Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa: Emerging trends and perspectives 3031194160, 9783031194160

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Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa Emerging trends and perspectives

Edited by Stanley Tsarwe · Sarah Chiumbu

Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa

Stanley Tsarwe  •  Sarah Chiumbu Editors

Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa Emerging trends and perspectives

Editors Stanley Tsarwe Department of Journalism and Media Studies University of Zimbabwe Harare, Zimbabwe

Sarah Chiumbu School of Communication University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

ISBN 978-3-031-19416-0    ISBN 978-3-031-19417-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

This book is dedicated to researchers, policy makers, and students interested in understanding the state of radio in Africa in an era of convergence, but most importantly, in an era where youth in the continent find radio attractive because of the interactivity enabled by digital media technologies. We also give special mention to Palgrave Macmillan for accepting to publish our book, and seeing us through the various peer-review processes.

Foreword

We are particularly intrigued by African radio, and we are blessed to have the opportunity to actually assemble a set of empirical chapters not only telling the story of African radio in a converged era, but also how this convergence (together with its contradictions spanning unevenly across the continent) is happening in an era when the continent is also rapidly urbanising, with young people being at the driving seat of these developments. We are aware that our readers—within and outside the continent— are keen to know what has changed since the increased use of digital media devices in the production, distribution, and consumption of radio, and how have these developments set new trends in African radio. In this volume, we take you through a journey of discovery of what lies at the intersection of radio, convergence, youth, and urbanity in Africa. Journalism and Media Studies University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe Department of Communication and Media in the School of Communication University of Johannesburg Johannesburg, South Africa

Stanley Tsarwe

Sarah Chiumbu

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Preface

This book volume came as a result of deep soul searching into the sometimes taken-for-granted fact that radio still remains one of the forceful channels of mass communication in Africa. We have both written extensively about how mobile phones and the Internet are giving a new lease of life to African radio, but we also became aware that even though Africa is experiencing an almost similar transition in its mass communication ecology, there are various sheds and tints colouring this transition, and that there was a need to produce a more comprehensive, empirical collection of chapters discussing these various sheds of ‘African experiences’. Harare, Zimbabwe Johannesburg, South Africa 

Stanley Tsarwe Sarah Chiumbu

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Acknowledgements

We acknowledge and recognise the effort and dedication given by the various researchers who trusted us with their chapters in this book volume. They painstakingly worked during a pandemic that claimed close to 6.5 million lives worldwide between 2020 and 2022. This book project commenced just before the world was forced to shut down due to the Coronavirus (Covid-19)—an infectious disease caused by the SARS-­ CoV-­2 virus known for the following symptoms: fever, dry cough, tiredness, loss of taste or smell, sore throat, headache, aches and pains, and many more. As a result of the pandemic, our chapter contributors were differently but severely affected; some directly and others indirectly. The effect was that most chapters never made it for publication in this volume. What a sad loss of rich scholarly insights on converged African radio. Initially, our book volume was structured thematically in four parts, with the following exciting themes: Structure, Agency and Power: Production and Reception of Converged Radio; Agents of Change: Civic Engagement and Political Participation, Identity, Belonging, and Cultural Expressions as well as Commercial Imperatives. After we lost a lot of chapters along the way, the book was forced to content with a collection of loose, but deeply insightful, empirical, and representative chapters that are a ground-­ breaking tale on converged radio, urbanity, and youth across Africa. Special mention also goes to Prof Sarah Hellen Chiumbu who—an esteemed radio scholar, co-editor in this volume, and an Associate Professor of Communication at the University of Johannesburg—drove the book project throughout a very tumultuous journey of mentorship, insights, and guidance. We frankly admit that without her easy-going and warm guidance, this book may have suffered. We are greatly indebted to her. xi

Contents

1 Radio  Convergence and Youth: An Overview on African Perspectives  1 Stanley Tsarwe and Sarah Chiumbu 2 Converged  Radio, Youth, and Participatory Politics in Harare, Zimbabwe 15 Lazarus Sauti and Tendai Makaripe 3 An  Alternative Arena for “Communities of Resistance”? Podcasting, Democratic Spaces, and Counterpublics in Zimbabwe 37 Makhosi Nkanyiso Sibanda and Mphathisi Ndlovu 4 ‘Mobile  Radio’ and Youth Identity Formation on the Streets of Harare 55 Stanley Tsarwe 5 Strategic  Diversion and Commercial Exploitation: The Dumbing Down of Converged Youth Radio Programming in Zimbabwe 71 Pedzisai Ruhanya and Wellington Gadzikwa

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6 Mis(Understanding)  Youth Engagement: Role of Commercial Youth Radio in Promoting Political Engagement in South Africa 93 Sarah Chiumbu and Allen Munoriyarwa 7 Radio  as Self-expression and the Limits of Public Debate109 Thabo Godfrey Mokgosi 8 Youth  Audiences and Social Media Integration in Community Radio Stations in South Africa: A Case Study of Zibonele FM and Bush Radio123 Trust Matsilele, Blessing Makwambeni, Sisanda Nkoala, and Gqibile John Bulani 9 Social  Media Use and Maturity in a Youth-­Orientated Community Radio Station: The Case of Rhodes Music Radio155 Mudiwa A. Gavaza and Noel J. Pearse 10 The  Language of Audience Engagement in Converged Radio Through Facebook and Twitter: The Case of NRG Radio and Ghetto Radio in Nairobi, Kenya185 Benson Oduor Ojwang 11 Audience  Participation in Information Dissemination for National Renaissance: Nigerian Youths’ Engagement of Radio Contents Via Social Media Platforms209 Adeola Obafemi Mobolaji, Dickson Oluwasina Ogunkunle, Stephen Damilola Odebiyi, and Babatunde Raphael Ojebuyi 12 Campus  Radio in the Digital Era: A Case Study of UNESWA FM229 Rosemary K. Musvipwa and Carolyne M. Lunga Index247

Notes on Contributors

Gqibile John Bulani  is a lecturer and Work Integrated Learning (WIL) coordinator in the Media Department of the Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town. He serves as an Editorial Coordinator for a local community newspaper, Khwezi Times News, and his research interests include community media, service learning, and citizen journalism. Sarah  Chiumbu is Associate Professor of Communication at the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. Before joining the University of Johannesburg, she was Senior Research Specialist in the Human and Social Development Research Programme at the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC). She also spent 7 years the University of Witwatersrand where she was a senior lecturer in media and communication studies. She holds a PhD and MA in media studies from the University of Oslo, Norway. Her research interests include media, democracy and citizenship, digital and alternative media, policy studies, and social movements. Recent book publications include a book on media and decoloniality co-edited with Mehita Iqani (Media Studies: Critical African and Decolonial Approaches. Oxford University Press, 2019), Radio, Public Life and Citizen Deliberation in South Africa (Routledge, 2021), and Television in the Digital Age: Disjuncture, Continuities and Prospects (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021) both co-edited with Gilbert Motsaathebe. Wellington Gadzikwa  is a Senior Lecturer, Journalism and Media Studies at Africa University. His research and publication interests are in journalism standards and practice, media framing, tabloids, and tabloidization. xv

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NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Mudiwa A. Gavaza  is a business writer for the Business Day and Financial Mail publications, covering technology, media, and telecommunications companies. In addition, he is a broadcaster, currently hosting the Business Day Spotlight podcast and the Business Buzz Show on Voice of Wits Radio. He is also a contributor on Power FM.  An alumnus of Rhodes Business School and GIBS Business School, Mudiwa has qualifications in economics, information systems, business administration, and financial journalism. Carolyne M. Lunga  has 10 years’ experience as a journalism lecturer and previously worked as a print journalist. She teaches international journalism to Master’s students and conflict and humanitarian journalism to BA Journalism students. She is a Digital Assistant at City’s Learning and Enhancement Development Department (LEaD) and researches collaborative journalism. Tendai  Makaripe holds an MSc degree in Politics and International Relations and a BSc degree in Political Science from the University of Zimbabwe. He also holds a Diploma in Journalism and Communications from the Christian College of Southern Africa (CCOSA). Makaripe is a practising journalist, and a Politics and International Relations researcher. His work focuses on Zimbabwean politics, governance, political communication, alternative media and conflict management, insurgency, and terrorism in Africa. Blessing  Makwambeni is a senior lecturer and acting Head of Department of Media Studies at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology in South Africa. He also serves as the Chair of the Faculty of Informatics and Design Research Ethics Committee. Blessing holds a PhD in Communication from the University of Fort Hare and has previously taught journalism at the National University of Science and Technology in Zimbabwe. Trust Matsilele  is a senior lecturer in the Department of Media Studies at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology, South Africa. He researches on changing journalism ecologies, the intersection of social media and society and protest cultures in Africa. His first book published by Palgrave Macmillan, Social Media and Digital Dissidence in Zimbabwe, theorises social media protest cultures in Africa. Adeola Obafemi Mobolaji  is a Doctoral student in the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His

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research interest is in the aspects of media studies, new media, indigenous communication, and applied communication. He has a number of scholarly publications in reputed local and international outlets. Thabo  Godfrey  Mokgosi is a Lecturer in the Department of Communication Science at University of Zululand. He holds PhD from North-West University focusing on radio broadcasting and the quest for democratic participation on Motsweding FM. His research interest broadly explores the intersection of radio and democratic political debate in South Africa. Allen  Munoriyarwa  is a Senior Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Department of Media and Communication at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. His research interests are in journalism and news production practices. He also researches big data and digital surveillance. He has published widely in these areas. He is currently coordinating a research exploring the growth of digital surveillance practices in Southern Africa under the auspices of the Media Policy and Democracy Project (MPDP). This is a University of Johannesburg research project. Rosemary K. Musvipwa  is a Journalism and Mass Communication lecturer at the University of Eswatini teaching courses in broadcasting, public relations, and development communication. She has an interest in research about communication and media studies as well as sustainable development. Mphathisi Ndlovu  is a research fellow at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. He is also a Senior Lecturer in the department of Journalism and Media Studies at the National University of Science and Technology (Zimbabwe). Mphathisi holds a PhD in Journalism from Stellenbosch University. Sisanda  Nkoala is a senior lecturer at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology’s Media Studies Department. She holds a PhD in Rhetoric studies from the University of Cape Town. Her research interests are the intersection of rhetoric, media, and language. She is a former award-­winning journalist. Stephen Damilola Odebiyi  had his BA and MA in the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His research interest lies in the aspects of media studies and applied communication. He has a number of scholarly publications in reputable local and international outlets.

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Dickson Oluwasina Ogunkunle  is a Doctoral student in the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His research interest lies in the aspects of media studies and development communication. He has some scholarly publications in reputable international outlets. Babatunde Raphael Ojebuyi  is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Ojebuyi’s teaching and research focus include communication and media studies, journalism, health communication, media theories and ethics, communication research methods, and new media. Babatunde Ojebuyi has written books and published well-researched articles in reputed local and international academic journals. He has served as a peer reviewer for some reputable journals. He is a member of the International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR) among other professional associations. Benson Oduor Ojwang  is Associate Professor of Linguistics and English and Director of Graduate Studies at Kaimosi Friends University College, Kenya. He holds a Bachelor of Education and Master of Arts degrees from the University of Nairobi and a PhD in Linguistics from Maseno University, Kenya. He has published several articles in international refereed journals besides book chapters. He has also supervised Masters and PhD students to completion. He is a peer reviewer and consultant editor for several refereed journals. His research interests are in African language description, endangered language studies, semantics, pragmatics, and applied linguistics. Noel J. Pearse  is a Professor in the Rhodes Business School at Rhodes University. He lectures in Leadership, People Management, Strategy Implementation, Change Management, and Research Design. His current research interest is in the application of qualitative research methods to analysing leadership behaviour, as well as organisational and leadership development processes. Pedzisai Ruhanya  is a lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe’s Creative Media and Communication Department. His research interests include media and democracy, political economy, human rights law, transition politics, and politics in transition. He has published several peer-reviewed journals and a book on post-Mugabe Zimbabwe.

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Lazarus  Sauti holds an MA degree in Communication and Media Studies from the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) and a MSc degree in International Relations from the Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE). He has published book chapters and research papers. His research interests focus on media and communication, with specific concentration on media, conflict resolution, and transformation; digital media cultures; political communication; health and communication; and cultural productions, human rights, democracy, peace, and governance. Makhosi Nkanyiso Sibanda  is a PhD candidate at the Centre for Film and Media Studies at the University of Cape Town, South Africa. Stanley  Tsarwe is Lecturer of Journalism and Media Studies at the University of Zimbabwe and an expert consultant on media development in Zimbabwe. He graduated with a PhD and MA in Journalism and Media Studies from Rhodes University, South Africa. His research interests are at the intersection between smart phones, the Internet and talk radio, as well as media, conflict, and peace. Selected publications include: Mobile phones and a million chatter performed inclusivity and silenced voices in Zimbabwean talk radio; Implications of gatekeeping on talk radio; Voice, alienation, and the struggle to be heard: a case study of community radio programming in South Africa; Journalistic Framing of Electoral Conflict in a Politically Fragile Society: A Comparative Study of the Zimbabwean Weekly Press; Mobile phones, informal markets, and young urban entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe: An Exploratory Study.

List of Figures

Fig. 8.1 Fig. 8.2 Fig. 8.3 Fig. 8.4 Fig. 8.5 Fig. 8.6 Fig. 8.7 Fig. 8.8

Twitter post from @ZiboneleFM98_2 Twitter account Paid partnership post on @ZiboneleFM98_2 Twitter account Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2 Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2 Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2 Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2 Post from Bush Radio 89.5 FM Facebook page Post from @bushradio Instagram account

142 143 144 145 146 147 149 150

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List of Tables

Table 9.1 SMMM rating scale for a community radio station 164 Table 9.2 Organisational spheres and level characteristics 166 Table 9.3 Elements investigated in each departmental-level operational sphere169 Table 9.4 Assessment of RMR’s social media maturity 173 Table 11.1 Nigerian youth’s preferences in radio programmes 217 Table 11.2 Nigerian youth’s most preferred platforms for consuming radio programmes 218 Table 11.3 Respondents’ perception of the extant importance of radio broadcasting to national development in Nigeria 221

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CHAPTER 1

Radio Convergence and Youth: An Overview on African Perspectives Stanley Tsarwe and Sarah Chiumbu

Introduction The chapters in this book are empirical case studies on how the African radio is converging with contemporary digital media technologies such as mobile phones, computers and the internet in radio production, distribution and consumption. The profound effect of the coming together of these technologies has a decisive and simultaneous impact on re-­calibrating the African public sphere on the one hand and, on the other, reconfiguring the relationship between radio audiences and producers towards increased collaboration. As audiences—particularly the youth

S. Tsarwe (*) Department of Creative Media and Communication, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] S. Chiumbu Department of Communication and Media, School of Communication, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_1

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audiences—increasingly participate in the co-production of content, media institutions will have to be content with the fact that the balance of power is shifting and that even though they may still leverage their power by merging, co-opting, converging and synergising their brands and intellectual properties across channels (Jenkins & Dauze, 2008), the emerging highly digital media ecology is disrupting this traditional model and that power may not necessarily reside with these media institutions all the times. Owing to these changes, this book is again a reminder that as researchers, we must work across the historical divide in academic research between work on media industries and media audiences. The case studies in this book demonstrate that African media companies can no longer be meaningfully studied without understanding how they relate to their consumers, particularly youth audiences. This is particularly true given the role that young people play in Africa’s digital cultures and how they shape the production, circulation and consumption of media content in a “hybrid media ecology” (see Jenkins & Dauze, 2008). The invocation of the phrase “hybrid media ecology” is in recognition that the power to produce and distribute content now lies in the hands of multiple hybrids of actors and that traditionally distinct platforms are coming together to form an architectural network of relationships. This book also appraises how the traditional business models for the broadcast media—notably radio broadcast—are breaking up and reshaping within the context of the emerging architecture enabled by digital media technologies driven by youth consumption cultures. As Jenkins puts it, rather than us talking about media producers and consumers as occupying distinct and separate poles, convergence has resulted in the blurring of what used to be a clear boundary between producers and consumers because digital media technologies now enable consumers to co-­ create content without necessarily deserting their role of end-users. This convergence between old and new media has led to a situation “where old and new media collide, where grassroots and corporate media intersect, where the power of the media producer and the power of the media consumer interact in unpredictable ways” (Jenkins, 2006: 2). Convergence has also led to re-examining the role and place of Africa’s young people, given extant literature that bemoans their exclusion and disenfranchisement from contributing their voice in national discourses.

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The Youth Factor in African Converged Radio Young people are on the cusp of the media transition into a broadly networked and converged radio in Africa. They are an essential constituent for the talk radio format, which has been flowering in most African democracies following the liberalisation of the airwaves in the early and mid1990s. It is also these young people whose generation grew up during the digital turn of everyday life, enabling them to interact with peers in ways unprecedented to the older generation. Africa’s demographic profile is youth dominated. Given the rapid urban sprawl attractive to youth and enables rapid internet rollout and connectivity, young people are key in determining the configuration of converged radio. As the collection of chapters in this book shows, young people are driving the production and consumption of urban radio. At the same time, advertisers are exploring ways of monetising the dividends presented by the continent’s youthful population. The relationship between African youths and radio requires a detailed elaboration, at least to some extent. To begin with, youth literature ordinarily presents them as either actively deviant or passively at risk, and in some cases, as both concurrently. This lack of a clear place and role in society follows the view that youthhood is a delicate liminal period of transition from childhood to adulthood. They struggle to find and develop a preferred identity and life choices. However, in Africa, many socialising institutions help young people develop their identities, including the family, the community, religion, the school and the media, among other powerful structuring institutions. While most of these institutions still play a significant role in shaping young people’s identities, contemporary developments of a largely converged, ubiquitous and pervasive digital media seem to bear considerable influence in shaping young people’s identities and tastes. Young people live in an era where their daily routines are saturated with different media platforms competing for their attention. Such media include traditional FM radio, online radio and television, networked social media and smartphones. These media platforms are crucial creative learning spaces for developing young people’s identities outside a more formal school environment. Given that radio is one of the dominant communication mediums on the continent, its rapid convergence with the smartphone presents young people with space for self-expression. The convergence between the mobile phone and radio has created a hybrid platform for youth voice, and

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talk radio has the potential to enable the social inclusion of young people through participation. As mentioned above, most literature on youth voices concerns how they are disenfranchised or disadvantaged community members. But what is the state of affairs regarding African youth and converged radio in the continent? How are young people using digital media technologies to shape talk radio, and to what extent do these developments shape narratives around youth participation in the context of a long documented history of disenfranchisement and exclusion? These are some of the issues that chapters in the book deal with.

History of Broadcasting in Africa The history of radio broadcasting in Africa is primarily dominated by case studies in the analogue era, except for the following ground-breaking studies (see Gunner et al., 2011; Tsarwe, 2018; Moyo, 2013). These studies broadly tackle the question: how is African radio managing the transition from analogue to digital? They have a limited scope on the role of youth in all these developments. However, this book moves away from this by foregrounding the youth factor. It broadly answers the question of what role young people play in an era where radio is rapidly converging with digital media technologies such as the mobile phone and internet? It focuses on radio, youth and urbanity in the African context. This book was written in the aftermath of the democratisation wave that swept across Africa in the early 1990s into the 2000s, which witnessed a call for the liberalisation of the mass media and the internet for the mass market. Following this episode, a few African countries liberalised the broadcasting sector. Most countries retained centralised policies in which the government strictly regulated and controlled respective broadcasting sectors to control ideological perspectives and narratives. The media’s partial liberalisation, which followed in the early 2000s, was characterised by a mixed bag of progressive and non-progressive media policies. Increased calls for the liberalisation of the media, particularly the broadcast media, have grown from strength to strength. This recognises the information deficiencies that characterise most underdeveloped and unconnected African communities. In a continent where governments own and control the largest share of the broadcasting institutions and where ordinary citizens—including youth—struggle to be heard, the unprecedented penetration of digital media technologies signals the “democratisation” of access to information

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by the broadening of opportunities for individuals and grassroots communities to tell stories and access stories others are telling. Curiously, the integration of radio and other digital media technologies—broadly known as convergence—is a very complex and contradictory process that affects both producers and consumers of radio in dialectical ways in Africa. On the one hand, convergence can be understood in a technological sense where media convergence is all about integration and interoperability; that is, the coming together of computing networks, information and communication technologies, and digital forms of information that are inherently adaptable, delivered via “intelligent” platforms, applications and devices. On the other hand, media convergence can be understood as a process characterised by a paced marketisation and concentration of global media conglomerates into the hands of a few global players. In the digital media era, such conglomeration mainly occurs among media technology giants such as Facebook (now Meta), Google, Snapchat, Instagram, LinkedIn and so on. Users are learning how to master these different media technologies to bring the flow of media under their control and interact (and co-create) with other users. Sometimes, these two forces reinforce each other, creating closer, more rewarding relations between media producers and consumers (Jenkins, 2006). Sometimes the two forces conflict, resulting in constant renegotiations of power between these competing pressures on the new media ecology. However, caution is needed when describing the outcome of media convergence in Africa. We run the risk of glossing over digital media convergence as solely a beneficial process when in fact, what is needed is a balanced scale analysis between what could or is already going wrong as a result of digital technology convergence. To what extent is digital media convergence giving power to audiences, particularly youths who have traditionally been disenfranchised from participation and inclusion in decision-­making? Do youth now find voice via digital media, and how is this happening? Are there no instances—perhaps even greater—where digital media technology convergence is simply a consolidation of capitalism where global media conglomerates are solidifying their monopoly over ownership and control and claiming the largest advertising market share? In some case studies of the convergence between mobile phones and commercial radio in Africa, emerging research has already raised this concern about what could be viewed as furtherance of commercial exploitation of mass media audiences, particularly youth who have been reduced to commercial bait for consumer goods advertised by media companies

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(see Gunner et  al., 2011). Some have even raised concerns about how media organisations, including radio stations, harness consumer biographical data from SMSes and WhatsApp messages sent via digital media technologies (Tsarwe, 2018). Therefore, in some ways, this has concentrated the power of traditional gatekeepers and agenda setters, and in other ways, it has disintegrated their tight control over our culture. In their seminal research, Jenkins and Dauze (2008) argued that convergence must also be understood as both a top-down corporate-driven process and a bottom-up consumer-driven process, implying that the outcome of digital media convergence is a dual and complex process which should never be simplified. Media companies are learning to accelerate the flow of media content across delivery channels to expand revenue opportunities, broaden markets and reinforce consumer loyalties and commitments (Jenkins & Dauze, 2008; Jenkins, 2006). At the same time, advertisers continue to search for new ways of monetising these dividends with the net effect of not only dumping down the quality of programming but also creating a mass consumer market devoid of agency. In fact, and as Willem aptly puts it, “there is a need to situate these practices within a broader corporate logic in which participation is not merely about adding more voices but also feeds into radio stations’ commercial strategies of increasing revenue and accessing personal data of listeners through SMS and social media”.

Mapping Digitisation in Africa Admittedly, the massive rollout of the internet in Africa, which began in the early 2000s and continues in the present day, remains rather sluggish, uneven and, in some instances, characterised by both low investment and a strong imprint of state censorship. What is apparent, though, is that the continent’s entrance into the converged world may be shaping and fostering improved audience participation of some sort in democratic processes through radio (Gunner et al., 2011), and this has varying implications on young people’s agency and involvement in matters affecting everyday Africa. For example, the talk radio format has flowered in most African democracies, fostering some “participatory cultures” (Moyo, 2013; Gunner et  al., 2011). Chapters in this volume deal with these issues at length. Most worrying, though, is the mismatch, on the one hand, between the popularity of radio as “the medium of the masses” in Africa and, on the

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other hand, the rate at which African governments have heeded calls for the liberalisation of information flows, particularly by licensing more community radios in the hardest to reach rural pockets in Africa. Given that some parts of Africa remain disconnected from the information superhighway, there exist some notable pockets of information gaps that, if not addressed, will continue to be albatross to democratisation and literacy within the continent. A brief history of how African countries entered the convergence period—particularly in the context of broadcast media and internet access and liberalisation—is critical in bridging the continent’s transition from analogue to digital and how radio became part and parcel of these processes. In Africa, the early 2000s witnessed an almost universal trend towards the market liberalisation of the media, massive internet rollout and increased forward push towards digitisation. This followed well in the silhouettes of technological advancements, including direct satellite broadcasting (DBS), the deregulation and privatisation of telecommunications in the industrialised countries of North America and Western Europe, more robust and stronger regional economic integration, concentration and consolidation of media ownership in a few oligopolies from the West and North America. However, in Africa, these processes were never predictable and straightforward. They primarily unfolded against a fair share of resistance from several African governments whose political careers faced unprecedented pressure from an emerging liberal media that is increasingly giving audiences some leverage of “power” to express themselves outside of the limitations of a controlled press, but also allowing multiple options to access alternative sources of information outside of government propaganda. For example, while in the era of analogue media, civic societies and media freedom activists had already been pushing for a liberalised and pluralised media which would provide a buffer against the preponderance of state hegemony, this did not yield enough dividends. This is because most African governments continue to supervise and tighten the grip on the media through “legal and extra-legal measures” (Moyo, 2009), such as repressive legislation, online surveillance of activists and arbitrary arrests of journalists and activists. Even though the continent is a signatory to several international and regional treaties and conventions calling for an independent, plural press protected from government interference, most of the continent’s regulatory regimes remain intolerant to press freedom and journalistic autonomy.

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Unsurprisingly, the increased heavy-handed onslaught against the media has traditionally manifested and become amplified during moments of intense political contestation, such as during elections. During these moments, most media freedom violations have been committed, with African governments blocking the internet and Short Text Messaging (SMS) by invoking the argument that this helps maintain security and order, while activists and advocates of media freedom claim that is censorship. To effect internet shutdowns, authorities may order internet service providers (ISPs) to block commonly used social media sites. In extreme cases, they can order service providers to block all internet access. Another method is called throttling, which severely limits traffic to specific sites, giving the impression that the service is slow, thereby discouraging access. This method is more subtle because it is difficult to know whether sites are actively restricted or poor broadband infrastructure is to blame. Cases of internet shutdowns in Africa have been rising. During elections in October 2020, Tanzania restricted access to the internet and social media applications. In June 2020, Ethiopia imposed an internet shutdown that lasted for close to a month after the unrest, followed by the killing of a prominent Oromo singer and activist, Hachalu Hundessa. In January 2021, on the eve of the presidential election, Uganda ordered an internet blackout across the country. Zimbabwe has also seen this kind of mass censorship following mass unrest in the capital city during the aftermath of the 2018 elections and in 2021. Togo, Burundi, Chad, Mali and Guinea will also restrict access to the internet or social media applications sometime in 2020. Uganda and some other states now tax social media to control them and perhaps limit their use by members of the general public who are usually starved by the traditional legacy media, which the government has significant control over. However, Africa is not alone in attempts at either controlling or muzzling the internet. During America’s 2020 presidential race, Donald Trump. We have also witnessed increased authoritarian tendencies in Russia and the United Kingdom. Despite these varying levels of manoeuvres against the press, the internet and related digital media technologies and online social media platforms have been driving towards the convergence of different media.

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The Structure of This Book The book covers four countries—Eswatini, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa and Zimbabwe. The chapters are organised under country clusters. The first cluster focuses on Zimbabwe (Chaps. 2–5), followed by South Africa (Chaps. 6–9). The last cluster has chapters on Kenya (Chap. 10), Nigeria (Chap. 11) and, lastly, Eswatini (Chap. 12). In Chap. 2, Sauti and Makaripe argue that converged radio has brought a colossal shift in Zimbabwe, which has ushered in youth participation in politics and broadened an understanding of their responsibilities as political actors, access to participate in political processes via converged radio is not accessible for all. There are still glaring restrictive impediments such as high data costs, ownership of technology and digital illiteracies. Accordingly, and beyond technology, there is a need to create political, physical and structural spaces that allow for meaningful political participation by young people. Podcasting is perhaps the little researched technology-driven broadcasting phenomenon in Africa. The paucity of research in this area is evident because podcasting has not grown in Africa compared to developments in North America and Western Europe. This is surprising given that podcasting, like conventional radio, closely follows Africa’s oral storytelling tradition. However, as a new form of storytelling, podcasting is beginning to shape the production, dissemination and consumption of knowledge about Africa as it enables Africans to produce their own stories. Although podcasting is transforming the mediated public sphere, it is also “intimate,” “individualised” and “unpublic”. In Chap. 3, Sibanda and Ndlovu examine how content creators, community reporters and citizen journalists in Zimbabwe are utilising the opportunities offered by podcasting technologies and platforms to participate and tell the stories of marginalised groups, specifically the youth. Given the repressive political environment in Zimbabwe and the muzzling of the mainstream media, the emergence of podcasting is widening democratic spaces in the country, leveraging on the increasing internet penetration in Zimbabwe. It is also interesting to note that digital media technologies are re-­ calibrating how young people are modelling their identities creatively beyond their functional uses. The emergence of mobile phone-based wearable devices such as headphones and earphones, as well as these devices’ affordances for consuming radio “on the go,” is being exploited by young people to project certain personalities and ways of being, particularly in urban environments where physical mobility is high. Fashion

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trends are the hallmark of urban youth self-presentation. In Chap. 4, Tsarwe discusses how young people are consuming FM radio through mobile telephony gadgets such as earphones and headphones and in-built mobile phone applications capable of receiving an FM signal. This chapter shows that these technologies enable the emergence of new FM radio consumption cultures tied to self-identity and the recreation of personal space. In Zimbabwe, young urbanites involved in various forms of informal trading engage with mobile technologies to consume FM’ mobile radio’ in ways that reflect self-conscious attempts to recreate and model space boundaries in shared public spaces. As a result, their perception and experience with FM radio are radically different from that of the generation that grew in analogue legacy media when radio was capable of fostering what could be referred to as “imagined communities” drawn together by a simultaneity of experience with the co-present. However, FM radio received via mobile gadgets may foster a different type of audience that is primarily disaggregated, atomised and removed from the real face-to-face communities. While sustainability issues continue to be the central talking point among those interested, digital media platforms destroy the traditional model of broadcast media. On the one hand, the same digital media platforms seem to be helping media institutions consolidate their power. In Chap. 5, Ruhanya and Gadzikwa examine how commercial radio in Zimbabwe—like any other communications medium like television and newspapers—predisposes the programming to dictation by commercial imperatives—the bedrock of the survival of radio stations. The need to stay afloat means that programming may be more susceptible to sustainability than promoting a platform for debate on important issues affecting society. This chapter argues that with the youth constituting the majority of the population and a ready market for goods and services, there are fears that programming meant for youth is being manipulated for commercial and political hegemonic ends. They argue that in Zimbabwe, it seems to be the case that youth are treated more like a market and subjects and not as citizens who should participate in critical development and governance matters. They are relegated to less important issues akin to dumbing down content towards escapist genres that distract the youths from serious programming. This kind of programming is in stark contrast with the vicious contest for the youth vote among political parties, especially in student leadership in higher education institutions in Zimbabwe.

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In South Africa, radio occupies a central role in the mediation of public life. There are 40 commercial and public broadcast stations and 284 community stations in the country; people have more access to radio than television. On an average day, close to 23 million people listen to a station.1 In Chap. 6, Chiumbu and Munoriyarwa focus on one of the commercial radio stations targeting the youth, Y (formerly YFM). They argue that despite its commercial imperatives, it offers youth a space to participate in political debates and practise citizenship. Contrary to the belief that youth have disengaged from political deliberation, the authors argue that it is within popular culture (music and entertainment) that citizenship is being created, contested and reimagined by the youth. In between music and light banter, the presenters and listeners introduce political and social issues for discussion and debate. Like other public broadcasters worldwide, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) had to redefine the way broadcasters interact with the public by incorporating digital media technologies, which are prevalent in the commercial radio market, to increase the opportunities for the audience engagement. This was also in recognition that the country’s demographic profile is youth dominated—and indeed, this is the case across the continent. These young people are at the forefront of driving digital media use in the context of convergence with the more traditional platforms such as radio, television and newspapers. In Chap. 7, Mokgosi interrogates Motsweding FM news and current affairs programmes’—Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele—to understand how they use digital media technologies to enhance subaltern youth’s democratic participation through the mediated public sphere. The chapter argues that Africa’s subaltern youths’ demographic profile is an attractive constituency targeted by public radio broadcasting services. South Africa’s community broadcasting model is far ahead of its Southern African counterparts. While this sector has attracted some excellent research, such research has predominantly focused on how community radio is enhancing local democracy and local participation. The use of digital media technologies over the years has reconfigured South African community radio broadcasting. In Chap. 8, Matsilele and others examine the appropriation of digital media technologies in micro spaces of community radio stations in South Africa and how it is reshaping the production of programmes aimed at South African youths. The Chapter focuses on two community radio stations in the Western Cape province of 1

 Jeremy Maggs (2021) Radio is as popular as ever. Financial Mail, 11 November 2021.

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South Africa: Zibonele FM and Bush Radio. The study concludes that community radio stations in the Western Cape have embraced Twitter and Facebook in the news production. This has enhanced participatory journalism by allowing youth audiences to influence news production in the community media space in South Africa. There is a paucity of research examining the level at which radio broadcasting institutions use social media. From the perspective of business models, there is no research benchmarking social media use in broadcasting in Southern Africa. In the final chapter of this book, Gavaza and Pearce use a case study of Rhodes Music Radio—a community radio station owned by Rhodes University—to describe how in South Africa, digital media technology, the internet and social media platforms have developed over time, particularly with regards to their use in community radio programming. Initially, social media use and focus in radio were on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, and these platforms were used to display content, with engagement being driven through comments. However, the media sector has evolved, and radio personalities in particular now incorporate live video streaming through Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and other social media platforms as part of their broadcasts. In addition, newer platforms like TikTok and Clubhouse are receiving increased attention and a growing cut in advertising revenues. Given these recent developments, the question arises about how youth-oriented community radio stations are keeping up with these changes. Almost five years after the initial research, the researchers followed up to determine how RMR had progressed in its social media and online platform implementation journey. This study used a social media maturity model developed from available literature to assess the social media maturity of a South African community radio station, Rhodes Music Radio. The study showed that Rhodes Music Radio had a level 3 rating on a five-level maturity scale, indicating that it was not yet fully matured in its social media use. One of the key strengths of radio is its amenability to local languages. Unlike other media technologies, the talk radio format has been exploited by local populations in Africa as a channel for community dialogues where members of the community feel the simultaneity of experience of feeling the experience of being together as an imagined community also connected via local languages and idioms. In Chap. 10, Ojwang argues that converged radio formats in Kenya have made audiences in Kenya more assertive, responsive, collaborative and demanding. Ojwang argues that as the tech-savvy urban youth audiences are dynamic, volatile and trendy,

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they expect fresh content and proactive presentation skills. Consequently, the language and style they use to engage the radio producers and presenters online through the converged channels, namely Facebook and Twitter, is also unique. As agents of change, Kenyan youth suggest their preferred content and have the power to influence listenership. They can also cause a fanatical following of presenters and specific programmes. In Chap. 11, Mobolaji and others investigate how Nigerian youth deploy social media platforms to consume radio content on topical issues of public interest. Their study shows that radio is still a force to be reckoned with and is an agent of national cohesion in Nigeria. Lastly, in Chap. 12, Musvipwa and Lunga discuss the uptake and use of social media and digital mobile media platforms at a campus radio station (UNESWA FM) run by students at the University of Eswatini—formerly the University of Swaziland. These authors argue that traditional media and digital media platforms are converging to influence how the campus radio station functions, producing programmes that resonate with students’ lived experiences at this campus. However, challenges of the digital divide and little engagement online were notable. This chapter is ground-­ breaking given that research on campus radio is still very scarce in Africa, even though campus radio is growing in the context of a growth in the number of journalism programmes in most African universities. The two researchers focused on critical thematic areas: the production practices on the one hand and the campus radio’s youth audiences on the other.

Conclusion This chapter sought to provide a broad overview and foundation of the book. It does this by describing the state of digitisation and how digitisation impacted radio broadcasting on the continent. The central theme introduced by the chapter—the cross-cutting theme throughout all the chapters assembled in this book—is the convergence of radio with digital media technologies such as mobile phones, the internet, computers and related applications with radio. In addition, the chapter locates the role of African youth in this process, beginning from the premise that young people are the biggest drivers of emerging digital cultures in Africa. In Africa, the digitisation process is mainly taking place in urban areas. This book argues that the same process is the critical driver of rural-urban migration, which has now witnessed a growth of commercial radio stations and campus radio stations seeking to interact with the sprawling youth population.

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References Gunner, L., Ligaga, D., & Moyo, D. (Eds.). (2011). Radio in Africa: Publics, cultures, communities. Wits University Press. Jenkins, H. (2006). Convergence culture where old and new media collide. New York University Press. Jenkins, H., & Dauze, M. (2008). Editorial: Convergence culture. Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies, 14(1), 5–12. Moyo, D. (2009). Citizen journalism and the parallel market of information in Zimbabwe’s 2008 election. Journalism Studies, 10(4), 551–567. Moyo, L. (2013). The digital turn in radio: A critique of institutional and organisational modelling of new radio practices and cultures. Telematics and Informatics, 30, 214–222. Tsarwe, S. (2018). Mobile phones and a million chatter: Performed inclusivity and silenced voices in Zimbabwean talk radio. Journal of African Cultural Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696815.2018.1551125 Stanley Tsarwe  (PhD Rhodes University) lectures Journalism at the University of Zimbabwe. He is a Senior Research Associate in the Faculty of Humanities with University of Johannesburg. His research interests are at the intersection between smart phones, the internet and talk radio. He can be contacted on tsarwes@gmail/ [email protected].

CHAPTER 2

Converged Radio, Youth, and Participatory Politics in Harare, Zimbabwe Lazarus Sauti and Tendai Makaripe

Introduction Radio is the medium of Africa and Zimbabwe (Avle, 2020; Bello, 2015; Mabweazara, 2013) because of its affordability and portability as a source of information for audiences. Radio’s popularity is due to its flexibility, easy accessibility, and relative affordability (Ngomani, 2016). These characteristics are distinct and have made the radio a flexible device that informs, educates, and entertains people using local and foreign languages. Radio stations in Zimbabwe like Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo play different roles in educating listeners about political issues in the country. The aforementioned stations have enjoyed a resurgence because of democratisation and more affordable media technologies (Ndlovu, 2014). The resurgence gave birth to converged radio—a shift from traditional radio to hybrid, online radio (Ngomani, ibid). Converged radio has also changed how youth, who are a vital force behind digital cultures in urban

L. Sauti (*) • T. Makaripe Christian College of Southern Africa (CCOSA), Harare, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_2

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areas (Osgerby, 2004), receive radio content. Youth are an eye-catching community primarily targeted by urban radio and internet streaming (Miller, 2017). They are further targeted by developers of wearable devices like portable radio sets and amplitude modulation (AM) or frequency modulation (FM) headphones to listen to audio content while on the go. Converged radio stations like Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo have further empowered the youth in Zimbabwe to participate in political processes (Moyo, 2012a, b). The youth are contributing to programmes such as ‘The Platform with Perfect Hlongwane’, a one-hour programme aired every Monday on ZiFM Stereo between 1930 hrs and 2030 hrs, by sending comments and questions to the presenter and the guest through Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp. Using these technology-based platforms by Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo ensures that youthful audiences are kept captivated by the radio (Moyo, ibid.). At the same time, they enjoy the convenience of doing so while they perform other chores. Against the above background, this chapter considers how the advent of converged radio has introduced essential changes in political practices in Zimbabwe. The chapter examines modern practices arising from the convergence between radio and new media technologies and how youth in Zimbabwe are part of these developments. Further, it analysed the role of converged radio in promoting youth participation in politics in the country. To set the tone on the extent of the phenomena of convergence radio in Zimbabwe, this chapter focuses on and describes Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo as radio stations under study. It then theorises youth, converged radio and participatory politics in Zimbabwe, using the alternative public sphere theory. The chapter also conceptualises converged radio, youth and participatory politics before exploring the intersection of these concepts. In addition, it adopts the qualitative research approach to analyse the role of converged radio in promoting youth participation in politics in Zimbabwe. Last, this chapter presents findings and discussions, a conclusion, recommendations and a reference list.

Brief Description of Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo This chapter focuses on Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo to set the tone on the extent of the phenomena of radio convergence in Zimbabwe. Power FM is owned by the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC).

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Previously known as Radio 3 and later 3FM, the station was renamed Power FM in 2004. The urban contemporary station caters for the youth in Zimbabwe. Power FM broadcasts from Harare and Bulawayo, and its programming is in English. Its slogan is ‘Feel the Power’. The station is accessible throughout the country on FM and via online streaming on its website (https://www.powerfm.co.zw/), Twitter (@powerfmchart), Facebook (Power FM Zimbabwe), YouTube (Power FM Zimbabwe), and Instagram (powerfmzimbabwe). Power FM is notable for pioneering Urban Grooves—the country’s local youth-oriented pop music (Mugani, 2019). Its sister stations are Classic 263, Radio Zimbabwe, National FM, Khulumani FM, and 95.8 Central Radio. The station took part in The Peter Jones Tribute that was multicasted on 2 May 2020 (Zimoyo, 2020). Power FM was the home of Johns before he relocated to London, United Kingdom in 2002. One of its popular current affairs programmes is ‘The Connexion’, hosted daily by Rachel Mwenyeheli ‘Miss Rach the Radio Diva’ from 0900 hrs to 1200 hrs. The programme tackles socio-political issues in the country. Star FM is a commercial urban contemporary radio station that broadcasts in English, Ndebele, and Shona throughout Zimbabwe from Harare (Shaw, 2012). The station, owned by Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers), first aired on the 25th of June, 2012. Its slogan is ‘Sounding Good All The Time’. It is accessible on the FM dial, as well as its website (https:// www.starfm.co.zw/), Twitter (@StarFMNews), Facebook (Star FM Zimbabwe—89.7 Hre, 93.1 Byo), Instagram (starfm_zw), YouTube (Star FM Live), and LinkedIn (Star FM Zimbabwe). Its sister stations include Capitalk 100.4 FM in Harare, Diamond FM in Mutare, and Nyaminyami FM in Kariba. Star FM also took part in The Peter Johns Tribute, which was multicasted on 2 May 2020 (Zimoyo, 2020). ‘Muriro on Monday’, aired between 1900 hrs and 2000 hrs, is one of the station’s most-­followed current affairs programmes. The programmes tackle political issues in the country. ZiFM Stereo is a Zimbabwean contemporary hit radio station based in Harare. The country’s first privately-owned free-to-air radio station to stream online. AB Communications own ZiFM Stereo, and it began broadcasting on 15 August 2012 (Kabweza, 2012). Launched just months after the inauguration of Star FM (Shaw, 2012), ZiFM Stereo broadcasts in English, Ndebele, and Shona. Its slogan is ‘My Station Your Station’. ZiFM Stereo is accessible on FM and its website (https://zifmstereo. co.zw/), Twitter (ZiFMStereo), Facebook (ZiFM Stereo), Instagram

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(zifmstereo), YouTube (ZiFM Stereo), and LinkedIn (Star FM Zimbabwe). The station took part in the historical tribute to the veteran Zimbabwean broadcaster, Peter ‘The Radio Driver’ Johns, who died in London, the United Kingdom, on the 27th of April, 2020 (Zimoyo, 2020). ZiFM Stereo’s format is 70 per cent music and 30 per cent talk. Over 75 per cent of music is local, and the other 25 per cent is music from across Africa and around the world. Its sister stations include two regional commercial radio stations, 98.4 Midlands in Gweru and Hevoi FM in Masvingo. One of its most popular political programmes is ‘The Platform with Perfect Hlongwane’, a one-hour political programme aired every Monday between 1930 hrs and 2030 hrs.

Theorising Converged Radio and Youth Political Participation in Zimbabwe Austrian sociologist Fuchs (2021) avers that political communication is a vital facet of participatory politics in all representations of democracy. He also argues that the public is a central instrument of participatory politics and the entire political system. The public, in this case, refers to ‘goods and spaces that are open to all members of society’ (Habermas, 1989: 1). Notable examples take in public parks, public demonstrations, public opinion, and public media. To connect converged radio, youth and participatory politics in Zimbabwe, this chapter adopted alternative media theory, particularly the digital public sphere theory, which is an extension of the traditional public sphere espoused by Habermas (1989). The public sphere, affirms Habermas, is a domain of public political communication that mediates between politics, the economy, culture, and private life. Habermas further argues that the public sphere allows citizens to meet and communicate about political matters in society. In this sphere, political ideas are formed and propagated. This shows the importance of public communication in the formation of political ideas. Radio stations like Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo are part of organised forms of public communication since presenters, producers, and editors gather, package, and share public information (Kamau, 2017). Though Habermas’ theory is criticised mainly by postmodernists, who argue that it excludes the youths and women, Fuchs (2014) is of the view that this theory is useful in this digital era. He elevates the digital public

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sphere as a significant aspect of the unrestricted domain in societies where digital communication is prevalent. In the digital public sphere, critical publicity and critical public debate are mediated by digital media technologies. The digital public sphere allows people to access information and freely express their views, over and above creating and sharing texts with their peers. This makes the digital public sphere more flexible, interactive, and hypertextual. The digital public sphere theory is applicable in this study because converged radio stations like Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo allow youth to participate in politics in the country. With converged radio opening up the civic sphere of influence, there are increasing opportunities for youth to exert urgency in politics and governance issues. By participating in content creation and sharing, the youth can influence what others are exposed to, over and above entering into dialogues with each other and leaders to ‘talk back’ and shape political agendas. Converged radio’s potential to fulfil the media’s watchdog role cannot be understated. It can help facilitate information exchange and debate and act as the voice of the weak, marginalised, and socio-politically disenfranchised people. This makes it a suitable tool for increasing public communication. It provides alternative political participation and deliberation sphere—key ingredients for growth and development (Tucker, 2013).

