in Brittany there are 13 dedications. It must be noted, many of the Breton names are likely to be later dedications. Carantoc is almost certainly the patron saint of Dulane in Co Meath under the Irish name Cairnach (Bowen 1972, 78). He reappears on the Cardiganshire coast at Llagrannog and Llandulodoch in the north east of Pembrokeshire, the early monastic site of Crantock, in Cornwall and Carantec near Quimper in Brittany and Trègarentec south east of Lesveven.

In the corridor, pillars include the Trelights stone with its hooked Chi Rho and Ogham which does appear to have been carved contemporaneously with the wording, demonstrating Christian symbolism. Comparison of epigraphical style (typically the letter ‘A’ appears characteristically angled),

This group of Welsh peregrini clearly left a trace of their missionary path from Wales and through the Camel and Fowey corridor to Brittany. Some of the Welsh saints such as Petroc and Congar may have taken the shorter crossing across the Bristol Channel to Somerset and travelled west

Figure 6.3. The memorial pillar in Cardinham churchyard with a later crosshead incongruously placed on top in 1872 (Langdon 1996a, 24). The stone is inscribed RANOCORI.

merchants, missionaries and migrants. The Camel estuary and the corridor with nearby Tintagel played major a role in receiving this cultural and spiritual movement evidenced by the Brychan dynasty dedications in its environs. The ‘Dark Age’ light on the Celtic fringe of Britain was very much shining brightly.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route down the coast. With even greater confidence, the Camel and Fowey route can be associated with St Sampson of Dol, meriting consideration later. On north side of the Camel environs there is a firm involvement with Welsh saints from the family of Brychan, or Broccan, king of Brycheiniog. The church of St Enodoc was probably one such dedication to Guenedoc, St Minver to Mynfreda, St Endellion is certainly dedicated to Endelienta, all daughters of the King who went on to establish their individual church foundations in Brittany. Tracing the movements of these less popular saints such as Endelienta is somewhat more accurate than that of the popular cult saints such as St Columba for the obvious reason that a dedication may have been made by remote association and not a personal visit by the latter.

Figure 6.4. The possible hermetic chapel at Kallangard. Situated on a shelf on the sea stack, centre of image. The site has seen use as a slate quarry. Photograph: Author.

Lengthy sea crossings were common for missionaries and migrants. There is evidence to suggest a direct migration occurred to west Cornwall of Irish settlers (Borlase 2018, appendix 3, note 25). The Hayle River may be the focus for this migration for a short time; commemorations suggest the group of Irish saints led by Breaca settled in the extreme West Cornwall where several churches are dedicated to her and her followers (Bowen 1970, 23; 1972, 79; Thomas 1986). Also, the Hayle and Helford Rivers may form a trans-peninsular crossing point for several missionaries such as the fifth century Breton saint, Budoc (C14 determinations on burials connected to the Saint at Ille de Lavret yielded dates from the mid fifth century).

Brittany (Giot 1982,199), and perhaps associated with Tintagel, the possible but unsubstantiated sites of Kallangard, near Pendogget (Figure 6.4) and Northern Door near High Cliff (Dark1994, 51), but certainly, St Helen’s in the Isles of Scilly (Figure 6.5). This character of activity could be extended to areas where there are no islands, but the establishment of a chapel or cell on marginal land or previous pagan sites may not be explicit in raising ownership contests. Perhaps an example of this is St Piran’s Oratory, Lanpiran on land prone to sand inundation. Two burials adjacent to the oratory in sand indicate that this was marginal dune land in the early medieval period. These have returned C14 dates of the eighth and ninth century, but it is thought that these burials maybe part of a later sequence above earlier burials and this may have been the site of Christian worship earlier than these dating results (Gossip 2015).

The majority of saint dedications are in coastal or riverine environs, qualifying that the principal mode of transport was waterborne and rivers were well utilised for crossings. The attraction for islands by saints has been pointed out as early as 1925 by Largillière who suggested that saints initially landed on islands and established a hermitage before moving further inland. This would make logical sense as a saint could consolidate a foothold, gaining the confidence of communities so forming a following before moving inland. Island spaces may lack land ownership claims so may be enigmatic liminal places that could be inhabited uncontested. Examples are Ille de Lavret,

Returning to the study area, St Enodoc at Daymer Bay, with its early-medieval burials (Olson 1982; Preston-Jones and Rose 1986, 155) may likewise have been founded not only on marginal land around the same time, but as indicated

Figure 6.5. The remote situation of the cella on St Helen’s Island, with Round Island lighthouse and the Atlantic behind. Early medieval pottery has also been found on nearby Tean. Photograph: Author.

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The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape later, have possible Romano-British origins; perhaps an example of a Christianised pagan site.

island having sought solace, and it is thought that he may have changed his name to Nectan. Of particular interest to this study is Lundy’s geographical position in the Bristol Channel. It is precisely half way between Demetia and the mouth of the Camel. Good shelter from wind is afforded by anchoring in the lee of either side of the Island, which makes it an ideal resting stopover on a passage between Demetia and Cornwall. This may be a consideration in the popularity of the Brychan perigri dedications around the Camel environs on route to Brittany.

Charles Thomas, writes that it is tempting to believe that any sharp break in communications between the Britons of south-central and South Wales with Dumnonia was attributed to the Anglo-Saxon defeat of the Britons at Doerham (Dyrham north-east of Bath) in 577 (1994, 156). If this was the case, it is likely that seaway communication between Wales and Dumnonia and the Kingships in Cornwall would be severely inhibited which is not apparent. Although, it is likely that an undercurrent of external European politics effectively withered the Atlantic Mediterranean trade routes crashing the market for tin and minerals. Byzantine products, effectively dried up sometime before the seventh-century, coinciding with the contraction of the Eastern Roman Empire. It is thought here that this cessation in trade may have shifted the dynamics of the economy and trade networks to some extent. Cross-channel merchant shipping and connection between the Brythonic speaking communities may have perhaps decreased for a while, with the effect of reducing potential migrants and missionaries hitching a ride, together with the spiritual ideals and customs. However, by this time, the main foundation of the Christian church was well ensconced in Cornwall.

Saints Through the Corridor It is written that three of the sons of Brychan left Brycheiniog and embarked from Newport for Dumnonia (perhaps stopping at Enys Brychan). There is an intimation that these three saints were among many others leaving Wales by the same route (Doble 1965; 1971; Thomas 1994, 154; Wade-Evans 1908). We have documentary evidence for several of these saints in hagiographical recordings of their lives. Two in particular stand out, St Sampson’s travels through the Camel/Fowey corridor and St Petroc. St Petroc, a saint who warrants a paragraph to himself, is a pan Celtic saint, with widespread patronages across Dunnonia, Wales and Britanny. In Cornwall, he is the patron saint of Padstow (Petrocstowe), Little Petherick, Bodmin, and several other locations. Fortunately, a complete version of Vita Petroci was written in Brittany and so survived the Reformation. Petroc was a Welsh saint probably from South East Wales and of Royal descent, probably as written in the Life of Gotha the son of King Glysysing of Gwent (Doble 1965, 147: Jankulak 2000, 10). Petroc landed at Trebetherick, giving his name to the area. Daymer Bay is the closest sheltered landing place and it is safe to surmise that this maybe the precise beaching site. It could be conjectured therefore, that an infrastructure of some kind existed at Daymer Bay at this time, perhaps a continuation from Roman times. A settlement at Trebetherick (described in chapter VII) is probably contemporary with this period.

The traffic of spiritual idealism across the eastern Bristol Channel is tangible in the form of inscribed stone typology. On Beacon Hill on Lundy (Norse for puffin), there are three inscribed memorial stones within a curvilinear enclosure characteristic of a lann. All three stones are typologically similar, each comprising of a single name. The names are OPTIMI, RESTEVTAE and POTITI. Thomas suggests that OPTIMI should be regarded as, no later than AD 500 as it has the loop of a Rho scribed reminiscent of Roman fashion (1994, 166). This was repeated on the RESTEVTAE stone, but the ringed cross on the POTITI was a more simplified version and a little later. This later memorial was like a known memorial to Guotepir, which can be dated to 550. Consequently, the first two can be typologically dated to the closing stages of the fifth century, considerably earlier than 550. Therefore, we have Christian burials (enclosed at some point – Petts 2001) on Lundy with an associated Romano-British field system, conveniently placed on the sea-way from Wales to Dumnonia giving a measure of dating evidence for activity on the ‘saint route’ to amnem Hailem and the corridor on the north coast of Dumnonia.

Petroc became the Abbot of Lanwethinoc, which was later renamed Petrocstowe, displacing Wethinoc (obviously an earlier saint or missionary). Wethinoc, is allowed to retain the name attached to the place, but he had also founded another monastery at Lewannic, which was spared usurpation (Thomas 1994, 315). Lewannick with its early inscribed stone, is on the east side of Bodmin Moor, which may infer a road crossed the Moor by this time.

There is further textual evidence concerning Lundy with regal and saintly inheritance. After Brychan abdicated and handed over his throne to Rein, his second son in line, he is believed to have lived in a monastic community on the island (Enys Brychan), later renamed Lundy by the Vikings. The monastery was probably already established by that time. Brychan was born in 490, give or take 10 years, so this event probably took place in Brychan’s 60s, thus, arriving at the decade of 550 (Thomas 1994, 198; Wade-Evans 1908). It is written that Brychan died on the

Petroc founded several monasteries and died at Treravel whilst returning from the monastery at Nancenveton at Little Petherick (also dedicated to him) to Lanwethinoc. Treravel is now a farm (Borlase 2018, appendix 2, route 2), which confirms the ancientness of this route and early use of a tref prefix. It is documented that Petroc had an association with the chapel at St Sampson (possibly the early medieval chapel 73

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route at Lellizzick), also that he met Goran the hermit who moved south. Goran has a dedication at Gorran Haven.

its time and there are still three festivals observed in his honour at Bodmin Priory church. Lastly, Doble notes that the absence of later early medieval church life, descriptions or diocesan bishops, and many other features of the Life of Petroc indicate early origins (1965, 154).

Petroc’s many dedications extend into Devon, numbering as many as twenty, including a parish church in Exeter and a chapel in the cathedral. Again, in Brittany there are several, but Doble draws attention to the monastery of Landévennec and a connection between Petroc and its founder Saint Winwalloe (Guénolé in Breton, win – white, in reference to purity), the chief saint of Cornouaille (Doble 1965, 162). Landévennec merits further discussion, as it is one of the principal monasteries in Brittany. It is on a promontory formed by the south west shore of the Rade de Brest and the mouth of the River Aulne (Figure 6.6 and figure 6.7), a watershed in which lies several other lesser monastic settlements. As aforementioned, islands and promontories seem to hold special attention to saints, many hagiographies describing them as hostile places with hideous creatures (Dewing 1928, 267–71; Harvey, 2001; Fleuriot 1980, 209; Giot 1982, 197). However, the location of Landévennec, is a pleasant waterside situation directly accessible by sea to the Atlantic seaways through the Goulet de Rade. A deepwater bay, sheltered from all points of the compass, lies in the mouth of the River Aulne forming the promontory the monastery is situated upon. In a key location, the abbey is generally thought to be one of the oldest Breton monasteries and one of the highest in the hierarchy of Breton ecclesiastical order. Petroc’s interest in Landévennec may connect this area to the corridor as the lann at St Winnow could be named after Winwalloe, although the dedication may be connected with Winnoc. However, it is likely these saints made reciprocal visits via the corridor. It is reasonable then to assume many pilgrimages were made via the corridor to this monastic site.

Of the list of other saints there are a number that can be identified with association with the corridor. The sixth century St Brioc was native of Cardigan, founder of the see of St Brieuc in Brittany and achieved status as one of seven major saints of Armorica. He has a dedication at St Breock parish a mile west of the Camel near Wadebridge. He also gave his name to St Briavels in Gloucestershire. Gilbert Doble has noticed there appears to be a link between Brioc and Gwbert (Cubert), Carantoc (Crantock), Colan and Mawgan, Uval (St Eval), St Ervan and St Merryn. All these saints (some rather remote) have dedications along the North Coast of Cornwall and similarly on the North Coast of Brittany with some dedications in Cardiganshire (1965, 50). A chapel dedicated to Cradock or Carroc in the parish of St Veep on the east of the Fowey River may indicate that Carantoc passed through the Fowey. The association implies emigration of monks from South West Wales and Brittany through the Camel environs (Thomas 1994), embarking for Brittany from either Golant on the River Fowey or Fowey itself. Tuddy is a Breton saint, there are a few dedications in Cornwall to Breton Saints mostly around the Helford area, but he is commemorated at the Church of St Tudy a few miles north of the Camel. Tuddy is mentioned several times in the Lives of St Maudez and Corentin and we can conclude that he is an active missionary. He may have even been a companion of St Brioc and similarly founded a monastic site at St Tudy (Olson 1989, 21; Doble 1965, 115).

To avoid Viking raids, in the ninth century, St Petroc’s monastery at Padstow decamped to Dinuurrin, Bodmin, and a priory was constructed complete with his relics. The centre became the most important ecclesiastic site of

There does seem a peculiarity in that the majority of dedications between Padstow and Hartland Point appear to be associated with Brychan. A list compiled of thirteen of the Welsh King’s children was copied by William of

Figs 6.6. and 6.7. Approaches to the entrance of the River Aulne and the anchorage for Landévennec. Photographed looking south west from the ‘inland sea’ of Rade de Brest. Landévennec Abbey (below) lays on a promontory near right of image. Photography: Author.

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The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape Worcester in 1478, which is thought to be copied from a list earlier than the ninth century as some of the parishes with these dedications changed around this time. The list is by no means an accurate record of Brychan’s children and does not tally with a Welsh list, and many names may have been introduced through folkloric annals and myths (Doble 1997, 103). Of these, the saints that are of interest to this study are: Dilit (possibly the structure at Kallangard may the site of the chapel, recorded as St Electa); Wencu or Cywa (St Kew, a successor to Docco) who also has a dedication in Cornouaille in Finistere (Doble 1965, 110), also a chapel named after her at Egloshayle, Wadebridge (Henderson 1925); Menefreda (St Minver); Maben (St Mabyn); St Memfrey; St Nectan and Endelienta (Saint Endellion). St Neot (St Neot) is a later ninth-century saint.

Of three more of Brychan’s daughters, Menefreda has dedications in Pembrokeshire, and for Maben there are the place-name occurrences of St Mabyn and the Maben element in Lanivet Parish at Tremabyn, with several more dedications in Wales. Of Brychan’s daughter Kein, the parish church of St Keyne near Liskeard is dedicated to her. A Vita was written for Kein by an author now lost, but she originated from the south east of South Wales around the Black Mountains or east Herefordshire. Doble believes from place-name study, that Keyne came from a band of Brychan missionaries who made settlements in Herefordshire in the fifth century and migrated to Cornwall from the Breckock area. Doble also makes an association from the place-name Keyne and Roman villas or remains. It is thought here that this association is no means outlandish; we know that Roman villas were re-occupied for ecclesiastic use such as the baptistery found inside the Bradford-on-Avon villa (Corney 2004, 10). St Keyne lies roughly mid-way between Calstock and Lestow and therefore further research may be of interest.

Endelienta was immortalised in the ‘Life of St Endelienta’, and an association with Brychan is further intimated by an inscribed stone first recorded by William Borlase. He transcribes this from a letter sent to him from the curate of St Endellion, James Tregeare in 1753 in answer to his Parochial Memoranda queries (the 1752 queries are listed in Poole 1986, 298–301). The stone (now almost indecipherable as it has been moved nearer the coast and is exposed to denigration by salt wind Figure 6.8) is inscribed BROCAGNI HIC IACIT NADOTTI FILIUS pre-ceded by a Chi Rho monogram. The stone, which also has a plain cross on the reverse side, was then recorded as standing at the crossroads on Roscarrock Manor adjacent to a field named Crowzer Park (crow hir -Long Cross) leading to St Endellion church. A nearby field on Treharrick Estate, on the ridgeway between Daymer Bay and Tintagel, is named Brokenbarrow, probably barrow of Brochan (Doble 1997, 117).

On the topic of Sub-Roman Britain, and as a final note on Brychan’s children, as Doble points out (1997, 132), the area around Wroxeter (Viroconium Cornoviorum) is recorded as Cornovarium in the Roman period. He surmises that the name for Cornwall may have been introduced by missionary migration from this area particularly as it is near to Brecknock and the settlements formed by the Welsh immigrants from Brycheiniog. Other saints with dedications in the Camel Fowey environs and likely to have used the corridor route are Wethinoc, Cadoc, Gonand, Branwalder, Mewan, Goran, Carroc, Benwin (patron saint of Fowey and drowned in the Severn) and Vylloc, patron saint of Lanteglos who is associated with Melyn in a story recorded by William of Worcester. Melyn was an Irish saint, persecuted and decapitated and Vylloc carried his head half a mile and founded a chapel in his honour. Leland in 1583 located a chapel which lies at the head of Lanmelin creek, off the Fowey River, which is roughly half a mile from Lanteglos (Chandler 1993). Together with place-name and artefactual evidence, these recordings and the numerous dedications are irrefutable evidence that the corridor was a well-used thoroughfare at this time with migratory and pilgrimage movement. Sampsonis: Hagiography Considered, Lanow, St Sampson Church and Langorthou A study headed with a sub-title ‘Way of Saints’ has to regard the Vita Sampsonis as epitomising the very core of its subject matter. Not only valuable as textual evidence for a missionary route across the Camel and Fowey corridor, and for descriptions of places, events and people, but also for its source integrity. The Vita Sampsonis is exceptional in that it was genuinely compiled in the early seventh century at a Breton monastery around 140 years after the events.

Figure 6.8. The Trelights inscribed stone as it is now known. The inscription is now badly wind eroded but the Chi Rho can just be made out at the top, it is thought that it originally contained Ogham script on the left edge of the Latin script (Langdon 1996a, 34). Photograph: Author.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route The original was lost, but ninth-century manuscripts existed, copied with a few minor textual transmission issues. It is transcribed from a reliable source; a venerable old man who was a kinsman of Sampson who had lived a religious life in the monastery in which Sampson himself had founded for almost eighty years after Sampson’s death (Olson 1989, 11; Thomas 1994, 225; 124). The old man relates that Henoc, his uncle who was a relation or cousin of Sampson brought back to the monastery Sampson’s deeds from Brittany. He probably visited and acquired first-hand knowledge of the monasteries and certainly many of the landscape features. Henoc may have become a monk there on his arrival from Brittany, thereby the old man became acquainted with the recordings and dialogue of Sampson’s life (Olson 1989, 11; Orme 2002, 8, 229).

essential link between relics, settings, oral tradition and the writing of hagiographies, with a link to their physical surroundings guided by the church (2001, 244). ‘Religious man feels the need to exist in a total and organised world, in a cosmos’ (Eliade 1957, 44), thus dominated by cosmological symbolism that gave strength and authority to Christian explanation; metaphorical messages designed to guide society onto the ‘straight and narrow’ (Lemaire 1997, 7; Harvey 2001, 245). This may be a simplistic overview, but it is within this phenomenological and explanatory context that we may see the hagiography of St Sampson. The Vita records two monasteries in Cornwall which are discussed in the next paragraphs, one that Sampson planned to visit – Docco, the other which he founded, probably St Sampson, Golant. Both potential site locations are examined here for evidence to identify the locations of these monasteries and to link topographical features to the hagiography. Monastic sites in Cornwall are likely to be recognised archaeologically by number of recognisable features. An ovoid or curvilinear enclosure, marked by either the name of the founder or a lan prefix (Olson 1989, 105; Pearce 2004, 136–141; Petts 2002); Turner 2006, 5–7). Names with lan originally referred to the sacred monastic enclosure, but were extended to designate the estate upon which the monastery is situated (Olson 1989, 105). Monasteries appear to have kept written records of their land possessions as a specifically ecclesiastical diplomatic tradition in charters, Landochou is mentioned in tenth century charters and St Sampson’s monastery has a record of its founder. Olson notes that ‘a group of monks living an ordered existence under an abbot in a defined settlement endowed with lands privileged with immunities, who kept records and were in receipt of popular veneration, might be expected to survive (or at least not disappear without trace), given favourable conditions’ (1989, 106). This helps distinguish them from early church or chapel sites. These sites can have complex burial areas such as at Crantock (Olson 1982).

David Harvey’s work on geographical relationships in hagiographic sources are helpful here. He believes geographical coordinates and metaphorical associations with nature, are related to the creation of a communal memory and an understanding of how people relate to the world around them (2001, 233). This is what he describes as the production of a locale: ‘an embedded and historically contingent process in which institutional and individual practices are interwoven with structural features’ (1979; 1981). Relatedly, Tilley points to the need to understand the role of contextualised landscape experience in the production and perception of space and highlights the need to interpret the significant symbolic meaning of environmental elements. Accordingly, places become humanised, with feelings of belonging, rootedness and familiarity, through the recognition of symbolic qualities in the ‘natural, mythological character’ (1994, 24; Harvey 2001, 233). In this respect, hagiographies may be seen as means through which people made sense of their environmental context: ‘humanising’ places through their recognition within mythological stories (Harvey 2001, 234). For missionaries of this period, the natural world was a divine creation of religious value, impregnated with sacredness, in which saints can comprehend the heavenly nature of the cosmos and so conduct their miracles. In hagiographical acts, wild aspects of nature are overcome and domesticated in an ordering theme of calm, order and prayer. So, wild and ‘vile’ creatures and untamed wilderness are used as a metaphor to establish moral order that views the cosmological teachings of the church as common sense and triumph over evil (Harvey 2001, 240).

From the background described, the milieu for the account would cover the late fifth-century for Sampson’s parents, running into the mid-sixth-century for Sampson’s life, with the narrative being written in the seventh, although Olson, without theorising, keeps an open mind with a time span from sixth- to ninth centuries (Thomas 1994, 225; Olson 1989, 9). Sampson was from an established Christian family in Demetia, biblical names run through the family history, his mother Anna could also have been named after the mother of the Blessed Virgin and father, Amon either from the obscure Hebrew king included in the genealogy of Jesus or was from a British name. These are compelling indications that Vulgate or preVulgate text of the Bible was known in Wales in the mid-fifth century. The literature states that ‘we know for sure that Amon was by birth a Demetian’. It continues to suggest that their background was from a Romanised Royal Court giving a tantalising insight into fifth-century

Topographical and geographical detail in which these legends and miracles were set are recorded with much detail, anchoring saints to a particular locale associated with description of stones, caves, healing springs and holy wells. In the life of St Sampson, the establishment of the Camel/Fowey corridor route and the monastery of Landocco is clear, as is the establishment of a monastery near a cave on the Fowey; thus, attaching meaning to place, anchoring collective memory to the landscape (Harvey 2001, 242; Dietler 1998, 86). The notion of place was the 76

The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape Sampson then made them promise that if he could, with God’s help, return the youth back to life, that they would destroy the idol. The boy was subsequently revived and the comes Guedianus and his followers were baptised. Sampson was then regarded as ‘a heaven-sent angel come to snatch us back from our erring ways’ (1994, 230). Recalling the earlier discussion on the purpose of hagiography, this episode represents epitome of the function of hagiography; identifying a sense of place to events, using metaphorical tutorials to keep society on the ‘straight and narrow’ (Harvey 2001).

Christian Romanatas from south Wales (Thomas 1994, 222–4). There is mention of monastic life, churches and places in Demetia and Brycheniog, but this discourse will concentrate on his passage through Cornwall (Vita Sampsonis ed. Fawtier 1912). Sampson was sent for education from Demetia to a monastery at Llantwit Major under Eltutus, St Illtud. He was later ordained as a deacon and then as a priest by around 520–530 when he received a divine call to go overseas as a pilgrim with his Father Amon, setting sail probably from Yns Bŷr (Caldey Island). He landed after an uneventful voyage with a ‘favourable wind’ on the eastern shore of the Camel estuary, probably at Daymer Bay. Sampson intended to visit the nearby monastery of Landocco which lay at, or near St Kew church (assessed in chapter VII). According to a tenth century charter the names of the founders were Dochou, or Docco and Cywa, the latter being the dominant saint from which St Kew is derived. The brethren learnt of Sampson’s landing and sent the wisest of their community Uinavus to intercept and mildly refuse Sampson from proceeding, on the grounds that the order, having declined from their former standard, had become unworthy and preferred not to be denounced by such a holy visitor (Olson 1989, 91–2).

Lynette Olson discusses the possibility that the venue for this event is the church dedicated to Sampson at South Hill and the cross carved is the Chi Rho on the memorial stone in the Churchyard (1989, 15). However, to travel here would entail a circuitous route. Thomas believes the venue for the event is more likely to be between Wadebridge and Bodmin (1994, 229). It is generally presumed that this location is to be found on the east side of the Camel as Sampson landed on this side and the Trigg Hundred is mentioned. The idol was probably a menhir, as after the idol was destroyed, the carved cross was still visible many years later. Menhirs on high places are not, in general, commonly reused for gateposts or broken up. This is because these upland places were mostly transhumance common lands rather than enclosed areas. However, there are not many extant stones, yet stones on a hilltop that may fit the text description on the east side of the Camel. There are only three possibilities; the St Tudy menhir SX0700 7650, which would be rather too far north for a course towards Fowey and does not lie in a situation that could be described as a hill; the Longstone Menhir, originally at SX0588 7343 (Payne and Lewsey 1999, 244), but again this location is not on a hilltop but on undulating ground. The third possibility, are the De Lank menhirs SX1008 75350, located on a hilltop within an enclosure (possibly Neolithic) these stones come as a pair (a feature more common in West Penwith). They may have been originally erected as entrance stones to an enclosure or house. Again, it does not quite fully satisfy the criteria as these stones would most likely have been described and recorded as a pair. Lanxon, which lies just north of Blisland on a spur may have been named after a menhir, but there has been no recording, nor trace of a stone. The description, ‘eastward hill’ is also misleading, can this mean east facing or a hill on the east side? Travel on the east side is deeply incised by valleys radiating from Bodmin Moor, whereas direct trans-peninsular routes can be identified on the western side (Figure 6.9 and figure 6.10). Sampson is more likely to have used a much shorter recognised route on the west side of the Camel, having forded or ferried across the river at a point before Wadebridge. This would make a hill on this side eastward facing. Furthermore, on this side of the Camel, there are more single stone menhirs in its hinterland.

Sampson then dismissed his ship and arranged for a cart (plaustrum) to convey his holy vessels, books and personal items across the peninsula. He also acquired a couple of horses to draw a currus, which translates as a small vehicle and could probably be disassembled for shipping, perhaps ‘brought from Ireland’. As Thomas points out, this may imply that the Dési-Muman descended nobility of Demetia were using the light carts from their Irish descendants (1994, 53– 4). The party then proceeded across the peninsula at some point passing through part of Trigg - pagus Tricurius – (land of three war hosts - Moule 1838), which may be referring to Sampson’s attempt to reach Landocco. Sampson’s entourage later encountered a gathering of local people ‘on a hill eastward’, making some sort of pagan religious rights and revelling around an idol. Sampson descended from his currus and examined the idol, an abominable image on the summit of the hill. Thomas logically suggests that this may have been a bedecked menhir. Sampson’s biographer inserts ‘On which hill I have been myself, continuing ‘and I have marvelled at, and felt with my own hand, the sign of the Cross that Saint Sampson (with his own hand, and with a bit of iron) carved on that standing stone’ – in lapide stante (1994, 229). The revellers who were headed by their comes Guedianus, were then confronted by Sampson. They excused themselves by answering that they were celebrating ancient customs, the mysteries of their ancestors. At this point, a boy driving horses in full gallop pitched from his mount and lay unconscious ‘as if lifeless’. The locals were distressed and wept.

The most direct trans-peninsular route that Sampson can take crosses St Breock Downs (Borlase 2018, appendix 2, 77

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 6.9. The holloway heading towards Mên Gurta across the now enclosed common land. This is now a unitary boundary line. Photograph: Author.

Figure 6.10. Route 2 (extract from Appendix 2) crossing St Breock Down and Mên Gurta. © Crown Copyright (1839).

after 1945, a 4.5 metre diameter paved area of quartz was revealed surrounding it.

route 2). Of two menhirs standing on St Breock Downs, one stands proudly aloof; the considerably more prominent Mên Gurta SW9678 6831. It is sited at 210 metres high, the highest hilltop in the corridor and a route crossing.

Most significantly, Mên Gurta translates as stone of meeting and is located among Neolithic and Bronze Age monuments on this ancient ridgeway-crossing on the summit of St Breock Downs. It is understandable why it would have been a renowned communal meeting place for events and swearing of oaths and sealing of charters (Payne and Lewsey 1999, 188–9). The present-day Saints Way long distance path passes this route crossing, just as ancient paths would have done long before the ‘age of saints’. Barrows all around render the site steeped in resonances of antiquity, and it would have been a notable venue for gatherings in Sampson’s time. St Breock Down is on an ancient route recognised by this research, so unlike South Hill, it would have been readily located again when

The impressive Mên Gurta longstone (Figure 6.11) has several superlatives; it is the heaviest in Cornwall weighing 16.8 tons, it is composed of feldspar interlaced with white quartz, which makes it the most striking stone outside of West Penwith and stands a lofty 4.13 metres above ground (Payne and Lewesy 1999, 188). One particular aspect of this stone is a vein of quartz in the shape of a cross, perhaps the very cross which Sampson’s biographer claims to have marvelled at and stroked. The white quartz veins are impressive and perhaps subject of miraculous speculation. During consolidation sometime 78

The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape

Figure 6.11. Compilation. Mên Gurta (stone of meeting) is the heaviest menhir in Cornwall (see range pole) and features impressive white spar veins. One in the form of a cross (inset), which may be the cross Sampson is purported to have formed. Stepper Point and Pentire Head, at the entrance to the Camel estuary is in the far distance from the northeastward facing hill side (zoom below, behind the turbine) where Sampson landed. With the stone’s massive size (note 2m range pole), name, location, intriguing white spar crosses, long distance views to mouth of the Camel estuary and all round, this is the most enigmatic stone in the landscape of mid-Cornwall and worthy of hagiographical note. Photographs: Author.

there was a racecourse named the ‘Ding Dong races’ after the mine located on the hilltop. This lies on an area reputed to be the oldest tin mining area in Cornwall (Penhallurick 1986, 123). First-hand experience of taking part in unofficial hunt racing here in 1973 proved it to be at the upper end of a scale of rough and tumble, with bogs, granite boulders and rabbit hole hazards. Thus, a horse racing custom and fair on the similar rugged moorland around the two menhirs laying on St Breock Downs, is quite conceivable.