Unpacking Converged Radio, Youth, and Participatory Politics Improvements in new media technologies have extended options for radio programming and reception (Avle, 2020; Chiumbu & Ligaga, 2013; Mabweazara, 2013; Tsarwe, 2020a, b). For scholars like Ngomani (2016) and Willems (2013), these improvements have given birth to converged radio, which is seen through the use of the Internet and social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp by radio stations and the youth. To Bello (2015), converged radio stations like Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo employ the persuasive power of personalities (Linda Muriro, Rachel Mwenyeheli, and Perfect Hlongwane), have immediacy, and the ability to reach large audiences. These stations’ internet and social media platforms have increasingly strengthened listener participation, especially among the youth. Convergence from traditional radio to online radio has also led to a point where mass/old and personal/new media

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collide, where the power of the radio producer and the power of the radio consumer interrelate in fickle ways (Cordeiro, 2012; Ngomani, ibid). For Moyo (2012a, b), the emergence of digitisation and convergence has not only blurred the boundaries between radio and other media. Still, it has directly impacted journalistic practices regarding the gathering, manufacturing, and presenting of content to listeners. He further contends that audiences have become increasingly involved in the production and dissemination of content courtesy of the internet and social media networks. Radio stations like Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo are also quickly moving away from being analogue communication tools focusing on top-down information flows (Tsarwe, 2020a, b). They have embraced the use of the internet and social media platforms to live stream some of their popular programmes such as ‘Weird Wednesday with Tinashe Chikuse’, ‘The Connexion’ (Power FM), ‘The Platform with Perfect Hlongwane’ (ZiFM Stereo) and ‘Muriro on Monday’ (Star FM) for the benefit of the public. Audiences can interact with the hosts and the guests by sending comments on Facebook, Twitter or WhatsApp. This kind of convergence helps attain inclusive, seamless, and real-time debates between radio hosts and audiences (Tsarwe, 2020a, b). Another key concept in this study is the youth. The word youth is a fluid term that has been defined differently by researchers from different disciplines, including media, politics, and international relations (Yingi, 2020). Several scholars (Ansell, 2017; Ukeje & Iwilade, 2012; Yingi, 2020) argue that the youth concept is a social and political construct whose conception is determined by many variables like society, culture, and other realities of life. Against this background, two schools of thought have materialised in present literature about the term ‘youth’. The first school focuses on the biological difference between youthhood and adulthood. Its characterisation of youth is centred on age. The second school focuses on the cultural labels and delineates youth as a social grouping with specific duties, roles, behaviours, relationships, rituals, and rites of passage. Youth are a heterogeneous group (Mwesigwa & Wahid, 2021), and their cultural background, life experiences, gender, education, economic status, and the social group can be very different, depending on where they live. For Galstyan (2019), the youth concept entails an age of transition from dependency to independence. He thus posits that the concept is not a rigid construct based on age. As to the United Nations (as cited by Mateta, 2017), youth are persons between the ages of 15–24 years, while

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the United Nations Alliance of Civilisations (UNAOC) define youth as aged between 18 and 35 years. The African Youth Charter (AYC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Declaration on Youth Development and Empowerment characterise youths aged between 15 and 35. Zimbabwe, a signatory to both Charters, adopts the same definition. Section 20 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (20) of 2013 provides that ‘the age range of youth is between 15 and 35 years’. Since this study explores converged radio, youth and participatory politics in Zimbabwe, it adopts the constitutionally provided definition of youths in Zimbabwe. Youth in Zimbabwe are dispirited about politics (Guzura et al., 2017). Even though they are the most affected by democratic processes, their interests in leadership and governance are minimal (Macheka & Masuku, 2021). Restrictive political parties hamper their participation, the country’s political culture, lack of interest, and inadequate access to politically related information (Mare, 2015; Ngomani, 2016). Another concept worth unpacking is participatory politics, which comprises two words: participatory and politics. In this chapter, the concept ‘participatory’ is informed by Henry Jenkins’s model of participatory culture (Jenkins et al., 2009). The model assumes participation in participatory culture is social, non-hierarchical, interactive, peer-based, and independent of elite-driven institutions. The other word is politics, which refers to activities undertaken by people to influence how leaders set agendas and address issues of public concern. This characterisation of politics includes activism (protests and petitions), electoral activities (campaigning and voting), lifestyle affairs (raising awareness), and civic activities (community service). Participatory politics avows Weiss (2020), thus refers to any voluntary, social, non-hierarchical, interactive, and peer-based activities through which people seek to exert both voice and influence on issues of public concern. Kahne et al. (2014) add those participatory politics involves investigation, dialogue and feedback, content creation, sharing of information and ideas, and mobilisation. Investigation embroils seeking out, collecting, and analysing information about issues of public concern, whilst dialogue and feedback include weighing in and voicing one’s viewpoints regarding political and socio-economic issues. In participatory politics, the creation and flowing of information are shaped by people in the broader community rather than by the elites. Individuals and groups should rally and recruit others to help achieve political goals. Several scholars (Chikowore,

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2016; Dean et al., 2019; Hlungwani et al., 2021; Mhasvi, 2016; Nhapi & Mathende, 2019; Vite, 2018; Weiss, 2020) believe that participatory politics nurtures democracy, human rights, co-existence, and support sustainable political and socio-economic development.

The Intersection of Converged Radio, Youth, and Participatory Politics The advent of new media has revolutionised participatory politics. Citizens now have easy access to platforms where they exercise sovereign rights to express their ideas, information, and frustrations and hold leaders accountable (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012). As for Kahne et al. (2014) and Mycock and Tonge (2012), the advent of new media has empowered youth to play a central role in political affairs in their respective countries. New media has triggered interest in political affairs among the youths, who are now producing and consuming (prosuming) content regarding public affairs. Communication and media scholars like McQuail (2010) and Osgerby (2004) posit that the media regularly develops novel ideas to keep young people interested in their products. Osgerby (ibid) clearly states that youth are at the centre of digital media developments, further expounding that research carried out by the Kaiser Foundation in North America in the early 2000s submitted that young people’s lives are dominated by their media usage. Today’s youth consume radio content through mobile phones, tablets, podcasts, satellite, and live streaming through social media networks. Because of this, there has been an increase in converged radio worldwide. Supporting this, Kahne et al. (2014) affirm that the relatively affordances of converged radio enable youth to have a political voice and influence. They added that converged radio moulds young people’s perceptions of political affairs. Willems (2013) unpacks the nexus between radio, convergence, and the corporate logic of audience input through new media in Zambia. She notes that converged radio enables more participatory and interactive communication and provides opportunities for youth to discuss issues of the day. By producing and consuming ideas and information about politics, the youth cannot only influence what others are exposed to but can engage their peers and enter into dialogues with political actors. Thanks to converged radio, the youth can also increase their access to audiences over and above opportunities for mobilisation with less dependence on

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elite-driven institutions, especially political parties, interest groups, and organisations (Willems, ibid).

Methodology This study utilised qualitative research methods to explore Harare’s converged radio, youth, and participatory politics. It used structured interviews to collect data from 15 purposively sampled participants (youth) with a background in media, journalism, and communication. The selection was based on their age. The participants consented to be part of the study.

Findings and Discussion The study settled for 15 participants with a background in media, journalism, and communication. There were nine males and six females. The study had an almost equal representation in terms of gender balance. The youngest respondent was 21 years old, while the oldest was 32. This means the respondents’ ages ranged from 21 to 32 years, and the assumption was that these individuals were mature and knowledgeable enough to respond to the study questions. The main objective of this chapter was to analyse the role of converged radio in promoting youth participation in politics in Zimbabwe. To effectively achieve this goal, this study thematically presented data. The first theme was on devices used by the youth to listen to the radio. The second theme was the convergence of radio, youth, and participatory politics. The last theme focused on challenges associated with the convergence of radio, youth and participatory politics.

‘The Gadget Is the Media’: Devices Used to Listen to Radio Study findings showed that the participants used smartphones and social media networks, especially WhatsApp, Facebook, YouTube, LinkedIn, Instagram, and Twitter, to listen to Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo. The majority (12 out of 15) of participants spend considerable time listening to the radio using their smartphones. The remaining three participants made use of the internet and social media platforms. Participants who

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used the internet and social media platforms said they downloaded digital audio content to their smartphones for easy listening. The participants said they also use Instagram to follow, like, and interact with radio personalities like Tinashe Chikuse, DJ Scott, Samantha ‘MisRed’ Musa, and Nonhlanhla ‘Miss V Candy’ Tutani. For instance, one respondent (R10) said: I am a big fan of ZiFM’s programme entitled ‘The Platform with Perfect Hlongwane’, and I always use WhatsApp voice notes, Facebook, and my mobile phone to engage with the presenter and the guest of the day. The one-hour program tackles current issues affecting the country’s youth. The presenter allows us to democratically participate in the program, and this is shaping the political discourse in the country. Without a doubt, ‘The Platform with Perfect Hlongwane’, is giving us the voice to talk-back to the powerful politicians in the country.

The findings showed that the youth in Zimbabwe are embracing smartphones and the Internet, especially social media networks like Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp, to share pictures and messages, and interact with radio personalities and politicians. This shows that converged radio is public, two-way communication, supported by Bello (2015), who argues that listeners use mobile gadgets to produce and consume content simultaneously. Regarding connectivity, Mare (2015) affirms that Zimbabwe is characterised by high internet penetration and social media networks usage rates spawned by the uptake of mobile and fixed broadband internet services. The popularity of converged radio and social media networks in the country has thus been powered by the introduction of data bundles by the major mobiles service providers—Econet, Netone, and Telecel. Chiumbu (2014), Tsarwe (2020a, b), and Willems (2013) add that radio is increasingly converging with contemporary digital media technologies such as mobile telephony and the internet. They further contend that the key technical driver of the move to converged radio is the smartphone, combined with headphones and inbuilt applications, which enable people to listen to audio conveniently. Analysis showed that converged radio allows for recording programmes on various gadgets like smartphones, laptops, tablets, or desktops. Political debates can be recorded and shared with others who would have failed to listen to the programme in real time. What this entails is that those who

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were once information consumers turn into information producers contributing to creating an informed and politically active society. By being a platform for the provision of political information, convergence radio allows for an extension of Habermas’ public sphere. This realm of social life provides information and views exchange on common issues affecting the citizenry, leading to the formation of public opinion (Bello & Wilkinson, 2017).

‘Agents of Change’: Convergence Radio, Youth, and Participatory Politics Study findings showed that 12 out of the 15 believe that Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo are proving to be agents of change in the political landscape in Zimbabwe. They noted that the adoption of converged radio had broadened options for political participation among the youths in the country. All the participants further said the dominant mainstream media had limited their participation in public affairs, but the emergence of converged radio has enhanced and expanded youth political participation. The youth mainly utilised Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and WhatsApp for information sharing, dialogue, and feedback with their peers, as well as content creation and mobilisation. One of the respondents (R1) affirmed that converged radio has enhanced content creation, sharing, and mobilisation. The respondent (R1) said: Converged radio has become integral to our political lives as most people use it for content creation, sharing, and mobilisation. For example, I am using Facebook and Twitter to listen to ‘Muriro on Monday’ on Star FM pages. I am also utilising social media platforms to share my views with Linda Muriro, who is the presenter of the program, and also to coordinate and mobilise my peers and like-minded individuals to participate in public affairs.

Another respondent (R2) added that converged radio has stimulated participatory and deliberative politics in the country. The respondent argued that young people are using converged radio to engage in political discussions that can transform their lives. The respondent (R2) noted:

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Thanks to converged radio, I am now participating in the political discourse in the country. I am using social media platforms to interact with host and guests of programmes such as ‘The Impact’ (ZiFM Stereo). To be honest, some of the topics covered are intriguing and eye-opening.

Another respondent (R3) said converged radio had triggered his interest in politics. The respondent said: My interest in current affairs issues has greatly increased, thanks to ‘The Lunch Time Rocker’ and ‘Centre Stage’, two programs hosted by Rumbidzayi ‘Chamvary’ Mugwira on Power FM Zimbabwe. These programs are live streamed on the Internet and social media, especially Facebook. Chamvary invites lively guests who tackle various political and socio-economic issues affecting Zimbabweans today.

Study findings also revealed that political participation among the youth was generally low before the advent of converged radio because most people in this age group did not know how to express their views or contribute meaningfully to political discourse. This assertion was shared by one respondent (R4), who argued that: Previously, many youth like me were not active in administrative processes because of their shallow perception of politics. Resultantly, we professed to be apolitical when in actual fact we were ignorant. I am one person whose interest in entertainment news overshadowed my concern for political matters but that changed.

The same respondent (R4) continued: I work in a pool office where online radio is played every day. When political discussions come up, we deliberate on them and that has helped me to understand many political issues and enhanced my participation both online and offline. So I would say the relationship between converged radio and political participation is very strong among the youth in Harare, Zimbabwe.

The same respondent added that influential people use convergence radio to mobilise the youth to engage in political action. He noted that people like Fadzai Mahere and Hopewell Chin’ono are using social media platforms to influence people to partake in politics actively. The respondent (R4) added:

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Political elites and activists are using social media and the power of their persuasive tone to mobilise young people to vote ‘wisely’ and to expose rot in the country. I always make it a ritual to read user-generated comments related to political debates on social media to enhance my critical thinking when it comes to political issues in the country.

The participants also referred to the power of convergence radio in educating and informing youth about political issues affecting the country. Seven participants cited Star FM and ZiFM Stereo as stations that dissect several educative and informative governance-related issues in the country. The radio programmes have triggered online and offline political debates among the youth in Harare. However, five respondents averred that while Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo, as well as other converged radio stations, are trying to embrace youth in the country’s political affairs, progress has been very slow because of polarisation and the culture of intimidation, which was entrenched in the population. One respondent (R5) said: Converged radio allows young people to see what is happening in the studio through social media networks. However, if you check, very few are bold enough to express their views and actively participate because of political polarisation and fear of victimisation. The general feeling is that those already in politics should just continue otherwise if the youth make attempts, it will end in tears. There is also a general feeling that there is freedom of expression in this country but freedom after speech is not guaranteed.

Evidence from the findings showed that Power FM, Star FM, ZiFM Stereo, and other converged radio stations promote active political participation among the youth in Harare. In sync with the digital public sphere, converged radio creates a forum where young people meet as co-equals and engage in political debates in a balanced-critical fashion, guiding state actions. The findings also showed that converged radio is fighting the top-­ down approach to information dissemination. This approach signified a situation where the political actors use mainstream media to propagate their dominant ideological and hegemonic agendas. The top-down approach muzzles the voices of the weak and politically disenfranchised youth. It further decreases the level of influence the youth may have on policies. With the emergence of convergence radio, the youth now have a platform to express their political views and fight the unidirectional flow of

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information that could otherwise have been used to silence them. In this case, convergence radio is seen as pivotal in creating a non-passive, independent, and participative audience, as subscribed to by Bartels (2017), who argues that converged radio has pushed the youth to be vibrant in questioning policies by political elites. Evidence from this study’s findings is also synonymous with what was found by Ahmad et al. (2019) in their research on the use of social media in political participation among university students in Pakistan. In their study, Ahmad, Alvi, and Ittefaq concluded that online political activities strongly correlate with political awareness and participation. They went on to say converged media is linked to political familiarity and participation in politics. Similar findings were observed by Kahne et  al. (2014), who explored the nexus between the youth, new media, and the rise of participatory politics. Kahne, Middaugh, and Allen revealed that converged radio had enhanced citizens’ access to information and communication on a larger scale, which heightened political participation. In line with the tenets of the digital public sphere, converged radio is creating alternatives to narrowed, one-dimensional, manipulated, or closed communication. It is proving to be a democratising tool, an arena for diverse opinions (Kamau, 2017), encouraging youth participation in local political affairs. The pessimistic view that associates politics with violence and vitriol is also held by Mwesige (2009), who argues that radio political programmes are not helpful and do not influence political participation. The same scholar contends that these programmes are ‘irreverent, often directing citizen anger at ruling establishments, their political opposition, or at each other’ (Mwesige, 2009: 221). Scholars like Dendere (2019) and Sinpeng (2020) hold an almost similar view, arguing that while others see digital media as liberating, it has been used by autocratic regimes to thwart political participation through surveillance and propaganda. This explains why the rise of xenophobia, populism, and propagation of fake news has been attributed to converged platforms.

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‘It’s Elite-Centric’: Challenges Associated with Convergence Radio and Youth Political Participation While converged radio plays a part in enhancing youth political participation in Harare, three respondents argued that the packaging of some political discussions leaves much to be desired. The respondents further claimed that instead of creating a platform where discussions are held without fear or favour, the programmes are packaged in a way that propagates a specific ideological and hegemonic narrative. To them, this kills the spirit of deliberative and participatory democracy. The respondents argue that mature democracy thrives on a free exchange of ideas, views, and information, but this is sometimes quashed. R2 affirmed: If you make a call into the studio and make a contribution that is against the dominant political narrative, your call faces the risks of being switched off. Hard-hitting questions via WhatsApp are sometimes, and in most cases, ignored. Consequently, this has a net effect of killing the spirit of participation in politics among the youth in the country.

Another respondent felt that some presenters of political programmes held on converged radio are not well-versed with the dynamics of local, regional, and international politics. She argued that some of them are so shallow that they cannot analyse issues or make political deliberations more lively and engaging. When this happens, political issues are not thoroughly dealt with to the extent that they cannot influence youth to engage in political actions. The respondent (R13) noted: We need informed and well-versed presenters to handle political programs and to push serious engagements that promote the full participation of the targeted audience. You cannot have a presenter being told facts by listeners or guests.

Some respondents proposed that media owners should employ presenters not based on their knowledge about music but on merit, including relevant journalism, media, and communication trainings and the ability to analyse political issues. Presenters of political programmes should have appropriate qualifications in political science, public policy and governance, public administration and management, international relations

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(IR), and conflict, peace and governance. This helps them have a nuanced understanding and analysis of politics and governance issues, which can be eye-opening and influence youth to participate fully in public affairs. Study findings further revealed that there is eliticisation of the political discourse on Power FM, Star FM, and ZiFM Stereo and their respective social media networks. One respondent alleged that the political narrative is shaped and propagated by the elites who use converged radio and other media outlets to buttress their ideological and hegemonic views. The respondent (R11) said: There are many impediments to converged radio and participatory politics in Harare and other parts of the country. The first is data costs. In this country, data is relatively expensive. One needs at least RTGS 4500 to buy 10 Gig of NetOne monthly data bundle. This cost is too much considering that more than 70 per cent of the youth in the country is unemployed. The high cost of data, therefore, affects the consumption of digital radio content and full participation of youth in political processes. Another challenge is digital illiteracies among the youth. Most people have smartphones but are not acquainted with using them to improve the political climate in the country.

The same respondent noted that both the ‘mass’ and ‘personal’ media are tools in the hands of the powerful as they can be used to cement the dominant ideology through the use of government officials or experts who are mostly invited for discussions in political programmes. The packaging and presentation of some programmes show that they are pitched at a much larger scale. This makes political issues opaque to the youth in the country and curtails political participation in the process. Evidence from study findings suggests that the political economy of converged radio restricts it from serving the interests of the elites. While convergence radio is interactive, one can posit that radio personnel have editorial policies they adhere to. Some of these policies stifle the spirit of political debate and skew the narrative in favour of the dominant elite. Morrow (2018) refers to this in his analysis of the poststructuralist theory in international relations and media representation, which affirms that what people accept as ‘knowledge’ is determined by the prominent and influential people in society. These people impose their views on society through various means, including the media, where converged radio falls. Morrow categorises elites as politicians and government officials who craft and implement policy focus and direction for a state, business people, and

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the media who have the power to decide who is to be given space in the media. Closely related to the above challenge is the view that some of the issues discussed on the radio are complicated and, sometimes, too technical for the average youth. Respondents noted that in such instances, their participation is hindered. R9 gave an example that some of the discussions held by Power FM, Star FM, ZiFM Stereo and other radio stations in the country around budgetary presentations by the Minister of Finance, Professor Mthuli Ncube, are too technical. This makes it difficult for youth without a financial or economic background to weigh in with their contributions. She further notes that the onus is now on the presenters to ensure that they make the interviewees articulate issues using simple terms to help the youth comprehend them and give their insights via the available platforms. Another challenge pertains to the issue of the traffic of messages from the audience. While the opening up of social media platforms like WhatsApp, Twitter, YouTube, Facebook, and LinkedIn has allowed youth to contribute to political issues, some of the views sent via these platforms to the presenters are not read. This is because the presenters receive an avalanche of messages, mainly when a topical issue is being discussed. The ‘older’ ones are easily lost as new messages come in. It is a possibility that quality contributions are lost this way. Because of this, Tsarwe (2020a, b) posits that contributions that reach radio stations via some of the converged platforms do not have a fair chance of being read due to what he terms ‘unintended constraints’.

Conclusion and Recommendations As evidenced in this study, youth in Zimbabwe are using converged radio to create and circulate political ideas and information. They are also using the converged radio to work with their peers and media content producers to generate and share information about the public concern. Youth also produce and exchange political, economic, and social information through social media networks such as Instagram, Twitter, WhatsApp, YouTube, LinkedIn, and Facebook. The study contends that ideas, information, and knowledge about political issues are vital in a functioning democracy because good governance is dependent on an informed electorate. If the citizens are politically ignorant, their contributions to governance issues will be vacuous since their understanding of policy debates will be shallow.

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This study also revealed that participation via digital media technology is not accessible to all. There are restrictive obstacles such as relatively expensive data costs. Access to data in Zimbabwe remains very difficult, especially for youth who are already burdened by unemployment. The restrictive impediments include technology ownership, digital illiteracies, and censorship of radio presenters and producers. It seems some political programmes are pitched at a much larger scale, and these issues become opaque to the youth in the country. All the aforementioned restrictions happen at the level of discourse. To overcome the impediments and effectively utilise converged radio to promote political participation among the youth in Harare, this study recommends the following. 1. There is a need for proper training of journalists on political reporting. Political presenters should have adequate training in journalism, media, and communication. They should also have qualifications in political science, international relations, public policy and governance, peace and governance and public administration and management. 2. Converged radio should allow for divergent political views so that political participation becomes more engaging, diverse, and fruitful. 3. Radio presenters should not restrict and/or censor what can be talked about for the need to be “politically correct”, but should allow the youth to participate and contribute to policy making freely. Converged radio should be a free marketplace of political ideas.

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CHAPTER 3

An Alternative Arena for “Communities of Resistance”? Podcasting, Democratic Spaces, and Counterpublics in Zimbabwe Makhosi Nkanyiso Sibanda and Mphathisi Ndlovu

Introduction The rise of participatory media such as podcasting is transforming communicative practices and democratic engagements across the globe. As a new form of storytelling, podcasting shapes the production, dissemination, and consumption of knowledge about Africa (Alegi, 2012) as it enables Africans to produce their own stories (van der Merwe, 2021).

M. N. Sibanda (*) Centre for Film and Media Studies, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] M. Ndlovu Stellenbosch University, Stellenbosch, South Africa Department of Journalism and Media Studies, National University of Science and Technology, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_3

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Although podcasting is transforming the mediated public sphere, it is also “intimate,” “individualised,” and “unpublic” (Sienkiewicz & Jaramilla, 2019). Vrikki and Malik note that podcasting provides an alternative space for “communities of resistance” (2019:273). Given the repressive political environment in Zimbabwe and the muzzling of the mainstream media, the emergence of podcasting is widening democratic spaces in the country. Podcasting is an essential tool because of its strength in effectively increasing access to alternative voices while mitigating discrimination (Sienkiewicz & Jaramilla, 2019). This chapter focuses on the practice of podcasting in Zimbabwe by examining how the creation and dissemination of content enable the youth to articulate their concerns and issues. Drawing upon the concept of subaltern counterpublics (Asen, 2000; Fraser, 1990), we examine how content creators, community reporters, citizen journalists, and so on in Zimbabwe are utilising the opportunities offered by podcasting technologies and platforms to participate and tell the stories of marginalised groups, specifically the youth. According to Gupta (2021), podcasts are mainly consumed by people below the age of 35 due to content diversity in the range of perspectives that better reflect the interests of the youth. Given that podcasting offers the means for participation, representation, and cultural citizenship (Jarrett, 2009), we explore how youth are involved in producing content. This work will leverage the increasing internet penetration in Zimbabwe.

Podcasting and Its Democratic Potential The term podcast is a combination of “pod,” derived from Apple’s portable media player, the iPod, and “broadcast” (Apiyo, 2019:1). Podcasting as innovative audio storytelling first appeared in the early 2000s (Berry, 2015; Lundström & Lundström, 2021; McClung & Johnson, 2010). It has been growing in popularity due to its niche “on-demand” content which is hyper-intimate and allows for flexibility in terms of consumption routines, as it can be downloaded at any other time (Berry, 2015; Lundström & Lundström, 2021; McClung & Johnson, 2010). Berry (2015) argues that podcasting is somewhat located at the intersection of digital and non-digital media. The personalised listening nature of podcasts was born out of a complex process of “displacement of” and “convergence” with older media, mainly broadcast radio (Perks & Turner, 2019:99). Whilst the consumption of traditional radio is “linear,” from sender to receiver, podcast listening has more to do with an active choice

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of “personalised and customisable listening experience” (Perks & Turner, 2019:100) or one’s specific “sphere of interest” (Lundström & Lundström, 2021:290). This “strategic change” in the traditional radio industry (Apiyo, 2019) offers audiences the opportunity to free themselves from the “tyranny of the schedule” as they have control of what content is listened to (Berry, 2015:173). Podcasts have also been studied concerning their importance in transcending accessibility barriers such as non-availability of electricity, mobile networks, and telecommunications. In Zimbabwe, podcasts have been successfully used in Mbire rural districts, where their use widened access to information resulting in improved yields for farmers (Moyo & Salawu, 2019). At the level of production, podcasts have given producers the freedom to explore formats and topics that would have otherwise not made it into mainstream broadcast radio (Berry, 2015), proving that they can be a tool to foster alternative narratives into the public sphere, even to those producers considered inferior when compared with mainstream staff. As with other technological media innovations, the uptake of podcasting is unpopular among those with a limited appreciation of computer skills (Apiyo, 2019). Various podcasters publish their podcasts on applications like Apple podcasts, Deezer, and Pocket Casts (Apiyo, 2019). People under the age of 35 excessively consume podcasts, and this is because audiences within this profile prefer a more flexible listening schedule instead of a typical broadcast scheduler which dictates the times and content  (Newman et  al., 2020). According to Norman (2009:253), youth-­oriented media “provide opportunities for creative expression” and civic engagement in spaces where youth participation is often marginalised. This strength of podcasts offers alternative information sources that are deliberative and potentially challenge dominant discourses. Youthcentric media offer narratives that challenge dominant discourses (Norman, 2009). Any non-mainstream and independent media in Zimbabwe are rightly categorised as alternative because they provide reachable platforms that counter dominant narratives (Tshabangu, 2019). For the study, podcasts are bracketed as alternative media. They are defined in terms of their explicit opposition to the dominance of the mainstream by offering marginalised groups, such as youth, opportunities for self-expression and participation in production processes. Although scholars acknowledge a “dearth of scholarship” in podcast studies (Fox et al., 2020:298), there is an increase in academic interest in podcasting. Scholarship has focused chiefly on podcasts as a medium, uses,

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growth, and trends of podcasting (Perks & Turner, 2019; Berry, 2015; McClung & Johnson, 2010; Jarrett, 2009). However, less attention has been paid to issues related to the culture of podcasting, podcast audiences and listening practices, the format’s technological properties, and podcast aesthetics (Bottomley, 2015). The status of podcasting as a medium remains complex across scholarship as there is minimal consensus about whether it’s a “new” medium or an extension of a radio (Bottomley, 2015). Since podcasting arose in 2004, it could be said to have become mainstream a decade later (Hancock & McMurty, 2018). There is a sharp division among scholars, some postulate that podcasting comes across as a totally “distinct” medium on its own (Bottomley, 2015), while others are still grounded on the notion that the traditional radio has evolved. Podcasting is its “latest iteration” (Berry, 2016:7). Based on its unique features and differences from traditional broadcast radio, Berry (2016:8) argues that podcasting should be considered “on its terms.” The strength of podcasting is that it offers audiences a “premeditated decision” when it comes to choices of what to listen to, and this makes the medium highly “personalised” (Sharon & John, 2019:334). In terms of the listener appeal, from its inception, in Africa mainly, podcast studies speak to the multiplicity of views, which has been a foremost driver for its expansion in terms of audiences over time (Alegi, 2012). The traditionally marginalised listeners are becoming active participants in the era of podcasting in ways challenging racial hegemony (Smith et  al., 2021). For example, The Black podcast creates a sense of African American trends, cultures, and lifestyles, which are also accessible to non-black audiences (Fox et al., 2020). Sienkiewicz and Jaramilla (2019:268) view podcasting as parallel to the ideation of Habermas in that it offers a space in which “interlocking counterpublics” are afforded a chance to advance public discourse rigorously. Consistent with the theorisations of Nancy Fraser (1990), podcasting has possibilities that allow women and other minorities access to broadcast media but with far fewer restrictions (Tiffe & Hoffmann, 2017). Podcasting has also been studied as a valuable tool in democratising knowledge production in the education sector and is cited as an example of co-production of knowledge (Alegi, 2012; Smith et al., 2021). It has been mainly explored as a “pedagogic” tool which is important in sharing “complex concepts” with students in learning environments (Smith et al., 2021:132). While podcasting is a developing trend on the African continent, its growth can be potentially accelerated by government subsidies on

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internet costs and recording equipment (Apiyo, 2019). Futuristically, the long-term survival of podcasting in Africa can potentially be hampered by gaps in terms of technical support (Alegi, 2012).

Youth, Social Media and Participatory Politics Literature on youth participation suggests that the issue of voter turnout has received attention as scholars attempt to make sense of youth behaviour (Danielle & Casale, 2011). Beyond voting and partisan attachments, other modes of political participation may be viewed as more effective, such as protests (Kahne & Middaugh, 2012; Makwerere, 2019; Danielle & Casale, 2011). Makwerere (2019) contends that the youth appropriate various social media platforms to express displeasure with their governments, and their participation is categorised into the protestors, the defensive and the moderates. However, an existential gap exists in podcasting and youth studies, and hence an analysis of the intersection of the two concerning the Zimbabwean democratisation process. The youth represent a significant demographic for “electoral mobilisation in Africa” (Danielle & Casale, 2011: iii). Despite their numerical significance, “very little is known about the political participation of Africa’s youth” (Danielle & Casale, 2011: iii). However, Kahne and Middaugh (2012: 52) note that social media is a phenomenon that “could dramatically change how and how much young people participate civically, including voting.” The advent of social media has been a significant game-changer, especially for the youth, as they aggregate it to help shape the flow of information, communicate issues affecting them, and in most cases, challenge the status quo (Kahne & Middaugh, 2012; Makwerere, 2019). The internet-­driven political activity by the youth is more “interactive” and “participatory” and circumvents the gatekeeping of common political parties and mainstream media (Kahne & Middaugh, 2012). While young people are increasingly being excluded from participation in mainstream media (Asthana & Halliday, 2006), they have utilised the growing power of the internet to engage in alternative participatory politics, such as in the cases of Tunisia and Egypt (Makwerere, 2019) and #Feesmustfall in South Africa (Bosch, 2017). There is growing scholarship on the intersection of youth, activism, and digital technologies in Africa (Ndlela, 2020; Kadoda & Hale, 2015; Bosch, 2017). Digital technologies are transforming political participation (Ndlela, 2020). The availability of smartphones and affordable data

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connectivity has created opportunities and possibilities for young people to interact, network, and utilise blogging and podcasting (Ndlela, 2020:78). Youth activism has increasingly become “associated with new media technologies” (Kadoda & Hale, 2015:215). Social media are, thus, intertwined with youth activism as “young people’s everyday communicative practices are now conducted in various social media arenas” (Ndlela, 2020:77). As critical sites for social and political engagement, digital technologies are increasingly having a “profound effect on the young people’s everyday lives in Africa” (Ndlela, 2020:77). Although there is a utopian perspective which views social media as “liberating, empowering, [and] enabling participation and engagement in political issues,” the influence of digital technologies on the political landscape should be seen as determined by the “discursive opportunity structures afforded by the context” (Ndlela, 2020:78). Bosch (2017) uses the case of the #RhodesMustFall student-led campaign of 2015 to examine the role of Twitter in youth activism and countermemory in South Africa. She argues that despite the digital divide in South Africa, Twitter was “central to youth participation” during this student-led campaign (Bosch, 2017:221). Focusing on political movements in Sudan (2011–2013), Kadoda and Hale (2015:215) add that social media tools are playing a “key role in both political and community engagements of contemporary urban Sudanese youth.” In Kenya, the increasing use of social media is “changing how youth participation in political matters takes place” (Ndlela, 2020:83). For young people in Kenya, social media have become an essential source for “accessing and engaging with the news” (Ndlela, 2020:83). In addition, young people are increasingly becoming social media influencers disseminating political messages (Ndlela, 2020:83). Although social media offers “limitless opportunities for youth participation in political discussion,” the “pervasiveness of incivility instils fear and anxiety in some social media users,” and this has undermined the prospects of democratic engagement (Ndlela, 2020:91).

Theory This study views podcasts as sites for expressing the lived experiences of marginalised groups (Vrikki & Malik, 2019:273). In this way, our research is informed by Fraser’s (1990) conceptualisation of subaltern counterpublics. Fraser’s (1990) theorisation critiques Habermas’ conceptualisation of the bourgeois public sphere. In challenging Habermas’ conception of a

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singular, all-encompassing public sphere, Fraser theorises about the “multiplicity of competing publics” (1990:62). The “plurality of competing publics” has enabled the emergence of “subaltern counterpublics” that are challenging hegemonic public spheres (Fraser, 1990:66). Subaltern counterpublics are “parallel discursive arenas where members of subordinated social groups invent and circulate counterdiscourses, which in turn permit them to formulate oppositional interpretations of their identities, interests, and needs” (Fraser, 1990:67). They have a dual role; first, as “spaces of withdrawal and regroupment,” and secondly, as “bases and training grounds for agitational activities directed toward wider public” (Fraser, 1990:68). Fraser’s (1990) theorisation of subaltern counterpublics has provided a framework for studies on podcasting (Vrikki & Malik, 2019; Sienkiewicz & Jaramilla, 2019). Fraser’s work enables researchers to “unveil the interruptive potentiality” of podcasts for “marginalised communities seeking to make accessible alternative representations and perspectives” (Vrikki & Malik, 2019:273). Podcasts can be considered spaces for subaltern counterpublics, enabling subordinated groups such as blacks and Asian youth to forge and circulate counterdiscourses (Vrikki & Malik, 2019). Thus, podcasts give a voice to communities that are traditionally excluded in mainstream spaces by enabling the production of narratives that “oppose exclusionary forms of representations and politics” (Vrikki & Malik, 2019:276).

Methodology The participants in this qualitative study were selected through purposive sampling. Purposive sampling is a non-probability sampling method which occurs when subjects selected for the sample are chosen by the sound judgement of the researcher, saving time and money (Tangco 2006). This approach was instrumental since the number of podcasters actively producing and distributing content targeting youths is limited in Zimbabwe. The study’s goal was to investigate young podcasters’ practices in Zimbabwe. Our interest is in the motivation of podcasters, their target audiences, and content production. The study used interviews to examine podcasting as a tool for youth expression, empowerment, activism, and advocacy in Zimbabwe. Data was from a network of 12 youth podcast hosts who have been trained by Bulawayo-based media-related organisations such as the Centre for Innovation and Technology (CITE) and

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Internews. This study contributes to the expanding field of podcast journalism by critically analysing how the content creation and dissemination enable the youths to articulate their concerns and issues. In-depth interviews were held with the podcasters in September 2021 in Bulawayo.

Findings The findings of this study are based on interviews with 12 podcasters (seven female and five males) aged between 24 and 36 years. All the podcasters interviewed for the study have podcasting experience, ranging from one to ten years. Most podcasters were motivated to be part of this field by the need to represent the voices of the marginalised from their communities, mainly the youth and women. Some popular topics they frequently cover in their podcasts include sexual reproductive health rights, women and girl empowerment, and issues that affect women and youth, such as political participation, human rights, and governance issues. Most listeners of these podcasts are located in Zimbabwe and across the globe. While podcasting is emancipatory, the podcasters face technical challenges such as editing and access to some production software and critical gaps which they identified included training and sustainability. Podcasting as a Counterhegemonic Space The world is evolving, and most issues affecting our day-to-day lives are mediated in communicative spaces like the internet. Participants note that they set up their podcasts to address their issues differently from what they are communicated in mainstream media. The participants project their podcasts as the subaltern counterpublics (Fraser, 1990), as counterdiscourses are forged and circulated. Berry (2016) posits that issues covered by podcasters are niche and resemble participatory media, with independent podcasters’ contributing’ directly to amplifying certain voices. Nokuthaba Moyo, a podcaster, noted: I cover socially controversial issues. Things that affect the youth, and they are too scared to talk about them in the open. I created a space for them to discuss these issues without fear of judgement

The idea that the youth are enabled to discuss issues they are “scared” to talk about in mainstream spaces reinforces the notion of podcasting as

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subaltern counterhegemonic spaces. In this way, podcasters self-identify as “communities of resistance” (Vrikki & Malik, 2019:273) as they challenge the official discourses in society. Podcasters such as Reboni self-identify as the “voice of the voiceless” as they seek to articulate the concerns of the marginalised communities. The podcasters cover important issues, include gender-based violence (GBV), the novel coronavirus pandemic (COVID-19), women and youth participation in elections, sexual reproductive health rights, and socio-­ economic issues. Lubalethu Ndlovu, a podcaster, said she drew her motivation to a podcast during the COVID-19-induced lockdown, which entailed restrictions on human interactions: I started podcasting because it was an easy way to communicate with people during the first Covid-19 lockdown, everyone was depressed and needed a way to vent out, which is how I got to podcasting.

Given that podcasting can be regarded as “intimate” and “individualised” (Sienkiewicz & Jaramilla, 2019), the participants appropriated its facilities to reflect on how COVID-19 was affecting their personal lives. Other podcasters tend to focus more on current affairs, reflecting and exploring what is happening in communities in real time. A podcaster, Andile Sayi noted: I was focusing more on the Covid-19 podcast series, where we produced podcasts focusing on Covid-19-related issues or issues to do with human rights violations. There were other issues we covered that included GBV. Those are some of the important issues we cover because they have happened a lot since the pandemic started.

Podcasting enabled participants to report on human rights violations during the COVID-19 period. Podcasters positioned themselves as a watchdog, exposing human rights abuses such as gender-based violence. Other pertinent issues covered through the podcasts include service delivery, education, human rights, and gender-related issues. Sometimes, podcasters are inspired by the listeners’ needs for information, education, and entertainment (Apiyo, 2019). According to the podcasters, listeners responded positively to their content, connecting directly with them online and demanding more content. Ishmael Mnkandla, a podcaster, noted:

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It all started when I was on the radio in 2015, and I would present a breakfast show in the morning which covered news headlines, but due to other commitments, people would send messages later or call in to say they missed the headlines of the day then I started to record the show, compress, and share the programs via a WhatsApp broadcast list. As time passed, the ­listeners started to open groups to receive the programs. In those groups, I would also share news in text, and I am glad to say the groups still exist even today

Moreover, podcasting appeals to participants as it allows them to experience their passion for broadcasting and sharing their thoughts freely without government authorisation or supervision. Podcasting as a Tool for Enhancing Youth’s and Women’s Participation The main motive identified by participants in venturing into podcasting is the quest to address societal imbalances, inequalities, and discrimination by providing a space for subaltern voices that are excluded in mainstream media. Podcasting offers an alternative arena that permits users to become radio hosts without needing to acquire a licence from a government regulatory agency (Apiyo, 2019). In Zimbabwe, the mainstream media outlets are dominated by the government and other influential individuals, thus limiting the ability to express one’s thoughts and opinions freely. Although freedom of the press, expression and information is enshrined in the nation’s constitution, there have been reported attacks against journalists. As such, podcasts offer an alternative platform to represent those whose voices do not feature on the country’s mainstream media platforms, such as the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) TV and radio. Because podcasts are not intermediated, it affords them a “greater degree of freedom” from all forms of regulation and censorship (Berry, 2016). Research findings demonstrate that podcasting, in general, has given a freer and more open platform for discussion to the marginalised groups as there is no opinion censoring compared to mainstream programming. A podcaster with seven years of experience, Abigail Matare adds: I come from a community which is marginalised, so it is difficult to participate on national radio programs because the stations are in Harare and Bulawayo. This prompted me to explore podcasting.

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In essence, podcasting has awarded marginalised groups with platforms to air out their views without fear of being victimised as they feel free to do so. Lubalethu Ndlovu, who has a year’s experience as a podcaster, said, “the act of podcasting awards women and youth spaces to reveal their emotions” and their pain without it having to be misread. Berry (2016) further concludes that many podcasts provide extra opportunities for listeners to engage with content “on their own terms.” A respondent, Abigail Matare, concurs: Podcasting gives a voice to those who are marginalised in society, its nature of being in audio form gives those individuals confidence and a sense of protection, so they are usually eager to participate in the podcast interviews, and they exhaust their challenges and concerns in full.

The most common target group for these podcasts are mainly young people who share the podcasts with their friends and families “so that they can see themselves as being the heroines they are,” said a respondent Gracious Nyathi. She said women and young people participate in her podcasts either by being guests or providing topic ideas that can be discussed on the podcast. A participant and podcaster, Ishmael Mnkandla, further notes: Podcasting is a new window of hope for these two groups to express themselves and mobilise and support each other, be it in electoral processes or advocating for policy change and development. My audience is not limited per se because I cover issues that affect each and every one of us, but I have noted that most listeners are older people who are above 35 to 50. Maybe it’s due to the fact that this is an age group that has more responsibilities, and they need to be aware of developments taking place around them.

Social media platforms such as WhatsApp enable ordinary people to participate in the podcasting programmes by sending voice notes. A podcaster, Abigail Matare, noted that marginalised communities have limited access to resources, and interventions such as podcasts enable them to participate and listen to key topical issues. Further, she said podcasts give these communities equal opportunity to express their views. Another podcaster, Reboni Noko, concluded: Podcasting enables these youth to express themselves more because, firstly they speak freely when they are anonymous. So, the fact that people can’t see their faces, they easily open-up. And some of them choose to take up

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pseudonyms which is more favourable to them. We use voices not used by mainstream media, we are constantly finding new people to ensure diverse views

Podcasts can easily be shared, which benefits the marginalised groups. In terms of location, both rural and urban dwellers consume the content, but the dominant audiences are those in the diaspora who have a keen interest in developments taking place back home. Exorbitant internet data costs have another podcaster, Lungelo Ndlovu, note: Podcasting works in Zimbabwe for communities to tell their stories, but the issue of exorbitant data cost is a challenge for many.

Regarding the actual podcast productions, the participants noted that women, youth, and people with disabilities could contribute as interviewees and experts. This enables the podcasts to gain a wider reach to new audiences when the participants share the programme and links with their contacts. According to the podcasters, participation is not restricted to particular groups in society, as anyone can share their views if they can get to them for the interviews. Also, the nature of participation is determined by the podcast topics and thematic issues affecting a different group. Regarding accessibility, most of the content shared by the respondents is reachable to anyone who has access to Anchor FM. Some of the prevalent issues involve the elderly and the youth as well. Andile Sayi, a podcaster, noted: I would say the community plays a major role in these podcasts because they are made for them. So, the community largely participates when it comes to surveys or finding out about vendors. Then, of course, in other cases where we need the view or clarity from an expert, we can have guests like doctors and owners of organisations.

On Technical Issues and Trainings Podcasting in countries such as Kenya, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Nigeria indicates that there is a certain level of awareness in the African continent, and there is evidence of the potential of podcasts reaching an even wider audience (Apiyo, 2019). Despite progressive strides in the growth of podcasting, sustaining this venture remains hard, as podcasting

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drains personal savings. According to Karianjahi (2021), a podcast production can cost as much as $1 000 for an entire season of 12 episodes, and in some countries, there are annual licences. Podcasting can gain relevance and momentum if governments support the internet’s cost, leading to increased accessibility (Apiyo, 2019). The cost of recording equipment is also a significant challenge for most podcasters using their mobile phones to record and share their podcasts using the Anchor application. One podcast producer, Munyaradzi Gova, noted that sometimes the quality of the podcasts would not be up-to-standard mainly because of the state of the equipment. Ishmael Mnkandla reinforces this perspective: At first, I was using SoundCloud, but due to some limitations, I shifted to Anchor FM.  But some time back, someone introduced me to a platform called hulkshare.com, which is almost like SoundCloud as well.

Most podcasters are self-taught or trained on podcast production by CITE and Internews, Bulawayo-based organisations. Those who are self-taught have a prior background in broadcasting, and this experience has been a determining factor in them pursuing podcasting as a trade. Ishmael Mkandla notes: When I joined the Youth Press Bureau (under Radio Dialogue) in 2011, we had trainings on presenting and conducting interviews. However, many other trainings followed, covering more issues, and received training in 2015 on sound engineering, another important part for someone doing radio and podcasting.

Another podcaster, Andile Sayi said: I got trained in podcasting at CITE through the Funda online learning platform and physical training under CITE’s digital Skills training programme, We The Future. It is a course meant to equip female youth with a passion for journalism and digital media.

Another podcaster, Lubalethu Ndlovu, noted that she attended a three-­ day training workshop organised by CITE. CITE is both a news organisation and a creative hub supporting young people through training and mentorship (Dube, 2018). As a digital start-up, CITE offers trainings on various issues such as fact-checking, podcasting, mobile reporting and digital security. Some of the trainings are conducted online through the

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Funda online learning platform. The We The Future is another CITE project which supports young women with digital skills. Research findings demonstrate that the participants were trained on how to record podcasts and identify relevant software to use. Gracious Ndlovu participated in podcasting trainings on CITE’s Funda online learning platform, and the We The Future programme. Other podcasters like Nokuthaba Moyo also participated in CITE’s podcasting trainings. Participants such as Nokuthaba Moyo and Khulekani Bethule rely on smartphones and laptops to record and edit their podcasts. However, findings indicate that some of the participants are not podcasting regularly. Some participants stated that they are podcasting twice a month.

Conclusion In authoritarian regimes such as Zimbabwe, podcasting has emerged as a space for counterhegemonic practices and narratives. In addition to “pirate” radio stations that counter the restrictive communicative space in Zimbabwe (Moyo, 2012), podcasts constitute an arena for marginalised communities, such as young people, to express their concerns. Within the “culture of authoritarianism” (Moyo, 2012:485), Internet tools such as podcasting enable activists and ordinary people to articulate alternative viewpoints. Dominant literature demonstrates the role of diasporic news websites (Mano & Willems, 2010; Moyo, 2007; Mpofu, 2014), email listservs (Mhlanga & Mpofu, 2014), and Twitter (Gukurume, 2017) as spaces for expressing counterhegemonic discourses. We develop this scholarship by focusing on podcasting as a space for subaltern voices in Zimbabwe. Findings demonstrate that young people who have undergone training are producing podcasts that articulate the concerns of marginalised groups in the country. These podcasts focus on service delivery, human rights abuses, gender-based violence, and education. Although the podcasters are playing a pivotal role in expressing issues that are excluded and marginalised in mainstream spaces, we are conscious of the technological issues impinging upon their work. Mutsvairo (2013:19) cautions that whilst the internet spaces promote civic engagement, there is “still a long way to go before the platforms can have a direct influence on the Zimbabwean political climate.”