Sampson’s biographer passed on this recognised route and documented that he had seen it and the site, nearly a century later. Again, of significance, is that the stone, although near the summit, lays at the break of a north-east facing slope with long distant views across to the Camel estuary mouth where Sampson initially made landfall. All these factors present Mên Gurta as a notable stone and must be a prime candidate for the event described in the hagiography. Regarding the boy and the galloping horses, it is also legitimate to speculate that St Breock Downs may be a meeting site for horse racing and fairs, which were often held on high open downs. The meeting attended by a chieftain may well have been a well-known seasonal event, perhaps which also included horse events; a local celebration and gathering Sampson may well have heard of at the start of his journey prompting him to visit. Examples of old horse racing downs on high (meeting) places abound, such as Hergest Ridge, and Bradnor Hill near Kington in the Welsh Marches, the latter probably since antiquity, also Black Down Common near Wellington, Somerset. In Cornwall, examples are Racecourse Downs in Cardinham parish SX100700, and until the mid-1970s, high on the Boskednan Downs on the West Penwith moors near Lanyon Quoit (SW435365),

Implications can be drawn from these passages of a Cornovian society, aware of Christianity, aware of the nearby monastery of Landocco, but a community apostate in the faith. Thomas makes the point that it may only be the leaders recently converted (1994, 230). After the hilltop event, the party of natives, agreeing to become clerical followers, and the Demetians now together, continue their journey, perhaps now into pagus Tricurius after fording the Camel below Nanstallon. The next episode in the hagiography records how the saint expelled a vicious serpent from a cave (Figure 6.12) that had terrorised the area around what is now Golant on the River Fowey (Olson 1989). This takes place after two days further journeying (near the south coast) in a 79

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 6.12. An incongruously placed telegraph pole in front of the cave on west bank of the River Fowey. The lann site St Sampson church stands upon is under a kilometre north. After about 10 metres of natural cave, a mine adit extends for another 30 metres. The cave floor was probably a lot deeper (probably down to the foreshore level), but the Lostwithiel to Fowey docks china clay railway line outside the cave has led to the floor level filling. Photographs: Author.

Figure 6.13. The cave and its proximity to the holy well and Church (lann) dedicated to St Sampson. A route (purple) is fossilised into the village plan. The lane just below the church is marked by a 2m deep holloway worn into the bedrock around which with ancient flora indicators also demonstrate its antediluvian origin. © Crown Copyright/database right 2015. An Ordnance Survey/EDINA supplied service.

‘fair neighbourhood’, having travelled down the eastern side (perhaps after fording the Fowey at Respryn?), so Sampson may have then crossed a Golant (Figure 6.13 and figure 6.14) where there is an ancient ford (Chirgwin Jenkin 2009, 3).

since. The location must be half a mile south of Golant (Figure 6.12 and figure 6.16) on the west bank of the Fowey where there is a ten-metre deep cave, the only suitable natural cave on the river. Similar events were recorded in the Vita, he dispatched another serpent from the Seine and again a monastery was formed. The description from Cornwall’s version however, is in greater detail and may represent a real place for the siting of a monastery, somewhere prope antrum in the vicinity of the cave. Sampson left Amon charged with the governance of the completed monastery, with his cousin Henoc, then among his party and proclaimed as the Deacon before embarking for Brittany from either Golant or Fowey (Olsen 1989; Thomas 1994, 57; Wade-Evans 1909).

Sampson then ‘commanded his own men to found a monastery near the cave, yet he himself appropriated the vacated cave as a temporary hermitage, leading a heavenly life in the cave, ever giving himself to fasting and prayer (Taylor 1925, 51; Thomas 1994, 230). The cave then provides a final miracle, as Sampson’s thirst is quenched when water drips from the cave’s lintel after he prayed for water, relieving him. The stream has continued ever 80

The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape

Figure 6.14. A ford is recorded as crossing the Fowey from somewhere from Golant and St Sampson (Chirgwin Jenkin 2009, 3). The most likely route for a crossing would from the northern limit of the village across to Prinzey, where it would link to a track up a deep holloway passing the early medieval settlement of Manely (Mingeli 1086. From here it would continue to a route centre at the head of Lerryn Creek where the northern end of the early medieval or earlier boundary, the Giants Hedge ‘dyke’ from Looe terminates. © Crown Copyright (1839).

perpetuating from pre-Christian sites easily absorbed into Christian liturgical practices with continued veneration, a scenario recognised as early as the late nineteenth century (Borlase 1893, 58). Indeed, the enclosure boundary at St Sampson may well be prehistoric in character, following the Christianisation of a round site, as is the case at St Dennis. It is also worth mentioning, a Roman coin was found at nearby Penquite where curvilinear features fossilised in the boundary suggest a round origin, so this area has a continuity of settlement prior to a lann foundation.

Following a theme discussed earlier, a monastery site may have taken advantage of the boundaries of an existing deserted round or a pagan site. The situation at the church dedicated to St Sampson above Golant in the parish of St Sampson has many of the hallmarks of either. It is pleasant site, sitting on a spur with good visibility above a ford on the river (Figure 6.15 and figure 6.16) and typical of many early church sites, it has a spring or holy well. This is set under a sheltered bank, and if this site was imagined to be in a ‘sacred’ grove situation, it would fit the criteria for a Christianised pagan site. Holy wells and springs are regarded as a quintessentially ‘pagan’ feature of the landscape (Rattue 1995, 46), many in Cornwall

Monastic sites in Cornwall do not conform to a typical topographical location (Turner 2006, 42). They range from

Figure 6.15. The probable extant curving lann boundary bank from the south-east corner curving west. Photograph: Author.

Figure 6.16. The cave lies just behind the cottage within visibility of the enclosure. Photograph: Author.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 6.17. Photograph taken with the author’s back to the north side of the church – the earthworks of a curvilinear boundary can be discerned.

high coastal ridges such as St Buryan, the island locations of St Michael’s Mount and Looe Island or the valley situations of St Neot and St Kew (later foundations). Many early sites may have originated on nearby hills, such as Dinuurin at Bodmin and then relocated to lower fertile ground (Olson 1989, 43; 53–6). St Sampson is certainly on a hill site, but the problem with identifying the origins of the church is rather that there is no recorded evidence for an early medieval ecclesiastical site, that as Olson earlier pointed out, is often true of monastic sites. However, as the photograph shows, within the footprint of the present cemetery of the Church and holy well (MCO 6980), the earthwork of an earlier curvilinear boundary can clearly be observed (Figure 6.15). The north side of the present cemetery abruptly contrasts to the curvilinear shape with a linear bank and wall parallel to the north side of the church, suggesting truncation of the original boundary. Furthermore, looking north from today’s boundary with the church to one’s back, in the adjacent field, traces of a low curved earthwork can be discerned (Figure 6.17). This feature prompted a survey, the results of which, when extended along an earlier nineteenth century field boundary line towards the extant church boundary, completes an oval shaped enclosure. The resistivity showed signs of a curving wall or stone bank around, or just beyond the faint but visible earthworks further supporting the presence for an oval boundary (Figure 6.18). When this is overlaid and projected onto a boundary appearing on nineteenth century maps, extant boundaries, and earthworks, a shape reminiscent of a lann appears.

Figure 6.18. The Resistivity result (top) shows a curving feature of stone, probably a boundary wall curving just beyond the line of the earthwork in Figure 21. A landscaped garden with cesspit truncated continuation of the feature to the west, likewise pond excavation disturbed the east end of the feature (beginning to the east of the two white strips where survey was prevented). The landowner reported that much stone came out when the pond was dug. A curving non-extant boundary th appearing on 19 century maps connects the resistivity stone and an extant wall at the south end and demarks the original boundary before modern disturbance. Google Earth imaging overlay.

The dedication to Sampson at South Hill in south east Cornwall has a memorial stone with a Chi Rho, but it is over 16 km from the sea and does not fit the topographical description. It is also possible stone may have been introduced into the cemetery later (Petts 2002, 195–206). Olson prefers St Sampson to be the site of the monastery (1989, 14), but Thomas proposed yet another equally plausible location; that is the church site of Langorthou

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The Corridor as a Christianised Landscape

Figure 6.19. Image taken from Polruan Pool anchorage showing Fowey Church, with the adjacent Place Manor, the site of Langorthou. It was dedicated to St Guron who may have been displaced from Bodmin before finally settling at Gorran Haven after being superseded at Langorthou by the Irish Saint Finn Barr. Finn Barr and Guron used the missionary pilgrimage route from Ireland via Demetia to the Camel / Fowey corridor. Photograph: Author.

Fowey (Figure 6.19). His argument is that the church of St Sampson at Golant was until 1507 only classed as a chapelry linked to the more important Tywardreath centre (St Andrew’s former priory), with no formal burial rights. He favours the parish church site, six kilometres south from the cave at Fowey as the real location (Thomas 1994, 232). Early evidence from area around the church has been destroyed by the town, but in 1840, notes made by J. T. Treffry of Place House recorded ‘a great number of bodies’ in east/west cist graves. The ancient integrity of this site is, of course also supported by the prefix lan, but again there are no supportive records for a monastery. Thomas had not the benefit of geophysics evidence available to him, but whichever the site of the location of the monastery is, one thing is certain and that it is on the western bank. However, it may be significant that St Sampson was identified in Beroul’s twelfth century tale of Tristan and Isuelt which isolates both the church of St Sampson and nearby Lancien (the manorial site of Lantyan) as locales of special significance, less than a kilometre from each other.

which is also a point of interest. The cart was summoned at his landing point, with all the implication that this was a convenience afforded by entrepreneurs for pilgrims from the local ‘cart hire depot’, and was a regular occurrence for portage on this trans-peninsular route. Furthermore, we will examine later the evidence and importance of a direct connection to Tintagel via road link for portage from Daymer, whereby such cart facilities are likely to be readily availed. The Vita provides tantalising glimpses into Christianity across the corridor from which there several key points that can be drawn. From the reported ‘lax in our former practices’ at the monastery of Docco leading to Sampson’s visit to the monastery to be repudiated, we can draw the conclusion that the monastery must have been established for a number of years or decades in order for it to decline (Olson 1989, 15). Therefore, if Sampson’s passage through Cornwall occurred before AD 530 (Thomas 1994, 223), the foundation of the monastery Docco must have been earlier, perhaps before 500. This episode is the only hint of monastic activity before Sampson’s foundation in Cornwall (Olson 1989, 30). This implies that by the late fifth-century, Christianity must have been well known as an entity around this region of Cornwall, albeit not fully grounded in most sections of society as perhaps in South Wales or Ireland. This is also implied in the saga of the conversion of Guedianus and his exercitus; when Sampson chastised the leader, he pleaded the excuse that they were merely celebrating old ways – this statement can be ambiguous. It most likely means that they were celebrating old customs, many that may be rooted in paganism, much as the same way Mayday celebrations abound or wassailing in the orchards of the West Country. Or it may mean they had reverted back to paganism, ‘erring in their ways’ from Christianity, in the same way as

The life of St Sampson is important in that it gives us a vivid and ‘of the day’ description of post-Roman Dumnonia which is, as accurate or reliable from early writers, as can possibly be expected given the source of the material. Most significantly, it delivers information on the principal migrant/missionary route across Dumnonia, which was through the Camel and Fowey watersheds. A continuation of constant traffic through the corridor for centuries is indicated by Sampson’s dismissal of the ship (Thomas 1994, 233). This implies the corridor is a regular transmarine pilgrimage and trading route. The navis would have had to ship the dismantled currus together with the supplies and trappings of Sampson’s considerable entourage. The equipment must have amounted to as much as 1000kg especially as a cart had to be commissioned,

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route the monastery at Docco had fallen in standards, intimating that Christianity had only made a tentative introduction into west Dumnonia by the turn of the sixth-century. Of course, this is only a small part of the region and we cannot draw too many conclusions from this for the remainder of the peninsula. Although, as the corridor is more accessible than most areas of Cornwall it follows, that this and other estuarine areas should be more cosmopolitan and perhaps not entirely representative.

and seventh century that this sub-Roman Christianity, exemplified in South Wales, had fully encompassed Cornwall. Until that time barons such as Guedianus were the entities of power and the kingship or elites of Tintagel where Christianity was fully embraced. It was not until the later eighth- or ninth centuries that the landowning and ecclesiastical estates formed markets in order to gain revenue, such as the early Christian centre at St Keverne, which was named in the Anglo-Saxon charters (Wood 2010, 335). Until then fragmented rural settlement pattern of small individual tref communities prevailed with larger central ministries in the minority. This may be reinforced by the seventh-century hagiography of St Sampson, describing his journey through Cornwall in which he complains of not finding suitable ecclesiastical houses to accommodate him. However, Cornish religious houses did exist such as at Landocco (Olson 1989, 86) – although perhaps the rebuff provoked this complaint! St Sampson may be referring to the remoteness or general lack of centralised elite religious centres across the landscape in which he could command a large congregation to preach or sermonise. However, as remote as they are, these Christian estates were forming. It is recorded that one hundred hides were granted at Lanprobus by King Cenwalh (or similar AD 643 – 674) to Sherborne Abbey in Dorset. The presence of the lann at Probus suggests the church was granted a pre-existing institution, together with its agricultural estate perhaps long established (Pearce 2004, 172; Wright 2015, 30).

The second point is that the fact that Docco was established somewhat earlier than Sampson’s events must mean that the Camel/Fowey route was in use as a missionary and pilgrimage route well before this time. There may have been localised pockets of literate society at a similar level of Christianisation as Wales. Kinship ties, for which there is epigraphical evidence, formed between settlers to west Dumnonia from Wales and Ireland well before AD 500 would spread a package of religious, tenurial, technological and economic ideas (Mytum 1992, 47). There are examples of repeated family names on memorials and nomenclature across the Celtic sphere, noted by Thomas (1994, 262), together with Christian symbolism, for example, from the Camel estuary; inscribed palm fronds (Borlase 1893; Nowakowski and Thomas 1988, 22); inscription from Tintagel and a palm emblem appearing on a ring near Nanstallon (MCO51776). One estuarine area displaying early Christian enclaving is Hayle; a memorial stone found at a burial mound near Carnsew, a coastal hillfort overlooking the mouth of the estuary, has been dated to no later than AD 450–475 (Macalister 1953). Carnsew has been all but obliterated but it is likely that this was occupied in the early medieval and maybe the site of Beroul’s Lidan, or Dún maic Liathán (the same place) from Cormac mac Cuilennáin’s (killed in 906) place-name glossary from Ireland, thus demonstrating Irish links (Ewart 1970). The church at nearby Phillack also has an early medieval cemetery, an early-inscribed stone and Chi Rho symbol, all of which points to a commune of early Christian immigrants in the far south west (Pearce 2004, 215; Thomas 1994, 192). What is clear, and is consistent with the Vita Sampsonis, is that at this stage Cornwall was undergoing an on-going process of consolidation of Christianity. This was filtering across the Severn Sea, with interchange of spirituality between Ireland and Cornwall (particularly the Camel and Fowey corridor) and South Wales. Here a high form of classic Latin had evolved from a Roman background in these sub-Roman kingdoms with dioceses, real estate, churches and literacy (Davies 1989; 2009; Thomas 1994, 234), which gradually spread out from the east Wales monastic holdings, Yns Bŷr and Yns Brychan (Caldey and Lundy). The custom of epigraphically commemorating the higher orders in Ogham and Classic Latin with its associated Christian learning was still in its infancy during these earlier missionary exploits around Sampson’s time, although it may have been established for up to 50 years or more in parts of Cornwall such as Phillack, Landocco and St Clement. It was probably not until the mid to later sixth-

Place-Name Distribution Analysis with Lann Elements and Saint Dedications The density of memorial stones in the corridor clearly indicates common use of the corridor. Place-name prefixes further support prevalent use of the route when plotted onto distribution maps (Figure 6.20 and figure 6.21), and the element lan(n) Christian enclosure and eglos (Egloshayle)

Figure 6.20. Place-names containing the elements lann. Source: Author.

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Figure 6.21. Distribution of church sites forming parishes with place-names after saints show a dense distribution across the corridor, particularly around the Camel environs, most of which are dedicated after the Brychan perigrini. Source: Author.

denote early medieval Christian sites. The prefix lan has the complication in that it is similar to nans – meaning valley.

geophysics undertaken in this research. St Kew has not been included as it is likely that it superseded Lanow (Landocco).

St Enodoc lies within an earlier curvilinear boundary and has evidence of early medieval burials (Figure 7.35), likewise at St Endellion. St Sampson is also included in the list below (table 2), but is presented in parenthesis as a lann enclosure as it is strongly suspected as such from

Pearce identifies a list of potential early medieval longcist graves in Cornwall; on the Isles of Scilly there are St Helen’s church, Tean, St Sampson and Tresco Abbey. In the west of Cornwall there are graves at Lan-anta on Lelant Downs and Phillack near the mouth of the Hayle with Crantock at the mouth of the Gannel further east. Recent discoveries at St Piran’s oratory potentially can be added to the list (Gossip 2015). The remainder are all within a day’s walk of the Camel estuary; St Julitta, Tintagel, St Endellion, Trebellsue, St Columb Minor, St Minver, Constantine, St Merryn, Padstow, Trethillick, Trevone and Penmaine – most were found near dis-used chapel sites (Pearce 2004, 151). The number of early sites in the Camel River environs must highlight importance of the estuary as an entry point for the early missionary movement. When the lann prefixes from the CCHER in the corridor (table 2) are included there is an obvious string running across the corridor (Figure 6.20) also obvious with settlements named and dedicated to saints (Figure 6.21).

Table 6.2. The lan enclosures of the corridor. Egloshayle St Endellion St Enodoc Lancare Lanhydrock Lanherriot Langorthou (Fowey) Lanow Lanlivery Lanivet Langunnet Lanreath Lansallos Lanteglos Lantyan Lanwithan Lanwethinoc (Padstow) Lawhyre Leyonne Luxulyan (St Sampson) St Winnow

MCO 26528 SX 0008 7192 MCO 26576 SW 9965 7860 MCO 9829 SW 9300 7718 MCO 25157 SX1946 5919 MCO 15281 SX 0855 6360 MCO 15276 SX 1149 5388 MCO 15266 SX 1253 5168 MCO 11216 SX 0251 17761 MCO 26722 SX 0799 5906 MCO 25729 SX 0394 6422 MCO 15270 SX 1528 5787 MCO 2657 SX 1810 5920 MCO 28631 SX 1722 5160 MCO 26670 SX 1470 5370 MCO 11221 SX 1051 5730 MCO 15329 SX 1099 5932 MCO 26597 SW 916 7541 MCO 15353 SX1169 5187 MCO 15416 SX1078 5451 MCO 26719 SX 0521 5808 MCO 6321 SX 1205 5516) MCO 26725 SX 1155 5695

Saint dedications for place-names from which parishes have formed within easy accessibility to both rivers are as follows: St Merryn, St Eval, St Ervan, St Enodoc, St Endellion, St Kew, St Minver, St Issey, St Breock, St Teath, St Kew, St Mabyn, St Breward, St Withiel, St Wenn, St Winnow (Figure 6.22), St Sampson, St Veep, St Cadix. The lann place-names are more numerous in the Fowey environs than the Camel River, but it is the opposite for parishes originating centred on saint dedications. This may be an indication that early Church foundation sites 85

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Figure 6.22. St Winnow, referring to the Breton saint Winwaloe (Padel 1988), one of many pleasant sheltered sites on the Fowey surrounded by fertile well-drained soils. It lies on a promontory extending to the deeper channel of the Fowey. Tregays settlement lies 500m south east on the spur above indicating continuity. Evidence for ancient quays lie in the estuary, now only visible from ebb mid-tide demonstrating the promontory was once larger. Photograph: Author.

were sought in the more fertile soils and equable climate of the South Coast (Sampson’s ‘fair neighbourhood’), but individual church sites were dedicated to transient or sojourning saints on the north coast. Both lann and saint dedication distributions demonstrate a greater than average density of sites extending across Cornwall along the corridor, indicating the use of the corridor as a route in the early medieval period, which supports the hagiographical evidence. The majority of sites are situated within two or three kilometres of the rivers. This emphasises the importance for easy access to the river and the trans-peninsula route, not merely for just transportation, but use of the rivers as a hub and conduit for exchange of spiritual ideas, news and information. Just how this reflects on settlement and society is examined in the following chapters.

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7 East Camel Estuary Case Study: Settlement Sites, Continuity and Change in The Landscape Introduction

patches of common land which have been brought into agriculture in the post-medieval period.

A settlement case-study incorporating the area of St Minver Lowlands and Highlands, St Endellion, Chapel Amble and part of St Kew parishes with the aim of focusing on use of the landscape within the study period and to examine settlement morphology to help address the broad research question of shifts in patterns of social continuity and change. This study engages a micro-level of study for settlement sites undertaken for the study; Carruan, Middle Amble, Daymer Bay, Porthilly and Lanow.

The rough clifftop grazing land and recently enclosed common land covers 12 to 15 per cent, compared with 33 per cent at Tintagel, twelve miles north-west along the coast where much of the area consists of upland grazing, less suitable for cereals (Turner 2003). Rough ground still has an economic value in the way of furze (gorse) for fuel. Woodland is relatively sparse compared with other areas constituting around two to three per cent of the area. This may indicate that fuel and some building materials must have been imported. The geologies are composed of pockets of a localised mix, but are predominantly composed of Devonian slates.

Locational and Settlement Description The study area is bounded by the Camel estuary in the south and west with the north coast of Cornwall on its northern edge. The Historic Landscape Character mapping (Figure 7.1) shows the clifftop is bounded by a strip of rough cliff grazing or sand dune of varying width before running into farmland. To the east, the rolling coastal plain is bounded by the Allen and Camel Rivers before the ground rises towards Bodmin Moor. None of the area covered can be categorised as upland, the majority of the area being classed as anciently enclosed land character. The large areas of well-drained land lend itself to cereal production and the area may well have been a ‘bread basket’ in antiquity. In this zone, there are several smaller

The only archaeological study of enclosures in the area has been at Penmayne, St Minver where a cluster of midIron Age roundhouses has been examined, and at Porthilly where a watching brief on a pipe line discovered a probable round enclosure (Gossip 2012, 209; Gossip et al. 2012). The Iron Age promontory fort at the Rumps has also been excavated by R. Brooks in the mid 1960’s (1973 7–50). The results from the geophysics surveys for this study demonstrate that it is difficult to identify rounds from uninhabited stock enclosures making rounds difficult to enumerate. However, studied with caution, among the

Figure 7.1. The Historic Landscape Characterisation Mapping of the study area. The green area is anciently enclosed land; light green, recently enclosed land; yellow, rough grazing/scrub; brown, woodland; red, development and grey, golf course. Source: Cornwall Council Interactive Mapping with permission.

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Figure 7.2. The distribution of rounds (black - likely and purple - possible) and settlements with early medieval prefixes, tre (T), bod (B), pen (P), manorial status denoted by (M). The open settlements are orange. Mapping author.

enclosures with round characteristics there are seven enclosures quite likely to be rounds and seven other possible sites, which demonstrates how difficult it is to quantify. Most of the enclosures displaying characteristics for a round (and described as prehistoric or RomanoBritish round on the CCHER) are located around the edges of higher ridges (Figure 7.2). The landscape is dotted with small settlements and farmsteads with the prefixes tre, one bod, and one with a pen prefix; Pendoggett has produced early medieval architectural material and therefore has been included in the early medieval settlement distribution mapping. The only hendra toponym is found on the edge of a ridge that runs parallel with the Allen River. A drove lane here connects the settlement directly through St Mabyn to the higher ground of Bodmin Moor where transhumance could take place. The distribution of rounds (Figure 7.2) shows a distinct blank area from Porthilly to St Endellion (Young 2012, 105). Much of this area covers the slightly higher area of St Minver Highlands before it descends to

the lower contours of the valley in which a tributary of the River Amble sources between St Minver and St Endellion. This shallow valley would formerly have been rough marshy grazing, consequently it remains absent of both rounds and tref settlement, and is enclosed much later with farmsteads with anglicised place-names.

Figure 7.3. View to the south west from the western area of Carruan settlement toward the entrance to the Camel to Stepper Point. Photograph: Author.

Figure 7.4. Looking north from the north-eastern side of Carruan across Port Quin Bay (Lundy Bay) to Tintagel Island. Photograph: Author.

Notes on Fieldwork from The Settlement Study Sites Carruan The settlement at Carruan encompasses a large part of the crest of a gently rounded coastal ridge between Port Quin Bay to the north, and the mouth of the Camel. It not only commands a vista across the estuary from the west side, but up the coast to Tintagel with Hartland Point and Lundy visible on a clear day from the north side of the settlement (Figure 7.3 and figure 7.4).

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Figure 7.5. An attempt at unpicking the phasing of the 17ha settlement at Carruan. Unusually, permission to survey was refused for the field overlaid by Google Earth, bottom left, but circular parch marks and boundaries can be identified. There are approximately 150 structures covering an area of around 20 hectares (the 17m dia. plus in blue), but there may be more outside the surveyed areas. The only Roman influence is perhaps shown by the square enclosure, but it must be noted there are also confirmed prehistoric rectilinear examples (Frances Griffith pers. comm.). Contains Google Earth imagery.

Significantly, lead and silver lodes are a feature of the geology of Pentire Head, with a north-east trending-lode also containing silver, which outcrops at Pengirt Cove, just to the north west of Pentireglaze, 1.2 km from the centre of the Carruan settlement. Another lead lode, once worked by Polzeath consols, trends north/south. The site is less than one kilometre to Lundy Bay to the north, where there is access to beaching via a rock-cut slipway, which may have been quarried in antiquity. A natural arch in the bay, which features in the folklore tale of ‘St Minver and the devil’, demonstrates that caves were linked to the supernatural through the ages representing liminal places to the underworld. To the west, Polzeath is the nearest beach. Both beaches are exposed to Atlantic swell and surf, but the all-weather shelter of Daymer Bay is only 2.2 kilometres to the south west.

A total area exceeding 18 hectares of magnetometry revealed an unprecedented large and complex open settlement of roundhouses, tracks and enclosures (Figure  7.5). The survey results contribute several significant points of interest concerning social structure to the Romano-‘Cornovii’ database. It is apparent that there is progression of size of roundhouse indicating phasing by some of the larger roundhouse gullies measuring up to 19 metres, cutting smaller 14m to 15m structures, an occurrence that does not appear in reverse, thus demonstrating phasing (Figure  7.6). This is consistent with roundhouses at Porthilly and Middle Amble where Roman artefacts provide relative dating. At Middle Amble, both large and smaller roundhouses feature with third-century pottery being recovered from a

Figure 7.6. Extracts from the Carruan survey. In all examples, larger 17m to 19m roundhouses cut medium and smaller examples (green and red). This is mirrored at Middle Amble where second-century ceramics were found within a large roundhouse, and at Porthilly where Roman coins and a fibula were found in a field comprising of large roundhouses. Significantly, a medium-size roundhouse appears to be cut by the corner of the enclosure, which contains large roundhouses indicating the enclosure may be from the later phase.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route 17m roundhouse (Borlase and Wright 2014). It is clear that earlier smaller roundhouses generally pre-date the larger examples of Romano-British date. Contemporary RomanoBritish roundhouses in Devon may not conform to the same pattern. At Ipplepen a roundhouse of probable Roman date is thought to measure 14.4m (Steve Rippon 2018, email pers. comm.) and at Pomeroy Wood, Honiton, houses here appear to vary from circular to more oval in shape of around 12m to 14m in diameter (Grove 1999, 240 – 50, figs 113, 119, 121 and 122). It is evident there may be cultural differentiation of roundhouse size and pattern between different areas of Dumnonia. The internal area of the almost perfectly square enclosure with an east facing entrance at Carruan measured 64m × 64m, giving an area of 0.4 ha, which lies within the average range for round enclosures. It contains around five roundhouses. Some of these may pre-date the enclosure, as one large roundhouse within the enclosure overlays an earlier smaller structure which could conceivably predate the enclosure. The larger roundhouses are likely to be contemporary with the rectangular ditch as one smaller roundhouse appears to be cut by it indicating the ditch is a later introduction, probably Romano-British in date. The enclosure meets all the criteria for a round and is probably relatively late in date within the round horizon discussed by (Quinnell 2004, 213).

Figure 7.7. Two rectilinear enclosures at Mount Folly, Bigbury, Devon looking due north. The rectilinear enclosure is around 48m x 48m. Image: F. M. Griffith. © Devon County Council.

There are suggestions of further smaller curved features on the site, which may be further structures of various phases and two pits or areas associated with burning may be industrial. Characteristically, as at Kingswood, Middle Amble and elsewhere in Cornwall, the structure gullies are deeper (0.63m – 0.7m deep excavated depth) than can be assumed is required for rain run-off (Borlase 2013; Borlase and Wright 2014; Gossip and Jones 2009). Along the southern edge of the settlement, detailed analysis of magnetometry shows plots or areas around houses demonstrating individual detachment from other structures and unit differentiation as part of the social framework. Just to the north-west of the enclosure there is a grouping of houses bounded within a ditched area, probably indicating pockets of social grouping, perhaps of an extended family. All these characteristics are repeated in the Higher Park field area of the Middle Amble settlement (Figure 7.14).

Figure 7.8. Trench 7 the drip/ring-ditch gulley terminal of a 19m roundhouse.

A limited programme of excavation to attain dating and enlighten on functionality revealed a number of features of interest. One of the most significant trenches was a ‘ring ditch/drip gully’ terminal of one the 19m diameter houses. It bottomed at over 0.6m deep (trench 7, figure 7.8) and resulted in the retrieval of second or third century RomanoBritish gabbroic ‘burnished’ pottery (Imogen Wood, August 2016). This find is important in that is provides a relative date for this 19m diameter house trench and sets a dating model for the later larger structures which overlay the earlier smaller examples.

Rectilinear enclosures are not restricted to Cornwall; at Mount Folly Farm (SX 6597 4479), Bigbury Bay, Devon, a stone revetted rectilinear enclosure dating to the Roman period (MDV40102) was located on a spur 500 metres from Bantham Sands (Griffith and Wilkes 2006) at the mouth of the Avon (Figure 7.7). Interpreted as a working ‘trading’ enclosure, it strongly suggests a robust trading network existed along the south coast in the Roman period, part of the trade connection that ultimately reaches Cornwall and the River Fowey. It also raises the possibility that these enclosures may protect valuable trading stores such as tin. A large roundhouse within the enclosure at Carruan has unique concentric ring gullies. Could these be structures be for a storage facility or may it have a ceremonial function?

The examination of the prominent 18–19m roundhouse mentioned, within main rectangular enclosure confirmed the magnetometry results of two concentric inner ditches (trench 1, Figure 7.9). The inner gully appeared to have a hard, gritty layer (1–05) which may have been a floor laid at a later date. No finds were recorded and there is little indication to assign a function, and no comparanda can be found for these features (Andy Jones pers. comm. 2015). It must be of significance that a location within the enclosure was selected for this unusual structure, indicating it must be of some importance. 90

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Figure 7.9. Trench 1 north section confirming the two concentric inner ring ditches. The outer ditch [1–04] was 0.6m from the outer ‘drip gully’.

Figure 7.10. Trench 8 plan and section, interpreted as a probable south-east to north-west aligned burial with the probable head end at the north-west end.

In the hope of finding datable material, four other internal roundhouse anomalies examined turned out to be pits, two were filled with stone (trench 2 and 5), some being beach or river worn. Both pits were one by one metres in area and 0.77m deep containing no finds. Trench 8 (Figure 7.10) was interpreted as a possible burial pit with a setting of stones placed ceremoniously at the probable head end of the north/south cut. Eight or more small oval pebbles, with two being polished were recovered. The magnetometry survey suggests the pit continued towards the south east. Trench 11 proved to be another pit but varied in that this did have features within it. An oval ball of clay and a volume of burnt material below it was removed in one block and retained for examination (Figure 7.11). The ball of clay (11–04) lay 1.27m below present surface level and measured 19 x 11 cms. It was examined by Imogen Wood who confirmed it was of a local clay and not gabbroic from the Lizard. Beneath the clay was a layer of charcoal and burnt clay soil (11–05). The pit continued in a north south direction and although it may have been a burial pit, when the clay and samples were flotation sieved no burnt bone or organic material was recovered.

Figure 7.11. Trench 11 showing the clay ball (11–04).

It is often difficult to differentiate between burning and pits from magnetometry results, and two of the internal house structures, as hoped, were hearths but unfortunately still did not deliver ceramic dating material although samples were taken. The trench 3 hearth [3–05] was central in the roundhouse (Figure 7.12) and contained a layer of around 50 per cent burnt clay and charcoal (3–03) within a burnt stone setting, two stones being non-local granite (3–04).

Figure 7.12. Trench 3 plan and section. The hearth pit feature.

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Figure 7.13. Trench 10 plan and section showing the characteristics of a hearth. Figure 7.14. Magnetometry of the enclosure showing location of the excavation trenches.

Trench 10 proved to be another hearth feature in the very centre of a 17.5m roundhouse, again absent of pottery finds (Figure 7.13). A uniform shaped whetstone or rubber and part of a probable quern of volcanic tuff with a specific gravity of 2.1 were the only finds.

exterior lies over fifty roundhouses. The surrounding open settlement lies between two creeks running into the Camel estuary, Dinham to the west and the River Amble to the south. It is complemented by surrounding field systems with a further bivalate enclosure in the far eastern quadrant of the survey (Figure 7.14). Roundhouses and field systems run from the enclosure down the west-facing spur towards Dinham Creek covering around 9 ha (surveyed).

Trenches 4 and 9 were posthole pits complete with packing stones, interestingly with a sleeper slate laid at the foot of the posts. The programme of excavation proved to be a worthwhile exercise in that it produced dating material and a tentative insight into the occupants of Carruan which will be discussed later.

There are indications of further tracks, field systems and possibly roundhouses from aerial survey on the adjacent waterside area. The creek would provide sheltered lighterage, just five kilometres from the mouth of the Camel. Thus, the location was strategically situated for coastal trade connections. The magnetometry demonstrated roundhouse gullies fall between 18m and 19m in diameter and cut earlier smaller examples demonstrating a longue duré, with phasing and contemporaneity with Carruan. Similar to Carruan, some structures in Higher Hill Park

Middle Amble Just five kilometres south of Carruan, a survey revealed a bi-vallate penannular-shaped enclosure at Middle Amble (Figure 7.15), on a position which commands a clear allround view to the Camel from its 48m high summit. The outer ditch is roughly 80m in diameter, and around its

Figure 7.15. The Middle Amble settlement. Around 50 structures identified over 19 hectares although the full extent of the settlement was not found. The small field enclosures are indicative of sheep farming practices, also recorded in the results from Trenain at Daymer Bay. This period has been dubbed the ‘sheep age’ (Clare Randell pers. comm. University of Bournemouth).

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Figures 7.16 and 17. The trench 1 plan and west section of the gully terminus showing the blocking stone.

appear to feature antennae-like enclosures or annexes suggesting a degree of spatial status. In the Higher Hill field to the east of the settlement, the wide inter-vallate area and inner antennae of the bi-vallate enclosure, and importantly, the complete absence of structures in the bi-vallate enclosure led to interpretation as a stock corralling function. This would serve field systems around the settlement. Enclosures with similar antennae-like characteristics in the Camel environs such as Carnevas, St Eval (Young 2012, 80), which likewise also denote a stock handling function. Excavation of a single roundhouse within the enclosure revealed a blocking stone at the ring gully terminal (trench 1, figure 7.16, figure 7.17, figure 7.18). It is not clear why this should have been a design feature, one explanation maybe that the stone may have formed a wall supporting a slate cover for a cool store.

Figure 7.18. The blocking stone in situ. Photograph: Author.

and Wright 2014, 194–202). A radio-metric determination returned a date of 1990 ± 30 BP, 50 cal BC to cal AD 70 using OxCal 4.2 (Beta 348526) from a grain sample. This is much later than dating from a roundhouse nearby at Penmayne, St Minver (Gossip et al. 2012).

Trench 2 revealed an internal pit containing an exceptional and unique deposit of over 42 litres of carbonised six-row barley hordeum Vulgare. The grain, much of which was still on the ear, (approximately 2000 ears) was contained within an oak box (Figure 7.19). Dana Challinor examined the remains of the charred quercus sp (oak) box and a grain analysis was carried out by Wendy Caruthers (in Borlase

Grain storage pits have not yet appeared in Cornwall (Andy Jones pers. comm.). Elsewhere, pits containing carbonised grain are rare. A few examples of deposits do exist such as at Stanwick, Thorpe and Therles, Inchkeil, and Gravelly

Figure 7.19. Section and Plan of trench 2 in the centre of the enclosure roundhouse, the 43-litre grain deposition.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Guy, Oxfordshire, the latter in which the lower half of the pit had ‘scorched earth’ (Huntley and Stalibrass 1995; Sheperd and Sheperd 1989; Moffett 2004, 638). As a ritual deposit, clearly the oak box would increase the value of a sacrifice if this was a deliberate offering, but unfortunately, there are no comparanda for storage in oak boxes in either Iron Age or Romano-British deposits in Britain to draw upon. Another likely scenario to be considered is that the deposit may have been an accidentally or maliciously charred seed corn store. The oak box with a lid, covered with soil, may be a successful way of protecting the grain. There was evidence of burning (context 2–04) in the layers above and a stone setting to the north, so it is fair to speculate that the feature, which was 2m from the wall of the roundhouse, may have been subsequently used as a hearth (Borlase and Wright 2014, 189; Carruthers 2014, 202; Challinor 2014, 202). Second to third-century Trethurgy Type 4 gabbroic sherds were recovered from context (2–03).

Figure 7.20. The hearth located on the between the enclosure ditches.

Trench 3 revealed a hearth devoid of any finds (Figure 7.20).

The ditch provided one sherd of imported mortaria; a Hartley, Pas de Calais group II, similar to finds at Restormel fort which indicates imports were reaching the lower status sites via the corridor. The ceramic assemblage (table  1) from the site included Romano-British native wares of the Trethurgy typeset together with imported pottery, from Gaul and second to third century RomanoBritish pottery recovered from contexts above the grain

Excavation of the inner main enclosure ditch terminal hoped to recover artefacts to further characterise the enclosure, its function and chronology (Figures 7.21, figure 7.22, figure 7.23). The ditch proved to be 2.3m deep and over 3m wide, and although not completely excavated the profile appeared to be curved.

Figures 7.21 to 23. The inner ditch terminal trench 4.

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East Camel Estuary Case Study Table 7.1. Pottery sherd numbers and weight from Middle Amble by context and fabric. African Red Slip Ware Gabbroic Surface Collection Context (2–02) (2–03) (2–03) (4–02) Mean sherd weight Totals Vessel numbers Represented

Mortaria

1s/17g

Figure 7.25. African Red Slip ware found at Middle Amble close match to the foot-ring of Tyers 3C (1996). Drawing: Author.

1s/24g 1s/3g 1s/14g 17g 17g 1

3s/56g 14g 56g 1

the sherd was recovered from the plough soil it is relatively crisp around the edges. Taphonomically, it is thought not to have suffered immersion in water, or been river-worn for over a millennium and imported recently from the Camel in sand for soil improvement; it is therefore from the site. Another probable sherd of ARSW was recorded across the estuary from Lellizzick (Mepham 2008, 2). Thomas notes that the type consists of several forms, but these insular finds are from a limited range not made after 530 (1984, 25) indicating trading activity for this period.

17g 41g 3

deposit (Figure  7.24). Other sampling trenches reflected occupation into the third century within the enclosure roundhouse (Borlase and Wright 2014, 192–3).

Daymer Bay and Hinterland

Perhaps the most notable sherd was a foot ring from an African Red Slip Ware vessel indicating imports to the site in the post-Roman (Figure 7.25 and figure 7.26). Although

Settlement evidence at the entrance to the Camel Estuary at Daymer Bay identified through geophysics complements an extensive catalogue of Roman finds found in the Bay and around St Enodoc Church and its hinterland. From the research from Daymer Bay and St Enodoc alone, there is much evidence to support extensive use of this area as a ‘port of trade’ or ‘emporia’ serving the corridor and its environs. The distribution of goods from emporia relies on elite groups trading goods from merchants and transporting them to their centres for redistribution to others, effectively creating a secondary market. Daymer Bay (Figure  7.26), serving large settlements developing in its hinterland, is an example of a successful emporia model. Proto-urban settlement blossomed through agrarian, craft and mineral trading in its environs with the bay providing an outlet and trans-shipment centre. The evidence demonstrates the bay’s importance to this study

Figure 7.24. Second- to third-century Romano-British gabbroic sherds.

Figure 7.26. The entrance of the Camel River with Doom Bar and the sheltered beaching of Daymer Bay – ‘port of trade?’ Trebetherick to the right of image. Photograph: Author.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route as having quasi or mainstream status as a ‘port of trade’ supporting the corridor. Relatively little expenditure in fieldwork time produced a variety of evidence forms all supporting this hypothesis and are described below. Besides the settlement evidence of Carruan, a combination of literary, map regression and anecdotal evidence together with that from Trenain, Trebetherick and St Enodoc evinces the bay as an active trading hub (Figures 7.27 to 7.38). As icing on the evidence cake for trade the geophysics even revealed a stock corral to pen livestock in preparation for possible export from the area. Another example is St Petroc, landing at Trebetherick (Figure 7.39), for which the all-weather shelter of Daymer Bay is the obvious place for a landing, being less than 500m from the settlement. St Sampson also landed on the east shore, probably at Daymer, the nearest landing to Landocco, which was to be the first call on his ‘itinerary’. Geophysics and aerial survey (Figure 7.27 and figure 7.28) show there is a settlement with a curvilinear enclosure which is likely to have a stock pound function, tracks radiate from the beach (probably contemporary with the

Figure 7.28. Part of the geophysics, carried out at Trenain Farm 300m east of Daymer Bay and aerial imaging overlaid on Google Earth imagery. A track or road leaving Daymer heading east can be traced by geophysics and aerial survey. Probable 12–17m roundhouse structures, a probable stock pound, tracks and field boundaries highlighted, but there are indications of further roundhouses. A metal detectorist contacted for this research (Alan Gill) produced several Roman artefacts from the beach area of Daymer Bay (Figures 29 to 32).

study period), with small rectilinear enclosures within complex field systems. High status finds from below Brae Hill also indicate that a settlement lay at this point until it suffered sand inundation in the later early medieval. The evidence for Roman and early medieval settlement and activity is documented as far back as 1848. Antiquarians Haverfield and Taylor (Trollope 1860) record that numerous finds were discovered under shifting sand dunes by a Mr Thomas Kent of Padstow (PRN 26384). The objects recovered included Roman coins of Gallienus, Caraculla (198–217AD, Penhallurick 1980), Constantine I and Arcadius, ‘medals of bronze of the first, second, and fourth centuries (AD 253 to 408), fibulae, and a great variety of pottery’.

Figure 7.27. Magnetometer results from the fields southeast of Trenain 100m east of St Enodoc church. The church is just beyond the image below the bottom centre. Several enclosures are laid out over an earlier, probably prehistoric landscape, which can be established by the underlying field boundaries or ditches. The spur runs from left to right of the magnetometry with the circular black areas indicating burning on the crest of the spur. Co-axial field systems with access tracks in the centre and enclosures are Roman or Late Iron Age in nature. The two speckled lines are water pipes. Google Earth imagery overlay.

The comprehensive list of finds include amphorae sherds, samian and other pottery including ‘red, cream, and grey wares’, various bronze objects, including a zoomorphic fibula resembling a bird, a penannular fibula, fragments of glass bottles, jars and vases usually of green or amber tinted glass, blue and variegated glass beads, a lunula shaped stud, tweezers and fragments of chain, a pink coral 96

East Camel Estuary Case Study necklace, and a large amount of wood ash and ‘fused traprock’ (possibly associated with industrial working). Most importantly from a chronological perspective are the recovery of the Roman coins of Gallienus, Constantine I and Arcadius. The large amount of wood ash recorded may indicate that there is some evidence for cremation. From the same site, there are also sherds that may be classified as post-Roman (PRN 26348). However, there appears to be confusion over their identification with abraded samian, consequently Thomas has omitted them from his Provisional List after having first identified them as Phocaean ware. Thomas also refers to other reports of imported wares and amphorae from this area considering that they may possibly be cases of miscellaneous ‘B’ (LR) amphorae (Trollope 1860, 312; Thomas 1981,7). Likewise, Dark reports of identifying a sherd of B ware from the path at St Enodoc (1994a, 92). The finds appear to be of relatively high status and intimate a RomanoBritish and post-Roman settlement or trading post of some prominence. William Copeland Borlase in Age of the Saints records finds of Roman pottery found near Padstow in 1847 as bearing Christian motifs: ‘stamped the portions of a cross, together with the sacred monogram’ (1893, 53). Other artefactual evidence from the area from later sources include five Roman coins, one from Rock (NMR 4309450), one from St. Enodoc churchyard (NMR 430928/MCO1398), one from the river (NMR 430839) and two from the dunes (NMR 889510). A second century copper alloy headstud brooch (MCO 39924) (Figure 7.28) has also been recovered.

Figure 7.30. The third or fourth century spoons. Source: Alan Gill; Photograph: Author.

A metal detectorist working from Daymer bay, Alan Gill, was contacted for this research. He presented an interesting assemblage comprising of an unusual planoconvex tin/pewter ‘ingot’, the shape consistent with dripping into the bottom of a vessel or mould, and two pewter spoons (Figure 7.29). The spoons, dating from of

the third or fourth centuries (Carl Thorpe pers. comm.), are similar in style to spoons recovered from contexts of the same date at Atlantic Road in Newquay in 1998, and Chysauster (Gossip and Jones 2007, 46; Johns 2004). This may indicate a local production centre. The spoons would have had a long prong like handle for opening shellfish (Figure 7.30)

Figure 7.29. Left - A plano-convex object recovered from Daymer Bay, analysis results: Sn 83.2 per cent, Cu 0.57, Pb 7 per cent, Fe 7 per cent. Source: Alan Gill. Photograph: Author. Right – Plano-convex tin ingot from Prah Sands with a cross cut into the mould, one of four items. It weighs 3.8 kgs and is nearly double the weight of the Daymer example but there is a similarity in shape. Drawing: Roger Penhallurick, by permission of the Royal Cornwall Museum.

Further Roman period finds from Gill’s collection comprise of thirteen Roman Coins MCO56249. The list includes: nine Vespasian AD 69–79; one Titus AD 79–81; one Hadrionic AD 117–138 and two Galleanus AD 253–268. The assemblage and features have now been reported to the CCHER by the author and complements numerous Roman finds accumulated since the nineteenth century, many of these high-status finds from the dunes at Daymer below Brae Hill and St Enodoc. It must be noted that many of the finds or features are now lost so cannot be verified as genuine, equally the provenance may be vague. Nevertheless, the overall quantity of evidence signifies a healthy trading system operating from Daymer and its environs (Carruan) throughout the whole of the Roman period continuing into the post-Roman. Activity for this period is represented by a copper alloy ring (MCO39924) found at Trenain, sherds of Bii (LR1) amphora, and a letter dated 26th 1849 from Thomas Kent to Roach Smith, mentioning pottery of the same fine moulded quality as samian, but not as red, which may be ARSW, (Society of Antiquaries of London MS 875 C – copies found in 97

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Borlase 2018, appendix 3, para. 33, Letters from Kent to Smith; courtesy of Niall Finneron). The ring was recovered just a few metres from a where a Roman headstud brooch was found on ancient tracks showing on aerial survey and magnetometry (Figure 7.28), supporting the theory for routes into Daymer and its use as an outlet. This track/road runs east on the survey aligning with tracks showing on aerial survey to Plain Street (streat – road), and along the north coast (Figure 5.7), discussed earlier. Evidence from Daymer Bay beach and dunes is as rich and varied as it is extensive. A submerged forest on exposed salt marsh is revealed on low tides particularly after winter storms wash sand away. A channel between the north side of the salt marsh and the south side of the rocks that border the north side of the bay may have facilitated transshipping. Use of this channel in recent times for off-loading coal and dispatching corn was reminisced by an elderly resident of Trebetherick, long since died but recalling her childhood to the young resident of Trenain Farm, now in her more mature years. She spoke of sailing craft beaching in the channel on the north side of the bay (Dawn Cooper of Trenain, Daymer Bay 2012, pers. comm.). The same storms revealed further transient archaeological evidence; two ephemeral sets of cart tracks cutting into salt-marsh peat (MCO56250) is again supportive of the use of the bay for these transhipments (Figure 7.31). The tracks, at 1.25m wide, are the same gauge as those found at Berkeley Castle on stratified Roman contexts (Stuart Prior 2013, pers. comm.). They lay just to the seaward side of a shell midden and roundhouse outline (allocated MCO56253), and a large fissile slate (Figure 7.32) with drill holes which was uncovered a little further up the beach.

Figure 7.31. Cart tracks (MCO56250) 1.25m wide. Photograph: Author.

and it would make a natural focus for safe trans-shipment and porting as the survey suggests; tracks radiating from the bay. St Enodoc and Trebetherick St Enodoc Church lies in an ancient landscape revealed by geophysics. The first firm documentary reference to the Chapel and St Enodoc was from 1299 when it was listed as ‘Sanctus Wenodocus’ among the churches and chapels belonging to Bodmin Priory. The name implies that it may have been founded by Guenodoc. The oldest wall is in the tower (Baxter 2002) and is likely to be the original construction, so it is significant that on examination here, it was noticed that at the footings level there are two, possibly three distinct stones exhibiting evidence of re-used moulded features (Figure 7.33). It was also observed the stone from the north side of the tower, comes from an unusual mixture of geology; granite, cataclews stone, conglomerate and green Devonian slate. This reinforces the argument for re-use of materials. The reclamation of stone mouldings for

Also, at Daymer, copper ship’s nails have been collected by Gill, forming robust evidence for the use of the beach as a transhipment base and trading base for the period within this study (2012, pers. comm.). The bay provides the only natural all-weather landing point for many sailing hours

Figure 7.32. Slate from Daymer Bay uncovered after autumn storms in 2012, this is not a grave slate bound for St Enodoc Church or elsewhere as it has holes already bored in it and would probably be too long. These finds were reported to Cornwall HER (allocated MCO 56251). Photograph: Author.

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Figure 7.33. Moulded stone from the footings of St Enodoc tower. Photograph: Author.

Figure 7.34. Re-used Roman masonry at Wroxeter Church, one with a lewis slot showing. Photograph: Author.

use in footings means that the stones may pre-date the church. Of course, moulded stone may have arrived in their present position as a result of later church renovation as can often be seen on other examples (Anne PrestonJones pers. comm. 2014). However, this is perhaps less likely for the footings of a church tower, when structural integrity would be compromised and work on the tower itself is not mentioned in records.

shrine in which votive depositions to deities are offered in recognition or request for a safe sea journey? Arguably, the shrine on Nornour in the archipelago of the Isles of Scilly is one such site (Dudley 1968). St Enodoc certainly dates from the early medieval if not earlier. During recent consolidation work to the present path leading directly into the porch, further graves were found orientated east to west. This signifies that the entrance to an earlier phase of the church was elsewhere. Also, an original earlier boundary wall was located making the churchyard much smaller which may accord with, or pre-date the earlier curvilinear ancient boundary recorded on the tithe map (Figure 7.35).

Roman material is often incorporated in the fabric of a religious building in consideration of the context in which it was built (Figure  7.33 and figure  7.34), particularly when constructed over the site of the source of the re-used stone. It is therefore possible, stone may represent the reuse of architectural features displayed in the footings of an earlier structure from around, or underlying the church (possibly a temple?). Apart from the practical use, it may have a psychological function representing continuity, especially when built in as a foundation stone (Pearce 2004, 187–8). John Maclean records in his ‘History of Trigg Minor’ that in 1868, during underpinning of the west wall, three levels of internments were found placed one above the other beneath the wall, the lowest being on solid rock, and the skeletons were enclosed crudely with stones (1876). Given the above evidence it is not beyond reasonable possibility that the site formerly occupied a

Figure 7.35. The tithes apportion map entry for St Enodoc Church showing the earlier near round boundary of lan character. Source: Anne Preston Jones. Images used with permission of the Cornwall and Scilly Historic Environment Record © Cornwall Council 2019.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Trebetherick Just above the bay at Daymer on the north side lies Trebetherick. Here, Petroc is documented to have landed (Jankulak 2000, 10), but as Trebetherick is surrounded by a low cliff, Daymer is the most likely landing point. This may imply a notable settlement lay at Trebetherick at this time. St Sampson also probably landed at Daymer prior to his attempted visit to Docco, the bay being the nearest point. This prompted research of the Trebetherick area.

Figure 7.36. Resistivity from Widdistone field 60m x 40m indicating rectalinear markings.

A survey conducted on a field named Widderstone (Figure 7.36, figure 7.37, figure 7.38), confirmed a facsimile of features to many of the crop marks on an aerial image. Unusual curvilinear parch marks reminiscent of small enclosures or plots, and two distinctly square enclosures.

A wayside-type stone cross was uncovered from the boundary wall during renovations and now sits in the porch, the symbol is slender in form, slightly of Greek character within a marginal rim (Langdon 1996a, 57).

Figure 7.37. Aerial photograph of Widderstone field, Trebetherick. Source: Author (training flight c. 1995/6).

Figure 7.38. Extract of Figure 7.37 aerial, the features that show on the magnetometry (inset) results are highlighted. The features are reminiscent of field enclosures, tracks and roundhouses overlaying one another, the straight track matches lidar imaging. Interpretation: Malcolm Wright.

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East Camel Estuary Case Study Some of the marks were faintly replicated in the results on the magnetometry, but when the square enclosure was examined with resistivity (which highlights walls) the results could not be confirmed for walls, but they indicated the presence of parallel rectilinear ditches with parallel high restivity linear readings (broken black lines, figure 7.36) between two curvilinear linear ditches. Geologist, Robin Hazell thought it was possible that similar looking marks could be the consequence of surface periglacial marks or outcrops, but in his opinion these rectilinear ditches with linear wall-like features, without doubt, are certainly not natural. Many other features are reminiscent of field enclosures and tracks associated with the linear features indicating, that altogether, these features may constitute a substantial settlement with rectilinear structures. A round is documented in the CCHER, which maybe associated to the features here, although an archetypal round was not found in this survey. The extent of any settlement would now be impossible to detect due to development.

approximately 100 trefi capable of raising one hundred fighting men. Dark attempts to show how fortified subRoman settlement centred roughly in the middle of the of the hundred territories at Trevelgue and Tintagel may have given Daymer Bay/Padstow significance as hundredal border trading place on the edge of these territories. The indications from this study are that at the very least this is significant in relation to Tintagel. Porthilly Porthilly, laying midway between Daymer Bay and Middle Amble, was selected for examination after noticing crop marks on aerial photographs clearly showing features indicative of settlement (Figure 7.39). The site lies just 400m east from a sandy beaching inlet to the west on the Camel estuary. A stream runs to the north of the survey area (marked by the line of trees), and the site then rises to the 30-metre contour to the south near the modern road. Magnetometry not only mirrored an intensely busy landscape of enclosures and tracks showing on the aerials, but also produced a dense open settlement of interweaving roundhouse features, with more partially showing on the higher contours and overlaid by medieval mine spoil (Figure  7.40 and figure  7.41). Mining records indicate the two high anomalies (Figure  7.41) displayed on the magnetometry are sixteenth century lead mines, which align with surface-mining lead lodes. The medieval works may have been sunk into existing worked lodes, which may too be medieval, but there are indications some or all may be Romano-British as there appears to be much industrial working around the area associated with the Romano-British period roundhouses. Certainly, two 17m roundhouses are firmly associated with an enclosure at

The extensive evidence, together with that from Lellizzick (Mepham 2008) builds a convincing picture of the mouth of the Camel estuary as a focus for trans-shipment and trade. It forms part of an overall narrative which includes merchandise ported across the peninsula, in turn, influencing society and developing a growing economy. In all, it underpins the importance and use of the transpeninsula trade route throughout the study period. St Enodoc and Daymer lie on the Cornish hundred borders between Trigg and Pydar, which are formed by the River Camel; Dark suggests this may have a connection with Roman and post-Roman trading sites (Dark 1994, 155). First mentioned in St Alfred’s will, each hundred contains

Figure 7.39. Aerial image looking west of features 400m east of Porthilly Bay. Source: SW 9475/6 SW942753 17-AUG- 83 NMR 2152/1292. Courtesy NMR.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route the east end of the fork shaped ditch/surface lode, which respects the Romano-British features. One appears in the centre of the enclosure, with the other roundhouse just three or four metres from the south side of the ditch, or enclosure entrance, demonstrating the features are Roman period (geophysical interpretation endorsed by Dr John Oswin, pers. comm. email 2019). At the north-west side, the ditch roughly parallels an enclosure, where here it may shallowout to a holloway, possibly used for carting ore from the surface mine lode. High magnetometry signals indicating extreme burning, appears in two of the enclosures and they are probably an indication of industrial activity, (marked ‘D’, Figures, 40 and 41). Lead ore is widespread in the plough-soil (Jerry Marshall pers. comm. 2017). Metal detectorist finds of a second century fibula (Truro Museum) with a secure provenance from the site, unrecorded Roman coins (Jerry Marshall pers. comm. 2017), and roundhouses of over 17m, similar to those at Carruan and Porthilly, support Romano-British occupation, mining and industrial activity. The fibula found in the centre of Mine Field was found in two separate parts indicating it was not introduced through sand improvement practices.

Figure 7.40. Detail from magnetometry results below from Porthilly displaying Romano-British 17m plus diameter ‘signature’ roundhouses some overlaying earlier complex annex and enclosure features. The double boundary curvilinear feature is likely to be a stone banked wall, similar to those typical of Cornish magnetometry results for field boundaries (Gaffney and Gater 2003, 123–4). The circular enclosure has two high signals within which are consistent with signatures of industrial application. One square = 20 × 20m.

Figure 7.41. Orientated north up, interpretation of the overall magnetometry of Mine Park field with many of the probable Romano-British features shown in purple. The two white central blobs are 1580’s mine shafts sunk into a SE trending opencast lead lode at ‘A’. On its western end (left of the modern fence line), the mine lode fades into a probable track, possibly left by carting ore, around to an enclosure on the north-west corner. This enclosure is probably contemporary with the occupational features. The roundhouse settlement area is larger than it shows (evident by feature ‘fade’ in the geophysics) as areas marked with a ‘C’ are later spoil areas from the medieval workings covering earlier features. The enclosure marked with a ‘D’ may be showing industrial activity. The field boundary marked blue ‘B’ is ancient and does not show on early maps. It is also truncated by mining activity. The forked shaped ditch is also probably a worked lode, and likely to be Romano-British as it terminates at the eastern end by an enclosure with a roundhouse within. Modern features are in orange (pipes and electric fencing). Contains Google Earth imagery.

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East Camel Estuary Case Study Lying nine kilometres east of Daymer Bay in St Kew parish, the resemblance of the place-name Lanow (the doch element dropped) to the early monastic site of Docco of the Vita Sampsonis prompted investigation into a possible connection. The location of the late fifth-century site founded by Docco has been a subject of debate between St Kew churchyard and Lanow farm. The shape of St Kew (Lanquit 1087) churchyard does not reward us with any answers; its present shape is rectangular and medieval in character. The original land surfaces at Lanow have nearly all been machine erased down to the slate bedrock in the farmyard today. However, geophysics and map regression confirm that Lanow, indeed, has many of the attributes that accord with an early medieval monastic site (Figure  7.44 and figure  7.45) and is likely to pre-date St Kew, which is dedicated to Cywa, and appears in a charter granted by King Edgar mentioning lands to where the relics of St Dochou and St Cwya were honourably venerated (Olsen 1989, 81–2).

Figure 7.42. An 1880’s map clip overlaying the magnetometry showing that at this time the ditch was still an open feature and would have resembled extraction at Burcombe on Exmoor. Contains Google Earth imagery.