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CHAPTER 4

‘Mobile Radio’ and Youth Identity Formation on the Streets of Harare Stanley Tsarwe

Introduction This chapter describes the reception of FM radio through mobile phone technologies such as headphones and earphones and in-built mobile phone applications capable of receiving FM signals by young people engaged in informal business activities in downtown Harare. In broad terms, ‘informal sector’ has been widely associated with unstructured settlements, urban vending and small business activities involving selling various commodity items such as second-hand mobile phone handsets, mobile phone components and accessories such as phone batteries and chargers, pirated music CDs and movie DVDs, bottled water, newspapers, toys, books, shoes, watches, bread, sweets, fruit and vegetables, and so on (Tsarwe & Mare, 2021). Admittedly, tuning into FM radio through

S. Tsarwe (*) University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe Department of Communication and Media, School of Communication, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_4

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mobile gadgets is not a practice that is exclusively associated with young people in informal business. This practice is conspicuous among the broader population of young people in urban Zimbabwe, and this could be the case across the continent and the world. The selection of young people in informal jobs in this study was purely based on the convenience of accessing this group, given the researcher’s initial interaction with informal traders during data collection for an earlier research project examining how mobile phones are helping young people to navigate Zimbabwe’s largely informal market economy in 2019 (see Tsarwe & Mare, 2021). For this chapter, follow-up interviews were conducted between August and November 2021. The mobile phone is a perfect example of a converged digital media device because it brings together multiple media content such as FM radio, television, pictures, music and a range of other functionalities such as voice, text and chat. In this chapter, a loosely conceived notion of ‘mobile radio’1 is used as a discursive strategy to demonstrate that mobile phones allow the reception of FM radio ‘on the go’ and that its reception in a mobile environment is transforming the age-old conception of radio as a predominantly domesticated technology. The mobile phone sets itself apart from other more traditional communication technologies (e.g. radio, television, newspapers) because, in addition to offering personalised experiences of communication, it also provides mobility and portability. Most important for this chapter is that a mobile phone can easily be carried around as part of everyday life, causing human bodies to interact with this technology and its content in ways that impact social relations (Lupton, 2013). This chapter demonstrates that using mobile phones to access FM radio is a meaningful, active and creative practice of identity formation by young people. To show how these practices unfold, the chapter invokes Goffman’s (1959) notion of public ‘performance and boundary management’ to describe how—by wearing earphones to consume FM radio—young people are making statements about who they are concerning other people around them and the content that they are consuming. Therefore, and 1  While the concept of mobile radio is not new, it is mainly associated with walkie-talkies, also known as professional radio communication developed for business users or other closed user groups who need to keep in contact over relatively short distances with a central base station or dispatcher. It is typically used by a taxi company or by specialised emergency services.

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because of their experience of FM radio in a largely mobile-dominated environment, contemporary youths may not necessarily view FM radio in ways similar to older generations who predominantly used analogue radio. An important question arising from this observation is whether young people’s experiences with FM radio—or their perception of it—may be changing in response to contemporary technological changes. Zimbabwe—and most of Africa—is experiencing rapid urbanisation and a swelling population of unskilled youths waiting to enter the constricted formal job market (Tsarwe & Mare, 2021). Rapid urbanisation is a critical driving force behind the emergence of urban informal economies. Initially triggered by economic mismanagement and corruption that propelled runaway inflation, the adoption of ‘infamous’ Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAP) in the 1990s led to trade liberalisation, retrenchments of formal sector workers and rolling back of state provision of social services, which could not rescue the economy, which was already in free fall. The situation got exacerbated in the early 2000s when the country embarked on a compulsory land redistribution exercise to radically rectify racial and colonial injustices, which saw black Zimbabweans dispossessed of productive and economically lucrative land. The net effects were massive retrenchments and de-industrialisation, which reduced employment in the formal sector, paving the way for the growth of the informal economy. As urban commercial radio continues to consolidate its foothold and influence among young people in Zimbabwe, new urban youth cultures are also emerging. Zimbabwean commercial radio grew popular at the dawn of the first-ever licensing of independent commercial radio stations in most of the country’s cities in 2009, following the hiatus of the government of national unity (GNU).2 For a better understanding of radio in Zimbabwe, see Mudavanhu (2015), Mare (2013), Tsarwe (2018) and Mano et  al. (2004). However, the rapid digitisation of communication necessitates a re-examination of how mass communication consumers respond to these global shifts. Globally, communication industries are increasingly being forced to redefine their content creation and distribution strategies to suit an essentially mobile audience. In contrast, audiences increasingly demand media that suits their mobile lifestyles. Radio operators know that 2  Zimbabwe’s GNU was founded on a coalition between the then main rival political parties: ZANU PF, MDC M and MDC T between 2009 and 2013 (Mukuhlani, 2014).

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traditional consumption practices and habits have been reconfigured among the younger audiences, necessitating them to restructure their content to suit a predominantly young and mobile population. On the other hand, players in the mobile phone industry and mobile app producers are also adapting to tape into this growing market by providing customised experiences and opening up immense opportunities for personalised, on-demand services. To adapt to these changes, modern commercial radio stations in Zimbabwe now design content that they delivered for, and is primarily received by, a trendy, fast-paced and predominantly agile young population. Taking advantage of increased digitisation and convergence, these new radio station studios now boast modern and fully digitalised studios connected to the internet, state-ofthe-art computers, mobile phone and landlines and official WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook and YouTube accounts. As such, the chapter sought to answer the following research questions: 1. How is the consumption of FM radio through mobile phones shaping young people’s identity formation in Harare? 2. Do young people who grew up in a converged world view radio differently? and, relatedly; 3. How do modern young people view converged radio? To interrogate these research questions, the chapter draws on the digital cyborg theory—a postmodern technology studies theory that describes how the humans and machines meld together into a powerful meshing of technology and the social to produce hybrid beings as well as Goffman’s ideas of ‘backstage’ and ‘frontstage’ identities. These theories are used in this chapter to describe the nature of identities produced by young people as they immerse themselves in digital media technologies that bring diverse content such as FM radio into their everyday lives.

Mobile Radio, Identity and Self-management By a generalised definition, identities are the internalised meanings and expectations of one’s characteristics, relationships, roles and social group memberships. Identity is an individual’s self-concept derived from perceived membership in a relevant social group (Turner & Oakes, 1986; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Perhaps, most interesting is the specific ways in which identities are sometimes ‘performed’ to give meaning. More

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succinctly, Goffman (1959) argues that our everyday lives are simply a series of performances in which we struggle with impression management and self-identity. In an era where our social lives are deeply immersed in pervasive digital media technologies constantly demanding our attention, how may these technologies re-configure our presentation of our lives in public spaces? Here, Goffman’s (1974) self-identity and self-expression are vital in describing how young people use mobile FM radio to enact and express who they are. Goffman formulated a concept of identity construction in studying human interaction through the use of metaphors borrowed from dramaturgy (1959). In this seminal work, Goffman (1959) analyses interpersonal interaction and how individuals—and in this study, young people—self-present or ‘perform’ their identities to project a desirable image concerning others. He used theatre to illustrate how individuals contrast front stage and backstage behaviours and that those participating are viewed as actors during cinematic interactions. The key premise in Goffman’s work is that when on the ‘front stage’, people deliberately choose to project a given identity. When on the front stage, an actor is conscious of being observed by an audience and will perform to those watching by following specific rules and social conventions. In this study, we may consider how young people wear headphones or earphones in public to ‘perform’ a non-verbal cue that they do not wish to be distracted by conversations coming from those around him/her. They are, literally, ‘closing themselves in’ by listening to far-flung conversations and music from FM radio. Brown (1998) refers to performance as ‘self-presentation’, considering that performance provides us with a way to form new identities and thus convince ourselves that we become an enhanced person. However, on the other hand, the actor’s behaviour will be different in a private, backstage environment as no performance is necessary without an audience. In the context of this chapter, when young people are removed from public spaces, they may behave in ways different from how they ordinarily behave in public, knowing that they are not subject to some public gaze. For Goffman, impressions are managed through sign vehicles, constituted by both our spoken language and body postures that convey meanings to interlocutors. Ordinarily, among the speaking community, the spoken word is the most apparent sign vehicle for expressing one’s feelings, and as such, it is easily used in impression management. However, in the context of this chapter, a non-verbal cue such as wearing mobile phone

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headphones or earphones in public may be an express signal that the wearer does not want to be distracted or is making a statement that doing so looks trendy and modern. Mobile devices and accessories may indeed be fashion statements. If this is anything to go by, it is essential to question how and if young people’s experience with mobile radio is markedly different from the traditional conception of radio during the analogue era. More detailed in Goffman’s thesis is his articulation of the expressions we give versus the expressions we give off (Goffman, 1959, 1974). The expressions we give are primarily the things we say, the intentional body poses, facial expressions (such as smiles, surprise etc.) and other controlled body language we emit. We may think of how young people wear headphones to listen to the radio and how the same young people act in public when not wearing these. In the Gofmanian sense, our expressions are intentional and specifically intended to portray the desired identity image. Very close to the notion of identity formation discussed in the paragraphs above is Victor Turner’s notion of ‘liminality’, which can also be borrowed and used in this chapter to describe the ‘ritual’ of tuning into FM radio through a cell phone and transitioning to other conversations and interactions coming from far-flung locations and mediated through mobile radio as moving into some ‘liminal’ space. Turner developed the notion of liminality from observing rites of passage and transition among the Ndembu tribe of Central Africa. Drawing from Van-Gennep’s (1909) triadic model of the Rite of Passage, defined in three stages disengagement stage, luminal stage and the reunion or post-liminal stage, Turner became much more interested in the second stage: liminality, which he defines as an intermediate state of being ‘in-between’ in which individuals are striped from their usual identity and their constituting social differences while being on the verge of personal or social transformation. Like Goffman’s ideas that identities may vacillate or waver between two worlds of the backstage and the front stage, Turner’s notion of ‘liminal identities’ (Hills, 2010) describes how individuals can occupy a barely perceptible space ‘in-­between’, or as Deleuze and Guattari describe, as always potentially on the threshold of ‘becoming’. During this liminal period, participants are stripped of their social status and experience a sense of ambiguity or disorientation. Could this be how young people experience mobile radio? In the context of this study, such a transitioning metaphorically ‘removes’ the cell phone user from the immediate-present in which the immediate reality is defined by competing for attention from surrounding people and objectless, to other conversations mediated from a centralised

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studio but broadcasted to people in different localities and, possibly, even different time zones. Giddens used the notion of time-space distanciation to describe the stretching of social relations and systems across time and space resulting from technological advances. Technology allows people to participate in physically accessible activities and virtually in far removed conversations (such as those mediated through mobile radio) in real-time. This has resulted in Giddens describing time-space distanciation as ‘the conditions under which time and space are organised to connect presence and absence’ (p. 14). Tuning to mobile radio and participating in such technologically mediated conversations places the cell phone user into some form of dual identities in which—as is argued in the notion of ‘digital hybridity’ described below in this chapter—they are neither fully engaged with those who are physically co-present, nor with persons on the other end of the line. In effect, they exist in between multiple lived realities of the physically co-­ present and the symbolically distant. To fully appreciate these practices, this chapter turns to Haraway’s notion of a digital cyborg. This notion helps describe an individual whose existence is intricately connected with that of technology.

Mobile Radio and the Creation of the ‘Digital Cyborg’ Haraway argues that ‘a cyborg is a hybrid creature, composed of organism and machine’. The consumption of mobile radio may be seen as a ritual practice that changes participants from mere humans into ‘compound’ beings that are both social and technological—that is, ‘technosocial beings’. We may consider these young people as ‘existing in-between’, a complex web of identities and existence. That is, an existence that is real to the co-present and another in which the attention of these young audiences is drawn to, and demanded by, other conversations happening elsewhere but are mediated via converged media technologies. They are, as Haraway says, transformed into the ‘technosocial beings’. Ultimately, we lose our identities to the more powerful and immersing technologies that surround our everyday lives so much that our identities become subject to fluxes, if not constant mutations determined by the positions and places or spaces we happen to be occupying. Haraway contends that human bodies cannot easily be categorised as one thing or

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another in a static binary opposition. Nor can technologies be singled out as separate entities from humans. Each contributes to the other. Through the concepts raised above, a detailed attempt was made to describe how using digital media technologies to access FM radio creates forms of urban youth identities that summarise the rich experiences of youth wood and radio. In the following section, the chapter describes the data collection methods used to describe consumers of urban radio in Harare.

Methods To understand how young people appropriate mobile phones and use them for receiving FM radio, the chapter relied on individual in-depth interviews with young Zimbabweans. The latter are involved in informal businesses on the streets of Harare. During interactions with a group of young men involved in a small car cleaning business in Harare’s suburban districts, the researcher observed that some of the young men who were cleaning cars wore headphones or earphones. On initial investigation, there was evidence that some of these young people wear these devices to listen to FM radio, but also that, at times, they use these earphones to listen to music stored on their mobile devices. As a result, it was not initially straightforward to tell which ones use these gadgets for what purpose until a closer investigation revealed multiple uses that range from listening to FM radio, listening to music stored on mobile devices and, surprisingly too, others wearing headphones and earphones to avoid conversations with the co-present without actually listening to any content at all. In some instances, mobile devices may not have battery power. This research was interested in the reception of FM radio, given that most of these youth consumed live radio using their mobile phones. In addition, the convergence between radio and mobile phones presents an opportunity to borrow and interrogate concepts and theories broadly used in social sciences and humanities technology studies. Given the popularity of this practice (accessing FM radio via mobile phones) and its predominance among young people, there was a solid basis for interrogating how young people experience radio and the type of uses for which they deploy these resources. Through snowballing, the first contacts who participated in interviews for this study led to a chain of further respondents, all involved in one way or another in informal business activities. As a result,

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most of the young people interviewed are those involved in informal entrepreneurial activities on the streets of Harare. The interviewee population was 15 young people (90% male). All interview participants were males.

Findings Experiencing a ‘New Kind of Radio’: Mobile Radio and Disaggregation of Audiences The context of consumption—the physical space where media consumption takes place—is critical in understanding how such media is consumed and experienced by its audiences. As is discussed in this chapter, mobile radio is consumed by predominantly young people ‘on the go’; that is; as they move around. This makes the context of consumption very fluid and unpredictable, given the privilege of mobility enjoyed by mobile radio audiences. In his early and ground-breaking research on television viewing among British households, Morley (1988) stresses that television is a distinctly domestic medium whose mode of reception is structured by household routines, while in turn, those routines are structured by how television is integrated into the domestic daily life. In brief, television’s impact and effect have traditionally been associated with how it is incorporated into the domestic context (Acland, 1989). In this chapter, discussions with mobile radio consumers in Harare showed that the traditional idea of the radio as a technology that brought household members together into the communal space of the living room is gradually waning away and being replaced by new meanings of radio among contemporary youth. They argued that in the contemporary converged digital environment; radio is now predominantly consumed individually, a practice that deviates from the norm in which radio was a household, communal technology. Asked about how he consumes radio and how he experiences it, one responded stated: Never in my life do I remember us sitting as a family to listen to the radio. It would be ‘unusual’ for me to do so because I have my own preferred radio shows during preferred times. My parents and siblings don’t always agree with me or among themselves on which radio show or radio station to listen to. So I listen to the radio on my mobile phone and choose what I like. Besides, I am barely at home most of the times.

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Just a few decades back, radio scholars noted that when radio listeners tuned into a radio programme airing at a specific time from various locations or as a small ‘community’ of household members sitting together, they enjoy a shared simultaneity of experience that underpins the formation of ‘imagined communities’. However, in a converged smartphone, and mainly because converged technologies such as the mobile phone offer multiple options for individualised interaction with its content through various apps embedded in it, consumers are atomised into beings that experience life as individuals as opposed to being brought together around a shared gadget as was the case in the analogue media environment. Given their origin in Western cultures, contemporary digital media technologies are perfect purveyors of Western individualistic cultures. Individualistic cultures stress the pre-eminence of the needs of the individual over the needs of the group and where people are seen as independent, autonomous beings. In agreement with this view, one respondent stated: Through the mobile phone, I listen to my radio the way I want. For me, it is my radio because it gives me what I want whenever I want it. Also, the mobile phone allows me to tune from one station to the other quite easily, and my headphones give out a very perfect sound from the radio. There are no interferences.

The above transcript shows a strong sense in which the respondent foregrounds the first pronouns ‘I’ and ‘me’, which buttresses the view that mobile radio promotes individualism, as stated in the sections below. It cannot be over-emphasised that legacy analogue radio was key in fostering communal dialogues in Africa, especially in the context of local media used in development communication. However, converged radio tends to reverse the long-established tradition. Radio is generally prevalent in Africa because it simulates African communal and oral traditions. In the early days, during the growth of the communication for the development of ideas, community dialogues or bottom-up communication were seen as countering the near patronising top-down communication models, which treated audiences as atomised masses. This explains why in parts of Africa where access to information is limited and where mass communication coverage is scarce, ‘radio listening clubs’ were popularised not only for purposes of sharing ideas but also to encourage conversations and organic ‘bottom-up’ dialogues.

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Interestingly, however, is the observation that while in Africa, collective identities may be held with superior elevation compared to individualism, Western advocates of individualistic cultures see individualism as empowering and offering individuals the reward for self-autonomy and liberty. In other words, converged radio may be viewed as ‘empowering’ because the individual has unlimited options not only to scroll from channel to channel but also to do so without the limitation of having to be in a fixed domestic setting, as was the case with analogue radio. Overall, individualistic cultures conflict with African communitarian cultures, prioritising the community over the individual. However, and as will be seen in the data below, a converged world—a complete expression and twin process of capitalism—is an irresistibly powerful force that draws young Africans towards the pursuit of self-autonomy and individualism. This is evident in the transcript below, in which one respondent stated: I have no problem with connecting to radio as an individual. I am old enough to know what is right for me, so I do not expect my parents to supervise me on what I choose to listen to. After all, there are just too many entertainment options to choose from, and my parents have little control over this.

A converged world, fully connected with all the complementary network infrastructures such as electricity, roads, rail and running water, provides a suitable environment for identities that are both atomised and ironically fully integrated into a hyper-connected world. Admittedly, while mobile radio still brings people ‘together’ into a shared ‘virtual community’ of some sort, its other power to bring communities together into physical spaces such as the living room is waning away. Affirming the transcript above, another respondent stated: We have different preferences, so we rarely sit together to listen to radio. Usually, my dad does that. He likes sitting in front of the old radio set in our sitting room.

In effect, digital media convergence produces dual and contradictory outcomes. On the one hand, convergence brings more people together in a shared virtual simultaneity of experience compared to those that could be brought together in an analogue radio environment because the size of the ‘community of listeners’ created by analogue radio is only limited to

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those with a radio set in the house. However, even so, audiences had few options as the radio set was a shared household technology compared to the mobile phone, which now enjoys high penetration rates per capita (62.7% of Zimbabwean households have radio access compared to over 98.5% of households who have access to a mobile phone3). Consumers have multiple choices regarding the quantities of options made possible by digital media. This is because they can now search through multiple available options of local radio channels accessible from digital media gadgets. One of the most significant breakthroughs with the digitisation of radio frequency and convergence is widened options from which consumers choose. Essentially, observations from the discussion above point to the urgent need to research how converged radio is experienced and how these experiences impact social relations. If indeed mobile phones provide alternative means of accessing multiple media content using a single gadget, and if mobile phone ownership continues to rise, could it be that our experiences and experiences of legacy media are shifting? Competing Attention: Self-identity Meanings and Identity In this chapter, the notion of identity has been defined as an individual’s self-concept derived from perceived membership in a relevant social group (Turner & Oakes, 1986; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Arguably, listening to FM radio through headphones may have more to do with managing chaotic conflict between managing self, on the one hand, and on the other, managing the surrounding environment and its distractions. It is associated with the production and reproduction of personal space, thus creating a personal identity amid other competing distractions that may limit personal freedoms and self-expression. In an urban environment, people of diverse cultural backgrounds and dispositions mingle in a shared public space, determining how individuals can experience personal space. However, turning to mobile radio helps create some desired escape from the ‘madding crowd’ and advance one’s perception of the self vis-à-vis others who may be co-present. One respondent stated:

3  Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT)’s 2020 ICT Access by Households and Use by Individuals Survey.

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When I really want to concentrate on my work (cleaning cars), I find my headphones very handy. I just put them on and I get into my own world. That way, I am able to concentrate on my work. Here in this garage, people are always arguing about soccer, which distracts my concentration. But when I wear these gadgets, I seclude myself in my own personal space.

An analysis of the transcript above shows that when young people tune in to mobile radio in crowded spaces, it is an attempt to redefine personal space and thus create a preferred one in which the self is functionally comfortable in some focused work. They create a space away from the distractions of competing attention that characterise shared public spaces. Turner’s notion of liminal identity is handy in explaining the transcript above. As stated in the sections above, liminal identities describe how individuals can occupy a barely perceptible space ‘in-between’ (Hills, 2010), or as Deleuze and Guattari describe, as always potentially on the threshold of ‘becoming’. During this liminal period, participants are stripped of their social status and experience a sense of ambiguity or disorientation. One simply ‘just put [headphones] on and I get into my own world’ to temporarily disconnect oneself from the madding crowd. The transitioning of the individual into ‘another world’ should be viewed as a process of creating an actual, if not imagined space where the individual recesses into oblivion from ‘others’ who may threaten his concentration on his work. On the other hand, it is a moment of retreating into an imaginary ‘freedom’ from the ‘burdensome’ present with its competing interests while connecting with distant others. One respondent stated that when he wears his headphones and tunes in to a favourite radio show, he symbolically moves into another world where he ‘meets’ other people who are not physically present: My girlfriend and I love the music request show which takes place during lunch hour on this radio station. Because we have different tastes in music, we usually want to know how our preferred songs are performing concerning other songs on the top ten charts. So when the DJ announces the top ten lineup and either her song or mine is on the list, we usually call each other to laugh at whose song would have lost or won. She will be listening from home.

In agreement, another respondent stated that listening to FM radio helps them connect with distant locations and people while shunning immediate distractions shared with the co-present:

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When I am walking in town without company, I cannot do so without listening to my radio. If my phone battery is down, I feel exposed, naked. I feel ‘more alone’. But when I am listening to my favourite DJ jamming music, I easily flow into the crowds and walk past many people unnoticed. I ‘feel complete’.

In this transcript, the respondent makes interesting revelations in which she claims that the mobile phone helps her ‘feel complete’ by allowing her to construct a self-concept that helps her navigate public spaces. Unfortunately, as stated above, the effect is that unlike the legacy media technology such as the radio, which brought people together into intimate physical spaces such as the home, mobile radio could be doing the opposite by creating disaggregated individual experiences. As a social science researcher, this transition cannot go unnoticed. More interestingly, the view that the mobile phone has become part of her so much that without it, she ‘feels exposed, naked … and more alone’ also help shed light on how much these technologies have the power to usurp and modify identities to become what Haraway describes as a ‘hybrid creature, composed of organism and machine’ (p. 1). Haraway argues that the era of hi-tech culture challenges and breaks down the old dualisms of Western thinking like the mind/body split, Self/Other, male/female, reality/appearance and truth/illusion. She argues that we are no longer able to think of ourselves in these terms, or even strictly speaking, as biological entities, but that instead, we have become cyborgs, mixtures of human and machine, where the biological side and the mechanical/electrical side become so inextricably entwined that they can’t be split. As individuals, we lose our autonomy to the more powerful and immersing technologies that surround our everyday lives.

Conclusion This chapter engaged with debates around how the reception of FM radio through mobile phones is not only a new experience with FM radio for contemporary young urbanites but also how these young people are using this converged platform to model desired identities. An interesting departure point is that converged digital radio, unlike analogue radio, is consumed by predominantly mobile audiences, laying the foundation for new consumption cultures, identities and ways of self-expression. What is apparent from these developments is that while convergence increasingly brings content and its audiences together in a few technological gadgets, it ironically disaggregates the same audiences by making it possible for audiences to consume content individually.

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References Acland, C. (1989). Reviewed work: Family television: Cultural power and domestic leisure by David Morley. Journal of Film and Video, 41(3), 82–85. Brown, J. D. (1998). The self. McGraw-Hill. Goffman, E. (1974). Frame analysis. An essay on the organization of experience. Penguin Books. Goffman, E. (1959). Presentation of self in everyday life. Double Day Anchor Books. Hill, R.  C. (2010). Liminal identity to wholeness. Jung Journal: Culture & Psyche, 4, 16–30. Lupton, D. (2013). The digital cyborg assemblage: Haraway’s cyborg theory and the new digital health technologies (preprint). In F. Collyer (Ed.), The handbook of social theory for the sociology of health and medicine. Palgrave Macmillan. (forthcoming). Mano, W., Menduni, E., & Fiaschi, M. (2004, July 26–August 1). The impact of Radio Zimbabwe adult talk on a national audience. Santa Chiara Graduate College. University of Siena. Mare, A. (2013). New media, pirate radio and the creative appropriation of technology in Zimbabwe: The case of Radio Voice of the People. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 25(1), 30–41. Morley, D. (1988). Family television: Cultural power and domestic leisure. Routledge, Chapman and Hall. Mudavanhu, S. (2015). A study of radio Zimbabwe’s messages and audiences in a time of crisis. University of Cape Town. Mukuhlani, T. (2014). Zimbabwe’s government of national unity: Successes and challenges in restoring peace and order. Journal of Power, Politics & Governance., 2(2), 169–180. Tsarwe, S. (2018). Mobile phones and a million chatter: Performed inclusivity and silenced voices in Zimbabwean talk radio. Journal of African Cultural Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696815.2018.1551125 Tsarwe, S., & Mare, A. (2021). Mobile phones informal markets and young urban entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe: An Exploratory Study. Area Development and Policy, 6(3), 347-362. https://doi.org/10.1080/23792949.2020.1790021 Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole. Turner, J. C., & Oakes, P. J. (1986). The significance of the social identity concept for social psychology with reference to individualism, interactionism and social influence. British Journal of Social Psychology, 25(1), 231–252. Van Gennep, A. (1909). The rites of passage. Routledge.

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Stanley Tsarwe  (PhD Rhodes University) lectures Journalism at the University of Zimbabwe. He is a Senior Research Associate in the Faculty of Humanities with University of Johannesburg. His research interests are at the intersection between smart phones, the internet and talk radio. He can be contacted on tsarwes@gmail/ [email protected].

CHAPTER 5

Strategic Diversion and Commercial Exploitation: The Dumbing Down of Converged Youth Radio Programming in Zimbabwe Pedzisai Ruhanya and Wellington Gadzikwa

Introduction The technological advancement that ushered the digital platforms has significantly transformed radio production, reception and consumption. Radio can now be accessed on various information and communication (ICTs) platforms such as mobile phones, the internet and many others. The commercial element of radio, like any other communications medium like television and newspapers, predisposes the programming to dictation

P. Ruhanya Creative Media and Communication Department, University of Zimbabwe, Harare, Zimbabwe W. Gadzikwa (*) Africa University, Mutare, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_5

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by commercial imperatives—the bedrock of the survival of radio stations. The need to stay afloat means that programming may be more susceptible to sustainability than promoting a platform for debate on important issues affecting society. This chapter argues that with the youth constituting the majority of the population and a ready market for goods and services, there are fears that programming meant for youth is being manipulated for commercial and political hegemonic ends. There is minimal programming on severe societal issues such as politics, primarily informed by a salient strategy to entrench and perpetuate a gullible and apolitical youth generation which may aid in perpetuating the Zanu PF hegemony. It seems to be the case that youths are treated more as a market and subjects and not as citizens who should participate in key development and governance matters. They are relegated to less important issues akin to dumbing down content towards escapist genres that distract the youths from serious programming. This kind of programming is in stark contrast with the vicious contest for the youth vote among political parties, especially in student leadership in higher education institutions in Zimbabwe. Through an analysis of youth programmes on three radio stations which predominantly target youth—ZiFM stereo, Star FM and Power FM, this chapter examines how youth programming is characterised by deliberate dumbing down of content due to the commercialisation and treatment of youth as consumers and subjects and not as citizens as a deliberate strategy by the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu PF) to perpetuate its hegemony on the Zimbabwean political landscape.

Background and Context: Radio Broadcasting System in Zimbabwe Radio broadcasting in Zimbabwe has been a contested terrain since its introduction in the 1930s in the then colonial Rhodesia (Kupe, 2003; Willems, 2010; Ndawana, 2019). The history of radio in Zimbabwe stretches from the British colonial rule era. Zimbabwe has a three-tier broadcasting structure; public service, commercial and community broadcasting, as stipulated by the Broadcasting Services Act of 2001 (Ndawana, 2019). In 2021 government licensed community radio stations whose ownership is linked to ZANU PF entities, a move designed to entrench and preserve the political power of the ruling elites in Zimbabwe (Mano, 2009). According to Mano (2009), in colonial and post-colonial times,

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Zimbabwe’s ruling elites have used the public broadcaster, then Rhodesian Broadcasting Corporation and now Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation’s (ZBC) radio stations and broadcasting television monopoly to promote and safeguard their political interests at the expense of the diverse interests of society and marginalised groups such as youths, women and minority. Matsilele and Maunganidze (2021) submit that radio broadcasting in Zimbabwe has been used to marginalise minority and ethnic groups in Zimbabwe such as Tonga, Ndebele and Shangani, among others. Currently, Zimbabwe has six public service radio stations operating under the ZBC stable, effectively controlled by the state and, more specifically, by the ruling ZANU PF party. These stations include Classic 263 (formally Spot FM and Radio One), Radio Zimbabwe (formally Radio Two), Power FM (formally Radio Three) and National FM (formally Radio 4), 95.8 Central Radio in Gweru and Khulumani FM in Bulawayo. Spot FM and Power FM mainly broadcast in English, although the broadcasters sometimes speak in Ndebele and Shona. Power FM is more into commercial broadcasting than the other three. Radio Zimbabwe and National FM both broadcast in main vernacular languages. However, National FM goes further to broadcast in the small local languages. These public service radio stations are designed to perpetuate their political hegemony, and it is clear that radio broadcasting in Zimbabwe dominates ZBC. Commercial radio stations such as Zi FM Stereo and Star FM were licensed in 2011 and started operating in 2012 respectively. According to Ndawana (2019), their proprietorship is questionable, especially AB (African Business) Communications which is owned by Supa Mandiwanzira, a ZANU PF Member of Parliament and former government Minister under President Mugabe owns Zi FM Stereo. Star FM is owned by Zimpapers, a public institution in which the government owns a controlling stake of 51 per cent shares. These radio stations mainly broadcast in English, Shona and Ndebele, although Star FM sometimes has some Shangani, Venda, Chewa and Tonga language broadcasts. In March 2015, the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) issued eight companies local commercial radio broadcasting licences. Their transmission covers a radius of between 40 and 80 kilometres. These commercial radio stations are community-based, and when some were launched, the broadcasters misled listeners by telling them they were community radio stations. The ownership of the newly licensed radio stations has also raised eyebrows among critics and members of civil society. Zimpapers,

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which owns Star FM, was awarded another licence to operate Diamond FM, which broadcasts in Mutare. Diamond FM also broadcasts in Ndau, Hwesa and Barwe. Zimpapers also owns Capitalk 100.4 FM, which broadcasts in Harare (Ndawana, 2019; Matsilele & Maunganidze, 2021). These radio stations, like their sister radio station Star FM, also disseminate ZANU PF propaganda (Ndawana, 2019), a criticism that is shared by Mano (2009). AB (African Business) Communications, which runs Zi FM Stereo, was given two licences for Gogogoi FM and FAYA FM (now called 98.4 FM Midlands) broadcasting in Masvingo and Gweru, respectively. BAZ also licensed Fairtalk Communications’ two stations: Breeze FM, which broadcasts in Victoria Falls and Skyz Metro FM in Bulawayo. Fairtalk Communications is co-owned by popular local film and drama production specialists Cont Mhlanga and Qhubani Moyo, a Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) Commissioner. Another company licensed is Ray of Hope, trading as YA FM, which broadcasts from Zvishavane. It is owned by former ZBC chief executive Munyaradzi Hwengwere, a former press secretary in the office of former President Mugabe. As argued by Matsilele and Maunganidze (2021), Mudavanhu (2014) and Mano (2009), radio and (including) television broadcasting in Zimbabwe remains controlled by the ruling elites with a primary agenda of projecting and maintaining their power. Sparks (2009) submits that there is elite continuity in the manner in which post-­ independence governments in Africa, such as Zimbabwe and South Africa, failed to change colonial media ownership and practices but simply replaced white people with black people linked to the liberation movements in key positions in most state-controlled news media to promote the hegemonic interests of these regimes. Therefore, there were no substantive changes in programming as radio broadcasting continued to project the ruling elites’ power as the colonial regimes did. State-owned company Kingstons was awarded two licences for KE100.4 FM (now Capitalk) owned by Zimpapers and Nyaminyami FM, which are broadcasting in Harare and Kariba, respectively. While Nyaminyami FM broadcasts in English, Shona and Ndebele, it also broadcasts in Chewa and Tonga, which accords Tonga in Zimbabwe and Zambia a chance to participate in the radio programmes (Ndawana, 2019).

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Theoretical Framework: Radio Broadcasting in the Age of ICTs The emergence of the ICTs has broadened the public sphere in terms of access by marginalised groups such as youth which was difficult and frequently expensive under traditional radio analogue. Tsarwe (2018) posits that African radio is a powerful instrument that integrates familiar voices in democratisation debates. He submits that mobile phones and social media applications such as Facebook and WhatsApp are seen as widening access to public debates. This has recently been celebrated as inculcating “participatory cultures” in Africa’s public spheres. Mare (2013) study of Radio Voice Of the People (VOP) also revealed how the radio station deployed multiple alternative transmission strategies that have rendered the ruling party, Zanu PF’s claims to communication sovereignty, obsolete. He argues that radio as a communication medium has adapted and appropriated digital technologies to extend its reach while opening up novel platforms for audience participation. These studies reveal the significance of radio convergence through multiple digital as critical for participatory democracy. Radio stations under investigation reveal that marginalised youths can now access radio broadcasting much easier by interacting with radio stations on WhatsApp, Twitter and Facebook. The radio stations have embraced these technologies to facilitate citizen participation in their programming, and now citizens have a wide spectrum of opportunities to demand accountability, among other issues. Mobile penetration of over 100 per cent in Zimbabwe has facilitated radio access even in remote areas. Citizen participation in national matters through multiple access and convergence with radio has the potential to enhance the quality of public debates on public policy matters in Zimbabwe. This chapter seeks to analyse whether the programming of the three commercial radios through the converged platforms promotes an active citizenry or is designed to perpetuate and sustain a dumbed-down generation who do not question key policy issues that affect public governance, such as public service deliverables among others. In this regard, Habermas’ public sphere analytic lens best explains how converged radio broadcasting has empowered youth participation in governance issues. Regardless of how one evaluates the functions and performance of radio broadcasting in Zimbabwe, media institutions have become the major platforms and the privileged scenes of political activities (Dahlgren, 2009: 35). The situation has been made easier by access to

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radio broadcasting on ICT platforms like Twitter, Facebook and WhatsApp. This is so because discussions about media and democracy are usually framed by notions of the “public sphere”, which emphasise that the media must provide citizens with information, ideas and debates about current affairs to ensure that the public is informed as they participate in democratic political processes (Dahlgren, 2009: 34). Habermas’ idea of the public sphere, defined as a metaphorical space where access to information affecting the public good is available, where discussion is ideally free from domination and participation is on an equal basis, is part of the critical role that the media play in a democratic society (Curran, 2002). This chapter submits that although participation may not be equal, access to information through converged ICT platforms on ICTs has facilitated the broadening the public sphere. Through the use of ICTs, the radio stations under study arguably facilitate the formation and broadening of a public sphere by providing an arena for public debate and by reconstituting private citizens as a public body in the form of public opinion. This wasn’t easy under the traditional analogue radio, especially among youths and marginalised groups like women. However, while Habermas’ idea of the public sphere illuminates debates on the significance of the media in democratic discourses, it is not without limitations. Fraser criticised the concept of the public sphere for failing to acknowledge women and those subaltern groups in society which did not have access to it. More so, the concept of the public sphere fails to recognise that society is stratified and people have unequal access to resources and public forums. She also offers the perspective the state has multinationals and multi-residential citizens and therefore has a no-bounded community as in the Westphalian State, as Habermas posited (Fraser, 2007). Fraser further argues, “In general public spheres are increasingly transnational concerning each of the constitutive elements of public opinion. The ‘who’ of communication, previously theorised as Westphalian-­ national citizenry, is often now a collection of dispersed interlocutors who do not constitute a demos. The addressee of communication, once theorised as a sovereign territorial State, which should be made answerable to public opinion, is now an amorphous mix of public and private transnational powers that is nether easily identifiable nor rendered accountable” (Fraser, 2007; http://eipcp.net/transversal/0605/fraser/en, accessed on 15 August 2021). The importance of the media in developing any society cannot be disputed. This role is especially significant when it relates to the contributions

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of the press to the democratisation agenda (Ruhanya, 2014). However, it is cautioned that too much emphasis should not be placed on the media. Street (2001: 327) noted, “Democratic media do not, in themselves and of themselves, create democracy. Democratic media need a democratic polity and vice versa.” Converged radio broadcasting through ICTS to easily access radio has widened and facilitated access to information necessary for democratic participation among the youths. What remains key is whether the converged radio programming is enhancing the debate or is being used as an elite consensus-building scheme through a deliberate strategy to create a dumbed-down youth generation to preserve Zanu PF’s hegemonic interests.

Dumping Down of Media Content According to Temple (2006), dumbing down is a derogatory term that simplifies a subject towards the lowest common denominator, such as news, so that several people understand it. One advocate of the dumbing-­ down thesis (Franklin, 1997, 3) argues that entertainment has superseded the provision of information; human interest has supplanted the public interest; measured judgement has succumbed to sensationalism; the trivial has triumphed over the weighty; the intimate relationships of celebrities, from soap operas, the world of sport or the royal family are judged more “newsworthy” than the reporting of significant issues and events of international consequence. New values have undermined traditional news values; “infotainment” is rampant (Franklin, 1997, 4)

The major focus of the dumbing-down debate is mainly on the political dumbing down of news with negative effects on democratic political discourse (Temple, 2006). This negative impact was due to the simplification of serious news by journalists and the rise of tabloid and lifestyle journalism. The commercialisation of the media has also been responsible for what has been described as the “effective elimination” of Habermas’ original notion of a rational public sphere resulting in the dumbing down of political coverage (Street, 2001:42). Dumping down has also been held responsible for the rise in public apathy about politics through ignoring serious politics by tabloids in favour of scandal and superficiality. This is believed to be a threat to democracy.

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The control of the mediated public sphere by commercial interests (Street, 2001) and the redefining of citizens as consumers have the effect of reducing “the obligations attached to notions of citizenship, implicitly indicating that there is no civic duty to take part in public life” (Savigny, 2005 cited in Temple, 2006:259). However, proponents of dumping down (Temple, 2006) argue that dumbing down may be a positive development as it promotes a less elite-driven news agenda—which recognises the importance of the emotional and the trivial. For Temple, such emotional emphasis offers vast opportunities for political engagement to all sections of society. Although the dumping-down debate has mainly focused on news, all media, including documentaries, mainstream television and magazines, are believed to have dumped down. This dumping down has greatly affected democratic debate by ensuring that structures of power, authority and wealth have been made less visible by the massive growth in lifestyle journalism (Manning, 2001). While these debates concern the mature democracies, the focus of this study is to examine how converged radio in the Zimbabwean context has become an agent of sustained dumping down of the urban youth by engaging them in less serious issues as a strategy to maintain an enduring Zanu PF hegemony. The availability of multiple ways of accessing radio has widened the public sphere and the range of ways youths can participate and engage in radio, mainly as a market and not as citizens. While there is no absolute certainty that all the youths are being subjected to the deliberate dumbing down and trivialisation associated with the current programming, there might be some youths who are using these platforms to speak truth to power and champion oppositional readings. However, the programming and the sentiments expressed by programme managers and station managers show that the programming is primarily informed by commercial manipulation and a deliberate attempt to sway the youths into escapist and uncritical content consumption.

Converged Radio The three radio stations under study can be best described as truly converged radios which target youths in the urban areas as their market. The stations are active on social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, WhatsApp and TikTok, which the urban youths are also actively engaged with. Such platforms are used to engage the youths

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to radio, for example, as followers of radio presenter’s Twitter and other social media accounts or the respective accounts of the radio stations. While the youths might not directly listen to live radio broadcasts, they can access such content either on, for example, Facebook in the form of short videos or on Twitter accounts of the radio stations or their favourite radio personalities. The social media accounts both of the radio stations and the individual radio personalities are also used as advertising platforms to lure the youths to tune in to live broadcasts. Due to the multitasking nature of many youths, snippets of broadcast content littered on various social media platforms serve as the new menu for radio consumption. It means that radio can now be enjoyed through multiple platforms, and the youths may not necessarily need to tune in to the station to get the messages. What the converged radio targeting the youths has also done is follow the tastes of the youth and use that to shape their programming to keep and maintain the youth audience. This means that the youths’ desires are now shaping radio programming in the form of celebrity news and

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content that is more entertaining in value rather than critical. The commercial nature of the urban youth’s radio stations and their conception of youths as a market coupled with the ownership structures which are proestablishment has also led to a programming regime that is dominated by what may be described as “safe” programming which avoids critical content that may question the ruling elites. This has relegated the converged radio under study to dwell mainly on infotainment genres. This aspect is actively visible in some of the social media messages that the three stations under study post on the various platforms, as shown in the following ­screenshots.

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Research Questions To unpack the dumbing down of youth radio programming in Zimbabwe. The following questions were posed: 1. What kind of youth programmes are designed for urban youth in Zimbabwe by the radio stations under study? 2. Is there a deliberate ploy by the radio stations under study and in general to create an apolitical and gullible youth through their programming? 3. Are radio stations more focused on the youths as a market and not as citizens 4. What are the possible implications of such programming?

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Methodology This research adopted a qualitative methodology to elicit in-depth, thick descriptions of the dumbing down youth radio programming in Zimbabwe. A qualitative approach allowed the study to capture all the issues as more probing questions could be asked flexibly, with vast opportunities for clarifying issues and obtaining rich detail (Lindlof, 1995; Weinreich, 1996; Darlington & Scott, 2002; Creswell, 1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). In-depth semi- structured interviews were conducted with ten (10) key infromants who included radio programme managers and station managers, radio journalists and media experts to elicit their views on the dumbing down of youth radio programming in Zimbabwe from the period 1 July to 4 September 2021. The key informants were purposefully selected because of their expertise in the area and as practitioners with the information that the study sought to find. The interviews were conducted online due to the Covid-19 lockdown restrictions in Zimbabwe. Informed consent of all the respondents was sought after, explaining that the interviews were purely for academic purposes. Respondents were also assured that they could withdraw at any time from the interview and object to specific questions they were uncomfortable with (Bailey, 1987; Babbie, 1990; Newman, 2003). They were also given explicit guarantees that their privacy would be protected. It was also made clear to them that there would be no direct attribution of all the information provided in confidence and that there would be no compensation of any form in return for agreeing to be interviewed (Yegidis & Weinbach, 1996). There were thus no huge ethical issues as all the key informants were adults who freely consented to the interviews. Interviews were recorded through voice notes, transcribed by hand and then typewritten. The data were analysed through thematic analysis—identifying patterns or themes within qualitative data (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The thematic analysis sought to establish the semantic and latent themes. The semantic themes emerged from the surface meanings of the data or what the respondents said, and latent meanings sought to examine the manifestations of dumbing down youth radio programming in Zimbabwe. The analysis employed in this study followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase thematic analysis guide. The transcribed data from the interviews were printed and read several times, and first impressions were jotted down using open coding. This was meant to reduce the data into small

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chunks of meaning from the large volumes derived from the interviews. Initial generalised codes on themes were developed. The generalised articles were reviewed in search of new themes to establish themes that were coherent and distinct from each other. The final themes were defined and ended in the last write-up presented in the next section.

Findings The Nature of Youth Programming of the Converged Radio The general nature of the programming can be summed up in two words: escapist and diversionary. The three stations under study focus on the urban youth, and their programming is generally designed for the youth except for ZiFM, which is not exclusively youth-focused. The youth programmes it focuses on include talk shows for youth’s talents, entrepreneurship and health issues. Star FM is solely youth-focused and has started targeting 18–35 urban youths due to stiff competition for audiences. Its main programmes for youth are entertainment, music, sex, drugs, relationships and health. It has been transformed into a contemporary hit radio playing the latest hit music. According to a respondent (Interview 25/07/21), the station is very much alive because urban youths spend much of their time on social media, and they have made a conscious decision to interact with them through podcasts, Instagram and TikTok. The station also produces three news bulletins of trending issues on social media daily to keep pace with developments. All three radio stations claim that their programming is determined by topical issues in the country that will affect young people and trending issues. The trending stories that these radio stations focus on are mainly celebrity news, including the various posts made on social media accounts of socialites. This implies that converged youth programming in Zimbabwe is creating and responding to popular tastes, which are mainly uncritical and escapist, as long as they get the coveted advertising revenue to guarantee survival by exploiting the instinctive human desires. The so-called audience inspired or led programming at the expense of promoting an active citizenry. The three radio stations under study do not focus on current affairs programming, especially those that seek to question governance systems and the conduct of government officials. They pretend that such issues do not exist and instead focus on peripheral societal problems considered harmless. Anything directly or indirectly implies that the

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government and Zanu PF are culpable if any challenges affecting the country are deliberately avoided. This is mainly due to the ownership of the stations and control by Zanu PF-linked elites and as a way to sway opinion towards infotainment aspects. Also, in terms of their news content, these three stations mimic ZBC stations; sometimes, it may be difficult to tell their difference from ZBC.  They also serve as a platform to inform Zanu PF membership about important announcements. They are critical of opposition political parties to such an extent that they appear to be fighting in the Zanu PF corner. Creating an Apolitical Youth Through Dumbed-Down Programming Commercial imperatives largely influence youth programming on the three radios. Although they claim they have their programming, sponsorship and funding determine the programming scope as these are commercial radio stations. A respondent from Star FM made it clear that their programming is made in such a way that it attracts sponsorship. In deciding the programming, the needs of clients and youths take a significant priority. Star FM clarified that it adheres to a commercial station that dictates where the search for profit is paramount. One respondent said, “We create and generate audiences and sell them to advertisers” (Interview 02/08/21). Although the respondent later claimed that they try to educate, inform and entertain in the genres that they focus on, such as relationships, health, suicide, sports and sexual reproductive health. Another striking feature of Star FM is that they noted that their audiences were less interested in news and now give it less priority. The programming at the three stations is primarily dictated by clients’ needs, especially those who target the youths for various purposes. As one ZiFM responded noted, sponsors can sometimes direct conversations and dictate what should be said and which questions should be asked (Interview 04/09/21). Therefore, commercialisation and the need to stay afloat have relegated the programming of youth issues to the control of various groups who sponsor the programmes. The various sponsors use their financial muscle to further their agendas, and these agendas border around the effects rather than the causes of such challenges; for example, programmes on youths and drugs may appear to be relevant and utilitarian, but they do not question the natural causes of such a rise in drug abuse which may point to profound economic challenges and corruption within the leading institutions of

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government and society. Sponsored programmes are also problematic because they are not derived from real issues which affect the youths but are created to deal with what the sponsors feel the youths must do. The net result for such kind of programming is that the programmes for the youth are dictated by those interested in leading them to a path they are comfortable with, coupled with their treatment as a market which relegates them to a consumerist role. On another level, stiff competition has led the stations to resort to escapist audience needs, which has led to the dumping down of the youths as the stations continue to reproduce rather than transform the youths by focusing on trending issues. Youths as a Market and Not Citizens The radio programming for the youths does not critically question the topics of the day but instead promotes escapist fantasies and reproduces an apathetic youth generation with no ability to challenge power structures. As one Star FM respondent noted, issues that are not “saleable” will most likely never be discussed. There also appears to be a tacit consensus not to tackle the political problems regarding the programming. When such issues are raised, it is usually on politically safe topics such as International Day of the African Child or matters with Junior Parliament. The tradition is not to question structures of power. This may be due to issues of ownership and control of the stations by the ruling elite’s surrogates. The creation of a dumped youth seems to be a deliberate strategy by the ruling party, as noted by one media critic who argued: There is a clear commercial end to the programming on radio as most stations view the youth as consumers mainly for music and entertainment and the commercial advantages that come with it as a captive market. To illustrate this, less programming is aimed at education and civic duties of youths as well as co-option into ruling party economic empowerment programmes. The programmes that focus on these matters are usually less popular, poorly subscribed and for low-reaching radio stations such as Capitalk FM and Spot FM. The irony is that these stations have mature listeners, not the youths themselves. (Interview with media critic, 1 September 2021)

What becomes suspicious is the deliberate move to move serious civic engagement content to poorly subscribed and less-reaching radio stations meant for mature audiences. This can never be accidental but a

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well-­thought plan to create an apolitical and gullible youth for hegemonic control since the youth now constitute the majority. The desire for hegemonic power was exhibited much earlier when two radio presenters, Napoleon Nyanhi and Ruvheneko Parirenyatwa, were fired from Capitalk FM in 2018 for allowing liberal views by callers in a live programme after the shooting of civilians by the army on August 1 of that year. This could have primarily influenced the consensus on self-censorship in terms of programming on issues that question the status quo. As one media critic noted, radio programming for youths in Zimbabwe is way beyond the stage where citizens can be allowed to tackle critical societal issues because [o]wnership and control of the media, which is tied to ruling elites, promoting critical citizenship could be viewed as an act of undermining the status quo. As such, radio tends to focus on more trivial, escapist content; or unsustained critical content

There is consensus that ownership and control of the radio stations and the awarding of licences have resulted in a set-up where critical citizen issues that question societal power structures are not part of the programming. A media academic noted that radio in Zimbabwe does not tackle essential issues of the citizen because the licences are given to Zanu PF sympathisers who are critical in retaining the party in power: Zanu PF sympathisers (Zi-FM) are given licenses in the form of Zanu PF legislator Supa Mandiwanzira. Regarding critical citizen issues, the government has much to say than another organisation, so radio, regarded as the medium of Africa, tries to gatekeep the regime’s mistakes. Youths are more interested in the availability of high-quality education, the creation of jobs, quality music and a rationale platform which allows them to be prosumers (producers and consumers). That kind of platform is usually found on social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook. Radio is of less importance because of its approach, which turns blind eyes on issues affecting them critically. The political economy in Zimbabwe offers no space for a critical discussion as it will simply expose the executive. Instead, radio simply plays a comforting and public relations role for the elite and critical music from the likes of Thomas Mapfumo and Leonard Zhakata is not given airplay (Interview with media academic, 5 September 2021)

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From the above sentiments, it is clear that the ruling Zanu PF, through deliberate strategy, has maintained a tight grip on the airwaves, including the programming. The set-up exclusively relegates the youth to escapist and diversionary perspectives as a deliberate strategy of dumping them down so that they do not question and become a threat to power structures and Zanu PF hegemony. The Implications of a Dumped-Down Programming on Converged Radio The deliberate design of uncritical programming and the disabling of the youth agency in the polity does not guarantee an enlightened generation. Still, it breeds some variegated gullibility which, if left unchecked, will result in dire consequences for democracy. The increasing commercialisation and commodification of information due to technological changes and the enhanced power of media reach through a converged radio means that the youths will increasingly be conceived of as a market which perpetuates the erosion of the public sphere through infotainment. In such a scenario, the supposed benefits of a converged radio, such as greater access and accountability through feedback mechanisms, will be severely limited since the range and scope of the programming do not currently avail such critical platforms on current affairs but rather perpetuates an escapist informed programming. What is not clear, though, is whether the drive for commercial gain will recede if the economic fortunes of the country turn for the better; for now, programmers and station managers are more concerned with whether a particular programme brings in some income even it means doing so through the promotion of content that appeals to popular and mainly tabloid genres or succumbing to the whims of programme sponsor’s needs.

Conclusion Youth radio programming in Zimbabwe is characterised by a commercial motive that views the youth as a market or consumers, not as citizens. The programming is meant to capitalise on the gratifications of the youths and then expose them to advertisers. There is no attempt by the radio stations to create a civic youth. This scenario is by no means an accident. Rather it is a result of a well-planned hegemonic agenda of dumping down youth issues through radio. This dumping-down strategy is made possible

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through structures of radio ownership. The state, in this case, owns and controls the two national radio stations that exclusively focus on the youth, Power FM and Star FM. This allows it to stipulate what the focus should be on. The other national radio station ZiFM is also owned by a ruling party member, who, in principle, should work to perpetuate Zanu PF hegemony. The argument by Temple (2006) that dumbing down may be necessary to capture a group that is permanently excluded in the elite notions of the public sphere does not apply since the dumbing down does not tackle political issues even in sensationalised and emotional ways. The dumping of radio programming is meant to create a youth generation with apathy for politics. It can easily be manipulated by the ruling elites in their hegemonic projects. The immediate danger of a gullible youth is its mobilisation by vested interests in ways that may be detrimental to societal stability.

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Mare, A. (2013). New media, pirate radio and the creative appropriation of technology in Zimbabwe: Case of Radio Voice of the People. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 25(1), 30–41. Matsilele, T., & Maunganidze, G. (2021). Ethnic journalism as a social mission: An exploration of Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation’s (ZBC) national FM radio station. Journal of African Media Studies, 10(4), 60–90. Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: An expanded sourcebook. Sage. Mudavanhu, S. (2014). The politics of “patriots” and “traitors” on Radio Zimbabwe. Journal of African Media Studies, 6(3). Ndawana, T. (2019). “The whole nation on one station”? National FM as a case study of radio for indigenous small linguistic communities in Zimbabwe. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Cape Town. Newman, W.  L. (2003). Social research methods: Qualitative and quantitative approaches (5th ed.). Allyn and Bacon. Ruhanya, P. (2014). Alternative media and African democracy: The Daily News and opposition politics in Zimbabwe  – 1997–2010. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Westminster, London. Savigny, H. (2005, April 6). Political marketing: What’s democracy got to do with it. In Paper delivered to PSA annual conference. University of Leeds. Street, J. (2001). Mass media, politics and democracy. Palgrave. Sparks, C. (2009). South Africa in transition. Journal of African Media Studies, 12. University of Westminster. Temple, M. (2006). Dumping down is good for you. British Politics, 1, 257–273. Tsarwe, S. (2018). Mobile phones and a million chatter: Performed inclusivity and silenced voices in Zimbabwean talk radio. Journal of African Cultural Studies. https://doi.org/10.1080/13696815.2018.1551125 Weinreich, N. (1996). Integrating quantitative and qualitative methods in social sciences. Accessed August 31, 2021, from http://www.social-­marketing.com/ research.html Willems, W. (2010). At the crossroads of the formal and popular: Convergence culture and new publics in Zimbabwe. In Popular media, democracy and development in Africa (pp. 62–78). Routledge. Yegidis, B. L., & Weinbach, R. W. (1996). Research design classification. Research Methods for Social Work. Needham Heights, MA, Allyn and Bacon.

CHAPTER 6

Mis(Understanding) Youth Engagement: Role of Commercial Youth Radio in Promoting Political Engagement in South Africa Sarah Chiumbu and Allen Munoriyarwa

Introduction Citizenship and its role in Democracy, nation-building, and belonging have attracted academics’ and policy-makers’ attention over the last two decades. The consideration of young people in citizenship has been of particular interest. Although citizenship can be obtained through many channels, the mainstream media are seen as essential spaces for

S. Chiumbu (*) • A. Munoriyarwa Department of Communication and Media, School of Communication, University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_6

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deliberation, argumentation, and participation. The media also act as mirrors of society and shape the daily rhythms of our social and political realities. Therefore, within our saturated media environment, citizenship is shaped and maintained. The emergence of digital technologies, specifically social media, has revitalised opportunities to practice citizenship. Digital technologies have transformed the nature of participation and how citizens organise, mobilise and engage politically. In Africa, these technologies have allowed ordinary citizens and activists to sidestep the often restrictive spaces controlled by the state or the market. Although digital technologies have impacted people of all ages, studies have shown that these technologies, especially mobile phones, are particularly vital for young people’s lives and play a significant role in their identity formation. Youth have long abandoned the mainstream media as platforms for political engagement. There was an expectation that digital media technologies could solve the youth’s political engagement decline. There is a concern across various countries on the continent that the participation of African youth in key political and economic processes is very low and youth generally have limited influence in national political institutions (e.g. see MINDS, 2016; Lekalake & Gyimah-Boadi, 2016). It is believed that social media and other digital media applications have not managed to adequately re-­engage the youth in political deliberation as these digital technologies are mainly used for social engagement. The apprehension for youth civic deficiency and apathy is reflected in public policies proposing formal participatory opportunities to revitalise civic interest. From these arguments, it is easy to see that youth participation is assumed to occur in traditional ways. This chapter argues that discourses and practices on youth participation are shifting. Youth are increasingly using popular culture and entertainment for civic engagement. Through popular culture, the youth can engage with political issues that affect their lives (see Buckingham, 2000; Street et al., 2013). In this chapter, we use the example of a commercial music radio station to argue that youth are reasonably interested in politics and political issues but show this differently. What appears to be a withdrawal of the youth from politics is a withdrawal from the traditional way of doing politics. This chapter analyses how youth use a popular youth radio station, Y (formerly YFM), based in Johannesburg, to engage with politics and social issues. Despite the growth of digital media in South Africa, radio remains the most widespread and popular form of communication in the country radio. The Broadcasting Research Council estimates that local radio had

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35.7 million listeners weekly in 2018, thus, reaching over 90% of people in rural and urban centres aged 15  years and older in a typical week in South Africa. There are more than 10 million households with radios in the country. Digital technologies have created seismic shifts in the radio industry, but these developments have not disrupted the importance of radio in society. On the contrary, digital technologies have enhanced the consumption of radio (Chiumbu & Motsaathebe, 2021). Y is the only radio station dedicated to youth in the country. It started broadcasting in 1997 from Johannesburg, and since it has targeted the black urban youth. Over the years, the station has grown rapidly in popularity and has defined and shaped urban youth culture (Smurthwaite & Ncube, 2021).

Radio and Youth Engagement: A Review of Related Literature Over the past few decades, there has been a large body of literature on youth and political engagement from different political contexts worldwide. But there is little literature intersecting the role of commercial radio and youth civic engagement. The existing literature shares a broader view that the world over, youth political engagement and participation, as measured by their involvement in voting, political demonstration and consumer politics, is declining since the turn of the twenty-first century (Institute of Democracy [ID], 2019). Coleman et al. (2004, p. 4) agree with ID, noting: “Young people lack the opportunities to voice their opinions and participate in decisions that affect their lives, and they are cynical toward traditional politics, politicians and conventional forms of political action.” Media Action (2015)1 argues that the main reasons for this disengagement have been the deep frustration among the youth, “by what they perceive as obstacles to achieving their aspirations such as weak education system and lack of employment opportunities” (p.  1). Huesca (2008) notes that this deep scepticism among the youth can be reversed if radio produced programmes can be tailored to target and empower the youth. This is because youth radio can immensely contribute to a sense of public connection amongst the youth (Couldry, 2008). For instance, radio provides youth with an opportunity to voice their concerns. Putman (2002) has noted, in agreement with Couldry (2008), that the primary 1

 https://www.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction/publications-and-resources/research-archive/

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reason youth feel disengaged is the lack of voice for the youth within political institutions, where they are supposed to be heard. Radio can help youth navigate this exclusion by providing a platform where their voices are listened to Putman (2002). Couldry (2008) further argues, thus, “Political institutions are formally required to offer voice (the chance for populations to have a say in decisions that affect them), and embody voice, at some level, if as” representative“ institutions they are to have any democratic legitimacy” (p. 16). Youth radio, therefore, presents formal mechanisms through which youth participation and political voice can be reinvigorated. Sloam and Henn (2019) note that despite a relative lack of enthusiasm by young people in political parties, and politicians, a reason for optimism is that they still engage in “politics” as broadly understood, and radio engagement provides one of these ways through which youth are involved in politics and civic matters. Sloam and Henn (2019) further note that during the Brexit referendum, a “youthquake” defined the vote, with youth participation at a high level. This suggests that perhaps, the problem is not a lack of political engagement but the inherent disconnection between young people and the political system. And this disconnection is a consequence of the absence of “spaces of articulation”—media through which youth can reconnect. Hence, radio can save the crisis of voice that youth face (Couldry, 2008) and, in the process, be an institution that grants youth the legitimacy of political participation (Couldry, 2008). Young people, hence, must mobilise on popular mediums, like radio, to reconnect and make their voices heard in the political arena (Hammond, 1998, cited in Couldry, 2008). Hammond further states more succinctly, “For Democracy to survive and flourish, those who have been silenced need to find their voice. Those who have been marginalised need to seek, create and find a myriad of places for themselves in society” (cited in Couldry, 2008, p. 16). This literature agrees, therefore, that radio can offer youth an opportunity to change the nature of political conversations and reframe youth political participation. Tacchi et al. (2004) refer to this as “radiocracy,” which presents new ways of innovating Democracy and youth participation. However, very little literature is known in African contexts on the role of commercial youth radio in promoting Democracy. In the South African case, for instance, much of the literature is on the radio in general. For example, Chiumbu and Motsaathebe (2021) have argued that radio as a medium can reinvigorate “public life and citizen deliberation” (p.  2).

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Bosch (2011) had discussed earlier that talk radio can enhance citizenship in contexts like South Africa, that are still making efforts to include citizens politically after a brutal period of apartheid. Munoriyarwa (2021) has argued that talk radio is crucial as an agonistic public sphere for citizens during elections. From this literature, it is evident that the role of entertainment radio in political engagement has not been theorised. At best, it has been begrudgingly acknowledged. In this chapter, we seek to close this gap by contributing to the field of entertainment radio and its role in youth engagement.

Conceptualising Youth, Media, and Citizenship The notion of participation lies at the heart of Democracy. Citizenship is also closely linked with participation. People cannot exercise their citizenship when they cannot voice their concerns. While the practice of citizenship takes place through many direct channels, for example, community meetings, protests, social clubs, and so on, in our post-modern world, which is spatially disconnected and where people cannot often meet face to face, the mediated forms become important spaces, providing opportunities for deliberation, argumentation and participation. As Dahlgren and Alvares (2013:51) state, the media are the most significant spaces where civic cultures can flourish, and we should view the media “not merely as technologies, but rather as means through which much of the life of society takes place.” Within the various media and communication environments, citizenship is shaped and maintained. Therefore Karin Wahl-Jorgensen’s (2006) notion of “mediated citizenship” becomes important in understanding the media’s role in contemporary meanings of citizenship. Mediated citizenship is the process where citizens’ concerns, desires, and aspirations are represented and conveyed by and through communication channels. The traditional mass media have long been seen as ley institutions of the public sphere and vital for realising democracy. Digital media technologies have become an important extension of the public sphere and provide platforms for participation in various forms. In mainstream and online media, content is dominated by entertainment, popular culture, consumption, and massive amounts of information that have no apparent bearing on the dynamics of Democracy. These kinds of media have been mainly seen as distractions from the serious duty of the informed citizens. Research has demonstrated, on the contrary, that citizens who employ a variety of popular and alternative media in their

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encounters with politics actually derive meaningful engagement with the political process (see van Zoonen, 2005; Street, 1997; Inthorn, Street & Scott, 2012). In many countries, boundaries between the popular and the mainstream, the formal and the informal, are becoming increasingly blurred, and their citizenship and politics are becoming complex. The public sphere and popular culture should not be seen as separate because “political can manifest itself in the popular, and enhancing the popular character of the political can implications strengthen democracy” (Dahlgren & Alvares, 2013:55). The youth, in particular, may not like to engage with democratic structures in the traditional sense directly, but through popular culture and entertainment, they participate, think about and engage with politics in what can be termed “proto-political”—an exploration of issues of public concern without explicit connections to formal political structures (Street et al., 2013). Van Zoonen (2005) argues that young people’s engagement with pop culture is a gateway to finding their voice and place in participatory politics. There are multiple and creative ways in which youth engage with their realities through popular culture in mainstream, popular, and online communication platforms. Urban youth hip-hoppers, Spoken Word poets and bloggers, for instance, are creating their identities and producing lyrics and counter-discourses in online platforms to discuss politics and issues that concern them. This type of communication is fast becoming the go-to form of expression for many young people who cannot connect with the traditional way of “doing politics.” Through entertainment and popular culture, youth are breaking out of what Stephen Coleman (2010) calls “managed” citizenship, which entails engaging with politicians, voting in elections and getting involved in some form of social action. This form of regulated citizenship ties in with the neo-liberal notion of a good and dutiful citizen. As a result, several programmes are designed to promote the inclusion of youth in political programmes intended to connect them to different government and educational programmes. This managed citizenship has seen politicians taking to social media to connect with the youth, as has been the case in elections across the globe.

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A Note on Methodology In this chapter, our specific unit of analysis is Y, a youth-oriented radio station based in Johannesburg. We are interested in its daily programmes that we will subject to analysis. Because of digitisation, we assumed that the radio station’s programmes would be available in a digital archive, but unfortunately, they were not. We then relied on listening to a few programmes as they took place and also managed to get a few links from the radio station with old programmes. To analyse our data, we utilise conversation analysis. Conversation analysis allows us to explore the “mechanics” of social interactions (Peräkylä, 2007), among youth on the interaction on Y.  Conversation analysis is largely viewed as a descriptive approach (Peräkylä, 2007). Still, it allows us to understand meanings generated through entertainment programmes on this radio station and how they contribute to youth’s political and civic engagement.

The Personal Is the Political: Radio Personal Conversations as Political Engagement Y programmes demonstrate how personal matters discussed during music entertainment shows become comingled with broader societal issues that dominate public conversations. The comingling creates a complex relationship that intersects youth radio entertainment with serious societal questions. We can give an example of the programme “First Dose” with Mncendisi Sindane. On the 12  PM to 5  PM programme on Friday, 5 December 2022, the programme raised critical issues of unemployment amongst the youth, access to higher education, income stability, and a general sense of disillusionment amongst the youth. The issue of youth unemployment has been a serious political issue in post-apartheid South Africa (see Stats SA 2021).2 In the 2021 local government, it was top of the campaign agenda for many political parties seeking to attract the youth vote. On Y radio station, these issues were discussed through a musical and youth talk programme. For example, the “First Dose” programme started with the question, how do you spoil your partner? Do you take them out 2  P0211 – Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS), 1st Quarter 2021, Publication date & time: 01 June 2021 @ 11:30. Retrieved at https://www.statssa.gov.za/?page_ id=1854&PPN=P0211&SCH=72943

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for dinner, buy them clothes, or what? This is a personal question that digs deep into very personal and intimate relationships. Yet, what we see is that it is through these talks on a music programme that youth connect the personal to the political. This question elicited responses in which youth displayed their acute awareness of the political and economic situation in the country and how these are very much linked to their personal conditions. For example, the following responses read on the programme by the presenter demonstrate our argument: Caller 1: Eish man, spoiling your partner? These are hard days. We don’t have the jobs … we don’t have money you know …. Caller 2: In this economy, this is a luxury we cannot afford … it’s a struggle … some have not worked for decades …. Caller 3: Life is hard … we save every penny [sic] … you don’t even know whether you wake up with a job in this pandemic …. Caller 4: Spoiling a partner … with the R350 COVID relief fund? It won’t work …. These comments demonstrate two main issues. First, they show how youth are aware of their present situation, which they logically link to their inability to achieve personal satisfaction—like spoiling partners. Secondly, they demonstrate how youth are increasingly being sensitive to governance issues, contrary to the general view that youth have disengaged from everything political. For instance, in the conversations above, three political issues are manifest: lack of jobs (Caller 1), an unstable economy (Caller 2), and inadequate government reaction to the pandemic (Caller 4). On another programme, called The Shakedown, we notice the same deep, serious, and organic conversations about social, economic, and political issues, but being very much linked to the entertainment programme. For example, the presenter opened a conversation with, “How did you find that your partner was cheating, and what did you do about it?” Like the question of spoiling your partner, this is also a personal issue. But the programme elicited youth comments linked to financial struggles and job losses during the pandemic. Let us look at the comments below that demonstrate our point: Caller 1: I realised after three months … but I didn’t have money … so I knew somebody did have money to make … happy ….

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Caller 2: I needed him, but I could not be a match with the other lady … she had a job … a stable income …. Caller 3: Eish it’s tough bro [sic] … everything needs money … you can realise that everyday … but a relationship needs money … look at this economy …. In this conversation, we notice the same pertinent issues coming up again—jobs and financial stability, amongst others, as we have noticed above. Hence, we point out that youth are still engaged, but those who argue that they are disengaged (see, for example, Media Action, 2015; ID, 2019: Coleman et al., 2004) are looking at the wrong spaces. Youth no longer engage in the procedural democratic spaces as characterised by townhall engagements, rallies, and so on. They have moved to what LaMarre (2013) calls political entertainment. The case of Y radio demonstrates this practice adequately. The content on the radio programmes we provide here primarily focuses on entertaining, but, secondarily, the content ends up being political. Secondly, within these political entertainment practices, we note on Y radio, entertainment expository, rhetorical and narrative structures are used to offer political information, commentary, or critique. The content ranges from historical accounts to contemporary issues and often includes some type of moral imperative, civics lesson, policy preference, or desired outcome. Sometimes the purpose is simply to entertain, while other times, the purpose is to engage, inform, or persuade mass audiences. (LaMarre, 2013 p. 1)

The purpose of Y radio, hence, goes beyond entertaining. It includes political engagement and generating organic conversations about current social issues as discussed below.

Creating Organic Conversations on Youth Entertainment Radio As we have argued above, the station offers youth a space to interact and comment on political, social, and economic developments in the country through thoughtful and deliberate debates, with entertainment radio acting as the medium. We notice that this engagement continued through what one of the presenters called, “the creation of organic conversations

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for youth … that flows.” Organic conversations flow without the awkward silences from one topic to the next (Houston, 2018). Participants let their guards down and become more open and honest (Houston, 2018). More so, organic conversations thrive on participants laying their emotions bare about specific issues affecting them and active listening on the part of the conversation propagator. Y radio station is built around this concept of organic conversations, where it creates a community of youth participants engaged in discourse. One way through which organic conversations were created on the radio station is through debates on what we can refer to as “youth-specific issues” in contemporary South Africa. For example, on two programmes, The A-List and On the Drive with Khutso, the issue of access to higher education was dominant on both programmes of 4 and 5 December 2021. As we argue here, access to tertiary education is a very youth-specific issue. In post-apartheid South Africa, this issue has not only generated but has often led to violent confrontations between law-and-­ order institutions and university students. South African youth have repeatedly asserted that they should be guaranteed free access to education. On the other hand, the state had professed an inability to fund a free higher education system (Danso & McDonald, 2001). This confrontation culminated in one of the biggest student revolts in 2015—The Fees Must Fall. Y radio station entertainment talk shows perpetuate an organic dialogue about this very emotive issue, which touches at the heart of (in) inequalities in post-apartheid South Africa. Youth can vent and express their fears about higher education. Let us use the example of the conversation below on the A-List of 5 December 2021. Caller 1: Going to university next year is giving me sleepless nights …. Caller 2: And NSFAS takes forever to reply to us … we don’t even know if we will be in university. Caller 3: Parents out there cannot afford …, and there is very little funding from the state, you see …. Caller 4: It is hard to even wish for a degree in this country …. It is instructive to note that these comments came in as phone-in conversations or were read out as Twitter posts on the music radio show. A notable trend in the conversation above is that it embodies both the hopes and the frustration of South Africa’s youth on an emotive subject of higher education. But broadly, we see widespread frustration with the current status quo and deep frustration with obstacles to personal success. The fact

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that these obstacles are directly linked to the current political, social, and economic status quo indicates that youth are very much alive to their conditions and are willing to talk about their present conditions and express their cynicism. Thus, Y radio does not only provide space for engagement but fosters active engagement. Youth entertainment programmes, as we note, provide critical political moments where social and political content can be effectively combined with popular music entertainment. As Couldry (2008) notes, radio provides platforms for youth where their views about nationally relevant discussions can be heard. However, for Y radio, we notice unique forms of engagement and participation. We mean unique in that the forms of discoursal engagement and participation are different from what traditional forms of participation like votes and physical rallies would foster. For instance, in the classical sense, political rallies are highly partisan—organised by a political party to draw support and, sometimes, disparage the opposition. On Y radio, political engagements by youth are largely impartial and dynamic conversations. They are not masculine-dominated encounters as African post-colonial politics have become known (see Bjarnegård, 2013). It is essential to point out here that even the structure of the radio station allows for this impartiality. Khutso, Nia Brown, Mathaux, and Mncendisi are a mixture of male and female presenters. They allow for conversations that do not target particular political individuals but institutions. The following conversation about access to university education illustrates our point: Caller 1: For starters, I need R72 000 for my first year at university next year Caller 2: But why are universities this expensive Caller 3: By now, we thought university fees would be history … higher education should not be treated as a luxury …. Caller 4: No one is prioritising our education … we have debts … we are all alone. This is an exercise of citizenship by the youth through the radio programme’s “deliberative argumentation” (Dahlgren & Alvares, 2013). What has happened, particularly in the South African context, which we explore here, is that youth voices have shifted from spaces where they don’t have a voice- dominated mainly by the elite to a radio space fashioned and specifically tailored for their entertainment. Y radio demonstrates our broad argument that youth are engaged politically and socially,

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albeit in spaces where such engagements are least expected. This confirms Sloam and Henn’s (2019) argument that while on the traditional platforms, youth seem disengaged and lack interest in politicians and their political parties, this is not the truest story. The reality is that youth still participate in politics, as the practice is broadly understood, and youth entertainment radio is beginning to be a popular platform through which youth are involved in politics and civic matters. The radio station also discusses different social issues embedded in purely entertainment programmes. For instance, the morning radio show Y Mornings with DJ Ankeletap and Candis Coulsen, aka Kandis Kardashian, often filled with humour, lightness, and positivity, also tackles social issues interlaced with music and light banter. An example is a programme aired on 30 March 2021, and DJ Ankletap said that prisoners should be allowed conjugal visits, and he provided research and background information to back this point. He then asked the listeners to join the conversation. Voice Note 1: Conjugal rights should be allowed provided that people are married. Caller 1: For me personally, I don’t believe that conjugal rights should be allowed in prisons … we are in a critical time right now, and it is not proper to give offenders the right to have sex. Presenter: We should be careful not to paint prisoners with the same brush. They are people who are in prison and are trying to rehabilitate themselves. Conjugal visits can help in this process. The conversation turned to the state of prisons in South Africa, occurring between banter and music. The presenters of youth radio, knowingly or unknowimgly,  use creative ways to engage youth on essential socio-economic matters in society. The exampeles discussed above show that the element of fun in commercial radio does not necessarily obstruct serious conversations. Fun and entertainment do not form barriers to the youth’s ability to engage in political discussions.

Conclusion This chapter has addressed the issue of youth participation in political and social issues through a youth commercial and entertainment radio station. Although there is empirical evidence in the literature that shows young adults being the least likely to take part in formal political practices, such as voting in national elections and generally low levels of political interest,

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this chapter supports the thesis that there are new modes of participation that are increasingly common among young people. One of these modes is entertainment to discuss political and socio-economic issues. The chapter has shown how radio mundane conversations and entertainment lead to political engagement. This process happens organically in between music and entertainment. Youth commercial radio, therefore, has the potential to act as a space for mediated citizenship. Popular culture can get the youth talking, and as Inthorn et al. (2012) argue, it is through popular culture that young people can explore their communities’ moral and cultural values. It can be argued that youth radio, despite its commercial status, can act as a “radical alternative media” (see Downing, 2001) because it provides the youth with a platform to practise citizenship and take part in political talk away from the institutionalised spaces. The limitations of this chapter are that the analysis was based on a few programmes and there is need to conduct an extensive analysis of the radio programmes over time and in-depth interviews with radio listeners and analysis of their interactions via the radio station.

References Bjarnegård, E. (2013). Gender, informal institutions and political recruitment: Explaining male dominance in parliamentary representation. Palgrave Macmillan. Bosch, T. (2011). Talk radio, democracy and the public sphere. In L.  Gunner, D. Ligaga, & D. Moyo (Eds.), Radio in Africa: Publics, cultures, communities. Wits University Press. Buckingham, D. (2000). The making of citizens: Young people, news and politics. Routledge. Chiumbu, S., & Motsaathebe, G. (Eds.). (2021). Radio, public life and citizen deliberation in South Africa. Routledge. Coleman, S. (2010). Making citizens online: From virtual boyscouts to activist networks. In T. Olsson & P. Dahlgren (Eds.), Young people, ICTs and democracy: Theories, policies, identities, and website. Nordicom. Coleman, J., Catan, L., & Dennison, C. (2004). You’re the last person I’d talk to. In J. Roche, S. Tucker, R. Thomson, & R. Flynn (Eds.), Youth in society (2nd ed.). Sage. Couldry, N. (2008). Media and the making of voice. In N. Carpentier & B. De Cleen (Eds.), Participation and media production: Critical reflections on content creation. Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

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Dahlgren, P., & Alvares, C. (2013). Political participation in an age of mediatisation. Javnost—The Public, 20(2), 47–65. Danso, R., & McDonald, D. A. (2001). Writing xenophobia: Immigration and the print media in post-apartheid South Africa. Africa Today, 48, 114–137. Downing, J. D. H. (2001). Radical media: Rebellious communication and social movements. Sage. Hammond. L. (1998). Education for democracy. A light in dark times: Maxine Greene and the unfinished conversation. London: Routledge. Houston, P. (2018). Let’s chat. It’s time for organic conversations. GreenBook Blog. Accessed March 27, 2022, from https://www.greenbook.org/mr/ market-­research-­trends/lets-­chat-­its-­time-­for-­organic-­conversations/ Huesca, R. (2009). Youth-produced radio and its impacts: from personal empowerment. In Carpentier, Nico, and Benjamin De Cleen, eds. Participation and media production: Critical reflections on content creation, pp.  (97–118). Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Institute of Democracy. (2019). Does less engaged mean less empowered? Political participation lags among African youth, especially women. Accessible at: https://www.afrobarometer.org/articles/youth-­day-­does-­lessengaged-­mean-­less-­ empowered-political-­engagement-­lags-­among-­africas-­youth/ Inthorn, S., Street, J., & Scott, M. (2012). Popular culture as a resource for political engagement. Cultural Sociology, 7(3), 336–351. Inthorn, S., Street, J., & Scott, M. (2013). Popular culture as a resource for political engagement. Cultural Sociology, 7(3), 336–351. LaMarre, H. (2013). When parody and reality collide: Examining the effects of Colbert’s super PAC satire on issue knowledge and policy engagement across media formats. International Journal of Communication, 7(20), 394–413. Lekalake, R., & Gyimah-Boadi, E. (2016). Does less engaged mean less empowered? Political participation lags among African youth, especially women. Afrobarometer policy paper no. 34. MINDS. (2016). Youth participation in elections in Africa: An eight-country study. http://www.minds-­africa.org/Downloads/MINDS%202016%20Youth%20 Program%20Research%20Publication.pdf Munoriyarwa, A. (2021). A Habermasian critique of the democratic functions of the open-line programme on Radio 702. In S. Chiumbu & G. Motsaathebe (Eds.), Radio, public life and citizen deliberation in South Africa. Routledge. Peräkylä, A. (2007). Conversation analysis. In G. Ritzer (Ed.), The Blackwell encyclopedia of sociology (pp. 1–4). Blackwell Publishers. Putman, R. (2002). Democracies in influx. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Sloam, J., & Henn, M. (2019). Youthquake 2017: The rise of young cosmopolitans in Britain. Palgrave Macmillan.

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Smurthwaite, M., & Ncube, L. (2021). Networked audiences and the politics of participation in commercial music radio in South Africa. In S.  Chiumbu & G.  Motsaathebe (Eds.), Radio, public life and citizen deliberation in South Africa. Routledge. Street, J. (1997). Politics and popular culture. Temple University Press. Street, J., Inthorn, S., & Scott, M. (2013). Playing at politics? Popular culture as political engagement. Parliamentary Affairs, 65(2), 338–358. Tacchi, J., Lewis, D., & Hartley, J. (2004). Youth internet radio network: Can we innovate democracy? In P. Chen, W. Roberts, M. Crozier, & J. Barraket (Eds.), The Australian electronic governance conference 2004 (pp. 1–20). University of Melbourne. Van Zoonen, L. (2005). Entertaining the citizen: When politics and popular culture converge. Rowman and Littlefield. Wahl-Jorgensen, K. (2006). Mediated citizenship(s): An introduction. Social Semiotics, 16(2), 197–203.

CHAPTER 7

Radio as Self-expression and the Limits of Public Debate Thabo Godfrey Mokgosi

Introduction The current public broadcast system is undergoing a great change in several aspects that shape its structure and functioning, such as a renewed relationship between the media and their audiences by incorporating digital media technologies to enhance audience participation. In post-­ apartheid South Africa, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) had to redefine the way broadcasters interact with the public by incorporating digital media technologies, which are prevalent in the commercial radio market, to increase the opportunities for audience engagement (García-Avilés, 2012: 429–430). Processes of change in the public broadcasting industry are evident in all stages—from content production to product assembly to distribution, characterised by a much greater emphasis on multi-platform engagement with young people (Ytreberg,

T. G. Mokgosi (*) Department of Communication Science, University of Zululand, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_7

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2009). These developments affect public service radio forms and how young subaltern people consume and enjoy radio content. The subaltern youth is defined broadly by historical agency, social belonging, and self-­ construction (Pandey, 2006: 735). Thus, previously marginalised subaltern youth living in the rural provinces of the South Africa who are perceived as increasingly disengaged and disconnected from participating in democratic political engagement may meet like-minded others through mediated political participation (Kitanova, 2020: 819–836). Historically, despite being the most widespread, accessible, and popular form of public communication, public radio broadcaster has conventionally been ambivalent towards including the public as participants in programming contexts. This view is expressed by Syvertsen (2004: 372), who argues that “public broadcasters were hardly interested in participation formats because they regarded them as too populist, commercial and of low quality.” The public broadcaster now purposefully invites formerly marginalised groups to publicly express their wishes, desires and opinions in news and current affairs programmes. Given South Africa’s youth-­ dominated demographic profile, young people are driving the production and consumption of public radio. Thus, digital media technologies on radio have increased the visibility of youth participation in public radio debates and discussions. Youth participation entails having their voice heard in a matter of public concern. There is an emerging development in radio broadcasting whereby audience contribution to news and current affairs programmes debates and discussion is increasing through the convergence of digital media technologies. Convergence in this context means the combination of two or more different new media technologies that radio broadcasting stations employ to allow audience participation in their news and current affairs programmes like Facebook messages and WhatsApp audio voice notes and messages. In the case of Motsweding FM news and current affairs Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele, citizens, including the youth, are given a voice in the co-production of current affairs content using digital media technology like Facebook messages and WhatsApp audio voice notes and messages which allows citizens, including the youth to express their views on the matter of common concern under discussion which are then read and aired on air. The respective programmes’ debate and discussion segments often begin by providing the background and introduction to the topic and the guest/expert and then followed by the presenter-guest/expect to interview, which lasts approximately ten to fifty minutes before the audience is given a platform to contribute to the discussion. The programmes

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are aired for one hour, that is, Boresetse 06:00–07: 00 am and Tsele Le Tsele 06:00–07: 00  pm Monday to Friday. This hour per programme is preceded by the news bulletin presentation, which usually lasts three to five minutes. It is further segmented into news highlights ranging from sociocultural, economic, and political events of the day to national and international. This lasts for twenty to twenty-five minutes, including commercial adverts, given that Motsweding FM, like the SABC, is predominantly funded through commercial means. The programmes highlight and discuss the main issues taking place from more conventionally “bounded politics” (that which characteristically concern the official institutions and state departments) and “infinite politics” (referring to the politicisation of other domains of life—as with sex and gender) (Blumler & Gurevitch, 2000: 164). Likewise, Plummer (2003) holds the view that “politics is personal” and therefore that such things as sexuality and gender are inherently political. Therefore, suggesting that “everything can be political” (Jackson, Scullion & Molesworth, 2013: 207). Activities in this new political sphere are prone to be marked by a less instrumental but a more symbolic or expressive character. As Graham & Harju (2011: 22) argue political discussion emerges only when “participant makes a connection from a particular experience, interest, issue or topic in general to society, which stimulate reflection and response”. Talk is a mode of self-expression, a way to present and disclose oneself to others, and a way to express a political self-identity (Ekström, 2015: 3). Talk is thus an effective form of young people’s civic engagement and democratic activity. In this view, Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele news and current affairs discursive space are “distinctive in its promise of participation and apparent challenging of traditional hierarchies. It involves real people talking about real-life experiences, giving them a claim to authenticity that assists in the programmes’ championing the ordinary citizens” (Wood, 2014: 66). The focus on these two news and current affairs programmes is thus on the ‘genre’ that exclusively talks and adopts a critical tone in discussing important socio-economic and political issues of the day, as opposed to other formats where talk exists peripherally or is even interrupted by entertainment such music (Bosch, 2011: 197). In this way, mediated democratic political participation, such as making comments and expressing opinions, can be accommodated in the concept of political participation as long as they are directed at expressing a political motive (Hosch-Dayican, 2014: 338–339). Arguably, expressive acts are just as meaningful as purely instrumental acts of participation (Hooghe, 2014: 339). In the context of the use of digital media technologies, the

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central question is: how far do Motsweding FM news and current affairs programmes, Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele provide mediated public sphere in which young people democratically debate issues of common concern? To what extent do the programmes use digital media technologies to promote youth participation? Youth participation through digital media technology in politics has always been an indispensable characteristic of democracy. Young people’s participation in the democratic debate is crucial as it encourages those with strong views to open themselves up to the possibility of change. Through mediated public dialogue and debate facilitated by Motsweding FM, young people are likely to open themselves up to the possibility of opinion change on various issues while being exposed to information and arguments that may differ dramatically from what they ordinarily encounter. Assuming that participation occurs under these conditions, young citizens can form thoughtful opinions and discard their inaccurate factual perceptions and rigidly held political views (Barabas, 2004: 668–699).

Theoretical Framework In The Public Sphere: An Encyclopaedia Article by Jurgen Habermas (1964), the public sphere is defined as a “realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. Access is guaranteed to all citizens. A portion of the public sphere comes into every conversation in which private individuals assemble to form a public body” (Habermas, 1964: 49). This realm of social life is supposedly distinct from the economy and the state. It serves as a platform for critical-rational dialogue and universalistic politics designed to mediate and counterbalance state and corporate power (Garnham, 1990: 107). The notion of “the public sphere” in Habermas’s sense is a conceptual resource that can help evaluate the deliberative quality of mediated public sphere processes and practices arising from the convergence between public service radio broadcasting with contemporary digital media technologies and the extent to which such convergence enhances youth participation in political affairs. With its participatory and democratic potential, the public sphere has not survived criticism. One trenchant critique of the Habermasian public sphere conception is that it fails to account for exclusion and associated politics fully. The emphasis on the critical-rational debate as the basis for democratic participation in the public sphere is seen as exclusionary, despite its democratic aims. Further, the deliberative public sphere criteria, which are supposed to define democratically legitimate communication

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and differentiate between reasoned argumentation and coercion, support domination and exclusion (Dahlberg, 2013: 21–41). Critics also argue that the voices that can speak in the public sphere replicate existing social and economic hierarchies (Jacobs et al., 2009; Schlozman et al., 2012). Thus, the Habermasian public sphere conception does not adequately account for exclusion in communicative practice and exclusion resulting from both exclusions in everyday communicative practice and exclusion directly associated with the conception’s formulation. As a result, what comes to be defined as “legitimate” participation leads to some voices being illegitimately valorised over others, with the illegitimate marginalisation or exclusion of these other voices (Dahlberg, 2013: 21–41). Despite the criticism, the idea of a public sphere theory is ideologically connected to the principle of public service broadcasting (Keane, 1995: 3). The theory is helpful for the critical evaluation of how public radio broadcasting as a public sphere uses digital media technologies to encourage democratic participation and how young people are part of these developments. The theory is adopted to demonstrate the degree to which Motsweding FMs’ two news and current affairs programmes devote space and time to which youth participate in public affairs. The function of the format and the role that the programmes play in the “political and social structure” can best be viewed through the concept of the digital public sphere (Crider, 2012:226). This is due to the ability to converge digital media technologies like Facebook messages and WhatsApp audio voice notes and messages in the production, distribution, and consumption of radio content.

Methodological Consideration The chapter adopted content analysis to collect and analyse data. Content analysis is a set of qualitative and quantitative methods for collecting and analysing data from verbal, print, or electronic communication. Content analysis is used to develop objective inferences about a subject of interest in any type of communication. Content components in this content are phrases (Kondracki et  al., 2002). The researcher used the face-to-face interview to gather data from Motsweding FM Senior Current Affairs Producer and Presenters. The researcher used the voice recorder to conduct face-to-face interviews. In addition to the interview, quantitatively, the archival records of Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele news and current affairs programmes were obtained from Motsweding FM archives. The researcher selected twenty-four (24) episodes aired between July 2018 and September

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2018, twelve (12) from each programme that focuses on the presenter, the guest/expert, and the audience as the active participants in the process of public debate during the shows. The archives were provided in digital audio content. The recorded episodes were also used to gain insight into the actual citizens’/audience/youth participation in the programmes, between the presenters and the quest/expert, as well as the presenters and the callers. The recorded data was later transcribed. In addition to the interview, the researcher listened to the contents of the selected current affairs programmes synopsis, which were then transcribed and translated from Setswana to English. The data is limited because one producer and presenter declined the interviews.

Youth Participation in Boresetse and Tsele le Tsele News and Current Affairs It’s important to note that audience participation through digital media technologies is invitational and remains subject to the ideological and structural limitations that characterise radio today. In other words, the structural design of participatory spaces has a “significant impact on who participates and on which terms” (Barnes et al., 2004). In other words, the structures “provide the medium out of which agency operates” (Mosco, 1997:213). In the most fundamental sense, structure refers to ‘rules and resources’ (Giddens, 1984:17). The structure thus provides the agency with the guideline for selecting newsworthy events. Mosco explains that “social action takes place within constraints and the opportunity provided by the structure within which action happens” (Mosco, 2009: 16). In other words, the structure routinely and systematically provides the production team with tools to determine what news is and what is not and who to participate and exclude from participation. Both Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele news and current affairs production teams hold a meeting to decide on the sequence of the news items to be presented and which item is the most important news story of the day. This means that news-making is a consensual process. The production consensus is formed within a context of shared structural values-conventions about news and the conception of the newsman’s role (Reese, 1990: 393). Before opening the lines, allowing voice notes, and reading comments, the two programmes have adopted the strategy that goes like this:

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Maikutlo le ditshwaelo tse ditlhagisiwang fa ga se tsa S.A.B.C kana Motsweding FM, ditshwaelo le maikutlo aa tlhagsiwa ke moreetse, ke a moreetsi ka nosi, mme S.A.B.C kana Motsweding FM re ka serwale maikarabelo ka maikutlo aa tlhagisiwang ke moreetsi. (Setswana version)

The English-translated version goes on like this: The views and the comments expressed in this programme are not for S.A.B.C or Motsweding FM, the views and the comments expressed by the listener, are the listeners’ views.

Therefore, SABC or Motsweding FM cannot take responsibility for the comments expressed by the listener. Thus, Tuchman (1972) notes that these “routine practices represent a strategic ritual that helps protect against the risks of the trade such as libel suits and reprimands from superiors.” The presenters then remind the callers of the contact number 0898602233 and their Facebook accounts to follow Dikgang@SABC and Dikgang@MotswedingFM.  The researcher explored the producer and presenter’s view on the programme’s structure in its contribution to young people’s democratic participation. The opinions of both producer and presenter suggest that the station set the agenda for socio-economic and political issues for public debate and discussion: Boitumelo Korogo, Producer: “It’s always us setting the agenda by bringing people or gives them topic to discuss and debate.” Refiloe Seboko, Presenter: “[C]itizens are allowed space to make their comments as long as they stick to what the topic of the day is.” Consequently, democratic participation on Motsweding FM news and current affairs discussions tends to be framed along an axis of freedom versus constraint (Ytreberg, 2004:677–688). Thus, setting the agenda limits the station’s democratic function as an open-line radio forum and citizens (youth) agency to formulate their thoughts on what might be politically significant at a given time. The presenters on Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele news and current affairs read at least eight to ten Facebook comments and questions regarding mediated politics conveyed by the listeners and summarise them for the quest/expert to respond. The following are some of the Facebook comments and questions read by both presenters during their programmes covering socio-economic and political issues discussed:

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Olebogeng Kgoroba (Listener): “Ruri Kgang ya lefatshe e nkama maikutlo. Ke ne ke solofetse fa lefatshe le tla tsewa mo dia atleng tsa basweu le go busetswa bantsho ka le thopilwe mo go bona. Jaanong fa e le gore section 25 e tobane le go amogwa bantsho lefatshe ka maikaelelo … seo ga se tarabollo eo ke neng ke e solofetse.” (Setswana excerpt, 5 July 2018) Olebogeng Kgoroba (Listener): “The land issue really an emotive issue to me. I thought the land would be taken from the hand of white and be put under the control of blacks, having been forcefully taken from them. Now, if section 25 also expropriates land from blacks with the intentions … that is not the solution I was expecting.” (English-translated excerpt, 5 July 2018) Thapelo Matati (Listener): “Potso ya ka ke gore a gago hiriwe go ya ka ditokomane tsa tiro eo o tla e berekang?” Tsele Le Tsele aired on the 19th of September 2018. (Setswana excerpt) Thapelo Matati (Listener): “My question is, aren’t you employed according to the qualification of the work done?” Tsele Le Tsele aired on the 19th of September 2018. (English-translated excerpt) Lebethe Phukumus (Listener): “Nna ga ke dumalane le Rre Ben Bole ka tshweetso ya go tsaya bomeiyara ba pele go ba dira administrator,” Tsele Le Tsele aired on the 19th of September 2018. (Setswana excerpt) Lebethe Phukumusi (Listener): “I disagree with Mr Ben Bole’s decision of taking former majors as administrators,” Tsele Le Tsele aired on the 19th of September 2018. (English-translated excerpt). Indisputably, the most potent tool for alternative means of youth participation is a text messaging through mobile phones. The public broadcaster in South Africa has learnt to appropriate the SMS as a tool for interacting directly with participants. By contrast, how the youth is also allowed to participate in debate and discussion is heavily shaped by both commercial and political interests. Generally, public radio broadcasting is deeply rooted in the fundamental economic processes of corporate capitalism and, in pursuit of profit maximisation, must produce news programmes that appeal to the audience (Kellner, 1981: 31–62). The market-driven citizen democratic participation in a commercialised public radio broadcasting consequently loses its independent critical edge and becomes more sensationalised and trivialised critical-rational debate (Benson, 2009: 177). Radio broadcast news and current affairs structure are deeply embedded in the capitalist mode of production and the power structure. It is a complex commercial production and distribution, governed by the profit motive and so-called market competition (Kellner, 1981:31–62).