Lanow exemplifies the continuity of a palimpsest from pre-history through to present day. The site has attracted the formation of a route centre focusing formerly on a round, which is in turn then occupied by the monastic site, later losing this status to St Kew a kilometre away, but still maintaining landholdings as a manor. It is noticeable that there is a dearth of rounds, also tref settlement in its hinterland and that of St Kew, which indicates that the land-holding control and administration boundary may have been of considerable proportion perhaps directly inherited from elites from its formative stage as a round.

Earlier maps show the ditch is still an open feature and its ragged sided countenance, demonstrated by the magnetometry, is reminiscent to open cast iron mining on Exmoor (Figure 7.42 and figure 7.43). The site is yet another indication of the importance of minerals to the Roman interests of Cornwall. Lanow Early medieval ecclesiastical sites are fairly evenly distributed and represented for this case study by the monastic site at of Landocco; early medieval graves at St Enodoc, already mentioned; St Endellion; early long-cist graves at a chapel at the manor of Penmaine mentioned above (Sandys 1808) and at St Minver (MCO26565) (Pearce 2004, 151).

The antiquity of the site is attested by its association with Sampson. It must have been established several decades

Figure 7.43. Open cast Roman iron mining at Burcombe, Exmoor. Features such as this, when buried, would leave remarkably similar signatures to those on magnetometry, similar to Porthilly and Lestow (Figure 8.20). Photograph: Author.

Figure 7.44. Curvilinear features showng on magnetometry in the field 60m to the east of the Lanow monastic enclosure. A pipeline has disturbed enclosed features, but there are high still signals indicating a high level of activity.

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Figure 7.45. Lanow ‘Barton’ (Landocco or Landochou). Results from geophysics indicate the red curvilinear feature on the eastern side is probably a round with a roundhouse within. The purple boundary encloses the original site of a monastic site. Tracks running east and west to the site are detectable on geophysics and in field boundaries. Other tracks and deep holloways to the site (three fields bear the name ‘lane’), all with ancient flora indicators, attest to the antediluvian nature of this settlement as a route centre. All traces of the early boundaries have recently been destroyed, but the archaeological features were lifted from the geophysical results and map regression. The site nestles on a south-facing spur mid-way within a deeper sheltered valley situation with springs rising, an archetypal situation for a round and later lann. © Crown Copyright (1839).

prior to the abbot’s rebuff of his intended visit in order for it to have slackened its standards, which places its foundation around the turn of AD 500.

on a pleasant south west facing spur which summits at 103m and forms a confluence of the Fowey and the Lerryn river tributary.

Tregays on The Fowey River

The site has a 180° view over the Fowey River to the west which is 550m away and is equidistant to Mendy Pill on the Lerryn River (Figure 7.46 and figure 7.47). It has long distance views elsewhere across rolling countryside intersected with deep wooded valleys. Springs rise just to the east, at the head of a valley, which runs down to Mendy Pill on Lerryn Creek. On the north-west side,

This case study is biased towards the east Camel, but to attain a more balanced perspective, the site at Tregays was chosen to investigate and compare settlement patterns between the Fowey and that of the Camel. The rectilinear enclosure lies around the 80–90m contour on fertile soils

Figure 7.46. Lidar image of the Fowey and Lerryn confluence showing St Winnow close to the deeper channel of the river. Source: houseprices.io/lab/lidar/map

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Figure 7.47. View south to the Fowey from near the crest of the spur at the west side of the Tregays enclosure, the entrance to the Lerryn River is just behind the wood left of image. Photograph: Author.

tracks run up the spur from St Winnow, which lies on a promontory jutting into the River Fowey, so accessing the deeper channel (Figure 6.22). Ancient quays are exposed at low tide, demonstrating a long history of trading from nearby sites including the sites on the fertile Tregays spur (Figure  7.47). Continuity is demonstrated by its later manorial status as a domesday manor, testified by a proliferation of medieval pottery across the spur.

geophysics (compare Figure  7.49 with Figure  7.50). However, a single ditch rectilinear enclosure surveyed by magnetometry may correspond vaguely to the AMP feature but would be incorrectly plotted, and is not a double ditch feature anyway. In association with the rectilinear enclosure, there are boundary ditches radiating from the corners, and within, there are curvilinear indications of several roundhouses (Figure 7.51 and Figure 7.52). These showed on the magnetometry in the form of deep-plough damaged gullies forming fragmented circular anomalies, although one was complete inside the enclosure. The readings for these anomalies were consistent with similar roundhouses at Carruan and Middle Amble of between 10 and 15 nanoteslas. The deeper enclosure ditches read between 25 and 30 nT. There was much ‘noise’ within the enclosure and in the field above it, indicating anthropogenic activity. However, to the east of the eastern boundary it appeared to return to a low level consistent with agricultural activity,

The present farmstead of Tregays is likely to have existed earlier than the early medieval; a curvilinear feature can be identified from old maps suggesting that the tref settlement may have morphed from a Late Iron Age or RomanoBritish round (Figure 7.48). The magnetometry showed that none of three enclosures plotted on the Aerial Mapping Programme matched the

Figure 7.49. The cropmarks plotted from the Aerial Mapping Programme. Images used by permission of the Cornwall and Scilly Historic Environment Record © Cornwall Council 2019.

Figure 7.48. Tregays farm, showing curvilinear boundaries indicative of a round settlement. © Crown Copyright (1839).

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Discussion Roman pottery found at Middle Amble suggest imports came through the corridor from Gaulish sources, perhaps via its portal at Dinham, where a third-century brass coin of Tacitus was recently recovered (‘where one brass coin metal detector coin is declared, undeclared silver coins are probable here’ – James Menhenick, landowner, March 2017 pers. comm.). This adds to the Roman coin finds from other Camel sites such as ten coins at Tretheren (together with a fibula), and coins at Harbour Cove and Tregirls – Daymer and Porthilly, and inland such as at Mulberry and the Camel/Ruthern confluence. Collectively, the evidence from all these Camel sites suggest a robust trading activity fuelling the Roman economy. African Red Slipware also from this area indicates either direct, indirect contact or both from visiting merchants to the Camel from the Mediterranean a couple of centuries later. The unprecedented size of the developed open settlements along the Camel at Carruan and Middle Amble (with Dinham) and Porthilly alone, emphasises the importance of the corridor as a trade route. All sites are situated within 800m of the Camel, orientated towards the river from their respective enclosures on both the east and west banks (Figure 7.54).

Figure 7.50. The total area surveyed at Tregays Farm. The area surveyed to the north of the image showed a lot of ‘noise’ on the results indicative of medieval activity. It appears to be a busy landscape with tracks, burning and probable field systems, but none of the enclosures appeared plotted on the Aerial Mapping Programme. The south area contains an enclosure, with a boundary probably demarking the settlement and stock exclusion.

indicating the ditch had a field boundary or ‘ha-ha’ function to keep stock out of the settlement. A one by one metre evaluation trench opened near the terminus to a linear ditch near the centre of the enclosure revealed the ditch was just over a metre deep. There were no finds but absence of medieval pottery which was prolific in plough soil indicated the ditch was ancient. The enclosure ditch is likely to be around 1.5m deep.

The spatial distribution of extensive open settlements and rounds show that some rounds can successfully expand and function as trade and intermediary centres, with elites controlling these activities, developing them into protourban sites of exceptional proportions. The overlapping field patterns and larger roundhouses cutting smaller earlier structures provides a relative chronology and attests to a long period of occupation for these sites from the Late Iron Age, confirming that the corridor has been used as a major trans-peninsular route from prehistory. The field systems from the geophysics results, and those recorded

The survey at Tregays confirms that open settlement of reasonable proportion is not confined to the Camel estuary, and that the rivers afford an opportunity for corridor trading from sites utilising convenient topography and fertile soils (Figure 7.53).

Figure 7.51. The Tregays enclosure: Entrance near the bottom left corner. Probable roundhouses highlighted. Contains Google Earth imagery.

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East Camel Estuary Case Study

Figure 7.52. Gradiometry raw data before interpretation. The geology may not be as good as the North Cornwall sites for showing roundhouse ditches. Alternatively, they may not be as deep or suffered from medieval plough activity; prolific surface pottery from this period indicates centuries of ploughing.

sites display the criteria for round characteristics in their enclosures, but have developed surrounding unenclosed settlement. The sites became the foci for surrounding occupation instead of individual round farmsteads. This absence of rounds indicates that the elites controlling these open sites also were in control of the surrounding landholdings. Two rounds recorded on the CCHER from the area have not been included; surveying has shown Tregawarmond (Table 8.1) is not a typical round and has a disparate function, and that a round recorded at Widderstone field at Trebetherick does not conform to a round enclosure and settlement here is likely to be early medieval.

from the Aerial Mapping Programme lay testament to an intense agricultural economy. The Roman evidence from Daymer, Midde Amble/Dinham, Porthilly and Lellizzick indicates that at any suitable landing point on the Camel estuary, especially if minerals are present in the locality, that there is going to be settlement, whether this is occupational, for mineral exploitation or industrial activity as the survey at Porthilly suggests. This level of activity is mirrored in agricultural activity across the case study area, except in a central belt which contains areas of rough grazing and summer marsh grazing. This area is noted for the absence of, not only rounds, but early medieval settlement, and anglicised place-names indicate these areas were not populated until the medieval period with farmsteads named Moyles, Shaulders, Mesmear, Quin Cross, Meadow Bank, Scarrabine Farm and Hinton.

The evidence accrued in density of field systems from the AMP, which is substantiated from that of the surveys from Middle Amble, Trenain Farm at Daymer Bay and Carruan, together with the barley storage and stock enclosures demonstrate that a thriving agricultural economy existed in the Camel environs. Agricultural surpluses would certainly not support and explain the extent of open settlement alone. Rich mineral resources such as lead and silver lodes outcropping near Carruan at Polgirt Cove are also likely to be exploited. But, the strongest evidence for mineral exploitation comes from the Porthilly results. The high magnetometer readings within enclosures suggest ore may have been processed, perhaps under Imperial supervision, with some exported to specialist craft centres (Quinnell 2004, 27 and 83). The spoons from Daymer Bay, similar to spoons from Chysauster and Atlantic Road, Newquay may be an example of a specialist craft from one such centre. Roman interest in minerals demonstrated by the research at Nanstallon and Restormel would suggest centres such as Porthilly would not escape attention from the Imperial machine and are probably driven by it, or at least the market for it.

Significantly, there is a distinct absence of rounds near the open settlements of Carruan and Middle Amble where both

Figure 7.53. Ancient worn granites and wood quays are exposed at low tide off the promontory at St Winnow testament to its trading past. Photograghs: Author.

Shifts in settlement pattern are marked by the dispersal of the large ‘proto-urban’ sites (and therefore trading sites) 107

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 7.54. Dense settlement is not confined to the east banks of the Camel. This image is taken from Tregirls on the west side where there is a polygonal enclosure indicated from the AMP and scatters of Romano-British finds. Photograph: Author

to smaller more self-subsistence unenclosed farmsteads identifiable by early medieval prefixes. This began sometime in the late-Roman or early sub-Roman period, although sherds of ARSW from Middle Amble and Lellizzick (Mepham 2008) may suggest these sites were, in some form, still operational in the latter end of this period. Sites with tre prefixes lie in noticeably close proximity to the large open settlement indicating a continuity of land tenure. For example, a cluster at Carruan; there is Trenant, Treglines, and Carruan (Caer – enclosure) itself, all less than 500m from the settlement, with Trevigo less than a kilometre, suggesting individual earlier landholders from Carruan marking their tenure with new permanent settlement.

settlement where a geometric boundary pattern is more likely, unless around a dewpond. On several settlements, curvilinear boundary features fossilised within the curtilage of a tref stood out (Figure 7.55). Of course, only distinguishable curvilinear features will be indicative of prehistoric or early medieval sites, so many more rounds with sub-rectilinear boundaries, enclosures that make up around 60 per cent (Young 2012, 79), will escape detection for obvious reasons. The examples above are interesting in that they lie in a three to four kilometre transect running south west to north east, that Young noticed is devoid of round settlement, between St Minver Highlands and Port Isaac (2012, 106). However, this strip does contain an even distribution of early medieval settlement sites. This intimates that some settlement did not migrate but simply morphed into the new tref style small estates forming the similar distribution pattern as Rose and Preston Jones noticed in rounds (1986, 155).

These new sites may have been created by competition for land tenure creating new land divisions, but many may just be original rounds morphing into trefs as suggested by (Johnson 1998). This is borne out by this study. Where round sites occupy an agreeable, south facing, fertile location on the edge of valleys, close to water and sheltered from the worst of the wind, there should not be a reason why this site should not be either reoccupied or allowed to continue in occupation, evolving architecturally and culturally into an early medieval site. Following this scenario, a brief survey here of tref settlements found evidence for this ‘morphing’, or slight spatial shift of some rounds into early medieval settlements. Many of the tref settlements in the study area produced some strong curvilinear features, which are not indicative of medieval or post-medieval

Visually prominent banks and ditches that displayed a degree of elite status were allowed to deteriorate with longhouses beginning to replace the traditional round- or oval house. Consequently, this overlaying of rounds, concealed from aerial survey, would contribute to their deficit through this corridor. There may be many more rounds therefore overlain by later early medieval settlement. Treglines SW 108

East Camel Estuary Case Study

Figure 7.55. Examples of tref settlements, Treharrock SW18788 and Tregelles SX008776, which may overlay earlier round enclosures, evidence for which lays fossilised in the curvilinear settlement layout. Rectalinear enclosure features would be impossible to distinguish, thus escaping detection. Source: © Crown Copyright (1839).

All the examples given here for settlement sites occupy pleasant situations with a water source, as described earlier, appropriate for a round. It would be unexpected to find that occupants of a round of between two or four roundhouses should desire to abandon a good site with fertile land. They merely adjusted culturally, gradually expanding across the footprint of the round. As already suggested, this promotes the argument for the early foundation of tref settlements (when considering some originate from rounds), to the earlier end of the chronology, potentially even as far back as the later Roman period. However, as yet there is little artefactual evidence to back up this notion.

783954 and Trewetha SX 801004 are two more such sites with traces of curvilinear boundaries partially around the settlement. This settlement transition can also be detected in the Fowey watershed at Tregays SX126578 and Tredallet SX242562 (Figure 7.47 and Figure 7.56). The geophysics results at the early monastic site of Lanow exhibit another example of continuity, with just a slight spatial shift. A curvilinear boundary with a roundhouse, appears only a few metres to the east of the monastic enclosure (Figure 7.44 and Figure 7.45). This feature has all the hallmarks of a round, with adjacent tracks emanating from the early medieval, many extant, fossilised into the present landscape demonstrating the importance of this route centre.

The periphery of open upland moorland with its now deserted rounds would have been exploited for minerals and transhumance occupation. This is evident in placename nomenclature such as hendra (hen – old, original, dra, tre – farmstead, winter homestead) of which there are several across the corridor.

It is not uncommon for enclosures to be found in pairs or more. Lanivet is a comparable site where an earlier round is thought to accompany the nearby lann site (Kirkham 2016, 190–1). So, Lanow may follow a settlement trend, perhaps for some religious houses in this respect.

On a further note, rounds are very likely to be overestimated quantifiably in the record as discussed earlier. In other words, there will be fewer habitable rounds on suitable agricultural land able to develop into medieval settlements in the first place. In addition, a perpetuation of occupation of rounds to tref settlement is mirrored by some ecclesiastic sites such as St Dennis, and in the corridor, Cardinham (car – round, din – fort), which will have had similar origins. Their curvilinear boundaries, being better preserved, are easily discernible as a lann. The elites that controlled the rich resourses of the east Camel (Pagus Tricurius), would have been powerful groups and may have exercised their power from local bases such as Carruan. It would be easy to envisage how these elites, emerging successfully from late- or postRoman power-struggles, would desire a safe stronghold in order to exert control. Tintagel, close to the Camel environs, suited the requirements for an appropriate elitist powerbase to develop perhaps into a kingship. This may have well occurred sometime in this timescale as the framework of administration devolved to regional levels. The road from Daymer Bay and the Camel showing on the geophysics survey, two Roman inscribed pillars, and Roman evidence at Tintagel (Barrowman 2007, 149–187)

Figure 7.56. Tredallett and Tregays (Figure 7.48) which may have morphed from rounds in the environs of the Fowey. Settlement activity at Tregays Farm may represent a shift from the Romano-British settlement on the farm and is discussed elsewhere. Source: © Crown Copyright (1839).

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route may form part of the material evidence to support this argument. As settlement shift occurred, the newly evolving trefs of the Trigg ‘hundred’ were probably also partly controlled from Tintagel.

for land as the rough ground was not settled until after the late ninth century, attested by anglicised toponyms (Pearce 2004, 254; Turner 2006, 83–97). Continuity of control in this region moved to secular sub-centres fitting into a pattern of large early estates, which were probably attached to nearby ecclesiastical centres, later developing into manors, such as Rosecarrock Barton (ros – moor). Its early significance as an elite centre is insinuated by the inscribed stone (Pearce 2004, 216; Langdon 1996, 32). It is likely it had attachment to the church at St Endellion, just as Tintagel had to the church of St Materiana (Dark 1994, 50; Thomas 1993, 99; Turner 2003, 59). Dark has an eremitical interpretation surmising a small pre-Norman monastery may be juxtaposed on Tintagel Head opposite and linked to the church, and that a possible chapel on a seastack four kilometres south-west at Kallangard (Figure 6.4) represents a satellite chapel with another at Northern Door, similarly situated six kilometres on the opposing northeast coastline (1996, 51). Although both sites are severely disturbed by slate quarrying (and quarries they may only be), the place-name of St Illik (of the children of Brychan) lies two kilometres from Kallangard which itself contains the element Kal which may be Kil – monastic cell. He also points out Northern Door is a few kilometres from disert – meaning eremitical monastery. Until any further work takes place, early medieval occupation of these sites remains tentative – however, returning to Lanow, a monastic site here is more definite.

Tompsett writes of Kelsey head, with the beach site at Porth Joke, near Crantock (Olson 1982), that local elites occupied the nearby round settlements of Treringey above the Gannel River, Hay Close at Newlyn East and at and an un-named round near Cubert, and that they were in control of the waterway resources. Ceramic evidence demonstrates continuity at Ellenglaze, a Domesday manor, the manor boundary encompassed the un-named round. Similarly, the round at Hay Close later fell within the manorial boundary of Cargoll. She suggests local elites shifted focus from rounds to settlement, which gained manorial status within landholding boundaries in the centuries either side of AD 600 (2012, 344). The only caveat to this is that it may materialise that a geophysical survey could reveal Treringey may be a stock pound enclosure for the Gannel; as discovered, many enclosures are not necessarily occupied, otherwise the theory could be very sound. Following this analogy, the nearest domesday manor site to Middle Amble is Trewornan, thought to exist from documentary evidence (Maxwell 1992, 345), and it is possible the Norman manor may possibly have followed pre-existing estate boundaries, and may represent elites from the former open settlement on Middle Amble less than one kilometre to the north east. Likewise, the manor of Penmaine lies just 500m north of the site at Porthilly and may also indicate the possibility of continuity of landholdings here. The Domesday manor of Roscarrock (Maxwell 1992, 353) lies four kilometres to the east of Carruan and may have superseded the settlement as the local administrative centre, its antiquity is implied by the Brocagni memorial stone with which it may be associated (Figure 6.10 – Langdon 1996, 32). As there is no evidence for Anglo-Saxon administrative influence, these Norman manors are likely to represent a continuity of Romano-British or even pre-historic territorial rights. Pearce’s kinship and emotional reflection of the past creating cohesive groupings interplays with this scenario (2014,133).

Lanow monastery would have had substantial landholdings indicated by the sparseness of unattached surrounding settlements. The morphing of rounds with their land divisions into early-medieval holdings, and sites such as Lanow demonstrates a continuity of prehistoric RomanoCornovii settlement, although functionality may have varied over time. Cant (cant – border) near Porthilly is a clear reference to its location on the Trigg/Pydar border, and may also have been a manorial centre on the opposite bank of the Camel to the monastery of Lanwenehoc, although it is not mentioned in the Domesday records. Geophysics is a key element of this research. This method produced dramatic results; Carruan and Middle Amble in particular, revealed unexpectedly extensive areas of open settlement of considerable magnitude. Individually, they are the largest open settlements known in Cornwall with Carruan to date being one of the largest single open settlements of this period so far surveyed in the south west. Only ‘Duropolis’ at Winterbourne Kingston is of similar magnitude (Russell 2015, 2016).

Summary The reasons behind the social reorganisation of settlement are unclear, but economic factors, parenthetically with possible disease, may account for the creation of tref settlement, with their land rights inherited from families from ‘proto-urban’ villages along with other common ancestral rights of access to resourses. Ancillary to this is an ancient system of control which probably harks from late Roman/post-Roman organisation and was probably calculated by land and tithing measurement based on Cornish acres in groups of three (Pearce 2004, 199; Harvey 1997). Many rounds transformed into trefs in their own right, but at this time there appears to be little competition

The Aerial Mapping Programme delivers limited information only, it cannot provide any accuracy to dating beyond prehistoric or Romano-British periods. For example, it is recorded that the ring ditch features at Carruan and Middle Amble are Bronze Age barrows upon which the enclosure is superimposed (Young 2012, 91). This highlights that the concept of open settlement in Cornwall was not an immediate forethought, owing to its unfamiliarity, as a mainstream settlement pattern across Cornwall. 110

8 Discussion: Socio-Economic Dynamics, Settlement and Continuity Site Maps

The Trans-Peninsula Land Route or the Longer Precarious Sea Passage?

The seventeen sites engaged in personal primary research selected to address the research questions are shown on the location maps below with table 7 giving a brief synopsis of each site.

The sea is a medium that directly or indirectly affected the daily lives, in one way or another, of most of those who lived in the maritime society of the far south west.

Figure 8.1a. Location of key sites in the Camel/Fowey corridor mentioned in the text. Mapping author.

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route passages are irrevocably demonstrated by artefactual and literary evidence. Prior to this period artefactual evidence implies the favoured approach was via the English Channel when the Land’s End promontory lies at the far leg of the voyage. It is in the summer months that the conduit of trade to Cornwall’s external connections would be at its peak when sea conditions are moderate. Even then conditions may be challenging, the 2007 commissioned 40-foot Fowey to Mevagissey ferry service lost 46 out of its 150 days of summer service schedule in 2015 across the relatively sheltered (compared with the Land’s End promontory) St Austell Bay (Bessie James skipper, email comm.). However, movement would not be entirely restricted to summer and the precariousness of rounding the Land’s End out of season spawns the proposition here that the Classis Britannica could have stationed vessels at either end of the corridor, moving crews over the safer overland crossing. Third and fourth-century low denomination coins consistent with military pay found at Mulberry Down at the end of the Roman road from Nanstallon, also at the confluence of the Camel and Ruthern rivers may support military movements. This crossing would have become rooted in history and set a precedent for later portage culminating in the route as an accepted migration passage in the ‘age of saints’, with merchant ships accepting fares or even charters, as intimated in the Vita Samposnis.

Figure 8.1b. Location of sites in Cornwall and in the far west of Devon mentioned in the text.

The dangers of circumnavigating the notorious Land’s End promontory in contemporary craft are robustly validated by data presented in chapter IV. The fears and superstitions of those dangers would be ingrained in the psyche of those living by the sea and their use of it as a conveyance (Figure 8.2). The trans-peninsula route, not only presents a quicker and safer means of travel, especially porting light commodities, but frequent use in antiquity forms the rationale for exploitation of resources on which has evolved a thriving socio-economy.

Portage or communication routes generally terminate in trading emporia, such as at Alexandria complete with its phare for navigation. It may be no coincidence that apart from the 24m Kingswear daymark at Dartmouth, the only other such prominent navigation daymarks in the south west are at Gribben Head (25.6m high) at the mouth of the Fowey and on Stepper Point (13m high) heralding the mouth of the Camel (Figure 8.3). They mark either end of the corridor and may represent a precedent set from the Roman times symbolising the significance of the corridor.

Navigation across the 80 to 90 nautical mile crosschannel passage to Cornwall from Brittany was entirely feasible in the Roman period. However, by the early medieval use of the corridor route and cross-channel

Similar potential trans-peninsular routes analogous with the Fowey/Camel route run across Brittany utilising the Villaine and Rance Rivers, terminating in the north, with the Late Iron Age and Roman emporium of Alet (or Aleth) on the mouth of the Rance, and perhaps the route from Crandon Bridge to Poole harbour which attracted the proto-urban development ‘Duropolis’ at the Poole terminus. Similar urbanised central places (ports of trade) developed at the termini of the corridor, particularly on the Camel, serving not only deep into the hinterland but the trans-peninsula route, the English Channel and Severn Estuary networks; the very presence of these sites signifies the importance of the Fowey/Camel corridor as a route. Trading settlements do not develop randomly; here it is the dangers and limitations of sailing around the peninsula in antiquity, together with the associated time constraints and nature of the north coast that allowed an alternative transpeninsular route to evolve and prosper.

Figure 8.2. February 8th, 2016, a ‘very rough’ to ‘high’ sea state at Bawden Rocks, 2kms off St Agnes Head at 1400hrs. A storm that blew up in a short time – earlier at 0600hrs the sea state was moderate to rough. Now in a north-west (Beaufort) storm 10 and gusts of over 80mph around headlands, the wind direction has veered to onshore rendering survival slim for small sailing craft caught out on this north coast between Land’s End and Hartland Point within this timescale. An awareness of these dangers throughout time bestows this coast with notoriety, respect, often fear, and is hard-wired into the psyche of seamen. Photograph: Author.

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Discussion most places, ill directed throughout the County, and from some of their Boroughs towards Plymouth and Exeter, no road at all formed for two horses to go abreast…. This is the condition of the great roads, and these are intersected by an infinite number of bye cross roads, seldom more than one path, and usually circumscribed by low stone hedges, which being poorly built are continually tumbling into the lanes, and making them still narrower than they were intended to be’. W. Borlase 1751–1758 (revised 1760) ‘Of the Usefulness of, and Objections to, Turnpikes in general, and particularly in Cornwall’ A description of the roads of Cornwall in the mid-eighteenth century, a state also bemoaned in the previous century by Celia Fiennes (Morris 1949). From early description, it becomes clear that the principal routes from Exeter and Plymouth were difficult. The main roads are ridge roads (Figure 8.8) but the principal form of transport up to this time was historically by sea and river. The Fowey and Camel rivers form an artery of communication in the far south west connecting south and north coast sea routes to much of Cornwall radiating from a spinal route from the centre of the corridor.

Figure 8.3. From miles out to sea, the reassuring sight to seamen of Stepper Point daymark, beckoning the entrance to the Camel. The photograph has Pentire Head behind to the east of the mouth of the Camel. Once painted white, the structure symbolises the importance of the Camel, just as the daymark does on Gribben Head to the Fowey. The very presence and prominence of these daymarks are significant; tangible seamarks that invoke a psyche of familiarity, identity, assurance and spatial association to seamen. Photograph: Author.

A model formed by examining tangible evidence and map regression for ancient routes radiating from Restormel and Nanstallon forts connecting the Fowey and Camel rivers addressed the question of existence of a route. Deep holloways on these routes with profuse areas of slow colonising ancient flora (Table 8.1), together with a raft of other indicators of ancientness, such as Romano-British enclosures, early medieval inscribed memorial pillars, wayside crosses, distributions of gate-posts that do not exhibit evidence for drill marks (therefore pre-sixteenth century), early medieval place-name prefixes (tre, lan, bos, pen, bod, hel), saint dedications and map regression, particularly Joel Gascoyne’s pre-1695 Lanydrock Atlas (Holden 2010), all help to identify ancient by-ways between the rivers, across and to the corridor (Borlase 2018, appendix 2).

Central places then, develop at termini of communication and portage routes through ability to be successful foci for the outlet, exchange and onward shipment of merchandise. This is no better exemplified than by the discovery in this research of proto-urban settlement centres on the mouth of the Camel River, which can be seen as modelling this scenario. Along the Fowey estuary, place-name elements in Bodinnick, Polruan and Langorthou (Fowey) and Golant (goel – fair) indicate the antediluvian character of trading settlement, together with Roman artefacts and geophysical surveys at Tregays. Tangible Route Evidence

The main route across the corridor in both the Roman and the early medieval from the Camel’s deeper navigable headwaters, where there is a ford utilising an island at the confluence of the River Allen, (Henderson records an old wharf 1928, 115) would be via the Bozion (bos-small settlement) ridge that runs on the east side of the Camel to

‘A great part of the roads are on the hills and open downs, and these have either no path, or consist of what is worse, a great many deep paths but no formed road. Their ways are egregiously miry in the east, in the west stony and unsafe for treading, narrow and impassable for wheels in Table 8.1. Salient points emanating from the study. Site

Grid Ref

Summary of Research Undertaken and Result

Carlyon Farm

SW 754955

Investigated for its nomenclature elements Carlyon (Caer – fort, lyon – legion (Gover 1964, 3190). Limited area of 0.5 ha of geophysics resulted in lack of features that may indicate a fort or settlement activity.

Carruan Farm

SW 952794

14 ha of gradiometry and revealed near square univallate enclosure and over 140 roundhouse structures discovered spreading west towards the Camel Estuary, a settlement of over 17 ha. Lead outcrops at Pengirt cove 1.2 km away. Excavation revealed unusual concentric rings within a roundhouse within the enclosure and in a roundhouse in the settlement a deposit of a ball of clay. (Continued)

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Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route Table 8.1. Salient points emanating from the study (Continued). Site

Grid Ref

Summary of Research Undertaken and Result

Daymer Bay, St Enodoc Church, Trebetherick and environs

SW 930795

Investigations and survey of Daymer Bay revealed metal detector cache of 13 Roman coins, Roman spoons, Roman pewter, fissile slate, ancient preserved cart tracks of dimensions similar to Roman contexts at Berkeley Castle, shell midden. Geophysics survey (7 ha) of Trenain Farm to east of Daymer revealed field systems, enclosures, roundhouses and tracks leading to Daymer Bay. Examination and map regression of St Enodoc church revealed lann boundary and architectural moldings in the church footings. Desk survey further supports Bay as a beach trading site. Aerial survey and geophysics at Trebetherick revealed rectilinear settlement features/structures.