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Subsequently, the public sphere’s potential to support rational-critical discussion and debate, with maximum inclusion of voices, is continually thwarted by system colonisation, particularly the “intrusion of the functional imperatives of the market economy in the ‘internal logic’ of the production and presentation of messages” (Habermas, 2006: 422). Arguably, youth participation could be regarded as an aspect of the public service function provided by broadcasters (Jakubowicz, 2008). While disenchantment and disengagement of youth in a democracy are primarily evident in mediated politics, substantial evidence exists that young people have political views and participate in alternative political debates (Murray, 2007: 327). Consequently, digital media technologies drive and provide new avenues for young people’s participatory engagement with socio-economic and political issues. The critical issue in mediated political participation is the inequalities regarding the use of digital media technologies in public access broadcasting and democratic participation among subaltern youth. That is to say, it is about the living of marginalised youth and their collective lives, and the limitations on that living: about the potential for life and creativity, in given historical circumstances, and the restriction of that potential of becoming a full member of the imagined community (Pandey, 2006: 735). The market competition, in practice, tends to reproduce social inequality economically, politically, and ideologically (McChesney, 1997: 1–29). This view is widely shared by scholars from the critical political economy perspective who stand opposed to the market-driven mediated debate and discussion (e.g. Curran, 2002; Golding & Murdoch, 2001; McChesney, 2000). Thus, tools for participation, rather than empowering the youth, are part of “new power plays underpinned by commercial logics” (Beer, 2009: 999). To that end, the digital media technologies on public radio must not be seen as tantamount to participation that is transformative and empowering to audiences. Like political participation in the real world, digital mediated political participation implies inequality. This inequality is structured around social factors such as gender, age, income, education, and social and professional category. The social factors that determine stratified political participation also promote a stratified use of the new media technologies. All-pervading inequalities of power also reinforce this stratification. Therefore, digital media technologies might not fulfil the democratisation and the massification of participation as the universal public sphere has been glorified and previously promised (Simões et al., 2011). The questions about the emancipatory power of these

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technologies, especially young people, are often overstated because the question of power relations between actors or interests is often ignored (Moyo, 2012). Moreover, mediated digital participation can also be complex due to its political and economic determinants. It deploys its discursive power to enable and constrain participation (Carpentier, 2011: 147). In other words, young people use their discursive capacity in a situation provided by the structure that sets the engagement rules, which are again defined by the radio station that invites such participation. As Moyo (2012) argues, “digital media technologies on the radio are subject to organisational, institutional, and social shaping.” It is commonly acknowledged that participation in the broadcast media includes a set of mutual rights and obligations that regulate the interaction between media professionals and non-professional participants. Therefore, mediated youth participation undertaking rational discourse does not simply assume inclusion, as Lincoln Dahlberg (2004) argues: Even when inclusion is formalised, informal restrictions may hinder youth participation, restrictions that result from social and cultural inequalities. Inclusion may be limited by inequalities within discourse, where some dominate discourse and others struggle to get their voices heard. It may also be limited by inequalities outside of discourse, such as when a certain level of material wealth or education is required to participate in proceedings. This in turn presupposes that social inequalities of all types (based on money, skills, status, etc.) do not impact participation. Because discourse cannot be insulated from socio-economic disparities, substantive social equality is also ideally presupposed. (Dahlberg, 2004: 9)

Thus, participation in mediated politics, like other forms of civic engagement, appears to be linked to the possession of what Putnam has called “social capital,” and those who respond to the two programmes tend to be male, middle class and middle-aged. Efforts to broaden the reach of access programming are constrained by the fact that readiness to participate is not distributed evenly among the youth (McNair et  al., 2002:410). Gutmann and Thompson (2004: 9) suggest that ‘inclusion’ is the primary condition of the extent to which participation is democratic. The principle of inclusivity in public sphere theory embraces the multiplicity and diversity of citizen voices (Smith & Wales, 2000: 53). Nonetheless, in the mediated public sphere, digital media technologies can be seen as “agents of inclusion and exclusion” (Moyo, 2009: 555) to the extent to which youth participation is concerned.

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Discussion and Findings The study of Boresetse and Tsele Le Tsele news and current affairs reveal that the programmes’ discussion segments constitute a necessary but insufficient condition for maximising youth democratic political participation through digital media technologies. The structure of the two programmes impedes consistent and meaningful use of digital media technologies due to time constraints. Democratic participation ideals state that “citizens” empowerment is more real when non-participants have ample room to state their case than when format constraints are tight (Ytreberg, 2004: 678–682). Consequently, mediated democratic participation is deeply rooted in inequitable power relationships between producers and participants. These inequalities, in turn, reinforce deep-rooted social and economic inequalities. Access to the means of public communication in an advanced industrial-technological order is, therefore, necessary to ensure the adequate presentation of various viewpoints and debates (Kellner, 1981:39). While the digital turn on radio broadcasting can be seen to increase youth participation, it often lacks engagement with participants’ views and perspectives. Thus, the programmes’ failure to provide this marginalised youth with the opportunity to engage in mediated political discussion deprives them of the opportunity to “develop and express their views, learn the positions of others, identify shared concerns and preferences, and come to understand and reach judgments about matters of public concern” (Delli Carpini et al., 2004: 319). This deficit presents a crisis for democracy as it undermines its agency. Young people in the periphery are disengaged and might be apathetic and/or alienated from the traditional forms of politics processed through the official state institutions and departments (Kitanova, 2020: 819–836). Despite serious political and economic challenges and criticism, the public broadcaster remains the most important democratic institution in which public debate involving previously marginalised youth can be excised by voicing their concerns, especially in their indigenous languages, which are often taken for granted by commercial media. If they do not position themselves as an essential part of young people’s culture, which is interspersed by digital media technologies, public broadcasters (as such) may lose the younger population. The public broadcaster thus remains an important space for audience participation and the construction of public opinion. Rather than competing for programming that attracts numbers for audiences, more effort could be made to involve youth in news stories

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affecting them. For a democratic society to be participatory, all must be included. The radio station, in particular, must ensure that young people meaningfully participate in the democratic life to be genuinely inclusive.

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CHAPTER 8

Youth Audiences and Social Media Integration in Community Radio Stations in South Africa: A Case Study of Zibonele FM and Bush Radio Trust Matsilele, Blessing Makwambeni, Sisanda Nkoala, and Gqibile John Bulani Introduction and Background Radio remains the primary mass media platform in South Africa. However, communication technologies, such as satellite, Internet platforms, and mobile telephones, are growing at an impressive pace, reconfiguring the ways traditional media interacts with its audiences. Since the turn of the

T. Matsilele (*) • B. Makwambeni • S. Nkoala Department of Media Studies, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] G. J. Bulani Department of Media Studies, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_8

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millennium, there have been observable radical changes to news production processes due to the emergence and widespread use of a range of new digital media technologies (David et al., 2019; Belair-Gagnon & Holton, 2018). These changes have affected how journalists gather, produce, and disseminate news content and engage and interact with audiences, particularly the youth (Moyo et al., 2019; Makwambeni & Adebayo, 2021). In addition, digital media applications have significantly reconfigured power relations between journalists and youth audiences, with the latter increasingly taking centre stage in news production processes and practices (Allan, 2013). Instead of displacing radio, however, these technologies seem to have enhanced its relevance as usage of the medium remains high despite competition from digital music and Internet radio. A 2020 report by the University of the Witwatersrand called The State of Newsroom Report (Finlay, 2020, p. 15) observed a growth trajectory in radio listenership in the period 2019–2020, stating: on an average weekday in 2019, 29.4-million people listened to a South African radio station, up from the average of about 28 million over the preceding three years. Radio continues to be a powerful medium for news, with 81% of surveyed listeners saying they listen to the radio for news content.

A survey conducted by MediaMark, a specialist media sales and solutions company, concluded that radio remained one of the strongest mediums during the global coronavirus pandemic. The survey from April to May 2020 at Jacaranda FM, East Coast Radio, Kaya FM, Gagasi FM and Heart FM confirmed radio remained one of the strongest mediums amid the global pandemic (Finlay, 2020). More listeners remained actively engaged through phone calls and WhatsApp messages with web traffic and streaming by between 25 and 35 per cent. This convergence is aptly described by Gilberds and Myers (2012:76), who intimate that “these new technologies, far from replacing the radio in developing regions, are presenting new opportunities for broadcasters and listeners, and are offering a renewed promise to fulfil the vision of radio as a truly two-way medium”. Despite this omnipresence of the radio in public life, what remains troubling is the issue of ensuring a more participatory and engaged citizenry in an environment that remains discriminatory mainly due to diction, language, and economic realities (Nkoala & Matsilele, 2021).

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Using the concepts of participatory journalism and metamorphosis, this chapter examines how the appropriation of digital media technologies in micro spaces of community radio stations is reshaping the production of programs aimed at South African youths. Focusing on two community radio stations in South Africa: Zibonele FM and Bush Radio, the chapter engages with four critical questions: (1) Which social media applications are used by community radio stations in news production of youth-­ orientated programmes? (2) How are these social media applications reconfiguring news production in the community media space? (3) How has the appropriation of new digital applications re-shaped the relationship between news producers, media institutions, and youth audiences?

A Brief Review of the Literature Fraser and Estrada (2001:4) observe that community radio is a format of radio broadcasting “characterised by its ownership and programming and the community it is authorised to serve”. More so than its commercial and public service counterparts, this form of radio is best placed to allow communities to “tell their own diverse stories, to share experiences, and in a media-rich world to become active creators and contributors of media” because it relies on the community for resources and the community as a resource (Al-hassan et al., 2011: 1). The focus on the community drives the production practices and audience engagement to focus on the local concerns, intending to enrich the livelihood of the local people through the content that the people create and for the people of the community (Khan et al., 2017). Community radio is said to have emerged worldwide as a part of the resistance against the authorities by giving voice to the voiceless and, at the same time, multiplying the representatives of the alternative media. These voiceless, historically, have often been labelled the subalterns and either denied the opportunity to speak for themselves or were spoken for by uninvited intermediaries in the form of elites (Matsilele, 2019). In the South African context, the establishment of the community radio sector coincided with the end of apartheid and created a more decentralised and democratised media landscape where government and corporate influence could be kept at arm’s length (Fraser & Estrada, 2001; Bosch, 2006; Adebayo et  al., 2022). According to the Broadcasting Research Council of South Africa, as Finlay (2020),  observes in 2020, there were 266 community radio stations in South Africa. Finlay (2020:15)

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notes that even though some sections of the South African media have seen a severe downturn recently, radio audiences are growing, with an average of 29.4 million people listening to South African radio stations in 2019 (Bulani, 2021). This growth is most notable in community radio stations, such as Eden Fm in the Western Cape, which increased its listenership four-fold in the last four years (Finlay, 2020). The notion of community, central to the conceptualisation of community radio, refers to three categories. First, there are geographic community radio stations that serve a community that shares a geographical location. Second, there are campus community radio stations based on tertiary institution campuses aimed at the university community. Finally, there are interest-based community radio stations, where the targeted audience is listeners who share an interest, such as a religion, culture or ethnic identity (Olorunnisola, 2002). Bush radio and Radio Zibonele fall into the first category because they are licenced to broadcast in specific geographic areas in Cape Town: the Cape Town Central Business District for Bush Radio and the greater Khayelitsha area for Zibonele. As of April 2020, the respective listenership figures for Bush Radio and Radio Zibonele were 88,000 and 153,000 (The Broadcasting Research Council of South Africa, 2020). One of the reasons cited by scholars on the relevance of community radio, such as Bush Radio and Radio Zibonele, is that these stations are best placed to encourage listener participation because of their affordability and technological accessibility (Gustafsson, 2013; Olorunnisola, 2002). Scholars such as Fombad and Jiyane (2019), Gustafsson (2013), and Olorunnisola (2002) regard community radio as one of the key platforms that can fulfil the role of empowerment and the improvement of livelihoods for marginalised people in communities. Fombad and Jiyane (2019), for instance, argue that community radio’s dialogical and participatory nature makes these the ideal platforms for marginalised groups, including women and youth, to express themselves and get information to be empowered. Gustafsson’s (2013: 266) work finds that these stations can empower disillusioned young people by “producing images of its immediate surroundings that the youth can relate to, and by providing the youth with positive role models”. The scholarship argues that community radio serves as a preferred medium to provide marginalised young people with a platform to raise issues of importance to them and their communities. The content produced by these emerging broadcasters eliminates

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traditional stereotypes about youths and their challenges—by framing their own stories without an adult point-of-view. Freeman et al. (2012) have argued that radio stations are leading media convergence phenomena, due to the radio user’s tendency to search for what they want to consume. It is also permitting its user to listen to any of the channels or stations no matter where they are as long as they are connected to the internet. But this growth has come with the challenge of sustainability, which the South African–based National Association of Broadcasters has attributed to the  rapid technology convergence with increasing and improved access to the internet, resulting in ad spend and audiences moving away from traditional community broadcasting. One of the traditional radio features that have seen transformation due to convergence is the issue of reach. As Tan et al. (2019:492) rightly observe, “the traditional radio has an antenna that usually covers a particular area. Main stations are set up in areas outside of the coverage with smaller rebroadcast stations. On the other hand, small local stations are confined around the transmitter to a limited area, for instance, Studio FM105.4. Digital radio has been transformed from the traditional radio to the new level with increasing internet usage where individuals tend to spend much time being online on the internet.” For the youths, as Ngomani (2016:127) argues, convergence, which Jenkins (2006) views as a circulation of content in various media spaces, has expanded and opened up the constantly evolving world of radio and now young people can use technology to interact, critique, and internalise what they are listening to.

Radio Convergence in South Africa The use of “new” ICT innovations by development actors broadly transforms communication for development on the continent and South Africa in particular (Gilberds & Myers, 2012:75). Among many other fields, news media have been transformed by the technological developments of the past two decades. Mainstream and community media have integrated these ICTs into their media ecologies and practices in the South African media landscape. Community radio stations in urban and semi-urban areas or those with reasonably good infrastructure have a better capacity for integrating ICTs and their sustainability (Nassanga et  al., 2013). As Chiumbu and Ligaga (2013:246) argue, “most radio stations in South Africa have adopted the use of new media technologies, made possible

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partly by the country’s high connectivity and penetration rates”. The stations being studied, Zibonele FM and Bush Radio, are based in the Cape Metro, an urban setting that integrates ICTs into media ecologies. One advantage of ICTs is the expansion and reconfiguration of the concept of the ‘community’. Agreeing with this view, Tsarwe (2020:161) observed that “mobile phones and social media applications such as Facebook and WhatsApp are seen as widening access to public debates, and this has recently been celebrated as inculcating ‘participatory cultures’ in Africa’s public spheres”. Investigating a study that looked at both radio and traditional newspapers, Verweij (2009:75) concluded that “converged newsrooms offer more opportunities for the public to be informed and involved in a story, and offer the reporter and editor more integrated tools to tell the story”. As Nassanga et al. (2013:259) add, ‘the concept of’ ‘community’ “has been redefined and is no longer tied to a geographical locality. There are now global networks or virtual communities, where people can talk to each other as if they were in one geographical community.” Chiumbu (2014:25) shares the same view adding the following: “However, the medium of radio has always been interactive through platforms such as phone-ins; the current multiple digital platforms allow even more diverse forms of utilisation and engagement.”

Conceptual Framework of the Study The chapter employed participatory journalism to make sense of the integration of social media into news production of youth-orientated programmes at the two radio stations: Zibonele FM and Bush Radio. Participatory journalism also provided a lens to assess how the two radio stations use social media to involve youths’ audiences in the production of youth shows. It further assisted in understanding how new ICTs are reconfiguring the relationship between news producers and youth audiences in the community media space in South Africa. The rapid expansion and appropriation of ICTs in newsrooms have created the potential for a transformed relationship between journalism and audiences (Lawrence et al., 2018). It allows audiences to contribute directly to news production, previously controlled by journalists alone. ICTs have spawned new forms of engagement that resemble earlier notions of participatory and reciprocal journalism, where audiences participate with journalists in creating news (Singer et al., 2011).

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Participatory journalism is a slippery concept and social practice. However, this paper conceptualises participatory journalism as participatory audience practices facilitated by new interactive digital technologies (Mabweazara & Mare, 2021). We view participatory journalism as encompassing contemporary social practices where citizens or groups are provided with opportunities to play an active role in news production processes by media institutions (Bowman & Willis, 2003). New ICTs have fundamentally challenged and re-moored news production and journalistic authority. Journalists and news producers are faced with the inevitability of audience participation and engagement in ways that limit the agenda-­ setting capability of journalists. New ICTs have presided over the erosion of journalists’ power and monopoly in news production. They have disrupted the relations between journalists and audiences, with audience members now operating as co-producers of news (Vobič & Dahlgren, 2013; Moyo et al., 2019). Thus, participatory journalism is characterised by the entrenchment of technical, editorial, and managerial processes that allow audience contributions to be embraced into news production through a collaborative and collective process (Henig, 2005; Vobič & Dahlgren, 2013). The concept of participatory journalism disrupts journalism’s definition and who counts as a journalist (Lawrence et al., 2018). Scholars such as Mabweazara and Mare (2021) have identified three interwoven ICT-driven variants of participatory journalism prevalent on the African continent: generic technological affordances, automated participatory practices, and context-specific participatory practices. Generic technological affordances refer to practices where audiences use interactive features on the web or social media; automated participatory processes refer to forms of participation triggered by artificial intelligence, whereas context-specific participatory practices involve socio-defined forms of participation that cater for economically deprived citizens (Mabweazara & Mare, 2021). The three variants of participatory journalism that have emerged on the African continent complemented and challenged traditional journalism practice. They promote new forms of collaboration in news production that Heikka and Caravans (2019) identify as co-initiating, co-sensing, and co-creating (Heikka & Caravans, 2019). According to Heikka and Caravans (2019), the networked and collaborative nature of new ICTs such as social media and civic technology facilitate citizen-led media production on a mass scale, giving rise to a new wave of participatory journalism.

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Scholars such as Singer et al. (2011) have criticised dominant conceptualisations of participatory journalism that focus on newsroom-led digital activities. These understandings of participatory journalism expect audiences to participate in professional journalists’ news identification, framing, and publishing. Such approaches view media audiences as sources of information and raw content for professional journalists rather than co-­ creators of innovation (Singer et  al., 2011). Unlike studies that frame media audiences as consumers of journalism, our study examines youth audiences in news production as co-collaborators in gathering, selecting, producing, and disseminating news as recommended by Singer et al. (2011).

Method This study used a qualitative approach to examine how community radio stations in the Western Cape province of South Africa use social media applications to produce youth-oriented programmes. The specific methods used to collect data are in-depth, semi-structured interviews and qualitative content analysis. In-depth interviews were used to collect data from the station managers and producers/presenters of the two selected radio stations: Zibonele FM and Bush Radio. The two radio stations were purposively selected based on their youth-oriented programming, language, and audience segmentation diversity, and significant appropriation of ICTs in news production and programming. While Zibonele FM is predominantly Xhosa, Bush Radio broadcasts in English. The programmes selected for analysis were also purposively selected. The focus of the study was on programmes that target and engage with youth audiences and how they deploy ICTs to encourage youth participation. The data collected from in-depth interviews with the two station managers and producers of youth-focused programmes at the two community radio stations were then triangulated with data collected using qualitative content analysis. Qualitative content analysis was further used to analyse the content of the selected youth-focused radio programmes and the social media accounts used by the two radio stations to engage with youth audiences. The data collected from qualitative content analysis helped us corroborate the findings obtained from the semi-structured interviews with station managers and producers of youth programmes. The qualitative content analysis further provided insights into how the selected programmes involved youth audiences in the production process (see Makwambeni, 2013; Makwambeni & Salawu, 2018).

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Findings and Discussion Social media applications are fundamentally changing news production practices in the community media space in the Western Cape province in South Africa. Although the change is happening relatively slower than their commercial counterparts, community media in South Africa is gradually integrating social media into their media ecologies. As reflected in our findings, community media like Bush radio and Zibonele FM are taking advantage of social media penetration and access in South Africa to enhance participatory journalism and audience involvement in news production. These findings resonate with Bowd’s (2016) observation that journalism is undergoing a significant change that affects almost every aspect of news production, reporting, and reception. In addition, the emergence of social media has increased interactivity among people, making them producers and consumers of information simultaneously (Apuke, 2016; Adebabo et al., 2020). Our findings show that Bush Radio mainly uses Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, and Telegram in journalism practice and news production. These platforms are appropriated for different purposes. For example, as Bush Radio’s Station Manager noted in one interview: In terms of promotion, we promote on all of these platforms, and people can also engage us on these platforms. If someone wants to send a message using these platforms, they can do so. In the studio, we also have short code SMS, you can send messages through that. Sometimes when we do Facebook live, people send questions, and we respond. We use all those platforms to promote the shows or afterwards to put any information. Each of the shows also have a blog, it is not social media, but technically it is. The one show with a unique way of using social media beyond the normal of promoting and sharing information afterwards is the Morning Cruze by Khusi. He does the job shop. If you miss something, he sends a message on social media where you can read up on the job.

Commenting on the same issue, Bush radio content producer added.: I use everything actually (i.e. Tik-Tok, Instagram, Facebook, and WhatsApp). I update my status every morning just to say, “Hey, I’m live…”. On my previous phone I had 6 000 contacts on my WhatsApp, so I posted and that’s already 6 000 people who knows that I’m live on Bush Radio. I do some videos in the studio as well; then on Instagram, I go live; Facebook I go live; Tik-Tok I go live, and in between, I drop a video or

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two, maybe dancing in the studio and post it up on all the social networks tag all the necessary people, which is Bush Radio, myself, and whoever is the artist in the studio.

Radio Zibonele, just like Bush Radio, is also available on social media platforms such as Facebook, YouTube, Instagram, and Twitter. Responding to the question of social media uptake, the station manager had this to say: We started our Facebook (for all radio activities) three years ago and have 80,000 followers, and we also have a news Facebook page. We increased our visibility in all our programs. We have a program called Hootsuite; when we post in one platform, it automatically posts in all other platforms. We are still lagging on YouTube, and in part due to the requirement for editing skills. We are also available on Instagram, Twitter and WhatsApp for all our studio.

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The station producer also corroborated the interviews with the manager, stating that: We share about all of our shows on Instagram, on Twitter, and on Facebook. And we also share some on YouTube, especially when we have an event. We do share them on YouTube. We are using Twitter, Facebook, and obviously, most of the time, our guests, they are sourcing it from social media. For now, we are not really super active on social media on the show because (1) the show is more like a training show for anyone (interns); for example, I have four students from CPUT. So, my job is teaching them what’s happening in the station; how to produce. While I’m doing the show, I’m also doing training to be active and so on. Students (interns), you can’t really give them responsibility when it comes to social media; what if they write something the station doesn’t agree with. But, personally, I have my own different accounts, where I would have 300 thousand active followers.

The appropriation of social media by these two case studies of community radio stations in news-making cultures confirmed earlier findings from a similar study by Jordaan (2013:29) that looked at the mainstream newspaper journalists, which observed that “Journalists at Rapport and the Mail & Guardian actively used social media for various purposes, mainly to keep abreast of general trends in the news and society. Especially at Rapport, many opened Facebook and Twitter as soon as they arrived at the office, and often kept it open throughout the day.” The same view is buttressed by Dickinson (2011:1), who intimates that some see social media as especially “suited to local journalism which depends upon its connectedness with its local community and its links with local newsmakers. In addition, social media are viewed as an aid to digital participation, helping newspapers reflect and serve the interests of their readers.” These findings resonate with Heikka and Caravans’ (2019) observation that new ICTs such as social media facilitate citizen-led media production giving rise to a new wave of participatory journalism.

Social Media and the Reconfigurations of News Production in Community Media Space There has been an observable change in news production processes and practices due to the ordinary citizenry’s improved use of social media technologies. The emergence of social media has increased interactivity

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among people, making them producers and consumers of information simultaneous (Apuke, 2016). We argue that this increased use has reconfigured news production in the community radio space, with user-­ generated content playing a significant role in this new media mix. StatsSA (2020) defines social media and user-generated content as the “interactive technologies designed to create and share information, ideas, and interests among virtual communities. Social media varies by text posts, images, videos, comments, and network platforms. Social media global penetration reached nearly 54 per cent in 2020.” News production has become more participatory by embracing social practices where citizens or groups are provided with opportunities to play an active role in news production processes by media institutions (Bowman & Willis, 2003). This improved penetration and access to social media applications have seen changes in production practices over the past decade. According to the Statistics South Africa report (2020), the social media application WhatsApp is the most popular social media in South Africa. “As of the third quarter of 2020, some 93 per cent of internet users in the country used the messaging app. YouTube and Facebook followed closely, with a penetration rate of 92 per cent and 87 per cent, respectively. The number of WhatsApp users in South Africa is estimated to reach 28.6 million users by 2026. In 2021, WhatsApp counted almost 23 million users in the country” (Statistics SA report, 2020). Therefore, it is not surprising that these top social media applications have become rooted in the daily life of community radio stations. This use of social media has been a welcome development for community radio stations’ quest to grow their audiences. As argued by Bowd (2016:129), “Social media provide opportunities to create and expand audiences, increase geographical reach, respond more quickly than ever before to news events and issues, and interact with news consumers in more immediate and direct ways”. In one of our interviews with Bush Radio’s station manager, she had this to say: People send us voice notes directly. We listen to it and make sure it is clean before putting it on the radio. It is one way of generating content. Because it is social media, people are more willing/eager to ask questions, sometimes critical and controversial because it’s anonymous. We also use social media

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to get feedback from listeners on any content. Say, for instance, against the vaccine. It is something we have to focus on or find expression on it. That is a voice we want to find. That is how content is generated. Presenters will be more specific. We sent a lot of messages. Another one sent me a message on what they are doing on lavender hill. The other one is from one of the biggest hip-hop groups in the country and wrote a book. All this is coming through social media…Facebook. I think generally, each of the presenters can give you more on how they generate content. There is a negative side to social media, though. You should always check information from individuals. Sometimes people send information that is not true deliberately.

Radio Zibonele also confirmed the integration of youth audiences in the production practices stating that: A day before the programme is aired, a producer posts the question on social media and people contribute to the production process through engagement with responses or further questions. Through this interactivity, the audience becomes more proactive in shaping the nature of the programme. A week ago, we posted asking people to help shape what they wanted us to talk about, and a lot of comments suggested a case involving gender-based violence, which ended up being the issue we discussed.

The study’s findings show that social media applications have enhanced participatory journalism in the community media space in South Africa. Our findings on social media used by the two radio stations correspond with the three interwoven variants of participatory journalism identified by Mabweazara and Mare (2021) as generic technological affordances, automated participatory practices, and context-specific participatory practices. Generic technological affordances refer to practices where audiences use interactive features on the web or social media (Mabweazara & Mare, 2021). Automated participatory processes refer to forms of participation triggered by artificial intelligence (Mabweazara & Mare, 2021). Finally, context-specific participatory practices involve socio-defined participation forms that cater to economically deprived citizens (Mabweazara & Mare, 2021).

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Digital Applications and the Reconfigurations of Relations Between Youth Audiences and News Producers New information and communication technologies are reconfiguring traditional relationships between youth audiences and news producers in ways that enhance participatory journalism. Within this new media ecology, digital applications have eroded the power and monopoly of news producers and journalists at the centre of news production (Vobič & Dahlgren, 2013). This reconfiguration of media ecologies by technology has not only affected how journalists gather, produce, and disseminate news content. It has also fundamentally reshaped how media practitioners engage and interact with youth audiences (Moyo et  al., 2019). Furthermore, as observed by Salaudeen and Onyechi (2020), new digital media applications empower mass media consumers, traditionally presumed to be inactive, to become active co-creators of media content. Thus, digital media applications such as social media have increased audience activity, interactivity, and power, transforming previously ‘passive’ consumers of media content into producers and consumers of media content (Apuke, 2016). An analysis of the two selected community radio stations in the Western Cape province in South Africa, Zibonele FM and Bush radio, reflects a gradual and cautious integration of social media applications such as Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, and Facebook into the news production process. Integrating these social media applications reconfigures the traditional relationship between journalists and youth audiences at the two community radio stations. The relationship changes observed reflect a gradual erosion of journalists’ and news producers’ power and monopoly in news production in the community media space. These findings within the community media space resonate with the changes that are taking place in mainstream journalism practice, where new digital technologies have disrupted the relations between journalists and their audiences. Audiences who were previously passive consumers can now operate as co-­ producers of news (Vobič & Dahlgren, 2013).

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From Passive Recipients to Agenda Setters Our study findings clearly show that social media applications are reconfiguring power relations between producers and youth audiences in the community media space in South Africa. Youth audiences are increasingly taking centre stage in news production processes and practices (see Allen, 2013). Youth audiences, who were previously passive consumers of news and other media programmes, are now co-creators of news and media programmes at Zibonele FM and Bush radio. Unlike in the past, where journalists had the monopoly of setting the agenda for their youth audiences by determining what to focus on in the other youth-oriented shows like The Morning Cruise, Everyday People, Sihamba Nawe, and Ezophuhliso, presenters and producers at Bush radio and Zibonele FM are now using social media to solicit ideas from youth audience on what to focus on. Integrating Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram in news production reshape content, news production, and traditional media roles. The agenda-setting function (McCombs, 2005) is no longer the preserve of journalists. The mass media and journalists no longer have the power and monopoly to reflect the content and order of priority of issues independently. This change in news production and the growing agenda-setting role of youth audiences is captured by a producer at Zibonele FM: A day before the program, we post questions on social media, and people contribute to the production process. The audience is proactive in shaping the nature of the program. A week ago, we posted asking people to help shape what they wanted us to talk about, and a lot of comments suggested a case involving gender-based violence, which ended up being the issue we discussed.

Further evidence of instances where Zibonele FM involves youth audiences in setting the agenda for the station can be seen on the station’s Facebook post below, where youth audiences are invited to identify trending topics.

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The quotation above and the Facebook post illustrate contemporary social practices where media institutions allow citizens to play an active role in news production processes (Bowman & Willis, 2003). The growing power of youth audiences in news production practices at Zibonele FM corresponds with changes taking place at Bush radio, where the station manager reflected on how youth audiences are using social media

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such as Twitter, WhatsApp, and Facebook to set the agenda on the community issues that Bush radio focuses on in its programming: A certain young man sent me a message on what they are doing in Lavender hill. The other one is from one of the biggest hip-hop groups in the country and recently wrote a book. They contacted me through social media…Facebook. We then focused on these issues in our programmes. We benefit through the engagement with audiences; it brings us closer to the audiences, deciding on the issues they want us to discuss.

The social media posts analysed in the study show how listeners are assisting journalists in identifying current issues to put on the stations’ agenda. For example, listeners of Zibonele FM and Bush radio identified what was trending as the “….16-year-old child whom thugs killed at school”, “the R350 [from the government] that is being declined”, and “the child who was thrown in a toilet by her aunt”. These examples show that social media applications have enhanced participatory journalism at Zibonele FM and Bush radio. Audience contributions are being embraced into news production through a collaborative and collective process (Henig, 2005; Vobič & Dahlgren, 2013). This collaboration is reflected during shows where presenters and producers no longer have the monopoly in deciding independently on what to ask guests on radio. According to Singer et al. (2011), these shifts in news production signify a shift to authentic participatory journalism where audiences are no longer just sources of information but rather co-creators of news (Singer et al., 2011). In addition, youth audiences contribute to the production process by sending questions through voice notes that the presenters read. Presenters’ and producers’ power has therefore waned. At the same time, youth audiences are no longer passive but active participants who influence news production by deciding what journalists focus on and the questions to ask. A producer illustrates this change in the role of audiences in news production at Bush radio: When we interview guests we tell them (audiences) we have got a question and they engage with it. We interview someone and will tell young people to post; the person on the interview will answer the voice notes. It helps us to put voices on air. People usually don’t want to phone; they send voice notes sometimes in the form of questions.

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Our findings resonate with Mabweazara and Mare’s observation that new interactive digital technologies facilitate the collaborative and participatory process characterising news production in African newsrooms. Interactive social media platforms have empowered youth audiences in South Africa to contribute to the production process as envisaged in participatory journalism. Data analysed in this study further shows that social media platforms also shape the relationship between journalists and youth audiences at Zibonele FM and Bush radio on the news sourcing process. Unlike in the past, where journalists at Zibonele FM and Bush radio had the monopoly of sourcing news from news platforms such as SABC and E-News, they now rely on social media posts of their youth audiences as sources of news. This process has led to a decentralised partnership characteristic of participatory journalism where journalists and their audiences source news collaboratively.

Youth Audiences, Verification, Fact-Checking, and Media Accountability Our study’s findings also reflect new context-specific participatory practices that allow youth audiences of Zibonele FM and Bush community radios to confront and question journalists on the content they produce and disseminate. This practice which includes verification of news and other forms of content created by community radio, has empowered youth audiences to serve as the de facto fifth estate. Mabweazara and Mare refer to socio-defined forms of participation catering to economically deprived citizens as part of an emergent form of participatory journalism that has found expression in the African content (Mabweazara & Mare, 2021). Thus, whereas in the past, journalists viewed audiences as mere media consumers, the onset of digital media applications has empowered them to become digital media critics (Fengler, 2012) to whom journalists and media practitioners have to account. The data analysed in this study shows that youth audiences of Zibonele FM and Bush radio are utilising Twitter and Facebook as new forms of media accountability to hold journalists to account in ways that force journalists and news producers to rethink their craft, as lamented by one producer at Bush radio: I would say the most pertinent challenge is that on media platforms, no matter what kind of mistake you make, someone will correct you on it. It makes you very cautious next time when sharing something where you have not

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done research, investigated it, prepared yourself so that you are talking about something you know and so that it will come through coherently. Your spelling, how you write in Xhosa. The verification. When you share anything, somebody will tell you it is not like that or it is not this way. It is very challenging, but it is also helping us because we are also learning from people who are following us on social media platforms.

Reading Backwards and Some Contextual Reflections One of the challenges facing many converged platforms is ensuring that the intended outcomes at a policy level become the experienced reality between the stations and their audiences. In trying to ascertain this paraphernalia, we looked at the social media posts against the data we obtained from the interviews. Upon reflecting on the interview data, we observed the struggle to link claims made by station staff to the empirical data on the social media platforms. For example, Radio Zibonele’s social media posts are predominantly geared at the station speaking to its audience or hearing from them. There is no evidence of online dialogue between the station and its audience. When speaking to its audience, the posts are usually about the station providing information to listeners on what they can expect to hear on-air, including programme names and times (see Fig. 8.1), advertisements from external entities such as local businesses or government entities (see Fig. 8.2), or a question written to prompt the audience to engage in an online discussion about on-air content (see Fig. 8.5). This suggests more large-scale triangulated design should be undertaken to establish the disjuncture between what the station says and what is observable on these organisations’ social media platforms. When hearing from the audience, the posts come from listeners who respond to a post from the station by indicating where they are listening from that they are tuned into the station (see Fig. 8.3), commenting on a statement made on a post (see Fig. 8.4), or replying to a post related to on-air content. As with the on-air content, the online posts employ a multilingual isiXhosa-­ English approach. The paid-for partnership posts are almost exclusively in English, while the rest of the content, including posts from the station and replies from listeners, is predominantly in isiXhosa. This suggests that the paid-for content is not curated and comes directly from the external entity.

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Fig. 8.1  Twitter post from @ZiboneleFM98_2 Twitter account

When interviewed on how, if at all, the station crafts its social media posts to speak directly to the youth, the station personnel from the station were of differing views. The station manager Mawande Jara stated: We ensure we keep youths engaged by talking in their language, we must compromise the grammar, so we reach them in their language. We try to keep it short and less formal.

While the content manager, Vateka Halile, was of the view that: There is no different way [we write content for the youth] because this radio station wouldn’t classify itself as a youth-orientated station but rather for everyone.

The station employs language that is youthful in how it writes its posts. An example of this is in Figs. 8.5 and 8.6 below. In Fig. 8.5, the youthful language is evidenced in the call for people to comment on the day’s issues that they think are “trending”. In Fig. 8.6, the statement “fola nge style” is another example of how the station uses youthful language in its posts.

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Fig. 8.2  Paid partnership post on @ZiboneleFM98_2 Twitter account

This statement is colloquial for “engage with us in style”. As Halile observes, the use of language in this way is not only for youth-orientated programmes and appears to be the station’s general approach to how it

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Fig. 8.3  Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2

crafts its posts. This is expected given that the presenters and content producers who write the posts are young people and naturally employ youthful language in their online engagements.

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Fig. 8.4  Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2

The examples show that the station’s social media posts are highly generic. At face value, the messages posted do not direct listeners to engage on a particular issue. This might create the impression that no

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Fig. 8.5  Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2

content facilitates a discussion on community issues or current affairs developments. However, when one reads the replies from listeners, one can see that in crafting these generic posts, the station prompts listeners to

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Fig. 8.6  Facebook post from Zibonele FM 98.2

be the ones that drive the topics, issues, and incidents that are then engaged on. If one considers Fig. 8.5, for example, the post from Zibonele asks listeners what is trending in their world. One listener replies, “What is trending for me is this 16-year-old child who thugs killed at school”. Another listener says, “What is trending for me is the R350 [from the government] that is being declined”. Still another says, “what is trending for me is the child who was thrown in a toilet by her aunt”. These are

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examples of incidents in their communities or current affairs issues that they are now putting on the radio station’s agenda. The station may or may not be aware of the respective developments, and asking the listeners to tell it what they think is trending opens itself up to hear from them. This supports Halile’s input that the station writes its social media posts to get people to share their views and engage. She states: “We look at what we are going to post and think about how we will get people to share their views. They will usually be a counter-argument. When we phrase it, there needs to be a middle ground to accommodate opposing views, knowing that the two views will not be in agreement.” The posts from the station tend to be very brief and are usually accompanied by an image and, at times, a video. The station does not tailor its content for specific platforms and prefers to cut and paste between Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Halile also notes that the station does not post all its content on social media because it wants to drive listeners to listen to what is on-air to monetise the content and enjoy the on-air engagement. Thus, while the social media content is crafted so that a person does not need to be tuned in to engage, the decision to post content that will act as a teaser ensures that the online followers become on-air listeners. In this regard, one of the things they do is post short videos on their social media platforms of presenters presenting their shows live. The presenters are usually dancing or engaging in an exciting conversation. Only a snippet of this is included to drive the online follower to the on-air content. Bush Radio’s social media posts also speak to listeners but do not enable the station to hear from the audience much. Based on the audience’s low online engagement, it would seem the station’s social media accounts are not the essential means of hearing back from listeners. Another notable difference in the approach is that Bush Radio often shares posts from the private accounts of its on-air contributors, as shown in Fig. 8.7. The figure also indicates that programmes have their respective social media accounts; thus, contributors will post information on their private pages, the show’s page, and station pages. The consequence of this is that the engagement is fragmented and not in one consolidated thread, making it challenging to observe how, if at all, online dialogue occurs. Figure 8.7 also shows that the posts tend to be a lot wordier, particularly on Facebook. The phrasing and the posted topics do not suggest a

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Fig. 8.7  Post from Bush Radio 89.5 FM Facebook page

focused endeavour to engage the youth, and the approach seems to be driven by who the presenter is and the programme’s focus. Different content is posted on different platforms, but the main aim of the content appears to be to provide information about on-air content. Even a platform such as Instagram, which is traditionally used for visual content such as photographs and videos, has a lot of text-based posts (see Fig. 8.8).

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Fig. 8.8  Post from @bushradio Instagram account

Conclusion This chapter examined how the appropriation of new digital media technologies by micro-community radio stations in the Western Cape province of South Africa is reshaping the production of radio programmes aimed at South African youths. Our findings indicate that community radio stations appropriate social media in their news production processes. The main applications that have been appropriated in the production of the two community radio programmes studied are Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and WhatsApp. The study observed that social media applications are increasingly becoming the centre of news production processes, such as sourcing content, following story leads, and broadcasting news content. Our findings indicate that new digital applications are reconfiguring the relations between journalists and youth audiences in the community radio space. Journalists are fast losing their power and monopoly in the production process. At the same time, youth audiences have been empowered to become co-producers and ‘digital critics’ who ensure that media practitioners remain accountable. Notably, this study was undertaken at a microscale. As a result, its findings might not be generalisable to all

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community radio stations in South Africa. More large-scale studies that examine the use of digital applications in news production processes and practices need to be considered.

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Fengler, S. (2012). From media self-regulation to ‘crowd-criticism’: Media accountability in the digital age. Central European Journal of Communication, 5(09), 175–189. Finlay, A. (2020). State of the Newsroom 2019/20A Wits Journalism project.  https://journalism.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/State-of-­ Newsroom_2019_2020_30112020.pdf Fombad, M. C., & Jiyane, G. V. (2019). The role of community radios in information dissemination to rural women in South Africa. Journal of Librarianship and Information Science, 51(1), 47–58. Fraser, C., & Estrada, S. R. (2001). Community radio handbook (pp.  13–23). Paris: Unesco. Gilberds, H., & Myers, M. (2012). Radio, ICT convergence and knowledge brokerage: Lessons from sub-Saharan Africa. IDS Bulletin, 43(5), 76–83. Gustafsson, J. (2013). Community radio as promoters of youth culture. Media, Empowerment and Civic Engagement Among East and Southern African Youth, (pp. 255–268). Gothenburg: Nordicom. Heikka, T., & Caravans, E. G. (2019). Three stages of innovation in participatory journalism—Co-initiating, co-sensing, and co-creating news in the Chicago School Cuts Case. Journal of the Knowledge Economy, 10, 437–464. Henig, S. (2005, July 8). Citizens, participants and reporters. Columbia Journalism Review. Accessed June 6, 2008, from http://www.cjr.org/politics/citizens_ participants_and_repo.php Jenkins, H. (2006). Introduction: “Worship at the Altar of Convergence”. In Convergence culture, (pp. 1–24). New York University Press. Jordaan, M. (2013). Poke me, I’m a journalist: The impact of Facebook and Twitter on newsroom routines and cultures at two South African weeklies. Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, 34(1), 21–35. Khan, M. A. A., Khan, M. M. R., Hassan, M., Ahmed, F., & Haque, S. M. R. (2017). Role of community radio for community development in Bangladesh. The International Technology Management Review, 6(3), 94–102. Mabweazara, H.  M., & Mare, A. (2021). Participatory journalism in Africa: Digital news engagement and user agency in the south. Routledge. Makwambeni, B. (2013). Re-appraising entertainment-education praxis and reception in subaltern spaces: The case of Tsha Tsha in South Africa. Doctoral dissertation, University of Fort Hare. Makwambeni, B., & Adebayo, J. O. (2021). ‘Humour and the politics of resistance’: Audience readings of popular amateur videos in Zimbabwe. In The politics of laughter in the social media age (pp. 155–173). Palgrave Macmillan. Makwambeni, B., & Salawu, A. (2018). Accounting for youth audiences’ resistances to HIV and AIDS messages in the television drama Tsha Tsha in South Africa. SAHARA-J: Journal of Social Aspects of HIV/AIDS, 15(1), 20–30.

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Matsilele, T. (2019). Social media dissidence in Zimbabwe. University of Johannesburg. McCombs, M. (2005). A look at agenda-setting: Past, present and future. Journalism Studies, 6(4), 543–557. Moyo, D., Mare, A., & Matsilele, T. (2019). Analytics-driven journalism? Editorial metrics and the reconfiguration of online news production practices in African newsrooms. Digital Journalism, 7(4), 490–506. Nassanga, G.  L., Manyozo, L., & Lopes, C. (2013). ICTs and radio in Africa: How ICT uptake has influenced the newsroom culture among community radio journalists. Telematics and Informatics, 30(3), 258–266. Ngomani, N. (2016). Radio convergence: Young people’s radio listening habits in Cape Town-a comparative study. Master’s thesis, University of Cape Town. Nkoala, S., & Matsilele, T. (2021). In whose interest is it anyway?: An analysis of the content, discourse and programming strategies of South African business radio shows. In Radio, public life and citizen deliberation in South Africa (pp. 234–250). Routledge. Olorunnisola, A. A. (2002). Community radio: Participatory communication in postapartheid South Africa. Journal of Radio Studies, 9(1), 126–145. Salaudeen, M.  A., & Onyechi, N. (2020). Digital media vs mainstream media: Exploring the influences of media exposure and information preference as correlates of media credibility. Cogent Arts & Humanities, 7(1), 1837461. Singer, J. B., Domingo, D., Heinonen, A., Hermida, A., Paulussen, S., Quandt, T., Reich, Z., & Vujnovic, M. (2011). Participatory journalism: Guarding open gates at online newspapers. Wiley. Kindle Edition. Statistics South Africa. (2020).  Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS) Q4:2020.  https://www.statssa.gov.za/publications/P0211/Presentation%20 QLFS%20Q4_2020.pdf Tan, J., Guo, X., & Wang, G. (2019). Link selection in radio tomographic imaging with backprojection transformation. In Proceedings of 2018 Chinese intelligent systems conference (pp. 487–496). Springer. Tsarwe, S. (2020). Mobile phones and a million chatter: Performed inclusivity and silenced voices in Zimbabwean talk radio. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 32(2), 161–177. Verweij, P. (2009). Making convergence work in the newsroom: A case study of convergence of print, radio, television and online newsrooms at the African media matrix in South Africa during the National Arts Festival. Convergence, 15(1), 75–87. Vobič, I., & Dahlgren, P. (2013). Reconsidering participatory journalism in the Internet age. Medijska istraživanja: znanstveno-struc ̌ni c ̌asopis za novinarstvo i medije, 19(2), 9–30.

CHAPTER 9

Social Media Use and Maturity in a Youth-­Orientated Community Radio Station: The Case of Rhodes Music Radio Mudiwa A. Gavaza and Noel J. Pearse

Introduction In this research, the original aim was to develop and apply a social media maturity model (SMMM) to assess a community radio station’s use of social media. The effective adoption of social media into an organisation’s business model requires that such an organisation reach certain levels of knowledge, sophistication, and integration of a social media strategy. This chapter is an adaptation and extension of a journal article published in The African Journal of Information and Communication in 2019.

M. A. Gavaza (*) Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] N. J. Pearse Rhodes Business School at Rhodes University, Makhanda, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_9

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In 2016, Rhodes Music Radio (RMR) was used as a case study to apply the social media maturity model. RMR is a non-profit community radio station based on the campus of Rhodes University in Makhanda (formerly Grahamstown), South Africa (RMR, 2007). The station services the Makhanda area, which, according to the World Population Review (2019), has a population of over 90,000. The station operates within a 50  km radius of its location in the town (RMR, 2015a, b). RMR was selected as a case study because it already uses social media in many different ways in its radio broadcast programming. Social media were sources of news content for shows and served as channels of communication for the station’s listeners. Social media was a mode of internal communication for RMR staff and a tool for marketing the station’s brand. Almost all operational departments at the station also used social media. In 2021, a follow-up study sought to determine what had changed in the intervening period. Community Radio Jankowski (2003, p. 7) places community radio under a broader category of community media, which includes “a diverse range of mediated forms of communication: electronic media such as radio and television, print media such as newspapers and magazines, and electronic network initiatives which embrace characteristics of both traditional print and electronic media”. The uniqueness and contribution of community radio broadcasters are partly reflected in the values that they promote. In a meta-analysis of the literature, Order (2015) identified these distinguishing values as access, diversity, alternative, independence, representation, and participation. In addition, the content of community radio has unique features, which its listeners value. Lewis (2000) has noted that, despite the growing preference for visual media, radio remains vital in the personal lives of listeners. The unique offerings of radio in comparison to other media may explain this. This includes: • The appeal of radio music (MacFarland, 2016) • The affinity of radio soap opera with storytelling traditions (Makoye, 2006) • The growing popularity of radio talk shows (Owen, 2018) • The opportunity that radio provides to the audience to be the co-­ producers of radio (Hendy, 2013) or citizen journalists (Atton, 2003)

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Community radio typically fosters community cohesion (Brevini, 2015) and facilitates social inclusion (Correia et al., 2019) while also developing and maintaining local community dialogues and identity (Scifo, 2015; Tsarwe, 2014) as its primary purpose. Therefore, central to its raison d’être is building a relationship between the station and the local community, particularly if community radio is viewed as a communication system rather than a distribution system, allowing listeners not only to hear but also to speak (Hendy, 2013). Community radio can also serve several other purposes, including community development (Wabwire, 2013), the promotion of democracy and citizen participation (Barlow, 1988; Mhagama, 2016), and the promotion of socio-cultural cohesion (Correia et al., 2019; Rodríguez, 2005). However, relationship-building remains a central characteristic. Looking specifically at the South African context, the 1993 Independent Broadcasting Authority Act (IBA Act) provided three types of radio broadcasters: public, commercial, and community services (RSA, 1993). Within a few years of the promulgation of the Act, around 100 community radio stations had received operating licences (Sparks, 2009; Tacchi, 2003), and by 2007, 152 of South Africa’s 191 licensed radio stations were classified as community services, reaching an estimated 6.5 million listeners (Da Costa, 2012). These radio stations served a localised geographic community or a community with a common interest (Tsarwe, 2014; Tacchi, 2003). Later, the IBA Act was repealed, and its provisions on community broadcasting were replaced by the Electronic Communications Act (ECA) of 2005 (RSA, 2005). Subsequently, community radio in South Africa has been found to serve as an effective way to: • Raise awareness about health-related issues (Hlongwana et al., 2011; Mawokomayi & Osunkunle, 2019; Medeossi et al., 2014) • Inform and empower women (Fombad & Jiyane, 2019; Oduaran & Nelson, 2019) • Build communities (Mawokomayi & Osunkunle, 2019; Tacchi, 2002) • Provide a vehicle for participatory communication amongst previously disenfranchised communities (Megwa, 2007; Olorunnisola, 2002) • Facilitate access for community members to information and communication technology (Megwa, 2007)

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However, Sparks (2009) observes some concern that the essence of community radio in South Africa has been eroded by financial pressures and the adoption by many stations of a more commercialised operating model. This is consistent with international trends in emerging community radio. Da Costa (2012) cautions that there is a tendency for the original purpose of community radio to be eroded when funding sources and models change. Analogue is still the primary means of radio consumption in South Africa (Wits Journalism, 2020). While online streaming for radio has grown in use over the past decade, the high cost of mobile Internet access has inhibited its growth (Competition Commission, 2019). Nevertheless, broadcast and streaming services made up the most significant chunk of time spent on the Internet by South Africans in the third quarter of 2020 (Kemp, 2021). For youth audiences, specifically those in university and tertiary institutions, adoption has been helped by access to Wi-Fi Internet and campus computing facilities. This shift to streaming services is especially true for campus radio, where programming focuses on the community within which it operates, offering relevant news, discussions, notices, and popular music choices. Community Radio and Social Media As social media has emerged, it has been increasingly integrated into radio activities, with journalists adopting social media as a trade tool (Jordaan, 2013). For example, Rooke and Odame (2013) found that community radio hosts in Canada were primarily using blogs to generate a more extensive audience base and interact and connect with listeners. However, in community radio in South Africa, there has been an increasing but uneven use of social network sites and even a negative correlation between the number of listeners and followers on social media (Bosch, 2014). This anomaly is partly explained by the economic inequalities of South African society, with some of the larger radio stations targeting poorer communities that cannot afford Internet connectivity (Bosch, 2014). Nevertheless, social media provides an added dimension to a radio station’s relationship with its local community. It represents an additional tool to build these relationships through the two-way communication it enables. Furthermore, Bosch (2014) found that audiences already on social media tended to have greater access to and participation in community radio, with, for example, their messages being read on air. She also

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notes that these networks’ virtual and distributed nature redefines the notion of a community beyond geographic confines. In addition to building a relationship with their listener base, broadcasters cannot ignore the potential of social media to complement fundraising efforts (Rooke & Odame, 2013) and generate an additional advertising revenue stream (Albarran & Moellinger, 2013; Lietsala & Sirkkunen, 2008). However, this places greater demands on broadcasters, who must continue to pay attention to the quality of their radio broadcasting and effectively integrate their use of social media. Youth and Social Media Usage in the Context of Radio Along with television and print, radio is considered a traditional media platform. Unlike print, which has been steadily declining in recent years, radio audiences are growing. On average, 29.4 million listened to a South African radio in 2019, up from an average of 28 million in the prior three years. Listenership for community radio was one of radio’s main growth drivers (Wits Journalism, 2020). Furthermore, social media seems to complement radio as a media platform naturally. It is not surprising that social media and other online platforms have gained widespread adoption across the radio industry, community, campus, and commercial operations. There has been growth in several areas, including social media, online streaming, on-demand platforms and podcasting, and online platforms as sources of on-air content (Karttunen, 2017). Though newer platforms such as TikTok and Clubhouse are gaining traction worldwide—particularly with the youth— radio stations looking to engage with their audiences still primarily rely on Facebook and Twitter. Instagram and YouTube are now adding a visual element to the studio experience. Given the growing use of social media and online channels as places of discussion and public discourse, such platforms have become sources of radio content. This is especially the case for young people who tend to be more expressive about their thoughts and feelings over topical issues than their elder compatriots (Karttunen, 2017). In 2021, young people aged 18 to 34 made up most social media users in South Africa at just under 59% of the base (Statista, 2021). Trends towards on-demand media consumption seen with online video platforms such as YouTube and Netflix have continued to filter into the world of radio and audio programming through the rise of podcasting

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(Pew Research Center, 2021). While continuous online streaming may consume large amounts of data, the option of downloading a specific show, segment, or programme—through links shared on social media platforms in many cases—for offline listening has grown the viability of podcasts for youth audiences. This has, in turn, allowed radio stations to break the limits imposed by live listening (Pew Research Center, 2021).

Models for Assessing Organisational Maturity and Social Media Maturity Operational Excellence and Organisational Maturity As one aspect of the quality process of an organisation, operational excellence can be described as the consistent and reliable execution of the business strategy (Wilson Perumal & Company, 2013). Organisational maturity is referred to when measuring the level of quality. It is defined by Torres (2014, p. 1) as “a measure of an organisation’s readiness and capability expressed through its people, processes, data and technologies and the consistent measurement practices that are in place”. Models of organisational maturity have been developed, with their origins in the software industry (Wendler, 2012). These models are presented in a matrix consisting of five or six discrete and cumulative levels (or stages) of maturity, against which various performance categories are measured (Wendler, 2012). While the software industry still dominates the publication of maturity models, there has been a rapid growth in the number of areas where maturity models are applied (Tarhan et al., 2016; Wendler, 2012). There has also been the development of more generic models, such as the business process orientation (BPO) maturity model (Tarhan et  al., 2016). The BPO maturity model identifies five levels of maturity or quality, naming them as follows: ad hoc, defined, linked, integrated, and extended (Lockamy & McCormack, 2004). A second generic model, the capability maturity model (CMM), has been adapted from the BPO maturity model (Lockamy & McCormack, 2004, p. 276). This is a five-level generic maturity model used to assess an organisation’s ability or capacity to deal with any proposed change (Perkins, 2012). According to Perkins (2012, p. 4), “CMM describes the behaviours, practices and processes of an organisation that enables them to reliably and sustainably produce required

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outcomes”. The model adopts a multi-dimensional approach to assess an organisation’s ability to adapt to a proposed change (Perkins, 2012). The basic premise of a third model—the organisational IT maturity (OITM) model—is that it examines explicitly an organisation’s ability to invest in, or implement, information technology solutions (Ragowsky et al., 2012). This model has six levels, rather than the typical five, using a “level 0”. These levels go from “ignorant” at level 0 to “aware” to “willing” to “trusting” to “accepting” and ultimately to “responsible” at level 5 (Ragowsky et al., 2012). Organisational Maturity Models Incorporating Social Media The social organisation model (Campbell & Gray, 2014), developed by PMWorks in Australia, assesses the likelihood of success when incorporating social media into an organisation’s operations. The basic premise of the model is that the business must first understand the model of social organisation which prevails before implementing social media, as a failure to do so may “hamper or possibly kill the successful uptake of social media within the organisation” (Campbell & Gray, 2014, p. 9). The five stages or levels of the social organisation model are: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Traditional: traditional hierarchical communication structure Decentralised: no centre of power and influence Hub and spoke: communication occurs with a common purpose Dandelion: multiple hubs and spoke networks working towards a common purpose or goal . Honeycomb: fully integrated communication without hierarchical 5 structure but with a common purpose (Campbell & Gray, 2014) The least preferred of the five levels is the traditional one, which hinders social media adoption and focuses on hierarchical communication. In the fifth level—honeycomb—an organisation fully adapts to social media (Campbell & Gray, 2014). Social Media Maturity Model (SMMM) Organisations—including Rhodes University’s Rhodes Music Radio—are increasingly using social media, recognising its strategic importance for marketing, communication, and other purposes, yet there is a paucity of

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research on social media management in organisations (Chung et  al., 2017; Duane & O’Reilly, 2016). PMWorks has put forward a social media maturity model that explicitly focuses on the employees of an organisation and how much they are involved with social media in their lives, both personally and professionally (Campbell & Gray, 2014). Given its focus on employee use, the relevance of the work of Campbell and Gray (2014) to this study was recognised. The five levels are labelled and defined as follows (Campbell & Gray, 2014): • Level 1: Ad hoc or absent: Some individuals are literate in social media and use it for personal purposes, primarily, or even exclusively, outside work. • Level 2: Isolated users connected: Some individuals use social media to connect with other workers within the organisation for work and social purposes. While nothing is officially organised, experimentation and use are tolerated within the organisation. • Level 3: Emergent community: An application for social media is identified and implemented within a group or in a specific project. This may emerge from organic growth, an executive sponsor (e.g., marketing), or support communication efforts associated with a particular project. • Level 4: Community: Organisation-wide models and tools are broadly deployed for managing social media content and platforms, and some metrics are implemented. Social media is used to support the management of cultural change at the corporate level. • Level 5: Fully networked: All employees are connected to the organisational social network and have a recognised role. Social media values and practices are embedded in the culture, and individuals operate in multiple relationships across the organisation. The inclusion of metrics and determining the return on investment are an accepted part of the model. Social media is an accepted part of the change management toolset and/or marketing mix.

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Development and Application of an SMMM for Community Radio The organisational maturity of RMR’s use of social media was rated using an adapted version of the Campbell and Gray (2014) SMMM, with the adaptations drawing on other models (Lockamy & McCormack, 2004; Perkins, 2012; Ragowsky et al., 2012). Five-Level Scale The adapted SMMM has a five-level scale, with one being the lowest level of maturity and five being the highest (Lockamy & McCormack, 2004; Ragowsky et al., 2012). Each level is matched with a general description of characteristics, adapted from the Lockamy and McCormack (2004) BPO maturity model and the Campbell and Gray (2014) SMMM.  The levels of these models differ somewhat. Lockamy and McCormack (2004) include an experimental level between Campbell and Gray’s (2014) ad hoc and defined levels. This level was included to provide a more granular distinction of levels at the lower end of maturity. Furthermore, Lockamy and McCormack’s (2004) extended level, which describes multi-firm networks, was not included, given the interest in the maturity of social media use in a single entity, namely, RMR. As outlined in Table 9.1 in ascending order of maturity, from 1 to 5, the levels are, therefore: ad hoc, experimental, defined, linked, and integrated. This SMMM uses model descriptions at each level to describe the general level of maturity (Campbell & Gray, 2014; Ragowsky et al., 2012). With these descriptions as a base, the SMMM uses more specific reports at each level of maturity for the particular factor to be investigated. Organisational Spheres The organisational spheres chosen for application of the model were: • Organisation-wide spheres: (1) policy and (2) monitoring • All the RMR departmental operational spheres, namely: human resources, programming and production, technical, marketing and branding, music, sales and advertising, communication, news, and on-air programming

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Table 9.1  SMMM rating scale for a community radio station Level

Characteristics

Level 1: ad hoc Level 2: experimental

The organisation makes little to no use of social media. Usage is confined to a few individuals who occasionally use social media during shows. Some individuals or departments begin to use social media for personal branding purposes or to connect with other similar parties. Usage is spurred by external stakeholders who expose the organisation to social media influence. No systems exist as yet. Social media is used formally in specific departments to engage with stakeholders. The organisation has a formal presence on social media across multiple platforms. The brand is beginning to grow online. Staff members begin to have training on rules and guidelines for social media conduct. Organisation-wide models and tools are broadly deployed for managing social media content and platforms, and some metrics are implemented and monitored. Culture is moving towards social media being used in all departments. At the organisational level, social media is now recognised as having strategic value. The organisational structure is adjusted to cater for this. Training and engagement is the norm. All staff members and departments are aware of and fully plugged into the organisation’s social media. The policy framework is entirely in place and guides explicitly issues around social media. Social media is used across all departments, with each having its agenda and uses for online platforms. Online activity is fully integrated with social media having complete skills and technical support and providing a revenue stream for the organisation. The brand of the organisation is clearly articulated on social media with full buy-in from staff members.

Level 3: defined

Level 4: linked

Level 5: integrated

Source: Adapted from Campbell and Gray (2014)

Data Collection The model was applied to RMR using two sources of data, namely, the RMR’s “Operational Policy” document and 14 interviews with RMR staff, including the station manager, all nine functional managers, and four presenters. All the interviews were conducted within a month and were face-to-face and—with the permission of the interviewees—were audio recorded. Therefore, the sources of information for developing the SMMM were RMR staff members, who were asked questions during the semi-structured interviews that were customised to their area of functioning. Most of the sources had an intimate knowledge of how their

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department used social media or how their department’s efforts contributed to the station’s overall organisation-wide social media use. Deductive thematic analysis (Boyatzis, 1998; Braun & Clarke, 2006) was used to analyse the data. According to the model, the assessment focused on determining which systems the station has in place to use social media—generally and within individual departments, and at what level of maturity. For two organisation-wide spheres and each department, the data collected was summarised and compared to the SMMM rating scale descriptors set out in Table 9.1 to judge the maturity level. In addition, based on the summaries, short descriptions of level characteristics were formulated. Table  9.2 summarises the SMMM’s organisational spheres and maturity level characteristics. Table 9.3 lists the departments that constitute the operations of RMR and describes the elements with relevance to the SMMM that were investigated in each departmental sphere. After assessing each department’s social media maturity, an aggregate maturity level for the whole organisation was determined.

Findings: Original Study Organisation-Wide Spheres: Policy and Monitoring RMR did not have a formal social media policy but had other working documents that it used as guidelines. The main document used for the day-to-day running of the station was an Operational Policy document formulated in 2014. Regarding the use of social media at the station, the Operational Policy was used as a guideline for how staff should conduct themselves professionally and personally online. The policy indicated that staff members should not act in ways that would disrepute the station’s name or use language on air that is derogatory, for example. This policy initially applied to the general conduct of staff members at RMR but has since spread to staff members’ conduct in their use of social media. A Social Media Policy was being developed when the field research was conducted and still had to be finalised and implemented. As a station, RMR was using Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Regarding the administration of the different social media accounts, the following portfolios had administrative access on behalf of the station: the Station Manager, the Deputy Station Manager, Communications,

None

Policy social media strategy

Monitoring social media listening and monitoring

1 Ad hoc

Organisation-­ Departmental-­ wide spheres level operational spheres

No specific technical support given to social media

Technical

Social media used within existing technical support structures

Limited Use social media as consideration in a secondary content production resource/channel for content

Programming and production

Social media training— occasional and unplanned

No training, norms, or code of conduct for online activity

Human resources

Social media dealt with using other existing policy or policies No systems in place Monitor essential activity and simple metrics online

2 Experimental

Maturity level characteristics

Organisational spheres

Table 9.2  Organisational spheres and level characteristics

Establishing a set of norms for conduct and training on social media for staff Developing norms in how to use social media in content production Developing technical support norms for social media use

Tracking trends on various social media

Social media policy in development

3 Defined

Social media plan for all shows

Social media becomes integrated into staff training and development

Full policy in place which directs all station social media efforts Full monitoring of all platforms with regular reporting

5 Integrated

Support systems are Full technical in place for most support platforms

Social media plan for certain shows, not all

Enforcement of norms and training

Use analytic tools like Google and Twitter analytics

Preliminary enforcement of policy

4 Linked

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Little to no social media acknowledgement of music and artists No part in sales promotion

Music

Brand exists on social media with no set identity or structure

Acknowledgement of artists and music on social media occasional and unstructured Sales and Occasional use of advertising social media in advertising agreements and projects Communication No use of social Occasional use of media in internal social media for less staff important or communication casual announcements News No expectation of RMR News uses social media use to social media for broadcast news certain events stories or headlines

Little to no presence online

Marketing and branding

1 Ad hoc

Organisation-­ Departmental-­ wide spheres level operational spheres

2 Experimental

Maturity level characteristics

Organisational spheres

Social media acknowledgement where information is available

Communicate brand identity to the station and staff

4 Linked

Creating different sales packages with varying levels of social media engagement Social media used Social media used to dispense both formally as an formal and alternative informal communication communication channel Social media only Social media used used to give formally as an updates on alternative specific types of broadcast channel events, e.g., crises for news and live events

Introduce social media formally into advertising agreements

Introduce social media formally into on air music playing

Developing brand identity through social media properties

3 Defined

(continued)

All Internet and social media properties aligned with one brand vision All songs played accompanied by social media acknowledgement of artists Advertising agreements include full social media exposure as standard All internal communication explicitly conveyed using both email and social media Full integration of social media to accompany all news broadcasts and live events

5 Integrated

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On-air programming

1 Ad hoc

Organisation-­ Departmental-­ wide spheres level operational spheres No expectation to Staff members use use social media in social media if they radio work wish to

2 Experimental

Maturity level characteristics

Organisational spheres

Table 9.2 (continued)

Staff members expected to have social media accounts

3 Defined Staff use social media during shows and for content production

4 Linked

Staff use their personal social media to promote the social media of the station

5 Integrated

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Table 9.3  Elements investigated in each departmental-level operational sphere Departmental-level operational spheres

Elements

Human resources

The Human Resources Department has programmes that help staff members work with social media in the day-to-day presenting and production of shows. Programming and Social media’s role in producing content for shows (e.g., using production social media as a source for content, news, features and trends; systems to ensure that content sourced online is true and accurate). Technical The role of the Technical Department in the use of social media (e.g., ensuring that staff have access to working computers, RMR’s internal computer network, and the Internet). Marketing and Online branding of the radio station and ensuring consistency over branding the various platforms that the station uses to promote or present itself, including social media. Music The role of social media in the sourcing, programming, and distribution of music, and in interactions with the music industry. Sales and advertising The role of social media in bringing revenue to the station, including the nature of advertising agreements and services, and the utilisation and integration of all media for advertising (e.g., during on-air programming and on online platforms). Communication The role of social media in communication, particularly with staff members, RMR student society members, and the public at large. News How social media is used as a source of news content and to inform the news stories that are covered. On-air programming How presenters and producers are using social media to gather content for their shows and to communicate with the public about their shows.

Marketing and Brands, and Social Media. The social media manager verified the content for the various accounts when live events were posted. RMR was monitoring its performance on social media using the analytical tools made available by the different networks and feedback received by the station through word-of-mouth and written comments. However, the station had no benchmarks in place to gauge the performance of social media posts and no formal or systematic way of monitoring the social media activities of staff members to ascertain the quality and integration of social media use.

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Departmental-Level Operational Spheres Human Resources Internally, staff members were expected to participate as much as possible on social media, in ways that helped to promote the station and its programming. However, staff had not received any formal training from RMR on social media use. No training was offered, and no guidelines on responsible behaviour were available. Instead, staff had learnt through their own research and experience. Presenters followed national and local media organisations that always seemed to be up to date with what was happening nationally and frequently updated their social media platforms. Individuals with national profiles on the radio were followed, and some with a local profile. Programming and Production RMR considered social media a significant source of content for its programming. The production team tended to rely on credible or established news outlets and media organisations to verify the content of stories sourced from social media. The Production Manager controlled the type of content aired by approving content plans before shows went on air. Presenters recognised that social media helped them stay abreast of trends and the general state of society. One interviewee believed that the public expected that presenters “should be informed about what is going on in the society since they are the people who are a voice for the people”. Another interviewee noted that listeners expected presenters to interact with them online when presenting their shows on radio. However, interviewees believed listeners expected presenters to stay neutral on radio and social media since they were viewed as journalists. As one interviewee stated: “One needs to be unbiased, and I find that my interactions on social media remain consistent whether I’m dealing on a personal or professional level.” Technical The technical team was responsible for setting up equipment, including ensuring that computers were working and could access the Internet. While the technical team members were trained as sound technicians, they had to develop expertise in IT, networking, and engineering with the expanding scope of their work.

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Marketing and Branding RMR used Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook to communicate and market its brand. The station also derived some benefits for its brand through the personal social media accounts and networks of RMR staff. However, monitoring how staff members carried the RMR brand online was challenging. The Marketing Manager said: “There are no systems in place to help maintain the values, mission and brand image of RMR. There is room for improvement regarding RMR’s efforts to grow its brand using social media.” Music RMR’s Music Department engaged with the music industry using social media as a communication channel. Formal communication with public relations companies promoting songs took place through email. Music submissions were mainly done using digital submissions or email, with the sending of physical CDs to the station “becoming less by the week”. Songs could not be added to RMR’s library from social media interaction, but when songs were play-listed or added to the music library, this was acknowledged on Twitter. Recording companies and artists tended to interact with RMR on their various social media platforms when their music was played on RMR. Twitter seems to be the music industry’s preferred platform because of its immediacy and the capability to gauge trends on this platform. Sales and Advertising Through statistics and website links, potential advertisers were aware of RMR’s presence and engagement on social media. However, the main channel for advertising was on-air advertising, and RMR did not charge for advertising on its social media but offered it as an added benefit to advertisers. Therefore, the radio station did not generate revenue directly from its social media platforms. Furthermore, competitions were used to get people to view RMR’s social media platforms and thereby consider the advertising content. Communication The Communications Manager highlighted that the official channel for internal communication for staff members was email. However, recently this has been extended to social media. For example, a particular Facebook group was established for staff. Emails were still used for communication

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with the RMR Club. For external communications, RMR had launched a social media presence and now had to increase interaction with its online platforms. News RMR used social media as a source of news and content. RMR recognised that social media could be a biased news source, but there were no formal systems in place at RMR to check the credibility of sources. However, the news team tried fact-checking stories before reporting on them. RMR News operated as a broadcast news team, with on-air bulletins being the only way RMR conveyed the news to people. RMR did not publish news anywhere else. Overall Assessment Table 9.4 summarises the assessment of RMR’s social media maturity. According to the model, the station was assessed at level 3 maturity overall in its social media use, with room for improvement. In Table 9.1, a level 3 maturity was described as “defined”, meaning that social media was used formally in some departments. As set out in Table 9.4, three departments were found to be at level 3 and five at level 4, with only the Technical Department being rated at level 2 (as skills related to social media support were still being developed in that department). Furthermore, the organisation had a formal presence across multiple social media platforms, and evidence suggests that the station’s brand was beginning to grow online. RMR had also begun tracking the trends in its social media presence. Furthermore, consistent with the level 3 descriptor, staff members were trained in social media use. There were rules and guidelines related to social media conduct, even though a formal policy was still finalised.

Findings: Five Years Later Almost five years after the initial data collection, an update, which entailed additional data collection, was done to assess how RMR had progressed and regressed in its social media and online platform implementation journey.

Monitoring social media listening and monitoring

Policy social media strategy

Technical

Programming and production

Human resources

Use analytic tools like Google and Twitter analytics

Tracking trends on various social media

Social media plan for all shows

Social media becomes integrated into staff training and development

Full policy in place, which directs all station social media efforts Full monitoring of all platforms with regular reporting

Integrated

(continued)

Support systems are Full technical in place for most support platforms

Social media plan for certain shows, not all

Enforcement of norms and training

Preliminary enforcement of policy

Linked

Social media policy in development

Defined

Social media Establishing a set training—occasional of norms for and unplanned conduct and training on social media for staff Limited Use social media as a Developing norms consideration in secondary resource/ in how to use content production channel for content social media in content production No specific Social media used Developing technical support within existing technical support given to social technical support norms for social media structures media use No training, norms, or code of conduct for online activity

Social media dealt with using other existing policy or policies No systems in place Monitor basic activity and simple metrics online

None

Experimental

Ad hoc

Organisation-­ wide spheres

Departmental-­ level operational spheres

Findings on level characteristics

Organisational spheres

Table 9.4  Assessment of RMR’s social media maturity

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Little to no social media acknowledgement of music and artists No part in sales promotion

Music

Communication No use of social media in internal staff communication

Little to no presence online

Marketing and branding

Sales and advertising

Ad hoc

Departmental-­ level operational spheres

Organisation-­ wide spheres

Acknowledgement of artists and music on social media occasional and unstructured Occasional use of social media in advertising agreements and projects Occasional use of social media for less important or casual announcements

Communicate brand identity to the station and staff

Linked

Integrated

All Internet and social media properties aligned with one brand vision Introduce social Social media All songs played media formally acknowledgement accompanied by into on air music where information social media playing is available acknowledgement of artists Introduce social Creating different Advertising media formally sales packages agreements include into advertising with varying levels full social media agreements of social media exposure as engagement standard Social media used Social media used All internal to dispense both formally as an communication formal and alternative explicitly conveyed informal communication using both email communication channel and social media

Defined

Brand exists on social Developing media with no set brand identity identity or structure through social media properties

Experimental

Findings on level characteristics

Organisational spheres

Table 9.4 (continued)

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Ad hoc

No expectation of RMR News uses social media use to social media for broadcast news certain events stories or headlines

No expectation to Staff members use use social media in social media if they radio work wish to

Departmental-­ level operational spheres

RMR News

On-air programming

Organisation-­ wide spheres

Experimental

Findings on level characteristics

Organisational spheres

Social media only used to give updates on specific types of events, e.g., crises and live events Staff members expected to have social media accounts

Defined

Staff use social media during shows and for content production

Social media used formally as an alternative broadcast channel for news

Linked

Staff use their personal social media to promote the social media of the station

Full integration of social media to accompany all news broadcasts and live events

Integrated

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Progress Over the five years, RMR has been able to grow its online presence across all platforms. In 2016, RMR had about 3339 page likes on Facebook, 3646 followers on Twitter, and 394 followers on Instagram. In 2021 this has now grown to 4569 page likes on Facebook, 8692 followers on Twitter, and 1070 followers on Instagram. Whereas in 2016, Facebook was the dominant social media channel for the station’s engagement with listeners overall, this has now evolved to where Twitter has become the main channel, driven by university youth. This contrasts with Facebook, the main channel for listeners in the broader Makhanda community, primarily an older demographic. The shift in RMR’s social media mix highlights the influence of audience make-up on an organisation’s use of online platforms. In the case of RMR, reduced interest in Facebook by its core university youth audience has shifted the balance, bringing prominence and doubling Twitter followers. The manner of use of social media platforms has also developed. While Twitter had a slight edge regarding followership in 2016, the engagement was highest on Facebook. This is in line with broader trends in radio. Previously, Twitter was used to broadcast messages out to the public. The platform was now used to engage listeners and drive conversation and was often incorporated into on-air programming. As a result, the station has had to adapt and change how it communicates on the two platforms and the information disseminated. Social media has also shaped the mode of delivery of radio at RMR. For example, RMR has grown its podcasting efforts and now has a profile on iono.fm, distributing its podcasts to popular platforms like Spotify, Apple, and Google. The station views podcasts as not necessarily part of their social media mix but rather an extension of their digital presence, suitable for attracting young listeners. While implementation is different across radio stations, RMR has chosen to podcast particular segments and interviews posted online for on-demand listening. In addition, RMR sees the production of unique or tailored podcasts for businesses as a potential revenue stream. Young people now consume RMR primarily through online streaming, given the wide availability of Internet access to students on campus, in university residences, and in off-­ campus accommodation. For the rest of the town, analogue is the primary listening medium. This listening mode also allows radio stations across the board to overcome geographical limitations usually present as part of the analogue experience. For example, RMR’s analogue signal is only available in Makhanda, while the station’s online streaming can be heard worldwide.

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One of the most significant areas of improvement during the intervening period was implementing a rigorous training programme, which the station manager credits for building a solid management and programming team between 2018 and 2019. That resulted in better overall use of social media at the station, particularly around having staff who understand how to effectively use the tools for programming and engaging with audiences, setting up norms and standards that can be enforced, while receiving adequate technical support. Regress At the same time, some regression has occurred due to staff vacancies and the adverse impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on operations and training. As of June 2021, no dedicated social media manager oversaw managing and implementing RMR’s online activity. The Covid-19 pandemic and its subsequent lockdowns have also harmed the continuity of the station’s activities, which are affected by the university’s operations. In this regard, the shutting down and opening of Rhodes University according to the level of lockdown restriction in place at a point in time meant that the station had periods when it did not operate, which affected social media engagement and growth plans for its online properties. When the study was conducted, the social media manager started developing a training programme implemented in 2017. Given that young university students mainly staff RMR, there are constant cycles of new staff coming into the station and old members leaving. Typically, the station finds it takes about a year to effectively train a new cohort who can execute their roles as expected from their second year. Unfortunately, due to the uncertainties brought on by the Covid-19 pandemic, the training programme could not continue, affecting the momentum gained until then. Overall Assessment As noted in the previous section, progress had been made, especially on training, which would have seen RMR moving on a level on the Social Media Maturity Model in Human Resources, Technical, and Marketing and Branding. That would have resulted in RMR being assessed at a level 4 maturity. However, with the regression that has been observed, it would not be easy to justify this. Therefore, the assessed maturity levels remain

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unchanged. Thus, the case of RMR illustrates the negative impact of Covid-19 on organisations in general, and on their social media maturity, in particular.

Recommendations for Practice and Future Research Recommendations are given on how RMR can increase its social maturity level, followed by recommendations for further research. Recommendations for Practice Recommendations are made concerning policy and strategy, building organisation capacity and technical skills, and integrating social media into the activities of RMR. Policy and Strategy A well-thought-out, articulated online policy continues to be the cornerstone of a sound planning and implantation agenda. RMR recently finalised its social media policy as part of a broader exercise to revamp its constitution. The policy is yet to be approved and ratified by the board overseeing the station’s running and requires their urgent attention. In the meantime, the prominence of Twitter amongst the university youth audience has changed the station’s social media strategy across departments like Sales, Communication, On-Air Programming, and Marketing. RMR could also sell online advertising equally between Facebook and Twitter. Weighting can now be determined based on whether an advertiser wishes to reach the wider Makhanda community or university youth. In the same respect, on-air programming can tailor its engagement based on the target audience of a specific show. These new insights from RMR, particularly the shift in platform mix, highlight the need for a sound policy concerning change management and organisational maturity, enabling strategic flexibility to cope with audience and platform preference changes.  rganisation Capacity and Technical Skills O In 2016, the department that required the most urgent attention was the Technical Department. It needed to develop its members’ capacity so that they could provide the necessary support for social media. This required creating a position responsible for computer-related technical support and recruiting someone with the relevant skills to fill the post. With the Social

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Media Manager post vacant, the latest findings once again highlight the importance of having an individual or team in place, driving the organisation’s social media strategy in concert with its various departments. In the absence of such roles being filled, aspects of implementation can stall. The most significant risk is where organisations choose to forgo any online activity without someone in charge of its implementation. Some of the social media activities and responsibilities, especially those deemed crucial, can be taken on by other team members. In the case of RMR, that role has largely been taken on by the station manager. However, such an arrangement can only be temporary, as it places responsibility and strain on a few individuals. This carries the risk of overloading some members of a management team. The station urgently needed to finalise and endorse its Social Media Policy to develop internal capacity. After that, RMR staff had to be trained on the policy and how to apply it correctly in their work. Finally, once staff were informed of the Social Media Policy and formally trained in social media, they had to be encouraged to become more involved in the station’s social media. This would involve following the various RMR accounts and engaging with listeners and other staff members on these platforms. Coupled with having a dedicated online manager is therefore providing continuous staff training. As noted previously, training had improved in the intervening period leading to progress across departments but was later derailed by the Covid-19 pandemic and its ensuing lockdowns. Training must be ongoing, keeping staff abreast with changes in platforms and audiences. Such a programme could be implemented by working with journalism lecturers to train staff on these differences, which can be practised when deploying in the various formats described. While there is growing conflation of specific terms due to the rise of the Internet, RMR does note a distinction between radio, online radio, and podcasting, for example. Educating staff on such intricacies would likely aid in maintaining and improving the overall quality of RMR’s product. Importantly, with leadership from the station’s policy and strategy, distinctions must be made around how staff interact and engage with audiences on the different platforms. I ntegration of Social Media into Activities Once internal social media capacity had been developed, the station needed to integrate social media into its activities effectively. First, it had to find ways to connect more frequently with the Rhodes University and

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Makhanda communities, as these two audiences formed the main listener base for the station’s estimated 3000 listeners. RMR also needed to find ways to convert its social media following into listeners of its broadcast programming. Marketing through live broadcast events that are also promoted through social media could be an effective means to achieve this. Furthermore, RMR could try using new social media platforms such as TikTok to complement its traditional Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram platforms. These recommendations highlight the need for RMR to adopt a more strategic and integrated approach in its combination of radio and social media to provide a more holistic set of media to its audience. Future Research The SMMM developed in this study seemed appropriate for assessing the social media maturity level of RMR and appeared to help identify areas for the station’s potential improvement. However, the research was of limited scope, given that it involved only one community radio station. Therefore, it is recommended that further research be undertaken with the same model at other community radio stations to test its utility in different contexts. As noted in the additional findings, the Covid-19 pandemic—though considered a once-in-a-lifetime event or natural disaster—raises questions about how prepared organisations are for unforeseen circumstances. In addition, how would the assessed maturity of an organisation withstand such cases, if at all? This would also require further research to uncover.

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Karttunen, S. (2017). Using social media at a radio station. Helsinki Metropolia University of Applied Sciences. https://www.theseus.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/125757/Susanna_Karttunen.pdf?sequence=1 Kemp, S. (2021). Digital 2021: South Africa. https://datareportal.com/reports/ digital-­2021-­south-­africa Lietsala, K., & Sirkkunen, E. (2008). Social media. Introduction to the tools and processes of participatory economy. Tampere University Press. Lewis, P. M. (2000). Private passion, public neglect: The cultural status of radio. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 3(2), 160–167. https://doi. org/10.1177/136787790000300203 Lockamy, A., & McCormack, A. L. K. (2004). The development of a supply chain management process maturity model using the concepts of business process orientation. Supply Chain Management: An International Journal, 9(4), 272–278. https://doi.org/10.1108/13598540410550019 MacFarland, D. T. (2016). Contemporary radio programming strategies. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315443522 Mawokomayi, B., & Osunkunle, O.  O. (2019). Listeners’ perceptions of Forte FM’s role in facilitating community development in Alice, South Africa. Critical Arts, 33(1), 88–100. https://doi.org/10.1080/02560046.2019.1631364 Makoye, H. F. (2006). Tale-telling tradition and popularity of radio soap opera in Tanzania: The case of Twendena Wakati. Utafiti Journal, 7(1), 91–99. Medeossi, B.  J., Stadler, J., & Delany-Moretlwe, S. (2014). ‘I heard about this study on the radio’: Using community radio to strengthen good participatory practice in HIV prevention trials. BMC Public Health, 14(1), 876–883. https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-­2458-­14-­876 Megwa, E. R. (2007). Community radio stations as community technology centers: An evaluation of the development impact of technological hybridisation on stakeholder communities in South Africa. Journal of Radio Studies, 14(1), 49–66. https://doi.org/10.1080/10955040701301847 Mhagama, P. (2016). The importance of participation in development through community radio: A case study of Nkhotakota community radio station in Malawi. Critical Arts, 30(1), 45–61. https://doi.org/10.1080/0256004 6.2016.1164384 Oduaran, C., & Nelson, O. (2019). Community radio, women and family development issues in South Africa: An experiential study. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 20(7), 102–112. Olorunnisola, A. A. (2002). Community radio: Participatory communication in post-apartheid South Africa. Journal of Radio Studies, 9(1), 126–145. https:// doi.org/10.1207/s15506843jrs0901_11 Order, S. (2015). Towards a contingency-based approach to value for community radio. Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media, 13(1–2), 121–138. https://doi.org/10.1386/rjao.13.1-­2.121_1

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CHAPTER 10

The Language of Audience Engagement in Converged Radio Through Facebook and Twitter: The Case of NRG Radio and Ghetto Radio in Nairobi, Kenya Benson Oduor Ojwang

Introduction The radio sector in Kenya has undergone massive growth from the dawn of the 21st century. In 2021, 167 licensed radio stations were broadcasting in Kenya (Communications Authority of Kenya, 2021). The radio sector has become diverse; some are specifically dedicated to music, showbiz, and entertainment. This category targets urban youth and the middle class. Another notable category of stations features youth-oriented programmes that promote youth empowerment through music, art, business education, and creative talent development. For instance, popular actors and comedians such as Eric Omondi, Jalang’o, and Churchill Ndambuki have doubled up as radio presenters by hosting entertainment shows

B. O. Ojwang (*) Department of Languages and Literature, Kaimosi Friends University, Kaimosi, Kenya © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_10

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(Osura, 2020). Their creative content has thus become the face of youth-­ driven programming. This has revolutionised listener behaviour because many youths identify with the actors and follow them on Facebook and YouTube. This trend has caused stiff competition among stations. It also provides various media outlets from which audiences can choose freely. Consequently, stations have adopted new modes of content delivery and dynamic programming with the significant expansion of radio opportunities (Ojwang, 2015). One such strategy is the converged radio approach. Convergence aims to engage listeners online by integrating different online platforms as alternative modes of reception and participation. Consequently, several radio stations run traditional terrestrial studio-based broadcasts concurrently with online streaming channels to capture the attention of the digital generation and maintain a global presence. This is mediated by Internet and telephone technology. Digital media have thus redefined the nature, magnitude, and level of creative expression through radio in Kenya (Iminza, 2021). Moreover, participants can identify with radio journalists more closely since it has become easier to establish rapport. This new form of interaction has reduced the professional distance between presenters and their listeners and narrowed the social and professional boundaries between the radio stations and their audiences. A stronger bond thus emerges as the audiences become co-creators of content (Ningala, 2018). For instance, listeners can select their preferred music through call-in platforms, Facebook Livestream, and concurrent comments on Twitter. The Facebook fan page and Twitter pages of the interactive radio stations allow for real-time interaction whereby members discuss the merits and weaknesses of the approaches adopted by the stations. Through converged radio, these groups have acquired unique labels such as netizens, Kenyans on Twitter (KOT), Facebook champions, and United online defence forces. Moreover, listeners develop a cult-like following through converged radio, thus enhancing the client base by creating advertising opportunities and expanding the listener base. This chapter aims to establish the emerging characteristics of online radio listeners of the selected stations, the language and style they adopt to present their contributions, and the relevance of their feedback on the strategies presenters adopt while engaging their listeners on online platforms. The research issue in this chapter is that online platforms, mainly Facebook and Twitter, can quickly be converged with studio-based radio

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transmission. Consequently, there is a need to evaluate the relevance of the new trends of interaction arising from the new roles and responsibilities of both presenters and strategies of audience engagement. The aim is to understand the impact of these trends on urban youth identity and brand building by radio stations. This chapter is based on a qualitative study that targeted comments posted online concurrently as radio programmes ran in-studio or the threads sustained later as a follow-up to earlier programmes. Data was obtained from purposively selected threads of conversations between announcers and listeners. This was in the form of tweets and retweets on the official Twitter handles of NRG Radio and Ghetto Radio. Secondly, chats, posts, and updates were selected from the official Facebook pages of the two radio stations. The data expressed in Kiswahili and Sheng (a Kenyan urban youth slang) were translated into English. Themes and categories were then established, and the data was analysed using qualitative content analysis and presented in prose. Radio Convergence and Audience Interaction: A Review of Literature The radio industry has become increasingly multimedia and web-based. For instance, Cordeiro (2012) argues that all sorts of digital devices have combined to create a self-media environment that resituates radio in the face of new challenges; hence the concept of converged radio, which focuses on audience behaviour in the context of cross-media, multiplatform, and audience interaction with media content. Consequently, radio has become a social institution through which online communities are created (Lindgren & Philips, 2014). According to Willems (2013), audience characteristics have changed, and listeners are increasingly becoming non-traditional, non-passive, but participative and independent. This means that new trends of interactivity and participation have emerged. In Kenya, most FM radio stations use music programmes to brand themselves (Ojwang, 2017). This strategy enables them to attract youth audiences (Nyre, 2008:102). Such branding depends upon content or radio format, and content is defined by coverage. Radio stations therefore  intend to establish a community of listeners around their radio brand. As Rafaeli (1998) argues, live radio streaming through online transmission entails a complex process, including questions and answers requiring communicators to respond instantly. In

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exchanging views and opinions, participants actively engage in  co-­ construction of content (Cordeiro, 2011a). Moreover, the broadcasters have made radio dependent upon digital devices and interfaces by extending radio to the Internet. In tandem with this trend, Alba & Aitchison (2000) cited in Stewart and Pavlov (2002) state that interactive communication is characterised by three factors, namely, that it is multi-way, involving two or more actors, it is immediate, and it is contingent, such that responses of one actor follow directly and logically from the action of the other. Participation formats on online platforms entail sharing Facebook posts, commenting on posts, tweeting, and retweeting. This form of Internet-mediated participation is by far the most common format of online media communication (Moraa, 2018). In the Internet-mediated converged radio format, listeners use their discursive capacity in a situation provided by the broadcaster. Listeners are thus guided by a predetermined thematic area that obeys specific rules, again defined by the radio station that invites such participation (Cordeiro, 2011b). In converged radio, listeners create experiences through collaborative intelligence, creating synergies. The online interaction facilitated by a focal radio host encourages group integration. It provides the illusion of imagined communities through interfaces that allow listeners to participate actively and productively on the radio (Mc Ewan, 2017). Convergence in radio thus entails the network architecture that broadcasters have adopted to merge traditional media broadcasting into common interfaces on digital devices. Today’s radio combines traditional features with the Internet’s multimedia nature (Cordeiro, 2012). This creates a media that broadcast real-time audio (Priestman, 2006). According to Jenkins (2006), the effects of convergence are integrating the participatory media culture and reshaping media content through the influence of media consumers. Similarly, Deuze (2011) avers that online sharing platforms blur boundaries and foster co-creation of content across multiple media platforms. Papacharissi (2009) contends that the logic of social network sites in a converged environment allows audiences to serve as consumers and producers of media (Pavlik, 2005). This is because converged radio has added online interactive tools, adopted multimedia features, crossed social borders through presenters, and boosted interaction with people on social networks (Asy’ari, 2019). The difference between traditional and converged radio is that the former is linear, time-based, and intensive. At the same time, the latter is flexible, time-free, and extensive because digital radio can be accessed

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anywhere (Jenkins, 2006). There is intense competition for audience attention in a convergent media environment. This entails reimagining radio as a multiplatform brand that involves negotiating new roles and responsibilities (Kuyucu, 2019). Moreover, radio personalities communicate with both the values of the radio brand and their brand (Moraa, 2018). The new technologies allow the announcer to extend its personal brand 24/7 (Iminza, 2021). Listeners can form a greater emotional bond with the announcer. In summary, radio convergence combines all types of media in digital form. One consequence of convergence is interactive programming. One emergent opportunity presented by this change is the expansion of on-­ demand programming rather than scheduled programming (Asy’ari, 2019).

Theoretical Framework The data analysis in this chapter is informed by the Uses and Gratifications theory proposed by Katz, Blumler  & Gurevitch (1974), quoted in Papacharissi (2009). It helps explain how the public consumes the media, why people use certain types of media, what needs they have, and the gratifications they get from using it. This approach enables an understanding of why and how people actively seek out specific media to satisfy particular needs. Uses and Gratifications theory  is an audience-centred approach to understanding the characteristics of mass communication audiences. It assumes that audience members are not passive consumers of media. The theory states that consumers use the media to satisfy specific needs and desires. It facilitates examining the motivations behind media use and further analyses the motives for media consumption and the consequences of using particular media. Social media platforms portend gratifications for the youth, which include its ease of access, recoverability of content, shareability, emotional bonding, asynchronous nature, and the fact that it is repeated and productive.