East Leigh

SS 252068

Geophysical survey of 5 ha revealed Pentagonal bivallate enclosure on the crest of a westfacing ridge near the Devon border. The position consistent with function as a signal station. Excavation revealed RB pottery in gabbroic fabric indicating gabbroic pottery extended to the Devon border, debunking the theory for the Camel/Fowey being a frontier boundary and supporting theory for good communication along the North Cornwall coast via Tintagel. Details in Cornish Archaeology 53 209–221.

High Cliff and

SX13149430

Geophysical survey covering 2 ha of 30m x 30m near square enclosure (MCO 21987) on highest cliff in Cornwall (223m), suggesting possible function as a Roman signal station. Ditches over 2m deep.

SX25004270

Visibility—Trevose Head, Dartmoor, Lundy and Hartland Point. Although not archetypal Roman in form, a signal station with indigenous design influences is a possible designation. Establishes possibility of chain of signal station communication to corridor ostensibly to Exeter via East Leigh (visible), Broadbury Castle and Ide.

Pabyer Point, Gorran Haven Kingswod round

Possible signal station of indigenous hybrid desgn sited to monitor shipping across St Austell Bay to the Fowey mouth from Dodman Head and Rame Head. There are many associations to High Cliff in locative, size and form similarities. Intervisible with Gribben Head near the Fowey and Rame Head. 6ha magnetometry and resisitivity SX108 664

Lanhydrock

LIA Round revealed by 2 ha of geophysics and excavation. Two C14 dates determined the round to be one of the earliest with occupation to the first century BC. Earliest C14 date was useful in confirming and readjusting the ceramic record for introduction of SW decorated ware following the plain jar horizon. Neolithic enclosure also found. Evidence for metal working with partially smelted lead and zinc ores. Landscape study revealed intensive use of landscape and tracks forming east/west route. Report published in Cornish Archaeology 53. Geophysics established two more rounds indicated the CCHER were found not to exist. Geophysics and field survey to ascertain signal station possibilities. Possible early medieval road to the lann revealed and course of early road from Respryn ford crossing the Fowey thus connecting to Restormel Fort to Nanstallon and Lestow.

Lanow

SX 25775

Geophysics (1 ha), map regression, geophysics established an early lann site at Lanow. Indicates this is probably the site of Docco mentioned in the hagiography of Sampson. Earlier round site was also indicated with ancient tracks to Lanow found by magnetometry and resistivity supporting its antiquity.

Lestow

SX 173677

Geophysics (3 ha) and excavation revealed rectilinear univallate site on ancient east/west route out of Cornwall. Later phase features include rare rectilinear structures, floors and circuit wall on inside of ditch dug from a previously filled ditch. Black burnished ware copies in local gabbroic fabric. Evidence of tin extraction and processing. Romanised features suggest localised form of mansio demonstrating Roman contact. Tin ore and black scinter suggests metalworking and local extraction. Only other rectilinear structures known in Cornwall outside forts are at Magor and Grambla. Work ongoing.

Middle Amble

SW 989755

11 ha of geophysics and excavation revealed a bivallate enclosure with a single roundhouse with a pit, exceptional for containing a deposit of over 43 litres carbonised 6 row barley grain (hordeum Vulgare). C14 on grain returned a date of between AD30 to AD5O. Over 50 roundhouses spread west towards the Camel with a bivallate stock enclosure to the east. Field systems and paddocks accompanied the settlement. Pottery included Roman imports and RB local wares. A sherd of ARSW also recovered. A full report in Cornish Archaeology 54 including grain analysis report by Wendy Carruthers and archaeobotanical report by Dana Challinor.

Nanstallon and Mulberry Down

SX 034688

An examination of the area surrounding Nanstallon fort. 3 ha of geophysics establishes there is little extra-mural activity around the fort and a Roman road runs to Mulberry Down iron mine, also one running due south west out of the fort. Discussions with landowners traced Roman coins not recorded on the CCHER (now reported). XX ha OF Geophysics investigation on land adjacent to the road identified by aerial photography as containing possible structures. 1m x 1m excavation on an anomaly outside the fort revealed a dump of industrial waste, in which a coin of Nero was recovered, samian and a whetstone.

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Discussion Site

Grid Ref

Summary of Research Undertaken and Result

Porthilly

SW 938753

8 ha of magnetometry disclosed a busy Romano-British landscape with several 17m round houses similar to RB phase 2 at Carruan. Stock pounds indicate the Porthilly inlet was another Camel trading base with unenclosed settlement.

Restormel fort, manor lawns, & river meadows

SX 107613

An investigation of 4 ha of gradiometry and resistivity investigating the river meadows and a platform above the river now Restormel manor lawns. With excavation this reveled civil war defenses but more importantly magnetometry and excavation showed that a ditch and hard surface, possibly a beaching hard ran for 100m along the edge of the old river course its antiquity demonstrated by overlying of the civil war trenches and the line of river. The absence of Roman infrastructure was useful information on many levels. 0.5 ha Magnetometry and resistivity outside the fort and excavation revealed a rectilinear building had been built over a deposit of burnt industrial material which had been dumped, probably from the fort, similar to the Nanstallon excavation findings.

St Sampson’s Church and holy well

SX 12055516

Geophysics supports a theory for an earlier lann site predating the church and chapel site. A primary possible site for the monastery St Sampson founded on the River Fowey. This ties hagiography with place and demonstrates early medieval use of the corridor.

Tregays and St Winnow

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Tracks leading to St Winnow (lann site) show this is a prime site for quays and trade. 5 ha of Magnetometry across a wide area. A double ditched square enclosure on the aerial mapping programme did not exist. A settlement with a rectilinear field layout and rectilinear enclosure was found 75 metres to the north west, several roundhouses and track found. Magnetometry ‘noise’ indicated occupational activity over a large area. Other curvilinear enclosures mapped did not exist which demonstrates how some aerial interpretation is, inaccurate leading to many false features on the record. Survey demonstrates open settlement is not confined to the Camel and supports existence and use of a through route across the corridor encouraging dense settlement through trading connections.

Tregawarmond

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As part the case study on the east Camel the enclosure at Tregawarmond was selected for Magnetometry in May 2018 to provide data on enclosures genre in the study area. The enclosure is not an occupied round. A view supported by John Oswin (May 2018 email pers. comm.) see below. Magnetometry by M. Wright and M. Borlase

Boscarne and Nanstallon or Bodmin. On the west side of the Camel, an ancient overland route can be identified to Nanstallon from the lower reaches of the Camel climbing to St Breock Down (Figure 6.11). It can then be traced descending to Ruthernbridge, fording the Ruthern, to pick up the Roman road at Mulberry Down (Figure 8.4) to Nanstallon. The Roman road was later superseded by a more direct route from Ruthernbridge. From Nanstallon the Castle Dore ridge and the lower reaches of the Fowey can be accessed either via Lanivet and the Helman Tor ridge

(Figures 8.5 to 8.11) or a route along the west side of the Fowey from Bodmin to Respryn (rys – ford) and Restormel. An ancient main route runs out of the area to the Tamar, which connects Nanstallon and Restormel forts via Lestow to their Tamar counterpart at Calstock (Borlase, 2018, appendix 2). This was still the main route in the sub-Roman supported by two early inscribed pillar stones (Figure 8.12 and figure 8.13). Dark posits that a trans-peninsular route followed an arc of inscribed stones east of Bodmin Moor 115

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 8.4. The Roman road from Nanstallon terminating at Mulberry Down tin open works. Here, four third-century coins are testament to its later Roman use as the route connecting the Helman Tor ridge (in the distance) and lower Fowey Valley to St. Breock Down and the Camel estuary. Photograph: Author.

between Tintagel and Bantham, on the south Devon coast, and even suggests it may have been following the course of a Roman road (1994, 92). Although possible, it is more likely that a route via Lanivet and St Neot was the main route, with a possible interconnecting road from Tintagel via Temple to the mid-corridor near Lestow. Geophysics have shown the present Temple church and cemetery is encompassed by an earlier earlier curvilinear boundary (Borlase and Wright forthcoming). From St Neot the road is likely to have followed indigenous roads (perhaps improved) to the east of St Ive, where remarkably straight roads run toward Calstock and the Tamar. Without specifying a route, Thomas points out a string of pillar stones roughly following this route from the mid-corridor and indicates this is a direction of major travel eastward, which supports this theory (1994, 279, Figure 17.1).

Figure 8.6. An extract from the Lanhydrock Atlas where route 2 (shown purple) leaves Ruthernbridge to climb across Tregawne Common to Mên Gurta on St Breock Down. The track runs along the northern boundary of the medieval strip and pasture fields demarking the common from the medieval strip fields. This suggests the boundary runs along the course of a pre-existing track way, the higher moorland being of lower quality for agrarian use lies above the track line. The track is still extant as a present-day track since the enclosures act, enclosing the moorland, except where it now follows the medieval field line at the eastern end to the present road. Unfortunately, parish boundaries were not generally shown on the mapping. The atlas thought to be mapped by Joel Gascoigne is from the early 1690s and is remarkably accurate. Source: Holden 2010.

Validation and integrity of the route theory and criteria used for identifying the corridor route is tested against a potential trans-peninsular route between the Hayle River and St Michael’s Mount isthmus (Borlase 2018, appendix 2, p89–95). Over the wide spectrum of criteria used, the more westerly crossing was found to contain markedly fewer

criteria to support ancientness, therefore the Camel/Fowey route was found to be a principal route of greater usage and significance. These criteria are also tested against postmedieval roads to validate the dynamics of ancientness.

Figure 8.5. Holloway to Lanivet in Bodwannick ancient woodland near Nanstallon. Dense carpets of Anemone Nemarosa (inset) and Bluebell throughout the 20 ha ancient wood covering a scatter of lead and silver prospection pits. Anenone colonises 1m to 2m per 100 to 200 years (Peterken and Game 1981, 166) Photograph: Author.

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Discussion

Figure 8.7. Deep holloways, on route 4 (Borlase 2018, Appendix 2), testament to antediluvian characterisation showing more than a millennium of wear, combined with associated slow colonising flora indicators (bluebells like the damp, cool, acidic soils around the periphery of the moors, but in natural form, they only spread by around .05m per decade and from seed to ultimate height and fertility it takes between three to five years). From Restormel to the Castle Dore ridge, descending into Milltown, the adjacent field level is over two metres above the 2m range pole and near Castle where the wood floor is similarly around 4m above the road level, bluebells and windflowers can be seen in the image. Earlier in the year, wild daffodils (narcissus lobularis) and primroses (primula vulgaris) carpet the banks of the holloways on the route, particularly around Lanhydrock, Castle, Lantyan, Lanherriatt, Penventon and on the B3269 (ancient common) on the Castle Dore ridge. Photograhpy: Author.

Geophysics survey at Restormel and Nanstallon determines that some Roman roads do exist in Cornwall, albeit even if only linked to a Roman fort as proven by the Nanstallon study, but potentially may exist elsewhere. One such candidate is the ‘Old Carriageway’, a straight stretch of road linking the route centre of Lanivet (an ancient central place) westward to the spinal ridge. Another may have existed along the north coast road, which geophysics and aerial survey here suggest may link to Daymer Bay. Along this stretch, the evidence is supported by the two Roman pillars and a square Romano-British enclosure at Higher Trevinnick (Fox and Ravenhill 1969). The central argument here is that Roman road connections along the corridor probably did exist, nearly all on established native routes, perhaps by upgrading, potentially complemented by a chain of signal/lookout stations for speed of communication probably in the later Roman period.

Situated on both coasts signalling sites could monitor shipping into the entry points of the corridor, but the High Cliff research suggests that potential signalling, could possibly be associated with late Roman involvement at Tintagel, indicating this was already an important site. The Pabyer Point ceramics suggest this genre of enclosure may be a mid to later Roman phenomena. Roman roads were constructed primarily as essential lines of supply and communication for the military purposes (Hanson 1987, 61; Jarrett 1994, 19), the road from Daymer towards Tintagel is suggestive of an effective supply line perhaps supported by signalling capability. The similarities and characteristics of the East Leigh, High Cliff and Pabyer Point sites (such as the tracks and settlement pattern), suggest an organised system of communication control.

Figure 8.8. Fowey River looking south from the ridge road B3269 marked ‘Road to Foy’ on the 1690s Lanhydrock Atlas. The promontory lann site of St Winnow and the Tregays site is visible, Fowey lies behind the Castle Dore ridge. Photograph: Author.

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Figure 8.9. The proliferation of early medieval and post-conquest crosses demonstrates not only the antediluvian character of routes 3 & 4, but clearly demonstrates early routes follow ridge ways. A survey of every gatepost along route 4 from Lanhydrock to Fowey found that the ‘Road to Foy’ contained a ratio of 20:8 without drill marks. Drilling was a means of splitting granite used after the sixteenth century; further testament to the antediluvian character of these routes. Lanivet contains the element lann with nivet – neved – meaning sanctuary (pre-Christian). Reperry above Lanivet is an ancient major route centre (six routes meet) of the Helman Tor (hel – ancient, men – stone) ridge and the spinal ridge route through Cornwall. Note the east side of the Fowey contains only one cross which indicates the trans-peninsula route made use of the north/south ridges on the west side from Golant, Fowey and Kilhallon. (Borlase 2018 appendix 2) © Crown Copywright/ database right 2012.

Lastly is the question of decline of the route. Although there is no definitive evidence for decrease in the route’s use, a reduction in trans-peninsular movement may have coincided with the advent of Viking raiding and their ‘command’ of the seas. This probably prompted the move by St Petroc’s monastery to the geographical centre of Cornwall at Bodmin after AD 981, probably to the former seat of the ninth century bishopric at Dinuurin (Pearce 2004,169). The importance of this central location on the trans-peninsula route, lying at the east/west spinal ridge crossroads is significant, as it went on

to become the most important religious house in Cornwall (Nowakowski 2011, 30). Thus, central places were forming further inland by this time. From a global perspective, a pivotal point in the decline in use of the corridor is likely to coincide with the contraction of the Byzantium Empire. The impact of Islam on the Mediterranean basin (Hodges 1989, 7) would have had far reaching implications. Ensuing turmoil would have undoubtedly led to a cessation of contact with the

Figure 8.10. (compilation) Left: the earliest of four waymarks at Reperry Cross south of Lanivet: the wheel headed wayside cross, the shaft buried in the bank among hedgerow bluebells. Center: the ancientness and importance of this six- lane crossing is emphasised not only by the cross, but signposts from later centuries. The granite pillar has Lostwithiel with the date 1771 on the east side, St Columb on the west, with Bodmin and St Austell inscribed on the north and east respectively Right: the smaller earlier signpost stone to Lanivet was found buried in the medieval bank after construction of the Bodmin by-pass removed the redundant sixth lane to Lanivet that the post signed. It was repositioned to its present position a few metres east pointing to the diverted modern route to the village. The post lies on the north side of this route from the east (from Devon) to St Columb. It shows that this ridge (part of the Helman Tor ridge) was the main route from the east to St Columb and Mitchell to the west on the Spinal route (both are today relatively insignificant in importance). The cumulative evidence suggests the route probably resonates from Roman times and Sampson is likely to have used this route and not the east side of the Fowey. Photographs: Author.

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Discussion in Africa and here they were compelled to re-organise their economy. This would have had a major impact on economies across the Frankish empire and may coincide with a diminishing trade across the Atlantic façade. Later early medieval trading across the corridor is demonstrated by Anglo-Saxon coin finds at Mawgan Porth, and Padstow, with hoards at Trewhiddle and Penhale. Many land routes would continue in use as parish boundaries were drawn along many, such as the holloway across St Breock Down (Figures 6.9 and 6.10) The corridor received a resurgence, again as a ‘Way of Saints’ in the medieval period, as a pilgrimage throughroute to Santiago de Compostela. To summarise, this section has complemented the evidence and discussion presented in chapter IV which forms the rationale for a trans-peninsular crossing as opposed to the sea route. The evidence for physical route-ways of antiquity, together with evidence in the form of dense and extensive settlement, with mineral exploitation from Porthilly, Lestow, Hillhead, Mulberry and other sites, forms a picture of a well-used trade route utilising the corridor. Identification of routes traversing the peninsula utilising north/south ridges accompany route connections to Calstock and the Tamar, a north coast road, and the central ridge road to the west, all giving a tangible insight into ancient transport systems. So, having established the probability of a trans-peninsula route, how does this manifest itself in the archaeology of the corridor?

Figure 8.11. The ‘Tristam Stone’ once standing on Castle Dore Cross roads is now beside the road above Fowey. Inscribed DRUSTANUS.

Evidence for Use of the Corridor as a Route and Exploitation of Resources

Mediterranean trade before the mid seventh-century, but the fall of Carthage to the Arabs in North Africa in AD 698 and subsequent control of the straights of Gibraltar would have effectively ceased commerce with what remained of the Byzantium Empire. Furthermore, the Merovingian courts had been effectively cut off from their gold supply

The research and fieldwork undertaken as part of this study has accumulated a corpus of evidence, part of which will address the research question of determining the extent of use of a potential portage route across the Fowey and Camel corridor and its use for trade and commerce. The collective evidence forms a dialogue informing on the social dynamics that distinguish the corridor from other parts of Cornwall. It also enlightens us on the extent that resources in its hinterland may have influenced society in its environs. Settlements in the corridor, exploiting local resources, would be situated to benefit from trading opportunities from the portage route. An example is Kilhallon (Carlyon 1982; 1998), which was located on an ancient route to deep-water anchorages on the Fowey at Golant 3.5 kms away. The east/west land route crossed the trans-peninsular route at Castle Dore on the ridge (Figure 8.8), where coast to coast communication is assessable. The occupants of the round were opportune in exploiting the rich resources of the area, such as tin from the Par River (Pryce 1778; Penhallurick 1986, 176).

Figures 8.12 & 13. The two Tawna memorial pillars, sixth century or earlier (route 3). The left stone originally stood at Tawna and is inscribed VAILATHI and the second stone in the bank hedge nearby, vaguely shows a figure form. A small tree growing adjacent has so far saved it from mechanical hedge-cutting damage! Photographs: Author.

Coin evidence together with evidence from this research lie testament to the use of a portage route and gives an 119

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 8.14. Co-axial field systems can be seen beneath Tawna Downs, historically common land. More examples of these field systems are found at Longdowns, Treslea Downs, Cardinham, and Callywith, all lying between Bodmin Moor and the River Fowey demonstrating a ‘fertile’ agricultural economy. Source: F88–179 10 Dec 2008 Historic Environment Record. Cornwall Council. Images used with permission of the Cornwall and Scilly Historic Environment Record © Cornwall Council 2019.

insight into Roman interaction with local communities. In all, this fieldwork draws a picture of an active trading economy interrelating with the trans-peninsula corridor and it demonstrates the route was an alternative to circumnavigating the peninsular at all times of the study. However, it is clear there is a differentiation of use of the corridor throughout the period of this study.

metal and craft industries drove the economy and trade movement via the route, accessed from both the north and south. The Porthilly geophysics indicates individual sites were instrument to this, with open cast mining and an enclosure showing all the hallmarks for industrial working. Further evidence is suggested from the RomanoBritish finds distribution map. It is reasonable to assume that other commodities made up the trading dynamics. Here, the similarity of the Daymer Bay spoons to others from separate sites, point to the existence of a malleable diversity of specialist craft occupations within a range of site-type. Castle Gotha may be one such site, where second century brooch moulds were found for bronze fibulae (Saunders, A and Harris, D. 1982). Quinnell also proposes iron tools were produced at specialist craft sites (2004, 27, 83 and 234). Reawla, Killigrew, St Erme and Little Quoit Farm, St Columb are examples of sites with niche industries (Appleton-Fox 1992; Cole and Nowakowski, forthcoming; Lawson-Jones and Kirkham 2009–10).

This is apparent from the evidence from the three distinct periods surrounding this study. The Late Iron Age and Romano-British settlement evidence from Trenain, Carruan, Middle Amble, Porthilly, Lellizzick, Tregays and other sites such as Tregirls, Smeathers and Tregawarmond, from their size and associations with one another, indicates a thriving trade existed, centred on the rich agricultural resources shown here in field systems (Figure 8.14), stock pounds, sorting pens, spindle whorls and carbonised barley. The Late Iron Age phase from Kingswood and at Lestow indicates that this economy evolved from the Late Iron Age which correlates with evidence from Trethurgy (Quinnell 2004). Although these settlements were industrious, individually with their evidence for metalworking and extraction practices through lead, zinc and tin smelting finds, there are large areas of conflagration over the Late Iron Age site at Kingswood, and the several sling shots recovered may indicate instability at this time (Borlase 2013, 199). This is not the case for the RomanoBritish period where there is no suggestion of this intense burning over any of the extensive areas covered by the open settlement sites, and no slingshots were found in the open settlement studies.

There were no focal sites on the Camel where control is likely to have been exerted. Rounds and open settlements effectively represented the elites from these individual sites. It is likely therefore that until the later Roman period at least, when Tintagel rose to pre-eminence, centralised administration in the corridor would have been under Roman organisation (probably under a framework of local administration perhaps answerable to a procurator) with revenues co-ordinated from centres such as Restormel and Carvossa. The early medieval evidence outlined marks a change in the use of the corridor through settlement. There may be less evidence for exploitation of minerals or textual

A catalogue of evidence for the Roman period in Chapter V reveals that mineral exploitation and associated 120

Discussion references to infer it, but direct Mediterranean trade (and indirect) via the Atlantic to beach sites implies that tin and other high value ores are now the main attraction, with Tintagel being the central player. Beach trading sites show this trade extended as far as South Devon with minerals transported down these watersheds (Reed and Bidwell 2011; Agate, Duggan, Roskams and Turner 2012). There is evidence for tin being targeted through streaming through the corridor from early medieval alluvial tin grounds at Innis Downs (MCO50435), Breney Common (MCO41147), Lockengate (MCO41018) and Bodwen, (Penhallurick 1986, 177, 219, 220, 221–2). There is even some evidence in the corridor for early medieval blowing houses such as at Lanlivery (MCO23099) and Streigh (MCO23100). It is likely therefore that workings were active at other sites such as Penwithick Stents, Red Moor and Boscarne. There seems little doubt that there was a demand and market for tin, which is likely to be the motive behind the presence of Mediterranean assemblages, and with idealism accompanying it, the corridor was firmly etched on the north Atlantic map attracting formative early Christian missionary movement and migration.

To evaluate the use of the resources of the corridor, how they were exploited, and to form an understanding of settlement morphology within the greater context of Cornwall and west Dumnonia, several sites were targeted for examination with geophysics and excavation. The evidence produced is wide-ranging, contributing extensively to our understanding of social trends in settlement development, insular cultural tradition and external influences in Cornwall. It is only recently recognised that complementing the traditional form of insular round and courtyard settlement (in the far west) were a number of small-scale open farmstead settlements such as, Tremough and Higher Besore and one or two identified from the Aerial Mapping Programme, such as at Porthilly (Gossip and Jones 2009–10; Gossip forthcoming; Young 2012, 111). This research has been instrumental in demonstrating that these open settlement sites are not only on a scale very much greater than envisaged, but are more prevalent than has hitherto been conceived. Extensive areas of roundhouses, which appear externally to be associated enclosures form a landscape that in some cases, may be described as proto-urban, in the case of Carruan, covering areas up to 20 hectares (Borlase and Wright 2014; 2014a; Borlase 2015). Furthermore, in some areas, a picture of a landscape of intense activity unfolds, such as at that centred on Middle Amble extending from Dinham, to Smeathers and Tregawarmond. These extensive open settlements exist concordantly with the traditional round form of round settlement, and there may be many more undiscovered, for example beneath Padstow.

It is not possible to accurately assess the extent of use of the corridor, but Fulford’s analogical trade model on Late Roman trade draws on historical medieval evidence from the fourteenth and fifteenth century as it is comparable to this period. He concludes that the archaeological surviving material is only one per cent of the total volume of trade (1978, 68). Strabo’s list of archaeologically invisible trading goods is already mentioned adding substance to the volumes of trade of Fulford’s calculations. Throughtrade in the corridor in these commodities would be considerable, but there would also be transitory migrants and travellers who would be carrying little to appear in the archaeological record. Hoards and single coin finds spanning the first- to fourth centuries indicate a long use of trade passing along the rivers. The corridor would also have drawn in movement from a watershed of trade from the periphery of the study area, such as Trevelgue and St Mawgan in Pydar, where a tin ingot with Roman numerals was found at nearby Carnanton and many Roman coins at the former cliff promontory. From this area, a portage route to shipment centres on the south coast would naturally be via the Lanherne valley to Borlase (bur – bank, glâz– green, verdant) and Rosanannon Downs (ros – high moor) to the route centre at the Mên Gurta menhir on St Breock Downs to link to routes to the Fowey valley, perhaps clearing revenue officials from Restormel.

The research has shown that a great many enclosures are uninhabited and are purely stock enclosures or industrial. Some do not exist at all as surveys at East Leigh and Lower Margate showed. Frequency of functional activity as opposed to occupational is beginning to be recognised quantitatively (Cole and Nowakowaski, forthcoming; Herring 2011, 103; Kirkham 2016, 191; Lawson-Jones and Kirkham 2009–10). Nevertheless, it is advanced that there is still a probable over-estimation of the number of inhabited rounds on the record, and our traditional understanding of the overall population figure and social structure may need to be reappraised. This notion is also supported by the work of Miles Russell (email pers. comm. 2015) with the research on ‘Duropolis’ (2015, 6; 2016). Here an area excavation uncovered as many as sixteen roundhouses when only three showed on geophysics, and that may make it is safe to assume the total of 150 roundhouses at Carruan, for example, may be considerably more, perhaps evident from many of the incomplete, or plough-disturbed curvilinear features on the magnetometry escaping calculation. Even allowing for contemporaneity (demonstrated here by roundhouse size characterisation cross-referenced to finds, providing a baseline for relative dating), population estimations deliberated are likely to be misrepresentative. Dark suggests that the concept of ‘small towns’ in Western Britain is not unimaginable and

Settlement Development, Form and Place in the Landscape and Outside Influences to AD700 ‘they inform you a town formally stood, which reached from Porthilly Church to that of St Enodoc, a distance of rather more than a mile: and the benefits of the harbour which now belong to Padstow on the opposite side of the water were then solely confined to that of St Minver’. Gilbert’s Historical Survey, 1817–1820 121

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route and it is noted population in the west did not diminish greatly thereafter. However, given the many variables, any calculation of population for a particular area is fraught with problems, but the figures for the provincial areas will generally be lower than in major centres. If a general figure of three million is taken for the whole population for example, possibly as much as half may be located in fertile heavily populated areas such as Kent, the Thames watershed, Gloucestershire, the mid-Severn Cotswolds to Dorset and Somerset, with the towns and their environs, colonie and civitas elsewhere absorbing three quarters of a million. As McCarthy points out, densities can be directly related to soil types, so upland podzols (of which a large percentage of Cornwall is composed) will be sparsely populated (2013, 28). Therefore, it is reasonable to spread the remainder 750,000 around the outer provincial areas of the west and north east. Around thirteen counties cover this area, which gives a very broad figure of around 58,000 head per county. In Cornwall, it is estimated there are between 2000 and 2500 rounds on the CCHER (Emma Trevarthen 2015 pers. comm.; Quinnell pers. comm.). However, as this study shows, not all will be inhabited or even exist. In fact, of sixteen enclosures examined that are recorded on the CCHER, six were non-existent, two were stock enclosures, and two probably industrial. Only six were found to fall broadly within the round classification with one or more structures. It is suggested here therefore, that a figure of perhaps nearer 1000 rounds may be a more appropriate figure with an average occupation level of say 40 to 50. Of these, not all will be inhabited concurrently. For early Christian Ireland, Mytum has estimated that a total population figure of up to 60,000 in ringforts existed. In County Donegal, which represents a similar topography to Cornwall, there are 686 known and in the Dingle Peninsula, Co. Kerry, there are around 900 cashels and ringforts. Not dissimilar to figures for rounds in Cornwall. Of the Dingle Peninsula total, Mytum calculates 150 are occupied at any one time (1992 131–2, 15).

Figure 8.15. Complex crop marks showing field enclosures and tracks on this 2001 Google Earth image from Dinham and Gutt Bridge. None of these appear on early mapping. Source: Google Earth imagery.

they may be underestimated, such as work from Bantham indicates (Dark 2014, 29; Reed et al. 2011, 132). This work confirms that his assumption is indeed correct. When overall results from geophysics, aerial survey (Figure 8.15) and finds from the dunes are collectively assessed with densities of settlement evaluated, it appears there may be considerable substance to Gilbert’s record, in his ‘Historical Survey’, of a town over a mile long between Porthilly and St Enodoc, now lying under sand inundation. The overall implications are that settlement evolved and thrived on trade brought about by the corridor and the Camel estuary in a similar way to Allet on the Rance. The Camel has produced a dense settlement pattern unsurpassed in Cornwall (shown by aerial survey, Young 2012 and Andrew Young pers. comm.). Clearly, if similar settlement patterning (albeit on a much lesser scale recognising that the Camel environs may be exceptional) is rolled out across the county, this will have obvious ramifications for population estimates.

Extending these ratios to Cornwall for just over 1000 rounds, if even 500 to 600 are occupied at any one time, this offers a figure of 20,000 – 30,000 living in rounds. These ballpark figures may be wildly inaccurate, but the salient point is that it potentially leaves the population level somewhat oversubscribed for rounds, even if calculating from a starting figure of two million. Expansive open settlement therefore, must exist in key trading pockets and smaller open farmsteads elsewhere across the county absorbing the remainder of the population or even boosting the 58,000–head figure. In view of this, the number of open settlement roundhouses found for this study area alone exceeds 300. Perhaps, in view of the detection of large settlements along the Camel, and in Dorset (Russell 2015; 2016), as earlier suggested, perhaps we should review the population levels and social settlement structure of the South West.

Population When considering the extent of open settlement exposed in this research, and potential sites yet to be found such as potentially beneath the sand between Porthilly and Daymer, an overhaul of our understanding of social organisation in Cornwall should perhaps be considered. The population in Roman Britain has been estimated between two and six million (Salway 1981, 542–54; McCarthy 2013, 34–42). Millett arrives at a figure at its zenith in the fourth century of 3.7 for Roman Britain (2000, 185), but a more recent review has estimated a figure for the second century of two million of which 90 per cent is rural (Smith et. al. 2016),

As demonstrated in a study –’Location of thatch buildings prior to 1700 v waterborne transport locales’ (Borlase 2010), Cornwall’s transport infrastructure in the past was 122

Discussion

Figure 8.16. Pockets of dense settlement activity in Romano-British Cornwall circled. Source: based on CCHER records.

primarily waterborne, both for local and international communication. It is perhaps, no surprise therefore that large trading settlements would be based around major rivers.

(a mineral region), but the Bideford estuary is surprisingly relatively low (Marrina Neophtou: DHER, via email). Elsewhere, the Bournemouth University study revealing the Late Iron Age open settlement of around 150 roundhouses at Winterbourne Kingston in Dorset found the site dates from 100 BC to just prior to AD 43 (Russell 2016). This settlement is on a major east west route on which saw a later Roman road construction between Poole Harbour and Dorchester, so hopefully ongoing work will shed light on the enigma of its demise.

This is clearly the case with the Camel estuarial area, which is particularly dense in archaeological features. A higher than average density also occurs around the Helford River and the Summercourt area of the upper reaches of the Fal (Figure 8.16). The latter lies in a fertile agricultural heartland, and there are rich tin resources available through streaming the alluvias of the headwaters of the Fal on Goss Moor and the mid-reaches, which may help to explain the population density here. The area is notable for Penhale Round (Nowakowski and Johns 2015) and is likely to contain a degree of open settlement, but perhaps quantifiably on a lesser scale than the Camel estuary. West Penwith also has a dense distribution in courtyardhouse ‘country’, and this is a granite area, not as good agriculturally, but the metamorphic aureoles compensate by being rich in minerals. Rivers and dense settlement do not seem to marry everywhere; the Hayle estuary is not particularly dense (Andrew Young pers. comm.), neither the Lyner or Lower Tamar.
The relative lesser density of Romano-British settlement features on the Fowey estuary and the south coast in general does not reflect the RomanoBritish finds distribution, so other factors may be in play here. Perhaps, a reflection that many of the south coast ridges east of the Fowey are high and windswept, with steep wooded valleys, an area which may be more suitable for open grazing than the Camel ‘cereal belt’, perhaps supporting less population. Significantly, this coastal belt is notably less rich in minerals than many areas. Another possibility is that settlement here errs towards opensettlement as found at Tregays and is perhaps concealed over geology that renders aerial survey interpretation to be less revealing?

Settlement Socio-Economic Settlement study has helped to answer the broad question posed of use of the corridor, which in turn is interrelated with society and economy. The surveys and excavation on settlements gave an insight into the question of the latter. At Middle Amble and Carruan the results draw a picture of dense thriving settlements (Borlase and Wright 2014). The relatively long sequence of dating material corresponds to the surveys, showing a complex layout of intersecting ditches, enclosures and roundhouses demonstrating longevity in terms of centuries with Romano-British individuals residing in larger structures than their earlier counterparts. The roundhouse morphology ranges over a long period, with the smaller structures such as at Kingswood (C14 dated to the second century BC) generally cut by medium size examples, which are in turn overlaid by larger examples. This validates the hypothesis for gradual increase in size of structure with the complex boundaries adding to a model of longevity over centuries. This will be useful chronologically in future studies for giving relative dating. Information from different sites in the corridor also provided an insight into a variety of individual practices, such as the hordeum Vulgare (6-row barley cropping), grain storage in oak boxes and the stock sorting enclosure at Middle Amble, with its field systems reminiscent of

The same scenario follows for West Devon where the AMP shows the Kingsbridge estuary to be relatively dense in population, also the Calstock area either side of the Tamar 123

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route sheep farming practices, common also to Carruan and Daymer Bay.

The spatial form suggests a broadly egalitarian system, a community of family groups working together collectively in agriculture, fishing, mining and transporting minerals and trading all manner of goods. Carruan’s proximity to sheltered outlet port facilities at Daymer Bay and the corridor to South Cornwall, combined with seaborne trading links, marine and mineral resources and relatively good agricultural soils must be a decisive factor in its development, its place in the landscape and ultimately a driving force in the economy of the corridor.

Spindle whorls from excavations from Lestow and Kingswood and field systems detected from aerial photography demonstrate that sheep farming on the fertile spurs of the periphery of Bodmin Moor was also part of agricultural practice for the mid-corridor. A picture of a thriving economy begins to emerge which includes craft industries, zinc, lead and metalworking from Kingswood with tin extraction and tin smelting from the Lestow micro-study. The Lestow study was invaluable in that it demonstrates a high degree of Roman contact in its rectilinear structures, with floors of small stones emulating a ‘quasi-tessellated’ floor and a regular stone circuit wall with clipped corners. These features collectively are hitherto unprecedented in Cornwall. Magor and evidence of tessellae found at nearby Rosewarne are the only other two overt indications of Roman social transfusion in structural terms. The studies therefore, revealed a diverse range of agricultural, and socio-economic practices and evidence.

The settlements at Carruan and Middle Amble indicate control by an elite, displaying their prominence with their enclosures delimiting their domain from the open settlement. However, there is also a possibility the enclosures may have had a ritual function as suggested by the corn deposit at Middle Amble, a possible shaft at Tregawarmond and the concentric inner rings within structures at Carruan (Borlase and Wright 2014; Borlase and Wright forthcoming). We see Porthilly appearing to be primarily concerned with lead exploitation and working. It is also no coincidence that there are lead and silver lodes at Dinham creek, the outlet for Middle Amble where Roman coins have been found (James Menhenit, Burniere Farm collection). However, the very nature of open settlement here, devoid of protective devices, reinforces a case for stability and that society must have felt secure from predation, either from similar groups or from external incursion. Perhaps, a phenomenon of selfregulating coastal trading neutrality, born out by centuries of convention, or that society had a structured system of regulation of law and order. The quote from Siculus below certainly supports the former, which is worthy of further discussion.

Continuity of the indigenous material culture is obvious through structural design and the absence of Roman infrastructure. The picture is punctuated by a few Roman artefacts and design facsimiles in local fabrics; what amounts to only limited clues for Roman interaction and transfusion. Cultural exceptions to the traditional insular pre-historic roundhouse design, and a little later, the sub-oval variations such as seen at Trethurgy and Castle Gotha (both from the corridor) may be rare, but do exist. The fine cobble floors at Lestow and Pabyer Point therefore, which are within a symetrical rectangular enclosure, are exceptional for Cornwall. These features are not co-incidental and are probably results of close Roman influences through maritime trading and military connections filtering through the corridor. It is not until the later sub-Roman period that rectangular or sub-rectangular buildings began to emerge. These can be seen at Tintagel, with its external connections and influences with the late Roman world, also the seventh century Gwithian structures (Nowakowski, Quinnell, Sturgess, Thomas and Thorpe 2007, 42; Thomas 1958; 1964, 42). Later structures are found at Perran Sands, Gunwalloe and Bruce Mitfords excavations at Mawgan Porth (Jope and Threfall 1947; Penna 1967, 59; Wood 2011; Ashbee, P. Greenfield E. Roe, F. and Taylor, R. 1997). The latter sites seem to be concordant with the introduction of bar lug pottery.

Pushing Back the Boundaries: Current Perceptions Contradicted – Security Through Tin? ‘The inhabitants of Britain who dwell about the promontory known as Belerium are especially hospitable to strangers and have adopted a civilized manner of life because of their intercourse with merchants of other peoples. They it is who work the tin, treating the bed which bears it in an ingenious manner’. (Diodorus Siculus, V.22 writing around 30 BC: source J.C.Muhly (1969, 472–3; other translations have ‘gentle in their manner’) The scenario of trading neutrality and stability augments the cogency for a cohesive argument made from evidence detailed in Chapter V. That is, a policy of forced Roman Imperial imposition would have been largely unnecessary if an established peaceful, symbiotic, stable working trading relationship was already established. In other words, Diodorus’s ‘hospitable – gentle in their manner’ is ‘inherited cognitive behaviour’, perhaps an inherent characteristic of Cornovii trading communities institutionalised in recognising a mutual respect of maritime practices and beliefs, coming together, in what the anthropologist, Fleisher, describes as a ‘transformative

The evidence from the open settlements indicates the occupants enjoyed access to a range of valuable goods and resources. This infers that some were of considerable status and exercised a measure of social control over their local environs generated by trading valuable agrarian products facilitated by its riverine milieu. Along with earlier prehistoric settlement in the area, it is unlikely that agriculture sustained settlement alone. 124

Discussion way rooted in time’. From studying the maritime beliefs of the Swahili, he believes that societies living and trading on the coast do not alone make these communities maritime. Inextricable interdependency on the sea over time forms a cognizance of the sea, a social bonding of identity or state of what he calls maritimity (2015, 102; 110). In the first millennia, deep-rooted maritimity, engrained in the psyche of society would have spread through the corridor to either coast to those existing by the sea, and for just over 50 years from the time of Diodorus’s quote; these approaches would achieve much to the advantage of all. A similar scenario instigated by the hazards of working minerals from the ground has similarly been thought to draw communities together (McCarthy 2013,128). A state of equable status quo, such as that described above, may offer a political climate that would progress the continuation or expansion of large open settlement, and may even engender a form of trading neutrality status.

analogous with Polyani’s theories could be appropriate for trading sites such as Daymer Bay. So why was the settlement, so dense in the Camel environs? Principally, large communities will evolve for several locational reasons. Terrel Gallaway points out that early ports of trade are typically sited on ecotones that were defined in both physical and institutional terms (Gallaway 2005, 712). Ecotones are a zone of transition between two ecological systems having a set of characteristics uniquely defined by space and time scales, and by the strength of the interaction between adjacent ecological systems (Holland 1988, 60). They are, for example like Daymer Bay, on a physical boundary of the sea, and an ecotonal intersection of the relatively fertile corn growing and sheep rearing belt on which sites such as Middle Amble and Carruan have developed, attracting a high degree of economic activity. This meeting of sea, river and land at a logistically accommodating location provides and attracts exploitation of different types of food, crafts, goods, minerals and culture from passing trade. Thus, the quintessence of these ports of trade is that, as the Camel estuary, they are in a position to benefit from interplay of a multiplicity of physical systems; a crossroads of ecological and ecotonal systems. The area takes advantage of the geographical interacting transportation systems, bringing together people and commodities from seaways, and a route network east and west along the North Coast fording or ferrying across the Camel (shown historically to be a major route by map regression), and the north/south cross-peninsula riverine and portage systems. Settlements benefit from sheltered beaching (along a hostile coast) and trading centres such as Daymer, with a fresh water supply and good overland connections, all culminating to create a rich ecotone of fertile marine and agricultural resources. Added to this, a host of other resources are accessible to the Camel environs, for example, local mineral extraction, fuel, furs, clothing and local-craft production such as specialist tool manufacture as recognised by Quinnell (2004, 234). All of these qualities together with overland communications to the Fowey River, avail not only accessibility to which tin can be transported from the central areas of Cornwall via the rivers, but merchandise that can be plied and ported by traders between the north and south coasts. In summary, a multiplicity of favourable environmental systems for the Camel includes sea, river and land interconnectivity; marine, mineral and agricultural resources; reciprocity and exchange and Roman managed economy with Cornovii craft production. In respect of these institutional and environmental factors, the wider milieu of the Camel estuary could be a viewed as a port of entry where an inter-play of trade from the Atlantic West Coast, Irish Sea basin and Severn Estuary meets the English Channel and South Coast of England in commercial terms. This is the underlying reason for the density of settlement morphology and population.

The implications on the nature of society, after revealing the existence of extensive open settlement, are numerous. Trading settlements in close proximity to waterborne transport connections would normally be assumed to have some form of measure of enclosed protection to afford secure trading, such as the later Viking D shaped enclosure. The unprotected settlements are far too dense and ensconced in the landscape to be transient settlements, so why is it not deemed necessary to protect them with some form of liminal defensive boundary? The answer may be on a theme analogous with Polyani’s informal neutral zones, of fairs, which are held within the protection of religious sanctity. Coastal sites may have had a degree of importance that warranted Polyani’s special ‘port of trade’ status (1963) in their locative situation as ‘coastal centres of production’ (Griffiths 1994, 187: Tompsett 2012, 413). This refrain has also been posited by Sindbaek who argues that an ‘open access’ situation for the landing site at Lundeborg, on the Baltic straights, could be seen as representing a neutral territory for both Roman and local commerce (2009). This is a similar scenario Cahill-Wilson envisages for Lambay and Drumanagh in Ireland (2014, 177; pers. comm. 2015). Daymer Bay is a good example in Cornwall of this scenario. A prominent present-day feature of the bay is the church of St Enodoc with its former circular enclosure, evidence for earlier construction materials, early medieval cists beneath the present church, and an exhaustive list of Romano-British and post-Roman artefacts from the area. The church sits in an archetypal location for an earlier pagan religious site, and as such may have provided a sanctioned safe religious and liminal area, awarded with protected status around which trading fairs could operate. The time-honoured trade in tin may be another factor, the mineral may have had a totemic status, disposing beach sites to neutrality where traditional trade and barter took place, if but unofficially. This would mean that open settlements form a connection to these trading sites that might have been awarded special status. It is unsafe to speculate further, but these scenarios based on, or

With these scenarios considered, the socio-economic dynamics become great in complexity, so it is difficult to envisage that the economy was managed purely at a local 125

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route extended settlement level. To be efficient, it must have been coordinated by a hierarchal organisational structure. Although the precise nature may remain enigmatic, it was probably answerable, overseen and policed at the beginning of the Roman period with Roman officialdom. It is easy to visualise this as part of a package of trading deals to support the Roman needs, whilst looking after their sources of supply with the minimum of resources. This is supported by the archaeological finds from the study and from the CCHER, which intimate that trade was conducted at various locations around the estuary through a ‘port of trade’. It is in the later Roman years that Tintagel would have begun to play a part as a hierarchal power centre for elites feeding off the economies of the Camel, eventually evolving to be the focus for Mediterranean trade.

few casual finds of second century gabbroic ware have been found which may be waterborne beach trading finds. Along the south coast, gabbroic pottery has been identified at Ipplepen (Imogen Wood pers. comm. 2016) and one vessel at Bantham, but the latter was in late fifthor sixth-century contexts (Gerrard 2016). At East Leigh, gabbroic sherds outnumbered the local ware and granitic ware by 67:5, which indicates gabbroic pottery was chosen over granitic wares for many native settlement sites nearly as far east as the Tamar. This effectively demonstrates unhindered distribution channels across the corridor and is not indicative of any form of frontier or separation zone. It is probable the gabbroic assemblage to East Leigh was ported via a continuation of the north coast road from Daymer through Plain Street (streat – road) to Tintagel, the road continuing via Stratton.

It is not surprising then, that these dynamics cultivated grounds for settlement that reach proto-urban magnitudes and that they may have been afforded with a self-policing ‘zone of trading neutrality’ status. A status quo develops where the need to enclose settlements with labour intensive, defensive and prestigious banks and ditches is not deemed necessary and they may have benefited from status as unofficial neutral enclaves. Suffice to say, a state of neutrality is impossible to detect archaeologically. However, it is worth highlighting again that the magnetometry and excavation results did not reveal any slingshot or hint of conflagration that may suggest the burning of roundhouses, for example, in comparison with the results from Kingswood Round (Borlase 2013, 193). In other words, there are no detectable signs of conflict from these open sites.

As discussed, East Leigh’s situation lends itself to the possibility that the site may potentially be a signal station. As control of the region’s mineral wealth would demand Roman regulation, good communications would be a necessity to facilitate this control. Signalling is a practical communication solution in a terrain incised with deep valleys rendering roads indirect and in poor condition due to high rainfall and highland topography, just as Fiennes and Borlase lament of later centuries. It also has ramifications on the question of Roman interaction. Roman Interaction Through Design The term Romanisation is not used widely in this paper, this is because it is important to envisage Romanisation as a symbiotic process, a two-way transfusion of cultural ideology and systems between native and Roman, it must be used with caution, and therefore the term interaction is preferred.

A Borderline Question: Roman Involvement and Romanitas The location of two Roman forts in the corridor raises the question – were they strategically sited across this natural division in the landscape to form a border? It has been suggested a differentiation in Romano-British pottery assemblages either side of the rivers may indicate the presence of a cultural and political divide (Thorpe 2007, 32). To engage this question and help to address aims on communications and socio-political divisions in relation to the corridor, the site of East Leigh, Stratton was selected in north-east of Cornwall. The study offers an insight into the most regular geometrically shaped, polygonal, complex enclosure in Cornwall and helps to test and provide an understanding of the question of the corridor as a border, informing on communications across, to, and from the trans-peninsula route. The ceramic assemblage (Figure 5.17) from excavations proved to contain mainly gabbroic pottery and a few sherds of Devon granitic of more local fabric to the site, which demonstrates that Romano-Cornish gabbroic pottery (Trethurgy Type 4), dominates on many sites at least up to the Tamar border, and its prevalence here is not restricted to the west of the corridor. The farthest eastward gabbroic pottery extended for native sites was thought to be Widemouth Bay (Bidwell 2016), where a

Rectalinear structures are rare, Magor being to date, effectively the only true example (buildings at Mawgan in Pydar are sub-rectangular). The rectilinear structural features at Lestow, with its situation on a major route with a day’s marching distancing between forts, proximity to tin lodes, and evidence for tin working operations (Figure 8.17 and figure 8.18) suggests a possible function as an inter-fort mansio or staging post. With a change of horse, a ‘dispatch’ rider could ride from the centre of the corridor and beyond the Tamar in a much shorter time than it takes to sail up the rivers and coast even if coastal weather conditions permit. Interestingly, an assemblage of Roman artefacts has been found at Tregrills, a day’s march, equidistant between Lestow and Calstock. The association of local pottery together with Lestow’s features suggests Roman contact and cooperation (perhaps some coercion) in the operation of a localised franchising/ clientage system. A scenario such as this could, again, emanate from affable historic trading relationships, and is probably a dynamic repeated in the running of other enclosures demonstrating regularity such as High Cliff, East Leigh, and Pabyer Point, which all suggest a degree of Roman interaction. Many characteristics of the Lestow 126

Discussion

Figures 8.17. Compilation of plan and sections for trench 7 showing explicit rectilinear structural features, floors and wall sections.

study accord with that of East Leigh, High Cliff and Pabyer; Roman-style regularity in architectural plan are common to all, well-made tracks run from three of them and Romano-British pottery forms in Lizard gabbroic fabric were recovered from all three of the excavations at East Leigh, Lestow and Pabyer. Although, not fulfilling the criteria for archetypal fortlets, such as Old Burrow and Martinhoe on Exmoor (Fox and Ravenhill 1966b), the locations are similar, and the shared characteristics and attributes of the East Leigh, High Cliff and Pabyer Point enclosures are consistent with those of potential signal station/lookout functions (Woolliscroft 2011). Along these lines of enquiry, it is pertinent to discuss the

work of Mathew Symonds, who has studied the Exmoor fortlets. His hypothesis is that local influences in enclosure design are at play for Martinhoe and Old Burrow; similar dynamics for the coastal enclosures proposed in this study. He suggests that their architectural style and positioning, feature strong indigenous influences. They may have even been constructed by local communities, Dumnonian corvées or militia, or equally by the occupying force drawing on local settlement morphologies (2018; 2019 pers. comm. 2019). Furthermore, the two fortlets may have been connected to a large coastal political centre at Wind Hill, which lies between the two forts, or possibly, they filled a gap in a longer cordon of watch tower sites 127

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 8.18. The resistivity interpretation at Lestow, interpretation graphic by Malcom Wright.

of ‘native’ design, evolving after a necessity for coastal protection against raiding from the Late Iron Age. The inner enclosures are relatively standard for Roman fortlets, but the outer enclosures are atypical and intriguingly, less rectalinear in shape. Also, the inter-vallate spaces of the fortlets are dually suited to livestock corralling as well as a martial function, unlike the explicit military plan of typical Roman fortlet design. This meant that if the outer enclosure fell during an attack, it would constitute a defensive weakness by leaving the defenders isolated in the inner enclosure.

Exmoor fortlets could be construed as a calculated attempt to respect local power structures, rather than usurping or destabilising them by introducing a more substantial force. An interesting concept that could well be applied to the relatively small military presence represented by the forts of Nanstallon and Restormel. As Woolfe points out, in the writings of Tacitus, the Gauls were rewarded for peaceful behaviour and loyal service to Rome, shaking off their feritas and adopting humanitas (2003, 65). This is an example of the well-known fact that Rome adopted this policy of cultivating humanitas, conveying rights and distributing privileges for deserving indigenous peoples (Hingley 2005, 62–4). The sites mentioned above, although exceptional, demonstrate a degree of inter-contact between Roman and local factions that exceeds ordinary trade contact, indeed it appears they are functionally embracing, implementing ideals and complementing the Roman military machine. Similar scenarios are not confined to Cornwall, near Kilkenny in Ireland, Roman finds and temple-like structures demonstrate robust Roman ‘transfusional’ traits amid Ireland’s ‘Late Iron Age’ culture (kilkennypeople.ie/ news/home/2284… ♯ RomanBritain ♯ Ireland). Similar levels of quasi Roman contact are demonstrated by rectilinear enclosures at Carvossa and Grambla (Carlyon 1987; Saunders 1927, 50). The rectilinear enclosures at Bantham, South Devon (Figure 7.7) are also likely to be of similar date in accord with Roman finds from the probable trading enclosure. The dynamics behind these rectilinear characteristics are discussed in the following section.

Significantly, at Old Burrow, there was also a serious flaw in the defensive capabilities of the gateway design and construction which escaped remedy, leaving it vulnerable to an attack. It was unlikely that the defences were ever put to the test otherwise these shortcomings would have been remedied. He concludes that if this was the case, there could not have been an imperative to defend against any serious assault, this may suggest that in general, a climate of stability prevailed. Borrowing from Symonds, the unaltered defect suggests ‘an air of confidence’ (2018; pers. comm. email 2019), this is an ‘impression’, imparted by the communities of the far west of Dumnonia, themed by this study. Perhaps in enclosure morphology terms, the High Cliff, Pabyer, East Leigh and possibly some other rectalinear enclosures can be viewed as a natural late second- to thirdcentury evolution of south west fortlet dynamics. The more that topography and distance hampers communication from the civitas capital, the less Romanised and more localised in character enclosures become, whilst still fulfilling a function in line with the Roman ideal. It follows that the more localised the nature of the enclosure, the more localised and devolved the framework of administration will be, whilst engendering an air of cooperation and stability within the limits of Roman control. Symonds even plausibly suggests that the small number of soldiers on the

Absence of Roman Infrastructure, Continuity and Identity The question of absence of Roman infrastructure and cultural continuity throughout the Roman period inevitably arises through certain aspects of this study. In seeking a broad understanding of the Roman policy, interaction and 128

Discussion responses with indigenous society, the general similarities discernible with Late Iron Age Ireland, have already been mentioned. Although officially within the province of Britannica Superior, Cornwall’s peripheral isolation, due to its topographical situation renders its polity a type of ‘frontier land within the frontier’, or to borrow a term by Cahill-Wilson, extra provincial (2014, 24), effecting similar cultural responses to that of lands beyond frontiers such as in Ireland. It offers a close parallel to Ireland in the character of social material change and material record. Further to this, the ‘Late Iron Age and Roman Ireland Project’ has drawn an interesting parallel between the distribution of both of Roman finds and social changes beyond the northern ‘barbarian’ Rhenish limes zones in Denmark to that in Ireland (Cahill-Wilson 2014, 32; 175). Briefly, the high quality of Roman material found beyond the frontiers are thought to be a result of strategic policy not to annex territories, but instead, to place them under control of friendly rulers (Cahill-Wilson 2014, 32; 2017, 62; Wells, 2004, 121). Valuable gifts and favours are used as a tool to impart status to the recipient in a deliberate move orchestrated by the Roman administration to ensure the lands beyond the border remained in control of a cooperative friendly power. These policies give assurance that authority is retained with client kings in position of power and removes the costly necessity to requisite and maintain those lands by military force to retain peace and trade. This was thought to be Ireland’s situation beyond the frontier zone of Roman Britain and is not dis-similar to that of Cornwall, which has a similar cultural materiality and infusion of Roman imported material demonstrating interaction with Roman trade connections.

Figure 8.19. The overall magnetometry results from Lestow. Open lode tin extraction and prospection pits correspond to tin lodes on the geological map below. The track from the southern entrance of the enclosure respects the end of the lode and even appears to do a slight dogleg to towards due south. A ditch appears to run from the east side of the enclosure where it aligns with a hedge boundary on the tithe map. This may be coincidence or more probably the hedge builders made use of an existing ditch. The hedge shows the hallmarks of a Cornish hedge but does not continue north of the tin lode (double ditches with a bank between Gaffney and Gater 2003, 72). A further field boundary ditch runs parallel from the south-east corner of the enclosure and terminates at the tin lode. The evidence, which includes cassiterite and evidence for tin working in the enclosure, points to tin working being contemporary with the enclosure.

There is evidence demonstrating Roman boundaries can be fluid entities and not closed borders (Wells 2001, 226). The far west of Dumnonia maybe a good representation; pre-conquest trading in minerals paved the way for a situation whereby there was a status quo with small favours. Hingley writes that Roman policy often created political ties with elite groups in neighbouring communities, eventually absorbing them through political expansion (2005, 70). If we consider a model of Cornwall as rendered with an extra provincial status in trading terms due to its topographical situation, and the above policies are adopted with forms of clientage initiated upon local elites or rulers, the military presence need only be a token presence for an initial period, whilst local administration centres were set up. This may account for the lack of infrastructure and economy in size of military forts, which notably, lack supporting extramural infrastructure; the forts are designed to be just large enough to consolidate and oversee mineral extraction, processing, revenues and trade organisation and to set up local administration.

at Restormel, Mulberry and Nanstallon (roads leading to mines and external industrial dumps), suggests that overseeing mineral exploitation was a principal function of the presence of these small forts rather than overtly military objectives. The evidence suggests Roman military engagement to the west of the Tamar region does not point to an auxiliary force engaged in suppression as is evident perhaps east of Dartmoor. It is far more likely that a historic convivial symbiotic trading connection (implied by Diodorus Siculus) and mineral extractive industry ensured the economic integration of the region into the rest of the Roman province with a minimal military and naval offensive. Conversely, on the Tamar itself at Calstock, to date, there appears to be an absence of evidence for mineral working or exploitation through the fieldwork from the fort. Neither, are there indications for exploitation of nearby silver lodes, leading Smart to believe minerals were not the predominant reason for the Roman’s presence (2014; Chris Smart pers. comm. email 2019). Perhaps we are seeing a difference in inter-relationship with the Roman

A large proportion of the fieldwork here supports this scenario revealing evidence for mineral exploitation at Porthilly and Lestow (Figures 7.40, 8.19 and 8.20), both of which produce evidence for contemporary mining and mineral processing. This, together with the fieldwork 129

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route a framework consistent with the humanitas theory and franchising/clientage system suggested for sites with obvious elements of Roman infusion. These elements of slight re-arrangement of an original system, now overseen by Roman officialdom with minimum major disruption or coercion, allowed the cultivation of the continuum of undisturbed cultural tradition, individuality and independence. This may perhaps be a model that fits the administration of some sites such as Carvossa and Lestow or potential signal station sites like High Cliff. Both the Nanstallon and Restormel fort’s military presence amount to a ‘token’ force of a turma of ala (cavalry), with the ability to move across difficult terrain, for primarily, a policing role. Fox and Ravenhill found there were empty, under-utilised areas in the already small Nanstallon fort (1970, 100), and here early resources appear to be channelled into building a road to Mulberry mine rather than military activity. This is supported from the finds from the Nanstallon geophysics and excavation. The above model conforms to Millett’s argument that the low distribution of forts in tribal areas that were submissive, pro-Roman, or became client-states showed little military activity and military infrastructure was simply not required. The forts that were constructed were placed in centres of political power, to oversee allies, on strategic routes or a desire to have a secure supply base in friendly territory (1990, 46; 1984). The Romans could achieve what they wanted with minimum input and resources, without tampering unnecessarily with what is an existing satisfactory system, thus fitting this model. Quinnell supports this theme, when she proposes that ‘the extraction of tin may be governed by local rules and traditional rights, to this in particular, areas may have been held by communities as part of their resources’. Such rules may well have been respected by the official Roman administration and have been comparatively unaffected by its cessation (2004, 76). This is also suggested by the general absence of official stamps on plano-convex tin ingots. Only the ingot at Carnanton (Warner 1967, Beagrie 1985) has an unclear, but perhaps formal stamp. Dumnonia should not be presumed to be a single unitary authority covering Devon and Cornwall, and legal arrangements may have been administered under a local regime separate from Civitas Dumnoniorum (Quinnell 2004, 217), a view that is supported here. Roman material declines in the large administrative enclosures of Mawgan in Pydar and Carvossa after the second century, just as at Restormel from the third-century (Thriepland 1957, 40–3; Carlyon 1987; Thorpe 2005, 29), which may mark the stabilisation of a continuity of tradition, linked to changes in the pattern of rounds and a more egalitarian spread of authority (Quinnell 2004, 216). Lestow, Carruan, Middle Amble and Pabyer have all yielded second to fourth-century pottery in support of this theory. There must have been tax collecting centres; Quinnell proposes that rectilinear enclosures may constitute later taxation centres (2004, 217), which may account for the rectilinear style structures at Lestow, if this is a possible example.