Data Analysis and Discussion Collaboration Between Presenters and Radio Audiences Statements of audience feedback on Facebook and Twitter suggest that a converged radio format promotes collaboration between the audience and the programme presenter or radio host. The collaborative listener

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complements the programme by making voluntary comments to refocus or help clarify to other participants why the presenter or DJ takes specific approaches. They act as referees and promote discipline and respectful participation. They often infuse their experience into their contributions, demonstrating that they know what is required to sustain a programme, promote a station, and motivate the presenter. This category is represented by: 1.My ninjaas karibieni.   Come closer my ruffians. 2. Sisi na ma mbogi leo tunatokea na mizinga na viti Outering Road mpaka chee.   We and the crews will come today with seats on Outering Road till morning. 3.Show ni #Goteana tuchapie tukiwa na Bonokodeh vile mashujaa day inakupeleka.   The show is Goteana. Call us and tell us how heroes’ day is progressing. 4. Daisha tune zako za kibazu.   Ask for your tunes of honour. 5.Kwa kuku kienyeji tuko ndani.   On domestic chickens we are in. 6. HipHop Tuesday on your stereo story za HipHop kibao both Mtaani na Majuu, hizo request zikam through.   It is HipHop Tuesday on your stereo several local and stories from abroad put your requests through. 7. Tunasondeeka na kukeep it local with the talented.   We engage and keep it local with the talented. 8.Tukikafunga, what would you like @britothedj to play you!!   As we close what would you like DJ Brito to play for you? 9.The No.1 Gospel DJ @brito grooving with you till 1 P.M.… Send in your requests on our   WhatsApp line. 10.Tell us the qualities of what you would like in a partner then we’ll definitely set you up. 11.Tuma hiyo voicenote saa hii 07106754674.   Send that voice note now. In 1, an NRG radio host refers to his listeners as ruffians and asks them to move closer. The term ninjaas ordinarily refers to street boys, but the meaning is extended in this context to connote a cunning but hardy

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character who can survive harsh conditions. Moving closer symbolically enhances the image of a physical audience being invited to congregate around the presenter to witness and participate in the upcoming programme. In 2, a Facebook chat from a Ghetto Radio fan promises to voluntarily mobilise listeners whom he refers to as mbogi (group, crew) to convene along a well-known street in Eastern Nairobi, which is the home of most streetwise youth. The mention of availing of their seats and carrying their own drinks means they are determined to keep the radio host company from a distance by following him online the whole night. This is a tacit resolve to make the radio programme a success. In 3, an NRG radio host invites listeners to call in and share their feelings about the public holiday celebrations of heroes’ day. The solicitation of calls indicates that the station motivates listeners to collaborate by participating actively. Further illustrations are seen in 4 and 9, in which listeners are encouraged to ask for their favourite  tunes that define them as eminent participants. This implies that, as a policy of the station, the presenter is willing to accommodate the listeners’ desires and offer them what boosts their ego in the eyes of other listeners. Moreover, in 5, 6, and 7, collaborative presentation is evident in the affirmations by listeners through the phrases ‘we are in’, ‘send in your requests’, and ‘as we close’. These phrases portray the event as being jointly undertaken and that the interests of the presenter and listeners are considered. This enhances satisfaction and a sense of ownership as both parties can claim to shape the overall structure and impact of the content. The pivotal role of listeners is further upheld in chats 8 and 10; the listeners’ needs are directly sought through the phrase ‘what would you like’. Moreover, most statements are plural, involving both listener and presenter in the processes. Consequently, in 9 and 11, the host welcomes listeners to contribute views through WhatsApp voice notes. This is a component that enhances the reality of the listener’s existence. Through these, other listeners can authenticate and recognise the source, thereby appreciating their situation and sincerity. Asserting Audience Power Online listeners demand a degree of control over the programme and may offer the desired direction to some of the actions and decisions of the radio host. Listeners thus have the latitude to exercise some degree of

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power and control over the stations’ agenda, given that youth are dynamic, effortlessly rebellious, and have high expectations of standards. The presenter must thus allow flexibility and listen to the listener, occasionally altering the original presentation plan or format to accommodate the listener. The assertive listener speaks his or her mind and does not permit the presenter to dominate the process. They do not sugar-coat or talk indirectly when their opinion is sought. They know the expected quality and form of treatment from the station. They may thus demand respect from the radio host and fellow online listeners. They also place requests for songs and strongly justify their choices. Such listeners decisively propose and air their perspectives and expect their concerns to be satisfactorily addressed. For instance, they may request that a favourite song be replayed. They exhibit a sense of belonging and challenge any utterances that may imply online or cyberbullying by the presenter or fellow listeners. The choice of words by the assertive participant entails claims to rights and a sense of entitlement. The data set 12–19 demonstrates this attribute. 12. The streets are saying they need Mercury back. 13. My Dj isonge hiyo design.   My DJ let it move in that manner. 14. President please remove curfew, Etana ako njiani anakam.   Mr. President please end the curfew,  Etana is on the way, she is coming. 15. Mix the love story by the Baninas. 16. Remix me love story. 17. This Tuesday, connect with us youths tuchambue vitu za ground tukishikanisha na politics.   This Tuesday, connect with us youths and let us analyse local issues concerning politics. 18. MPs wanasema curfew ibaki, kwangu mimi naona itolewe kabisa.   MPs want the curfew to remain; as for me I would like it ended completely. 19. D.J. Niche ongeza volume.   DJ Niche increase the volume. The foregoing data illustrates that, given the liberal nature of radio programming that targets the urban youth and the new trends of online engagement, listeners are becoming more assertive and vocal. They demand to be heard; thus, their opinions may set the agenda for the

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programme, refocus the topic or determine the choice of content, such as by expressing a preference for certain music artistes and genres. This trend is evident in 12, where the phrase ‘the streets are saying’ indicates that the ubiquitous listeners have concerns that they voice succinctly to the station. For instance, the assertion ‘they need Mercury back’ is an ultimatum that does not seem to give the station a choice but to reinstate the former DJ. Moreover, in 13, there is a demand for the DJ to maintain the tempo and mode of delivery as dictated by the listener. This means that the presenter’s choices are subjected to listener perceptions of satisfaction. In addition, in 14, a listener uses the Ghetto Radio FB wall to petition the president to end the nationwide curfew that had restricted opportunities for partying in the city beyond 10 P.M. This means that freedom to patronise clubs and bars is akin to freedom to participate in radio entertainment shows as part of cooling off after work. The word ‘remove’ encodes a compulsion rather than a request, although it is prefaced with the courteous word ‘please’. In 15 and 16, the listener demands the presenter/DJ to mix and remix the same song. This is a daunting task to execute consecutively as expected by the listener. A similar trend emerges in 17, in which youth listeners complain that their constituency is abandoned or ignored by the station. They thus demand that the station ‘connect with them’ on a specific day of their choice, namely, a Tuesday. They subsequently set the agenda of the meeting as a discussion on their grassroots challenges, given the prevailing national political trends. In 14, the justification for demanding the lifting of the curfew through the radio station is that a friend to a listener, Etana, would be arriving soon from abroad to party with him. This is a personal subjective reason for making the demand, while in 18, the views of MPs on curfew extension are dismissed as inconsequential without a counterargument. Finally, in 19, the DJ is explicitly ordered to turn up the volume of the music, yet that is not a practical feat since the receiver’s gadget controls the volume. Social Networking Among Online Radio Participants Audiences of NRG Radio and Ghetto Radio consider the participants as family members. There is a high sense of belonging, expressed in a way that promotes trust, reliability, dependence, and sensitivity to the personal and group welfare of the local city, national and global network of

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listeners. The station also demonstrates awareness of the primary role of close-knit units of listeners to grow the station brands and expand its reach through the following utterances: 20. Good morning narausha mbogi yote iko locked.   Good morning, I am waking up the whole engaged crew. 21. Happy birthday to my FB friends Viola and Violine. 22. Wangapi walizaliwa Mashujaa Day? Tupeleke na rieng we celebrate together.   How many were born on independence day? Update us, we celebrate together. 23. My wife has been my pillar, especially during this hard time of Covid-19, she is tuned in from Ngong. 24. @Nataliegithinji is ready for your shout-outs today…where are you tuned in from, fam? 25. NRG Radio promises to drive you home or drive you crazy on the littest drive show. 26. Groove me #kakiss by talik zee it goes to ma friend’s team. 27. Happy Mashujaa Day and how is your morning, fam? 28. Let’s meet on Switch TV…ooh, men. 29. We are up and here to listen and check up on you. Where are you tuned in from? 30. Niaje majamaa? Let us join the littest night gang. Where are you tuned in from?   How are you my people? Let us join the hottest night gang. 31. Niko ready kubanji na sisi leo.   I am ready to talk with us today. 32. Get your mbogi tuned in tuende sanaa.   Get your crew tuned in, and let us go to the show. 33. From your friend your hommie…si tukutane kesho wadau.   This is from your friend and home mate…let us meet tomorrow stakeholders. 34. Jeshi yote igoteke.   Greet the entire army. 35. @King Kalala Long live the clan. From data sets 20–34, it is evident that interactive formats of radio have facilitated sustainable interpersonal, intra-group. and inter-group interaction and the formation of social networks of participants mediated by the studio. For instance, in 20 and 32, there is a reference to mbogi (squad), while in 21, FB friends are collectively hailed. Chats 21 and 22 directly

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invite friends to celebrate birthdays online. This means that the online mode of interaction acts as an alternative platform that complements and sustains normal social functions as the event can be streamed live on FB, reaching a wider audience. Images of the community of listeners having established strong social ties are portrayed through 24 and 27 through the word fam (family). There is also a reference to friends in 21, 26, and 33. Similarly, ‘my people’ in 30, hommie (home mate) in 33, the clan in 35, and wadau (stakeholders) in 36 essentially describe a congenial link among the listeners. The bonds among the online community of listeners are further entrenched in the phrases ‘let’s meet’, ‘let us join’, ‘check up on you’, ‘celebrate together’, ‘ready to talk with us’, ‘drive you home’, and ‘drive you crazy’. The foregoing phrases denote a sense of communal undertaking, caring for one another’s welfare, and keeping up to date with developments of personal interest. The sentences numbered 20–35 thus emphasise the need to maintain social links and support one another. Evidently,  radio as an interface to social networking plays a key role in facilitating these social obligations. The radio hosts in NRG Radio and Ghetto Radio display the role of galvanising the community of listeners by promoting the pursuit of a common agenda and nurturing a similar mindset. Through this, they develop a sense of responsibility and social support as a family of listeners. The listeners thus have a duty to initiate and manage their own social structures through cohesive groupings. They achieve this by organising themselves into social units, which they describe in urban slang as mbogi (squad), jeshi (army), and majamaa (kinsmen). Expressing Absolute Listener Loyalty Selected tweets and Facebook posts demonstrate absolute loyalty to the station and a sense of strong attachment to the specific stations. Listeners expressly indicate that they are dependent on the station for their entertainment, educative, and information needs. Some comments suggest that listeners deliberately choose the stations and promise long hours of constant interaction with the station. Although the loyalty is built around individual presenters, it also extends to particular programmes and the station as a system. The perspectives that emerge from listeners’ views include expectations of satisfaction based on a variety of programmes, the

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trendiness of content, taste, experience, and creativity of the presenter and the degree of interactivity. This is illustrated by: 36. Show iko lit mbaya.   The show is extremely hot. 37. Ndaani xana watu wangu n jaymo niko much tuned…say hae to Darwa and Laban.   Am absolutely in it, my people…it is Jaymo…I am completely tuned in, say hi to my friends. 38. Kawangware massive iko locked.   Kawangware massive is locked. 39. Gikuyu massive ndani as usual Riyadh city tuned.   Gikuyu massive and Riyadh City are tuned in as usual. 40. Happy Mashujaa Day to all listeners…where are you getting us from? The responses to 40 were: ‘Ikingu massive Masaku well represented’, ‘Athi River listening’, ‘Kajiado Central tuned in’, ‘we are following you from Doha Qatar’, ‘Silvermist garage we are in with a bang’, ‘we are extremely together’, and ‘I am representing you from Jordan’. The foregoing responses illustrate the responsiveness of the audiences and their promise of commitment to the station’s call-in programmes and continuous engagement with the presenters and other listeners. This reassures the presenter that the station’s efforts are not in vain. Further manifestations of loyalty include: 41. Nyinyi kama viongos, kila siku asubuhi …kuleta hizo vibes mwoto na ngoma za kuseresha.   As leaders, you bring us heated stories and inspirational music every morning. 42. NRG Breakfast Club: Big up yohselves nyinyi ni mashujaa wetu kila siku asubuhi.   Hearty greetings to you…you are our heroes every day in the morning. 43. Shout out to all our fans…tunawapenda sana.   Calling out to all our fans…we love you a lot. 44. Ni Allan kutoka Umoja but sahi nimelazwa Mama Lucy hospital locked mbaya sana izo naija   zinafanya niombe discharge ya kuenda home.   Allan from Umoja now in hospital, but this programme will make me ask to go home. 45. Locked kama padlocks za prison.

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  I am hooked to the programme like the padlocks of a prison. Listeners may therefore express their loyalty in various ways. NRG and Ghetto Radio audiences’ loyalty revolves around their favourite presenters, DJs, and specific programmes. Listeners demonstrate their commitment to the station through phrases such as lit mbaya (hot show), ndani sana (extremely engrossed), ‘much tuned’, ‘locked’, and ‘in as usual’. They further express blissful satisfaction through the phrase ‘listening and happy’. The presenter motivates listener interest by continuously showing gratitude, as seen in 43. In 41, a fan of Ghetto Radio glorifies the presenters as ‘leaders ready to entertain them every single morning’. In return, listeners are described as the station’s heroes in 42. This points to a symbiotic relationship characterised by interdependent loyalty. The reciprocity of importance confirms the contention that listeners’ loyalty to the station is dependent on the brand built by the presenters and the efforts exerted to attract and retain listeners (Ojwang, 2015). The degree of absolute loyalty is illustrated by statement 44, in which a fan of NRG expresses loyalty to the extent of desiring to be discharged from the hospital to go and listen to his favourite radio station. In 45, a fan summarises his loyalty metaphorically by comparing his relationship with the station as firmly secured, just like a padlock; hence he would not leave the programme without the authority of the presenter. The analogy means that, just like a prisoner, the fan has lost autonomy and is at the mercy of the station. Inclusivity and Collective Co-creation of Programmes The interactive platforms of Facebook and Twitter enable presenters to involve their audiences directly in online conversations in real-time as the programmes are streamed live. The presenter welcomes listeners and initiates interaction by calling for comments and contributions from listeners’ views. This facilitates inclusivity, and listeners feel recognised in the overall development of the content of the programmes. This occurs mainly in music sessions and radio talk shows through studio-mediated call-in programmes. This is illustrated by: 46. Kasonge kusonga @DJDabo Trabo show ya power # goteana.   Let it move DJ…it is such a powerful show. 47. Ghetto Radio 895: Your home of local, urban, and international music. 48. Niko ndani ya mpango wa #Brekko hadi mwisho.

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  I am in the plan of the radio breakfast club to the end. 49. NRG ni yetu inavuma.   NRG is ours and it is roaring. 50. Hapo safi hata sisi tuko hustle.   That is cool we are your fellow hustlers. 51. Ghetto Radio 89.5 is with Chokora Msafi wa Kabete. 52. I don’t have many followers coz you guys refuse to hit the follow button on the right top corner. For those who have joined the family, we say Thank You. In statement 46, an NRG Radio fan on Facebook encourages the DJ to extend the show and challenges listeners to participate actively by exchanging greetings. Similarly, in 47, Ghetto Radio is described as the listener’s ‘home’, while in 48, a fan reaffirms inclusive participation by stating that he would remain active till the end of the programme. In 51, a Ghetto Radio presenter confirms the presence of the character Chokora Msafi (the clean street urchin), a popular fan. This illustrates inclusivity because street urchins are usually treated as pariahs and frowned upon. However, the station embraces the participation of a character who adopts the identity of a street urchin. This unique branding represents the values of inclusivity in the urban social set-up that attracts listeners from diverse social classes. The desire to expand the listener base is demonstrated through 52, in which an NRG presenter appeals for more followers and urges them to ‘hit the follow button’. Consequently, listeners actively involved in the joint production are appreciated as belonging to the radio family. Joint co-­ creation of programmes can thus improve the quality of programmes and attract more participants if they become convinced that their input is valued and incorporated. Promoting Urban Youth Identity and Station Brand The language and topical focus of youth urban radio participants in NRG Radio and Ghetto Radio exhibit urban landscapes and social scenes. The utterances are replete with sheng-an urban slang mostly spoken in Nairobi. It also exhibits a street culture that promotes small-scale occupations known as ‘hustles’, incessant partying and drinking, club patronage, and unhindered male–female socialisation activities. Ghetto Radio further promises to fulfil the needs of the urban youth by promising to educate and inform listeners by highlighting street credible news and vibes from the urban ghetto to an audience within and beyond the ghettos. Other

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chats and tweets observed on Ghetto Radio online platforms that explicitly promote youth interests are: 53. Nothing but the best of lovers’ rock station yako ya power.   This is your powerful radio station. 54. Let us join the littest night gang. 55. Leo rave lazima ishike.   Today the party must thrive. 56. Officially githaa imejipa na wazinga with Dj Dabo Trabo and Bonokodeh hii Wednesday.   The programme features heavyweight participants this Wednesday. 57. #Niajeniaje hii ni ile ithaa ya kujiachilia na kujinyce na empress.   How are you? This is the programme where you feel nice with your empress. 58. Niaje najua umetegea kuskia ngoma ka hii ya kutetea mayouth ndo io link finya tu.   Hey, I know you are waiting for music that defends the youth…here is the link…just press it. 59. Tune in for some entertainment news and udakuz that are in the trend. 60. Good morning wakurugenzi.   Good morning directors. Similarly, NRG Radio invites its audiences to engage one another actively as follows: 61.Tunakeep it local with the talented.   We keep it local with the talented (youth). 62. #NRG Circle Rave…Today call me Oga Chief na upewe mbili.   Refer to me as Oga Chief today and you get two free beers. 63. Table 7 gang. Let’s ball. 64. Experience the virtual club on NRG radio…songesha hizo stools nanii.   Hey, move those stools and create space for the NRG virtual club. The Ghetto Radio motto expresses that it offers ‘street credible news’ and vibes from the urban ghetto. This defines its objective as a youth-­ focused radio targeting urban low-class listeners. This segment of youths thrives on parties, entertainment, and creative expression. Moreover, in 53, the station promises the youth a sizzling performance of powerfully delivered lovers’ rock music. The energetic youth would strongly identify with such a programme since it would afford them a powerful form of satisfaction, thereby enhancing its popularity. The unique reference to a crew of NRG presenters as ‘the littest night gang’ in 54 evokes a sense of

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dominating or controlling the airwaves in the night. Such prowess in performing at odd hours requires both physical, artistic, and professional versatility. Utterance 55 implies that, for a rave or party to thrive, the creative input of the host and the participant (guest) must be powerful, or it would be labelled a boring show. A lively show is, therefore, a powerful and fast-­ paced act that brightens the mood as desired by the hyperactive urban youth. Consequently, in 56, a preferred programme is described as self-­ propelled because heavyweight DJs control it, while in 57, the ultimate satisfaction to be derived from a youth radio programme, the latter should enable the urban youth listeners to release their spirits and fully enjoy the show online. The NRG presenter quoted in 58 promises to offer music that defends the rights of the youth. This means that the radio host, and by extension, the station policy, is responsive to the needs of the youth. The presenters thus use their programming opportunities to advocate for the rights of the youth, primarily through music. This is because music is one of the most powerful tools of social advocacy. In example 59, the social identity of the youth listeners is consciously catered for. The youths are framed as willing consumers of trending news spiced with udakuu’ ‘gossip’ from the entertainment scene. This reinforces the image of the youth as thriving on subaltern grapevine news propagated through social networking and sustained by converged radio formats. In 60, it is tacitly admitted that the youths exhibit a strong desire for social recognition, hence using the salutation wakurugenzi’ ‘directors’. This is an official rank used in the formal employment sector. It implies that the youths motivate one another to take control of their social and economic situations and become directors of their own destinies. They have achieved this through creative entrepreneurial ventures. They manage small-scale street-based businesses popularly known as jua kali ‘hot sun’ because they are operated in the open, often unsheltered. This is why example 61 aptly refers to promoting local Kenyan artistes’ local content. In the context of urban radio, creative ventures by slum-bred and street-­ based individuals and artistes are given a voice and a home by Ghetto Radio and NRG Radio. In addition, through converged radio, they have a chance to market their recordings on the stations’ Facebook and Twitter web pages. The chats in 62 and 63 further illustrate the lifestyle of most urban youth listeners. In 62, the participant desires to be addressed respectfully

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as ‘chief’ as a condition for offering the friend two free beers. Finally, in 63 and 64, the idea of partying online is touted by referring to its visualised physical formation as a typical club setting complete with imaginary tables and bar stools. Though dispersed throughout the country, the listeners thus constitute a virtual club in which the NRG Radio presenter mediates their interaction. This sustains youth socialisation and entertainment beyond the confines of the physical club or bar. Creating Critical Audiences Sensitive and critical radio listeners react to messages cautiously. Their comments reveal that they are non-committal and unattached. They respond to criticism of opinions and strive to protect the image of the station and presenters. They may appear self-centred, but the tone is replete with inherent loyalty to the station or programme. They readily detect the mistakes of the presenter and other participants. This category expects all parties to conform to the norms and standards that characterise best practices on radio as mediated by mobile telephony and related online platforms. Their sentiments are represented by: 65. Why is this is the only club operating in the 254 (after curfew hours)? 66. Playlist nayo imeenda group of schools.   The playlist is exquisite. 67. @DjNiche, set ya leo ni kama imegraduate pale Harvard.   It is like today’s set is composed of graduates of Harvard. 68. NRG station itafanya wanafunzi wengine warudi home nyumbani but it is okay.   NRG radio station will make students leave school and go back home. 69. Mix mwotoo…play for me Tusibishane by hat trick society.   Hot mix…play for me the song Tusibishane. It is evident from the foregoing tweets and FB chats that modern listeners do not take information at face value. Due to the advantages of converged media, they are no longer passive consumers of news, views, and opinions. Conversely, the radio presenter is no longer the autonomous all-knowing unquestionable authority. The latter no longer always have the last word on issues. For instance, in 65, the listener challenges the radio host to clarify why the online ‘club’ operated after curfew hours. In 66 and 67, listeners offer their evaluation of the quality of music selection and the presenters’ qualification. By invoking the high standards associated with the exclusive ‘group of schools’ and ‘Harvard’, the listener

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conveys the coded message that listeners expect nothing but the station’s best presenters. This means that they need value for time spent tuning in. In 68, the performance of NRG Radio is equated with the probable influence of radio messages to the extent of attributing truancy to the station’s content. To practise social responsibility, the stations must segment their consumers and offer guided listenership to the school-going fans. This can be done by helping them moderate their time to follow the presenters online. Selective participation can also be promoted. The description of the presentation  as a ‘hot mix’  in 69 has overtones of expert performance by the DJs. The foregoing means listeners can discern quality service and subscribe only to items that meet their expectations while matching global standards. They can compare standards because they have access to digital content of diverse radio sources due to convergence of platforms, unlike in the single-channel traditional radio mode. Promoting Youth Language Through Creative Styles of Expression in Urban Slang Converged radio provides opportunities for creative self-expression. This is unique, as seen in phrases like hit me, toss me, and groove me as ways of requesting songs from DJs. There is also the unconventional rendering of hot as ‘haawt’, baddest for worst, the unique verb ‘weekending’, and the unique superlative form ‘littest’. When converged with Internet platforms, urban youth radio promotes faster growth of urban slang and lexical innovation. The new modes of online interaction promote the creative use of language and recontextualisation of old concepts. The foregoing lexical choices and modifications define the urban youth listeners as daring to experiment by trying new ways of conceptualising processes and describing them to achieve a fresh and trendy tone in tandem with changing times and dynamic urban circumstances. The unconventional and idiosyncratic forms quickly gain currency among the community of radio fans and presenters. They are used in branding song titles and assigning stage names to artists. Converged media thus dwell on semi-formality in expression and language use, thereby flexing the limits of the language.

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Discussion The data from Ghetto Radio and NRG Radio demonstrates the dynamic trends of radio in the era of online platforms aided by digital technology. Radio has become a versatile platform that accommodates diverse complementary channels through which inclusivity, intersubjectivity, sustainable interaction, collective entertainment, divergent opinion, and continuous commentary is jointly constructed and sustained by the participants (Kuyucu, 2019). Converged radio, boosted by rapid growth in mobile telephony and interactive real-time online platforms such as Facebook and Twitter, is considered fresh, informative, entertaining, and energising, particularly to urban youth audiences. It is further characterised by constructive content creation and universal trends. It is also considered transferable, robust, unifying, and instantaneous (Cordeiro, 2011a). As shown in the  section  on “Collaboration Between Presenters and Radio Audiences”, the role of the radio presenter has changed from a one-­ way, detached, and overbearing entity to a closer, approachable, friendly two-way interlocutor. These findings are consistent with those of Asy’ari (2019), who concluded that convergence enables the studio-based radio anchor to play a facilitative rather than dominating role. This trend empowers the listeners to influence the processes and outcomes of specific programmes. Moreover, the fact that the online platforms minimise the effect of physical separation among participants also supports the formation of strong social networks that constitute online radio communities. Listener loyalty can easily be monitored through Facebook and Twitter by automatically counting the number of followers commenting. The stations can then use these statistics to gauge the popularity and appeal to audiences. Self-proclaimed loyalty is illustrated in the section on “Expressing Absolute Listener Loyalty”. It has been reported that presenters who command many followers attract advertising revenue for the stations. The number of hits can also be monitored and tabulated for projection and planning purposes (Iminza, 2021). The trends can then improve programming priorities and infuse audience demands and desires like those expressed in the section on “Asserting Audience Power”. Giving concessions and being proactive to audience needs can, in turn, increase the listener base. The new format of inviting participants to contribute directly and instantaneously, as demonstrated in the  section  on “Inclusivity and Collective Co-creation of Programmes”, boosts not only the ego of the

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youth participants but also establishes a bond between them and their favourite DJs and anchors. It affirms youth talent and potential as they jointly make the show a reality through creative input and corrective evaluation of the presenters’ performance (Ojwang, 2017). This enhances quality and client satisfaction as the listener cum participants take pride in collective ownership of the overall output. They see the radio personalities as role models and assign them nicknames which are popularised by the online community of listeners. In turn, this helps the radio build a sustainable brand by leveraging on the name of its key presenters and the resultant rise in the number of online followers. The converged radio format also facilitates instant feedback. This can be used to implement improvement by integrating listeners’ suggestions and requests. The radio host can thus refocus the topic and gauge performance, acceptability, appeal, and enhance the entertainment value of their programmes (Mc Ewan, 2017). Through radio station–mediated networking, the listeners become dedicated fans as they become familiar with other participants’ identities and physical locations. This trend is exemplified by the posts and chats observed in the  section on  “Social Networking Among Online Radio Participants”. The online interpersonal interaction enables listeners to build a stronger identity which is further reinforced by forming online members’ clubs. The converged platform, therefore, forms networks that attract like-minded participants together. The online conversations reveal the urban youth mindset, desires, and socio-economic encumbrances. They can thus use radio to attract government attention and access services such as microfinance loans for personal development. Ojwang (2017) argued that the resultant camaraderie and loyalty oosted the station listeners’ turnout and popularised the programmes, particularly among the urbanised tech-savvy youthful generation who spend a greater fraction of their time surfing the Internet mainly to access social trends, sports, art, and entertainment. Due to the nationwide geographical distribution of the listeners, pockets of participants actively promote the station’s values and objectives across the country and across social, cultural, gender, and occupational boundaries. The fact that listeners can motivate, advise, criticise, and accommodate one another is a recipe for cohesion and integration (Moraa, 2018). The national traditional mobilisation role of radio is thus realised and promoted as participants develop a culture specific to the station and its specific programmes. Urban radio listeners use online platforms to form and

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sustain social networks that enable them advance their creative talent and entertainment and offer a forum for social support and expression of group interests. The uses and gratifications theory thus explains the emerging engagement patterns as the stations are not dominant but liberal and dynamic in their programming and modes of audience engagement. This facilitates free choice, evident in the high degree of informality and the friendly feedback modes illustrated in the  section  on “Social Networking Among Online Radio Participants”. Converged radio has facilitated the growth of the urban slang, Sheng, and innovative ways of localised creative language use  that demonstrate the versatility of the online radio platforms. The unique discourse that involves code-mixing and code-switching test the limits of the English language by promoting idiosyncratic forms reported in the  section  on “Promoting Youth Language Through Creative Styles of Expression in Urban Slang”, such as baddest and littest. Such words appeal to the youth and act as a mark of their identity as the generation X that is unpredictable, daring, unconventional, and ready to experiment with new alternatives. The DJs in the two radio stations studied display a streetwise orientation. This enables them to establish rapport and control the pace and trends of audience engagement. They can also nurture the discourse adopted to establish audience loyalty and maintain a steady stream of online followers. This special discourse of radio engagement through converged platforms is complemented by a preference for trendy music, namely, genge tone, hip-hop, reggae, and bongo flava music (Ningala, 2018). If listeners are empowered to participate in content delivery freely, they indirectly influence policy through practice. They thus consider themselves as key stakeholders capable of interrogating the processes and products of the station, as shown in the  section on  “Creating Critical Audiences”. The services received are therefore acceptable when the presenters’ style is listener-driven and not station-driven. This implies that interventions by the listeners render the programmes functional as they advocate for their needs and those of their friends and relatives to be addressed by the radio presenters. The findings show that the popularity of presenters is gauged by the degree of online approval by the audience. This can assist the management of radio stations in rewarding appropriately and initiating competition among radio hosts and DJs. In turn, listeners benefit from the best quality service while management benefits from more significant advertising revenue. Musicians who constitute part of the fans also find a platform to

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reach a wide, euphoric, engaging, culturally revolutionary, and responsive market, particularly the youth. Radio convergence thus enables monitoring and evaluation by the music producers. The feedback can be used to improve output instantly. The online comments on Facebook and Twitter can thus be used as a source of corrective opinion, alternative perspectives, impressions, complaints, and compliments. This facilitates introspection by the presenters and fresh planning by the station to respond in tandem with the rapidly evolving social, economic, religious, technological, global, and developmental circumstances of immediate concern to the urban youths. The sustainability of popularity therefore  depends on sensitivity to the nuances encoded in the listeners’ discourse and the presenters’ responsiveness to their needs and desires. Finally, the current status of convergence promises to integrate new technologies into radio operations as they emerge. Radio will thus connect listeners to the global community beyond physical and ideological borders. In this process, Internet-enabled mobile telephone technology is the most significant enabler of this momentous revolution in the radio sector.

Conclusions The case of Ghetto Radio and NRG radio has demonstrated that converged radio has facilitated a distinct cadre of loyal listeners who derive their inspiration from the calibre of presenters they identify with. Moreover, the opportunities for liberal self-expression accorded by the radio stations through the Internet and new technologies enable a creative and assertive youth identity to emerge in the form of online communities of listeners. In addition, youth-focused programmes that infuse unique expression styles attract many regular online participants, thereby driving social change and language growth. Online interaction creates discourse patterns that sometimes stretch the limits of language use. Thus, they have the potential to nurture and sustain socially networked, loyal, collaborative, assertive, and critical audiences who are empowered to criticise and exercise power while actively engaging in developing the thematic focus of the presentations. Consequently, urban youths are both consumers and active co-creators of radio content. The radio stations are thus deemed to be run by the youth for the youth. To achieve their interactive modes, stations rely on Facebook and Twitter to support the real-time interaction of radio

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participants, thereby adding value to delivery formats and style. The products of the collaborative performance of radio programmes entail wider acceptability, conformity with house rules, improved standards, age-­ focused appeal, and adoption of client-focused choices.

References Alba, J., & Aitchison, W. (2000). Knowledge calibration: What consumers want and why they think they know. Journal of Consumer Research, 27(2), 123–147. Asy’ari, N. A. S. (2019). The strategy of radio convergence for facing new media era. Communications Authority of Kenya. (2021). List of licensed FM radio stations. http://www.ca.go.ke/document/list-­of-­fm-­radio-­broadcasters-­contacts/ Cordeiro, P. (2012). Radio becoming r@dio: Convergence, interactivity and broadcasting trends in perspective. Participations, 9(2). Cordeiro, P. (2011a). Reconceptualizing audience research and survey strategies for radio: Portuguese case. Iletisime arastirmalari, 5(1), 75–101. Cordeiro, P. (2011b). Hello Facebookers! Radio in social networks: How do radio stations, radio hosts and listeners engage through Facebook? http://netform. wordpress.com/2011/04/09/hello-­facebookers Deuze, M. (2011). Media life. Polity Press. Iminza, A. (2021, May 20). Understanding the online media in the 21st century: Kenyan examples. Daily Nation, 6. Jenkins, H. (2006). Convergence culture: Where did old and new media collide? New York University Press. Katz, E., Blumler, J. G., & Gurevitch, M. (1974). Uses and gratifications research. Public Opinion Quarterly, 37(4), 509–524. Kuyucu, M. (2019). Digital convergence of radio: Effects of digitalization on radio media. In Conference paper, 6th international communication days digital transformation symposium. Uskudar University. Lindgren, M., & Phillips, G. (2014). Radio reinvented: The enduring appeal of audio in the digital age. Australian Journalism Review, 36(2), 5–9. Mc Ewan, R. (2017). Renegotiating radio work in the era of media convergence: Uncertainty, individualisation and the centrality of brands. Moraa, T. (2018, February 4). Youth, radio and creative expression. The Standard, 11. Ningala, M. (2018, December 14). Radio in Kenya and global trends. Daily Nation, 3. Nyre, L. (2008). Sound media, from live journalism to musical recording. Routledge. Ojwang, B. (2017). Reclaiming urban youth identity through language in Kenya: The case of Koch FM radio. African Development, 17(2), 17–38.

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Ojwang, B. (2015). Language, creativity and radio: Encoding urban youth identity in Kenya. Journal of Pan African Studies, 7(8), 121–139. Osura, P. (2020, April 12). Online literacy and the media revolution. The Standard, 34. Papacharissi, Z. (2009). The virtual geographies of social networks: A comparative analysis of Facebook, LinkedIn and ASmallWorld. New Media and Society, 12(4), 6–12. Pavlik, J. (2005). Understanding convergence and digital broadcasting technologies for the twenty-first century. Priestman, C. (2006). Web radio: Radio production for internet streaming. Focal Press. Rafaeli, S. (1998). Interactivity: From news media to communication. In R. P. Hawkins (Ed.), Sage annual review of communication research: Advancing communication science (Vol. 16, pp. 110–134). Sage. Stewart, D., & Pavlov, P. (2002). From consumer response to the active consumer; measuring the effectiveness of interactive media. Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, 4(30), 376–396. Willems, W. (2013). Participation – In what? Radio, convergence and the corporate logic of audience input through new media in Zambia. Telematics and Informatics, 30(3), 223–231.

CHAPTER 11

Audience Participation in Information Dissemination for National Renaissance: Nigerian Youths’ Engagement of Radio Contents Via Social Media Platforms Adeola Obafemi Mobolaji , Dickson Oluwasina Ogunkunle , Stephen Damilola Odebiyi, and Babatunde Raphael Ojebuyi

Introduction The need for relevant information from time to time is one of the reasons people explore different media platforms to satisfy their information needs. Radio is one of these media of mass communication through which people

A. O. Mobolaji (*) • D. O. Ogunkunle • S. D. Odebiyi • B. R. Ojebuyi Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_11

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access information. Meanwhile, radio has been adjudged as one of the most popular and reliable communication media in Africa, attributed to the ease with which radio could be owned and operated. The effectiveness of radio cannot be downplayed as it has been described as an agent of development and a medium of communication that breaks the barriers of illiteracy as its operation does not require any special expertise (Ojebode, 2008; Oyesomi & Okorie, 2013). These highlighted merits underline that radio is a unique medium with captivating features that draw audiences closer than other communication media. On this note, Ojebuyi and Ojebode (2012) assert that “the modern radio permits the listener to put the radio on his shoulder or hands, or tuck it into his back pocket with the earpiece firmly plugged into his ears, while he actively engages in other activities simultaneously as he listens to a radio programme”. The foregoing submission further testifies to the flexibility that makes radio stand out among other media of communication. Radio performs many functions, and it is one of the media of mass communication that enhances audience phone-in participation, especially with the advent of mobile technology (Dori-Hacohen, 2012; Dori-Hacohen & Livnat, 2015; Mobolaji & Ojebuyi, 2021). In the meantime, it is important to note that mobile technology has been incorporated into radio broadcasting, giving radio culture a new face in contemporary Nigerian society. Mobile technology has allowed the audience to provide information to the traditional media, especially the radio. While expatiating the foregoing position, Rosales (2013) states that the audience provides valuable information, pictures, videos, and other materials captured from all handheld devices. Such information and digital files are often provided to the press for free. Similarly, Moyo (2013:214) submits that “radio, as a technology, is changing, and these changes have also brought about changes in radio practices and cultures, especially in the production of news. Technological convergence on the radio also seems to carry the promise of democratizing and opening radio to audiences”. There is no doubt that the traditional media now work hand-in-­ hand with the new media and mobile technology because, besides the audience’s dependence on the new media, traditional media get most of their information through mobile technology. The new media, through social media and mobile technology, has also allowed the audience to participate in discussions on traditional media. The popularity of social media and the ubiquitous use of mobile technology has empowered and

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engendered people to become active participants in creating content for traditional and new media (Rosales, 2013, citing Gillmour 2004). Meanwhile, attempts have been made to study radio from different points of view, such as rhetorical strategies in radio broadcasting, development programmes on radio, radio listenership, mobile radio interactions, digital culture in radio, and phone-in participation (see Ojebode, 2008; Dori-Hacohen, 2012; Ojebuyi & Ojebode, 2012; Rosales, 2013; Moyo, 2013; Padmakumar, 2015; Gratz, 2014; Gagliardone, 2015; Hungbo, 2016; Koech, 2017; Inya & Inya, 2018). However, despite the permeation of radio operations by web 2.0  in contemporary society, there appears to be a dearth of systematic and empirical investigation in Africa, especially Nigeria, on how Nigerian youth consume radio content through different social media platforms. This chapter examines how Nigerian youth use social media platforms to access radio content and engage and participate in issues that are bared on the radio. In essence, this chapter, therefore, aims to contribute to the existing body of knowledge by investigating this research gap to serve as an eye-opener to other researchers in Africa and Nigeria in gaining insight into the dynamics of youth’s participation on radio via social media in the Nigerian media landscape.

Research Question How do the Nigerian youth consume radio content through social media?

Literature Review Radio and Social Media: Tools for Civic Participation Civic participation has been described as one of the core elements of a democratic society. It is expedient for every citizen to take an active part on every platform where issues of national relevance are deliberated. One of the ways through which people could do this is to make their voices heard through radio and social media, which have proven to be popular platforms for civic participation. Audience participation in the media has continued to evolve. According to Aslama and Napoli (2010), the term “participation” is becoming a popular way to reference the complex dynamics of audiences in diverse identities and their relations with various forms of media. The media, therefore, either radio or social media, cannot be isolated from the people when it comes to civic engagement in societal

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discourse. These communication medias work together to achieve a common goal: information dissemination. Concerning this, Nah et al. (2021:3) note that “as the media environment is rapidly evolving, it is important to note that the spectrum of local media also evolves from the traditional, offline media—such as newspapers, TVs, and radios—to include those that exist online”. Apart from the fact that social media ensures the virality of information, which is one of the reasons traditional media are creating online platforms, Kwon et al. (2020) assert that the social media industry has made substantial efforts to come up with community-centric applications as a remedy to disinformation and distrust. Furthermore, Olson (2016) states that the new ICT substantiated the looser, more informal, and network-like communication that he found typical for the younger (AC) generation’s civic engagement and participation. The relevance of the interactive nature of web 2.0 can never be ignored because of how it has redefined the media space. Notably, most mass communication media are now interconnected in their functionalities. In essence, mobile phones come with in-built radio, enhancing listenership and ease of phone-in and social media participation. According to Gagliardone (2015), one of the advantages of this development is that the exponential diffusion of mobile phones in Africa and their ability to interact with other media has created new avenues for individuals to interface with power. Furthermore, Williamson (2011:1) asserts that “the worth of new interactive tools lies not in their technological brilliance but in their ability to facilitate new approaches of participation and support widespread social networks and issues-based agenda. The internet is becoming a ‘business as usual’ tool for how we live, work, socialize and participate.” As pointed out by Williamson (2015), the new method of participation could be linked to media interconnectivity, which has helped people consume radio content and participate in radio programmes through social media. Nigerian Youth’s Use of Social Media for Radio Participation The role of the youth is pertinent to the development of every society. Often, the larger percentage of a country’s population is the youth. Their capacity and capabilities are necessary to drive development strides in a nation. Loader et  al. (2014) posit that the youth have been the prime agents of change and are usually the most affected by a change in the socio-political context of Nigeria. What then becomes important in their

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place and role in the governance of a nation? In a country such as Nigeria, the plights of the youths have not been given enough importance by the government. The government has let down the Nigerian youth. Even in the political space, the youth have been sidelined. Amadi and Oboleobari (2020) reveal that the Nigerian youth face enormous challenges, ranging from academic and career insecurities to unemployment and physical insecurity. They have been victims of different forms of attack daily, even by law enforcement agencies. These challenges hinder the group from contributing maximally to national growth and development. This is not to say that the youth, according to Loader et  al. (2014), are politically apathetic. However, many young citizens have become disenchanted with mainstream political parties and those who claim to speak on their behalf. But this should not be misinterpreted as a lack of interest on the part of youth in political issues that influence their everyday experience and their normative concerns for the planet and its inhabitants. Furthermore, Loader et al. (2014) note that there can be little doubt that the institutions and practices of modern representative government have been subject to growing disillusionment from young citizens. A reluctance to vote at elections, join political parties, or have high regard for their politicians suggests that many young people are turning away from mainstream politics in many countries. Instead, participation in social movements, rallies, protests, and consumer boycotts all point to the possible displacement of traditional models of representative democracy as the dominant cultural form of engagement by alternative approaches increasingly characterised by networking practices. Young citizens’ political identity and attitudes are shaped somewhat by how they participate and interact through the social networks they have had a significant part in constructing. Meanwhile, the participation of youths in the national discourse, according to Amadi and Oboleobari (2020), is a unique opportunity for young people to make quality input in the decision-making and change society. This relates to a shift of power. Through active participation, young people are empowered to play a crucial role in their development and communities. Meanwhile, the media serves as a veritable site for discourse on issues of national importance and youth participation in their nation’s affairs. Similarly, Uzochukwu and Ekwugha (2014) observe that with the advent of the new media, new opportunities for strengthening

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civic engagement online, particularly among the youth who are considered to be Internet savvy, have been initiated. The new media are considered a “balancing force”, according to Lin et al. (2011) cited in Uzochukwu et al. (2014), to the traditional media, to which activists and the underprivileged can turn or must turn to have their voices heard. It is observable that political participation is increasing throughout the world through the use of social networking sites. The popularity of online spaces has led to increased visibility of political opinions, which also fosters online participation. The Internet, for instance, is changing young people’s political outlooks and participatory behaviour. For several young people, online participation is a gateway to meaningful engagement in political life. Amadi and Oboleobari (2020) argue that the quest for the dreamed Nigeria is possible when there is a coordinated blend of online and offline political participation geared towards increasingly engaging the government on the need to address nagging issues affecting the youths. It is no longer in the contention that the government officials are beginning to gain more attention to what perceptions the public holds of them. Despite the opportunities for participation in national discourse provided by the Internet, the importance of the radio as a platform for discussing issues of public interest cannot be over-emphasised. Radio is an aggregator of different classes of people in society, reaching the remotest of places in a country. Jauert (2018) describes the radio as the medium of everyday life based on its dominating functions as a background or companion for the household. Scannell (2005), cited in Jauert (2018), claims that the relationship between the audience and the radio throughout the day and over the week is a real-time experience, mainly when the talk is part of the programme and when the host addresses the audience directly. The listener-radio relationship is individually anchored, but simultaneously the listener experiences being part of a larger community, imaginarily connected to other listeners through the core quality of radio as a broadcast medium: its communicative ethos (Jauert, 2018). Worthy of note, radio then has tried to be in tune with the current revolution in the digital space by incorporating some of these technologies in the discharge of its programmes. Jauert (2018) states that radio communication has significantly transformed since the adoption of interactive digital platforms. It is the medium that has changed the most due to audience participation. Public participation in radio programming is traditionally associated with live telephone calls or a time delay. The traditional

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telephone continues to be used on radio programmes as a means for audience participation, although today, it shares spaces reserved for audience contributions with social media. The advancement in new technologies and the introduction of additional communication between radio stations and their audience have been favourable for interaction and conversation, facilitating bi-directional discourse. To express their opinions on-air, listeners can now use the traditional telephone and digital media such as social media platforms. Furthermore, Steinfeld and Laor (2019) reveal that, in an attempt to remain relevant in a digital world, radio stations offer a variety of online products to consumers—such as online streaming or available on-demand segments of radio programmes. With the evolution of digital platforms, radio nowadays is available on various devices: computers, smartphones, portable players etc., and offers multiple new types of digital content, such as online streaming, fragmented content segments of radio programmes, and available on-demand previously-aired programmes. Some scholars point to more innovative uses of new media by traditional radio stations to broaden their target demographics and improve interactions with listeners. Specifically, communication technologies have revolutionised traditional radio, allowing for various interactive tools that support audience participation and diffusion of content through radio waves and digitally through computers, tablets, and smartphone screens. Based on the incorporation of social media for radio participation, this study, therefore, examines how Nigerian youth have been able to join the discourse on issues of national importance on radio through social media platforms.

Theoretical Framework To achieve the aim of this study, Media Dependency and the Democratic Participant Media theories are used to understand the dynamics of youth’s deployment of social media in participating on issues of national importance on the radio. Media Dependency Theory Media Dependency was proposed in 1976 by Sandra Ball-Rokeach and Melvin Defleur. The Media dependency theory, an extension of the Uses and Gratification Theory, explicates the essential relationship between the audiences, media, and the more extensive social system (Ball-Rokeach &

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DeFleur, 1976). While expounding more on the dynamics of a relationship between media and audience, Wok and Wan Mohd Ghazali (2011) state that individuals use the media to satisfy specific goals; the more the media functions to meet these goals, the more dependent the individuals are on the media. Meanwhile, Jackob (2010) notes that the media dependency theory concerns the conditions that give rise to media power and the requirements that constrain it. The author further reveals that the potentially powerful role of mass media in modern society is deduced from its control over information resources that individuals and groups must access to attain their goals (Jackob, 2010). Democratic Participant Media Theory According to Folarin (2006), the main thrust of Democratic–Participant Media Theory lies in its insistence that the existing bureaucracy and commercial and professional hegemony in media systems be broken down to guarantee easier media access for all potential users and consumers. To better understand the theory, Uzochukwu and Ekwugha (2014) state that Democratic–Participant Media theory, as one of the normative theories of the press, is an alternative politico-media ideology that aims to democratise access to the media in the challenge, the monopolistic tendencies of the powerful political and economic forces operating in the society. The democratic-participant theory thus represents a radical effort to neutralise all sorts of monopolies in media gate-keeping, therefore accommodating popular participation as defined by the diverse societal interests like students, labour, political parties, gender groups, and religious bodies, among others. The two theories that framed this study provide a strong base to explain Nigerian youth’s use of social media for participation in radio discourse on national development issues. While the Media Dependency theory explains that Nigerian youth depend on the media mix of social media and the radio to participate in general discussions relating to the development of their nation, the Democratic Participant Media theory predicts that the youth find social media as an avenue to participate in radio discussions, as too often the medium has been so far ascribed to the older generations.