Figure 8.20. Geological mapping of the Lestow area showing tin lodes under the footprint of the high anomalies on the magnetometry survey indicating workings. ‘Roman Camp’ indicates the enclosure. Source: supplied by Robin Hazell Geol with permissions.

machine in terms of economic/trade dynamics, or even a degree of cultural differentiation between the communities of the corridor (perhaps marked by the hundredal border which appears later) and the pagi either side of the Tamar River, who simply may not have had the same (historic?) socio-economic trading-relationship with the Romans? Or possibly, evidence for exploitation, as yet, simply has not been found? Evidence for prehistoric trade in tin and minerals through trace analysis irrevocably demonstrates Cornwall’s capability to establish long-distance trade routes (Nowakowski 2011, 301), and once trade contacts become established, a knockon effect in exchange of other resources and goods and ideas are likely to continue to become long-established and fixed in tradition. This may have been recognised and nurtured by the Romans, thus encouraging sympathies and empathy born through pre-existing trading relationships. Continuity of pre-existing tin and mineral extractive industries probably ensured the economic integration of the region west of the Tamar into the rest of the Roman province with a minimal military and naval offensive. The Cornovii and their economy became a well-oiled cog in the Roman machine requiring little mechanical makeover. A small rapidly deployed cavalry force could supervise control or oversee mineral extractive and metal working processes with minimum input, within 130

Discussion Displays of acceptance in some quality goods traded with the Romans are evident such as window glass recovered from House A at Trethurgy, and quality imported pottery at Kilhallon (Quinnell 2004, 86; Carlyon 1982). Also, North Gaulish ware, a stud from the Middle Amble settlement and a decorated lead sheet from the round ditch fill at Kingswood (Borlase and Wright 2014; Borlase 2013, 190) indicate a modicum of sophistication. Nearly every site examined across Cornwall from the Romano-British period display similar characteristics, and material imports are not just confined to larger sites such as Carvossa and Carloggas (Carlyon 1987; Thriepland 1957). At the Romano-British fourth- to sixth-century salt production site at Trebarveth, African Red Slip ware was found amongst the ceramic assemblage (Wood 2011, 294; Serocold 1949; Thomas 1958a; Peacock 1969, 51). This demonstrates that the Lizard peninsula retained trading contacts with the Roman world continuing well into the sub-Roman period. The general overview of society in Roman Cornwall is that, whilst its communities had limited access to select Roman material culture, there was an overall unwillingness or apathy toward seeking a broader cultural convergence, indicating a strong, inherent identity. This contrasts with the view of some scholars suggesting that the Dumnonian tribes resisted occupation (Ellis Jones 2009a, 36) and a chain of forts were required to impose control. There are no indications from this research which reconciles with oppressive militarism. It is far more likely the Romans were content to not tamper systematically with the mechanisms of society and economy west of the Tamar region.

in a healthy state so there would not be a great impetus for change. The seeming rejection of overt Roman stylisation and the adherence of tradition is more likely to be down to continuance of social identity and an inherent desire to be semi-independent of the Roman state, rather than oppression. However, aspirations of ‘Roman-ness’ endured, attested through the consumption of exotic imports in pottery, skeuomorphic design and glassware. Although perhaps confined to an elite level, it demonstrates certain aspects of Roman life endured. In this respect, connection and affiliation continued with the Roman world, resonating with elites of the sub-Roman, drawing on part of a ‘package’ of Late Antique Christianity, which Dark argues, derives much of its character from that of Roman Britain (1994, 36–7). The absence of a dependant monetary system that could potentially cause major economic collapse, ongoing trading contacts, combined with a latent desire for Romanitas with associated eagerness for the transmission of ideology, may have created a socio-economic environment that made the long distances viable for trade contact with the Mediterranean world. There is some evidence to show that there was a continuity of mineral extraction in one form or another in the sub-Roman perhaps through to the sixth century mainly attested through Byzantine pottery turning up in mineral areas. This is also true of Spain where the Byzantine pottery appears in mineral producing areas, and here, diplomatic contacts have been combined. Furthermore, Spain and south west Britain are the only sources for tin of any quality (Dark 1996, 62).

It is not clear how Roman ‘state control’ of minerals, in whatever form it took, may have been articulated. However, in a climate of stability, it is unlikely it took a hard-line stance compared with that demonstrable in Wales with its Roman military infrastructure. Very soon, after AD 80, administration was only necessary from the fort at Restormel. The geophysics survey and excavations at Restormel support this theory. It shows that any associated settlement or infrastructural military port by the riverside is absent. This indicates that the fort was not a military installation requiring busy naval port utilities, facilities and state control warehousing, even though water transport patently served the fort rather than road. A ditch line and possible a hard or track indicated by geophysics following the course of the old riverbank, appearing absent of buildings, is the only evidence for a probable Roman port site.

It is not until at some point during this period that changes to the traditional form of settlement began in the late fourth to mid-sixth century, as the case study in the previous chapter demonstrates. Other cultural traditions stubbornly continued, such as the continuing manufacture of pottery in different styles harking back to some late Roman styles, but still in gabbroic fabric. Central to this, is a strong, insular, maritime ‘Celtic’ identity, developed through peripheral determinism, maritimity and co-lateral Celtic Sea links. These links provided social contact and affiliation between Brittany and Cornwall, and the wider Celtic seaboard regions of Wales, Ireland and Scotland which are noticeable through linguistics, literary recording, material culture and placename evidence. This suggests malleability of movement and inter-migration (Cunliffe 2001, 462–481; Davies et al. 2000 Figure 6.1, 72; Tompsett 2012, 465; Cahill Wilson 2010, 46, 146) which may form a sense of identity and belonging across the region. Similarity of place-names between Brittany, and the South West perhaps indicates the evolving of insular sub-kingdoms in their own non-Saxon traditions as developments of the Latin language (Davies et al. 2000, 73).

Economy and Transition The case study indicates there was continuity of a thriving buoyant economy, allowing the growth of proto-urban settlement to form, strongly suggesting stability and continuity of status. Absence of Roman structures and the persistence of insular settlement tradition attests to social continuity; even the villa-like structure at Magor was constructed within a round. From the research here and from sites such as Trethurgy and Kilhallon, there is nothing to suggest that the socio-economy is anything but

Pottery Via the Atlantic Seaways: Tintagel’s Influence on the Fowey and Camel Corridor Trade dynamics shifted in the late-Roman and post-Roman period marked by a developing trade network via the 131

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route

Figure 8.21. Site distribution of late Roman and early fifth to late sixth-century amphorae, ARSW and PRSW. To show a comparison, the Late Iron Age distribution of Dressel 1 (Carn Euny) is shown; this is rare Cornwall but common in Armorica, conversely Late Roman and Post Roman wares are common in Cornwall but rare in Armorica. This demonstrates that the Atlantic trading route was relatively direct to the South West. E and D Western French ware have not been included as they mostly appear toward the later study period, being present at Gwithian and Kelsey Head/Hays Close, only one or possibly two sherds of D ware were found at Tintagel (at time of writing) compared with many of PRSW, so these may have been early sherds discarded towards the end of Tintagel’s floruit of Mediterranean imports. The distributions illustrate that the Camel environs were an active trading destination on the north coast in the sub Roman period. Sites in the study area where imported sherds have been recovered are Lellizzick, (possibly) the Rumps, St Enodoc, Padstow, Harbour Cove, Middle Amble, Killibury, Trethurgy and Castle Gotha and St Georges Island. On the periphery, find sites of the area are Tintagel, Treyarnon, Trevone and St Merryn. Source: mapping author.

Atlantic seaways from the Mediterranean. New movements opened up new horizons, which led to an overall interchange of trading opportunities and Christian idealism around the western seaboard for which Tintagel and the Camel were foci for activity. Post-Roman pottery finds are restricted mainly to coastal sites. On the Camel, this is supported by finds of African Red Slip ware from Middle Amble and Lellizzick together with other post-Roman pottery from the latter, possible ARSW or PRSW from Daymer and the Camel, Byzantine coins from near Padstow and other possible finds from Daymer Bay, including a fibula from Trenain Farm (Borlase and Wright 2014; Borlase 1871 and 1872; Mepham 2008, 10; Finneran 2018, email pers. comm. – copy of ‘letters from Thomas Kent’; Moorhead 2009, 270). The cumulative evidence demonstrates that the Camel estuary was an active trading centre at this time (Figure 8.21). The ability to trade and import exotics would bolster the social standing of elites, not only in the material goods themselves, but also by the ideology imparted by the connections. Even though there are no direct links for the introduction of coenobitic monasticism (Campbell 2006, 122), there is some evidence from Tintagel to show religious beliefs were imported with the influx of foreign trade (Dark Thomas 1976, 251–2; 1988, 22).

It could be argued that this initial engagement with literary civilised Mediterranean and Welsh circles helped to raise the profile of the Camel estuary environs leading to the founding of early monastic sites such as Landocco and foci for missionary movement. Established sites which can be considered principal central places such as Gwithian and Tintagel, attracting exotic coastal trade, indicates the formation of individual groups of secular elites controlling the hinterland around these sites, probably driven by trade in minerals and tin. Imported Mediterranean ceramics occurring at these sites have been seen as evidence for these local hierarchal control centres (Campbell and Bowles 2009, 301). Pearce suggests assemblages were evidence for political control with a network of lesser, possibly independent inland sites such as Hays Close (2004, 228; Thompsett 2012, 343). Trading links at these sites are long established, and they can be considered as a continuance of old Roman networks (Thomas 1964; 1993, 83–4). Beach sites could be regarded as an outlet for trading groups from their hinterland, such as at Mothecombe on the Erme. In the entrance of the river, up to 44 tin ingots probably lost in a trans-shipment manoeuvre support this connection, although dating is 132

Discussion conjecture. In addition, a similar style ingot at Praa (Prah) Sands, Germoe has been dated to c AD 600, which again attests to trade in tin around this time (Penhallurick 1986, 234). In the corridor, trading activity into the interior is testified by eastern Mediterranean amphorae and Phoceaen ware from Trethurgy, a site that has also produced a tin ingot associated with a potentially late or post-Roman midden – UB-3250 of cal AD 240–440 at 95 per cent confidence (Quinnell 2004, 102–4; 72; 163). For whatever reason, the only source of tin from Iberia (Dark 1996, 62) (or perhaps the Czech/German border) was probably not the main source at this time, Cornish and possibly Devonian tin is generally regarded as the prime object of trade, although lead and copper are likely to be subsidiary minerals. An explanation for this may lie not only in the apparent upsurge in demand and scarcity of metals in the Justinian period, but in Imperial political manoeuvring (Campbell 2007, 130, 132). Dark and Harris also discuss a model for Mediterranean imports to Tintagel based on a diplomatic ‘charm’ offensive, reinforced by the writings of Procopious, the Byzantine historian (2000, 130; 2003, 152). Campbell does not subscribe wholly to this notion (2007, 131), but it is thought possible here that just as St Paul’s ideological letters travelled via trade routes, with tin, lead, and copper as a primary initiative, it is very probable that diplomatic and ideological representations would accompany merchants to reinforce supply and enlighten elites. At a time when the Roman Empire was undergoing pressure from Barbarian and caliphate incursion, contact and exchange with ‘Romanophile’ Western Britain would have been an enlightening experience for traders from both parties, archaeologically marked by beach feasting sites. The scale of feasting material infers these were not quick trading stops; these were imposing festive sites, and as such, would embrace the exchange and promotion of spiritual beliefs and intellectual ideas. Tin, minerals, wine and oil exchange was the primary commercial objective; ideology and spiritualism would be carried firmly on the back of this trade. However, recent and ongoing analysis of ceramics along the western Atlantic seaboard is gradually revealing a more complex picture than simply Britain being an isolated destination attracted by tin (Fernández 2010; 2014; Bonifay 2012, Soulas 2012 and others). Evidence from Bordeaux and Vigo in north west Spain, and increasing evidence from other Atlantic seaboard sites is bringing into question the direct importation of pottery from eastern Mediterranean to Britain (Duggan 2012; 2016). Examination of the composition of assemblages raises the scenario that some, or all imports, may have been redistributed from centres from France or Spain (Duggan 2016). One argument in support of this is the cessation of imports to Britain at some time around the mid-sixth century whilst Spanish and French imports continued well beyond indicating the area was on the trade network. However, as ships from the Mediterranean are plying from as far as Bordeaux, they are likely to berth for victualling and to take on a pilot (for the hazardous tidal currents and reefs off Brittany and for the English Channel crossing) before continuing for around another three days sailing. So, it is likely the ports were visited anyway.

It is proposed here that a redistribution method as a means of arrival of Mediterranean imports to Tintagel has one flaw; the British assemblages to date contain little evidence of large-scale regional wares from the purported Frankish redistribution centres and vice versa, Pearce also notes the lack of identifiably Frankish goods (Pearce 2004, 236). A few sherds of D-ware and one possible E-ware, (Scutt 2016, 6; Thorpe pers. comm. July 2017) are not enough to support a trans-shipment theory from the Bordeaux region and it is difficult to distinguish continental glass from Mediterranean glass (Campbell in Barrowman 2007, 222–229). Furthermore, the redistribution theory falters when considering the question, if tin was the main target of trade, how does this get back to the Mediterranean to supply the Justinian requirement? And, why is there no British evidence found at purported trans-shipment ports? Hopefully, ongoing research will elucidate on these issues. The post-Roman evidence for tin-working is beginning to accumulate; for example, an amphorae sherd associated with a furnace and a smelted tin ingot has been found from Chûn, and from the Corridor, similar ingots from Trethurgy and Penwithick and a pennanular brooch from tin streaming grounds near Lanivet (Quinnell 2004, 73; Borlase 1871 in Penhallurick 1986, 104; 229; Pearce 2004, 239). Therefore, tin is generally recognised to be the key to the Mediterranean trade enterprise, yet the issues of transport logistics still await clarification. It is thought here that the sheer enormity of the quantity of pottery thrown up from the recent excavations (Figure 8.22), along with cultural Mediterranean customs revealed through burial rites from St Materiana’s church, err towards a very high degree of direct contact (Nowakowski and Thomas 1990 and 1992; Thorpe 2017 pers. comm.). Surface B-ware amphorae sherds are even turning up on the cliff path around Tintagel

Figure 8.22. The south terrace trenches at Tintagel from the 2017 excavations revealing fifth to sixth century 1m thick walls of two structures, floors and a midden. The hundreds of sherds were mostly imported and eastern Mediterranean including Phoceaen ware, B-ware amphorae, also Merovingian glassware (Carl Thorpe pers. comm.; Maria Duggan pers. comm. 2017). One possible sherd of grass marked ware and a possible sherd of E-ware were also recovered (Carl Thorpe pers. comm. 2018; Jackie Nowakowaski pers. Comm. 2019). Photograph: Author.

133

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route village (Nowakowski pers. comm. July 2017). Pearce points to the Byzantine coins from Exeter, Ilchester and other sites from the south west, together with other pieces such as the sixth-century Byzantine censor from Glastonbury as being introduced with consumables (2004, 236). It is conceivable and valid to assert that these types of valuables may have been the personal property of missionaries who may have carried these items arriving with the cargoes. The prominent church dedications in Constantinople may even be linked to the south-western cults of the saints Madron and Ia through these connections (2004, 239).

as Tintagel. This site appears to be a (neutral?) trading site, rather than a high-status settlement (O’Sullivan and Breen 2007, 151). One sherd of Phoceaen ware found at Garranes ringfort (O’Ríordáin 1942, 142) and Garryduff ringfort implies that fine-ware was introduced only as incidental inclusions with B-ware, although PRSW has recently been identified at Collierstown, Co. Meath and Kilree, Co. Kilkenny (Kelly 2010). The recognition of an individual buried at Bettystown, in the later fifth-century, of Portuguese or northern African descent intimates that Ireland was also the recipient of some primary trade from the Atlantic trade routes. This shows just how malleable society was in long-distant inter-movement (CahillWilson 2010, 46, 146) and is another indicator for direct Mediterranean trade. This leaves little doubt that Christian missionary movements riding on the back of this trade provided a cultural, spiritual and intellectual conduit of connectivity around the Irish Sea basin, of which Cornwall, with its trans-peninsula route, assumed an integral part.

There is some evidence to show that ships at this time carried a diverse mixture of cargo and it is difficult to identify for certain if oil and other goods carried in amphorae were the principal cargo or a supplementary fill (Wooding 1996, 68–72; O’Sullivan and Breen 2007, 155; Pearce 2004, 235). Pearce makes the point that the Eastern Mediterranean amphorae imports may have seen a re-use process when their contents were used at Tintagel. They are likely to have been re-filled with a number of other commodities such as salt for export to other sites around the Celtic sea-lanes on which sherds of post-Roman amphorae have been found (2004, 235). Foodstuffs seem to have taken on a major role of trade importance, at this time, at the luxury end of the market, together with fine table wares acting as prestige ‘tools’ to impress.

A scenario of a return voyage distance of around 10,000 kilometres from the Aegean, at a speed of around 2.5 to 3 knots, would mean being at sea for over four and a half months, but this assumes fair winds, good conditions, and being at sea at night with very short victualling stops. Campbell estimates a time of four months and suggests it could be carried out in one season (2007, 128). This allows for a very short stopover time to trade. Logistically, as Wooding suggests, it appears likely that a voyage may have taken more than one sailing season to accomplish (1996, 51), and there may have been many of them over many years (Thomas 1988, 13; Campbell 2007, 131). Although a clear picture is yet to emerge, the sheer quantity of these Mediterranean artefacts over a range of disparate sites; Dinas Powys in Wales, Longbury Bank, Tintagel, 13 sites in Ireland alone, and Cadbury Congresbury in Somerset (Alcock 1963; Barrowman 2007; Cahill-Wilson; Standish and O’Brien 2014, 146; Campbell and Lane 1989; Rahtz 1992), and the south coast, indicate a degree of direct contact took place as well as re-distribution. If we consider several calls to ports such as Carthage (under Imperial control in the Justinian period) to provision and take on cargo with ARSW amongst the inventory, further ports would be required for contingency shelter or rest where limited trade may take place. As discussed, many cargoes may have completed the passage to Britain with a pilot, whereas others perhaps terminated at Bordeaux with redistribution taking place.

Tintagel was the principal site attracting and receiving more Mediterranean pottery than the combined total of all other British sites. Consequently, it has been cited as a seat for ruling elites, even the king of all Dumnonia, following breakdown of Roman centralised rule (Blair 2005, 15; Campbell 2007, 120; Dark 1994, 91; Pryor 2005, 181; Thomas 1993). Pottery includes African Red Slip ware. ARSW is not found together with Phoceaen Red Slip Ware (PRSW or LRC) at all the sites where these imports are received, for example Gwithian. This could either suggest some shipments did not call into Carthage, and did not make contact with merchants from there on route from the East Mediterranean, or there was simply no significant overlap in production. However, the shipwreck of a seventh-century ship at Marseille contained a combined cargo of both forms of fine wares as well as North African amphorae, which demonstrates a continuing role for Carthage in Mediterranean trading patterns, which had diminished in Cornwall by this time (Thomas 2007). Unfortunately, this monograph will be published prior to the latest excavation report from Tintagel, but hopefully, stratigraphical and context data may enlighten on the duration of the floruit of imports and dynamics of introduction. However, whether by direct or indirect importation, it is likely, there was contact with Byzantine elites and a transmission of ideology to Cornwall along with a handful of secondary sites in the Severn sea area (Thomas 1993, 53; 146), especially as little evidence for industrial working was found (Campbell 2007, 120). In Ireland, Dalkey Island on the east coast was the Irish equivalent receiving B-ware, but not to the same extent

Another question is the suitability of Mediterranean ships for the North Atlantic. This concern may be easily overcome; Byzantine cargo ships could be adapted, designed or even made in Northern waters suitable for these mercantile expeditions into Atlantic waters. Wreck evidence does not supply enough archaeological evidence for ship design to refute this notion. Sturdy ships would also be beneficial in Mediterranean out of sailing season conditions as the author has well experienced, sailing in a late September storm west of Kephalonia with a ‘fetch’ creating a four-meter swell. Sailing to Britain in one 134

Discussion season or even to Bordeaux would demand some out of season sailing for the return to the Eastern Mediterranean. Whichever the case, it is clear that there would be little time in one sailing season for a ship to make the several calls to sites where the wares are shown to be traded archaeologically. Furthermore, the short stops made to exchange cargo assume that the merchandise is awaiting loading on a beach or quay ready for a speedy turn around. It seems improbable that every port of call would have prior notice of the arrival of foreign ships to accumulate and store goods from its hinterland. This is supported by the evidence at beach feasting sites, which may suggest a longer-term sojourn than just the time available to barter and exchange cargoes.

Atlantic façade (Wooding 1996, Cahill-Wilson 2014) and Daymer Bay was in a prime location for inter-service of this trade. The trade diffusion catchment for Tintagel, Thomas has suggested, has a dispersal of up to 30 km (1988, 18; fig 26). This is increased by accessibility to the Camel and Fowey rivers giving easy access far into the interior of the peninsula, enabling goods such as farming produce, ores and hides, prestige items of gifts for (social intercourse or exchange) to be carried from inland sites. Much of this watershed could be under control with mechanisms of exchange, reciprocity and tribute, with minerals being the driving element, developing and creating nodes of activity around the Camel estuary. This is borne out by not only the settlement evidence, but sites where Mediterranean pottery is found.

Metals were in short supply in the mid-sixth century (Campbell 2006, 130; Kingsley 2004, 28), and tin, known from Egyptian sources, as the ‘British Metal’ was probably central to the trade incentive (Wooding 1996, 82). However, Dark prefers that the Byzantine mercantile trade was to market their own goods and political motives as well as mineral interests (2014, 26).

Thomas and Tompsett further propose the Hayle River area and Carnsew was a power centre, similarly controlling tin from the west of Cornwall (Thomas 1988, 16; Tompsett 2012). Chûn hillfort, where tin was worked (the date of the Chûn ingot uncertain – Quinnell 2004, 75), is within this Hayle catchment, supporting the theory for the motivation behind trade in these power centres. This centralisation of control seems feasible, but Mediterranean imports recovered from sites on Kelsey Head (beach landing at Porth or as locally known, Polly Joke) and Ellenglaze suggests diffusion seven km along the ridge inland to Hays Close, which also received Mediterranean wares (Tompsett 2012, 329, 332; Jones 2014; Pearce 2004, 228). St Piran’s Oratory is another later example (Penna, 1966; 1967). This infers major centres did not retain a complete monopoly of trade, suggesting there must also have been lesser trading outlets exempt from jurisdiction of major tribute centre influences. The same scenario may follow for sites lying in the corridor, with trade entering the Camel and redistribution to sites down-river, such as Middle Amble and Trethurgy (revealing imports), as opposed to diffusion from Tintagel.

Stocks of minerals may have been available, but it is doubtful, that local traders will risk accumulating several shiploads of valuable tin, copper, lead and perhaps even slaves on the nebulous prospect of a ship’s arrival. Gathering merchandise from other stores or the tin-streaming grounds of the Fowey and Fal headwaters would take time. Considering this probability, many direct voyages may then take two sailing seasons to accomplish. The Camel estuary, with its shelter on this often-hostile Atlantic seaboard, would provide the nearest shelter for ‘lay-up’ and overwintering for visiting and local vessels alike. Even for trans-shipment vessels from the Bordeaux region, the Camel would provide this facility for periods during stormy weather or longer. This may partly explain the few Mediterranean imports found at Middle Amble, Daymer and Lellizzick indicating the Camel was also a recipient of passing trade. Daymer Bay with its river access to the interior and road access to Tintagel was an excellent candidate for a beach trading and landing site. In rough weather, there was enough shelter to receive and trans-ship consignments in Daymer for Tintagel when the swell there would have rendered landing in its exposed cove untenable. Just a short day’s carriage along the north coast road (suggested by this study), with its two Roman inscribed pillars affirm activity and accessibility along the north coast directly connecting the corridor to Tintagel (Figure 7.28).

Having made a case for tin interests from the Byzantium, the directionality and quantity of the ceramic evidence on the western seaboard, and at Tintagel compared with north-western Gaul, which was almost by-passed, infers that Byzantine interests cannot be explained purely in trading commercial terms alone. Long-distance Byzantine trade was linked with official diplomacy (Campbell 2007; Fulford 1989; Dark 2014, 25). New ideologies entering centres on the Severn seaboard and further afield in the Celtic world, via merchants and missionaries, would be adopted to demonstrate contact with the Late Roman world to promote the status of secular elites. Tintagel being a central player in this setting, would have put the Camel/Fowey corridor on the Atlantic ‘map’, attracting trade and movement in tin, lead and goods absorbed into the estuaries to cross the peninsula, thus serving Tintagel (which itself is distant from tin sources). A degree of symbiotic association between the elites based at Tintagel and the proto-urban, thriving sites of the Camel estuary

Roman period finds at Tintagel has even led Barrowman and Thomas to suggest that this was the Purocoronavis of the Ravenna Cosmology (conjectured to be a corruption of Durocornovio – fort of the Cornish – Barrowman 2007; Rivet and Smith 1979, 205), written in the Byzantium, but compiled from earlier sources (1966, 74–98; 1993, 83–4). As discussed in chapter VI, literary evidence is plentiful to demonstrate an active network of commerce across the 135

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route demonstrating a stable, buoyant, socio-economy is likely. It may help explain the location and success of Tintagel as a powerhouse, especially if it is imposing a clientage or other socio-economic arrangement for control of the Camel/Fowey trading watershed. The Decline of Pottery Imports in the Corridor: Precursor to Social Change? West Dumnonia ostensibly expressed independence from mainstream dependency on the economies of Imperial organisation east of Dartmoor. This economic immunity may have placed the region in a strong position to reestablish old or fresh trading partners in minerals along the Western Atlantic sea-lanes and Mediterranean. It is possible that any economic transition there was at this time may have formed the catalyst for a gradual drift away from the large Camel open settlements and rounds in marginal areas to the more autonomous subsistence farmstead style unit of settlement, conspicuous in the landscape by tre prefixes. Translocation to the ‘proto-urban’ Tintagel may have absorbed the remaining population shift.

Figure 8.23. The distribution of E-ware. Based on Campbell 2007 and Tompsett 2014. Mapping: Author.

and a ‘respite’ anchorage before onward voyage up the north coast of Cornwall or Ireland.

On this subject, the large nucleated settlements of Carruan, Middle Amble, Porthilly and Lellizzick are just the settlements already known or found in this research. However, a clear narrative of just when and how these large communities alongside the Camel locale declined is unlikely to be met, but further dating work on open settlement may help inform on chronology. In terms of settlement morphology, however, the tref form of isolated small farming ‘estates’ and lanns probably began to emerge in Late Antiquity. Pearce proposes the fifth century, generally replacing the round settlement in form, and was well underway by the late sixth-century (2004, 302). This would seem reasonable as new rounds were not a feature from the beginning of this period.

The absence of E-ware on the south-eastern shores of Ireland points to a direct sea-route to the mid-southern coast of Ireland from Scilly. It was recovered from the ringforts of Garrenes and Ballycatteen (O’ Riordáin 1942, 52) and in quantity at Garryduff (O’ Kelly 1962; 1970, 52). The distance from the Isles of Scilly to Kinsale is the same distance as an alternative crossing from Tenby (where sherds at the end of the South Wales distribution line terminate) indicating the sea route was direct from Scilly to Ireland. Wooding suggests that the supply to the north coast of Cornwall (Gwithian and the Kelsey’s) was a secondary distribution from the Isles of Scilly as the line stops west of Newquay (Wooding 1996, 91). This may not be the case as a sherd of E-ware was recovered on Lundy (Tompsett 2012, 241; 2014, 137) so it is probable there was a direct route to Dinas Powys and South Wales from the north coast of Cornwall via the island. Lundy has a selection of sheltered anchorages away from any wind direction prevailing at the time and is a good place to await favourable tide and wind. The island could be reached in a day from Kelsey Head from its landing beach of Porth Joke.

The absence of E-ware pottery, and imported pottery generally, in the Camel estuary may be a significant pointer in identifying settlement re-location chronology in this area. E-ware was produced in the Aquitaine region of southwest France (Peacock and Thomas 1967, 43), and it was probably shipped direct from that area rather than coastal tramping. The distribution of E-ware shows that the pottery was in evidence along the North Coast in two areas: in West Cornwall, one sherd was found at Hellesvean (Qunnell 2004, 101), 223 sherds at Gwithian and one sherd at Kelsey Head with one at nearby Hays Close, St Newlyn East (Quinell 2004; Thompsett 2012). One sherd of E-ware was also found at Trethugy but was not attributed to the round; a stray find from the nearby vicinity. However, E-ware appears commonly in many places of the Atlantic seaboard and inland Ireland (Figure 8.23), but apart from a proliferation on the Isles of Scilly (spread across five sites), and Gwithian, southwestern Britain was not otherwise well represented (Wooding 1996, 101). Scilly produced a high quantity of E-ware (around 113 sherds), intimating that the islands were the first point of landfall on a cross-channel crossing,

Given the geographical isolation of Lundy, it is unlikely a sherd arrived via redistribution as the Trethurgy sherd obviously was (Quinnell, 2004, 100), but was left by passing traders to higher Severn estuary sites such as Dinas Powys. At time of submission of this paper, one or perhaps two possible sherds have been found at Tintagel representing no more than one or two vessels, but this has yet to be confirmed (Thorpe pers. comm. July 2017). One or two sherds of D-ware were also found at Tintagel which has a sixth-century floruit (Campbell 2007, 27– 28 and 120; Maillé 1960, 229), and denotes that at this 136

Discussion time, imports were reaching the site from the Bordeaux region together with the later stages of the Mediterranean imports (Barrowman, Batey et. al. 2007). The date range for Mediterranean PSRW, Bi and Bii is between AD 475 to 550 (Quinnell 2005, 99; Wooding 1996, 83; Fulford 1989). The chronology for E-ware is not quite as clear, but wellstratified evidence at Clogher, Co Tyrone, Loch Glashan and chronological and distributional evidence in Cornwall, suggest the trading system on which it rode can be broadly dated to the late sixth- or seventh-century with a floruit in the early decades of the latter (Campbell 2007, 46). E-ware is more common than D-ware and present as far north as Whithorn and Iona. It was probably shipped in annual voyages by the same merchants from Gaul, mentioned in Adamnan’s life of Columba (Cunliffe 2001, 477; Dark 1994, 242). If one vessel of E-ware could manage to find its way to the round at Trethurgy (Quinnell 2004, 101), it seems improbable that Tintagel would not have directly received as much as that at Gwithian. This suggests that Tintagel was not the central node of its Mediterranean trading past by the cusp of the introduction of E-ware. Dark surmises that increased contact with Gaul, evinced through E-ware, may have led to Frankish style centralised modes of kingship dominated by a single dynasty within a single kingdom, and that sites such as Tintagel are testament to this decline (1994, 220). These centres were then relegated to cantrefi. This may be a reasonable hypothesis, but the dearth of E-ware compared to other pottery intimates the decline may have started earlier than the main sweep of E-ware imports. Other reasons for sudden decline may coincide with an outbreak of plague in the mid-540’s introduced by Mediterranean traders (Campell 2007, 132), although this may be a little early. Just as likely, was a fall in demand for tin, as the Justinian conquests began once again to recede, altering political and trading dymanics. Loss of exotic Mediterranean imported goods that boost development of social stratification and the tool to manipulate social relationships may be the catalyst that stimulated major social change in the Tintagel region. The dispersal of large open settlement patterning had probably already occurred (re-location to Tintagel?), but a rise in a more subsistence style of settlement was probably well under way by the 540’s. Plague, which would sweep through any remaining urbanised settlement exacerbating this change – the Annals of Ulster record outbreaks in 545, 549 and 554 (Mac Airt and Mac Niocaill 1983 75–8). Whatever the force behind the restructuring of control emanating from Tintagel, communities around the Camel probably became disenfranchised by its cessation prompting the re-establishment of family subsistence groups and new land divisions. This social change in the mid-sixth century manifested itself in the spread of bod, bos, tre and lan place-name prefixes, many founded around this time continuing to present day (Rippon 2008a, 125).

but most were on good agricultural land. In the area east of the Camel, settlement with these prefixes are likely to be early in establishment prior to the eighth, and well before the ninth century as Anglo-Saxon names encroached further west, superseding Cornish place-names by this time (Padel 1998, 8). In the far north-east of the county, as many as 90 per cent are Anglo-Saxon in origin, although it is possible that some may have been renamed in English (Preston-Jones and Rose 1986, 142). The new form of settlement replaced the round and open settlement centres that this research has shown to exist. In a paper presented by Rose and Preston-Jones on settlement patterns in the Padstow area from the Roman period, they noticed that the distribution pattern of rounds roughly matches that of the early medieval settlements. They reported that in some areas there appears to be a retraction from higher ground at the end of the Roman and post-Roman periods (1995, 57–60). This may have coincided with a population decline that saw a reduction in rounds particularly from unproductive higher ground. Their conclusion proposed that many of these sites tending to be located on the spurs of higher contours became deserted, most shifting to lie on the break of slope of a valley (Preston-Jones and Rose 1986, 143; Turner 2006, 83–97). Thus, the general picture of settlement in the early medieval seems to be of an exponential decline in the occupation of rounds beginning in the mid Romano-British period. Although this has been shown to be the case, the distribution map (Figure 7.2) of the east Camel hinterland saw a population dispersal from large open settlement, such as Carruan, to newly created agriculture holdings in fertile soils as they became available, characterised by the prefix tre, some of these estates expanding from existing rounds. This shift could well have been able to absorb the head of population re-locating. The population levels on the lower fertile contours may not have changed substantially, it may have remained relatively stable or even increased. The case study indicates that if the proto-urban settlements on the east Camel were populated by a thousand individuals or more, some dispersing to Tintagel, whilst the remainder gradually founding up to 30 tref settlements, each with a community of perhaps 30 or 40, the area population would remain relatively similar or perhaps a little higher. The retraction from higher ground may reflect a change in agricultural practices, with less reliance on sheep and upland cattle grazing land and an increased consumption of grain. However, the precise economic trigger for this retraction and redistribution is somewhat difficult to determine, but as suggested it seems probable it coincides with the collapse in coastal trade at Tintagel, and a general economic downturn triggered by decline in tin and mineral demand. What is certain, the horizon for this is coincides with the shift from enclosed rounds to the small open settlement pattern with implications on social and political differences, seemingly reflecting a more egalitarian development in social structure.

Changes in Settlement and Social Structure The land distribution mechanism may not be easy to understand as tref settlement did not always follow an established pattern, a few were near cliff top situations,

Turner advances a settlement model for the change from the round form of settlement to the tref named settlements 137

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route around the mid to late fifth century. Alternatively, it was perhaps re-used for a secular function other than occupation as Kirkham proposes for Lanivet (2016, 192).

(2006). He asserts that there were two major phases of settlement in Cornwall, the first from 450–600 in which during the Christianity conversion period, ecclesiastical sites were ‘twinned’ with, and dependant on, secular elite sites (2003). It is thought this probable here; an example of this maybe the elite site of Carnsew and the nearby church site at Phillack. And, as Turner points out the major site of Tintagel in association with the church of St Materiana’s, half a kilometre to the west, with its radiocarbon dates producing a date centring on the fifth century (Nowakowski and Thomas 1990 and 1992). Ecclesiastical sites of probable wooden form, adjoining major secular sites from around AD 500 or earlier, may not be confined to Tintagel and Carnsew. St Enodoc at Daymer Bay and other trading ports such as Langorthou (Fowey) are contenders where there is evidence of early burials for both sites. These would serve several purposes; prestige, to impress overseas emissaries with adoption of the latest ideology and learning, to pamper and cater for the religious requirements, and to act as a foothold for missionary work and attract trade from other western shores.

As shown later in chapter VII, there is some evidence to demonstrate that some of these rounds, still occupied at this time, re-developed as they deteriorate, being replaced by the rectilinear buildings recognised as tref settlements. Many of these would not be recognisable through the passage of time, but partial extant ground plans on several trefs are suggestive of a curvilinear foundation plan, which may provide the substance to throw the chronology for the advent of this settlement pattern back to the very earliest end of the spectrum. At Tintagel, importance declined as an elite and administrative centre, with control of the area becoming ‘disenfranchised’ as smaller manorial estates interdependently connected to ecclesiastical holdings, with as Pearce suggests, ties to kinship (2004, 133), taking local prominence. Elitism and kinship are exhibited through the enduring prominence of inscribed memorial pillars, which are effective in displaying territorial rights. Rosecrarrock Barton is one such example with the Trelights stone (Langdon 1996, 32) and an association with St Endellion. Many landholding rights therefore, may have been retained throughout social change. The enclosure and settlement at Middle Amble would fall within the manorial boundary of Trewornan (Domesday manor). Likewise, Tregays fell under the St Winnow manorial curtilage bounded to its ecclesiastical lann enclosure, demonstrating a continuity of land holding. This shift played out in social and political dynamics, reflects a move towards the dispersal of protourban and larger central-place foci in the landscape to smaller nucleated units with secular administration centres, attached to ecclesiastical centres. This, concords chronologically with the decline of large-scale imports at Tintagel prior to 600, begging the question, were many tref settlements beginning earlier, contemporaneously with the decline of, and morphing from, rounds? Eventually many of these centres were enveloped within monastic acquisitions or ecclesiastical land divisions endowed by kings, with some enjoying relative freedom of secular interference and taxation on their lands (Pearce 2004, 247, 291; Turner 2006, 129).

Laing suggests that craftsmen were mobile, setting up their trade wherever there was a market, explained in archaeological finds such as the Irish style scythe from Gwithian (1975, 14). However, it is equally possible this may have been introduced by an influx of Irish settlers to this part of Cornwall, as Thomas notes from Irish saint names (1994, 183–95), but there is no doubt that there was an openness of movement across the Irish Basin shores at this time with associated acculturation (Bowen 1979; Wooding 1996, 1996a; Cahill-Wilson 2014). This is no better exemplified than by ogham script, thought by O’ Kelly (1962) to have possibly originated in Southern Ireland by descendants of Christians converted by Palladius sent by Pope Celestine in AD 431 (Alcock 1970, 61–2). It is logical that secular trading power centres controlled by elites at the earliest stages of conversion would adopt high a visibility monastic or ecclesiastical following, as discussed for Tintagel. The second stage of Turner’s settlement model is from AD 600–900 (2006). At around AD 600 he suggests that the occupation of rounds transferred to dispersed, unenclosed settlements characterised by the prefix tre on lower altitudes. This is in line with the occupation abandonment at Trethurgy by this time, possibly for the same reason (Quinnell 2004, 180), but many rounds were probably already deserted by this time.

Social change is also marked and influenced by a simultaneous period of migration and missionary movement through the Camel and Fowey corridor. It was used as a trans-peninsular safe passage linking, perhaps even unifying the Celtic sphere, reflected widely in placename nomenclature and literary works.

The earlier end of this spectrum maybe in line with evidence from Middle Amble and Lellizzick, where sherds of ARSW may indicate that there was some occupation still actively trading during the fifth, perhaps, to early sixth-century, therefore open settlement may continue well into the subRoman period. A formative transition in settlement pattern between the late fourth to mid-sixth century (corresponding with the abandonment of rounds) is supported by the case study. The round at Lanow perhaps became abandoned coinciding with the formation of the monastic settlement

Early Christianity in the Corridor: What Can be Learnt From Fieldwork and Can a Correlation be Found to Early Literary Evidence? The fieldwork for this study draws together sketchy literary evidence with archaeological evidence, thus corroborating use of the corridor at this time. 138

Discussion Fieldwork from the palimpsest of Lanow shows that the site was the likely to be the monastic foundation of Docco which Sampson was dissuaded from visiting as it had ‘declined from its former standards, and it had become unworthy of such a holy visitor’ (Thomas 1994, 229). It is feasible an economic downturn that was beginning to affect Tintagel may be partly responsible or have exacerbated the decline, so not necessarily totally moral in implication. More importantly, the fact that the proto-monastery was known to the Welsh missionary movement and royal court indicates it was originally of some importance. It therefore may have been established for possibly 20 to 30 years before Sampson landed in order to have had the time to have slipped into decline. In any case, it implies pockets of Christianity reached the corridor before AD 500, contemporaneously with the establishment of other early monasteries such as Lundy. Dochou is mentioned in the life of St Cadoc a contemporary of Teilo, Iltut, and Dubricious so likely to be of the fifth century (Doble 1971, 212). The author of the vita records that Sampson complains that there is a lack of religious houses in the corridor implying that the corridor was not a fully Christianised landscape, hence the term ‘pockets’.

276). Along the Cornish coastline, there are references to the cow, the calf and other land animals even a camel (Isles of Scilly). However, there are over 21 references to the horse in the nomenclature of headlands, outcrops or islands such as Horse Zawn near Porthtowan, or Filly Horse near Port Gaverne. Unsurprisingly, the Cornish for horse (merth the plural of marh or marth – horse) appears on features west of the River Fal such as Carrickmarth near St Mawes and Merthen Point near Tater Du. If individual rocks around the Isles of Scilly are considered the total increases. This attachment with the past may be detected on the Camel estuary. The strength of maritime identity and traditionalism is strong along the river and in the Padstonian community where the folkloric horse and sea theme again continues to be drawn into tradition, right through to the present day. The unique Beltane Padstow mayday celebrations of the inimitable ‘Obby Oss’ are steeped in antediluvian nuances even if there is no firm evidence for it harking back to pre-history. The gruesome figure and black canopy of the Oss, with the teasers, dances celebrating recreation, and haunting basal beat of the drum, certainly retains a pagan feel with maritime overtones mentioning the sea in verses. In Wales there is the Mari Lywd festival and the once remote Minehead also has a hobby-horse mayday custom.

Other events identify landscape features in the corridor. Sampson probably beached at the nearest landing site to Landocco which is Daymer and St Enodoc, 6km due west. Considering the importance of the bay as a landing site, continuity illustrated by the earlier Roman artefacts recovered here and within the curvilinear outline typical of a lann, it is probable that St Enodoc is a Christianised former pagan shrine.

The literary associations with the Camel and Fowey Rivers, supported by fieldwork, relating to the period of the study, form significant evidence for use of the corridor as a major route through this period; there are few areas in Britain that can boast a continuity of so many direct Roman and post-Roman associations from archaeology, mythology, and medieval text.

Mên Gurta (stone of meeting), marks a major route crossing on the trans-peninsula route above the Camel and is probably the scene of the conversion. The natural spar cross on this stone is significant; the meaningfulness of natural crosses is exemplified in the Cunaide inscribed stone, chosen for its cross from Carnsew (Herring, Giddings and Rodda 2017, 5; Thomas 1994, 192). The only large natural cave linking Sampson to the Fowey river is just south of Golant with its proximity to the church of St Sampson, which fieldwork suggests to be on the footprint of a lann site, suggesting this is the probable site of Sampson’s monastic foundation (located nearby a cave). Langorthou at the mouth of the Fowey, is again, probably a Christianised pagan site in origin and likely to be the river’s counterpart to St Enodoc at the mouth of the Camel. In the recordings of the life of St Petroc, Padstow and Little Petherick are irrefutably the monasteries founded by the saint. Finally, from the annals of folklaw, the natural arch at Lundy Bay (near the Carruan settlement) and Saint Minver is represented by the tale of the encounter between Minver and the Devil. The arch represents a liminal boundary to the underworld. Liminal boundaries and spatial juxtaposition between land and sea are observed by Christer Westerdahl who surmises that the horse may be a cognitive incarnation of land in certain cultures (1992, 139

9 Conclusions: Exploring The Social Dynamics Behind a Trans-Peninsular Route The period of this study produced a sequence of developments, changes and elements of continuity identified through the socio-economy and settlement morphology of the study area. The conclusions produce inferences and constructs in social study pertinent not only to Cornwall but to the broader south west region.

interaction with the Romans were able to develop their own style of social organisation and structure, first discussed by Quinnell some years ago now (1993, 29). As argued, existing trade dynamics in place may have facilitated a status quo of a symbiotic, inter-active ‘Romanisation’, an inter-fusion, that resulted in a form of state control ager publicus that is likely to be one of soft administrative control. This may have been further watered down towards the late Roman period as administration became increasingly delivered at a local level, evinced by a reduction of military evidence (Thorpe 2007, 29). A general absence of intensification of industry in the far west of Dumnonia would have been instrumental in acting as a buffer to the radical changes taking place in the fifth century elsewhere. Conversely, Romanitas did not cease, but gained momentum here in the fifth- and sixth centuries, at least for many people (Dark 2014, 36).

Roman Interaction Introduced in Chapter III was the concept of a climate of stability and perhaps equability in the Roman interaction with the Cornovii communities, likely to be based on historic trading cordiality. A common thread runs through this research corroborating this overarching picture of stability. Non-elitist sections of the community are represented by the research at Carruan and Middle Amble, an area of study which as Hingley points out, helps address a balance of views on Romanisation (1996, 43). Stability is represented by the general absence of boundaries and burnt roundhouses, also the absence of slingshot from the Carruan, Middle Amble and Lestow, investigations which support this general scenario for stability. The dearth of pottery in excavations outside of the enclosure at Carruan, compared with the Roman pottery found in the features within the enclosure at Middle Amble, suggest a degree of hierarchal structuring. However, as Cooper once pointed out this does not necessarily indicate that communities have a desire to emulate Roman ways, they are simply consuming what is available to them and expressing that as part of their own culture (1996, 95). Only at the enigmatic sites of Lestow and Pabyer Point is there a departure to the relatively low level of Romanitas, with thier rectilinear structures, an indication of more direct contact.

The research, particularly at Lestow, East Leigh, High Cliff, Pabyer, Porthilly, Carruan, Restormel and Nanstallon, have been invaluable in that they have supported, and thrown into the arena, fresh hypotheses and scenarios on Roman interaction in Cornwall. They clearly raise important questions, not only relating to Roman contact, but social organisation, identity, the transformation and maintenance of relationships between authority and different groups in society. Athough the argument for a stable and relatively complient society can never be comprehensively demonstrated, the research undertaken here, supported by that elsewhere, points to stability being the norm. This can be summarised below: • Absence to date, of evidence for altercation such as sling shot and conflagration in any of the twenty-six excavation trenches from Romano-British sites from this research, and little evidence from excavations elswhere (Quinnell 2004, 220), unlike the results from the Late Iron Age site of Kingswood. • Low-key military and official activity, exemplified by small-size forts, probably designed at a level to administer mineral exploitation and policing roles, with no other evidence for trappings of administration or infrastructure to indicate an autocratic ager publicus. • Scarcity of overtly military finds, such as military brooches and only one possible official stamp on one tin ingot. • Evidence from this study indicating the principal Roman interests were minerals: Roman roads leading directly to mines; Roman coins found on mineral working sites indicating trading; industrial dumps outside of Restormel and Nanstallon and evidence of mining at Porthilly.

The argument evidenced by trading history, continuity, stability, a direct focus on mineral exploitation, lack of Roman military infrastructure, minimalism in militarisation, and rationale for a symbiotic sociointeraction based on trading relationships, point to a clientbased organisation of administration and occupation. The only caveat that cannot be shown to support this theory is lack of pre-Roman period evidence. However, this should not occasion surprise as coins are not likely to be distributed widely in a non-monetary society prior to AD 43. Overt signs of ‘Romanisation’ (in the absence of a better word), other than artefactual evidence for the consumption of available imported goods, are not likely to be fully absorbed into a community with a strong cultural identity ‘bent’ towards continuity. Communities of the far west of Dumnonii through geomophological circumstance and social development, combined with perhaps a bespoke 141

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route These points have been discussed within the constraints of the aims of this study, but there is scope for a broad spectrum of further research where these results may help to advance this field of study.

manorial systems evolving with historic tenure claims twinned with ecclesiastical sites.

Socio-Economy

This period marked a period of social, cultural and economic change among communities. Christianity and the formation of a strong early church was central to this change from the Late Antique. Tintagel plays a key role in marking these changes culturally and ideologically through Mediterranean contacts, exemplified by the advent of rectilinear structures, burial rights and Christian symbolism, and finally representing a focus for proto-urbanism probably linked to the dispersal of the settlements of the Camel from where its wealth emanates. The interpretation that the influx of Mediterranean Christian ideological influences arrived as a package with the assemblages seems reasonable when the ceramics are assessed quantifiably, together with exotic evidence for early Christian funerary practices in the churchyard (Nowakowski and Thomas 1990, 22; 1992; Thomas 1994, 197–209; Turner 2006, 59).

The Early Medieval Corridor and Christianity

Expansive settlements evolved around the wealth accumulated from trade and exchange attracted by the industries of the Camel estuary and the trans-peninsula route, indicating its significance and influence across Cornwall as a route. Tin and minerals played an important role in this economy, with enough evidence to point to the probability of a monetary mechanism used as a medium for specialist trade in minerals within the Roman sphere and influence. Coins are found at all sites connected to mineral exploitation for this study, Restormel, Nanstallon, Mulberry, Lestow and Porthilly, also at streaming sites such as Boscarne and the confluence of the Camel and Ruthern rivers. Otherwise, exchange systems driven by craft specialisation and agriculture predominated, and nonreliance on a monetary economy may have held Cornwall in a better position to weather the economic climate after the Roman ‘evacuation’ of Southern England. Various strands of evidence from the fifth century indicate there was an agricultural surplus, possibly stimulated by the cessation of a harsh taxation system (Dark 1996, 54). In a non-monetary system, this may mean the cessation of corn tithes, which would allow the release of surpluses for export. Limited mass-production with reliance on continuance of a localised economy rendered areas under British rule relatively immune from collapse (Dark 1994, 53).

Given Tintagel’s importance, it seems perplexing that it does not warrant a mention in any of the recordings of the early saint’s lives. However, evidence for use of the corridor saw a change in dynamics from the artefactual evidence of coins (perhaps largely influenced by mineral trading) and ceramics to place-name and Christian based textual and epigraphic evidence, indicating early medieval migration into the Camel from South Wales, and through the corridor to Brittany. Testifying to this are saint dedications, placenames and archaeological settlement evidence through this research at Lanow, St Sampson, St Winnow and St Enodoc, all within their curvilinear enclosures. Many of these early Christian sites are dedicated from the dynasty of Brychan missionary migrations. Research for this study identifies locations recorded in the Vite Sampsonis substantiating site probability and adding landscape context to the textual evidence.

The rich ecotones and ecological systems of the Camel environs combined with a history of stability and trade that settlement fed off, probably from the pre-Roman period, created a flourishing economic environment. A catalyst for the development of secular elites, perhaps the publici of Gildas’ Di Excidio of the fifth-century; fertile grounds for the development of sub-Roman emerging kingship vying for domination in a post-Roman power vacuum. To control these recourses and domination of the corridor waterways, crystallise power, and form central foci for administration, was Tintagel. The community elites that formerly controlled the waterways that promoted the development of extensive settlement, may have transferred administration and continuity of control to Tintagel, thus elevating their own eminence, potentially gradually to kingship. A prodigious powerbase from which they could assert their authority and reap the economic benefits of mineral exploitation. Another centre representing evolving trade connections and exerting power with probable kingships is the Hayle estuary and Gwithian (Guidian), perhaps with a secular elite centre at Carnsew paired with the ecclesiastic/monastic site of Phillack, just as Tintagel is linked with the church of St Materiana (examples of sites of this genre are St Michael’s Mount/Treiwal and Caldey/ Penally – Dark 1996, 46; Thomas 1994, 192; Turner 2006, 59). The foci of administration later devolved with

Settlement Whilst our understanding of settlement for the periods of this research is hindered by a general paucity of artefacts offering secure chronologies, the significance of the broad suite of evidence uncovered from this study for open settlement cannot be ignored. In homing in on specific key settlements with detailed surveys, we have our first tangible glimpses into unprecedented proto-urban settlement patterning and its spatial distribution in the wider landscape. This not only applies to the Camel and Fowey rivers, but also for the south west. Consequently, this augments our understanding of the peninsula settlement morphology. It also provides a counter-balance to the widely held traditional concept of settlement genre of enclosed rounds and courtyard house settlements as being the overarching principal form of settlement, a perception to some extent we may need to deconstruct. It provides an assessment of settlement form through the corridor, 142

Conclusions Continuity

and the changing use of the landscape, both in sociopolitical and socio-economic terms over the study period. Some of these sites forming this settlement pattern may legitimately be described as proto-urban, constituting a paradigm-shift in the way we may regard settlement genre in Cornwall. The number of recorded enclosures found not to exist or devoid of occupation found in the study area, and therefore relevant across Cornwall, generally supports this scenario.

The research created an argument for the continuity of an insular resilient social identity prevailing throughout the period which is revealed in the material culture and traditions of the communities. This, together with topographical factors formed barriers of resistance to change. In the post-Roman this endured, but cultural markers, similar traditions (particularly with Brittany), place-name nomenclature and literary evidence upheld by the fieldwork creates an overview; in general, the Atlantic community was malleable with inter-cultural contact through use of the corridor. This persisted throughout the study period, whilst east of the Tamar was affected by AngloSaxon acculturation, which did not encroach to the east of the corridor until post-AD 700. A specific maritime identity is hypothesised, formed by cultivating interdependent external trading relationships and networks based on tin and minerals. This pre-existed and prevailed throughout the study period creating successful coastal development and small trading entrepots perhaps appearing to be bestowed with fair status at Daymer Bay and other sites such as Golant on the Fowey. The density of settlement suggests a reliance on the ‘liquid plains’ as a medium permitting trade and procurement of coastal resources (Braudel 1992). The rivers not only provide safe trans-peninsular passage, but transport from the interior – movement of minerals and tin streamed from the river’s catchments and uplands where transhumance is practiced, with agricultural products, preeminently wool shipped to trade outlets at either end.

The hierarchy structure relationship between settlement type must remain somewhat enigmatic; however, there is an obvious differentiation between traditional rounds and the formulaic open settlement plan. Here, each structure appears to have its own spatial area, some plots and areas defined by ditches (indicating others may have fences). A central high-status enclosure containing elements implying a ceremonial function or perhaps simply for elites commanding authority over the community are a feature of most of these settlements. However, this was not the case at Porthilly where the siting of enclosures and mining activity suggest an industrial connotation, together with coin finds suggesting Roman influence, supporting the strong evidence summed up by ‘Romans equate to minerals’. What is intriguing is that recent work at Duropolis appears to demonstrate that some form of disruption to the social order led to the extensive Iron Age settlement declining during the last decade BC (Russell et al. 2017; Miles Russell pers. comm. email 2019). Conversely, Carruan, Middle Amble and Porthilly (with indications of yet another sizable open settlement at Cant, to be surveyed) appeared to thrive and expand from this period onwards which significantly accords with the hypothesis for stability. Ongoing work may enlighten whether Duropolis died out as a result of Roman influence in this area.

Continuity of traditional structural design is only breached at the Romanised site of Lestow and Pabyer. Even at Lestow, just as at Magor, continuity still clings on to a sense of place; rectilinear designs are constructed within a prehistoric round. A theme of continuity and robust identity which threads through this study finally diverges from tradition around the fifth- to sixth centuries with a shift in settlement pattern and mobility. As demonstrated here, Tintagel, referred to by Dark as a ‘Late Antique town’ (2014, 29), is associated and linked to the Camel and Daymer Bay via a Romanperiod road. Tintagel, which is an example of continuity of settlement surviving from the fourth-century (Barroman et al. 2007; Dark 2014, 30), then met an expansion and consolidation to the powerbase we are now aware of, from perhaps the late fifth-century as a settlement shift developed. There is no doubt that the economies of the waterways of the Camel and corridor trade route must have influenced the formative evolution of Tintagel.

Rectalinear features are by no means restricted to the Romano-British period; the enclosures west of Black Horse, Sowton in Devon for example (MDV 28620, Griffith 1984). However, of the four rectilinear sites examined from this research, three have been shown to be second to third century by excavation, whilst High Cliff is so similar to Pabyer Point that it too is likely to be of that period. Add these to known sites of this period, such as Grambla, or in Devon, Mount Folly, and it suggests the majority of rectilinear sites in Cornwall such as Merthen (Harvey 1970) are likely to be of a RomanoBritish date. This highlights one fact accentuated by this work, and that is there is no such thing as a typical round enclosure. The enclosures studied have been as diverse in form as in function. Unless detailed survey has been undertaken, it would be difficult to conclude whether enclosures are for stock, ritual, communal, occupational or other functions, such as principally for industrial or potential signalling/lookout purposes. Therefore, it would be difficult to be precise with estimations of occupational rounds in Cornwall which must be treated with caution.

Allowing for the 150 or so structures at Tintagel (Barrowman et al. 2007; Dark 2014, 29; Thomas 1994), population appears to continue to remain stable into the early medieval as a transition develops from open settlement to smaller tref farmsteads and the expanding Tintagel. The shift in social re-organisation may be associated with continuity of tenure in many cases, as discussed in the Camel case study. The ceramic tradition in gabbroic and sub-Roman styles, 143

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route and development of rectilinear structures at Tintagel in the sixth century signifies a form of latent Romanitas, together with tref settlement morphing from round sites all indicating a desire to cling to resonances of past cultural tradition.

Combined, this still only produces a ‘best guess’ for the nature of society of the day, and some hypothesis may eventually be re-constructed when more incontrovertible evidence comes to light. On this basis, it is hoped this wide-ranging project, with its diverse methodology and programme of geophysics may articulate fresh insights into the archaeology of this part of Cornwall, particularly in the Camel environs, with perspectives for the wider south west. If this has added a modicum of understanding of what effect communications and a trans-peninsular overland verses sea route has on early historic settlement morphology, and the consequential effect on socioeconomic dynamics, this project has been worthwhile.

The Corridor – Summary Dominant to this research has been settlement study, it has given a detailed insight into the morphology, patterning and continuity for this region of the far west of Dumnonia, a response influenced and shaped by the dynamics of a trans-peninsula route. When assessing the sum-total of sites discussed, the importance and significance of the corridor becomes clear. Essentially, with these proto-urban open settlement sites and the exceptional Romanised site of Lestow and Pabyer with their rectilinear structures, the corridor contains more sites of distinction with access to external contact collectively of anywhere in the far South West. The list includes Roman forts, or sites featuring Roman imported assemblages and influence such as Kilhallon, High Cliff and Pabyer Point. It can be convincingly argued that this also applies to early Christianised sites, supported by distributions of early medieval lann sites and associated features, and early settlements. When this is combined with coin, nameplace, early Christian artefact distribution data alone, it becomes obvious trans-peninsular communication has a potent effect on social structure dynamics. The forts, with their early dates, indicate that the corridor was a well-known trading portage route by the time the Romans arrived necessitating its control. The forts potentially served as cabotage and revenue collection points, reminiscent to a model proposed by Isaac, the military performing a role principally in the form of policing (2002), particularly concerning overseeing mineral exploitation as supported by the study. Scope for Further Research This research raises some questions such as hierarchal stratification in society and detailed chronologies such as the desertion of open settlement, which only further focused excavation and investigation in these areas will address. Globally there are many other trans-peninsular portage routes, some closer to home, such as the Rance and Villaine Rivers across Brittany, which would make a rewarding comparison study, especially regarding effects on settlement and society. The research provides a good foundation for further localised settlement, communication, and identity research for which there is boundless scope. As any archaeologist recognises, theories and hypothesis are just that; they are formed from piecing together strands of evidence from a wide variety of sources. Of the amalgum of evidence for this extensive project, much evidence is solid that can be built on, some subsidiary, and some almost ethereal but acts to fill in gaps in knowledge. 144

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‘An entirely original approach that has produced a fantastic amount of detail … a “tour de force” in how to deal with landscape archaeological surveys.’ Professor Stephen Upex, University of Cambridge

The Camel and Fowey rivers incise deeply into Cornwall, nearly meeting in the middle. This book is a landscape study of the Camel/Fowey corridor which forms a natural trans-peninsular portage route across Cornwall, avoiding circumnavigating the notoriously hazardous Land’s End sea route. The author investigates the effect this route had on society through micro and macro settlement studies involving an extensive programme of geophysical analysis. This has generated fresh insight into the socioeconomic and continuity dynamics of this part of Cornwall, together with the interaction between Romans and the indigenous population. The findings explore sociopolitical influences in the Roman period and cultural continuity into the post-Roman period. Mark Borlase combines a family interest in history and archaeology with a personal interest in landscapes, environment, sailing, and ecology. These interests led to a journey which began with an evening course in GCSE archaeology and culminated in a PhD from the University of Bristol.

Printed in England

210 x 297mm_BAR Borlase CPI 11.7mm ARTWORK.indd All Pages

BAR  B653  2020   BORLASE   Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route: Socio-Economic and Cultural Continuity across the Camel/Fowey Corridor  

BAR INTERNATIONA L SE RIE S 653

210mm WIDTH

11.7mm

Cornwall’s Trans-Peninsular Route: Socio-Economic and Cultural Continuity across the Camel/Fowey Corridor ‘The Way of Saints’ from the Roman period to AD 700

Mark Borlase BAR BRITISH SERIES 653

2020

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