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Methodology Methods and Materials This chapter employed the quantitative research design to establish how the Nigerian youth consume radio content through social media platforms. Online survey and Focus Group Discussion (FGD) were combined for data collection. For the survey, an online questionnaire was shared with a wide range of Nigerian youths who listened to radio programmes and 115 responses were retrieved and analysed using descriptive statistics. To complement the survey for robust data, five FGD sessions were conducted with some purposively selected respondents who had earlier responded to the online survey. Findings We present the findings in tables while we did the presentation, interpretation, and discussion of findings in line with the research question we constructed to guide this study. Table 11.1 presents the respondents’ preference for radio programmes. Findings show that the Nigerian youth enjoy listening to Talk Shows and News/Currents Affairs programmes on the radio more than other programme genres as a larger percentage of the respondents (n = 41; 35.6%) and (n = 40; 34.8%), respectively, validated this claim. This finding implies that the youth subscribe to those programmes because they are informative and analytical, which could easily keep them abreast with the current socio-political and economic realities in their social milieu. This finding points to the fact that the Nigerian youth are currently eager to be active

Table 11.1  Nigerian youth’s preferences in radio programmes Item

News/ current affairs

Talk shows

Which of these following programme types do you like listening to on the radio?

40 (34.8%)

41 (35.6%)

Political-­ oriented programmes 10 (8.7%)

Sports bulletin

Radio drama

Total

14 (12.2%)

10 (8.7%)

115 (100)

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Table 11.2  Nigerian youth’s most preferred platforms for consuming radio programmes Item

I listen to radio via the following platforms/means.

Facebook live streaming

YouTube live streaming

11 (9.6%)

5 (4.3%)

Online platforms of radio stations 25 (21.7%)

Radio device

Total

74 (64.4%)

115 (100)

stakeholders in the cause of the nation’s administration by contributing their voices to the emerging topical issues of public interest in Nigeria. Table 11.2 reveals the most preferred platforms by the Nigerian youth for consuming radio programmes. Against popular opinion, the finding in Table 11.2 above shows that a greater percentage (n = 74; 64.4%) of the respondents still prefer consuming radio content via the radio device as compared to a lesser proportion of 45 (35.6%) of the respondents who prefer listening to radio via other online platforms. This finding could imply that the traditional medium of consuming radio content has not been endangered despite the rifeness of the new media. Also, this preference could be reflective of the financial incapacitation of most Nigerian youth because it takes a great deal of network data to enjoy live-streamed programmes, which is not cost-effective. So, the youth would rather subscribe to a more cost-effective medium to be better informed to participate in the national discourse. As presented in the table above, a whopping number (n = 97; 84.3) of the respondents agreed that the live streaming of radio programmes has dramatically enhanced Nigerian youth participation in the national discourse, while 18 accounts for 15.7% of the respondents disagreed with this. This suggests that the youth find the real-time broadcast of radio content over the Internet more appealing because it is audio-visual and engenders involvement in whatever topical issue is being discussed. By this, it is also evident that the digitisation of the broadcast industry has not undermined the effectiveness of radio broadcasting in engendering national cohesion. Furthermore, there is a slight difference in the percentage of respondents who prefer listening to radio programmes through online platforms of radio stations and those who do so through the radio device. From the table, a relatively higher percentage (n = 58; 50.4%) of the respondents preferred to consume radio content via a radio device,

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while 57 (49.6%) of the respondents preferred the online platforms of radio stations. This finding finds bearing in one of the FGD participants’ comments that “despite the fact that radio stations are streaming their programmes online, the radio will still be relevant because there are still some people somewhere that don’t even know how to operate smartphones”. Also, 98 (85.2%) respondents stated that radio is a veritable source and easily accessible medium of lending their voices to topical issues in Nigeria, while few (n = 17; 14.8%) of the respondents disagreed with the claim. This finding foregrounds the significance of radio broadcasting to national development. Radio is believed to be a medium that gives voice to the voiceless. When people get to express their opinions and agitations, their leaders are held accountable, which could translate to an In addition to the above, Nigerian youth tend to believe that social media has somewhat enhanced the effectiveness of radio broadcasting than downplaying its efficiency as a larger proportion (n = 87; 75.7%) of the respondents attested to this while a smaller number 28 (24.3%) of the respondents disagreed with position. This finding shows that the youth view social media as complementary to radio, not supplementary, as most radio stations now have different social media handles to ensure that their programmes are participatory. Of course, social media offers radio stations the opportunity of wide reach and better listenership, which in turn yields monetary gratification. Similarly, a greater percentage (n = 111; 96.5%) of the respondents agreed with the statement that “Nigerian youth prefer to lend their voices more to national issues via the social media than on radio phone-ins”, while a smaller percentage (n = 4; 3.5%) disagreed with the statement. It could be deduced from the finding that the youth find social media more appealing because of its multi-dimensional functionalities that allow users to interact with content and people at a very minimal cost. Of course, most youths prefer to have data for interconnectivity on social media rather than possess credit to make calls. Moreover, the youth tend to be more expressive—an innate proclivity that the social media platforms duly accommodate due to their multimodal features for interaction. Hence, the rationale for Nigerian youth’s choice of lending their voices more to national issues via social media than on radio phone-ins. In addition, 100 (86.9%) of the respondents believed that Nigerian youth participate in the national discourse on radio through social media platforms, while only 15 (13.1%) of the respondents thought otherwise. In the same vein, the majority (n = 107; 93%) of the respondents, Nigerian youth, find the

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social media platforms more suitable to discuss national issues generated via radio programmes compared to just 7% of the respondents who held a contrary view. Furthermore, to ascertain the importance of radio broadcasting to national cohesion, we constructed a statement: “Radio broadcasting is still an important vehicle for national cohesion”. Responses to the statement show that 107 (93%) of the respondents agreed that radio is still a harbinger of national cohesion, while 8 (7%) of the respondents disagreed with the claim. Similarly, a greater proportion (n = 97; 84.4%) of the respondents agreed with the statement “Radio is still a key tool for national development even in this 21st century”, while a smaller number, 18 (15.6%), disagreed with the statement. These findings validate the continuous relevance of radio to national cohesion and the development of the Nigerian state. Lastly, the majority (n = 111; 96.5%) of the respondents stated that social media and radio must synergise to engender better youth participation in the national discourse, compared to only 3.5% (n = 4) of the respondents who stated otherwise. This study advocates the synergy of social media virality and radio virility for better youth participation in and engagement with issues of national significance.

Discussion Radio Virility and Social Media Virality: A Requisite Media Convergence for Better Youth Engagement in Nigeria’s Renaissance From the findings presented in Tables 11.1, 11.2, and 11.3, it is established, to a great extent, that radio broadcasting wields an extant significance in ensuring youth participation in national discourse for national cohesion in Nigeria despite the seeming overbearing nature of the social media in this 21st century. This finding further validates that radio is the medium of everyday life, based on its dominating functions as a background or companion for the household (Jauert, 2018). Besides, the live streaming of radio programmes by radio stations has greatly enhanced the effectiveness and relevance of radio broadcasting in this era of digitisation of the broadcast industry, which has, in turn, facilitated an improved listenership cum consumption of radio content by the youth for better participation in the national discourse. This finding aligns with the position of Gillmour (2004) cited by Rosales (2013) that the popularity of social

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Table 11.3  Respondents’ perception of the extant importance of radio broadcasting to national development in Nigeria Statements

SA

A

D

Live streaming of radio programmes has enhanced the Nigerian youth’s participation in the national discourse. I prefer listening to radio programmes through the online platforms of radio stations than via a radio device. I believe that radio is an easily accessible medium for lending my voice on topical issues in my country. I believe that social media has enhanced the effectiveness of radio broadcasting rather than downplaying its efficiency. Most Nigerian youths prefer to lend their voices more to national issues via social media than on radio phone-ins. I believe that Nigerian youth participate in the national discourse on radio through social media platforms. Nigerian youth find social media platforms more suitable for discussing national issues generated via radio programmes. Radio broadcasting is still an important vehicle for national cohesion. Radio is still a key tool for national development even in this 21st century. Social media and radio must combine to ensure better youth participation in the national discourse.

21 76 14 (18.2%) (66.1%) (12.2%)

SD 4 (3.5%)

Total 115 (100)

18 39 45 (15.7%) (33.9%) (39.1%)

13 (11.3%)

115 (100)

22 76 17 (19.1%) (66.1%) (14.8%)

Nil

115 (100)

23 (20%)

64 25 (55.7%) (21.7%)

63 48 (54.8%) (41.7%)

4 (3.5%) Nil

34 66 14 (29.6%) (57.3%) (12.2%) 44 63 (38.3%) (54.7%)

3 (2.6%)

8 (7%)

1 (0.9%)

Nil

115 (100)

115 (100) 115 (100) 115 (100)

37 70 8 (7%) Nil 115 (32.2%) (60.8%) (100) 31 66 17 1 (0.9%) 115 (27%) (57.4%) (14.7%) (100) 66 45 4 (3.5%) Nil 115 (57.4%) (39.1%) (100)

SA strongly agree, S agree, D disagree, SD strongly disagree

media and the ubiquitous use of mobile technology has empowered people to become active participants in creating content for the traditional as well as new media. While reacting to the rationale for the live streaming of programmes on social media by radio stations, a Focus Group Discussion participant noted that “It is because of the paradigm shift in the way information dissemination and reception has entered a new phase, which is the new media. People rely more on social media for information dissemination

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and reception.” This underlines that the radio operators must keep up with the dynamics of technological advancement to stay afloat in the industry, knowing full well that social media use is the most current trend in this 21st century. Similarly, another FGD participant submitted that the main reason for live streaming of radio content online is “because of the change in audience location as about 80% of radio listeners are now being found on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and other social media platforms”. Hence, the need for radio stations to re-target their audience on social media platforms. These findings validate the concept of “intermediality”, in which various communication media must be appropriately deployed for better engagement of the media audience. The finding also confirms the submission of Nah et al. (2021) that the spectrum of the local media evolves from the traditional offline media to the online media as the general media environment is evolving globally. Moreover, it is established in this study that the deployment of social media by radio stations has enhanced the effectiveness of radio broadcasting rather than undermined its efficiency. This is better expounded by the comment of a participant in the FGD session that “radio stations are migrating to social media to reach more audience”. The foregoing point is further strengthened by another FGD participant who stated that “the social media is cost-effective. So, I want to believe that, social media, rather than reducing radio impact, has expanded its reach.” While explaining the reason for the deployment of social media in facilitating radio programmes by radio stations, one of the FGD participants posited that “most radio stations have introduced the new style of visualizing their contents in order not to get overshadowed by TV and social media”. Deductively, it is evident from the findings of this study that social media has enhanced the effectiveness of radio via its capacity for wide reach, cost-effectiveness, and exquisite multimodal features for better communicative engagements. This finding finds bearing in the core tenet of the Media Dependency Theory, which explicates that Nigerian youth depend on the media mix of social media and the radio to participate in general discussions relating to the development of their nation. Furthermore, it has also been established in this study that the Nigerian youth prefer social networking sites to radio phone-ins in lending their voices to the national discourse, but this does not invalidate the significance of radio as most of the topical issues are first raised on the radio before they are being taken to the social media for extensive and

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continuous deliberation by the youth. So, it can be concluded that radio is the content generator while social media platforms offer the avenue for content deliberation. This revelation readily corroborates the observation of Uzochukwu et al. (2014) that the advent of the new media has strengthened civic engagement online, particularly among the youth who are considered Internet savvy. Of course, the broadcast of radio programmes is constrained by time, but social media is not time-bound as the users can engage in issues of public interest at their convenience as long as they want. This finding is better foregrounded by the comment of one of the FGD participants that “the social media has helped the youth to be more involved, engaged and interested in radio programmes and radio content” because it is youth-friendly as it gives allowance for the “audience to make comments on any topical issue” as posited by another FGD participant. Similarly, this study revealed that social media had contributed significantly to the increase in the consumption of radio content by the Nigerian youth, which has, many a times, precipitated requisite steps from Nigerian leaders to address social challenges. This discovery validates the assertion of Loader et  al. (2014) that the youth have been the prime agents of change in the socio-political context of Nigeria. The comment of an FGD participant vividly explicates the dynamics of that reality in that “the fact that the youth can save those radio programmes via the social media to watch later is a major factor which has helped them to consume radio content more than before”. In addition, the youth are also fascinated by social media to consume radio content as “they see the faces behind the voices they have been hearing on radio”, as noted by another FGD participant. This finding aligns with the observation of Williamson (2015) that media interconnectivity has helped people consume radio content and participate in radio programmes through social media. Also, this finding gives credence to the Democratic Participant Theory, which predicts that the youth find social media as an avenue to participate in radio discussions. In addition to the above, this study has revealed that radio broadcasting is an agent of national cohesion and a vital tool for national development in the 21st century. This can be explained in terms of the fact that “radio, as a medium, has been deployed as a potent tool to service the economic, social, political and democratic systems generally in both the developed and less-developed countries of the world” (Ojebuyi & Ogunkunle, 2019, p. 1). The potency of radio is summed up in the submission of Ojebuyi (2012) that “radio is a unique medium of mass communication given its unparalleled capacity to reach the mass audience at a relatively cheaper

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cost and within a short time” (p. 14). This finding is also in consonance with the response of one of the FGD participants that “people will always listen to the radio because radio is Nigerian’s culture”. In essence, as long as Nigerians listen to the radio because it is an inextricable element of the Nigerian social fabric, the importance of radio to the development of the Nigerian state can never be downplayed. Lastly, this study profoundly established that social media and radio synergy is necessary for ensuring better youth participation in national discourse for the ultimate birthing of Nigeria’s renaissance. This finding confirms the position of Amadi and Oboleobari (2020) that the quest for the dreamed Nigeria is possible when there is a coordinated blend of online and offline political participation geared towards adequate government engagement.

Conclusion In this chapter, we set out to examine the pattern of the use of social media for radio participation and how this has enhanced the participation of Nigerian youth in national discourse for the national renaissance. To achieve this research objective, an online survey was conducted to sample the opinions of Nigerian youth on how they deploy social media platforms to consume radio content. At the same time, FGD sessions were held with some select participants who had earlier responded to the online survey to gain insight into why they responded. Findings reveal that radio is still a force to be reckoned with in this 21st century regardless of the rifeness of social media and its seeming overbearing influence on the system of communication. This study has established that social media, via its capacity for wide reach, cost-effectiveness, and multimodality, has enhanced the significance of radio in contemporary times rather than undermining its efficiency. Also, this study revealed that the Nigerian youth prefer to lend their voices to topical issues of public interest on social media than on radio phone-in programmes. While this does not invalidate the significance of radio, there is a need for radio owners and operators to find better ways to get the audience’s attention back to radio and its originality. In addition, this study established that radio is a vehicle that drives national cohesion in the Nigerian state. For the comprehensive birthing of national development, social media virality and radio virility must be synergised for better youth participation in the national discourse, knowing full well that every social change is usually youth-driven across climes.

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Recommendations for Media Practitioners and Further Research Directions Since social media is the major avenue via which the Nigerian youth consume radio content in this 21st century, radio owners and operators should intensify efforts to optimise the available social media platforms to engage better their audience, which will, in turn, yield better patronage with a ripple effect of good audience participation in the national discourse. Similarly, policymakers can better channel government policies to the youth by maximising the possible multi-dimensional functionalities of social media. Furthermore, a limitation of this study is the scant sample size due to time constraints. So, findings may not, to some extent, be reflective of the general position of the Nigerian youth on their consumption of radio content via social media. However, this limitation does not invalidate the veracity and scientific standard of the findings of this study, as they could provide a requisite guide for subsequent explorations in this research direction. Therefore, further research should be conducted with a larger sample size for a more accurate generalisation of the findings and a better understanding of the dynamics of synergy between radio and social media in this 21st century.

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CHAPTER 12

Campus Radio in the Digital Era: A Case Study of UNESWA FM Rosemary K. Musvipwa and Carolyne M. Lunga

Introduction The chapter describes the uptake and use of the new online and mobile digital media platforms by young people in Eswatini who operate the University of Eswatini (UNESWA) FM and the potential such platforms have to open up and democratise radio as an institution and extend spaces of audience interaction or even participation. Radio has proven Africa’s cheapest, most effective, and far-reaching media vehicle, particularly in Eswatini. However, we note a growing usage of social media platforms in recent times. It can be argued that “radio is a democratic medium, particularly when used in a decentralised manner; it can allow local people and communities to express their grievances on issues in representative

R. K. Musvipwa (*) University of Eswatini (UNESWA), Kwaluseni, Eswatini e-mail: [email protected] C. M. Lunga City, University of London, London, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7_12

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discussions” (Rønning, 2009: 257). As a medium, campus radio is a non-­ commercial community-based radio service (Sabran & Abd Karim, 2018). The presence of UNESWA FM as a local community radio station has offered an alternative and specific public sphere for student and general youth voices that stands apart from the already established state-owned radio station, Eswatini Broadcasting and Information Services (EBIS Channel 1 and 2). The only other community radio license is held by the Voice of the Church (VOC), also known as Trans World Radio Swaziland. VOC is the local brand name for the non-profit national Christian radio station based in Manzini in the Kingdom of Eswatini (VOC website, 2021). The advent of the Internet and social media has transformed radio worldwide. Their appropriation by diverse social groups has impacted how content is produced and disseminated (Moyo, 2013a, b; Lunga and Musvipwa, 2021). Podcasting, mobile telephones, and live streaming are some recent trends in radio content production, dissemination, and consumption. Chiumbu and Ligaga (2013) argue that ICTs have expanded communicative radio spaces and transformed the nature of community engagement. Young people’s lives and daily routines, popularly known as millennials, are saturated with various digital media platforms they employ for different purposes (Wilkinson, 2015). Despite these transformations, radio is often overlooked as an area of research, and there is a gap in research on youth usage of radio in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Thus, this chapter contributes new findings from a different setting. As the first campus radio in the Kingdom of Eswatini and due to the absence of almost any scholarly discussion of the cross-media practices and digitalisation of radio in the Kingdom of Eswatini, the chapter offers a starting place for future research and conversation and hopes to provide recommendations that would be used to inform future campus radio stations in the country and the Global South.

Background of UNESWA FM UNESWA FM is a campus radio station that operates under the University of Eswatini, located in the Kingdom of Eswatini (formerly Swaziland). Eswatini is a landlocked country in Southern Africa. Mozambique borders it to its northeast and South Africa to its north, west, and south. UNESWA FM is run by the Journalism and Mass Communication (JMC) students, both males and females, and a few students from many other departments in the University. Other young people from outside the university

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community assist from time to time. The basis of the work done by the youth who operate the station is explained well by one of their taglines: “Run by the Youth for the Youth 100%”. This way of working has provided a sense of ownership. It has provided a platform for the raw talent of the young people to be converted into expert knowledge and competencies as they get training through their regular work experiences on the station. The Department of Journalism and Mass Communication was granted a license to broadcast in August 2019. Since then, it has been broadcasting three days a week—that is, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday—to accommodate students’ academic learning activities during the other days of the week. The station is still setting up mechanisms to ensure production and broadcasting on a full-time basis. The station broadcasts on 88.2 FM and aims to reach communities in the University of Eswatini’s three campuses: Kwaluseni, Mbabane, and Luyengo, and to surrounding areas such as Ludzeludze, Mbhuleni, Mbikwakhe, Mangwaneni, and Msunduza. Established in 1972, the University of Eswatini is the biggest and largest research university in Eswatini. UNESWA staff and students come from diverse backgrounds and cultures, showcasing numerous global societies. Most common being South Africa, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and India. The University was born from a vision to create a space for quality education and for new ideas to flourish. Throughout its existence, UNESWA has been resilient in its commitment to academic quality (UNESWA website, 2021).

Radio and Information Communication Technologies: Literature Review A review of the literature shows that there is growing research into radio studies across the globe due to the rise of digital technologies and their impact on this medium. Over the last ten years, radio listeners have increasingly tuned in online via podcasts, radio-on-demand, maps, interactive websites, mobile apps, and other digital distribution platforms (Edmond, 2015). Like other media, such as television, radio is experimenting with complex cross-media practices (Edmond, 2015; Ala-Fossi et  al., 2008). This research has focused on how new digital platforms are reconfiguring radio in terms of access and participation (e.g., Tacchi, 2000; Van Selm et  al., 2004). Challenges of building sustainable campus radio stations (Serwornoo, 2017; Rambe and Madichie, 2020; Odartey-Wellington et al.,

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2020). We note research on the transformation of radio in terms of distribution (see Cordeiro, 2012), the role of new media technologies in transforming radio practices in South Africa in terms of institutional cultures and audience engagement (Chiumbu & Ligaga, 2013), usage of Internet and mobile phones (Moyo, 2013a, b), radio, and convergence (Moyo, 2013a, b; Willems, 2013). More recently, Chiumbu and Motsaathebe (2021) have researched various practices and uses of radio by citizens in post-apartheid South Africa radio while (see Sitto & Lubinga, 2021) have researched digital convergence in South Africa and networked audiences and participation by Smurthwaite and Ncube (2021). This is evidence of the importance of radio and how it continues to transform in a digital era. Thus, through this research, we hope to add to the existing body of knowledge with findings from Eswatini, a nation in the sub-­Saharan region of Africa.

Radio and Convergence The term ‘convergence’ has recently become media studies’ most essential and widely used term. It describes various processes in contemporary digital media, including the convergence of media companies into conglomerates, the interchangeability of different media platforms, and the delivery of the same content on different media (Chignell, 2009). Many media organisations are rapidly taking up convergence because they can now spread themselves across several channels, thus increasing their reach and growth, reducing costs, and raising their ability to compete in the rapidly changing market (Sabran & Abd Karim, 2018; Siapera, 2017). Convergence results from technology dynamics and media, computing and telecommunications synergies, adding value to existing processes and creating new ones (Cordeiro, 2012: 5). These establish a digital culture in which every device and content is reconceptualised as digital. Pavlik and McIntosh (2004: 19) define convergence as “the coming together of computing, telecommunications, and media in a digital environment”. However, Primo and Zago (2015) argue that this view of convergence in journalism as the reunion of technology devices to increase productivity, as Pavlik and MacIntosh (2004) do, is an oversimplification. Domingo et  al. (2007) argue that convergence consists of four dimensions: integrated production, multi-skilled professionals, multiplatform delivery, and active audience. This perspective is criticised for seeing convergence in causal linearity as something that adds a greater workload to journalists

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(multi-skilled professionals). It brings more technological devices to journalism practices—multiplatform delivery (Primo & Zago, 2015). When talking about platform convergence, radio is considered one medium that has been chiefly affected (Chignell, 2009). This form of convergence refers to “the blurring of the distinction between telecommunications, computers, radio, television and newspapers [which] has been made possible by digital technology” (Franklin et al., 2005: 49). In the specific case of radio, there is some convergence with television, but the relationship between radio and the Internet is more important (Chignell, 2009). Increasingly, radio stations are ‘simulcasting’ as a live stream over the Internet to reach a global audience, or it might use the Internet to provide audio-on-demand service, for example, of previously broadcast output (Chignell, 2009). Streaming technology has become crucial for delivering live audio transmissions (Cordeiro, 2012; Sobrino et  al., 2016). There might be background information about a station on the Internet, such as pictures of DJs, interviews with performers, or places for listener chat. Putting a webcam in a studio is increasingly common, creating a convergence not only with the Internet but also with television, as the radio show may look like a television programme (Chignall, 2009). MP3 technology is also argued to have significantly added to convergence. A radio programme podcast can be made available as a download for an MP3 player. Alternatively, a newspaper journalist might use the production techniques and skills of radio to produce a podcast that is at least radio-like. Platform convergence is further enhanced when audio and video are accessible on a mobile phone; here, the distinctions between the conventional categories of radio, film, and television start to break down completely (Chignall, 2009). Another aspect of convergence is its impact on production, where in the case of news and current affairs, convergence takes the form of ‘bimedia’ production (Chignell, 2009). For the media consumer, convergence enables better engagement and feedback, increased access to some of the radio content, and better and active participation in production processes. In this chapter, our conceptualisation of convergence considers most aspects discussed above, such as multi-platform production and delivery to an active audience. We analysed UNESWA FM to see how it has converged with other platforms and the kinds of interactions it gives rise to.

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Social Determinism Social determinism also informs the theoretical approach of this chapter. In theories on the relationship between society and technology, the debate has been on whether technology influences society or vice versa. Unlike technological determinism theory, which sees technology as influencing society, social determinism rejects this notion. Those in support of social determination focus on such issues as the circumstances of production, modes of use, values, purposes, skill, style, choice, control, and access rather than on the structure of the text or code or the technical features of the medium (Oxford reference, n.d.). Tessema (2021) argues that social determinism views society as an independent force which can alter technology. Mabweazara (2015) argues that the appropriation of new technologies is influenced and shaped by the social structure in which it operates. Social constructionist approaches to technologies thus emphasise socio-cultural, economic, and political contexts that underpin the appropriation and utilisation of digital technologies (Mabweazara, 2015). Therefore, the appropriation and utilisation of digital technologies by young people in Eswatini should be context-specific, as we argue in the chapter. In this research, we have interrogated how young people in Eswatini use digital media technology within their contexts or to advance their needs in line with the social determinist view. We analyse how they interact on the social media platforms, combining English and siSwati, the vernacular language spoken in the Kingdom of Eswatini, to engage with each other.

Research Questions RQ1 What is the uptake and use of the new online and mobile digital media platforms by young people/students in Eswatini? RQ2 To what extent does UNESWA FM open up and democratise radio as an institution and extend spaces of audience interaction or even participation? RQ3 How do convergence and social determinism theories help us understand how young people appropriate new digital technologies in line with their needs in the Eswatini context?

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Methodology This research adopted a case study of UNESWA FM, the only campus radio station so far in Eswatini. A case study refers to the intensive study of a single case (Gerring, 2017). Case study research answers questions about how or why (Yin and Yin, 2018). These questions were essential for us to understand why and how UNESWA FM was appropriating digital tools concerning their lived experiences. We also used interviews and content analysis of the station’s social media platforms: Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, TikTok, and WhatsApp. Ten students were interviewed (those who take up various roles and are involved with the station as content producers, editors, and programme hosts) and have not been identified by name. Purposive sampling was used to identify participants as we targeted only those very closely involved with the weekly running of the station. The benefits of individual in-depth interviews included acquiring personal views on the involvement with the station. Content analysis of the social media platforms was also done to quantify the level of engagement on the platforms. Here we analysed the views and assessed the number of comments to establish the more popular posts. Because of the triangulation with interviews, we could ask questions about what we saw on the social media platforms regarding road shows, posts, and live broadcasts, among others.

Findings and Discussion Uptake and Use of the New Online and Mobile Digital Media Platforms by Young People in Eswatini UNESWA FM can be said to be a convergence of radio and digital media platforms combined with traditional forms of communication such as community outreach programmes/roadshows, which the station presenters and producers embark on to “promote the station and get exposure to people that are outside of campus” (interviewee: 01/09/2021). The station combines multimedia content with face-to-face interaction to achieve its broadcasting goals and encourages audiences to be more actively and intimately involved. Audiences, mainly young Swazis, are thus able to consume and interact in a multi-form way. UNESWA FM has a presence on various social media platforms, including TikTok, Facebook, Instagram,

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and Twitter. WhatsApp is also being utilised to engage with audiences, thus showing convergence with mobile technology in which the English and siSwati languages are used for communication. The platforms contain posters of upcoming events, images of guests in the studio, and announcements, including details about how the station can be contacted. The content is diverse and includes a wide range of issues that affect and interest young people, including youth empowerment, relationships and money, environmental issues, religion, agriculture, musical programming, sexuality, and gender issues. Following Myers (2009), we note that the programmes are created and consumed in a social and cultural context and are never context neutral. Students behind the programming have come up with programming about issues happening in the country and issues that affect them daily, such as human rights issues, sexual and gender rights of minorities, and encouraging their target audience to vaccinate for Covid-19 during this time of the pandemic. It was noted that the students do not overtly discuss national political issues such as nationwide protests relating to democratic governance, but rather delve into localised student politics and governance issues because the station is affiliated with the University of Eswatini, which is a state institution. Inviting the UNESWA Student Representative Council (SRC) to the studio demonstrates how producers of the programmes use the platforms to address issues that matter to their present (as students) and future lives since education shapes who they are becoming. Likewise, audiences would consume programming concerning their social, political, and economic lives (Myers, 2009), though, as we have noted, politics is only at the micro-level. Despite scholars noting how digital tools allow for a democratisation of views and promote freedom of expression, with UNESWA FM, this is not the case as the students cannot discuss political issues involving the government and the monarchy. We also note how the station has attracted celebrities and influential people in various sectors, including famous South African musicians and Goodwill Ambassador for Malaria Elimination, Yvonne Chaka Chaka and Gciniwe Fakudze. University officials at UNESWA, such as the registrar and lecturers from various disciplines, have also been interviewed on the station. Again, these are people whom youth in Eswatini look up to and consider as role models. Thus, we argue that the programmes resonate with the lived experiences of those they target. Apart from the traditional broadcast in the studio via 88.2 FM, the station also broadcasts some of its programmes via the Internet on platforms such as Twitter, TikTok,

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Instagram, and Facebook. This use of social media has proved beneficial for the station as most interviewed students noted that: The social media platforms also help us break the barrier of broadcast transmission within certain kilometres. With social media, we can reach our audience beyond the 20 km radius (Interviewee: 02/09/2021).

Social Media Platforms as Tools for Democracy and Participation The UNESWA FM Facebook page has 2695 followers and 2508 friends (February 2022 statistics). The page has presenter profiles, videos of past broadcasts, programme line-up announcements, and general engagement posts. Considering the number of followers, the level of engagement is low, as some posts have a single or five likes. We define low or high concerning the number of followers. There are also images of previously held roadshows in surrounding areas in Matsapha, which online audiences have commented on or liked. The Twitter page has 1209 and 413 followers (February 2022 statistics). Similarly, the Facebook page has very little engagement with the posts compared to the number of followers, which questions whether these social platforms are indeed promoting participation? Apart from the comments, likes, and retweets, the station hosts regular polls allowing audiences to air their views, which can mostly be seen on Twitter. Twitter appears to have more engagement than Facebook and has many images of upcoming programmes and guests in the studio. GIFs and quotes accompany some of the posts. Some posts combine English and siSwati, which resonates with those who can speak the language and identify with Swazi culture. The station promotes local content and artists whose work resonates with the youth, the target audience. The station also utilises polls to ask questions, which is a strategy for engaging readers. One example was when they asked, “Do you think a relationship can survive without money?” And their followers could vote on the yes/no options and comment. Another question posted for a show called Matters of the Heart asked, “Should a woman change her surname after marriage?” This question received many mixed responses, including likes and comments, a sign of the topic’s interest to the station’s followers. UNESWA FM has a TikTok account with 1148 followers, follows 348 accounts, and has 3878 likes (February 2022 statistics). Most uploaded videos have been viewed at least more than 100 times. Roadshows have high numbers in viewership,

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going as high as 5659 (February 2022 statistics) for a roadshow done at OK Foods Mathangeni. Compared to the number of views for videos on Twitter and Facebook, TikTok appears to be leading with the highest viewership. The high viewership may be attributed to the musical and entertainment value of the song and dance-oriented content uploaded to TikTok, which is very influential among young people, especially university students (Sabran & Abd Karim, 2018). UNESWA FM also has an Instagram account with 933 followers and follows 693 accounts (February 2022 statistics). The station utilises Instagram stories to post videos and images. The same photos and videos on the Twitter and Facebook accounts are visible on the Instagram account. Instagram is less popular than TikTok and has very little engagement. The station also uses some of the unique tools of Instagram to engage with its audience, as they use reels to intertextually reference their TikTok videos and profile dance clips from their roadshows. In contrast, Instagram Live TV (IGTV) has been used as a long-form archive for some radio programme video episodes. As of 16 September 2021, UNESWA FM introduced its own official WhatsApp group with 107 members (February 2022 statistics). It runs under the name UNESWA FM Spaces and advertises the station while encouraging participant engagement through calling, texting, or sending voice notes when programmes are aired. One of the students, a producer at the campus station, noted that the WhatsApp group was created to get all the audiences interested in the station into one clear platform. The interviewee noted that: Once they are in one place, it will be easier to engage them and possibly improve our feedback loop as a station. We used the concept of “Spaces” like those found on Twitter because they are the new thing, and most people find them fascinating. This set-up enables communication and discussion between audiences and producers. (Interviewee: 20/09/2021)

Broadcasting online enables the station to ‘broaden’ participation. We are careful to note that ‘increased audience participation’ varies from station to station. However, in general, academics and producers agree that content broadcast on multiple platforms gives audiences ‘agency’, solicits their ‘input’, ‘participation’, and ‘contribution’, and on occasion might even allow audiences to ‘impact the narrative itself’ (see Davidson, 2010; Giovagnoli, 2011; Jenkins, 2007, 2010; Phillips, 2012) in Edmond (2015: 1577) and Mufune, 2015. We argue that listeners’ participation in

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radio is also online participation characterised by consumption of written posts, comments, images, video, and audio. While radio has always encouraged deliberation and participation through phone-in programmes and studio guests (Chiumbu & Ligaga, 2013) and listener panels, letters, and contests (Cordeiro, 2012), we note how UNESWA FM is broadening the space for participation through social media platforms allowing audiences to have access to the station’s day-to-day operations and processes. The advantage of these social platforms is that they allow for content to be shared widely. Participation in the station and co-creation of content is also evident on the station’s social media platforms when citizens send voice notes on WhatsApp and leave comments or likes. This demonstrates a deliberate effort on the station’s part to engage listeners who are perceived as active and can engage and contribute ideas to their programming. Their commitment to creating life, intimate and unmediated content aligns with the argument by Edmond (2015: 1571) that “intimacy, liveness, personal conversation, a sense of direct, ‘unmediated’ and therein ‘more trustworthy’ and ‘more authentic’ communication—these have long been considered the defining aesthetic characteristics of radio and continue to determine the kinds of radio stories being told, and how they are told, in an era of convergence”. Edmond (2015: 1577) goes on to argue that this content is “more immersive, experiential and social (and therein it is believed to be inherently more participatory than the ‘passive’ spectatorship of conventional linear media). It is content that actively embraces the changes to people’s media habits that have occurred in recent years.” According to Cordeiro (2012), this has led to a new audience, non-­ traditional, non-passive, but participative and independent. Some of the interviewees noted that: Digital pages have allowed the station to participate and engage with others, get views and opinions, improve the content, and run the station more efficiently. (Interviewee: 02/09/2021) Social media has helped broaden the participation of youth in community radio production as it allows two-way communication, and there is instant feedback from the audience. (Interviewee: 02/09/2021) Most UNESWA students are active on Facebook; hence, it is one of the platforms we use to make announcements or go live so others can access our content from afar. (Interviewee: 01/09/2021)

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Unlike what would typically be the case with other radio stations with well-established websites, UNESWA FM does not have a website. However, the interviewees note that they anticipated having one in the future. We observed that when the station’s American Voices Project—a partnership between the station and the US Embassy—was launched on 31 March 2021, the launch was celebrated on the main university website’s homepage. The story was covered under the headline Launch of the UNESWA Radio American Voices Project. The project aims to share American culture and information with young people in Eswatini. The launch brought together the US Ambassador Jeanne Maloney, the University’s Vice-Chancellor, Professor Justice Thwala, Director of Media Development in the Ministry of Information, Communication, and Technology, Mr. Phesheya Dube, and members of staff, students, and other dignitaries (UNESWA website). The programme is considered among the popular ones on the station. We note that the partnership shows how media boundaries are shifting as new players influence decision-­ making on content. Some interviewees indicated that social media was used to promote awareness of the station since the station is still new. Two of the interviewees noted that: Twitter is used to engage and promote the station. Though it’s a campus radio station, we interact with people from outside just so more people can know about the station. (Interviewee: 01/09/2021) Social media is valuable in that it provides a point of access. Being on-air is not enough. People want to know what they have to look forward to at the station, so the interaction provides programming awareness. (Interviewee: 01/09/2021)

Another reason for having an online presence was to move with the times. Regarding TikTok and Instagram, some of the interviewees said TikTok is a trending app nowadays, so we use it to get followers and attention from across the globe. Instagram helps with sharing pictures, especially behind the scenes and when we go live. (Interviewee: 01/09/2021)

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Radio hosts frequently put a webcam in the studio, which creates a convergence with the Internet and television, as the radio show may look like a television programme (Chignell, 2009). This trend has become standard with most UNESWA FM broadcasts, thus giving listeners and viewers a direct and live experience of what is happening in the studio. Pictures of the station, interviews with guests, and other studio action such as people dancing are commonly broadcast on all the station’s social media platforms. Live broadcasts such as these give viewers and listeners experience in real-time, which is uncensored. The live video broadcasts are distributed via Facebook. Most of the interview respondents noted that a programme called Tematekelo and another called Campus Speak, a discussion programme, proved to be the most popular among audiences because they both highly appeal to their interests. Tematekelo and Campus Speak are student talk shows that enable students to discuss the issues they face at any given time and suggest possible solutions. Combining Digital Platforms with Traditional Methods Through traditional methods such as roadshows, UNESWA FM producers and presenters have managed to concurrently converge the use of physical analogue radio equipment during outside broadcasts with digital Livestream broadcasts on the station’s Twitter and Facebook accounts. The roadshows enable the station to reach out to audiences and interact with communities face-to-face to promote awareness of the station and discuss issues of interest to their audiences. One interviewee (02/09/2021) noted that “from that roadshow, we managed to get insights from the local community members regarding the type of content they would like as well as how best to improve the station”. We noted on the Twitter platform that community outreach posts, such as the one on 11 June, in which the team broadcast at the Kwaluseni UNESWA Campus Main Gate, have the highest number of likes (27). Kwaluseni is an inkhundla (a localised sub-division in the traditional system of governance) of Eswatini, located in the Manzini region. This is where the UNESWA main campus is located. Other posts have more retweets (10) though the Kwaluseni Campus outreach generated 9 retweets. We thus argue that roadshows are a crucial part of UNESWA FM’s visibility activities and strategies for broadening participation, as shown in the image below. Source: https://twitter.com/UneswaFM 3 December 2021 Roadshows converging with Twitter.  picture uploaded UNESWA FM2

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Conclusion The chapter has demonstrated how UNESWA FM has, since its inception, adopted digital platforms to broaden audience engagement, create awareness of the station, and break down the barrier of broadcast transmission due to a limited radius. Instead of a one-to-many, one-way transmission of the pre-digital era, UNESWA FM allows for a multi-way broadcast that is converged with digital platforms allowing audiences to view, listen, and engage with the station’s content. This communication model has helped ‘promote’ participation from young people interested in the station’s programming because it resonates with their lived

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experiences. We have argued that the level of engagement is low compared to the number of followers. The station still needs to do more to utilise most of the functions that online platforms offer to promote engagement and be consistent in its broadcasts. Problems of the digital divide could also explain the little engagement due to limited access to the Internet in the Kingdom of Eswatini. We also noted that the relationship between users of UNESWA FM and the social platforms is not linear, as influences from the social environment usually interact and impact how the station operates. Limited freedom of expression, similar to the main broadcast stations in the country and affiliation to UNESWA, limits the station from discussing political issues involving government, monarchy, and other influential people.

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Index

A African public sphere, 1 Agenda setters, 6, 137–140 Agents of change, 13, 25–29, 212, 223 Alternative media theory, 18 Alternative narratives, 39 Apolitical youth, 72, 86–87 Audience engagement, 11, 109, 125, 185–207, 232, 242 Audience power, 191–193 Audio-on-demand service, 233 B Belonging, 93, 110, 192, 193, 198 Blogging, 42 Business models, 2, 12, 155 C Call-in platforms, 186 Campus radio, 13, 158, 229–243

Citizen engagement, 78, 94, 124 Citizen journalists, 9, 38, 156 Civic engagement, 39, 50, 87, 94, 95, 99, 111, 118, 211–213, 223 Civic participation, 211–212 Co-construction of content, 188 Collective co-creation, 197–198 Commercial exploitation, 5, 71–90 Commercial radio, 5, 10, 11, 13, 18, 57, 58, 73, 75, 86, 95, 104, 105, 109 Communicative space, 44, 50 Communities of resistance, 37–50 Community media space, 12, 125, 128, 131, 133–137 Community radio, 7, 11, 12, 72, 73, 123–151, 155–180, 230, 239 Community reporters, 9, 38 Consumption, vii, 1–3, 9, 10, 30, 37, 38, 58, 61, 63, 68, 71, 78, 79, 95, 97, 110, 113, 158, 159, 189, 220, 223, 225, 230, 239 Consumption cultures, 2, 10, 68

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. Tsarwe, S. Chiumbu (eds.), Converged Radio, Youth and Urbanity in Africa, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19417-7

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248 

INDEX

Content creation, 19, 21, 25, 44, 57, 203 Content creators, 9, 38 Content diversity, 38 Converged radio, 3–4, 9, 12, 15–32, 58, 64–66, 75, 77–83, 85–86, 89, 185–207 Convergence, vii, 1–13, 16, 19, 20, 22, 23, 25–31, 38, 58, 62, 65, 66, 68, 75, 110, 112, 124, 127–128, 187–189, 202, 203, 206, 210, 220–224, 232–236, 239, 241 Co-producers, 129, 136, 150, 156 Co-production of content, 2 Counterdiscourses, 43, 44 Counterhegemonic discourses, 50 Counterpublic, 37–50 Creative self-expression, 202 Critical audiences, 201–202, 206 Critical-rational dialogue, 112 Cross-media practices, 230, 231 Cultural citizenship, 38 Customised experiences, 58 D Deliberation sphere, 19 Deliberative democracy, 29 Democracy, 3, 6, 11, 18, 22, 29, 31, 75–78, 89, 93, 96–98, 111, 116, 119, 157, 213, 237–241 Democratic-participant media theory, 215, 216 Democratic spaces, 9, 37–50, 101 Democratisation, 4, 7, 15, 41, 75, 77, 117, 236 Digital applications, 125, 136, 150, 151 Digital cultures, 2, 13, 15, 211, 232

Digital media ecology, 2 Digital public sphere, 18, 19, 27, 28, 113 Digital turn, 3, 119 Digitisation, 6–8, 13, 20, 57, 58, 66, 99, 218, 220 Discursive power, 117 Dumped down programming, 89 E Elite-driven institutions, 21, 23 F FM radio, 3, 10, 55–60, 62, 66–68, 187 H Hybrid platform, 3 I Identity, 3, 9, 43, 55–69, 94, 98, 126, 157, 187, 198–201, 204–206, 211, 213 Imagined community, 10, 12, 64, 117, 188 Inclusivity, 118, 197–198, 203 Interactive modes, 206 Interactive platforms, 197 L Liminality, 60 Listener participation, 19, 126 Live streaming, 22, 218, 220–222, 230 Local democracy, 11

 INDEX 

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M Mainstream politics, 213 Managed citizenship, 98 Marginalised community, 43, 45, 47, 50 Market liberalisation, 7 Media dependency theory, 215–216, 222 Media platform, 3, 8, 10, 12, 13, 19, 20, 23–26, 31, 41, 46, 47, 78, 79, 88, 123, 132, 140, 141, 148, 159, 160, 170–172, 176, 180, 188, 189, 209–225, 229, 230, 232, 234–241 Mediated citizenship, 97, 105 Mediated public dialogue, 112 Mediated public sphere, 9, 11, 38, 78, 111, 112, 118 Micro spaces, 11, 125 Millennials, 230 Mobile audiences, 57, 68 Mobile lifestyles, 57 Mobile radio interactions, 211 Mobile technology, 10, 210, 221, 236 Multicasted, 17 Multiplatform delivery, 232, 233 Multi-platform engagement, 109

P Participatory cultures, 6, 21, 75, 128 Participatory journalism, 12, 125, 128–131, 133, 135, 136, 139–140 Participatory media, 37, 44, 188 Participatory politics, 15–32, 41–42, 98 Peer-based, 21 Phone-in participation, 210, 211 Platform convergence, 233 Podcasting, 9, 37–50, 159, 176, 179, 230 Political engagement, 42, 78, 93–105, 110 Popular culture, 11, 94, 97, 98, 105 Public service radio, 73, 110, 112 Public sphere, 1, 9, 11, 16, 18, 19, 25, 27, 28, 38, 39, 42–43, 75–78, 89, 90, 97, 98, 111–113, 116–118, 128, 230 Public sphere theory, 16, 18, 19, 113, 118

N National discourse, 2, 213, 214, 218–220, 222, 224, 225 Non-passive, 28, 187, 239 Non-traditional, 187, 239

S Self-expression, 3, 39, 59, 66, 68, 109–119, 202, 206 Self-identity, 10, 59, 66–68, 111 Simulcasting, 233 Smartphone, 3, 23, 24, 30, 41, 50, 64, 215, 219 Social belonging, 110 Social determinism theory, 234 Social media integration, 123–151

O On-demand programming, 189 Organic conversations, 100–104

R Radio brand, 187, 189 Radio personalities, 12, 24, 79, 189, 204 Radio virility, 220–224 Regulated citizenship, 98

250 

INDEX

Social media maturity model (SMMM), 12, 155, 156, 161–165, 177, 180 Social media platforms, 8, 12, 13, 19, 20, 23–26, 31, 41, 47, 78, 79, 88, 132, 140, 141, 148, 160, 170–172, 176, 180, 189, 209–225, 229, 234, 235, 237–241 Social media virality, 220–224 Spaces for deliberation, 97 Storytelling, 9, 37, 38, 156 Streetwise, 191, 205 Subaltern, 11, 38, 42–46, 50, 76, 110, 117, 125, 200 T Talk radio, 3, 4, 6, 12, 97 Technological affordances, 129, 135 Technosocial beings, 61

U Urban commercial radio, 57 Urbanity, vii, 4, 10, 68 Urban radio, 3, 16, 62, 198, 200, 204 User-generated content, 134 Uses and Gratification Theory, 215 V Virtual communities, 65, 128, 134 Y Youth agency, 89, 115 Youth-centric media, 39 Youth civic deficiency, 94 Youth empowerment, 185, 236 Youth engagement, 93–105, 220–224 Youth programming, 72, 85–86